t V f 67* surrounded by his enemies and slain. After the reduction of Thuringia, however, Childebert and Clotaire entered the kingdom of Burgundy at the head of a powerful army, and in 534 completed the conquest of that country. In 560 Clotaire having murdered the sons of Clodomir, Clotaire who had been killed in Burgundy as already related, ands°le mo* Thierri and his children, as also Childebert, being now”arc^ dead, became sole heir to the dominions of Clovis. He * rance‘ had five sons, the eldest of whom, named Chramnes, had some time previously rebelled against his father in Au¬ vergne. As long as Childebert lived he had supported the young prince ; but on his death Chramnes was obliged to implore the clemency of his father, by whom he was par¬ doned. But he soon began to cabal afresh, and engaged the Count of Bretagne to assist him in another rebellion. The Bretons, however, were defeated, and Chramnes re¬ solved to make his escape; but perceiving that his wife and children were surrounded by his father’s troops, he made an effort to rescue them. In this attempt, however, he failed, and being taken prisoner, he was with his family thrust into a thatched cottage near the field of battle, which the king commanded to be set on fire, and all that were in it perished in the flames. Clotaire did not long survive this barbarous execution, The em- but died in 562, and after his death the French empire pire again was divided amongst his four remaining sons, Caribert, divided. Gontran, Sigebert, and Chilperic. Caribert, the eldest, re¬ ceived the kingdom of Paris ; Gontran, the second, obtained Orleans; Sigebert got Metz, or Austrasia; and Chilperic had Soissons; whilst Provence and Aquitaine were pos¬ sessed by all of them in common. The peace of the em¬ pire was first disturbed in 563 by an invasion of the Abares, a barbarous nation, believed to have been the remains of the Huns. I hey entered Thuringia, which belonged to the dominions of Sigebert, but were totally defeated, and obliged to repass the Elbe. Sigebert pursued them closely, but on hearing that his brother Chilperic had invaded his dominions, and taken Rheims, with some other places in the neighbourhood, he concluded a peace with the van¬ quished barbarians. Sigebert then marched with his victo¬ rious army against Chilperic, made himself master of Sois¬ sons, and seized his eldest son Theodobert. He then de¬ feated Chilperic in battle, recovered the places which he had seized, and conquered the greater part of his domi¬ nions ; but, on the mediation of the other two brothers, Sigebert abandoned all his conquests, set Theodobert at liberty, and thus restored peace to the empire. Soon after this event Sigebert married Burnehaut, daughter to Athanagilde, king of the Visigoths in Spain; and Caribert, king ot Paris, having died, his dominions were divided amongst his three brothers. In 567 Chilperic mar- xied Galswintha, Brunehaut’s eldest sister, and before her arrival dismissed his mistress, Fredegonde, a woman of great ability and firmness of mind, but ambitious, and capable of committing the darkest crimes to gratify her ambition. The queen, who had brought with her immense treasures from Spain, and who made it her sole study to please the king, was for some time entirely acceptable to him. But by degrees Chilperic suffered Fredegonde to re-appear at court, and was even suspected of having renewed his intercourse writh tuis piofligate woman ; a circumstance which gave such of¬ fence to the queen, that she desired permission to return to hei own country, at the same time promising to leave be¬ hind her all the wealth she had brought. Aware that this would render him extremely odious, the king found means to dissipate his w ife s suspicions, and soon afterwards caused r. stranSled> llPon which he publicly mar- i led the harlot hredegonde. Such an atrocious action could FRA History, not fail to excite the greatest indignation against Chilperic. His dominions were immediately invaded by Sigebert and 507-533. Gontran, who conquered the greater part of them ; but having effected this, they suddenly made peace, on Chilpe¬ ric consenting that Brunehaut should enjoy those places which he had bestowed upon Galswintha, namely, Bordeaux, Limoges, Cahors, Bigorre. and the town of Bearn. Ihe French princes, however, did not long continue at peace among themselves ; and a war having ensued, Gontran and Chilperic made common cause against Sigebert. But the latter prevailed, and, having forced Gontran to conclude a separate pe/ ce, seemed determined to make Chilperic pay dear for 1 perfidy, when he was assassinated by a contri¬ vance of Fredegonde, who thus saved herself and Chilpeiic from the most imminent danger. Immediately on his death Brunehaut fell into the hands of Chilperic ; but Gondebaud, one of Sig ibert’s best generals, having made his escape into Austrasia with Childebert, the only son of Sigebert, an in¬ fant of about five years of age, the latter was immediately proclaimed king. In a short time, however, Merovaeus, eldest son to Chilperic, fell in love with Brunehaut, and married er without acquainting his father. On receiving information of this, Chilperic went to Rouen, where Mero- voeus and his consort were living ; and having seized them, sent Brunehaut and her two daughters to Metz, and car¬ ried Merovaeus to Soissons. Soon afterwards one of his generals being defeated by Gontran, wrho had espoused Brunehaut’s cause, Chilperic in a fit of rage caused Mero¬ vaeus to be shaved and confined in a monastery. From this he found means to make his escape, and arrived in Aus¬ trasia, where Brunehaut would gladly have protected him ; but the jealousy of the nobles proved so strong that he was forced to leave that country; and being betrayed into the hands of his father’s forces, he was murdered at the in¬ stigation of Fredegonde. The French empire was at this time divided between Gon¬ tran king of Orleans, called also king of Burgundy, Chil¬ peric king of Soissons, and Childebert king of Austrasia. But Chilperic found his affairs in a very disagreeable situ¬ ation. In 579, having a dispute with Varoc count of Bre¬ tagne, who refused to do him homage, he dispatched against his vassal a body of troops, who were defeated, and he wTas in consequence forced to submit to a disadvantageous peace. Meanwhile his brother and nephew, whom he had reason to dread, lived in the strictest union ; his subjects, oppres¬ sed with heavy taxes, were poor and discontented; Clovis, his son by a former queen named Andovera, hated Frede¬ gonde, and made no secret of his aversion; and, to add to his embarrassment, the seasons were for a long time so un¬ favourable that the country was threatened with famine and pestilence. The king and queen were both attacked by an epidemic which then raged; and though they recovered, their three sons Clodobert, Samson, and Dagobert, all died. After this, the sight of Clovis became so hateful to Frede¬ gonde that she caused him to be murdered, as she likewise did his mother Andovera, lest Chilperic’s affection for that lady should return after the tragical death of her son. In 583 Chilperic himself was murdered by some unknown assassins, when his dominions were on the point of being conquered by Gontran and Childebert. After his death Fredegonde implored the protection of Gontran, which he readily grant¬ ed, and obliged Childebert to put an end to the war. Gon¬ tran died on the 28th of March 593, having lived upwards of sixty years, and reigned thirty-two ; and Childebert suc¬ ceeded to the kingdom without opposition, but did not long enjoy it. His dominions were on his death divided be¬ tween his two sons Theodobert and Thierri; the former being declared king of Austrasia, and the latter king of Burgundy. But as Theodobert was only in his eleventh, and Thierri in his tenth year, Brunehaut governed both kingdoms with absolute sway. Fredegonde, however, avail- N C E. 5 ing herself of the opportunity offered by the death of Chil- History. debert, made herself mistress of Paris and some other places on the Seine; upon which Brunehaut sent against her the best part of the forces in Austrasia. T. he latter, however, were totally defeated ; but Fredegonde died before she had time to improve her victory, leaving her son Clotaire heir to her dominions. For some time Brunehaut preserved her kingdom in peace; but her own ambition in the end proved her ruin. Instead of instructing Theodobert in what was necessary for a prince to know, she took care to keep him in igno¬ rance, and even suffered him to marry a young and hand¬ some slave of his father’s. But the new queen being pos¬ sessed of ability and good nature, so gained the affection of her husband that he consented to the banishment of Brunehaut. Upon this disgrace she in 599 fled to Thierri king of Burgundy, by whom she was kindly received ; and, instead of exciting jealousies or misunderstandings between the two brothers, she engaged Thierri to attempt the re¬ covery of Paris and the other places which had been wrest¬ ed from their family by Fredegonde. This measure was so acceptable to Theodobert, that he likewise raised a nume¬ rous army, and in conjunction with his brother invaded Clotaire’s dominions. A battle ensued, in which the for¬ ces of Clotaire were completely defeated, and he himself obliged to sue for peace, which was not granted except on condition of his yielding up the best part of his dominions. This treaty was concluded in the year 600 ; but three years afterwards it was broken by Clotaire, who was again at¬ tacked by the two brothers. The war was carried on with great vigour until the next spring, when Thierri having forced Landri, Clotaire’s general, to accept battle, over¬ threw him, and put to death the king’s infant son Mero¬ vaeus, whom he had sent with Landri. After this victory, Thierri, intent on the destruction of his cousin, marched directly to Paris. But Theodobert no sooner heard of the victory gained by Thierri, than, becoming jealous of his success, he offered Clotaire such conditions as speedily compelled Thierri also to listen to terms of accommoda¬ tion. This conduct of Theodobert greatly provoked his brother; and his resentment was still more inflamed by Brunehaut, who never forgot the disgrace of having been banished from his court. A war was therefore commenced in 605; but being disapproved of by the nobility, Thierri found himself obliged to put an end to it. The tranquil¬ lity which ensued, however, was again disturbed in 60/, when Theodobert sent an embassy to demand part of Chil- debert’s dominions, which by the will of that monarch had been added to those of Burgundy. But the nobility of both kingdoms were exceedingly averse to war, and constrained their kings to consent to a conference, attended by an equal number of troops. By a scandalous breach of faith, how¬ ever, Theodobert brought double the number agreed on, and compelled his brother to submit to whatever terms he pleased to dictate. This act of treachery instantly brought on a war. Thierri was bent on revenge, and his nobility no longer opposed him. Having secured the neutrality of Clotaire by a promise of restoring those parts of his domi¬ nions of which he had formerly been despoiled, Thierri en¬ tered Theodobert’s territories, defeated him in two battles, took him prisoner, and treated him with the greatest in¬ dignity. Meanwhile Clotaire, thinking that the best me¬ thod of making Thierri keep his w ord was to seize upon those places which the latter had promised to restore to him as the price of his neutrality, did so accordingly ; upon which Thierri sent to him a messenger to require him to withdraw his forces, and in the event of a refusal, to de¬ clare war. Clotaire was prepared for such a proceeding, and immediately assembled his forces. But before Thierri could reach his enemies, he was seized with a dysentery, of which he died, in the year 612. 6 FRA History. On the death of Thierri, Brunehaut immediately caused v^-Y-'w/ hig eldest Son Sigisbert, then in the tenth year of his age, 612-714. to be proclaimed king. It is probable that she intended to govern in his name with an absolute sway; but Clotaire did not allow her time to discover her intentions. Know¬ ing that the nobility both in Burgundy and Metz were dis¬ affected to Brunehaut, he declared war against her; and the unfortunate queen having been betrayed by her gene¬ rals, fell into the hands of her enemies. Clotaire gave her up to the nobles, who generally hated her, and treated their Brunehaut captive in the most barbarous manner ; for, after having led put to her about the camp, exposed to the insults of all who had death. meanness to insult her, she was tied by the leg and arm to the tail of an untamed horse, which, setting off at full speed, quickly dashed out her brains. Thus, in the year 613, Clotaire became sole monarch of France, and quietly enjoyed his kingdom till his death, which happened in 628. This prince was succeeded by Dagobert, who proved a great and powerful sovereign, and raised the kingdom of France to a high degree of splendour. Dagobert was suc¬ ceeded by his sons Sigebert and Clovis ; the former of whom obtained the kingdom of Austrasia, and the latter that of Burgundy. Both the kings were minors at the time of their accession to the throne, which gave an opportunity to the mayors of the palace, the highest officers under the crown, to usurp the whole authority of the state. Sige¬ bert died in 640, after a short reign of one year, leaving behind him an infant son named Dagobert, whom he strongly recommended to the care of Grimoalde, his mayor of the palace. The minister caused Dagobert to be im¬ mediately proclaimed king, but did not long suffer him to enjoy that honour. He had not the cruelty, however, to put him to death, but sent him to a monastery in one of the western islands of Scotland; and then, giving out that he was dead, advanced his own son Childebert to the throne. Childebert was expelled by Clovis king of Burgundy, who placed on the throne Childeric, the second son of Sigebert. Clovis died soon after the revolution, and was succeeded in his dominions by his son Clotaire, who also died in a short time without issue. He was succeed¬ ed by his brother Childeric, who, after a brief reign, was murdered, with his queen, at that time big with child, and an infant son named Dagobert, though another, named Da¬ niel, had the good fortune to escape. Miserable The affairs of the French were now in the most deplora- sitnation b]e situation. The princes of the Merovingian race had ot I ranee. keen for some time entirely deprived of their power by their officers called mayors of the palace. In Austrasia the ad¬ ministration had been totally engrossed by Pepin and his son Grimaulde, whilst Archambaud and Ebroin followed the same course in Neustria and Burgundy. On the reunion of Neustria and Burgundy with the rest of the French do¬ minions, this minister ruled with such despotic sway that the nobility of Austrasia, provoked to a revolt, elected as their dukes two chiefs named Martin and Pepin. The forces of the confederates, however, were defeated by Ebroin; and Martin having surrendered upon a promise of safety, was treacherously put to death. Pepin lost no time in recruit¬ ing his shattered forces; but before he had an opportunity of trying his fortune a second time in battle, the assas¬ sination of Ebroin delivered him from all apprehensions in that quarter. Pepin now carried every thing before him; overthrew the royal army under the command of the new minister Bertaire; and having obtained possession of the capital, caused himself to be declared mayor of the pa¬ lace, in which station he continued to govern with abso¬ lute sway during the remainder of his life. Pepin, who had obtained the surname of Heristal, from his palace on the Meuse, died in the year 714, having enjoyed unlimited power for twenty-six years; and appointed his grandson N C E. Theudobalde, then only six years of age, to succeed him History, in his post of mayor of the palace. This happened during the reign of Dagobert already mentioned; but as the latter 714-717. had too much spirit to suffer himself to be deprived of his authority by an infant, the adherents of the young mayor were defeated in battle ; and this discomfiture was soon fol¬ lowed by his death. But Charles, the illegitimate son of Pepin, was now raised Charles to the dignity of duke by the Austrasians ; and by his great Martel, qualities he seemed in every respect worthy of this honour. The murder of Dagobert freed him from a powerful oppo¬ nent ; and the young king Chilperic, who after Dagobert’s death had been brought from a cloister to the throne, was not qualified to cope with so experienced an antagonist. On the 19th of March 717, Charles had the good fortune to surprise the royal camp as he passed through the forest of Ardennes; and soon afterwards a battle ensued, in which the king’s forces were entirely defeated. Upon this Chilperic entered into an alliance with Eudes duke of Aquitaine, whose friendship he purchased by the final ces¬ sion of all the country which Eudes had seized for himself. Charles, however, having placed on the throne another of the royal family, named Clotaire, advanced against Chilpe¬ ric and his associate, whom he entirely defeated near Sois- sons. After this disaster Eudes, despairing of success, de¬ livered up Chilperic into the hands of his antagonist; hav¬ ing stipulated for himself the same terms which had been formerly granted him by the captive monarch. Charles be¬ ing now advanced to the summit of power, treated Chilpe¬ ric with the greatest respect, and on the death of Clotaire caused him to be proclaimed king of Austrasia; but by this proceeding his own power was in no degree diminished, and henceforth the authority of the kings of France became merely nominal; indeed so inactive and indolent were they accounted, that historians have bestowed upon them the epithet of rots faineans, indolent or lazy kings. Charles, how'ever, had still one competitor to contend with. This was Rainfroy, who had been appointed mayor of the palace, and who made so vigorous a resistance, that Charles w as obliged to allow him to retain peaceable possession of the country of Anjou. But no sooner had he thus set himself at liberty from domestic enemies, than he was threatened with destruction by foreign invaders. The Suevians, Fri¬ sians, and Alemanni, were successively encountered and de¬ feated ; Eudes also, who had perfidiously violated the trea¬ ties by which he had bound himself, was twice repulsed; after which Charles invaded Aquitaine, and obliged the treacherous duke to hearken to reason. This however had scarcely been accomplished when he found himself engaged with a more formidable enemy than any he had yet en¬ countered. The Saracens having overrun the greater part of Asia, now turned their victorious arms w estward, and threatened Europe with total subjugation. Spain had al¬ ready received their yoke ; and having crossed the Pyrenees, they next invaded France, appearing in vast numbers un¬ der the walls of Toulouse. Here they were encountered and defeated by Eudes; but this proved only a partial check. The barbarians having once more passed the Py¬ renees, entered France with a powerful army, which Eudes was no longer able to resist. He encountered them indeed with his accustomed valour; but being obliged to yield to superior force, he solicited the protection and assistance of Charles. Upon this occasion the latter, on account of his valour and personal strength, acquired the name of Martel, or the Hammer, in allusion to the violence of the strokes which he bestowed on his enemies. Three hundred and seventy-five thousand Infidels, amongst whom was their commander Abderrahman himself, are said to have perish¬ ed in a single battle fought near Poictiers. But notwith¬ standing this slaughter, they soon made another irruption, though with no better success, being again defeated by FRA History. Charles, who by so many victories established his power ^ on the most solid foundation. Having also defeated the 717-746. Frisians, and with his own hand killed their duke, he as¬ sumed the sovereignty of the dominions of Eudes. At length his fame became so great that he was chosen by Gregory III. as his protector. The latter also offered to shake off the yoke of the Greek emperor, and to invest Charles with the dignity of Roman consul, sending him at the same time the keys of the tomb of St Peter ; but whilst this negotiation was going on successfully, the pope, the emperor, and Charles Martel himself, all died. France After the death of Martel, which happened in the year divided 741, his dominions were divided among his three sons, —It le Carloman, Pepin, and Grippon, according to dispositions Charles, which he had made in his lifetime. Carloman, the eldest, received Austrasia ; Pepin, the second, obtained Neustria and Burgundy ; but Grippon, the third, had only some lands assigned him in France. This inequality displeased him so much that the tranquillity of the empire was soon disturb¬ ed. With the assistance of his mother Sonnechilde he seized upon the city of Lahon, where he sustained a siege -, but in the end he was obliged to submit; when Sonne¬ childe was put into a monastery, and Grippon imprisoned in a castle at Ardennes. The two brothers, having thus freed themselves from their domestic enemy, continued to govern the empire with uninterrupted harmony, until its tranquillity was disturbed by the intrigues of Sonne¬ childe. That enterprising and ambitious woman having negotiated a marriage between Odilon duke of Bavaria, and Hiltrude the sister of the two princes, instigated Odi¬ lon, who, alarmed at the growing power of the two princes, entered into an alliance with Theodobald duke of the Ale- manni, and Theodoric duke of the Saxons. Having as¬ sembled a formidable army, he advanced directly against the princes, and took post in an advantageous manner, with the Lech in front. But Carloman and Pepin having passed the river at different fords in the night time, attack¬ ed the camp of the allies, and entirely routed the Bavarians and Saxons, and compelled the vanquished dukes to submit to the clemency of the victors. During their absence on this expedition Hunalde duke of Aquitaine passed the Loire, ravaged the open country, and burned the magnificent ca¬ thedral of Chartres. But the invader was speedily obliged to retreat, and afterwards to withdraw into a convent, after resigning his dominions to his son. This was soon followed by the resignation of Carloman, who, notwithstanding his uninterrupted success, suddenly took the resolution of re¬ tiring into a convent, and persisted in his design, in spite of the entreaties of Pepin, who ostensibly did all he could to dissuade him. Pepin. By the resignation of Carloman, which happened in the year 746, Pepin became sole master of France; and in this exalted station he acquitted himself in such a manner as to render his name deservedly illustrious. One of his first acts was to release from prison his brother Grippon. That treacherous prince, however, had no sooner regained his liberty than he again excited the Saxons to take up arms. But his enterprise proved unsuccessful. The Saxons were defeated, their duke was taken prisoner, and his subjects were obliged to submit to the will of the conqueror. Grip¬ pon then fled to Hiltrude, whom, in requital of a favour¬ able reception, he betrayed, and afterwards assumed the title of Duke of Bavaria; but being driven by Pepin from the throne he had usurped, he was obliged to implore his clemency, which was once more granted. Pepin having thus subdued all his enemies within and without, resolved to assume the title of king, after having so long exercised the regal power. His wishes in this respect were quite agreeable to those of the nation in general; but the no¬ bility were bound by an oath of allegiance to Childeric the nominal monarch, and this oath could not be dispensed N C E. 7 with except by the authority of the pope. A dispensation History, was therefore procured; the unfortunate Childeric, degrad- -n'-'w' ed from his dignity, was sent to a monastery; Pepin as- 746-771- sumed the title of King of France, and the line of Clovis was finally set aside. This revolution took place in the year 751. The first claim on the attention of the new monarch was a revolt of the Saxons; but they were soon reduced to subjection, and obliged to pay an additional tribute. In the mean time Pepin continued to advance his fortune. The sub¬ mission of the Saxons was soon followed by the reduction of Bretagne, and the recovery of Narbonne from the Infi¬ dels. His next exploit was the protection of Pope Stephen III. against the king of the Lombards, who had seized on the exarchate of Ravenna, and insisted on being acknow¬ ledged king of Rome. The pope, unable to contend with so powerful a rival, hastened to cross the Alps and im¬ plore the protection of Pepin, who received him with all the respect due to his character, and attended him in per¬ son during a dangerous sickness with which he was seized. On his recovery Stephen solemnly placed the diadem on the head of his benefactor, bestowed the regal unction on his sons Charles and Carloman, and conferred on the three princes the title of patricians of Rome. In return for these honours, Pepin accompanied the pontiff into Italy at the head of a pow erful army, and obliged Astolphus to renounce all pretensions to the sovereignty of Rome, as well as to re¬ store the city and exarchate of Ravenna, and to pay an an¬ nual tribute. Pepin returned to France in triumph; but the peace of his dominions was soon disturbed by another revolt of the Saxons. Their attempt, however, proved un¬ successful ; and they were obliged to submit and purchase their pardon by a renewal of their tribute, and an addi¬ tional supply of three hundred horse. But whilst the king was absent on this expedition, Vaisar duke of Aquitaine ra¬ vaged Burgundy, carrying his devastations as far as Cha¬ lons. Pepin returned, and entering the dominions of Vai¬ sar, committed similar devastations, and would have re¬ duced the whole of Aquitaine, had he not been interrupted by the hostile preparations of the Duke of Bavaria. This, however, was ultimately effected, and the duchy of Aqui¬ taine once more annexed to the crown of France. But Pe¬ pin had scarcely time to indulge himself with a view of his new conquest when he was seized with a slow fever, which in 768 put an end to his life, in the fifty-fourth year of his age and seventeenth of his reign. Being of short stature, he had the surname of Le JBref; but his great actions justly entitled him to the character of a hero. Un¬ der the succeeding reign, however, his own fame seemed to have been entirely forgotten ; and on his tomb was only inscribed, “ Here lies the father of Charlemagne.” Pe¬ pin was succeeded by his sons Charles and Carloman, to whom he bequeathed his dominions, and who continued to reign jointly for some time ; but the active and enter¬ prising spirit of Charles gave such umbrage to the weak and jealous Carloman, that he regarded him with envy, and was on the point of coming to an open rupture with him, when he himself was removed by death, and thus the tran¬ quillity of the empire was preserved. The death of Carloman, which happened in the year Charle- 771, left Charles sole master of France ; but the revolt ofmagne. the Saxons involved him in a series of wars, from which it required thirty-three years to extricate himself. The latter had long been tributaries to the French, but frequently revolted; and now, when freed from the terror of Pepin’s arms, they thought they had a right to shake off the yoke altogether. Charles entered their country with a power¬ ful army ; and having defeated them in a number of small engagements, advanced towards Eresburg, near Paderborn, where was the image of their god Irminsul, represented as a man completely armed, and standing on a column. The 8 FRA History. Saxons made an obstinate defence, but were at last obliged to submit; and Charles employed his army three days in 771-778. demolishing the monuments of idolatry in this place. But the news which Charles now received from Italy induced him to relax a little the severity with which he was other¬ wise disposed to treat the Saxons. He had concluded a marriage with the daughter of Didier king of the Lom¬ bards, but this had been dissolved by the pope ; and as the Lombard monarchs appear to have had a kind of natural antipathy to the popes, this feeling now broke out with uncommon fury. Didier having seized on and terrified to death Pope Stephen IV. used his utmost endeavours to re¬ duce his successor Adrian I. to a state of entire depen¬ dence. The pontiff applied to the French monarch, who was inclined to grant the necessary assistance ; but as the nobility were averse to an Italian war, he was obliged to act with circumspection. Several embassies were there¬ fore sent to Didier, entreating him to restore to the pope those places which he had taken from him, and even offer¬ ing him a large sum of money if he would do so. But these propositions being rejected, Charles obtained the consent of his nobility to make war on the Lombards. Didier, how¬ ever, disposed his troops with such ability, that the officers of Charles were of opinion it would be impossible to force a passage; but, either by the superior skill of Charles, or from the effect of panic, this was accomplished ; after which Didier, with the Duke of Aquitaine, who had taken refuge at his court, shut themselves up in Pavia, whilst Adalgise, the only son of the Lombard monarch, together with the widow and children of Carloman, fled to Verona. The latter city was immediately invested, and in a short time obliged to submit; but Adalgise had the good fortune to escape to Constantinople. After paying a short visit to Rome, Charles returned to the siege of Pavia. The place was vigorously defended, but famine and pestilence ultimately obliged the inhabitants to implore the clemency of the conqueror. Hunalde fell a sacrifice to his own obstinacy in opposing the intention of the people ; Didier was taken prisoner and carried into France; his kingdom was totally dissolved, and Charles crowned king of Lombardy at Milan in the year 774. Having received the oaths of allegiance from his new subjects, Charles set out for Saxony, the inhabitants of which had again revolted, and re-possessed themselves of Eresburg, their capital. The king however soon recovered this important post; but a detachment of his army having been cut off, and new troubles having arisen in Italy, he was obliged to accept the proposals of the Saxons, though dis¬ trustful of their sincerity. Having strengthened the for¬ tifications of Eresburg, and left a sufficient garrison in the place, he set out for Italy, where his presence restored tranquillity ; but the Saxons having in the meanwhile re¬ taken Eresburg, and destroyed the fortifications, threatened to annihilate the French power in that quarter. On his return Charles found them employed in the siege of Sige- burg. But his sudden arrival struck them with such terror that they instantly sued for peace, which the king once more granted; but, to secure their obedience, he constructed a chain of forts along the river Lippe, and repaired the forti¬ fications of Eresburg. An assembly of the Saxon chiefs was then held at Paderborn, and a promise extracted from them that the nation should embrace the Christian religion. His next enterprise was an expedition to Spain, under¬ taken in 778 at the request of Ibunala, the Moorish sove¬ reign of Zaragoza, who had been driven from his territory. Having reduced the cities of Pampeluna, Zaragoza, and Barcelona, and also the kingdoms of Navarre and Aragon, Charles restored Ibunala ; but, on his return, he met with a severe check from the Gascons, who attacked and de¬ feated with great slaughter the rear-guard of his army, in a pass of the Pyrenean mountains. This encounter, the N C E. result of which seems to imply some defect in the pru- History, dence or military skill of Charles, has been much celebrat- "y'w ed among romance writers, on account of the death of Ro- 778-787. land, which took place on this occasion. The following year Charlemagne paid a visit to Italy with his two sons Carloman and Louis, and having passed the winter at Pavia, entered Rome next spring amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants. Here, in the thirty-ninth year of his age, he divided his dominions between his two sons Carloman and Louis; the former, who now took the name of Pepin, receiving Lombardy, and the latter Aqui¬ taine. Having then received the submission of the Duke of Bavaria, he set out for Saxony, where the people had once more revolted, and where he now inflicted a severe chastisement for the many treacheries of which they had been guilty. This insurrection had been stirred up by a chief named Witikind, who having twice before fled from the victorious arms of Charles, and taken refuge at the court of Denmark, had returned in the king’s absence, and rous¬ ed his countrymen to arms, whilst the generals of Charles, divided among themselves, and neglecting to take the pro¬ per measures for putting down the revolt, were entirely defeated on the banks of the Weser, in the year 782. Charles arrived in time to prevent the total destruction of his troops, and having penetrated into the heart of the country, Witikind, unable to resist his antagonist, once more fled into Denmark ; but four thousand five hundred of his followers perished at once by the hands of the exe¬ cutioner. A general insurrection ensued; and though during three years the French monarch was constantly successful in the field, he found it impossible to subdue the spirit of the people, and was at last obliged to have recourse to negotiation. Witikind and several other chiefs wTere invited to an interview, and Charles having represented to them in strong colours the ruin which must ensue to their country from persisting in an obstinate and fruitless oppo¬ sition, they were induced not only to persuade their coun¬ trymen finally to submit, but also to embrace the Christian religion. Having thus brought his affairs in Saxony to a satisfac¬ tory conclusion, Charles turned his arms against Tassilon duke of Bavaria, who had secrectly supported the Saxons in their revolts; and having entered that country with a powerful army in the year 787, he advanced so rapidly, that seeing his destruction inevitable, Tassilon privately entered his camp, and threw himself at his feet. Charles looked with pity on his faithless kinsman ; but no sooner did the latter find himself at liberty, than he stirred up the Huns, the Greek emperor, and the fugitive Adalgise, and also fomented the discontents of the factious nobles of Aquitaine and Lombardy. His subjects, however, fearing lest these intrigues should involve them in destruction, made a discovery of the whole; upon which Tassilon was arrest¬ ed by order of the French monarch, and being brought to a trial, and found guilty, he was condemned to lose his head; a sentence which was afterwards mitigated to per¬ petual confinement in a monastery. The duchy of Bavaria was then annexed to the dominions of Charles. But the Huns and other enemies of the French mo¬ narch, disregarding the fate of Tassilon, continued to pro¬ secute their enterprises against him. Their attempts, how¬ ever, only served to enhance the fame of Charles, who de¬ feated the Huns in Bavaria, and the Greek emperor in Italy, at the same time obliging the latter to renounce for ever the fortunes of Adalgise. As the Huns, not disheart¬ ened by their defeat, continued to infest the French do¬ minions, Charles entered their country at the head of a formidable army ; and having forced their intrenchments, penetrated as far as Raab on the Danube ; but he was com¬ pelled by an epidemic to retire before he had completed the conquest of this people. On his return to his own do- FRA History, minions, he had the mortification to learn that his eldest 787 S°n ^>eP^n conspired against his life. The plot having been discovered by a priest, Pepin was seized, and con¬ demned to expiate his offences by spending the remainder of his days in a monastery. But Charles was no sooner treed from this danger than he was again called to arms by a revolt of the Saxons on the one hand, and a formidable invasion of the Moors on the other, whilst the Huns at the same time renewed their predatory attacks on his domi¬ nions. As to the Moors, the king foresaw that they would be called off by their Christian enemies in Spain ; and this accordingly happened, the victories of Alonso the Chaste having obliged thetn to quit France. Charles then march¬ ed in person to attack the Saxons and Huns, the former of whom again consented to receive the Christian religion, and were likewise obliged to deliver up a third part of their army to be disposed of at the king’s pleasure ; but the lat¬ ter defended themselves with incredible vigour, and the war was only terminated by the death of their king, and an almost total destruction of the people. these exploits occurred between the years 793 and 798. Charles next invaded and subdued the islands of Majorca and Minorca. But the satisfaction he received from this new conquest was soon damped by the troubles which broke out in Italy. Alter the death of Adrian, his nephew as¬ pired to the papal dignity; but a priest named Leo having been preferred, the disappointed candidate determined on revenge, yet managed matters so well as to conceal for four years his design. At last, on the day of a procession, a furious assault was made on the person of Leo, and the unfortunate pontiff was left for dead on the ground. But having with difficulty recovered, and made his escape to the Vatican, he was protected by the Duke of Spoleto, ge¬ neral of the French forces, and his cause was warmly es¬ poused by Charles, who invited him to his camp at Pader- born in Westphalia. Leo accepted the invitation, and not long afterwards returned, with a numerous guard, to Rome, which the Prench monarch promised soon to visit, and there redress all grievances. Having constructed forts at the mouths of most of the navigable rivers, and further provided for the defence of his territories against the de¬ scents of the Normans, by instituting a regular militia, and appointing proper squadrons to cruise against the invaders, he set out for the fourth and last time to Rome, where he was received with the highest possible honours. Leo was now permitted to clear himself by oath of the crimes laid to his charge by his enemies, whilst his accusers were sent into exile. 'hiirles At length, on the festival of Christmas in the year 800, 'rowned after Charles had made his appearance in the cathedral of .he west St Peter’ and assisted devoutly at mass, the pope suddenly put a ciown on his head ; and the place instantly resound¬ ed with acclamations of “ Long life to Charles the August, crowned by the hand of God ; long life and victory to the great and pacific emperor of the Romans.” His body was then consecrated and anointed with the royal unction ^ and after being conducted to a throne, he was treated with all the respect usually paid to the ancient Ceesars; from this time also he was honoured with the title of Charle¬ magne, or Charles the Great. In private conversation, however, he usually protested that he was ignorant of the pope’s intention, and that, had he known it, he would have disappointed it by absenting himself; but these pro¬ testations were not generally believed, and the care he took to have his new title acknowledged by the eastern emperors evidently showed that the conduct of his holi¬ ness on this occasion was neither unexpected nor disagree¬ able. Being now raised to the supreme dignity in the west, Charlemagne proposed to unite in his own person the whole power of the first Roman emperors, by marrying Irene, the empress of the east. But in this he was disappointed bv VOL. x. 3 N C E. g the marriage of that princess to Nicephorus, who, however, History, acknowledged the new dignity of Augustus bestowed on WyO his rival, and the boundaries of the two empires were ami- 800-814. cably settled. Charles was further gratified by the respect paid him by the renowned Haroun Al-Raschid, caliph of the Saracens, who yielded to him the sacred city of Jeru¬ salem, together with the holy sepulchre. But in the mean time his empire was threatened with the invasion of a for¬ midable enemy, whom even the power of Charles would have found it difficult to resist. We allude to the Normans, who were at this time under the command of Godfrey, a celebrated warrior, and who by their adventurous spirit and skill in maritime affairs threatened all the western coasts of Europe with desolation. From motives of mutual conve¬ nience, a temporary peace was concluded, and Charles em¬ ployed the interval thus afforded to settle the final distri¬ bution of his dominions. Aquitaine and Gascony, with the Spanish Marche, were assigned to his son Louis ; Pepin had Italy confirmed to him, to which was added the greater part of Bavaria, with the country now possessed by the Gri- sons; whilst Charles, the eldest, had Neustria, Austrasia, and Thuringia. This division, however, had scarcely taken place when the princes were all obliged to defend their do¬ minions by force of arms. Louis and Pepin were attacked by the Saracens, and Charles by the Sclavonians. All these enemies were indeed defeated; but whilst Charles hoped to spend the remainder of his days in tranquillity, he was once more called into the field by the hostile demeanour of the Norman chief. Charles sent him a message of de¬ fiance, which was returned in the same style by Godfrey; but, by artfully fomenting divisions amongst the northern tribes, Charles prevented for a time the threatened danger. When these disturbances were quelled, however, the Nor¬ mans renewed their depredations, and Charles was obliged to confront them in the field. But an engagement was pre¬ vented by the death of Godfrey, who was assassinated by a private soldier; and the Norman army having retreated, the dominions of the empire remained free from these in¬ vaders. Still the latter days of Charles were embittered by domestic misfortunes. His favourite daughter Rotrude died, as did also Pepin king of Italy ; and these misfor¬ tunes were soon followed by the death of his eldest son Charles. The emperor then resolved to associate with himself in the government his only surviving son Louis; and this was formally executed at Aix-la-Chapelle. But Charles survived the transaction only a few months ; and his death, which happened on the 27th of January 814, in the seventy-first year of his age and forty-seventh of his reign, removed the last remaining barrier against the con¬ fusion and anarchy which ensued. By the martial achievements of this hero the French monarchy was raised to the highest pitch of splendour. He had added the province of Aquitaine to the territories of his ancestors ; he had confined the inhabitants of Bretagne to the shores of the ocean, and obliged them to submit to an¬ nual tribute ; and he had reduced under his dominion all that part of Spain which extends from the Pyrenees to the Ebro, including the kingdoms of Roussillon, Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia. He possessed Italy from the Alps to the borders of Calabria ; but the duchy of Beneventum, including the greater part of the present kingdom of Na¬ ples, escaped from his yoke after a transitory submission. Charles also added to his territories the whole of Germany and Pannonia; so that the French jurisdiction extended from the Ebro in Spain to the Vistula in Poland, and from the duchy of Beneventum in Italy to the river Eyder, the boundary between Germany and the dominions of Den¬ mark. In acquiring these extensive dominions, Charles had committed frequent and barbarous massacres, for which he had no other excuse than the fierce and rebellious dis¬ position of the people with whom he had to deal. But in B 10 F R A History, establishing schools throughout the conquered provinces, he showed an inclination to govern his subjects in peace, 814-833. an(j j.0 take means for promoting their civilization ; though many parts of his conduct still evinced no small inclination to cruelty, particularly the fate of the sons of Carloman, of whom no distinct account could ever be obtained. His advice to his son Louis was indeed excellent: in exhort¬ ing the latter to consider his people as his children, to be mild and gentle in his administration, but firm in the exe¬ cution of justice, to reward merit, to promote his nobles gradually, to choose ministers deliberately, and not remove them capriciously or without sufficient reason, he displayed a degree of sense and wisdom worthy of his fame. But these prudent maxims were insufficient to enable Louis to govern dominions so extensive, or to restrain people so tur¬ bulent as he had to deal withal. At the time of the decease of his father this prince was about thirty-six years of age, and had married Ermengarde, daughter of the Count of Hesbai, of the diocese of Liege, by whom he had three sons, Lothaire, Pepin, and Louis. Lothaire, the eldest, was associated with himself in the empire, and the two others were intrusted with the govern¬ ments of Aquitaine and Bavaria. But these princes prov¬ ed unfaithful to their father, as well as enemies to one an¬ other. The death of Ermengarde, and the marriage of the emperor with Judith, a princess of Bavaria, artful but accomplished, proved the first source of calamity to the empire. In the year 823 was born Charles, the emperor’s youngest son ; and his pretensions eventually became more fatal to the public tranquillity than the ambition and diso¬ bedience of all the others. Various parts of the imperial dominions were likewise attacked by foreign enemies. The inhabitants of Bretagne and Navarre revolted, and the Moors invaded Catalonia; whilst the ambition of Judith produced a war amongst the brothers themselves. Charles at first had been appointed sovereign of that part of Ger¬ many which is bounded by the Danube, the Maine, the Neckar, and the Rhine, together with the country of the Grisons and Burgundy, comprehending Geneva and the Swiss Cantons; but this was opposed by the three elder sons. Pepin and Louis advanced with the united forces of Aquitaine and Bavaria, whilst the imperial forces desert¬ ed their standard and joined the malcontents. The empe¬ ror was taken prisoner, and the empress retired to a monas¬ tery. Lothaire, the eldest of the young princes, was the person who retained the emperor in his possession ; but, notwithstanding his breach of duty, his heart was touched with remorse on account of the crimes he had committed. Dreading the reproach of the world at large, and threaten¬ ed with the censures of the church, he threw himself at his father’s feet, begged pardon for his offence, and consented to relinquish the power he had unjustly usurped. Being thus re-established in his authority by the diet of the empire, which had met to depose him, Louis recalled his empress from the monastery to which she had retired ; but this princess, implacable in her resentment, so persecuted Lo¬ thaire that he was obliged to join his two brothers Pepin and Louis in a confederacy against their father. The old emperor attempted to check this rebellious disposition by revoking his grant of Aquitaine to Pepin, and bestowing it on his youngest son Charles, then only nine years of age ; but Pope Gregory IV. conferred the imperial dignity it¬ self on Lothaire, deposed the unhappy monarch, and again sent the empress to a nunnery in the forest of Ardennes. As the unnatural behaviour of his son, however, had once more excited the compassion of his subjects, Dreux, the bishop of Mentz, used his interest with Louis of Bavaria to arm in defence of his father and sovereign. In this enter¬ prise the Bavarian monarch was joined by the French and the Saxons ; and the aged emperor was again restored, the empress being released from her nunnery, and Charles N C E. from his prison, in the year 833. But the ambition of Ju- History, dith again kindled the flame of discord. Taking advantage of the affection of her husband, she persuaded him to invest her son Charles with the sovereignty of Neustria, as well as the dominions formerly assigned him; a proceeding which was productive of great discontent on the part of Lothaire and Pepin. But their power was now too much broken to enable them to accomplish any thing by force of arms ; and the death of Pepin, which happened soon after¬ wards, produced a new division of the empire. The claims of Pepin and Charles, the sons of the deceased prince, were entirely disregarded, and his French dominions divided between the two brothers Charles and Lothaire, the latter of whom was named guardian to his infant nephew. This enraged Louis of Bavaria, whose interest was entirely ne¬ glected in the partition, and induced him to revolt; but the unexpected appearance of the Saxons obliged him to sub¬ mit and ask pardon for his offence. Still, however, the ambition of the empress kept matters in a continual fer¬ ment, and the empire was again threatened with all the ca¬ lamities of civil war ; but this was prevented by the death of the emperor, which took place in 841, after a most un¬ fortunate reign of twenty-seven years. Louis was emi¬ nent for his mild manners and peaceful virtues, which pro¬ cured him the title of Le Debonnaire ; but such was the excessive turbulence and barbarity of the age in which he lived, that his virtues, instead of procuring him respect and esteem, were productive only of contempt and rebellion. The decease of the emperor was followed by a civil war Civil war: among his sons. In 842, the united forces of Lothaire and partitions, his nephew Pepin were defeated by those of Charles and^* Louis in a bloody battle on the plains of Fontenoy, where a hundred thousand Franks perished. This victory, how¬ ever, did not decide the fortune of the war. The conquer¬ ors having, from motives of interest or jealousy, retired each into his own dominions, Lothaire found means to recruit his shattered forces, and even pressed the other two princes so vigorously that they were glad to consent to a new partition of the empire. By this Lothaire was al¬ lowed to possess the whole of Italy, with the tract of coun¬ try situated between the rivers Rhone and Rhine, as well as that between the Meuse and Scheldt; Charles obtained Aquitaine, with the country situated between the Loire and the Meuse ; whilst Louis.received Bavaria, with the rest of Germany, and from this was distinguished by the appel¬ lation of Louis the German. By this partition Germany and France were disjoined in such a manner as never af¬ terwards to be united under one head. That part of France which was allowed to Lothaire was from him called Lotha- rivgia, and afterwards, by the gradual corruption of the word, Lorraine. The sovereignty, however, which that prince had pursued at the expense of every filial duty, and purchased with so much blood, afforded him so little sa¬ tisfaction, that, disgusted with the cares and anxieties of his situation, he sought relief in a monastery in the year 855. On his retreat from the throne, he allotted to his eldest son Louis II. the sovereignty of Italy ; to his second son Lothaire the territory of Lorraine, with the title of king; and to his youngest son Charles, surnamed the Bald, Pro¬ vence, Dauphine, and part of the kingdom of Burgundy ; so that he may be considered as properly the king of France. From the year 845 to 857 the provinces subject¬ ed to his jurisdiction had been infested by the annual de¬ predations of the Normans, from whom Charles w as at last glad to purchase peace at a greater expense than might have carried on a successful war. The people of Bretagne had also revolted; and though obliged, by the appearance of Charles at the head of a powerful army, to return to their allegiance, they no sooner perceived him again em¬ barrassed by the incursions of the Normans, than they threw off the yoke, and under the conduct of their duke FRANCE. 11 History. Louis subdued the neighbouring diocese of Rennes ; after which the latter assumed the title of king. By this bold 857-877. usurper Charles was totally defeated; and his subjects, perceiving the weakness of their monarch, put themselves under the protection of Louis the German, whose ambi¬ tion prompted him to give a ready ear to the proposal. Taking the opportunity of Charles’s absence in repelling an invasion of the Danes, he marched with a formidable army into France, and was solemnly crowned by the Arch¬ bishop of Sens in the year 857. But being too confident of success, and fancying himself already established on the throne, he was persuaded to dismiss his German forces; upon which Charles marched against him with an army, and compelled Louis to abandon his new kingdom. Notwith¬ standing this success, however, the kingdom of Charles still continued in a very tottering condition. Harassed by the Normans on one side, and by the king of Bretagne on another, he marched against the latter in 860; but had the misfortune to sustain a total defeat, after an engage¬ ment which lasted two days. The victory was chiefly owing to a noted warrior named Robert le Fort, or the Strong, who commanded the Bretons; but Charles found means to gain over the latter to his interest, and for some time the abilities of Robert afforded support to his tottering throne. The difficulties, however, returned on the death of that hero, who was killed in repelling an invasion of the Danes. Some amends were indeed made for his loss by the death of the king of Lorraine in 869, by which event the territories of Charles were augmented by the cities of Lyons, Vienne, Toul, Besan^on, Verdun, Cambray, Viviers, and Urez, together with the territories of Hainault, Zea¬ land, and Holland; whilst Cologne, Utrecht, Treves,Mentz, Strasburg, with the rest of the territories of Lothaire, were assigned to Louis the German. All this time the Normans still continued their incur¬ sions ; but Solomon king of Bretagne having joined his forces to those of Charles, in order to repel the common enemy, the Normans were besieged in Anglers, and oblig¬ ed to purchase leave to depart by relinqftishing all the spoil they had taken. Thus freed from a formidable enemy, Charles began to aspire to the imperial crown, which soon became vacant by the death of Louis. This indeed be¬ longed of right to Louis the German; but Charles, having assembled a powerful army, marched into Italy ; and being favourably received at Rome, the imperial crown was placed on his head by the pope, in the year 873. Enraged at his disappointment, Louis discharged his fury on the defence¬ less country of Champagne; and though the approach of Charles obliged him to retire, he continued his preparations with such vigour that Charles would probably have found him a formidable adversary, had he not been removed by death in 877. Informed of his brother’s decease, Charles invad¬ ed the dominions of his son Louis, who possessed Fran¬ conia, Thuringia, and Lower Lorraine, with some other ter¬ ritories. But the enterprise proved unsuccessfid. Charles, though at the head of superior numbers, was defeated with great slaughter, and had scarcely time to reunite his scat¬ tered forces when he received information that the Normans had invaded his territories, laid waste part of the country, and taken possession of Rouen. These disasters affected him so deeply that he fell dangerously ill, and he had scarcely recovered when he was called into Italy to assist the pope against the Saracens. Charles passed into Italy with a few followers ; but when he arrived at Pavia, where the pontiff* had appointed to meet him, he was informed that Carlo- man, king of Bavaria, son of Louis the German, was already in Italy with a powerful army, and laid claim to the impe¬ rial title. Charles accordingly prepared to oppose him by force of arms ; but his generals conspired against him, and the soldiers declared their resolution not to pass the Alps. This obliged him to retire to France at the moment when Carloman, dreading his power, was preparing to return to History. Germany. This was the last enterprise of Charles. His —y-'w journey brought on a relapse of illness, which was rendered 877-987 fatal through the treachery of a Jewish physician named Zedechius, who administered poison to him under the pre¬ tence of curing his malady; and he expired in a miserable cottage upon Mount Cenis, in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and thirty-eighth of his reign over the kingdom of France. The ambition of Charles had been productive of much Louis the distress both to himself and to his subjects. His son Louis, Stammer- surnamed the Stammerer, from a defect in his speech, was er’ of a different disposition ; but his feeble administration was ill calculated to retrieve the fortunes of his country. He died on the 10th of April 879, whilst on a march to suppress some insurrections in Burgundy, leaving his queen Adelaide pregnant; and some time after his decease the latter was delivered of a son, named Charles. His death was followed by an interregnum, during which a faction was formed for setting aside the children of Louis the Stammerer, in favour of the German princes, sons to Louis the brother of Charles the Bald. But this scheme proved abortive ; and the two sons of the late king, Louis and Carloman, were crowned kings of France. But in 881 both princes died; Louis, as was suspected, of poison; and Carloman of a wound he had received whilst hunt¬ ing. This produced a second interregnum, which ended in calling in Charles the Gross, emperor of Germany, whose reign was even more unfortunate than that of any of his predecessors. The Normans, whom he had allowed to set¬ tle in Friesland, having sailed up the Seine with a fleet, and laid siege to Paris, Charles, unable to force them to abandon their undertaking, prevailed on them to depart by a large sum of money. But as he could not advance the money at once, he permitted them to remain during the winter in the neighbourhood of Paris, which they in return plundered without mercy. After this disgraceful transac¬ tion Charles returned to Germany in a declining state of health ; and having quarrelled with his empress, he was abandoned by all his friends, deposed, and reduced to the greatest distress. On the deposition of Charles the Gross, Eudes count of Charles Paris, chosen king by the nobility during the minority of t'ie Simple. Charles son of Adelaide, afterwards named Charles the Simple, defeated the Normans, and repressed the power of the nobility. On this account a party was formed in favour of Charles, who was sent for from England ; but Eudes having peaceably resigned the greater part of the kingdom, consented to do homage for the remainder, and died soon after the agreement, in 898. During the reign of Charles the Simple, the French government declined. By the introduction of fiefs, those noblemen who had ob¬ tained the possession of governments, and got these con¬ firmed to themselves and their heirs for ever, became in a manner independent sovereigns ; and as the great lords had others under them, and these in like manner others who again had their vassals, instead of the easy and equal go¬ vernment which formerly prevailed, a vast number of in¬ supportable little tyrannies was erected. The Normans, too, ravaged the country, and desolated some of the finest provinces of France. But Charles at length ceded the duchy of Neustria to Rollo, the chief of these barbarians, who having become a Christian, changed his own name to Robert, and that of his principality to Normandy. During the remainder of the reign of Charles the Simple, Hugh and the entire reigns of Louis IV. surnamed the Stranger, Capet. Lothaire, and Louis V. the power of the Carlovingian race continually declined, till at last they were supplanted by Hugh Capet, who had been created Duke of France by Lothaire. This revolution happened in the year 987, and was brought about much in the same manner as the former 12 F R A History, one had been by Pepin. Capet proved an active and pru- dent monarch, and possessed other qualities requisite for keeping his tumultuous subjects in awe. He died on the 24th of October 997, leaving his dominions in perfect quiet to his son Robert. Robert. The new king inherited the eminent qualities of his fa¬ ther. In his reign the kingdom was enlarged by the death of Henry duke of Burgundy, to whom he became heir. This new accession of territory, however, was not obtain¬ ed without a war of several years continuance ; and had it . not been for the assistance of the Duke of Normandy, it is doubtful whether the king would have succeeded. As Robert was of opinion that peace and tranquillity were pre¬ ferable to wide and extended dominions held by a precari¬ ous tenure, he refused the kingdom of Italy and the im¬ perial crown of Germany, both which were offered him, and died on the 20th of July 1030. Henry I. Robert was succeeded by his eldest son Henry I. In the beginning of his reign he met with great opposition from his mother, who had always hated him, and preferred his younger brother Robert, in whose favour she now rais¬ ed an insurrection. With the assistance of Robert duke of Normandy, however, Henry overcame all his enemies, and established himself firmly upon the throne. In return for this service he supported William, Robert’s natural son, and subsequently king of England, in the possession of the duchy of Normandy. Afterwards, however, having become jealous of the power of the future conqueror, he not only supported secretly the pretenders to the duchy of Nor¬ mandy, but actually invaded that country. This enter¬ prise, however, proved unsuccessful, and Henry was oblig¬ ed to make peace ; but no sincere reconciliation ever fol¬ lowed ; for the king retained a deep sense of the disgrace he had met with, and the duke never forgave him for invading his dominions. The treaty was therefore speedily broken ; and Henry once more invaded Normandy with two armies, one commanded by himself, and the other by his brother. The first was harassed by continual skirmishes, and the last totally defeated ; after which Henry was obliged to agree to such terms as the duke thought proper to dictate. But the rancour which had been generated between them never ceased, and was in reality the cause of that impla¬ cable aversion which for a long series of years produced perpetual quarrels between the kings of France and those of the Norman race in England. Philip. Henry died in 1059, not without suspicion of being poi¬ soned, and was succeeded by his eldest son Philip, at that time in the eighth year of his age. Baldwin earl of Flan¬ ders was appointed his guardian, and died in the year 1066, about the time that William of Normandy became king of England. After the death of his tutor, Philip began to show an insincere, haughty, and oppressive disposition. He engaged in a war with William the Conqueror, and sup¬ ported his son Robert in a rebellion against him. (See article England.) But after the death of William, he as¬ sisted Robert’s brothers against him, by which means the latter was forced to consent to a partition of his dominions. In 1092, Philip, being wearied of his queen Bertha, pro¬ cured a divorce under pretence of consanguinity, and af¬ terwards demanded in marriage Emma, daughter of Roger, count of Calabria. The treaty of marriage was conclud¬ ed ; and the princess was sent over, with jewels and a con¬ siderable sum in ready money. But the king, instead of espousing her, retained her fortune ; dismissed the princess herself; carried off the countess of Anjou, esteemed the handsomest woman in France, from her husband, and, not satisfied with the illegal possession of her person, procured a divorce from her husband, whilst he prevaile-d upon some Norman bishops to solemnize a marriage with her. But these transactions were so scandalous, that the pope, hav¬ ing caused them to be revised in a council held at Autun N C E. in the year 1094, pronounced sentence of excommunica- History, tion against Philip in case he did not part with the countess. On his professing repentance, however, the censure was taken off; but as the king paid no regard to his promises, he was in 1095 excommunicated a second time. He again professed repentance, and was again absolved ; but as he still lived with the Countess of Anjou as formerly, he was soon afterwards excommunicated a third time. This unworthy conduct exposed him to the contempt of the people. But too many of the nobility followed his example, at the same time that they despised his authority. In the year 1100 Philip prevailed on the court of Rome to have this affair reviewed in an assembly at Poictiers ; where, notwithstand¬ ing his utmost efforts, sentence of excommunication was a fourth time pronounced against him. Yet, in spite of all these sentences, as Bertha was now dead, and the Count of Anjou offered, for a large sum of money, to give whatever assistance might be requisite for procuring a dispensation, Philip at last prevailed, and the countess was proclaimed queen of France. But though his domestic concerns were now in some measure arranged, his negligence in public mat¬ ters had thrown the affairs of the nation into the greatest disorder. He therefore associated with him in the govern¬ ment his eldest son Louis, a prince the reverse of his fa¬ ther, and who by his activity and resolution kept constant¬ ly in the field with a considerable body of forces, reduced the rebellious nobility to subjection, and saved the state from being utterly subverted. For these services the queen looked upon the prince with so jealous an eye, that he found it necessary to retire for a time into England; but he had not been long at the English court before Henry I. received a letter from Philip, urging him, for certain important reasons, to throw his son into close confinement, or even to dispatch him. The king of England, however, instead of complying with this infamous request, showed the letter to Louis, and sent him home with all imaginable marks of respect. Immediately on his return he demand¬ ed justice ; but the queen caused poison to be administered to him, which operated so violently that his life was for a time despaired of. A stranger, however, undertook the cure, and succeeded. On his recovery, the prince was on the point of avenging his quarrel by force of arms ; but his fathe^ having caused the queen to make the most humble submissions to him, his resentment was appeased, and a re¬ conciliation took place. Philip died in the year 1108, and was succeeded by his Louis the son Louis, surnamed the Gross. The first years of his Gross, reign were disturbed by insurrections of his lords, which proved the more troublesome as they were secretly fomented by Henry I. of England, that by weakening the power of France his duchy of Normandy might be the more secure. This quickly brought on a war, in which Henry was de¬ feated, and his son William obliged to do homage for Nor¬ mandy. As the kings of England and France, however, were rivals, the latter espoused the cause of William the son of Robert duke of Normandy, whom Henry had unjust¬ ly deprived of that duchy ,; and this brought on a new war, in which Louis, having sustained a defeat, was obliged to make peace upon such terms as his antagonist thought pro¬ per to prescribe. The pacification, however, was but of short duration. Louis renewed his intrigues in favour of William, and endeavoured to form a confederacy against Henry; but the latter found means not only to dissipate this confederacy, but to prevail upon Henry Y. emperor of Germany to invade France with the whole strength of the empire on one side, whilst he prepared to attack it on the other. But Louis having collected an army of two hundred thousand men, both thought proper to desist from the attempt. Upon this the king of P'rance desired to march into Normandy to put William in possession of that duchy; but his great vassals refused to assist in such an F R A History, enterprise, alleging that they had assembled to defend the territories of France from the invasion of a foreign prince, 1108-1270. an[j not to eniarge p0wer by destroying the balance produced by the king of England possessing Normandy, which they reckoned necessary for their own safety. This was followed by a peace, which was concluded on pretty equal terms, and maintained during the life of Louis, who died in 1137, leaving the kingdom to his son Louis VII. Louis VII. The young king was not endowed with any of those qua¬ lities which constitute a great monarch. From the super¬ stition of the age in which he lived, he undertook an expe¬ dition into the Holy Land, whence he returned without glory. In this expedition he took his queen Eleanor along with him ; but was so much offended with her gallantries during her stay in Palestine, as well as her behaviour after¬ wards, that he divorced her, and returned the duchy of Guienne, which he had received as her portion. Six weeks after this she married Henry duke of Normandy, count of Anjou and Maine, and heir apparent to the crown of Eng¬ land. This marriage proved a very great mortification to Louis, and, on account of the folly of his conduct, procured him an unenviable cognomen. His reign was wholly un¬ distinguished. He died on the 18th of September 1180, leaving the kingdom to his son Philip. Philip the This prince, surnamed The Gift of God, The Magnani- Great. mous, and The Conqueror, during his life-time, and styled Augustus after his death, is reckoned by some historians one of the greatest princes who ever sat on the throne of France. It does not appear, however, that these titles were at all deserved. In the beginning of his reign he was opposed by a strong faction excited by his mother, which he suppressed with a vigour and spirit that did him honour ; but his having taken part with the children of Henry II. of England, in their unnatural contests with their father, and his treacherous combination with John to seize his brother’s kingdom when he was detained in prison by the emperor of Germany, are indelible stains in his character. In military skill and personal valour he was inferior to Richard I. of England; nor can his recovering the pro¬ vinces held by the English in France from such a mean and dastardly prince as John entitle him with any justice to the surname of Conqueror. In politics he was evident¬ ly the dupe of the pope, who made use of him to intimidate John into a submission, by promising him the kingdom of England, which he never meant that he should enjoy. For an account of these transactions, see the article England. Reign of Philip died in 1223, and was succeeded by his son Louis Lcuis IX. VIII. who, again, was, in 1226, succeeded by Louis IX. af¬ terwards styled St Louis. This prince was certainly pos¬ sessed of many good qualities, but deeply tinctured with the superstition of the times, which induced him to engage in two crusades. In the first of these, against the Saracens of Egypt, he was taken prisoner, and treated with great cruelty ; but ultimately obtained his deliverance, on con¬ dition of paying a million of pieces of gold, and surrender¬ ing the city of Damietta. No sooner had he regained his liberty than he entered Syria with a view of doing some¬ thing worthy of his character. But from this expedition he was obliged to return sooner than he intended, by the news of the decease of his mother, Queen Blanch, whom he had appointed regent in his absence, and who had managed the national affairs with great prudence. Upon his return, however, the king found many and great dis¬ orders in the kingdom, which he set himself to reform with the utmost diligence. The reputation of this monarch for candour and justice was so great that the barons of Eng¬ land, as well as King Henry III. consented to make him umpire of the differences which subsisted between them. But though he decided this matter justly, his decision was not productive of any good. At last the king, having set¬ tled every thing relating to his kingdom, set out on another N C E. 13 crusade for Africa, where he died of the plague, on the Historv- 25th of August 1270. Notwithstanding the misfortunes of Louis, his successor 1270-1285, Philip, surnamed the Hardy, continued the war against the Philip the Infidels with great vigour. Being reinforced by his uncle Hardy. Charles king of Sicily, he brought the contest to a more for¬ tunate conclusion than his predecessor ; the Saracens were defeated in two engagements ; and the king of Tunis was obliged to sue for peace, offering at the same time to dou¬ ble the tribute which he formerly paid to the crown of Si¬ cily, to reimburse the expenses of the war, and to permit the Christian religion to be freely propagated throughout his dominions. Having accomplished this, the two princes set sail for Europe; but the distemper which had infect¬ ed the army in Africa not being eradicated, it broke forth on their arrival in Sicily, and for some time raged with great violence. On his return to France, Philip took posses¬ sion of the counties of Provence and Toulouse ; married his second son, though then very young, to the only daughter of the king of Navarre ; and himself espoused Mary the daugh¬ ter of the Duke of Brabant, reckoned one of the most beau¬ tiful princesses of the age. He steadily enforced the re¬ gulations of his predecessor, who had prohibited the barons from making private wars upon one another; secured the friendship of Edward I. of England, by ceding to him the county of Agenois; and entered into a war with Spain in support of the pretensions of his nephews, the Infants de la Cerda, to the throne of Castille. The events of this wrar were of no great importance; and the king’s attention was quickly called away from them by the death of his eld¬ est son Louis at the age of twelve years. This event hap¬ pened in the year 1275, not without a suspicion of poison, which is common enough when princes are cut off by sud¬ den deaths, and the king and queen were themselves loudly condemned. Meanwhile the Sicilians, over whom Charles of Anjou had established his authority, instigated by John of Procida, a noble exile, came to a determination of freeing themselves from the French yoke by a general massacre. This resolution was accordingly carried into execution, and the French, to the number of eight thousand, were mur¬ dered in one night; after which Pedro of Aragon sailed to the island, where he was received by the inhabitants as their king and deliverer. Charles was sensibly affected by this misfortune ; and having laid siege to Messina, sailed di¬ rectly to Marseilles, where he obtained a powerful rein¬ forcement. But during his absence, his son, to whom he had entrusted the conduct of the siege, having rashly ven¬ tured an engagement with the Spanish fleet, was entirely defeated and taken prisoner. This so much affected the father that he died of grief, and Sicily became inseparably attached to the house of Aragon. The misfortunes of Charles were followed by others which equally affected Philip himself. Pope Martin IV. in the warmth of his zeal for the cause of the Duke of Anjou, had excommunicated Pedro of Aragon, and bestowed his kingdom on Charles of Valois, a younger son of the king of France. In attempt¬ ing to defend himself against the execution of this unjust sentence, Pedro was mortally wounded ; but, soon after¬ wards, the French fleet being defeated by that of Aragon, the king was so much affected by the misfortune that he fell sick, and expired at Perpignan, in 1285, in the forty- first year of his age and sixteenth of his reign. By the death of Philip the Hardy, the French crown de-Philip tha volved on his second son Philip the Fair, who had espoused Fair, the princess of Navarre, and who at the time of his accession was in his seventeenth year. By the marriage with this prin- ce-ss he had obtained the counties of Champagne and Brie ; yet even with this increase of territory he found himself un¬ able to support the wrar in which his predecessor had engaged, for which reason he abandoned the interest of the Infants de la Cerda, and settled the differences with Castille. The 14 FRA Historj-. treaty was concluded through the mediation of Edward I. of England, by whose intercession Charles the Lame, son 1285. 0f Duke 0f Anjou, was released from captivity, Edward himself paying part of his ransom. Charles consented to renounce his claim on Sicily; and Philip himself promised that his kinsman Philip of Valois should renounce all pre¬ tensions to the crown of Aragon. The tranquillity result¬ ing from this treaty was, however, soon interrupted by differences with Edward, Pope Boniface VIII. and Guy de Dampier, count of Flanders. The difference with Eng¬ land arose by accident. A Norman and an English ves¬ sel having met off the coast of Bayonne, and having both occasion to water, the crews met and quarrelled at the same spring, and in the squabble a Norman was killed with his own weapon by an Englishman, whom it was alleged he had assaulted with it. But however this may have been, a complaint was made by the Normans to Philip, who, without giving himself much trouble to inquire into the merits of the cause, instantly allowed them to redress their supposed injuries. The consequence was, that a kind of piratical war commenced between the two nations; the Irish and Dutch seamen taking part with the English, and those of Flanders and Genoa with the French. Thus the force on both sides was gradually augmented, until at last the affair became so serious that in one engagement fifteen thousand French are said to have perished. Alarmed at such a carnage, Philip summoned the king of England as his vassal to attend ; and, on his refusal, declared his estates in France forfeited. After a great deal of negotiation, how¬ ever, Philip declared that he would be satisfied with the nominal cession of the province of Guienne; and Edward complied with his demands ; but no sooner had the French monarch obtained possession of that country than he per¬ sisted in the forfeiture of the English possessions in France ; and this treacherous proceeding instantly produced a war between the two nations. Edward, that he might the better defend himself against so formidable an adversary, concluded a treaty with the emperor Adolphus, and the courts of Bretagne, Holland, Bar, Juliers, Gueldres, and Flanders ; whilst Philip strengthened himself by an alliance with John Baliol of Scotland, and thus laid the foundation of that intimate union which subsisted between France and Scotland for about two centuries. During this war the French made a descent upon the coast of England, and de¬ stroyed the town of Dover; whilst Edward, in revenge, landed in Gascony with a powerful army. But no great exploits were performed with this armament; and the bel¬ ligerents, finding themselves equally matched, consented to a suspension of arms for two years, during which time a peace was finally concluded through the mediation of Boni¬ face VIII. Guienne was restored ; Edward espoused Mar¬ garet the sister of Philip ; and his daughter Isabelle was given in marriage to the prince of Wales. Philip and Ed¬ ward treated the allies whom they had engaged in their cause with equal perfidy. Baliol was abandoned by Philip to the resentment of Edward ; and Guy, earl of Flanders, was left equally exposed to the vengeance of Philip. The reconciliation between the French and English mo- narchs was soon followed by a difference with Pope Boni¬ face, whom they had appointed mediator between them. Sensible of his assuming disposition, they had inserted in the reference made to him a provision, to the effect that he was chosen as a private individual, and not as the suc¬ cessor of St Peter. The pontiff, however, soon showed that he was not to be treated as a private person; and a contest with Philip quickly ensued. Boniface began with forbidding the clergy, under pain of excommunication, to grant the king any subsidies, without first obtaining the consent of the Holy See ; and Philip revenged himself by prohibiting ecclesiastics from sending money out of the kingdom without his leave, and by protecting the Colonnas, N C E. the implacable enemies of Boniface. Irritated at this de- History cided proceeding, his holiness sent an abusive letter to Philip, and then summoned the clergy of France to attend l305-1314. a council at Rome. Philip retaliated, by seizing the tem¬ poralities of those who obeyed the summons, and recalling his brother Charles of Valois, who was styled the pope’s general. Sensible of the danger which attended this con¬ test, however, Philip dispatched two emissaries under the pretence of conciliating differences, but in reality to levy a body of troops sufficient to execute his hostile purposes against the holy father ; and with these he suddenly invest¬ ed the pope in his native city of Anegnia ; so that, whilst the bull was preparing to excommunicate Philip, and release his subjects from their obedience, the pope himself was obliged to surrender to the troops of the prince whom he intended to anathematize. But although Boniface had been delivered up to the troops of Philip through the treachery of the people of Anegnia, he was no sooner taken prisoner, and reduced to distress, than they rescued him from his guards, and conveyed him to Rome, where he soon afterwards died of chagrin and disappointment. Benedict, his successor, revoked the excommunication prepared by Boniface, and attempted to conciliate the good-will of Philip ; but, before this could be effected, he was himself cut off by death, not without strong suspicions of poison. After the decease of Benedict, Philip offered to procure the papal chair for Ber¬ trand, archbishop of Bordeaux, provided the latter would condemn the memory of Boniface, restore the honours and estates of the Colonnas, which had been forfeited, allow him the tenths of the clergy of France for five years, and grant other concessions which at that time it was not thought pro¬ per to divulge. Bertrand complied with the terms proposed by the king, and ascended the papal throne by the name of Clement V.; but narrowly escaped being killed on his return from the cathedral of Lyons, by the falling of a wall, by which accident the Duke of Bretagne was killed, and the king and Count of Valois were considerably bruised. The new pope fixed his residence at Avignon, where he punctually complied with all the conditions of the treaty, except that of condemning the memory of Boniface, which, instead of attainting, he vindicated with much solemnity. The condition which Philip had at first concealed was dis¬ covered by the death of the emperor Albert of Austria, after which he sought the assistance of Clement to place his brother Charles of Valois on the imperial throne. But his holiness, apprehensive of the danger which might arise from being surrounded with the powerful relations of Phi¬ lip, urged the diet to proceed instantly to an election, and recommended to them Henry of Luxemburg as a proper person to fill the imperial throne. This scheme succeeded, and the election was concluded before Philip could arrive at Avignon ; but, as some consolation for his disappoint¬ ment, the latter took possession of the city of Lyons, which had hitherto been independent, but which was now induced to submit to the authority of Philip. In the mean time, Guy earl of Flanders having been Expedition abandoned by his ally Edward king of England, was obliged against the to throw himself on the clemency of the French monarch, Larl °f who had sent his brother, Charles of Valois, with a power-*landers' ful army to invade his dominions. From the latter indeed he had obtained a promise, that if he could not, within a year, settle the differences subsisting between him and Philip, he should be at liberty to retire and pursue whatever measures he pleased. But Philip, to gratify the resent¬ ment of his queen against the captive prince, detained him, with two of his sons, in close confinement; whilst he him¬ self, having entered Flanders in triumph, was everywhere received as sovereign of the country, and at his departure appointed John de Chatillon, a relative of the queen, as governor of the newly-acquired territory. This person, however, being of a haughty and tyrannical disposition, FRANCE. 15 1314. Historj. treated the people so harshly that an insurrection speedily broke out. The commotion, nevertheless, was not general, and would have been effectually quelled by the diligence of the magistrates, had not Chatillon entered Bruges, and publicly displayed two hogsheads of ropes, which he threat¬ ened to employ in the execution of the inhabitants. Upon this the people flew to arms, and massacred fifteen hundred French, whilst Chatillon himself escaped their fury only by swimming across the town ditch. The insurgents daily gathered strength, and having assembled an army of sixty thousand men, laid siege to Courtray. Here they were rashly attacked in their trenches by the Count d’Artois, who met the reward of his temerity in being cut off, with twenty thousand of his troops. Determined on revenge, Philip, by debasing the coin of the kingdom, raised ano¬ ther army, and was thus enabled to enter Flanders with a force which would probably have subdued the whole coun¬ try, had not Edward artfully communicated to the queen of France, as a secret, a feigned correspondence between the French nobility and the court of Rome; by which false intelligence the king was induced to abandon the en¬ terprise without perfoi’ming any thing worthy of the pre- {xarations he had made. The war was continued some time onger, but the attempts of Philip were constantly defeat¬ ed by the steady valour of the Flemings ; and the only re¬ compense Philip obtained for all his trouble and expense was the city of Courtray. The other remarkable transactions of this reign were the expulsion and confiscation of the estates of the Templars, who at that time enjoyed immense possessions in France. These confiscations took place without any form of trial, and upwards of fifty of the knights were put to death in a cruel manner. The grand master, with three of his principal officers, were burned by a slow fire in the presence of the king and his attendants. The whole body of these unfortu¬ nate knights had been accused of the most gross and abo¬ minable sensualities. The particulars were revealed, or pretended to be so, by two criminals, who received their pardon for the discoveries they made; and these discove¬ ries were confirmed by the confession of the Templars them¬ selves. But this confession was afterwards retracted, as being extorted from them by the fear of absolute destruc¬ tion ; and those who suffered asserted their purity to the last; so that, on the whole, it was believed that Philip con¬ sulted his avarice more than his justice by this cruel exe¬ cution. The latter part of his life was embittered by domestic misfortunes. His three daughters-in-law were accused of infidelity to their husbands, and, after a severe examination, two of them were condemned to perpetual imprisonment, whilst their paramours were flayed alive, and afterwards hung upon a gibbet, together with an usher of the cham¬ ber, who had been their confidant. The uneasiness of mind which Philip suffered on this account is supposed to have impaired his health, and he died of a consumption in the year 1314, being the forty-seventh of his age and thir¬ tieth of his reign. Louis the On the accession of Louis surnamed the Boisterous, he Boisterous, found his treasury so much exhausted that he was obliged to delay for some time the ceremony of his coronation, and that of his queen Clemence, daughter of the king of Hun¬ gary. Having found the kingdom otherwise in a distracted state, he applied himself diligently to appease the discon¬ tents of his subjects, and conciliate their affection by every means in his power ; and in this he was assisted by his uncle Charles of Valois, on whom he at length entirely devolved the government of the kingdom. This regent, however, be¬ haved with a degree of cruelty which is supposed to have proved fatal to the king himself; for having put to death a nobleman who had enjoyed the confidence of the former king, this act was so much resented by his friends that they were thought to have administered poison to the king, who expired suddenly after drinking a glass of cold water, in the twenty-sixth year of his age and Second of his reign. Immediately after his death, Charles prepared to dispute the sovereignty with the brothers of the deceased sovereign. Philip count of Poitou, the eldest brother, wras at that time at Rome assisting in the election of a new pope ; but on his arrival in France, the throne was assigned to him by the unanimous voice of the people. His prospects, however, were for a short time clouded by the queen do¬ wager Clemence being delivered of a son, who has been enrolled amongst the kings of France under the name of John I. The death of this infant in three weeks secured the Philip tlie throne to Philip. The conduct of this monarch, who, on Long, account of his stature, was surnamed the Long, proved superior to that of his predecessor, -who had unsuccessfully attempted to subdue the Flemings, and had even suffered himself to be duped by their count. By his vigorous policy Philip compelled their sovereign to consent to a peace upon honourable terms. He also summoned Edward II. of Eng¬ land to do homage for his possessions in France; but that monarch finding himself involved in difficulties which ren¬ dered the visit inconvenient, sent excuses to Philip, which the latter was pleased to sustain. As the French monarch had formerly taken the cross during the life-time of his fa¬ ther, he now proposed to perform his vow; but he was dis¬ suaded by the pope himself; and, at the instance of the pontiff, he sent an army into Italy to put an end to the con¬ tending factions of the Guelphs and Ghibelines, who had long filled the country with violence and bloodshed. The event proved unfortunate ; and the disgrace was rendered the more mortifying by a contagious distemper, which swept off many thousands of the French. The remaining part of the reign of Philip was spent in attempting to regulate the internal concerns of his kingdom. A design having been formed by his predecessors of establishing a certain stand¬ ard for the coin, and also of weights and measures, through¬ out France, this was adopted by Philip, who, in order the more effectually to carry it into execution, purchased from the Counts of Valois, Clermont, and Bourbon, the right of coinage within their respective dominions. But notwith¬ standing all his endeavours the scheme misgave, and hav¬ ing failed to conciliate the affection of his subjects, he died of a fever and dysentery in the year 1322, being then in the twenty-eighth year of his age and sixth of his reign. By the death of Philip the crown of France devolved on Charles his brother Charles IV., who had obtained the surname ofthe Fair, the Fair. After settling some disputes with the Duke of Burgundy, he obtained the dissolution of his marriage with Blanch, who still continued in prison, and espoused Mary the daughter of Henry emperor of Germany. This mar¬ riage was contracted with a view to the imperial crown, which had been so long separated from that of France ; and in 1325 an opportunity for Charles to gratify his ambition presented itself. At that time the imperial dignity was dis¬ puted between Louis of Bavaria and Frederic of Austria, the latter of whom had been taken prisoner in a battle with Louis. But Popq John, who entertained an implacable hatred towards Louis, fulminated sentence of excommuni¬ cation against him ; and the king of France was induced to embark in the same cause, by a promise of the spoils of Bavaria ; whilst Frederic consented to relinquish his pre¬ tensions. Louis, however, by instantly releasing his pri¬ soner, and dismissing him in an honourable manner, secur¬ ed his friendship, and disarmed his most formidable anta¬ gonist. But the pope was not to be disappointed. A con¬ siderable sum of money induced Leopold, who had been in¬ trusted with the execution of the excommunication, to per¬ severe in hostilities; and it was determined that anew council of electors should be held in order to transfer the imperial History. 1314-1325. 16 FRANCE. History, crown to Charles. In pursuit of this scheme, the king of France set out with a splendid army for the frontiers of Ger- 1325-1337. many; but he soon found it impossible to attain the object of his ambition. Leopold alone remained his friend, from motives of interest; the others showed the greatest indif¬ ference, and even his brother in-law, the king of Bohemia, absented himself from the diet; whilst in a short time the death of the queen put an end to all connection with that crown. On the decease of Mary, Charles espoused Joanna, daughter of the Count d’Evreux, and, to avert the cala¬ mity of an infant succession, he entered into an alliance with Robert, king of Scotland, by which it was provided, that should either of the sovereigns die without an heir apparent, the states of the kingdom should fill the vacant throne, and the survivor of the two kings should with his whole force support the legality of such nomination against any other competitor. But even this proved insufficient to avert the danger which now threatened the kingdom. The re- Charles died in the year 1328, leaving his queen preg- gency. nant; and as the succession depended on the fruit of the Philip the queen’s pregnancy, a regent was in the mean time neces- < or.unate. gary. Two candidates accordingly appeared for this im¬ portant office, urging at the same time their right to the crown as well as to the regency. These were, Philip of Valois, cousin-german of the deceased king; and Edward. III., king of England, who aspired to the throne in right of his mother, and as nephew of Charles the Fair. The pretensions of the latter, however, were easily set aside, and Philip was confirmed in the regency ; from which, on the queen being delivered of a daughter, he soon step¬ ped on the throne, and acquired the surname of For¬ tunate. But though the pretensions of Edward, both to the regency and the crown, were rejected by the people, it was still impossible for Philip to think of the claims of such a formidable rival without uneasiness. He therefore summoned the English monarch to do homage for his pos¬ sessions in France ; and, upon the latter not answering his summons, forfeited them, and seized his revenues. This at last induced Edward to cross the sea and pay homage, which Philip consented to receive in any form, upon con¬ dition of a proper explanation being afterwards given; but as this was studiously delayed after the return of the king of England, the province of Guienne was again seized by the French monarch. Unwilling to lose his continental dominions, or involve himself in a war for the sake of a mere ceremony, Edward sent over a forrhal deed, by which he acknowledged that he owed liege homage to F'rance. The flame was thus smothered for the present, and would perhaps have been entirely extinguished, had it not been for the intrigues of Robert of Artois, brother-in-law to the king of France himself, who had been expelled his coun¬ try, and had taken refuge in England. For some time, indeed, neither party made any open declaration of hosti¬ lity ; but as both monarchs possessed great sagacity, they soon penetrated each other’s designs. Philip, under pre¬ tence of taking the cross, began to make great preparations, strengthening himself at the same time by alliances on every side ; whilst Edward, determined to renew his claim to the crown of France, projected the conquest of Scot¬ land. This, however, he failed to accomplish ; and in the mean time Philip, in order to favour the Scotch, with whom he was in alliance, suffered his subjects to make ir¬ ruptions into Guienne. Edward’s But at length, in 1337, the war broke out in earnest. Phi- first expe- lip having detached a squadron of his fleet against the Infi- dition. dels, employed the rest, consisting chiefly of Genoese vessels, against the English. In this contest the Flemings, whose aid was of importance, were courted by both parties. Louis count of Flanders declared for Philip, but his subjects were more inclined to Edward. James Arteville, a brewer, the most able and artful man in the country, governed them at that time as if he had been their prince; and as History, the advantages arising from the English commerce deter- mined him in favour of Edward, that prince, at his request, 1337-1340. embarked with a numerous army for Sluys, where he ar¬ rived in 1338. Upon his landing it was resolved that the German princes in alliance with him should act against France. But for this a pretext was wanting. The vassals of the empire could not act by Edward’s orders, nor even as his allies, without directions from the emperor, and he was in league with France. This difficulty, however, was soon overcome. The French had made themselves masters of Cambray, and the emperor resolved that it should be re¬ taken. With this view he created Edward vicar-general of the empire ; an empty title, but one which seemed to give him a right to command the services of the princes of Ger¬ many. The Flemings, who were vassals of France, likewise pretended scruples at invading the territories of their liege lord; but, to allay these, Edward, by the advice of Arte¬ ville, assumed the title of king of France, and in virtue of this claim challenged their assistance to dethrone Philip of Valois, the usurper of his kingdom. Such a step, which could scarcely fail to beget endless jealousies and animosi¬ ties, Edward did not take without hesitation ; and from this time may be dated the commencement of that animo¬ sity which the English have until very recently borne to¬ wards the French. Edward’s first attempt was upon the city of Cambray, to which he laid siege; but in a short time he was prevailed upon by Robert of Artois to raise the siege and march into Picardy, which he entered with an army of about fifty thousand men, composed chiefly of foreigners. Philip came in sight with an army of nearly a hundred thou¬ sand men, composed chiefly of native subjects; and it was daily expected that a battle would ensue. But the English monarch was averse to engage against a force so greatly superior ; and Philip thought it sufficient to elude the at¬ tacks of his enemy, without running any unnecessary hazard. The two armies faced each other for several days, and mu¬ tual defiances were exchanged; but Edward at last retired into Flanders, and dispersed his army. Such was the fruit¬ less and almost ridiculous conclusion of Edward’s first ex¬ pedition, which had plunged him into the greatest difficul¬ ties. He had contracted nearly L.300,000 of debt; he had anticipated all his revenue ; he had pledged every thing of value which belonged either to himself or his queen ; and he was obliged in some measure even to pawn himself to his creditors, by desiring their permission to go over to Eng¬ land in order to procure supplies, and by promising on his word of honour to return in person if he did not remit their money. On his arrival in England, however, he ob¬ tained a large supply, sufficient to enable him to make all the necessary preparations for a new invasion ; and so cer¬ tain were the English that France would now be conquer¬ ed, that the parliament, before Edward’s departure, protest¬ ed that they owed him no obedience as Idng of France, and that the two kingdoms must remain for every distinct and independent. The king of England set out on his second expedition Edward’s with a fleet of two hundred and forty vessels. Philip had second ex. prepared a fleet of four hundred vessels, manned with forty pedition. thousand men ; which he stationed off Sluys, in order to intercept Edward on his passage. The two fleets met on the 13th of June 1340 ; but the English, either by the su¬ perior abilities of Edward, or the greater dexterity of his seamen, gained the wind of the enemy, and with this ad¬ vantage began the action. The battle was fierce and bloody. The English archers, whose force and address were now much celebrated, galled the French on their approach ; and when the ships grappled together, the example of the king and his nobility so animated the seamen and soldiers, that they maintained everywhere a superiority over the ene¬ my. Meanwhile the Flemings observing the battle, hurried FRA History, out of their ports, and brought a reinforcement to the Eng- lish, which contributed to decide the fate of the action. Two .340-1341. and thirty ships were taken, and thirty thousand Frenchmen, including two of their admirals, were killed ; wEilst the loss of the English was inconsiderable compared to the greatness and importance of the victory. After this brilliant victory Edward landed his forces and laid siege to Tournay. . Philip marched to its relief with a numer¬ ous army, but acted with so much caution that Edward found himself in a manner blocked up in his camp. At length the Countess Dowager of Hainault, sister of Philip, and mother-in-law of Edward, interposed with so much spirit and address, that she engaged all parties to agree to a truce for a year, and might perhaps have brought about a peace if she had survived. France In 1341, however, Edward’s ambition was once more thlrdUnf exc^te^ bY the invitation of the Count de Montfort, who ir lme- had possessed himself of the province of Bretagne, and applied to Edward to second his claims. An offer of this kind entirely coincided with Edward’s views. Ele was happy in the promised assistance of Montfort, which thus opened to him an entrance into the heart of France. But this flattering prospect was for a time damped by the impri¬ sonment of Montfort, who, on the discovery of his inten¬ tions, was besieged in the city of Nantes, and taken prisoner. But Jane of Flanders, his wife, courageously undertook to support the falling fortunes of her family. Having assembled the inhabitants of Rennes, where she then resided, she appeared before them carrying her infant son in her arms, and having deplored her misfortunes, attempted to inspire the citizens with an affection for her cause. The inhabi¬ tants of Nantes instantly espoused her interests, and all the other fortresses of Bretagne embraced the same resolution. The king of England being apprised of her exertions, was entreated to send succour with all possible expedition to the town of Hennebone, in which place she had resolv¬ ed to sustain the attack of the enemy. Charles de Blois, Philip’s general, anxious to make himself master of so im¬ portant a fortress as Hennebone, and still more to take the countess prisoner, sat down before the place with a large army, and conducted the siege with indefatigable in¬ dustry. But the defence was not less vigorous than the attack, and several sallies were made by the garrison, in which the countess herself led the assailants. But at length the besiegers made several breaches in the walls, and a general assault was hourly expected. A capitulation was therefore proposed, and a conference already commenced, when the countess, who had ascended a high tower, and was looking with great impatience towards the sea, descried some ships in the distance, and, immediately exclaiming that reinforcements had arrived, forbade any further ne¬ gotiation. Nor was she disappointed. The fleet which she had descried carried a body of English gentlemen, with six thousand archers, whom Edward had prepared for the re¬ lief of Hennebone, but who had been long detained by contrary winds. This seasonable relief entered the har¬ bour under the conduct of Sir Walter Manny, one of the most gallant commanders of his time, and served to keep up the spirits of the Bretons until the expiration of the truce, when Edward would be at liberty to renew the war in regular form. The succours under Sir Walter Manny were speedily followed by a more considerable reinforcement command¬ ed by Robert of Artois, who soon after his arrival made himself master of Vannes; but the French speedily reco¬ vered that city, and Robert was compelled to relinquish his prize after receiving a mortal wound. Edward, eager to revenge the death of his ally, soon landed at Morbihan, near Vannes, at the head of an army of twelve thousand men; and with this small force he undertook at once the siege of Vannes, Nantes, and Rennes; but having divided VOL. x. N C E. ij his troops, he failed in every enterprise, and gave John History, duke of Normandy, the king of France’s eldest son, an op- portunity of besieging him in his camp. In this situation 1341-134G. his provisions began to fail; and, notwithstanding all his valour, Edward would have been obliged to surrender, had he not, by a train of artful negotiations, induced Philip to relinquish the advantage he had obtained, and consent to a truce of three years, which was brought about by the me¬ diation of the court of Rome. Philip now endeavoured to secure himself against the power ot his rival by alliances, and by purchasing the city of Montpellier from the king of Majorca. But in the mean time the English, under the command of the Earl of Derby, invaded Guienne, and, having twice defeated the French army, commanded by the Count de Lisle, made themselves masters of a great number of towns. Philip, by reason of the exhausted state of his treasury, was for some time in¬ capable of making any opposition ; and, to recruit his finan¬ ces, he was obliged to impose a duty on salt, which gave great offence to his subjects. But when these discontents were allayed, he soon raised an army of a hundred thou¬ sand men, whose courage was excited by the presence of the Dukes of Normandy and Burgundy. The English general was therefore compelled to act on the defensive, and one fortress after another surrendered to the French, until at length the total extinction of the power of England upon the Continent appeared inevitable. In this situation Ed¬ ward resolved to bring relief in person to his distressed subjects*and allies; and accordingly embarked in 1346, at Southampton, on board a fleet of near a thousand sail. Be¬ sides the chief nobility of England, he carried along with him his eldest son the prince of Wales, afterwards sur- named the Black Prince, from the colour of his armour, a youth of about fifteen years old, and already remarkable for understanding and valour far above his age. His army, which consisted of four thousand men at arms, ten thou¬ sand archers, ten thousand Welsh infantry, and six thou¬ sand Irish, were all landed in safety at La Hogue, a port in Normandy. _ The intelligence of Edward’s landing, and the devastation'caused by his troops, who dispersed them¬ selves over the whole country, soon spread consternation in the French court. The rich city of Caen was taken and plundered by the English ; the villages and towns as far as Paris shared the same fate ; and the French had no other resource but to break down the bridges, in order to check the advance of the ifivader. In the mean time Philip was not idle in making preparations to oppose the enemy. Hav¬ ing stationed one of his generals, Godemar de Faye, with an army on the opposite side of the river Somme, which Edward had to cross, whilst he himself, at the head of a hundred and twenty thousand fighting men, advanced to give the English battle, he so hemmed in Edward that the latter found himself exposed to the danger of being en¬ closed and starved in an enemy’s country. In this dilem¬ ma he offered a large reward to any one who should bring him information of a passage across the river Somme ; and a peasant of the country, named Gobin Agace, having dis¬ covered a ford, Edward had just time to get his whole army across the river, when Philip appeared in his rear. A battle ensued, in which the French were overthrown with great slaughter, and which, under the name of Cresey, the place where it was fought, is equally memorable in the annals of England and France. Edward next laid siege to Calais, which was then defended by John de Vienne, an experien¬ ced commander, and supplied with every thing necessary for defence ; but it was nevertheless taken, after a twelve¬ month’s siege, the defenders having been reduced to the last extremity by fatigue and famine. From the beginning of this unfortunate war, Philip had invariably showed himself desirous of peace, and the victory of Crescy rendered him still more so. Edward also, not- c 18 FRANCE. History, ■withstanding his successes, found himself unable any long- er to suPPort the expenses of the war. The mediation of 6-13o0. court 0p j|ome was therefore readily accepted, and a truce for three years concluded. At the same time, Philip met with some recompense for the losses he had sustained, by the acquisition of Dauphine, which afterwards gave the title of Dauphin to the eldest son of the king of France. The subsequent events of his reign are unimportant, and he expired in the year 1350, at the age of fifty-seven. King John. On the death of Philip, his eldest son John took posses¬ sion of the kingdom; but scarcely was he seated on the throne when he disgusted his nobility by a most unseason¬ able act of severity. Robert de Brienne, count of Eu and Guisnes, had been taken prisoner by the king of England at Caen, and, under pretence of negotiating his ransom, had passed several times between France and England; but being accused of maintaining a treasonable correspon¬ dence with Edward, he was suddenly arrested, condemned, and beheaded, without any form of trial. At his death he is said to have confessed his treasonable practices, but this has not been authenticated by any historian of credit. Having been constable of France, the sword, the badge of his office, was delivered to Charles de la Carda.; but the fate of the latter was not less unfortunate than that of his predecessor, inasmuch as he was soon afterwards assassinat¬ ed by Charles king of Navarre, surnamed The Wicked. This prince, celebrated for his personal qualifications, but detested for his crimes, was the son-in-law of John. He had demanded the duchy of Angouleme of the king ; but as the latter had thought proper to bestow it upon Carda, he sought to revenge himself by assassinating his rival. John did not fail tp show a proper resentment; but such was the weakness of his government, that the king of Na¬ varre set him at defiance, and would not even condescend to go through the ceremony of asking pardon until John had sent him his second son as an hostage for his personal security. To these offences the king of Navarre added another still more atrocious, namely, that of aiming at the crown of France, to which, as grandson by the female side to Louis the Boisterous, he pretended a title in right of his mother. But his more immediate demand was that the countries of Champagne and Brie should be given up to him. To obviate all difficulties on this head, however, John bestowed the duchy of Normandy on his eldest son Charles, and commanded him to seize the estates of the king of Na¬ varre ; upon which the latter soon made his appearance at Paris, and John found himself obliged to appease his op¬ position at the expense of a hundred thousand crowns. During all this time the truce with England had been but ill observed on both sides ; the French had possessed them¬ selves of the port of St Jean d’Angeli, and the English had surprised the town of Guisnes. The rival houses of Mont- fort and Blois also indulged their animosities, whilst Ed¬ ward continued to threaten war. The king of Navarre also persevered in his intrigues, and even the dauphin was drawn into a confederacy against his father; but John, being informed of their machinations, found means to de¬ feat them. The dauphin was reclaimed by pointing out to him the impropriety of his conduct, and the disadvantage which must unavoidably ensue to himself from the con¬ nections which he had formed. The king of Navarre, with his principal adherents, were invited to an entertainment, where they were unexpectedly arrested ; the former being sent prisoner to Chateau Gaillard, and several of the most obnoxious of the latter put to death. But the rest of the conspirators, instead of being dismayed by this check, im¬ mediately broke out in open rebellion ; and finding them¬ selves unable to gain their point without further assistance, they immediately invited Edward to come over from Eng¬ land. That warlike and enterprising monarch had never lost sight of the object which he had originally contemplated ; History, and on the expiration of the truce had sent his son, the prince of Wales, surnamed the Black Prince, with a squa- 1 dron towards the coast of France. With this force the *'iancc prince entered the mouth of the Garonne, burned the towns and villages of Languedoc, and then retired with his plun- Edward’, der into the country of Guienne, whilst Edward himself, who had likewise passed over to the Continent, wasted the coun¬ try as far as St Omer ; but the French king, notwithstand¬ ing all these provocations, determined to avoid a battle, and accordingly prohibited his general, the constable of Bour¬ bon, from coming to an engagement, though his army was much superior to that of the prince of Wales. With the flower of his troops, however, he pursued Edward from St Omer to Hesdin, where he defied him to a pitched battle ; but the latter, without minding his bravadoes, continued his march towards Calais, whence he embarked for England. After his departure, John called an assembly of the states at Paris, where he explained the distressed situation of his finances, and showed so fully the necessity of their assist¬ ing him in the defence of the kingdom, that they consented to maintain an army of thirty thousand men during the war. To supply the other exigencies of government, they reviv¬ ed the duty upon salt, and added a variety of other imposts ; but at the same time appointed a committee of their own number to take care that the money should be strictly ap¬ propriated to the public service. But the satisfaction which John received from these grants, and from the suppres¬ sion of some disturbances which happened about this time, was soon overcast by the news that the prince of Wales had marched with an army of twelve thousand men from Bordeaux, and, after ravaging the Agenois, Quercy, and the Limousin, had entered the province of Berry. The young warrior had penetrated into the heart of France with this trifling body of forces, in hopes of joining the Duke of Lancaster in Guienne. But he soon found that his scheme was impracticable. The country before him was too well guarded to permit him to advance further ; and all the bridges behind were broken down, which effectually barred a retreat. In this embarrassing situation his perplexity was increased by being informed that the king of France was actually marching at the head of sixty thousand men to intercept him. He at first thought of retreating ; but soon finding it impossible to retrograde, he determined calmly to wait the approach of the enemy, and, notwithstanding the disparity oi forces, to commit all to the hazard of a battle. At a place called Maupertuis, near Poitiers, both armies arrived in sight of each other. The French king might ^easily have starved the English into terms ; but such was the impatient valour of the French nobility, and such their .confidence of success, that it might have been equally fatal to attempt repressing their ardour to engage. In the mean time, whilst both armies were drawn up in order of battle, and expecting the signal to advance, they wjere stopped by the appearance of the Cardinal of Perigord, who attempted to act as mediator between them. But as John, who made himself sure of victory, would listen to no terms which did not include the restitution of Calais, the Black Prince re¬ fused to listen to such a proposition, and the combat was deferred till the next morning, for which both sides wait¬ ed in anxious suspense^ During this interval the young prince strengthened his position with new intrenchments, and placed three hundred men in ambush, with as many archers, who were commanded to attack the enemy in flank during the heat of the engagement. Having taken these precautions to ensure success, he drew up his army in three divisions; the van commanded by the Earl of Warwick, the rear by the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, and the main body by himself. The king of France also arranged his forces in three divisions; the first commanded by the Duke of Orleans, and the second by the dauphin, attended by FRANCE. 19 History, his younger brothers, whilst he himself directed the main body, seconded by his youngest son, then about fourteen 1356. years of age. As the English could be attacked only by marching along a narrow defile, the French suffered great¬ ly from the English archers, who were posted on each side behind the hedges. Nor were they in a better situation upon emerging from this pass, being met by the Black Prince himself, at the head^of a chosen body of troops, who made a furious onset upon their troops, already in great disorder. A dreadful overthrow ensued. Those who were as yet in the defile recoiled upon their own forces; whilst the English troops who had been placed in an am¬ bush took the opportunity, by a flank attack, to increase the confusion and confirm the victory. The dauphin and the Duke of Orleans were amongst the first who fled. The king of France himself made great efforts to retrieve by valour what rashness had forfeited; but his courage was unable to check that panic which had now become gene¬ ral throughout his army ; and his cavalry soon flying, he found himself exposed to the whole fury of the enemy. At length, overpowered with fatigue, and despairing of suc¬ cess, he thought of yielding himself a prisoner, and fre¬ quently cried out that he was ready to deliver himself to his cousin the prince of Wales. But the honour of taking him was reserved for a more ignoble hand ; he was seized by Dennis de Morbec, a knight of Arras, who had been obliged to fly from his country for murder. This defeat, which happened in the year 1356, almost entirely ruined the French affairs; and the miseries which ensued were greatly augmented by internal commotions. The dauphin, who had now assumed the government, was altogether unfit to govern a turbulent and seditious people at a crisis like this. An assembly of the states, which he called, took the opportunity to limit the power of the prince, to impeach the former ministers, and to demand the liberty of the king of Navarre; and the treasurer of the crown was basely murdered by one Marcel, a partisan of that worthless prince, who had filled the city of Paris with con¬ fusion by his intrigues. The public disorders were also augmented by the escape of the king of Navarre; and, though the dauphin was even assured that this royal ruffian had administered poison to him, he was nevertheless oblig¬ ed to pay him some appearance of regard. A scheme was even formed by the chiefs of the sedition to change the government, to vest all the power in the commons, and to leave the king no more than an empty title; but though this was favourably received by the city of Paris, the other cities of the kingdom refused to concur in the project. The dauphin was likewise recognised as regent by the states^general, and the inhabitants of Picardy and Cham¬ pagne took up arms in his cause. In this disastrous state of affairs, the miseries of the people were heightened by a new and unexpected evil. The peasants, who had all along been oppressed by the nobles, were now treated in such a manner that, having risen in great numbers to revenge themselves, the castles of the nobility were razed to the ground, their wives and daughters ravished, and themselves put to the most cruel torments. At last they were obliged to arm in their own defence. The Duke of Orleans cut off ten thousand of the insurgents in the neighbourhood of Paris ; twelve thousand were massacred by the king of Na¬ varre ; and nine thousand who had laid siege to the town of Meaux, where the dauphiness and three other ladies of the first rank resided, were routed and pursued with dread¬ ful slaughter by an officer in the service of Edward. Amidst these confusions, Marcel, the seditious leader al¬ ready mentioned, perished in a tumult of his own raising ; and the most virtuous and prudent people of the nation supported the pretensions of the dauphin. But his most dangerous enemy was the king of Navarre, who had enticed to his standard numbers of those Norman and English ad¬ venturers who had followed Edward into France, and re- History, mained there to seek their fortunes, having associated themselves under the name of the Companions. By this 1356-1363. formidable competitor the dauphin was reduced almost to the last extremity, when his hopes were revived by an unexpected proposal of peace upon equitable and moderate terms. Historians in general have ascribed this to the natural levity of the king of Navarre ; but some have been of opinion that he acted from prudential motives, and that he justly supposed it would be more easy to deal with the dauphin, who was his own kinsman, and humbled by so many misfortunes, than with a haughty and imperious con¬ queror like Edward. On the expiration of the truce in the year 1359, Ed-^newln; ward, having again set sail for France, anchored before Calais with a fleet of eleven hundred sail, assumed the title "V of King of France, and augmented his army to a hun¬ dred thousand men. The dauphin, finding himself unable to oppose so great a force, was obliged to act upon the defensive ; and having chosen the city of Paris as his sta¬ tion, he allowed the English to ravage the open country. Thus they were suffered to penetrate through Picardy into Champagne; but the city of Bheims, where Edward de¬ signed to have been crowned king of France, baffled his utmost efforts. From Champagne, therefore, which had already been laid waste, the English monarch marched into Burgundy, pillaging Tonnere, Gaillon, and Avalon. Bur¬ gundy was saved by the payment of a hundred thousand merks, and an equal sum was paid for Nivernois. At last, after a long and destructive march, Edward arrived at the gates of Paris ; but the prudence of the dauphin and the citizens had rendered it impregnable to the attacks of fa¬ mine as well as the assaults of an army. The war proceed¬ ed, however, till the year 1360, when the king of Eng¬ land showed himself inclined for peace. Notwithstanding all the victories he had gained, the French nation evinced not the least favour to his claim of succession ; the king of Navarre was a dangerous rival; and the caution of the dau¬ phin, in avoiding an engagement, deprived him of the ad¬ vantages he expected from his valour and military skill. Conferences for a peace were accordingly opened at Bre- tigny in the Chartraine, and it was at last concluded, on the conditions that King John should pay for his ransom, at different periods, three millions of crowns of gold, or about a million and a half of our money; and that Edward should for ever renounce all claim to the kingdom of France, and remain possessed of the territories of Poitou, Xaintonge, I’Agenois, Perigord, the Limousin, Quercy, Rouvergne, I’Angoumois, and other districts in that quar¬ ter, together with Calais, Guisnes, Montreuil, and the county of Ponthieu. Some other stipulations were also made in favour of the allies of England, as a security for the execution of these conditions. But, upon John’s return to his dominions, he found himself unable to ratify the terms of peace which had just been concluded. At the head of an exhausted state, his soldiers were without discipline, and his peasants without subordination. The latter had in fact risen in great numbers, and one of their chiefs had assum¬ ed the title of The Friend of God and the Terror of Man. A citizen of Sens, named John Gouge, also got himself acknowledged king, by means of his robberies, and soon caused almost as many calamities by his depredations as the real king had brought on by his misfortunes. Such . was the state of France on the return of its captive mo¬ narch ; yet so incredible was his absurdity, that he had scarcely been replaced on the throne when he prepared for a crusade into the Holy Land. But this folly was pre¬ vented by the exhausted state of the country, and the mi¬ sery of the people, who, in fact, were even unable to pay the king’s ransom. In these circumstances, however, the conduct of John was truly noble. “ Though good faith FRANCE. 20 History, should be banished from the rest of the earth,” said he, “ yet she ought still to retain her habitation in the breasts 1360-1377- 0f kings.” He accordingly returned once more to Eng¬ land, and yielded himself a prisoner, since he could not be honourably free. It has indeed been said by some, that his passion for the Countess of Salisbury was the real cause of his journey ; but there seems to be no foundation for a report so injurious to his honour. During his captivity he resided in the Savoy, and afterwards closed a long and un¬ fortunate reign by his death, which happened in the year 1364. Charles Charles, surnamed the Prudent, succeeded his father upon the Pru- the throne of France ; and by a finely-conducted policy, dent* even though he suffered some defeats, restored his coun¬ try once more to tranquillity and power. He dispers¬ ed a horde of banditti, who having associated themselves under the name of Companions, had long been a terror to the peaceable inhabitants. He had them even enrolled into a body, and led them into the kingdom of Castille against Peter, surnamed the Cruel, whom his subjects had dethroned, and who, by means of an alliance with the English, endeavoured to get himself reinstated in power. The consequence was, that the English and French again came to an engagement; the army of the former being commanded by the Black Prince, and that of the latter by Henry of Transtamarre, and Bertrand du Guesclin, one of the most consummate generals and accomplished men of the age in which he lived. The usual good fortune of the English prince however prevailed, and the French lost above twenty thousand men, whilst only four knights and forty private men were slain on the side of the English. Nevertheless these victories were attended with but little effect. The English, by frequent levies, had become quite exhausted, and were unable to continue an army in the field. Charles, on the other hand, cautiously avoided coming to a decisive engagement, but contented himself with al¬ lowing his enemies to waste their strength in attempts to plunder a fortified country ; and when they retired, he then sallied forth, possessing himself of such places as they were not strong enough to defend. He first fell upon Pon- thieu ; the citizens of Abbeville opened their gates to re¬ ceive him; those of St Valois, Rue, and Crotoy, imitated the example; and the whole country was in a little time reduced to submission. The southern provinces were in the same manner invaded by his generals with equal suc¬ cess ; whilst the Black Prince, destitute of supplies from England, and wasted by a cruel disorder, was obliged to return to his native country, leaving affairs in the south of France in a desperate condition. In this exigency the re¬ sentment of the king of England was excited to the utmost pitch, and he resolved to take signal vengeance on his ene¬ mies of the Continent. But the fortunate occasion had now passed, and all his succeeding designs were unsuccessful. The Earl of Pembroke and his whole army were intercept¬ ed at sea, and taken prisoners, by Henry king of Castille. Sir Robert Knolles, at the head of thirty thousand men, was defeated by Bertrand du Guesclin ; and the Duke of Lancaster, at the head of twenty-five thousand men, had the mortification of seeing his troops diminished without even coming to a battle. At length, when the affairs of the English were totally ruined by the death of the Black Prince and of King Edward, the armies of Charles attack¬ ed the English on all sides. One, under the command of the Duke of Burgundy, entered Artois; another, under the command of the Duke of Berry, penetrated into Au¬ vergne ; that which acted in Guienne was commanded by the Duke of Anjou; the forces in Bretagne were under the constable Guesclin ; and the king put himself at the head of a powerful body of troops, that he might be able to repair any accident to which the chance of war might give rise. The constable having found it difficult to op¬ pose Sir Thomas Felton and the seneschal of Bordeaux, History, was joined by the Duke of Burgundy, and soon afterwards attacked and defeated both, making them prisoners of war. 1377-1385- At the close of the campaign of 1377, Bayonne and Bor¬ deaux, with the surrounding districts, and the fortress of Calais with its dependencies, were all that England had now left on the Continent. But Charles having thus once more established the house bf Valois on the throne of France, did not long live to enjoy his good fortune. He died in the year 1379, at the age of forty-four, in conse¬ quence of the poison formerly administered to him by the king of Navarre, and the immediate operation of which had been suspended by the skill of a physician sent by the em¬ peror Charles IV. Charles V. was succeeded by his son Charles VI. sur- Charles named the Well-beloved, who, at the time of his acces- VI. sion to the throne, was only twelve years of age. The Duke of Anjou, eldest brother to the late king, had been appointed guardian during the minority of the prince ; but being totally unfit for the office, and distinguished only for his ambition and rapacity, he resigned his charge to the Dukes of Burgundy and Bourbon, the former being uncle to the king by his father’s side, the latter by his mother’s. None of these tutors, however, proved faithful to the trust reposed in them. At this time Joan, infamous for her pro¬ fligacy, reigned in Naples, where she had appointed one Charles Durazzo, her relation, to succeed her on the throne ; but the inhuman wretch murdered his benefactress, who with her last breath revoked her grant of the kingdom to him, and bestowed it upon the Duke of Anjou. The in¬ fluence of the latter at the French court enabled him to waste the treasures of the kingdom in support of his preten¬ sions ; but he proved ultimately unsuccessful, his forces having been defeated, and his designs frustrated, by the superior skill of his adversary. Meanwhile the citizens of Paris, op¬ pressed with taxes, broke out into tumults, and were with difficulty quelled ; and the mal-administration of the duke soon involved the nation in hostilities with the Flemings, whose country lie invaded at the head of an army of eighty thousand men, accompanied by the young king and by the principal nobility of France. The first operations of the war were favourable to the Flemings ; but they were at length totally defeated on the banks of the river Lis, where their leader, with twenty-five thousand men, perished in the field. This victory was followed by the submission of the whole country; but the satisfaction which this event af¬ forded the king was disturbed by new seditions and revolts in Paris and other great towns. Llis return, however, at the head of a victorious army soon reduced them to their duty, and several of the revolted cities were severely pun¬ ished ; at the same time that the death of the Duke of Anjou having freed him from the immediate dependence on his tutors, enabled him to assume the reins of govern¬ ment, in the year 1384. The genius which Charles displayed in his early years raised the hopes of the nation ; but these were soon over¬ cast, and greater misfortunes than any which had yet oc¬ curred were in reserve. His administration was for some time prudent and vigorous. He conciliated the affections of his people by restoring their privileges, punishing their oppressors, and relieving them from the taxes which had been imposed in his minority. He compelled the Flemings to submit to the authority of his uncle the Duke of Bur¬ gundy, and detached fifteen thousand archers and fifteen hundred men-at-arms to assist the Scotch in their incur¬ sions into England. Lastly, in 1385 he fitted out a mighty armament against England. A vast fleet assembled in the harbour of Sluys, and a numerous army was collected in the neighbourhood. According to some writers, the arma¬ ment consisted of twelve hundred ships, twenty thousand foot variously armed, twenty thousand cavalry, and twenty FRANCE. History, thousand cross-bow men. There was besides a vast wooden edifice or floating town, which had been contrived for the 385-1393. protection 0f j-hg soldiers when landed. But all these pre¬ parations came to nothing through the obstinacy of the Duke of Berry, who, having been originally opposed to the expedition, conducted his part of the armament so slowly that he did not arrive at Sluys till the middle of September, when the season was too far advanced, and an invasion im¬ practicable. In addition to this, a storm which happened soon afterwards drove the greater part of the fleet on shore, and beat down the wooden edifice, and completely ship¬ wrecked the whole project. But the destruction of the French fleet was only a pre¬ lude to calamities of a more extraordinary description. The Sieur de Craon, a profligate nobleman, having been intrusted by the court of France with a considerable sum destined for the support of the Duke of Anjou during his Italian expedition, had dissipated this money at Venice; but, by the credit of the Duke of Orleans, the king’s bro¬ ther, he had obtained his pardon, and even returned to court, where he sought to gratify his private resentment by the assassination of the constable Oliver Clisson, whom he sus¬ pected of having promoted his disgrace. The latter was attacked on his return from the Hotel de St Pol, by a band of twenty ruffians, against whom he defended himself with wonderful intrepidity, but at last fell, after receiving more than fifty wounds. Happily, however, the veteran recover¬ ed from his. wounds ; and the assassin, in order to screen himself from vengeance, fled for protection to the Duke of Bretagne. The king demanded the surrender of Craon ; and the duke having professed that he knew nothing of him, he marched with all his forces into Bretagne. But when the army had arrived at Mons, the king was seized with a slow fever, during which he became delirious, and killed several persons with his own hand. When the ex¬ citement subsided he fell down and lay as if he had been dead; upon which he was taken up, bound in a waggon, and carried back to Mons, where he lay two days in a le¬ thargy, from w iich he recovered a little, and expressed reat sorrow on account of the blood he had shed in his elirium. But it was soon discovered that he no longer possessed that strength of judgment and understanding for which he had formerly been remarkable; and hence a re¬ gency became indispensably necessary. The competition for this office brought to light the characters of the queen and the Duke of Orleans, which had not hitherto been dis¬ played to public view. The former was a beautiful and accomplished princess, but vindictive, suspicious, and in¬ triguing, insensible to natural affection, but easily accessible to flattery, and ready to yield to every impulse of lawless passion. The latter was equally remarkable for personal accomplishments, and had married Valentina, daughter of the Duke of Milan ; but his engagements with that prin¬ cess did not prevent him from engaging in a number of licentious amours, and amongst the rest, as was supposed, with his sister-in-law Isabelle. During the king’s illness he openly aspired to the regency; but his pretensions were overruled by the states, and the administration of affairs for the present conferred on the Duke of Burgundy. In a few months indeed the health and understanding of the king seemed to be sufficiently restored; but in the year 1393 it was again disturbed by a sudden alarm, which occasioned a relapse, and he continued delirious at intervals as long as he lived. During his lucid intervals Charles frequently as¬ sumed the government into his own hands ; and as the war with England still continued, though in a languid manner, the French monarch in one of those intervals of reason had an interview with Richard of England, in order to put an end to hostilities. But their respective claims were so dif¬ ficult of adjustment, that, as an intermediate arrangement, they concluded a truce for twenty-five years ; during which 21 time it was hoped that a lasting peace might be establish- History, ed. Richard gave up Cherbourg to Charles, and Brest to the Duke of Bretagne; and a marriage was also conclud- 1393-1405. ed between the king of England and Isabelle the daughter of Charles, but, by reason of the tender age of the princess, this marriage was never consummated. During this reign France was still further weakened by the succours sent to the Hungarians against the Turks. On this expedition upwards of one thousand of the bravest and most experi¬ enced knights were sent under the conduct of John count of Nevers, eldest son of the Duke of Burgundy ; the Count of Eu, constable of France; John de Vienne, admiral of France ; and the Count of Marche, a prince of the blood royal; together with De Courcy, one of the most experi¬ enced captains in Christendom. But the prudent counsels of this veteran were not obeyed by the youthful warriors by whom he was accompanied, and who, having attacked the enemy rashly, whilst heated with wine, were all either killed or taken prisoners. Notwithstanding this disaster, however, assistance was in the year 1400 sent to Wances- laus, emperor of Germany; and the Duke of Orleans, who commanded the army on this occasion, acquitted himself so well that he acquired the duchy of Luxembourg for him¬ self, and left his ally satisfied. But whilst the friendship of France was thus courted by foreign powers, the kingdom itself was in the most miserable situation. The king’s distemper daily gained ground ; and the discordant interests of the contending parties kept the whole nation in a ferment. The most violent animosity broke out between the Dukes of Orleans and Burgundy. The former, by means of his interest with the queen, and the ascendency which his duchess possessed over the king, had for some time got the advantage of his rival, and was made lieutenant-general and governor of the kingdom ; but presuming on his power to levy new imposts on the people, and oppress the churchmen, whom in that age he ought to have conciliated, he was deprived of his authority, and obliged to yield to the Duke of Burgundy. For some time, however, these powerful rivals were kept within some bounds by the mediation of the Duke of Bourbon, the only grandee who appears to have maintained a pure and un¬ spotted character ; but by his death in 1404, the unhappy nation was left totally exposed to their relentless fury. In 1405 the queen and the Duke of Orleans again seized on the administration, which, however, they were soon deprived of by the unanimous voice of the people. During this period Charles and his children were neglected and abandoned to distress ; but they were relieved by the Duke of Burgundy on his obtaining the regency, whilst Isabelle and the Duke of Orleans were obliged to retire from Milan. But a sud¬ den return of the king’s reason now deprived both parties of power, and the administration was vested in the queen and a council composed of princes of the blood. The rival dukes being thus prevented from interfering in public af¬ fairs, exercised themselves in committing hostilities against the English, with whom the truce had lately been conclud¬ ed. They were encouraged to commit this infraction of the treaty by the unsettled situation of affairs under Henry IV.; but their attempts having proved unsuccessful, the truce was renewed after obtaining the restoration of the princess, who, as has already been mentioned, had been betrothed to Richard II. The failure of their enterprises produced a new scene of discord between the dukes, and led to mutual recriminations. By the interposition of the Duke of Berry they were, apparently reconciled ; but the Duke of Burgundy pretended friendship only in order to take a more signal vengeance, to which he was now in¬ flamed by jealousy as well as by political animosity. The Duke of Orleans was accordingly attacked one evening by eighteen ruffians hired for the purpose, who set upon him whilst attended by only two pages. A Norman gentleman 22 FRA History, who had been deprived of an employment headed the as- sassins, and in person attacked the duke; at the first blow 1405-1415. jje cut off his grace’s hand, at the second he struck him from his mule, and at the third put an end to his life. The Duke of Burgundy escaped to Flanders ; and the whole na¬ tion was rent into two factions, called the Burgundians and Armagnacs, the latter being the title of the party of the Duke of Orleans, from Armagnac, the father-in-law of that prince. A state of dreadful confusion and anarchy ensued. The Duke of Burgundy soon returned into France, and ex¬ torted a pardon from the unhappy king, who was now no longer able to resist him ; and some notion may be form¬ ed of the state of the kingdom from the circumstance that two thousand people perished in one tumult in the capital. The king himself was alternately the prisoner of both par¬ ties, and transferred the power from the one to the other as he happened to fall into their hands. Henry V. of England judged this a favourable opportu¬ nity to recover from France those possessions that had been formerly surrendered by treaty. But, in order to give his intended expedition the appearance of justice, he sent am¬ bassadors to Paris, offering perpetual peace and alliance, on condition of being put in possession of all those pro¬ vinces which had been ravished from the English during former reigns, and of espousing Catharine, daughter of the French king, with a suitable dowry. Though the French court was at this time extremely averse to war, yet these demands were too extravagant to be complied with ; and Henry probably made them in hopes of meeting a refusal. He therefore assembled a fleet and army at Southampton, and having drawn all the military men of the kingdom to his standard, he put to sea, and landed at Harfleur at the head of an army of six thousand men-at-arms, and twenty- four thousand foot, mostly archers. His first operations were directed against Harfleur, which being hard pressed, promised to surrender by a certain day, unless relieved be¬ fore that time. When the day arrived, and the garrison, unmindful of their engagement, resolved to defend the place, Henry ordered an assault, took the town by storm, and put the garrison to the sword. The victor then advan¬ ced further into the country, which had been already ren¬ dered desolate by factions, and which he now laid totally waste. But although the enemy made a feeble resistance, the climate seemed to fight against the English ; and a con¬ tagious dysentery carried off three fourths of Henry’s army. In this situation he had recourse to an expedient common enough in that age, in order to inspire his troops with con¬ fidence in their general. He challenged to single combat the dauphin, who commanded the French army, offering to stake his pretensions on the event. But this challenge, as might have been expected, was refused; and the French, notwithstanding their internal dissensions, at last seemed to unite at the appearance of a common danger. A numerous army of fourteen thousand men-at-arms and forty thousand foot had by this time assembled under the command of Count Albert, and been placed so as to intercept Henry’s weakened forces on their return. The English monarch, when it was too late, began to repent of his rash inroad into a country where disease and a powerful army everywhere threatened destruction, and he therefore determined to retire on Ca¬ lais. In this retreat, which was at once painful and dan¬ gerous, Henry took every precaution to inspire his troops with patience and perseverance, and showed them in his own person the brightest example of fortitude and resigna¬ tion. He was continually harassed on his march by flying parties of the enemy ; and when he attempted to cross the river Somme, he observed troops on the other side ready to oppose his passage. He was, however, fortunate enough to seize by surprise, near St Quintin, a passage which had not been sufficiently guarded, and thus carried over his army in safety. But the enemy being still resolved to intercept N C E. his retreat, after he had passed the river Tertrois, at Blangi, History, he was surprised to observe from the heights the whole ' French army drawn up in the plains of Agincourt, and so l^15-3420. posted that it was impossible for him to proceed on his march without coming to an engagement. A battle ac¬ cordingly took place, in which the English gained a victory, the most remarkable perhaps of any recorded in history (see Agincourt), and which deserves to be classed with the triumphs achieved at Crescy and Poitiers. This vic¬ tory, gained on the 25th of October 1415, was however attended with no immediate effects. Henry still continu¬ ed to retreat after the battle of Agincourt, and carried his prisoners first to Calais and thence to England. In 1417, the king of England once more landed an army of twenty-five thousand men in Normandy, and prepared to strike a decisive blow for the crown of France, to which the English monarchs had long made pretensions. That wretched country was now reduced to a most deplorable condition. The whole kingdom appeared one vast theatre of murder, injustice, and devastation. The Duke of Or¬ leans had been assassinated by the Duke of Burgundy ; and the Duke of Burgundy, in his turn, fell by the treachery of the dauphin. At the same time the son of the duke, de¬ sirous of revenging his father’s death, entered into secret negotiations with the English; and a league was imme¬ diately concluded at Arras, between Henry and the young Duke of Burgundy, in which the king promised to revenge the murder of the late duke, and the son appeared to in¬ sist on no further stipulations. Henry therefore proceeded in his conquests without much opposition from any quar¬ ter. Several towns and provinces submitted on his ap¬ proach ; the city of Rouen was besieged and taken; and he soon became master of Pontoise and Gisors. He even threatened Paris, and obliged the court to remove to Troyes, where the Duke of Burgundy, who had taken upon him the protection of the French king, met Henry in order to ratify the treaty by which the crown of France was to be transferred to a stranger. The imbecility into which Charles had fallen made him passive in regard to this treaty, and Flenry dictated the terms throughout the whole negotiation. The principal articles of the treaty were, that Henry should espouse the Princess Catharine ; that King Charles should enjoy the title and dignity of king for life, but that Henry should be declared heir to the crown, and intrusted with the present administration of the government; that France and England should be for ever united under one king, but should still retain their respective laws and privileges; and that Henry should unite his arms with those of King Charles and the Duke of Burgundy, to depress and subdue the dau¬ phin and his partisans. Not long after this treaty had been concluded, Henry married the Princess Catharine; upon which he carried his father-in-law to Paris, and took formal possession of the capital. He next obtained from the estates of the kingdom a ratification of the late compact, and then turned his arms with success against the adherents of the dauphin, who now wandered about a stranger in his own country, and to the success obtained by his enemies op¬ posed only fruitless expostulations. But Henry’s supplies were not provided in such abun¬ dance as to enable him to carry on the war without return¬ ing in person to prevail with his parliament to grant fresh aid; and on his arrival in England, although he found his subjects highly pleased with the splendour of his conquests, they seemed somewhat doubtful as to the advantage to be derived from them. A treaty, which in its consequences was likely to transfer the seat of empire from England, was not much relished by the parliament, which, therefore, on various pretences, refused his majesty a supply equal to his exigencies. But he was bent on pursuing his schemes of ambition ; and, having joined the supplies granted at home to the contributions levied on the conquered provinces, he FRANCE. 23 Charles VII. History, was able once more to assemble an army of twenty-eight thousand men, with which he landed safely at Calais. 14-0-1428. jn £]ie mean while, the dauphin omitted no opportunity of repairing his ruined fortunes. Taking advantage of Henry’s absence from France, he prevailed upon the re¬ gent of Scotland to send him a body of eight thousand men ; and with these, and some few forces of his own, he attacked the Duke of Clarence, who commanded the Eng¬ lish troops in the king’s absence, and gained a complete victory. This was the first action which turned the tide of success against the English. But it was of short dura¬ tion ; for Henry having soon afterwards appeared with a considerable army, the dauphin fled at his approach ; and many of the places which held out for the latter in the neighbourhood of Paris surrendered to the conqueror. Henry, everywhere victorious, now fixed his residence at Paris ; and whilst Charles had only a small court, he was attended with one of great magnificence. In the mean while the dauphin, driven beyond the Loire, and almost to¬ tally dispossessed of the northern provinces, was pursued into the south by the united arms of the English and Bur¬ gundians, and threatened with total destruction. In this exigency, he found it necessary to protract the war, and to evade all hazardous actions with a rival who had long been accustomed to victory. His prudence was everywhere re¬ markable ; and, after a train of persecutions from fortune, he found her at length willing to declare in his favour by the death of the king of England. Charles VI. died a short time afterwards; and Charles VII. succeeded his father on a nominal throne. Nothing could be more deplorable than the situation of France when this monarch assumed his title to the crown. The English were masters of almost all France ; and Henrv VI. though yet an infant, was solemnly invested with regal power by legates from Paris. The Duke of Bedford was at the head of a numerous army in the heart of the king¬ dom, ready to oppose every insurrection ; whilst the Duke of Burgundy, who had entered into a firm confederacy with the English commander, still remained stedfast, and seconded his claims. Yet notwithstanding these unfavourable appear¬ ances, Charles found means to break the leagues formed against him, and to bring back his subjects to their natural interest and duty. His first attempts, however, were totally destitute of success. Wherever he endeavoured to face the enemy he was overthrown, and he could scarcely rely even on the friends next his person. His authority was insulted by his own servants; advantage after advan¬ tage was gained over him; and a battle fought near Ver- neuil, in which he was totally defeated by the Duke of Bedford, seemed to render his affairs altogether desperate. But, from the impossibility of the English keeping the field without new supplies, Bedford was obliged to retire into England ; and in the absence of this commander his vigi¬ lant enemy began to recover from his late consternation. Dunois, one of his generals, at the head of a thousand men, compelled the Earl of Warwick to raise the siege of Montargis; and this advantage, slight as it was, served to convince the French that the English were not invincible. But they had soon still greater reason to triumph in their change of fortune, and a new revolution was pro¬ duced, by means apparently the most unlikely to bring about such a result. In the village of Domremi, near Vaucou- leurs, on the borders of Lorraine, there lived a country girl, about twenty-seven years of age, called Joan d’Arc. This girl had been a servant in a cabaret or small inn, and in that humble station had submitted to those hardy employ¬ ments which fit the body for the fatigues of war.* She was of an irreproachable life, and had hitherto exhibited none of those enterprising qualities which she soon afterwards displayed. She contentedly fulfilled the duties of her sta¬ tion, and was remarkable only for her modesty and love Joan d’Arc. of religion. But the miseries of her country seemed to History, have occupied the thoughts of this lowly maiden; and her mind, inflamed by the subject, and brooding with melan- 1428. choly stedfastness thereon, began to feel impulses, which she was willing to mistake for inspirations of heaven. Con¬ vinced of the reality of her own visions, she had recourse to one Baudricourt, governor of Vaucouleurs, whom she in¬ formed of her destination by heaven to free her native country from its fierce invaders. Baudricourt treated her at first with neglect; but her importunities at length pre¬ vailed, and, willing to make trial of her pretensions, he gave her some attendants, who conducted her to the court, which at that time resided at Chinon. The French courtiers were probably sensible of the weakness of her pretensions, but they were willing to make use of every artifice to support their declining fortunes. It was therefore given out that Joan was actually inspired ; that she had been able to disco¬ ver the king amongst the number of his courtiers, although he had laid aside all the distinctions of his authority; that she had told him some secrets, which were only known to himself; and that she had demanded, and minutely described, a sword in the church of St Catharine de Fierbois, which she had never seen. The minds of the vulgar being thus prepared, she appeared armed cap-d-pied, and was shown in that martial dress to the people. She was then brought before the doctors of the university, who, tinctured with the credulity of the times, or willing to second the impos¬ ture, declared that she had actually received her commis¬ sion from above. When the preparations for her mission had been completely blazoned,, the next object was to send her against the enemy. The English w'ere at this time besieging the city of Orleans, the last resource of Charles, and every thing promised them a speedy conquest. Joan undertook to raise the siege ; and, in order to render her¬ self still more remarkable, girded herself with the miracu¬ lous sword, of which she had before had such extraordinary notices. Thus equipped, she ordered all the soldiers to confess themselves before they set out, displayed in her hand a consecrated banner, and assured the troops of certain success. Such confidence on her side soon raised the spirits of the French army ; and even the English, who pretended to despise her efforts, felt themselves secretly influenced with the terrors of her mission. A supply of provisions was to be conveyed into the town; Joan, at the head of some French troops, covered the embarkation, and entered Orleans at the head of the convoy which she had safely protected. Whilst she was leading her troops along, silence and astonishment reigned amongst the Eng¬ lish ; and they regarded with religious awe that temerity, which they thought nothing but supernatural assistance could inspire. But they were soon roused from their state of amazement by a sally from the town; Joan led on the besieged, bearing the sacred standard in her hand, encou¬ raging them with- her words and actions, bringing them to the trenches, and overpowering the besiegers in their own redoubts. In the attack of one of the forts, she was wound¬ ed in the neck with an arrow; but instantly pulling out the weapon with her own hands, and getting the wound promptly dressed, she hastened back to head the troops, and to plant her victorious banner on the hostile ramparts. As these successes continued, the English found it impossible to resist troops who were animated by such superior energy ; and Suffolk, who conducted the attack, thinking that it might prove extremely dangerous to remain any longer in the presence of such an enemy, raised the siege, and re¬ treated with all imaginable precaution. From being at¬ tacked, the French now became in turn the aggressors. Charles formed a body of six thousand men, and sent them to besiege Jergeau, whither the English, commanded by the Earl of Suffolk, had retired. The city was taken ; Suffolk yielded himself a prisoner; and Joan inarched into 24 FRANCE, History, the place in triumph at the head of the army. A battle was soon after fought near Patay, where the English were 1428-1430. agajn worsted an(j Generals Scales and Talbot were taken prisoners. The raising of the siege of Orleans formed one part of the promise which the maid had made to the king of France, the crowning him at Rheims was the other; and as she now declared that it was time to complete that ceremony, Charles, in pursuance of her advice, set out for Rheims at the head of twelve thousand men. The towns through which he passed opened their gates to re¬ ceive him; and Rheims sent him a deputation, with its keys, upon his approach. The ceremony of his corona¬ tion was there performed with the utmost solemnity; and the Maid of Orleans, as she was now called, seeing the completion of her mission, desired leave to retire, alleging that she had now accomplished the end of her calling. But her services had been so great that the king could not think of parting with her; he pressed her earnestly to remain, and she at length complied with his request. A train of success followed the performance of this solemnity; Laon, Soissons, Chateau-Thierri, Provins, and many other for¬ tresses in that neighbourhood, submitted to him on the first summons. On the other hand, the English, discomfited and dispi¬ rited, fled in every direction, not knowing whether to as¬ cribe their misfortunes to the power of sorcery or to a ce¬ lestial influence, but equally terrified at both. They now found themselves deprived of the conquests they had gained, in the same manner as the French had formerly submitted to their power. Their own divisions, both abroad and at home, unfitted them entirely for carrying on the war; and the Duke of Bedford, notwithstanding all his prudence, saw himself divested of his strongholds in the country, without being able to arrest the enemy’s progress. In order, there¬ fore, to revive the declining state of his affairs, he resolved to have Henry crowned king at Paris, knowing that the natives would be allured to obedience by the splendour of the ceremony. In 1430 Henry was accordingly crowned, all the vassals who still continued under the English power swearing fealty and homage. But it was now too late to give a turn to the affairs of the English by the ceremonies of a coronation ; the generality of the kingdom had declared against them, and the remainder only waited a convenient opportunity to follow the example. An accident which soon afterwards occurred, though it promised to advance the English cause in France, served in the end to render it odious, and conduced to the total evacuation of that country. The Duke of Burgundy, at the head of a power ¬ ful army, had laid siege to Compeigne; and the Maid of Orleans had thrown herself into the place, contrary to the wishes of the governor, who desired not the com¬ pany of one whose authority would be greater than his own. The garrison, however, were rejoiced at her appear¬ ance, and believed themselves invincible under her protec¬ tion. But their joy was of short duration ; for Joan having the day after her arrival headed a sally, and twice driven the enemy from their intrenchments, was at last obliged to retire, placing herself in the rear, to cover the retreat of her forces. But in the end, attempting to follow the troops into the city, she found the gates shut, and the bridge raised, by order of the governor, who is said to have long wished for an opportunity of delivering her up to the ene¬ my. Nothing could exceed the joy of the besiegers, in having taken a person who had been so long a terror to their arms. The service of Te Deum was publicly cele¬ brated on the occasion ; and it was hoped that the capture of this extraordinary person would restore to the English their former victories and successes. The Duke of Bed¬ ford was no sooner informed of her being taken, than he purchased the heroine of the Count Vendome, who had made her his prisoner, and ordered her to be committed History, to close confinement. The credulity of both nations was at this time so great,1430-1443. that any thing which coincided with their passions was not too absurd to gain belief. As Joan had a little before, when successful, been regarded as a saint, she was now, on her captivity, considered as a sorceress, forsaken by the demon who had given her a temporary and fallacious as¬ sistance. It was accordingly resolved in council to send her to Rouen to be tried for witchcraft; and the Bishop of Beauvais, a man wholly devoted to the English interest, having presented a petition against her, the university of Paris was mean enough to join in the request. Several pre¬ lates, amongst whom the Cardinal of Winchester was the only Englishman, were appointed her judges, and held their court at Rouen, where Henry then resided; whilst the maid, clothed in her military apparel, but loaded with irons, was produced before the tribunal. Her behaviour on this occasion in no way disgraced her former gallantry; she betrayed neither weakness nor womanish submission, but appealed to God and the pope for the truth of her former revelations. Nevertheless she was found guilty of heresy and witchcraft, and sentenced to be burned alive, the com¬ mon punishment for such offences. But previously to the execution of this sentence, they resolved to make her ab¬ jure her former errors; and at length, by terror and rigo¬ rous treatment, so far prevailed, that her spirits were en¬ tirely broken by the hardships she was forced to endure. Her former visionary dreams began to vanish, and a gloomy distrust took place of her late inspirations; she publicly declared herself willing to recant, and promised never more to give way to the vain delusions which had hitherto mis¬ led her, and imposed upon the people. This was what her oppressors desired; and, willing to show some appearance of mercy, they changed her sentence into that of perpetual imprisonment, and to be fed for life on bread and water. But the rage of her enemies was not yet satiated. Sus¬ pecting that the female dress, which she had consented to wear, was disagreeable to her, they purposely placed in her apartment a suit of men’s apparel, and watched the effect of this temptation. The despicable artifice succeeded. Joan, struck with the sight of a dress in which she had gained so much glory, immediately threw off her penitent robes, and put on the forbidden garment. Her enemies caught her equipped in this fashion ; and her imprudence was considered as a relapse into her former transgressions. No recantation would now suffice, no pardon could now be granted. She was condemned to be burned alive in the market-place of Rouen ; and this disgraceful sentence was executed with most rigorous severity. One of the first misfortunes which befel the English after this sacrifice was the defection of the Duke of Bur¬ gundy, who had for some time seen the error of his con¬ duct, and wished to break an unnatural connection, which only served to involve his country in ruin. A treaty was therefore concluded between him and Charles, in which the former agreed to assist him in driving the English out of France. This proved a mortal blow to the cause of the latter; and such were its effects upon the populace of Lon< don when informed of it, that they killed several of the Duke of Burgundy’s subjects who happened at the time to be living amongst them. It might perhaps also have hastened the Duke of Bedford’s death, who died at Rouen a few days after the treaty had been concluded; and the Earl of Cam¬ bridge was appointed his successor to the regency of France. From this period the English affairs were irretrievably ruined. The city of Paris returned once more to a sense of its duty, and Lord Willoughby, who commanded it, was contented to stipulate for the safe retreat of his troops to Normandy. Thus ground was continually, though slowly, gained by the French ; and notwithstanding that their fields F R A Tistorv. were laid waste, and their towns depopulated, they yet found protection in the weakness and divisions of the English. 143- length both parties began to grow weary of a war, which, though carried on feebly, was still a burden greater than either could support. But the terms of peace insisted upon by both were so exorbitant that little hopes of an accommodation could reasonably be entertained. In 1443, therefore, a truce for twenty-two months was concluded, which left every thing between the parties on the footing upon which it actually stood. And no sooner had this been agreed upon, than Charles applied himself with great industry and judgment to repair the numberless evils to which, from the continuance of wars both foreign and do¬ mestic, his kingdom had so long been exposed. He esta¬ blished discipline amongst his troops, and justice amongst his governors; he revived agriculture, and repressed fac¬ tion. Having prepared once more for taking the field, he seized the first favourable opportunity to break the truce. Normandy was at the same time invaded by four powerful armies; one commanded by Charles himself, a second by the Duke of Bretagne, a third by the Count of Alen^on, and a fourth by the Count Dunois. Every place opened its gates almost as soon as the French appeared before them. Rouen was the only city which threatened to hold out; but the inhabitants clamoured so loudly for a surren¬ der, that the Duke of Somerset, who commanded the gar¬ rison, was obliged to capitulate. The battle, or rather skir¬ mish, of Fourmingi, was the last stand which the English made in defence of their French dominions ; but here they were put to the rout, and above a thousand slain. Nor¬ mandy and Guienne, which had so long acknowledged subjection to England, were lost in the space of a year; and the English saw themselves entirely dispossessed of a country which for above three centuries they had consi¬ dered as annexed to their native dominions. Of all their conquests Calais alone remained to them ; but this was a small compensation for the blood and treasure which had been lavished in France. In the year 1450, accordingly, the power of the English in France was entirely destroyed; and Charles obtained the surname of Victorious, on account of the vigour which he had shown in expelling the invaders of his country. But his satisfaction was greatly diminished by domestic misfor¬ tunes. The dauphin, forgetting the allegiance and filial duty which he owed to his father, had already impeded his con¬ quests by his seditious intrigues. He had used every ef¬ fort to thwart the designs of the king’s ministers, and it was even supposed that he had destroyed by poison Agnes Soreille, his father’s favourite mistress. He had also mar¬ ried Charlotte, daughter of the Duke of Savoy, which Charles had resented by a declaration of war against the duke; but he had been persuaded to recall this denuncia¬ tion, in order to prosecute the war against Guienne. At length, weary of the disobedience of his son, he command¬ ed him to be arrested; but Louis, informed of his design, withdrew to Franche Comte, and afterwards to Brabant, where the Duke of Burgundy, then sovereign of the coun¬ try, ordered him to be supplied with every necessary, and treated with all imaginable respect. The duke, however, refused to see him until he had obtained the approbation of his father ; upon which Louis employed himself in sow¬ ing dissension between his benefactor and the Count of Charolois, his son, at the very time that he himself was re¬ ceiving a pension of twelve thousand crowns annually from the father. He thus destroyed the domestic peace of his benefactor, whilst his unnatural conduct created continual suspicions in the mind of his father. Being repeatedly in¬ formed that his own domestics, along with his undutiful son, were in a conspiracy against his life, the miserable monarch lived in continual fear of being poisoned, and, having none in whom he could repose confidence, obsti- vol. x. N C E. 25 nately refused for some days to receive any sustenance ; and History, when at last prevailed upon by the importunities of his at- tendants to take some food, his stomach had become inca-*461-1465. pable of receiving it, and he died of inanition, in the year 1461. His body, neglected by his unnatural son, was in¬ terred at the expense of Tannegui de Chastel, who had ever been his faithful companion. On the death of Charles, his son Louis succeeded to the Louis XI. throne to which he had so long aspired. He was reckoned one of the greatest politicians that ever existed, though his character was not upon that account the more amiable ; on the contrary, there are few princes whose character appears in a more detestable light. So destitute was he of natural affection, that he did not even attempt to conceal his joy at his father’s death. He pretended much friendship for the Count of Charolois, son to the Duke of Burgundy, on account of the protection which he had received at his father’s court, and even conferred upon him a pension of twelve thousand crowns annually. But all this show of af¬ fection soon degenerated into a mortal aversion upon both sides. Some differences which took place between the courts of France and Castille produced an interview be¬ tween the two monarchs, Louis, and Henry surnamed the Impotent. They met at Mauleon, on the confines of Na¬ varre ; but their negotiations came to nothing, and they parted with a feeling of mutual contempt; Henry despis¬ ing the mean and sordid appearance of Louis, and the latter in his turn deriding the gaudy magnificence of Henry. In his negotiations with the Duke of Burgundy, Louis proved more successful, having persuaded him to restore some towns situated on the river Somme which had been ceded by Charles VII., and by the possession of which the duke was in effect master of Picardy. This cession was op¬ posed by the Count of Charolois; but Louis, by corrupt¬ ing John de Croy, the duke’s minister, succeeded in his object, and for the sum of four hundred thousand crowns the cities were delivered to him. In this transaction, by which he effectually ensured the hatred of Charolois, the duplicity of Louis was eminently displayed ; for though he had agreed to retain in those towns the officers appointed by the duke, he had no sooner obtained possession than he displaced all of them, and appointed others in their stead. The duchy of Bretagne was at this time governed by Francis, a weak but generous prince, whose defect of capa¬ city was supplied by the abilities of his ministers. This prince Louis had insulted in the grossest manner ; and as Francis found himself unable alone to oppose such a power¬ ful adversary, he formed a close alliance with the Duke of Burgundy and the Count of Charolois, who had also been grievously offended by Louis. The confederacy was joined by several of the principal French nobility, who had been oppressed by the king; and though the secret was confid¬ ed to upwards of five hundred persons, not one of them ever divulged it. Finding matters becoming very critical, Louis marched with an army towards the capital, which the Count of Charolois had already threatened ; and a battle ensued, in which both princes exerted themselves to the utmost, though their valour was but ill seconded by the bra¬ very of their troops. A bout fifteen hundred men perished on each side, but the Count of Charolois remained master of the field. Louis, however, after this engagement enter¬ ed the capital, where he endeavoured, by every kind con¬ cession, to conciliate the affection of his subjects ; and in this he succeeded so well, that though the army of the insur¬ gents was soon augmented to a hundred thousand men, they were unable to make themselves masters of the city. At last a treaty was concluded between Louis and the Count of Charolois, by which the latter obtained the towns which had been formerly ceded, with the districts of Boulogne, Guisne, Peronne, Mondidior, and Roye, as a perpetual in- j) 26 FRANCE. History, heritance for himself; and by granting favours to the other ly subsided, and he entered into a treaty with the king, History. confederates, the league was completely broken. But as upon much the same terms as those which had been agreed 1465-1468. g00n as Louis found himself freed from danger, he protest- to before. He insisted, however, that Louis should be ed against the whole treaty, as contrary to the interest of present at the punishment he inflicted upon the inhabitants his crown; and therefore waited the first favourable op- of Liege for the massacre they had committed; and this portunity to crush one by one those who by their united being acceded to, these princes in conjunction formed the efforts had been ready to destroy him. The Duke of siege of the city, which, notwithstanding the obstinate de- Bourbon, one of the most able of the confederates, was fence of the people, was at length taken by storm, and de- gained over, by bestowing upon him in marriage, Jane, livered over to a general massacre. a natural daughter of the king, with the dowry of Usson in But, as might have been foreseen, the new alliance was Auvergne, together with Moras, Beaurepaire, and Cormil- soon dissolved. A confederacy against Louis, whom neither Ion in Dauphine ; and, by the discontents between the promises nor treaties could bind, was formed between his Dukes of Bretagne and Normandy, he was enabled to own brother the Duke of Normandy and the Duke of Bur- secure the neutrality of the former, and to recover from gundy ; but before their measures were ripe for execution, the latter some territories which had been unwillingly Louis had already commenced hostilities. The Duke of ceded to him. Burgundy, as a peer of France, was summoned to parlia- In 1467, Philip duke of Burgundy, surnamed from his ment, and on his refusal the Constable St Pol made him- amiable qualities the Good, died, and left his dominions to self master of St Quintin. Several other cities were also his son Charles, count of Charolois. That fiery and im- reduced; and Baldwin, the natural brother of Charles, petuous prince, jealous of the growing power of France, having, at the instigation of Louis, deserted his cause, the and an implacable enemy of Louis, had entered into a se- duke, notwithstanding his haughty spirit, was at last ob- cret treaty with Francis ; but Louis had driven the Bre- liged to solicit a peace. This, however, was not of long tons from the posts which they had occupied in Normandy duration. Charles, encouraged by the success of Edward before the Duke of Burgundy could pass the Somme. The IV. of England, his brother-in-law, began once more to king, however, alarmed at the power of the confederates, league against Louis, with the Dukes of Bretagne and G.ui- concluded a peace with Bretagne ; and, confiding in hrs enne, the king’s brother, and formerly Duke of Normandy, talents for negotiation, determined to risk a personal confe- but who had exchanged that duchy for the territory of rence with the Duke of Burgundy. This memorable inter- Guienne. But whilst the affairs of the confederates seem- view took place in the year 1468; and Peronne, a fortified ed likely to prosper, their prospects were suddenly over¬ town of Picardy, belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, was cast by the death of the Duke of Guienne, who was univer- appointed as the place of rendezvous. Thither the politic sally supposed to have been poisoned by order of Louis. Louis repaired with a slender train, being attended only by The abbot of St Jean d’Angeli was fixed upon as the im- Cardinal Balue, the Duke of Bourbon, and the Count de mediate perpetrator of the deed; but upon the day ap- St Pol, constable of France ; apparently without reflecting pointed for his trial he was found strangled in his cell; and that he was entering a hostile city, where he might be con- as the dead tell no tales, Louis escaped the ignominy which fined for any length of time, or treated at the pleasure of the trial would probably have fixed on him, and was en- the duke, who was his mortal enemy. Nor had he been abled to seize upon the territory of Guienne, which he an- long in the place when he began to perceive the extent nexed to the dominions of France. of his error; and, by the daily concourse of Burgundian By this unexampled villany Charles was so much ex¬ lords and other persons of rank, his avowed enemies, he asperated that he vowed the most dreadful vengeance became alarmed for his personal safety. His fears even against the people of France, and threatened to sacrifice suggested to him more serious apprehensions; and he to the memory of the Duke of Guienne every one who fell requested apartments in the castle, where it was in the into his hands. The citizens of Nesle were massacred power of his rival in a moment to make him a close pri- without distinction of sex or age; but Beauvis resisted soner. This event accordingly took place, through the his attacks, after which Charles wreaked his fury on other machinations of Louis himself. From the first his po- places. Having entered the country of Caux, he reduced licy had been to keep the Duke of Burgundy constantly the cities of Eu and St Valery, burned Longueville, and employed in domestic wars ; and with this view he had, wasted the whole country as far as Rouen. Louis, on the immediately before his interview with Charles, excited the other hand, steady and constant in his designs, determin- inhabitants of Liege, who were subject to the Duke of Bur- ed to dissolve the league between the Duke of Bretagne gundy, to revolt against their sovereign. It is probable, and Edward IV. of England, encamped with his army on indeed, that he did not anticipate that the effects of this the frontiers of Bretagne ; whilst the duke, not meeting treachery would so soon begin to manifest themselves. But with the assistance promised by Edward, was obliged to at the very time when Louis was in the castle of Peronne, consent to a truce for a year. In a little time, however, the people of Liege revolted, seized the bishop and gover- he began again to conspire with the king of England nor, and having massacred many of the adherents of against Louis, and a powerful invasion was determined Charles, retired with their prisoners to the capital. Charles upon. Edward was to cross the sea with an army often was soon informed of this massacre, with the additional thousand men, whilst Charles assembled all his forces to circumstance that the emissaries of Louis were seen ani- join in the attack. The former was also to set up a claim mating the insurgents to their work of destruction. Trans- to the crown of France, and at all events to obtain the ported with rage, he commanded the gates of the castle to provinces of Normandy and Guienne; whilst the duke be shut and strictly guarded, and denounced the severest was to have Champagne, with some adjacent districts, and vengeance on the perfidious monarch who had so often de- to free his dominions from homage; and neither party ceived him. Louis, however, though justly alarmed for was to make peace without the consent of the other. It the consequences of this premature explosion, did not ne- was supposed that the Duke of Bretagne would naturally gleet to take the proper methods for securing himself. He accede to the confederacy ; and the Count de St Pol, con- distributed large sums of money amongst those officers to stable of France, had engaged to deliver up the town of whom he imagined the duke was most inclined to pay any St Quintin and others which he occupied on the river regard, and by splendid promises and presents endeavour- Somme. Louis, however, had still the good fortune to ed to allay the resentment of his other enemies. The re- avoid the storm. Charles, instead of advancing to the as- sentment of Charles, as short-lived as it was violent, quick- sistance of Edward, who had entered France at the head History, of fifteen thousand archers and fifteen hundred men-at- arms, laid siege to the city of Nuiz on the Rhine ; whilst ■ 1468-1477" j.]ie Constable St Pol, instead of delivering up the towns as he had promised, deceived his allies, and enabled Louis to dissolve a confederacy, which, had it been vigorously maintained, might have involved him in the greatest dif¬ ficulties. To procure the departure of Edward, however, he was obliged to consent to a tribute of seventy-five thousand crowns, as well as to settle on the king himself fifty thousand crowns for life, and also to betrothe the dauphin to the eldest daughter of the king of England. The Duke of Burgundy exclaimed loudly against this treaty ; but Edward presisting in his resolution, it was exe¬ cuted, at a place called Pecquigny, near Amiens, though in such a manner as showed the little confidence which the two sovereigns reposed in each other. A power was reserved by Edward for the Duke of Burgundy to accede to the treaty ; but the latter haughtily replied, that he was able to support himself without the assistance of Eng¬ land, and that he would make no peace with Louis until three months after the return of Edward to his own coun¬ try. To this resolution he adhered ; but no sooner had the term expired than he concluded a truce with Louis for nine years. The Constable St Pol having rendered himself obnoxious to all parties by his complicated treach¬ ery, fled to Mons in Hainault; but the Duke of Bur¬ gundy had already consented to deliver him up, upon condition of receiving his estates and moveables as the price of his treachery. Thus had Louis, without any other remarkable qualifi¬ cation than the mere arts of dissimulation and falsehood, got rid of all his enemies excepting the Duke of Burgun¬ dy, whose growing power rendered him a constant object of jealousy and terror. The imprudence and temerity of the latter, however, soon proved his ruin. Having rash¬ ly engaged in a war with the Swiss, he was defeated in the first encounter, with the loss of his military chest and baggage, and of his plate and jewels, supposed to be the richest in Europe. His disappointment on this occasion was so great that he was seized with a severe sickness ; but he had hardly recovered when he resumed his insane scheme of conquering the Swiss. Another battle ensued, in which, after an obstinate struggle, Charles was defeat¬ ed with the loss of eighteen thousand men; a disaster which was followed by the defection of most of his allies. The Duke of Lorraine recovered the city of Nancy, and the greater part of his dominions, which Charles had seized ; whilst the latter, overwhelmed with shame and disap¬ pointment, spent his time in solitude and inactivity. But from this state he w'as at length roused by the misfortunes which fell upon him in rapid succession. He now invest¬ ed the city of Nancy, acting in this, as in every other in¬ stance, against the advice of his best officers. The Duke of Lorraine advanced with a strong body of Germans to the relief of the city, whilst Charles had scarcely four thousand men to oppose him. His troops were therefore defeated, and he himself, notwithstanding the most he¬ roic efforts of valour, was hurried away in the crowd. The Count de Campobasso, an Italian nobleman, in whom he put great confidence, but who was in reality a traitor, had deserted with about eighty men at the commencement of the action ; but he left twelve or fifteen fellows about the duke’s person, with strict orders to assassinate him in the tumult; and this order they punctually obej^ed. The body of Charles was found two days after the battle, pierced with three wounds. This occurred in the vear 1477. The news of Charles’s death was received with the most unfeigned joy by Louis, whose sole object it now was to unite the territories of the Duke of Burgundy to those of his own. This might be done in two ways ; ei¬ ther by a match between the dauphin and Mary, the heir¬ ess of Burgundy, or by marrying this lady to the Duke History, of Angouleme, a prince of the blood royal of France. The king, however, to whom duplicity and falsehood seem to have been absolutely necessary, chose a third method, which was more agreeable to his character. The match with the dauphin, for various reasons, might be considered as impracticable. The disparity of age was great, the dau¬ phin being only eight years old, and the princess twenty ; the Flemings were besides averse to submit to a prince whose powerful resources would enable him to oppress their liberties. But, notwithstanding these difficulties, Louis chose to insist upon the match, at the same time that he endeavoured to make himself master of her domi¬ nions by force of arms. He addressed circular letters to the principal cities of Burgundy, representing that the duchy had been given by King John to the heirs male of his son Philip, and that now, when these were extinct by the death of Charles, the territory reverted of course to the crown ; and, to render this argument more effectual, he corrupted the governors of some towns, and seduced the inhabitants of others, whilst he himself at the head of an army prepared to enforce obedience from those who could not be worked upon by other methods. And by these means the province of Burgundy was entirely re¬ duced. But Flanders could not be brought under subjec¬ tion either by fraud or force. In this, as on almost all other occasions, Louis displayed the most detestable false¬ hood, and the meanest treachery. In order to render Mary odious to her subjects, he negotiated with her mi¬ nisters, and having prevailed on them to disclose the most important state secrets, he communicated their letters to the states of Flanders. This double treachery, however, did not answer his purpose. The two ministers he had betrayed were indeed put to death in the presence of their sovereign ; but Mary was induced to bestow her hand upon the emperor Maximilian, and Louis had the mortification to find that all his arts had contributed only to aggrandise a rival power, whom he had already suffi¬ cient cause to dread. To repair this oversight, he entered into an alliance with Edward IV. of England, whom he had inspired with a jealousy of his brother Clarence ; and thus a peace was concluded between the two monarchs, intended to continue during the life of each, and a year thereafter. Meanwhile the marriage of Mary with Maxi¬ milian secured the independence of Flanders; whilst the return of the prince of Orange to the party of that princess once more extended the war to the cities of Burgundj', and the French were on the point of being expelled from that country. But Maximilian unexpectedly made pro¬ posals of peace, and a truce was concluded, but without any term fixed for its duration, or without stipulations in favour of the Burgundians; so that the whole country was soon afterwards reduced by Louis. The king being now freed from the apprehensions of foreign enemies, turned his vindictive disposition against his own subjects, and, under pretence of former rebellions, exercised the most insupportable tyranny. The princi¬ pal victim of his sanguinary disposition was James d’Ar- magnac, duke of Nemours, one of the first noblemen in the kingdom, who had formerly been a zealous confede¬ rate in the league with Edward and Charles. This un¬ fortunate nobleman, knowing that vengeance was deter¬ mined on, fled to the fortress of Carlat, in the mountains of Auvergne, where he was besieged by the Seigneur de Beaujeu, who had married Anne the daughter of Louis. The place, however, being almost impregnable, his ene¬ mies were obliged to make the most solemn promises of safety in order to induce him to surrender, and he was at last persuaded to trust himself in the hands of the faithless tyrant. But no sooner had the latter got the unfortunate nobleman in his power than he shut him up in an iron cage 28 FRANCE. History, in the Bastille, and reprimanded the judges for having re- leased him from this close confinement during his exami- 1477-1483. nat;0m He was condemned to be beheaded; but the king’s cruelty extended beyond the sentence, for he or¬ dered the two sons of the duke, though yet in childhood, to be placed directly under the scaffold, that they might be covered with the blood of their father. Four thou¬ sand persons are supposed to have perished upon this oc¬ casion without any form or trial; and were it not for the concurring testimony of the historians of that age, the inhuman barbarities of this monster would scarcely be cre¬ dited. By these means he broke the spirit of the French nobility, and gradually extended the power of the crown, until at last it was limited only by the pleasure of the sovereign. In 1479, the emperor Maximilian, who had lightly aban¬ doned the duchy of Burgundy when he might have re¬ duced it, now renewed his claims when it was no longer in his power to enforce them. After a variety of actions of little note, and the destruction of cities on both sides, a battle was fought at Guinegate, where the Flemings were routed; but as the French pursued with too great ardour, the infantry of the enemy rallied, and the battle was renewed with great slaughter on both sides. A more decisive advantage was afterwards gained by the capture of eighty Flemish vessels, which induced that commercial' people to think of peace. In the mean time, Louis, after a life spent in continual deceit, hypocrisy, and cruelty, received warning of his ap¬ proaching end by a fit of apoplexy, with which he was seized in the year 1480. He lay speechless and motion¬ less for two days; after which he in some degree recover¬ ed, but never completely regained his health and strength. His illness, however, neither prevented him pursuing the schemes of his ambition, nor using the same methods as formerly to attain them. He seized, without any pre¬ tence, the estates of the Duke of Bourbon, the only no¬ bleman in the kingdom whose power gave him any cause of suspicion ; and, notwithstanding his assiduity for the interest of the dauphin, kept him a kind of prisoner in the castle of Amboise. He banished his own consort, the mother of the dauphin, to Savoy, and endeavoured to in¬ spire the prince with aversion for her. By the death of Charles, titular king of Naples, and the last of the second house of Anjou, he became master of the county of Pro¬ vence ; but his satisfaction on this occasion was marred by a second stroke of apoplexy. Still, however, he re¬ vived, and again began to pursue his ambitious intrigues. The death of Mary of Burgundy, who perished by a fall from her horse, inspired him with new views; and he be¬ trothed his son to the infant daughter of the emperor, by which means he deeply offended Edward IV. whose eldest daughter had previously been contracted to the dauphin, and a war would in consequence have ensued, had it not been for the death of the king of England. This event was ere long followed by that of Louis himself, who had in vain exhausted the skill of his physician, and wearied the clergy with prayers and processions to avert the im¬ pending stroke. He expired in the year 1483, after a reign of twenty-three years, during which he was detest¬ ed by his subjects, whom he had continually oppressed, and equally dreaded and hated by his neighbours, whom he had constantly deceived. But, in spite of all this, he obtained from his holiness the title of Most Christian King, which his successors retained until the year 1830, when a sudden revolution placed a new and more popular dy¬ nasty on the throne. Notwithstanding the dark character of this prince, it must be allowed that he laid the founda¬ tions of the future greatness of the French monarchy. By his arts he deprived the common people of their liberty, depressed the power of the nobility, established a stand¬ ing army, and even induced the states to render many History, taxes perpetual which formerly were only temporary. From this time the people became accustomed to submit 1483* entirely to the voice of their sovereign as their only legis¬ lator ; and being always obedient in matters of the great¬ est consequence, they cheerfully contributed whatever sums were required to fulfil the king’s pleasure. Charles VIII. who succeeded his father Louis XL in Charles 1483, was only fourteen years of age at the time of his father’s death. But though he might, even at that age, have ascended the throne without any material violation of the laws of France, yet it was judged necessary to ap¬ point a regent, on account of the king’s delicacy of con¬ stitution and want of education. Three competitors ap¬ peared as candidates for this important trust: John duke of Bourbon, a prince of the blood, and who had, till the age of sixty, maintained the most unblemished character; Louis duke of Orleans, presumptive heir to the crown, but who from his youth seemed incapable of undertaking so important an office ; and Anne, the eldest daughter of Louis, to whom he had in the last moments of his life committed the charge of the kingdom. The claim of this lady was supported by the assembly of the states-general at Tours; and though she had only entered the twenty- second year of her age, the office, it appears, could not have been more properly bestowed. Being married to Peter of Bourbon, seigneur of Beaujeu, she was styled the Lady of Beaujeu ; but she seems to have acted indepen¬ dently of her husband, who was a man but of moderate capacity. Her first step was to ingratiate herself with the people by some popular acts, and particularly by punishing the instruments of her father’s cruelties. One of these, Oli¬ ver le Dian, who, from the humble station of barber, had raised himself to the confidence and favour of the king, and had distinguished himself by the invention of new modes of torture, was publicly hanged. Another, named Jean Doyac, who by continual acts of violence and rapacity had oppressed the people, after being whipped in all the public places and squares of Paris, was condemned to have one of his ears cut off, and his tongue pierced through with a hot iron; upon which he was conveyed to his na¬ tive city of Montferrand, where he was again whipped, and had his other ear cut off. Jacques Coitier, the phy¬ sician of Louis, who had availed himself of the terror of death, with which the king was strongly influenced, to ex¬ tort large sums of money from him, was ordered to account for the immense wealth he had acquired ; but he prudent¬ ly averted the danger by paying a fine of fifty thousand crowns. Thus the Lady of Beaujeu secured the affection of the people at large, and was equally successful in gain¬ ing those who had at first been averse to her government. The Duke of Bourbon was made constable, an office which he had long desired ; the Duke of Orleans having behaved in such a manner as to exclude all hopes of favour. Incens¬ ed at the determination against him of a trilling dispute at tennis by the Lady of Beaujeu, he furiously had ex¬ claimed, that whoever had decided in that manner was a liar if a man, or a strumpet if a woman. After this inso¬ lent declaration he fled to the castle of Beaujency, where, however, he was soon forced to surrender. He then ap¬ plied to Henry VII. who had newly ascended the throne of England ; but that prince, naturally cautious and deli¬ berate, paid little attention to his application. On this he next made application to the court of Bretagne, where he was received with great marks of esteem, and began to entertain hopes of marrying the daughter of the duke ; but he was looked upon with a jealous eye by the nobility, who entered into secret negotiations with Anne, and even solicited her to invade the country, stipulating that only a certain number of troops should enter the province, and I FRANCE. 29 History, that no fortified place should remain in the hands of the -y''—' French; conditions which were indeed agreed to by the 1483-1491. regent, though she determined to keep them no longer than it suited her purpose so to do. Bretagne was there¬ fore invaded by four armies, each superior to the stipu¬ lated number, who quickly made themselves masters of the most important places in the country ; whilst the troops of the duke retired in disgust, leaving the invaders to pur¬ sue their conquests as they pleased. Finding, however, that the entire subjection of their country was determin¬ ed upon, the nobility at last began to exert themselves in its defence, and, inflamed by the enthusiasm of liberty, they raised an army of sixty thousand men, by which the French were compelled to abandon the siege of Nantes. But this proved only a transient gleam of success. Anne persevered in her design of completing the conquest of the country, and the state of Europe was at that time favourable to the design. Of all the European nations, England alone w7as then capable of affording effectual as¬ sistance ; but the slow caution of Flenry prevented him from giving the aid which in this case he ought to have afforded. The Bretons were thus left to defend them¬ selves as they best could; and having ventured a battle, they were entirely defeated, most of their leaders being taken prisoners, whilst a small body of English who assist¬ ed them were entirely cut to pieces. The duke soon af¬ terwards died by a fall from his horse, leaving his domi¬ nions to his daughter Anne, at that time only thirteen years of age. A marriage was now negotiated between this princess and Maximilian king of the Romans, who had previously been married to Mary of Burgundy; but, by reason of the poverty of that prince, it was never com¬ pleted. The Lady of Beaujeu then determined to con¬ clude a marriage between the young king of France and the duchess, though the former had already been married to Margaret of Austria, the daughter of Maximilian. But this marriage was not consummated, by reason of the ten¬ der age of the princess, who had been sent to Paris for her education, and for several years treated as queen of France ; and in 1491 Margaret was returned, like rejected goods, to her father. Anne of Bretagne, however, long refused to violate the engagement into which she had entered; but at last, finding herself pressed on all sides, and incapable of resisting the numerous forces of France, she reluctantly consented to the match. Maximilian, whose proverty had prevented him from giving any as¬ sistance to his bride, or even from coming to see her, enraged at the double disgrace which he had suffered, be¬ gan, when too late, to bethink himself of revenge. France was now threatened with an invasion by the united for¬ ces of Austria, Spain, and England. But this formidable confederacy was soon dissipated. Henry, whose natural avarice had induced him to withhold the necessary assist¬ ance, was bought off with the immediate payment of 745,000 crowns, and the promise of 25,000 annually ever afterwards; Ferdinand king of Spain had the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne restored to him ; whilst Maxi¬ milian was gratified by the cession of that part of Artois which had been acquired by Louis XL The young king of France agreed to these terms the more readily, that he was impatient to undertake an ex¬ pedition into Italy, in order to conquer the kingdom of Naples, to which he laid claim. Most of his counsellors were opposed to this expedition ; but the king was inflexi¬ ble, even though Ferdinand king of Naples offered to do homage for his kingdom, and to pay him a tribute of fifty thousand crowns a year. He appointed the Duke of Bourbon regent in his absence, and then set out for Italy, with few troops, and but little money. On the march he fell ill of the small-pox, but in a short time re¬ covered, and having entered Italy with a force of twelve thousand foot and six thousand horse, the greater part History, of which consisted of regular troops, he obtained the most surprising success, traversing the whole country in six weeks, and rendering himself master of the kingdom of Naples in less than a fortnight. To vulgar observers, his ex¬ traordinary good fortune seemed miraculous; and he was reckoned an instrument raised up by God to destroy the execrable tyrants by which Italy was at that time afflict¬ ed ; and had Charles availed himself of this prepossession in his favour, and acted up to the character generally as¬ cribed to him, he might have raised his name as high as that of any hero of antiquity. But his conduct was of a very different description. Instead of following up his successes, he amused himself with feasts and shows, leav¬ ing his power in the hands of favourites, who abandoned it to such as chose to purchase titles, places, or authority, at the rates imposed ; and the whole force he proposed to leave in his newly conquered dominions amounted to no more than four thousand men. But whilst Charles was thus idly losing precious time, a league was forming against him at Venice, to which the pope, the emperor Maximilian, the archduke Philip, Ludovico Sforza, and the Venetians, were all parties. The confederates assem¬ bled an army of forty thousand men, commanded by Fran¬ cis marquis of Mantua, and waited for the king in the val¬ ley of Fornova, in the duchy of Parma, into which he had descended with nine thousand men. On the 6th of July 1495 he attacked the allies, and, notwithstanding their great superiority of numbers, defeated them, with but lit¬ tle loss on his part. By this victory he got safe to France ; but his Italian dominions were lost almost as soon as he departed. Some schemes were proposed for recovering these conquests, but they were never put in execution; and the king died of an apoplexy in 1498. By the death of Charles VIII. the crown of France Louis XII. passed from the direct line of the house of Valois, and Louis duke of Orleans succeeded to the throne. At the time of his accession he was in his thirty-sixth year, and had long been taught prudence in the school of adver¬ sity. During the administration of the Lady of Beaujeu he had been constantly in disgrace, and, after his connec¬ tions with the Duke of Bretagne, had spent a consider¬ able time in prison; and though afterwards set at liber¬ ty by Charles, he had never possessed any share of that monarch’s confidence or favour, lowards the close of the preceding reign he fell under the displeasure of the queen ; and afterwards continued at his castle of Blois till he was called thence to take possession of the throne. He had been married in early life, against his will, to Jane, the youngest daughter of Louis XI. a princess of an amiable disposition, but deformed in person, and supposed to be incapable of bearing children. He afterwards entertain¬ ed thoughts of having his marriage dissolved, and was supposed to possess the affections of the Duchess of Bre¬ tagne before she became queen of France. After the death of her husband, that princess retired to Bretagne, where she pretended to assume independent sovereignty; but Louis having got his marriage with Jane dissolved by Pope Alexander VI. made proposals to the queen dowa¬ ger, which were accepted without hesitation, though it was stipulated that, if she had two sons, the younger should inherit the duchy of Bretagne. As Louis, while Duke of Orleans, had some pretensions to the crown of Naples, he now set about realizing them by conquest, and found circumstances favourable to his de¬ sign. The pope, Alexander VI. was devoted to his interests, in the hope of getting his son Caesar Borgia provided for. Louis had conciliated the friendship of the Venetians by promising them a part of the Milanese ; he had also con¬ cluded a truce with the archduke Philip, and renewed his alliances with the crowns of England, Scotland, and Den- 30 FRA History, mark. He then entered Italy with an army of twenty thousand men ; and, being assisted by tbe Venetians, con- 1498-1524. quered one part of the duchy, whilst they conquered the other, the archduke himself being obliged to fly with his family to Inspruck. He then attacked Ferdinand of Spain with three armies simultaneously; but as none of these performed any thing remarkable, he was obliged to eva¬ cuate the kingdom of Naples in 1504<. But in 1506 the people of Genoa revolted, drove out the nobility, chose eight tribunes, and declared Paul Nuova, a silk dyer, their duke ; after which they expelled the French governor, and reduced a great part of the Riviera. This induced Louis to return into Italy, where, in 1507, he obliged the Ge¬ noese to surrender at discretion, and in 1508 entered into a league with the other princes who at that time desired to reduce the overgrown power of the Venetians. But Pope Julius II. who had been the first contriver of this league, soon repented of his contrivance, and declared that if the Venetians would restore the cities of Faenza and Rimini, which had been unjustly taken from him, he would be contented. This was refused, and in 1509 the forces of the republic received an entire defeat from Louis, in consequence of which they agreed to restore not only the two cities demanded by Pope Julius, but whatever else the allies required. The pope, instead of executing his treaties with his allies, made war on the king of France. Upon this Louis convoked an assembly of his clergy, at which it was determined that in some cases it was lawful to make war upon the pope. The king there¬ fore declared war against his holiness, and committed the command of his army to the Marshal de Trivulce, who soon obliged the pope to retire to Ravenna. In 1511, Gaston de Foix, duke of Nemours, gained a great victory at Ra¬ venna, but was himself killed in the engagement. After his death the army was disbanded for want of pay; and the French affairs in Italy, and indeed everywhere else, fell into great confusion. The duchy of Milan was reco¬ vered and lost again in a few weeks. Henry VIII. of Eng¬ land invaded France, and took Terruenne and Tournay ; whilst the Swiss invaded Burgundy with an army of twen¬ ty-five thousand men. In this desperate situation of affairs the queen died, and Louis put an end to the opposition of his most dangerous enemies by negotiating marriages. To Ferdinand of Spain he offered his second daughter for either of his grandsons, Charles or Ferdinand, and pro¬ mised to renounce, in favour of that marriage, his claims on Milan and Genoa. This proposal was accepted ; and Louis himself married the princess Mary, sister of Henry VIII. of England. But he did not long survive this mar¬ riage ; and having died on the 2d of January 1514, he was succeeded by Francis I. count of Angouleme and duke of Bretagne and Valois. Francis I. The new king had no sooner been seated on the throne than he resolved to undertake an expedition into Italy. In this he was at first successful, having defeated the Swiss at Marignon, and reduced the duchy of Milan. In 1518 the emperor Maximilian having died, Francis showed him¬ self ambitious of becoming his successor, and thereby re¬ storing to France a splendid title which had been so long lost. But Maximilian, before his death, had exerted him¬ self so much in favour of Charles V. of Spain, that Francis found it impossible to succeed ; and from that time an irreconcilable hatred took place between these two mo- narchs. In 1521 this bad feeling produced a war, which, however, might perhaps have been terminated, if Francis could have been prevailed upon to restore the town of Font- arabia, which had been taken by his admiral Bonivet. But this being refused, hostilities were renewed with greater vigour than ever ; nor were they concluded till France had been brought to the very brink of destruction. The war was continued with various success until the year 1524, N C E. when Francis having invaded Italy, and laid siege to History. Pavia, was utterly defeated before that city, and taken prisoner, on the 24th of February. This disaster threw the whole kingdom into the utmost confusion. The Fle¬ mish troops made continual inroads ; many thousand boors assembled in Alsace, in order to invade the country from that quarter; Henry VIII.had assembled an army, and also threatened France on the side of the Channel; and a party was formed in the kingdom to dispossess the duchess of the regency, and confer it upon the Duke de Vendome. This prince, however, who after the constable was the head of the house of Bourbon, proceeded to Lyons, where he as¬ sured the regent that he had no view but for her service and that of his country; and he then formed a council of the ablest men of the kingdom, of which the queen appoint¬ ed him president. Henry VIII. acting under the influence of Cardinal Wolsey, resolved not to oppress the oppressed, and therefore assured the regent that she had nothing to fear from him ; at the same time that he advised her not to consent to any treaty by which France was to be dismem¬ bered. To the emperor, however, he is said to have held different language, telling him that the time had now arrived when this puissant monarchy lay at their mercy, and that therefore an opportunity so favourable should not be lost; that, for his part, he would be content with Normandy, Guienne, and Gascony; that he trusted the empire would make no scruple of owning him as king of France ; and that he expected the emperor would make a right use of his victory, by entering Guienne in person, in which case he was ready to bear half the expenses of the war. Alarmed at these proposed conditions, and not caring to have Henry as a neighbour, the emperor agreed to a truce with the regent for six months. In Picardy the Flemings were repulsed; whilst the Count de Guise and the Duke of Lorraine, with a handful of troops, de¬ feated and cut to pieces the German peasants. In the mean time Francis was detained a captive in Italy ; but being wearied of his confinement in that coun¬ try, and the princes of Italy having begun to cabal for his deliverance, he was carried to Madrid, where, on the 14th of January 1525, he signed a treaty, the principal articles of which were, that he should resign to the em¬ peror the duchy of Burgundy in full sovereignty ; desist from the homage which the emperor owed him for Artois and Flanders ; renounce all claim to Naples, Milan, Asti, Tournay, Lisle, and Hesdin, and certain other places ; persuade Henry d’Albert to resign the kingdom of Na¬ varre to the emperor, or at least to give him no assistance ; restore within forty days the Duke of Bourbon and all his party to their estates; pay the king of England five hun¬ dred thousand crowns which the emperor owed him ; and, when the emperor went to Italy to receive the imperial crown, to lend him twelve galleys, four large ships, and a land force, or instead of it two hundred thousand crowns. All these articles the king of France promised on the faith and honour of a prince to execute, or, in case of non-per¬ formance, to return as a prisoner into Spain. But, notwith¬ standing these professions, Francis had already protested, before certain notaries and witnesses in whom he could confide, that the treaty he was about to sign was compulsory, and therefore null and void. On the 21st of February the emperor released him from his prison, in which he had been closely confined ever since his arrival in Spain ; and, after receiving from his own lips the strongest assurances that he would literally fulfil the terms of the treaty, sent him under a strong guard to the frontiers, where lie was exchanged for his two eldest sons, who were to remain as hostages for his fidelity. But when the king returned to his dominions, his first care was to get himself absolved by the pope from the oaths which he had taken; and when this had been accomplished. F R A History, he entered into a league with the pontiff, the Venetians, the Duke of Milan, and the king of England, for preserv- 1525-152o jng tjie peace 0f Italy. In the month of June he received publicly remonstrances from the states of Burgundy, in which they told him without ceremony, that by the treaty of Madrid he had done what he had no right to do, in breach of the laws and his coronation oath ; and that if he persisted in his resolution of placing them under a foreign yoke, they must appeal to the general states of the king¬ dom. The viceroy of Naples and the Spanish ministers were present at these remonstrances, and, perceiving the end at which the king aimed, expostulated with him in pretty warm terms. The viceroy, in fact, told him that he had now nothing left but to keep his royal word in returning to the castle of Madrid, as his predeces¬ sor John had done in a similar case. To this Francis replied, that John acted rightly, because he returned to a king who had treated him like a king ; but that at Madrid he had received such usage as would have been unbe¬ coming to a gentleman, and he had often declared to the emperor’s ministers that the terms they extorted from him were unjust and impracticable. However, he was still willing to do all that was fit and reasonable, and to ransom his sons at the rate of two millions of gold in lieu of the duchy of Burgundy. Hitherto the treaty for tranquillizing Italy had been kept secret, in hopes that some mitigation of the treaty of Madrid would have been obtained ; but now it was judged expedient to publish it, though the viceroy of Naples and the Spanish lords still remained at the French court. The emperor was to be admitted as a party to this treaty, pro¬ vided he accepted the king’s offer of two millions for the re¬ lease of his children, and left the Duke of Milan and other Italian princes in quiet possession of their dominions. But it is the common misfortune of all leagues, that the powers which enter into them keep only their own particular inte¬ rests in view, and thus defeat the general intention of the confederacy. In the present instance, the king’s great aim was to obtain his children upon the terms he had pro¬ posed ; and he was desirous of knowing what hopes there were of accomplishing that object, before he acted against the monarch who had them in his power. Thus the Duke of Milan and the pope were both sacrificed. The former wras obliged to surrender to the Duke of Bourbon, and the latter was surprised by the Colonnas; disasters which would have been prevented if the French succours had entered Italy in time. See Italy. According to an agreement which had been entered into between Francis and Henry, their ambassadors entered Spain, attended each of them by a herald, to summon the emperor to accept the terms which had been offered him, or in case of refusal to declare war. But as the emperor’s answer was foreseen in the court of France, the king had previously called together an assembly of the Notables, to whom he proposed the question, whether he was bound to perform the treaty of Madrid ? or whether, if he did not perform it, he was obliged in honour to return to Spain ? To both these questions the assembly answered in the negative, declaring that Burgundy was united to the crown of France, and could not be separated by the king’s own authority ; that his person also was the pro¬ perty of the public, of which therefore he could not dis¬ pose ; but as to the two millions, which they looked upon as a just equivalent, they undertook to raise it for his ser¬ vice. When the ambassadors delivered their propositions, Charles treated the English herald with respect, and the French herald with contempt; a circumstance which in¬ duced Francis to challenge the emperor. But all differ¬ ences were at length adjusted, and a treaty concluded at Cambray on the 5th of August 1528. By this treaty, in¬ stead of actual possession, the emperor contented himself N C E. 31 with reserving his right to the duchy of Burgundy, and the History, payment of the two millions of crowns already mentioned. Of these, he was to receive one million two hundred thou- J*' “ 0 sand in ready money ; the lands in Flanders belonging to the house of Bourbon, valued at four hundred thousand, were to be delivered up ; and the remaining four hundred thousand were to be paid by France in discharge of the emperor’s debt to England. Francis was likewise to pay the penalty of five hundred thousand crowns which the emperor had incurred by not marrying his niece the Prin¬ cess Mary of England, and further to release a rich jewel which many years before had been pawned by the house of Burgundy for fifty thousand crowns. The town and castle of Hesdin were also surrendered, together with the sovereignty of Flanders and Artois, and all the king’s pre¬ tensions in Italy. As for the allies of France, they were, as usually happens, abandoned to the emperor’s mercy, without the least stipulation in their favour; but Francis consoled himself for this disgraceful dereliction by pro¬ testing against the validity of the treaty before he ratified it, as did also his attorney-general before he registered it in parliament, though in both instances with the greatest secrecy imaginable. The remainder of this reign was not distinguished by any events of consequence. The war was renewed by Charles, who invaded France, though with¬ out success ; nor was peace fully established until the death of the French king, wdiich happened on the 3d of March 1547. Francis was succeeded by his son Henry II. who ascend- Henry II. ed the throne at the age of twenty-nine. In the beginning of his reign an insurrection broke out in Guienne, owing to the oppressive conduct of the officers who levied the salt-tax, and was not put down without considerable dif¬ ficulty. In 1548 the king began to enforce the edicts issued against the Protestants with the utmost severity; and, thinking even the clergy too mild in the prosecution of heresy, he for that purpose erected a chamber composed of members of the parliament of Paris. At the queen’s coronation, which happened this year, he caused a num¬ ber of Protestants to be burned, and was himself present at the horrid spectacle, which, however, shocked him so much that he never forgot it. In 1549 a peace was con¬ cluded with England, and Henry purchased from the lat¬ ter Boulogne, for the sum of four hundred thousand crowns, one half to be paid on the day of restitution, and the other half a few months afterwards. Scotland was included in the treaty, and the English restored some places which they had taken in that country. This was the most advan¬ tageous peace which France had hitherto concluded with England ; the vast arrears due to that crown being in ef¬ fect remitted, and the pension, which looked so like tribute, being tacitly extinguished. The Earl of Warwick himself, who had concludeu the peace, was in fact so sensible of the disgrace suffered by this nation on this occasion, that he pretended to be sick, in order to avoid setting his hand to so scandalous a compact. This year, also, an edict was made to restrain the extravagant remittances which the clergy had been in use to make to Rome, and for correct¬ ing other abuses committed by the papal notaries. With this edict Pope Julius III. was highly displeased ; and the following year, 1550, war was declared by the king of France against the pope and the emperor, on the ground that Henry protected Octavio Farnese, duke of Parma, whom the pope was desirous of depriving of his dominions. In this war the king was threatened with the censures of the church ; but as the emperor soon found himself in such danger from these new enemies, that he could not support the pope as he intended, the latter was obliged to sue for peace. Henry continued the war against the em¬ peror with success ; and having reduced the cities of Toul, Verdun, and Metz, entered the country of Alsace, and 32 FRANCE. History, reduced all the fortresses between Hagenau and Wissen- burg. jje fai]^ however, in his attempt on Strasburg; o50-1571. an(j wag soon afterwards obliged by the German princes and the Swiss to desist from all further conquests on that side. This war continued with little interruption, and but small success upon the part of the French, till the year 1557, when a peace was concluded ; and soon afterwards the king was killed at a tournament by the Count de Mont¬ gomery, one of the strongest knights in France, who had done all he could to avoid this encounter. The reign of his successor Francis II. was remarkable only for the persecution of the Protestants, which became so grievous that they were obliged to take up arms in their Charles own defence. This occasioned several civil wars, the first IX. of which commenced in the reign of Charles IX. who suc¬ ceeded to the throne in 1560. This contest continued until the year 1562, when a peace was concluded, by which the Protestants were to have a complete amnesty, and enjoy entire liberty of conscience. But in 1565 the war broke out afresh, and was continued with little interrup¬ tion until 1569, when peace was again concluded, upon terms advantageous to the Protestants. After this, Charles, who had now taken the government into his hands, caressed and flattered the Protestants in an extraordinary manner. Their destruction had been re¬ solved on, but as they were too powerful to be openly at¬ tacked, it was judged necessary to lull them into security by means of systematic dissimulation, and to fall upon them wrhen off their guard. With this view the king invited to court Admiral de Coligni, the head of the Huguenot party, and so effectually cajoled him, that the gallant ve¬ teran was lulled into a fatal security, notwithstanding the warnings given by his friends that the king’s fair speeches were by no means to be trusted. And he had soon reason to repent his confidence. On the 22d of August 1571, as he was returning from court to his lodgings, he received a shot from a window, which carried away the second finger of his right hand, and wounded him grievously in the left arm. This he himself ascribed to the malice of the Duke of Guise, the head of the Catholic party. After dinner, the king went to pay him a visit, and amongst other things observed, “ you have received the wound, but it is I who sufferat the same time desiring that he would order his friends to establish themselves around his residence, and promising to prohibit the Catholics from entering that quarter after dark. This satisfied the admi¬ ral of the king’s sincerity, and prevented him from com¬ plying with the wishes of his friends, who desired to car¬ ry him away, and were strong enough to have forced a passage out of Paris if they had attempted it. In the evening of the same day, the queen -mother, Ca¬ tharine de’ Medicis, held a cabinet council to fix the exe¬ cution of the massacre of the Protestants, which had long been meditated. The persons of whom this council was composed, were Henry duke of Anjou, the king’s brother; Gonzagua duke of Nevers; Henry of Angouleme, grand prior of France, the bastard brother of the king ; Marshal de Tavannes; and Albert de Gondi, count de Retz: and the direction of the whole was intrusted to the Duke of Guise, to whom the administration had during the for¬ mer reign been entirely confided. The guards were ap¬ pointed to be in arms, and the city officers were ordered to predispose the militia to execute the king’s orders, of which the signal was to be the ringing of a bell near the Louvre. It is said, indeed, that when the fatal hour, which was that of midnight, approached, the king grew undetermined, and expressed great horror at the idea of shedding so much blood, especially considering that the people about to be destroyed were his subjects, who had come to the capital at his command, and in dependence on his word, and particularly the admiral, whom he had so lately detained by his caresses. The queen-mother, History, however, reproached him with cowardice, and represent- ing to him the danger which he incurred from the Protes- 15H. tants, at last induced him to consent. According to others, the king himself urged on the massacre, and, when it w^as proposed to him only to take off a few of the leaders, exclaimed, “ If any are to die, let there not be one left to reproach me with breach of faith.” As soon as the signal had been given, a body of Swiss troops, headed by the Duke of Guise and the Chevalier d’Angouleme, accompanied by many persons of quality, attacked the admiral’s house; and having forced open the doors, the foremost of the assassins rushed into the apart¬ ment. One of them asked if he was Coligni; to which he answered that he was, adding, “ Young man, respect these gray hairs.” The assassin replied by running him through the body with a sword. The Duke of Guise and the cheva¬ lier growing impatient below' stairs, loudly demanded if the business was done ; and being answered in the affirmative, commanded the body to be thrown out at the window. As soon as it fell on the ground, the chevalier, or, as some say, the Duke of Guise, wiped the blood from the face, and kicked it with his foot. The body was then abandoned to the fury of the populace, who, after a series of indignities, dragged it to the common gallows, to which they chained it by the foot, whilst the head, being cut off, was carried to the queen-mother, who, it is said, caused it to be embalmed and transmitted to Rome. The king himself went to see the body hanging upon the gibbet, where a fire being kin¬ dled under it, part was burned, and the rest scorched. In the Louvre, the gentlemen belonging to the king of Navarre and the prince of Conde were murdered under the king's own eye. Two of them, wounded and pursued by the as¬ sassins, fled into the bedchamber of the queen of Navarre, and jumped upon her bed, beseeching her to save their lives; and as she proceeded to solicit this favour of the queen-mother, two more, under the same circumstances, rushed into the room, and threw themselves at her feet. The queen-mother repaired to the window to enjoy these dreadful scenes ; and the king, seeing the Protestants who lodged on the other side of the river flying for their lives, called for his long gun, and fired upon them. In the space of three or four days many thousands were de¬ stroyed in the city of Paris alone. Peter Ramus, professor of philosophy and mathematics, after being robbed of all he had, was cruelly mutilated in the abdomen, and thrown from a window. During the first two days, the king de¬ nied that the massacre was done by his orders, and threw the whole blame upon the house of Guise; but on the 28th of August he went to the parliament, avowed the in¬ comparable atrocity, was complimented on it, and directed a process against the admiral, by which he was stigmatiz¬ ed as a traitor. Two innocent gentlemen suffered as his ac¬ complices in a pretended plot against the life of the king, in order, as was alleged, to place the crown on the head of the prince of Conde. They were executed by torch light; and the king and the queen-mother, together with the king of Navarre and the prince of Conde, who were forced to be present, were spectators of the horrid deed. Nor was the massacre confined to the city of Paris alone. On the eve of St Bartholomew, orders had been sent to the gover¬ nors of provinces, either to fall upon the Protestants them¬ selves, or to let loose the people on them ; and though an edict was published before the end of the week, assuring them of the king’s protection, and protesting that he by no means designed to exterminate them on account of their religion, yet private orders were issued of a directly contrary nature, in consequence of which the Matins of Paris were repeated in Meaux, Orleans, Troyes, Angers, Toulouse, Rouen, and Lyons; so that in the space of about two months thirty thousand Protestants were but- FRANCE. 33 Henry III. History, chered in cold blood1 The next year Rochelle, the only fortress which the Protestants occupied in France, was 1571-1588. besieged and taken, but not until twenty-four thousand of the besiegers had fallen before its walls. After this a pacification ensued, on terms nominally favourable to the Protestants ; but as a body they had been destroyed ; St Bartholomew had completely broken their power; and those who survived the massacre had no alternative but to accept whatever terms were offered them. This year the Duke of Anjou was elected king of Po¬ land, and soon afterwards set out to take possession of his new kingdom. Charles accompanied him to the frontiers ; but during the journey he was seized with a slow fever, which from the commencement portended death. He lingered for some time under the most terrible agonies both of mind and body; and at last expired on the 30th of May 1572. It is said that ever after the massacre of St Bartholomew, this prince had a fierceness in his looks, and a deadly paleness in his cheeks ; he slept little, but never soundly, and waked frequently in agonies, which the soft music employed to lull him into repose often failed to allay. The sting of remorse was deeply infixed in his soul, and in a little time its poison drank up his spirit. During the first years of the reign of Henry III. who succeeded his brother Charles IX. the war with the Pro¬ testants was carried on with indifferent success upon the part of the Catholics. In 1575 a peace was concluded, which byway of eminence was called the Edict of Pacifi¬ cation. The treaty consisted of no fewer than sixty-three articles, the substance of which was, that liberty of con¬ science, and the public exercise of religion, were granted to the reformed, without any restriction except that they were not to preach within two leagues of Paris, nor in any other part where the court might be. The judgments against the admiral, and others who had either fallen in the war or been executed, were also reversed ; and eight cautionary towns were given up to the Protestants. This edict induced the Guises to form an association in defence (as was pretended) of the Catholic religion, which afterwards became known by the name of the Catholic League. This confederacy, though the king was men¬ tioned with respect, struck at the very root of his autho¬ rity; for, as the Protestants had their leaders, so the Ca¬ tholics were in future to be entirely dependent on the chief of the league, and to execute whatever he com¬ manded, for the good of the cause, without exception of persons. In order to neutralize the bad effects of this as¬ sociation, the king, by the advice of his council, declared himself the head of the league ; and in this character he recommenced the war against the Protestants, which was not extinguished as long as he lived. In the mean time the faction of the Duke of Guise resolved to support Charles cardinal of Bourbon, a weak old man, as presump¬ tive heir of the crown; and having entered into a league with Spain, they in 1584 took up arms against the king; and though peace was concluded the same year, yet in 1587 they again proceeded to such extremities that the king was forced to fly from Paris. Another reconciliation was soon afterwards effected ; but it is generally believed that the king from this time resolved on the destruction of the Duke of Guise. Accordingly, finding that this nobleman still behaved with his usual haughtiness, the king caused him to be stabbed by his guards on the 23d of December 1587. But Henry himself did not long survive this deed, being stabbed by one Jacques Clement, a Jacobin monk, on the first of August 1588. His wound was not at first thought mortal; but his frequent swooning quickly dis- History, covered his danger, and he died the following morning, v'-*'y'w/ in the thirty-ninth year of his age and sixteenth of his 1588-1608. reign. Before the king’s death he had nominated Henry Bour- Henry IV. bon, king of Navarre, as his successor on the throne of France; but as the latter was a Protestant, or at least one who greatly favoured their cause, he was at first owned by very few except those of the Protestant party. He met with the most violent opposition from the mem¬ bers of the Catholic League, and was often reduced to such extremities that he went to people’s houses under colour of visits, when in reality he had not a dinner in his own. By his activity and perseverance, however, he was at last acknowledged by the whole kingdom, a consum¬ mation to which his abjuration of the Protestant religion not a little contributed. As the king of Spain had laid claim to the crown of France, Henry no sooner found him¬ self in a fair way of being firmly seated on the throne, than he formally declared war against that kingdom ; and hav¬ ing proved successful, he, in 1597, entered upon the quiet possession of his kingdom. The king’s first care was to put an end to the religious disputes winch had so long distracted the kingdom. For this purpose he passed the famous edict, dated at Nantes, 13th April 1598, which re-established in a solid and effec¬ tual manner all the favours which had been granted to the reformed, and added some which had not been thought of before, particularly that of allowing them a free admis¬ sion to all employments of trust, profit, and honour, esta¬ blishing chambers in which the members of the two re¬ ligions were equal, and the permitting their children to be educated without restraint in any of the universities. Soon afterwards he concluded peace with Spain upon ad¬ vantageous terms ; an event which afforded him an op¬ portunity of restoring order and justice throughout his do¬ minions, repairing the ravages occasioned by the civil war, and abolishing all those innovations which had been made, either to the prejudice of the prerogatives of the crown or the welfare of the people. His schemes of reformation, indeed, he intended to have carried much beyond the boun¬ daries of France. If we may believe the Duke of Sully, he had in view no less a design than the new-modelling of all . Europe. He imagined that the European powers might be formed into a kind of Christian republic, by rendering them as nearly as possible of equal strength ; and that this republic might be maintained in perpetual peace, by bring¬ ing all their differences to be decided before a senate of wise, disinterested, and able judges. The number of these powers was to be fifteen, the Papacy, the empire of Ger¬ many, France, Spain, Hungary, Great Britain, Bohemia, Lombardy, Poland, Sweden, Denmark, the republic of Venice, the States General, the Swiss Cantons, and the Italian commonwealth, comprehending the states of Flo¬ rence, Genoa, Lucca, Modena, Parma, Mantua, and Mo¬ naco. In order to render the states equal, the empire was to be given to the Duke of Bavaria; the kingdom of Naples to the pope ; that of Sicily to the Venetians ; Milan to the Duke of Savoy, who, by this acquisition, was to become king of Lombardy ; the Austrian Low Countries were to be added to the Dutch republic; and Franche Comte, Alsace, and the country of Trent, were to be given to the Swiss. With the view, it is now thought, of executing this grand project, but under pretence of redu¬ cing the exorbitant power of the house of Austria, Henry made immense preparations both by sea and land ; but Dr Lingard has in vain attempted to extenuate the guilt and dispute the leading facts of this atrocious massacre. All his learn¬ ing and ingenuity have been foiled in the attempt; and the result of his controversy with Mr Allen has only been to confirm and settle general belief on the subject. The “ Vindication” of the able writer last mentioned is a masterpiece of historical research and strong reasoning. VOL. X. 34 FRANCE. Louis XIII. History, if he really entertained such a design, he was prevented v,—by death from attempting its execution. He was stabbed 1G08-1G43. jn jjjg coach by Ravaillac, on the 12th of May 1608. On the death of Henry IV. the queen-mother assumed the regency. Ravaillac was executed, after suffering the most exquisite tortures. It is said that he made a con¬ fession, which was so written by the person who took it, that not a word of it could be read, and thus his instiga¬ tors and accomplices were never discovered. The regen¬ cy, during the minority of Louis XIII. was only remark¬ able for the cabals and intrigues of the courtiers. In 1617 the king assumed the government, banished the queen- mother to Blois, caused Marshal d’Ancre, her favourite, to he put to death, and chose as his minister the celebrated Cardinal Richelieu. In 1620 a new war broke out be¬ tween the Catholics and Protestants, which was carried on with the greatest fury on both sides. Of this we have an instance in what took place at Negreplisse, a town in Quercy. This place was besieged by the king’s troops, and it was resolved to make an example of the inhabitants, who had absolutely refused to surrender upon any terms. They defended themselves with desperate valour; and when at last the city was taken by storm, they were all massacred, without distinction of rank, sex, or age. But both parties soon became weary of so destructive a war; and a peace was concluded in 1621, by which the edict of Nantes was confirmed. This treaty, however, was not of long duration. A new war broke out, which lasted till the year 1628, when the edict of Nantes was again con¬ firmed ; but the Protestants were deprived of their cau¬ tionary towns, and consequently of the power of defend¬ ing themselves in time to come. This put an end to the civil wars on account of religion, in which a million of men lost their lives, 150,000,000 livres were expended, and nine cities, four hundred villages, two thousand churches, two thousand monasteries, and ten thousand houses, were burned or otherwise destroyed. The next year the king was attacked with a slow fever, extreme depression of spirits, and swelling in the stomach and abdomen. But the year following he recovered, to the great disappoint¬ ment of his mother, who had hopes of regaining her power. Meanwhile Richelieu, by a masterly system of policy, supported the Protestants of Germany and Gustavus Adol¬ phus against the house of Austria; and, after suppressing all the rebellions and conspiracies which had been formed against him in France, died some months before Louis XIII. in 1643. Louis XIV. surnamed the Great, succeeded to the throne of France when he was only five years of age. Du¬ ring his minority, the kingdom, under the administration of his mother, Anne of Austria, was thrown into confusion by the factions of the great, and the divisions between the court and parliament. The prince of Conde blazed like an erratic star; sometimes a patriot, sometimes a courtier, sometimes a rebel. He was opposed by Turenne, who from being a Protestant had become Catholic. The king¬ dom of France was involved both in civil and domestic w'ars; but the queen-mother having made choice of Cardi¬ nal Mazarin as her first minister, the latter found means to turn the arms even of Cromwell against the Spaniards, and so effectually divided the domestic enemies of the court, that when Louis assumed the reins of government he found himself the most absolute monarch who had ever sat upon the throne of France. On the death of Maza¬ rin he had the good fortune to put the administration of affairs into the hands of Colbert, a minister who formed new systems for improving the commerce and manufac¬ tures of France, which he carried to a surprising height of prosperity. The king himself, vain and selfish, was blind to every patriotic duty, promoting the interests of his subjects only that they might the better answer the Louis XIV. purposes of his greatness ; and, actuated by an overween- History, ing ambition, embroiled himself with all his neighbours, and wantonly rendered Germany a scene of devastation. 15. By his impolitic and unjust revocation of the edict of Nantes in the year 1685, with the dragonade which follow¬ ed it, he obliged the Protestants to take shelter in Eng¬ land, Holland, and different parts of Germany, where they established the silk manufacture, to the great prejudice of their own country. He was so blinded by flattery, that he arrogated to himself the heathen honours paid to the emperors of Rome ; he made and violated treaties for his convenience ; and in the end raised up against himself a confederacy of almost all the princes of Europe, at the head of which was King William III. of England. He was so well served, however, that for some years he made head against this alliance ; and France seemed to have attained the highest pitch of military glory. But having provoked the English by his repeated perfidy, their arms under the Duke of Marlborough, and those of the Aus-. trians under Prince Eugene, rendered the latter part of his life as miserable as the beginning of it had been splen¬ did. From 1702 to 1711 his reign was one continued se¬ ries of defeats and disasters ; and he had the mortification of seeing those places reduced, which in the former part of his reign were acquired at an enormous expense of blood and treasure. But when Marlborough and Eugene were preparing to invade France at the head of their vic¬ torious troops, and to march directly to the capital, Louis, now tottering on the verge of destruction, was saved from ruin by the English Tory ministry deserting the cause, withdrawing from their allies, and concluding the inglo¬ rious peace of Utrecht in 1713. (See article Britain.) The last years of Louis were also embittered by domestic misfortunes, which, added to those of a public nature which had befallen him, impressed him with a deep me¬ lancholy. He had been for some time afflicted with a fistula, which, though successfully cut, ever afterwards affected his health. The year before the peace was con¬ cluded, his only son, the Duke of Burgundy, died ; a blow which was the more severely felt because it admitted of no alleviation. The king himself survived till the month of September 1715, when he expired, leaving the kingdom to his grandson Louis, then a minor. The reign of Louis XIV. is considered as the Augustan age of French litera¬ ture. By the last will of Louis XIV. the regency during the Louis XV. minority of the young king devolved upon a council, at the head of which was the Duke of Orleans. That no¬ bleman, however, disgusted with an arrangement which gave him only a casting vote, appealed to the parliament of Paris, who set aside the will of the late king, and de¬ clared him sole regent. His first acts were extremely popular, and gave a favourable impression of his govern¬ ment and character. He restored to the parliament the right which had been taken from them of remonstrating against the edicts of the crown, and compelled those who had enriched themselves during the former reign to re¬ store their ill-gotten wealth. He also took every method to efface the calamities occasioned by the unsuccessful wars in which his predecessor had engaged; promoted commerce and agriculture; and, by a close alliance with Great Britain and the United Provinces, seemed anxious to lay the foundation of lasting tranquillity. But this hap¬ py prospect was soon overcast by the intrigues of Albe- roni the Spanish minister, who had formed a design of recovering Sardinia from the emperor, and Sicily from the Duke of Savoy, and also of establishing the Pretender on the throne of Britain. To accomplish these objects he negotiated with the Ottoman Porte, Peter the Great of Russia, and Charles XII. of Sweden; the Turks were to resume the war against the emperor, and the two latter FRANCE. 35 History, powers to invade Great Britain. But, as long as the Duke of Orleans retained the administration of France, he found 1715-1/23. jt impossible to bring his schemes into play. To remove this obstacle, therefore, he fomented divisions in the king¬ dom. An insurrection having taken place in Bretagne, Alberoni sent small parties into the country in disguise to support the insurgents, and even laid plots to seize the regent himself. But the intrigues of the Spanish minister misgave in every direction. His partisans in France were put to death ; the king of Sweden was killed at Frede- riekshall in Norway ; the Czar, intent on improving his own institutions, could not be persuaded to make war upon Britain ; and the Turks refused to engage in a war with a power from which they had recently suffered so deeply. The cardinal, however, persevered in his intrigues, which soon produced a war between Spain on the one hand, and France and Britain on the other. But the Spaniards, unable to resist the union of two such formidable powers, were soon reduced to the necessity of suing for peace ; and the terms were dictated by the regent of France, one of which was the dismission of Alberoni. The spirit of conquest having now in a great measure subsided, that of commerce came in its stead, and France became the scene of as remarkable a project as ever was known in any country. John Law, a Scotchman, who had found it convenient to leave his own country, formed the plan of a company which by its notes was to pay off the debt of the nation, and reimburse itself by the profits. Law had wandered throughout various parts of Europe, and had successively endeavoured to engage the attention of various courts. The same proposal had been made to Victor Amadeus, king of Sicily; but the latter dismissed Law with the reply, that he was not rich enough to ruin himself. In France, however, it was looked upon in a more favourable light; and as the nation was at this time in¬ volved in a debt of two hundred millions, the regent and the people in general were ready to embark in almost any new scheme which might be proposed. The bank thus established proceeded at first with some degree of cau¬ tion ; but having gradually extended its credit to more than eighty times its real stock, it soon became unable to answer the demands made upon it, and the company was dissolved the very same year in which it had been insti¬ tuted. The confusion into which the kingdom was thrown by this fatal scheme required the utmost exertions of the regent to put a stop to it; and scarcely had this been ac¬ complished when the king, in the year 1723, took the go¬ vernment into his own hands. The duke then became mi¬ nister, but did not long enjoy this office. His irregulari¬ ties had broken his constitution, and brought on a num¬ ber of maladies, under which he in a short time sunk, and was succeeded in the administration by the Duke of Bourbon. The king, as we have already remarked, had been married when young to the infanta of Spain, though by reason of his tender years the marriage had never been completed. This princess, however, had been brought to Paris, and for some time treated as queen of France ; but as Louis grew up, it was easy to perceive that he had con¬ tracted an inveterate hatred against the intended partner of his bed. The minister, therefore, at last consented that the princess should be sent back ; an affront so much resented by the queen her mother, that it had almost pro¬ duced a war between the two nations. The dissolution of the marriage of Louis was the last act of Conde’s ad¬ ministration, and the negotiating a new match was the first act of his successor Cardinal Fleury. The princess pitched upon was the daughter of Stanislaus Leczinski, king of Poland, who had been deposed by Charles XII. of Sweden. This princess was destitute of personal charms, but of an amiable disposition; and though it is probable that she never possessed the affections of her husband, her excellent qualities could not but extort his esteem; History, whilst the birth of a prince soon after their marriage re- moved all the fears of the people, if they had any, con-1?23-1748. cerning the succession. Cardinal Fleury continued the pacific policy pursued by his predecessors, though it was somewhat interrupted by the war which took place in the year 1733. But not¬ withstanding the connection between the sovereign of Poland and the French nation, Fleury was so parsimo¬ nious of his assistance, that only fifteen hundred soldiers were sent to relieve Dantzick, where Stanislaus was at that time besieged by the Russians. This pitiful rein¬ forcement was soon overpowered by the Russians ; and Stanislaus was at last obliged to renounce all thoughts of the crown of Poland, though he was permitted to retain the title of king. Fleury so steadily pursued his pacific plans, that the disputes between Spain and England in 1737 but little affected the peace of France ; and it should be remembered to his praise, that instead of fomenting quarrels between the neighbouring potentates, he laboured incessantly to maintain peace and concord. He recon¬ ciled the Genoese and Corsicans, who we1 e at war; and his mediation wras accepted by the Ottoman Porte, which, through his intercession, concluded a treaty with the em¬ peror. But all his endeavours to preserve the general peace proved at last ineffectual. The death of the em¬ peror Charles VI. in 1740, the last prince of the house of Austria, set all Europe in a flame. His eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, claimed the Austrian succession, compre¬ hending the kingdoms of Flungary and Bohemia, the duchy of Silesia, Austrian Suabia, Upper and Lower Aus¬ tria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, the four forest towms, Burgau, Brisgau, the Low Countries, Friuli, Tyrol, the duchy of Milan, and the duchies of Parma and Placen¬ tia. Amongst the many competitors who pretended a right to share, or wholly to inherit, these extensive do¬ minions, the king of France was one. But as he cared not to awaken the jealousy of the European princes by preferring directly his own pretensions, he chose rather to support those of Frederick III., who laid claim to the duchy of Silesia. This brought on the war of 1740 (see articles Britain and Prussia), which was terminated in 1748 by the treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle. But Louis, who had secretly meditated a severe vengeance against Britain, only consented to give his aid, that he might have time to repair his fleet, and put himself somewhat more upon an equality with so formidable a power. Meanwhile the internal tranquillity of the kingdom was disturbed by violent disputes between the clergy and parliaments of France. In the reign of Louis XIV. there had been vehe¬ ment contests between the Jansenists and Jesuits, con¬ cerning free will, and other obscure points of theology; and the opinions of the Jansenists had been declared he¬ retical by the celebrated bull Unigenitus, the reception of which was enforced by the king, in opposition to the par¬ liaments, the Archbishop of Paris, and the great body of the people. The archbishop, with fifteen other prelates, protested against it as an infringement of the rights of the Gallican church and the laws of the realm, and also as an infringement of the rights of the people themselves. The Duke of Orleans favoured the bull by inducing the bishops to submit to it, but at the same time he stopped a persecution which had been commenced against its op¬ ponents. Matters continued in this state until the con¬ clusion of the peace. But a short time afterwards the jealousy of the clergy was awakened by an attempt of the minister to inquire into the wealth of individuals of their order. To prevent this they revived the contest about the bull Unigenitus, and it was resolved that confessional notes should be obtained of dying persons; that these notes should be signed by priests who maintained the au- 36 FRANCE. History, thority of the bull; and that, without such notes, no per- son could obtain the viaticum, or extreme unction. On this 748~175fi-occasion the new Archbishop of Paris and the parliament of that city having taken opposite sides, the latter imprison¬ ed such of the clergy as refused to administer the sacra¬ ments. Other parliaments followed the example of that of Paris ; and a contest was instantly kindled up between the civil and ecclesiastical departments of the state. But the king having interfered in the dispute, forbade the par¬ liaments to take cognizance of ecclesiastical proceedings, and commanded them to suspend all prosecutions relative to the refusal of the sacraments. Instead of acquiescing, however, the parliaments presented new remonstrances,5 refused to attend to any other business, and resolved that they could not obey this injunction without violatin0* their duty as well as their oath. They cited the BishopV Or¬ leans before their tribunal, and ordered all writings in which its jurisdiction was disputed to be burned by the executionei. With the assistance of the military they enforced the administration of the sacraments to the sick, and ceased to distribute that justice to the subject for which they had been originally instituted. Enraged at their obstinacy, the king arrested and imprisoned four of the members who had been most obstinate, and banished the remainder to Bourges, Poitiers, and Auvergne; whilst, to prevent any impediment to the administration of justice in their absence, he issued letters patent, by which a royal chamber for the prosecution of civil and criminal suits was instituted. But the counsellors refused to plead before these new courts; and the king, finding that the whole nation was about to fall into a state of an¬ archy, thought proper to recall the parliament. The ba¬ nished members entered Paris amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants ; and the archbishop, who still conti¬ nued to encourage the priests in refusing the sacraments, was banished to his seat at Conflans, as were also the Bi¬ shops of Orleans and Troyes ; and for the present tranquil¬ lity was restored to the kingdom. But the tranquillity thus established was not of long duration. In the year 1756, the parliaments again fell under the displeasure of the king, by their imprudent per¬ secution of those who adhered to the bull Unigenitus, and even proceeded so far in this opposition as to refuse to register certain taxes absolutely necessary for carrying on the war. Louis was so provoked at this, that he sup¬ pressed the fourth and fifth chambers of inquests, the members of which had distinguished themselves by their opposition to his will. He commanded the bull Unigeni¬ tus to be respected, and prohibited the secular judges from ordering the administration of the sacraments. On this, fifteen counsellors of the great chamber resigned their offices, and a hundred and twenty-four members of the different parliaments followed their example ; and the most grievous discontent pervaded the kingdom. Mean¬ while an attempt was made by a fanatic, named Damien, to assassinate the king; and he was actually wounded, though slightly, in the midst of his guards. The assassin was put to the most exquisite tortures, under which he persisted in declaring that he had no intention to kill the king, but that his design was only to wound him, that God might touch his heart, and incline him to restore peace to his dominions. But these expressions, which undoubtedly indicated insanity, had no effect on his judges, who consigned him to one of the most horrid deaths which the ingenuity of man ever invented. This attempt, owever, seems to have produced some effect upon the king; for he soon afterwards banished the Archbishop of ans, who had been recalled, and once more accommodated matters with his parliament. The unfortunate issue of the war of 1755 had brought t ie nation to the brink of ruin, when Louis implored the assistance of Spain ; and upon this occasion was signed the History, celebrated Family Compact, by which, with the single exception of the American trade, the subjects of France 1756-1763. and Spain were naturalized in both kingdoms, and the enemy of the one sovereign was to be invariably looked upon as the enemy of the other. At this time, however, the assistance of Spain availed but little, for both powers were reduced to the lowest ebb, and the arms of Britain were triumphant in every quarter of the globe. See the article Britain. The peace which was concluded at Paris in the year 1763, though it freed the nation from a most destructive and bloody war, did not restore internal tranquillity. The parliament, eager to pursue the victory which they had formerly gained over their religious enemies, now directed their efforts against the Jesuits, who had obtained and en¬ forced the bull Unigenitus. But that once powerful order was now on the brink of destruction. A detestation of its principles, and even of its members, had for some time prevailed ; and a conspiracy, formed, or said to have been formed, by this order against the king of Portugal, and from which he narrowly escaped, roused the indignation of Europe, which was still further inflamed by some fraudulent practices of which they had been guilty in France. La Valette, the chief of their missionaries in Martinico, had, ever since the peace at Aix-la-Chapelle, carried on an ex¬ tensive commerce, insomuch that when the war with Great Britain commenced in 1755, he even aspired to monopolize the whole West India trade. Leonay and Gouffre, mer¬ chants at Marseilles, in expectation of receiving from him merchandise to the value of two millions, had ac¬ cepted bills drawn by the Jesuits to the amount of a mil¬ lion and a half. But unhappily, owing to the vast num¬ ber of captures made by the British, the returns were not made; in consequence of which the missionaries were obliged to apply to the society of Jesuits at large. But the latter, either ignorant of their true interest, or too tardy in giving assistance, suffered the merchants to stop payment, and thus not only to bring ruin upon themselves, but to involve a great many others in the same calamity. Their creditors demanded indemnification from the society at large, and, upon the refusal of the latter to satisfy them, brought the cause before the parliament of Paris. And that body, again, being eager to avenge itself on such pow¬ erful adversaries, carried on the most violent persecutions against them, in the course of which the volume contain¬ ing the constitution and government of the order itself was appealed to, and produced in court. It then appeared that the order of Jesuits formed a distinct body in the state, submitting implicitly to their chief, who alone was absolute over their lives and fortunes ; and it was like¬ wise discovered that, after a former expulsion, they had been admitted into the kingdom upon conditions which they had never fulfilled, and to which their chief had ob¬ stinately refused to subscribe; and consequently, that their actual existence in the nation was merely the effect of sufferance. The result was, that the writings of the Je¬ suits were found to contain doctrines subversive of all civil government, and injurious to the security of the sa¬ cred persons of sovereigns ; the attempt of Damien against the king was attributed to this body; and every thing seemed to prognosticate their speedy dissolution. At this critical moment, however, the king interfered, and by his royal mandate suspended all proceedings against them for a year. A plan of accommodation was then drawn up, and submitted to the pope and the general of the order; but the latter, by his ill-timed haughtiness, entirely destroyed all hope of reconciliation. The king withdrew his protec¬ tion, and the parliament redoubled its efforts against them. The bulls, briefs, constitutions, and other regulations of the society, were declared to be encroachments on the FRANCE. 37 History, public authority, and abuses of government; the society itself was finally dissolved, and its members were declared 1763-1771* incapable of holding any clerical or municipal offices ; their colleges were seized, their effects confiscated, and the or¬ der itself in fact annihilated. The parliament, having gained this victory, next made an attempt to set bounds to the power of the king him¬ self. They now refused to enregister an edict which Louis had issued for the continuation of some taxes which should have ended with the war, and likewise to conform to another by which the king was enabled to redeem his debts at an inadequate rate. The court attempted to get the edicts enregistered by force, but the parliaments everywhere showed a disposition to resist to the uttermost. In 1766, the parliament of Bretagne having refused the crown a gift of seven hundred thousand livres, were in consequence singled out for royal vengeance; but whilst matters were on the point of coming to extremities, the king thought proper to drop the process altogether, and to publish a general amnesty. The parliaments, however, now affected to despise the royal clemency; a circum¬ stance which exasperated the king so much that he or¬ dered the counsellors of the parliament of Bretagne who had refused to resume the functions of which he deprived them, to be included in the list of those who were to be drafted for militia, which was accordingly done. The par¬ liament of Paris remonstrated so freely against this pro¬ ceeding that they also fell under the royal censure; but Louis in the most explicit manner declared that he would suffer no earthly power to interfere with his will. The interval of domestic tranquillity which now ensued was employed by the king in humbling the pride of the pope. The French monarch reclaimed the territories of Avignon and Venaissin ; and whilst the pontiff denounced his unavailing censures, the Marquis de Rochecouart, with a single regiment of soldiers, drove out the troops of his holiness, and took possession of these territories. But a much more formidable opposition was made by the natives of the small island of Corsica, the sovereignty of which had been transferred to France by the Genoese, its former masters, on condition of Louis reinstating them in posses¬ sion of the island of Caprala, which the Corsicans had late¬ ly reduced. These islanders defended themselves with desperate intrepidity; and it was only after two campaigns, in which several thousands of the bravest troops of France were killed, that they could be brought under subjection. The satisfaction which this unimportant conquest af¬ forded to Louis was clouded by the distress of the nation. The East India Company had totally failed, and most of the principal commercial houses in the kingdom were in¬ volved in the same calamity. The minister, the Due de Choiseul, by one desperate stroke, reduced the interest of the funds one half, and at the same time took away the benefit of survivorship in the tontines, by which means the national credit was greatly affected; the altercation between the king and his parliaments also revived, and the dissensions became worse than ever. The Due de Choiseul attempted in vain to conciliate these differences ; but his efforts tended only to bring misfortunes upon him¬ self, and in 1771 he was banished by the king, who sus¬ pected him of favouring the popular party. This was soon afterwards followed by the banishment of the parlia¬ ment of Paris, and by that of a number of others ; new par¬ liaments being chosen in the room of those which had been expelled. But the people were by no means disposed to pay the same regard to these new parliaments as they had done to the old ones, though every appearance of opposition was at last silenced by the absolute authority of the king. In the midst of this plenitude of power, however, his majesty’s health daily declined, and the end of his days was evidently at no great distance. As he had all along indulged himself to excess in sensual pleasures, History, so now these proved the immediate means of his destruc- -yO tion. His favourite mistress, Madame de Pompadour, 1771-1774. who for a considerable time governed him with an abso¬ lute sway, had been long dead, and the king had become equally enslaved by the charms of Madame du Barry. But even her beauty at length proved insufficient to ex¬ cite desire ; and a succession of mistresses became neces¬ sary to rouse the languid appetites of the king. One of these, who happened to be infected with the small-pox, communicated the disease to the king, who in a short time died of it, notwithstanding all the assistance which could be afforded him by the physicians. The new king, Louis XVL, grandson to the former, as- Louis cended the throne in the year 1774, in the twentieth year of his age ; and, to secure himself against the disease which had proved fatal to his predecessor, submitted to inocula¬ tion, together with several other members of the royal fa¬ mily. Their quick and easy recovery contributed much to extend the practice throughout the kingdom, and to re¬ move the prejudices which had been entertained against it. The king had no sooner regained his health than he ap¬ plied himself diligently to extinguish the differences which had arisen between his predecessor and the people. He removed from their employments those persons who had given just cause of complaint by their arbitrary and op¬ pressive conduct; and he conciliated the affection of his subjects by discharging the new and recalling the old par¬ liaments. But though the prudence of Louis had suggest¬ ed to him these compliances, he still endeavoured to pre¬ serve entire the royal authority. He explained his inten¬ tions in a speech delivered in the great chamber of par¬ liament. The step which he had taken to ensure the tran¬ quillity and happiness of his subjects ought not, he ob¬ served, to invalidate his own authority; and he hoped, from the zeal and attachment of the assembly, an example of submission to the rest of his subjects. Their repeated resistance to the commands of his grandfather had com¬ pelled that monarch to maintain his prerogative by their banishment; but they were now recalled in the expec¬ tation that they would quietly exercise their functions, and display their gratitude by their obedience. He de¬ clared that it was his desire to bury in oblivion all past grievances ; that he should ever behold with extreme dis¬ approbation whatever might tend to create divisions and disturb the general tranquillity; and that the chancellor would read an ordonnance to the assembly, from which they might be assured he would not suffer the smallest devia¬ tion to be made. This ordonnance was conceived in the most explicit terms, and immediately registered. It li¬ mited within narrow bounds the pretensions of the parlia¬ ment of Paris. The members were forbidden to look upon themselves as one body with the other parliaments of the kingdom, or to take any step or assume any title which might tend towards or imply such an union. They were enjoined never to relinquish the administration of public justice, excepting in cases of absolute necessity, for which the first president was to be responsible to the king ; and it was provided, that in the event of disobedience, the grand council might replace the parliament without any new edict for the purpose. They were still, however, per¬ mitted to exercise the right of remonstrating before the re¬ gistering of edicts or letters-patent which they might con¬ ceive injurious to the welfare of the people, provided they preserved in their representations the respect due to the throne. But these remonstrances were not to be repeated, and if they proved ineffectual, the parliament were to en¬ register the edict objected to within a month at furthest from the day of its publication. They were forbidden to issue any arrets which might tend to excite trouble, or in any manner retard the execution of the king’s ordonnances; 33 FRANCE. History, and they were assured that, as long as they adhered to the bounds prescribed, they might depend upon the coun- 1774-1776-(-gpaHcg an[j protection of the sovereign. In short, the terms on which Louis consented to re-establish the par¬ liaments were such that they were reduced to mere ci¬ phers, and the will of the king still continued to be the only law in the kingdom. The Archbishop of Paris, who had likewise presumed to raise some commotions regard¬ ing the bull Unigenitus, was obliged to submit, and se¬ verely threatened if he should afterwards interfere in such a matter. The final conquest of the Corsicans, who had once more attempted to regain their former liberty, was the first event of importance which took place after the restora¬ tion of tranquillity. But, from various causes, the kingdom was still filled with disorder. A scarcity of corn having taken place at the time when some regulations had been made by M. Turgot, the new minister of finance, the populace rose in great numbers, and committed such outrages that a military force became necessary to quell them ; and it was not until upwards of five hundred of these starving creatures were destroyed that they could be reduced. The king, however, by his prudent and vigorous conduct on this occasion, put a stop to all riots, and displayed his cle¬ mency as well as prudence in the methods which he adopt¬ ed for the restoration of the public tranquillity. He also seized the first moments of peace to fulfil those promises of economy which on his accession he had given to the people. Particular attention was likewise paid to the state of the marine. TheappointmentofM.de Sartine in 1776 to the naval department did honour to the penetration of the sovereign. That minister, fruitful in resources, and unwearied in application, was incessantly engaged in aug¬ menting the naval strength of his country ; and the vari¬ ous preparations which filled the ports and docks created no small uneasiness on the other side of the Channel. The next appointment made by the king was equally fortunate, and in one respect singular and unprecedented. M. Tur¬ got, though possessed of integrity and industry, had not been able to command the public confidence. On his retreat, M. Clugny, intendant-general of Bordeaux, had been elevated to the vacant office ; but the latter having soon afterwards died, M. Taboureau des Reaux was ap¬ pointed his successor; and the king associated with him in the management of the finances M. Neckar, who was a Swiss and a Protestant. In the preceding reign that gentleman had been chosen to adjust some differences between the East India Company and the crown, and had discharged his trust in a manner which gained him the approbation of both parties. Possessed of distinguished abilities, his appointment would have excited no surprise, had it not been contrary to the constant policy of France, which had carefully excluded the aliens from exercising any control in matters of revenue. Conduct of Although the French monarch was of a pacific disposi- France In tion, and not destitute of generosity of sentiment, yet his America0 °Wn anC^ ^1e Pu^*c exultation had been openly and con- 1 1C ' stantly proportioned to the success of the Americans in their contest with Britain. The princes of the blood and the chief nobility were eager to embark in support of the cause of freedom ; and the prudence of the king and his most confidential ministers alone restrained their ardour. The fatal events of the former war were still impressed on the mind of Louis ; and he could not readily consent to expose his rising marine in a contest with a nation which had so frequently asserted the dominion of the seas, and had so lately broken the united strength of the house of Bourbon. At the same time he was sensible that the opportunity of humbling England should not be entirely neglected, and that some advantage should be taken of the present commotions in America. Two agents from the United States, Silas Deane and Dr Benjamin Franklin, had successively arrived at Paris; and though History, all audience was denied them in a public capacity, still they were privately encouraged to hope that France only 1776-17BO. waited for a favourable opportunity to assist in conquering the independence of America. In the mean while, the American cruisers were hospitably received in the French ports ; artillery and all kinds of warlike stores were freely sold or liberally granted to the colonists; and, with the connivance of government, French officers and engineers entered their service. Some changes were about this time introduced into the different departments of state. The conduct of M. Nec¬ kar in the finances had given general satisfaction ; and M. Taboureau des Iteaux, his colleague, had resigned his situation, but still retained the dignity of counsellor of state. To afford full scope to the genius of M. Neckar, Louis determined that he should no longer be clogged with an associate, and, with the title of director-general of the finances, submitted to him the entire management of the revenue of France. In the ensuing year the Count de St Germains, secretary at war, died ; and the Prince de Montbarey, who had already filled an inferior situation in that department, was now appointed to succeed him. In the mean time negotiations with foreign courts were not neglected. Louis concluded a new treaty of alliance with Switzerland ; and, on the death of the elector of Bavaria, vigilantly observed the motions of the different princes of Germany. When closely questioned by the English ambassador, Lord Stormont, respecting the war¬ like preparations which were diligently continued through¬ out the kingdom, he replied, that at a time when the seas were covered with English'fleets and American cruisers, and when such armies were sent to the New World as had never before appeared there, it became prudent for him also to arm for the security of his colonies and the protection of the commerce of France. The king was not ignorant that the remonstrances of Great Britain, and the importunities of the agents of the United States, would soon compel him to adopt some decisive line of conduct; and this was accelerated by an event most disastrous to Britain, namely, the failure of General Burgoyne’s expe¬ dition, and the capture of his army. The news of that calamity was received at Paris with unbounded exultation. M. Sartine, the minister of marine, was eager to measure the naval strength of France with that of Great Britain ; the queen, who had long seconded the applications of the American agents, now espoused their cause with fresh ardour; and the pacific inclinations of Louis being over¬ borne by the suggestions of his ministers and the influ¬ ence of his queen, it was at length determined openly to acknowledge the independence of the United States. Ac¬ cordingly Dr Franklin and Silas Deane, who had hitherto acted as private agents, were now acknowledged as public ambassadors from those states to the court of Versailles; and a treaty of amity and commerce was signed between the insurgent colonists and France in the month of Feb¬ ruary 1778. The Duke of Noailles, ambassador to the court of London, was in the month of March instructed to acquaint that court with the above treaty, and at the same time to declare that the contracting parties had not stipulated any exclusive advantages in favour of France, and that the United States had reserved the liberty of treating with every nation whatsoever upon the footing of equality and reciprocity. But this declaration was treat¬ ed with contempt by the British ; and the recall of Lord ‘Stormont became the signal for the commencement of hostilities. In the year 1780 new changes took place in the French Removal ministry. M. Bertin had resigned the office of secretary of M. de of state; and the Prince de Montbarey had retired from^artine* the office of secretary at war, in which he was succeeded by the Marquis de Segur. But the most important rc- FRANCE. 39 History, moval was that of M. Sartine, who had for several years presided over the marine department, and whose ability 1780-1783. an(} unwearied application had raised the naval power of France to a height which astonished Europe. His col¬ leagues in the cabinet, however, had loudly arraigned a profusion which would have diverted into one channel the whole resources of the kingdom ; and his retreat open¬ ed a road to the ambition of the Marquis de Castries, who was appointed in his stead. This year the king abo¬ lished the inhuman custom of putting the question by tor¬ ture ; a custom which had been so established by long practice that it seemed an inseparable part of the consti¬ tution of courts of justice in France. At the same time, in order to defray the charges of war, he diminished his own expenditure; and sacrificing splendour to popularity, dismissed at once above four hundred officers belonging to his court. Dismission But unhappily the popular discontents were next year ol'Neckar. excited by the dismission of M. Neckar. He had con¬ ceived the arduous but popular project of supporting a war by means of loans without taxes ; and the rigid eco¬ nomy which he had introduced into all the departments of the royal household, together with the various resources which were thus rendered available, had supported him amidst the difficulties that attended this system. But his austerity of temper had not rendered him equally accept¬ able to the sovereign and his subjects ; and the repeated reforms which he had recommended were represented as inconsistent with the dignity of the crown. He was there¬ fore, in 1781, dismissed from his office of comptroller-ge¬ neral; andM.Joli de Fleury, counsellor of state, was ap¬ pointed to that important department. But the defeat of the Count de Grasse, which happened the following year, produced general grief and consternation. The victory of Rodney was indeed the most severe blow which the navy of France had ever yet sustained, and its effects were felt in every part of the kingdom. Immense preparations were, however, made for the operations of 1783; and, in conjunction with the courts of Madrid and the Hague, Louis determined this year to make the most powerful efforts to bring the war to a conclusion. But in the midst of these preparations the voice of peace was again heard ; and Louis was induced to listen to the proffered media¬ tion of the emperor of Germany and of the empress of Russia. The Count de Vergennes, who still held the portfolio of foreign affairs, was appointed to treat with Mr Fitzherbert, the British minister at Brussels, who had late¬ ly proceeded to Paris to conduct this important negotia¬ tion. The way was already smoothed by provisional ar¬ ticles, which had been signed at the close of the preced¬ ing year between Great Britain and the states of Ame¬ rica, and which were now to constitute the basis of a treaty of peace between Great Britain and France. Prelimi¬ naries were accordingly agreed upon and signed at Ver¬ sailles ; and these were soon afterwards succeeded by a de¬ finitive treaty, so that France, throughout her extensive dominions, beheld peace once more established. Though the war had been attended by the most brilliant success, and the independence of America seemed to strike deep at the sources of British power, yet France herself had not by any means been free from difficulties. The retreat, of Neckar had diminished the public confidence, and the failure of the celebrated caisse d'escornple completed the consternation of the people. Caisse d’es- The bank of this name had been established in the year compte. 1776. The plan of it was formed by a company of private adventurers, and its capital was fixed at L.500,000 ster¬ ling. The professed design of the company was to dis¬ count bills at short dates, at the rate of four percent, per annum ; but as this interest was not an equivalent for the capital sunk by the proprietors, they were intrusted with the additional power of issuing notes to the amount of History, their capital, which, as these were made convertible into specie, might often be voluntarily taken instead of cash. 1783. The reputation acquired by the bank soon caused its stock to rise above par ; and its credit still continued un¬ impaired, when, to the astonishment of the nation, it sud¬ denly stopped payment on the 2d of October 1783. The cause assigned was an uncommon scarcity of specie. But the public suspected that the failure arose from a loan secretly made to government; and what confirmed the suspicion was, that government about the same time stop¬ ped payment of the bills drawn upon them by their army in America. But, whatever was the cause of this catas¬ trophe, the king was prevailed on to extend his protec¬ tion to the company. By four successive edicts the banks in Paris were ordered to receive the notes of the caisse descompte as currency ; and a lottery with a capital of one million sterling, redeemable in eight years, was establish¬ ed, the tickets of which were made purchasable in notes of the caissc d'escompte. By these expedients the pub¬ lic confidence in the bank was in some measure revived, while its business increased, and its stock rose to above double the original subscription ; the bills from America were at the same time put in a train of payment, and public credit was in a great degree restored throughout the kingdom. Some compensation also for the expenses which had been incurred during the war was derived from a treaty concluded with the United States of America. The latter engaged to reimburse France in the sum of eighteen millions of livres, which had been advanced in the hour of their need ; and Louis, for the convenience of the States, consented to receive the money, in the space of twelve years, by twelve equal annual payments. The general peace was soon afterwards followed by a Treaty particular treaty between France and Holland, which was between effected by the Count de Vergennes. It included all the France and principles which can serve to cement nations in the closest Ho an * union, and by which, in peace or in war, they may mutually participate in good or evil, and in all cases administer to each other the most perfect aid, counsel, and succour. If their united good offices for the preservation of peace should prove ineffectual, it also fixed the assistance which they were to afford each other by sea and land. France was to furnish Holland with ten thousand effective infantry and two thousand cavalry, and with twelve ships of the line and six frigates. Their high mightinesses, on the other hand, in case of a naval war, or of France being attacked by sea. were to contribute to her defence six ships of the line ana three frigates; and in the event of an attack on the terri¬ tory of France, the States General were to have the option of furnishing their land contingent either in money or troops, at the rate of five thousand infantry and one thou¬ sand cavalry. And further, if the stipulated succours should prove insufficient for the defence of the party attacked, or for procuring a proper peace, they engaged to assist each other with all their forces if necessary ; but it was never¬ theless provided, that the contingent of troops to be fur¬ nished by the States General should not exceed twenty thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry. Finally, it was agreed that neither of the contracting parties should disarm, or make or receive proposals of peace or even truce, without the consent of the other, nor directly or indirectly contract any future alliance or engagement whatsoever, contrary to the present treaty ; and if any treaties or nego¬ tiations which might prove detrimental to their joint inte¬ rest were proposed, they pledged their faith to give notice to each other of such proposals as soon as made. Thus Holland was converted into the firm ally of that power against the encroaching spirit of which she had formerly armed the most powerful kingdoms of Europe; whilst France having asserted the independence of America 40 FRANCE. History, against Great Britain, and converted an ancient and for- midable foe into an useful friend, seemed to have attained 1783-1785. an influence over the nations of Europe which she had never before been possessed of. But, however exalted her present situation might appear, the seeds of future commotion had already been extensive¬ ly sown. The applause which had attended the parliament of Paris in their protracted struggles with the late king might be considered as the first dawn of freedom; the language of that assembly had boldly indicated to their countrymen their natural rights, and taught them to look with a less enraptured eye upon the splendour which en¬ compassed the throne. The war in America had contri¬ buted to enlarge the political ideas of the French; they had on that occasion stood forth as the champions of liberty, in opposition to regal power ; and the officers who had served in the struggle for independence, accustomed to think and speak without restraint, and familiarized with re¬ publican institutions, on their return imparted to the pro¬ vinces of France a portion of the spirit which had been kindled in the wilds of America. From that moment the French, instead of silently acquiescing in the edicts of their sovereign, canvassed each action with bold inquisition; whilst the attachment of the army, which has ever been considered as the sole foundation of despotism, gave way to the noble enthusiasm of liberty. We have already noticed the public dissatisfaction which had attended the dismission of Neckar. His successor, M. de Fleury, had retired from the management of the finances in 1783, and the still more short-lived administration of M, d’Ormesson had expired in the same year which gave it birth. Upon the retreat of the latter, M. de Calonne, who had successively filled with acknowledged reputation the office of intendant of Mentz, and afterwards of the pro¬ vinces of Flanders and Artois, was nominated to the office of comptroller-general. This person, who was flexible and insinuating, eloquent in conversation and polished in his manners, fertile in resources and liberal in the disposal of the public money, soon rendered himself acceptable to the sovereign. But he did not enter upon his new and ardu¬ ous station favoured by the breath of popularity; he was, in fact, reported to be more able than consistent, and not to have tempered the ardour of his spirit by the severity of deep research ; and the people, amidst repeated loans, re¬ gretted that severe simplicity which had characterized the administration of Neckar. It was, however, by the bold and judicious measures of Calonne that credit was restored to the caisse d'escompte, which had stopped payment a few weeks before his accession. His next measure, in 1784, the establishment of the caisse d'amortissement, or sinking fund, was entitled to a still higher degree of applause. 1 he plan of that fund was simple and moderate. It was, that government should pay annually into the hands of a board set apart for that purpose, the entire interest of the national debt, whether in stock or annuities, together with an additional sum of L. 120,000. The annuities which would thus be extinguished every year were estimated at L.50,000, and in that proportion the sum set apart for the redemption of the national debt would annually increase. The operation of this new fund was limited to the term of twenty-five years; and during that period the annual re¬ ceipt of the caisse d'amortissement was declared unalter¬ able, and incapable of being diverted to any other object. I he principal measure of the following year was the esta¬ blishment of a new East India Company, a measure which did not fail to excite violent complaints. The time, how¬ ever, was now approaching, when the necessities of the state compelled the king to adopt measures still more unpopu¬ lar, and destined to undergo a severer scrutiny. Although peace had for three years been re-established throughout Europe, yet the finances of France seemed scarcely affect¬ ed by this interval of tranquillity, and it was found requi¬ site to close every year with a loan. The public expendi* History, ture of 1785, indeed, seemed to sanction this measure ; for it had been thought proper to fortify Cherbourg upon a1?85?1?^. grand scale ; the claim of the emperor to the navigation of the Scheldt had obliged the French to increase their land forces ; and thp Marquis de Castries, fond of war, and pro¬ fuse in his designs, had not suffered the navy which M. Sartine had surrendered into his hands to decline during the interval of peace. The treaty of commerce concluded with Great Britain in the year 1786 was also a new source of discontent. Though regarded by the English manufac¬ turers as far from advantageous, it excited in France still louder murmurs, and was represented as likely to extin¬ guish those infant establishments, which were yet unable to compete with the manufactures of England, that had attained to maturity. The market which it held out for the wines and oils of France was passed over in silence, whilst the distress of the artisan was painted in the most striking co¬ lours. But when the edict for registering the loan of the preceding year, amounting to three millions three hundred and thirty thousand pounds, was presented to the parlia¬ ment of Paris, the murmurs of the people, through the re¬ monstrances of that assembly, assumed a more legal and formidable aspect. The king, however, signified to the select deputation commissioned to convey to him their re¬ monstrances, that he expected to be obeyed without further delay. The ceremony of the registration accordingly took place on the following day; but it was accompanied with a resolution, importing, that public economy was the only ge¬ nuine source of abundant revenue, the only means of pro¬ viding for the necessities of the state, and of restoring that credit which borrowing had reduced to the brink of ruin. The king was no sooner informed of this step than he com¬ manded the attendance of the grand deputation of parlia¬ ment, when he erazed from their records the resolution which had been adopted; and observed, that though it was his pleasure that the parliament should communicate, by its respectful representations, whatever might concern the good of the public, yet he never would permit them so far to abuse his clemency as to erect themselves into the cen¬ sors of his government. At the same time, in order the more strongly to mark his displeasure at their expostula¬ tions, he superseded one of their officers, who had appeared most active in forwarding the obnoxious resolution. M. de Calonne, however, though gratified by the appro¬ bation of his sovereign, could not but feel himself deeply mortified by the opposition of the parliament. His at¬ tempts to conciliate that assembly had proved ineffectual; and he experienced their inflexible aversion at the critical juncture when their acquiescence might have proved of the most essential service. An anxious inquiry into the state of the public finances had convinced him that the expen¬ diture far exceeded the revenue. In this situation, to im¬ pose new taxes was impracticable, to continue the method of borrowing was ruinous, to have recourse to economical reforms would be found wholly inadequate; and he hesi¬ tated not to declare, that it would be impossible to place the finances upon a solid basis, except by the reformation of whatever was vicious in the constitution of the state. But, to give weight to this reform, M. de Calonne was sensible that something more was necessary than even the royal autho¬ rity ; he perceived that the parliament was neither a fit instrument for introducing a new order into public affairs, nor would submit to be a passive machine for sanctioning the plans of a minister, even if those plans were the ema¬ nations of perfect wisdom. Though originally a body of lawyers, indebted for their appointment to the king, there was not an attribute of a legislative assembly which they did not seem desirous to engross to themselves; and they had been supported in their pretensions by the approbation of the people, who were sensible that there was no other body in the nation which could plead their cause against FRANCE. 41 I History, either royal or ministerial oppression. To suppress, there- '-'■“n fore, the only power of control that remained, and to render 786,i7ti7> the government more arbitrary, was deemed too perilous a measure; yet to leave the parliament in the full possession of an influence which the minister was convinced would be exerted against him, was at once to render his whole sys¬ tem abortive. In this dilemma, the only expedient which suggested itself was to have recourse to some other assem¬ bly, more dignified and solemn in its character, and which should in a greater degree consist of members selected from the various orders of the state and the different pro¬ vinces of the kingdom. This promised to be a popular mea¬ sure ; it implied a deference to the people at large, and might be expected to prove highly acceptable. Assembly But the true and legitimate assembly of the nation, the f the N°t-States General, had not met since the year 1614, nor could I l) es- the minister flatter himself with the hope of obtaining the royal assent to a meeting which a despotic sovereign could not but regard with secret jealousy. Another assembly had occasionally been substituted in the room of the States Ge¬ neral. This was distinguished by the title of the Notables, and consisted of a number of persons from all parts of the kingdom, chiefly selected from the higher orders of the state, and nominated by the king himself. This assembly, which had been convened by Henry IV. and also by Louis XIII. was now once more summoned by the authority of Louis XVI. The writs for calling them together were dated the 29th of December J 786, and addressed to seven princes of the blood, nine dukes and peers of France, eight field-marshals, twenty-two nobles, eight counsellors of state, four masters of requests, eleven archbishops and bishops, thirty-seven of the heads of the law, twelve deputies of the pays d’etats, the civil lieutenant, and twenty-five magistrates of the different towns of the kingdom. The number of members was thus a hundred and forty-four; and the 29th of January 1787 was the period appointed for their meeting. Upon the arrival of the Notables at Paris, however, the minister found himself as yet unprepared to submit his system for their consideration, and therefore postponed the opening of the assembly until the 7th of February. A second delay until the 14th of the same month was oc¬ casioned by the indisposition of M. de Calonne, and that of the Count de Vergennes, president of the council of finance and first secretary of state; and a third procras¬ tination necessarily resulted from the death of the count on the day previous to that which had been fixed for the opening of the assembly. M. de Vergennes was succeed¬ ed in the department of foreign affairs by the Count de Montmorin, a nobleman of unblemished character; but his loss at this critical juncture was severely felt by M. de Calonne, as he alone, of all the ministers, had entered with warmth and sincerity into the plans of the comp¬ troller-general. The Chevalier de Miromesnil, keeper of the seals, was avowedly the rival and enemy of Calonne; the Marshal de Castries, secretary for the department of marine, was personally attached to M. Neckar; and the Baron de Breteuil, secretary for the household, was the creature of the queen, and deeply engaged in what was called the Austrian system, It was under these difficulties that M. de Calonne, on the 22d of February, first met the Assembly of the Nota¬ bles, and unfolded his long-expected plan. He began by stating, that the public expenditure had for centuries past exceeded the revenue, and that a very considerable defi¬ ciency had of course existed ; that the Mississippi scheme of 1720 had not, as might have been expected, restored the balance ; that under the economical administration of Cardinal Fleury the deficit still existed ; that the progress of this derangement under the last reign had been extreme, the deficiency amounting to three millions sterling at the appointment of the Abbe Terray, who, however, reduced VOL. x. 1787- it to one million six hundred and seventy-five thousand History, pounds ; that it decreased a little under the short adminis* trations which followed, but rose again, in consequence of the war, under the administration of M. Neckar; and that upon his own accession to office it amounted to three mil¬ lions three hundred and thirty thousand pounds. In or¬ der to remedy this growing evil, M. Calonne recommend¬ ed a territorial impost, of the nature of the English land- tax, from which no rank or order of men was to be ex¬ empted ; and an inquiry into the possessions of the clergy, who hitherto had been exempted from bearing their proportion of the public burdens. It was also proposed that the various branches of internal taxation should un¬ dergo a strict examination; and a considerable resource was anticipated in mortgaging the demesne lands of the crown. The necessity for these reforms, however, was combated with a degree of boldness and force of reasoning which could not fail to make a deep impression on the assembly ; and, instead of meeting with a ready acquiescence, the comptroller-general found that he had launched into the boundless ocean of political controversy. M. Neckar, previously to his retirement, had published his compte, rendu au roi> in which France was represented as possess¬ ing a clear surplus of above four hundred thousand pounds sterling. This performance had been read with avidity, and probably contributed to deprive the author of the royal favour; but the credit of the work was ably vindi¬ cated by M. de Brienne, archbishop of Toulouse. M. de Calonne met with a still more formidable adversary in the Count de Mirabeau. This extraordinary man, restless in disposition, licentious in morals, but bold, penetrating, and enterprising, had occasionally visited every court in Eu¬ rope. He had been admitted at one time to the confidence of the minister, and had been directed, though not in an ostensible character, to observe at Berlin the disposition of the successor of the great Frederick; but whilst em¬ ployed in this capacity he was frequently exposed to ne¬ glect and disappointment, and his letters were often left unanswered. Disgust succeeded to admiration; and he who had entered the Prussian court the intimate friend, returned to Paris the declared enemy, of M. de Calonne. Accordingly, whilst the archbishop arraigned the under¬ standing, Mirabeau impeached the integrity, of the comp¬ troller-general. The eloquence of M. de Calonne, however, might have successfully vindicated his system and reputation against the calculations of Brienne and the invectives of Mira¬ beau ; but he could not support himself against the influ¬ ence of the three great bodies of the nation. The ancient nobility and the clergy had ever been free from all public assessments; and had the evil gone no further, it might still perhaps have been borne with patience ; but, through the shameful custom of selling patents of nobility, such crowds of new noblesse started up, that every province in the kingdom was filled with them. The first object with those who had rapidly acquired fortunes, was to purchase a patent, which, besides gratifying their vanity, afforded an exemption to them and their posterity from contribut¬ ing to the exigencies of the state. The magistracies like¬ wise throughout the kingdom enjoyed their share of these exemptions ; so that the whole weight of taxation fell upon those classes who were least able to bear it. Hence the minister’s design of equalizing the public burdens, and diminishing the load borne by the lower and most useful classes of the people, by rendering the taxes general, though undoubtedly great and patriotic, at once united against him the nobility, the clergy, and the magistracy. And the result was such as might have been expected. The intrigues of these three bodies raised against him so loud a clamour, that finding it impossible to stem the tor- F 42 FRANCE. History, rent, he not only resigned his office on the 12th of April, but soon afterwards withdrew to England from the storm of persecution which now impended over him. Disturb- In the midst of these domestic transactions, the atten- ances m jjon 0f Louis was calle[i to the state of affairs in Holland. 0 an ‘ The prince of Orange having been stripped of all autho¬ rity by the aristocratic party, had retired from the Hague, and now maintained the shadow of a court at Nimeguen. But his brother-in-law, the new king of Prussia, exerted himself to promote the interests of the stadtholder, and offered, in concert with France, to undertake the arduous task of composing the differences which distracted the re¬ public. The proposal was received with much apparent cordiality by the court of Versailles. At the same time it was scarcely to be expected that France would become the instrument of restoring the prince of Orange to that share of power which he had previously enjoyed, and thus aban¬ don a favourite object of policy, namely, establishing a su¬ preme and permanent control in the councils of Holland. In fact, the conditions framed as the basis of reconciliation by the Louvestein faction, were such as plainly indicated their design of reducing within very narrow limits the in¬ fluence and authority of the stadtholder. On his renoun¬ cing the right of filling up occasional vacancies in the town senates, he was to be restored to the nominal office of cap¬ tain-general ; but he was to be restrained from marching troops into any province, or out of it, without leave from the respective provinces concerned ; and he was also to subscribe a resolution passed some time previously by the senate of Amsterdam, that the command should at all times be revocable at the pleasure of the states. Had the prince acquiesced in these preliminaries, France would have completely attained the object of her lengthened negotiations, and by means of the Louvestein faction ac¬ quired the ascendency which she had repeatedly sought to obtain in the councils of Holland. But, under the dif¬ ficulties which surrounded him, the prince of Orange was admirably supported and assisted by the genius, spirit, and abilities of his consort, who firmly rejected every measure tending to abridge the rights attached to the office of stadtholder; and M. de Rayneval, the French negotiator, having in vain endeavoured to overcome her resolution, broke off the correspondence between the Hague and Nimeguen, and returned to Paris about the middle of January 1787. But the republican party were totally disappointed in the hopes which they had formed of assistance from France. The court of Versailles had indeed long trusted to the natural strength of this party, and had been assiduous during the summer in endeavouring to second them by every species of succour which could be privately afforded. Crowds of French officers arrived daily in Holland, and either received commissions in the service of the states, or acted as volunteers in their troops; several hundreds of tried and experienced soldiers were selected from dif¬ ferent regiments, furnished with money for their journey, and dispatched in small parties to join the troops, and assist in disciplining the burghers and volunteers; and a considerable corps of engineers were also directed to pro¬ ceed in disguise towards Amsterdam, in order to assist in strengthening the works of that city. But these aids, which might have proved effectual had the contest been confined to the states of Holland and the stadtholder, were rendered unavailing by the rapid invasion of the Prus¬ sians; the court of Berlin had taken its measures writh so much celerity, and the situation of the republicans had al¬ ready become so desperate, that it was doubtful whether their affairs could be restored by any assistance which I' ranee was capable of immediately affording. Neverthe¬ less, on Great Britain fitting out a strong squadron of men of war at Portsmouth, to give confidence to the operations 1787. of the king of Prussia, the court of Versailles sent orders History, to equip sixteen sail of the line at Brest, and recalled a 1 small squadron which had been commissioned to cruise on the coast of Portugal. But in these preparations Louis seemed rather to regard his own dignity, than to be ac¬ tuated by any purpose of effectually relieving his allies. All opposition in Holland might already be considered as extinguished. The states assembled at the Hague had officially notified to the court of Versailles, that the dis¬ putes between them and the stadtholder were now happily terminated; and as the circumstances which gave occa¬ sion to their application to that court no longer existed, they intimated that the succours which they had former¬ ly requested would not now be necessary. Under these circumstances, as the chief concern of France was to ex¬ tricate herself with honour from her present difficulty, she readily listened to a memorial from the British minister at Paris, in which it was proposed that, in order to preserve a good understanding between the two crowns, all warlike preparations should be discontinued, and that the navies of both kingdoms should again be reduced to the footing of a peace establishment; a proposition which was gladly acceded to by the court of Versailles, and the harmony which had been transiently interrupted was thus restored. But though the French king could not but sensibly feel Assembly the mortification of thus relinquishing the ascendency ^N°tr which he had obtained in the councils of Holland, the in-a^es ternal situation of his kingdom furnished matter for moresolved’ serious reflection. The dismission of M, de Calonne had left France without a minister, and almost without a sys¬ tem of government; and though the king bore the oppo¬ sition of the Notables with temper, yet the disappoint¬ ment he had experienced sunk deep in his mind. With¬ out obtaining any relief for his most urgent necessities, he perceived when too late that he had opened a way for the restoration of the ancient constitution of France, which had been undermined by the craft of Louis XL and near¬ ly extinguished by the daring councils of Richelieu under Louis XIII. The Notables had indeed conducted them¬ selves with respect and moderation, but at the same time they had not been deficient in firmness. The appointment of the Archbishop of Toulouse, the avowed adversary of M. de Calonne, to the office of comptroller-general, probably contributed to preserve the appearance of good humour in that assembly; but notwithstanding this, the proposed territorial impost or general land-tax, an object so ardent¬ ly desired by the court, was rejected. Deprived of all hope of rendering the convention subservient to the relief of his embarrassments, and also dreading the spirit which it had on several occasions evinced, Louis determined to dissolve the assembly, which he did accordingly, in a mo¬ derate and conciliatory speech addressed to the members on their dismission. Being thus disappointed of the advantage which he had hoped to derive from the acquiescence of the Notables, the king was now obliged to revert to the usual mode of raising money by royal edicts; and amongst the measures proposed for this purpose were the doubling of the poll- tax, the re-establishment of the third-twentieth, and a stamp duty. But, as might have been expected, this sum¬ mary method was strongly disapproved by the parliament of Paris ; and that assembly refused, in the most positive terms, to register the edict. In the last resort, therefore, Louis was obliged to have recourse to his absolute autho¬ rity ; and, by holding what is called a bed of justice, he compelled the parliament to register the impost. But the latter, though defeated, were not subdued ; and on the day after the king had held his bed of justice they entered a formal protest against the edict, declaring that it had been registered against their approbation and con¬ sent, by the express command of the king ; that it neither FRA History, should nor ought, to have any force; and that the first person who presumed to carry it into execution would be 1787- adjudged a traitor, and condemned to the galleys. I his spirited declaration left the king no alternative, but either to proceed to extremities in support of his authority, or to relinquish for ever afterwards the power of raising money upon any occasion without the consent of the parliament. But though naturally of a mild disposition, and averse to violent measures, Louis determined not to surrender, with¬ out a struggle, that authority which had so long been ex¬ ercised by his predecessors. Ever since the commence¬ ment of the discontents, considerable bodies of troops had been gradually marched into the capital; and, about a week after the parliament entered their protest, an officer of the guards, with a party of soldiers, proceeded at day¬ break to the house of each member, to signify to him the king’s command, that he should immediately get into his carriage, and withdraw to Troyes, a city of Champagne, about seventy miles from Paris, wdthout writing or speak¬ ing to any person out of his own house previously to his departure. These orders were all served at the same in¬ stant; and before the citizens of Paris became acquainted with the transaction, their magistrates were already on the road to their place of banishment. Previously to their re¬ legation, however, they had presented a remonstrance on the recent measures of government, and the alarming state of public affairs. In stating their opinions on taxes, they declared that neither the parliaments nor any other au¬ thority, excepting that of the three estates of the kingdom collectively, could warrant the imposition of any perma¬ nent tax on the people; and they strongly urged the re¬ newal of those national assemblies which had rendered the reign of Charlemagne at once so illustrious and bene¬ ficent. This demand for the convocation of the national coun¬ cil or States General was the more honourable to the par¬ liament, as the latter assemblies had uniformly sunk under the influence of the former, and returned to their original condition of mere courts of registration and law. The confidence and attachment of the people therefore rose in proportion to this disinterestedness; their murmurs were openly expressed in the streets of the capital, and the ge¬ neral dissatisfaction was augmented in consequence of the stop put to public business by the exile of the parliament. Meanwhile the cabinet appeared weak, disunited, and fluctuating; and continual changes took place in every department of the state. Averse to rigorous counsels, Louis wished to allay the growing discontent by every con¬ cession consistent, with his dignity ; but the queen, it was believed, strongly dissuaded him from taking any step which might tend to diminish the royal authority. The in¬ fluence of this princess in the cabinet was undoubtedly great; but the popularity which she had once enjoyed was no more, and some imputations of private levity, which had been scattered through the capital, were far from rendering her acceptable to the majority of the people. The Count d’Artois, the king’s brother, who had expressed himself in the most unguarded terms against the conduct of the parliament, also stood exposed to all the consequences of popular hatred. Nor was it in the capital alone that the flame of liberty burst forth ; it blaz¬ ed with equal strength in the provincial parliaments. Amongst various instances of this, the parliament of Gre¬ noble passed a decree against lettres de cachets declaring the execution of these odious instruments of arbitrary power, within their jurisdiction, by any person, and under any authority whatsoever, to be a capital crime. The king had endeavoured to soothe the Parisians by new regulations of economy, and by continual retrenchments in his household; but these proofs of a desire to lessen the public burdens, though they would at one time have been N C E. 43 received with the loudest acclamations, were now disre- History, garded, and the absence of the parliament was considered as an evil for which nothing could atone. In order there- 1787. fore to regain the affections of his subjects, his majesty consented to restore that assembly, and at the same time to abandon the stamp duty and the territorial- impost* which had been the chief subjects of dispute. But these measures were insufficient to establish harmony between the court and the parliament. The necessities of the state still remained unprovided for; nor could the defi¬ ciency of the revenue be supplied, except by extraordi¬ nary resources or a long course of rigid frugality. About the middle of November 1787, in a full meeting of the parliament, attended by all the princes of the blood and the peers of France, the king entered the assembly, and proposed for their approbation two edicts; one for a new loan of four hundred and fifty millions of francs, or about nineteen millions sterling, and the other for the re-esta¬ blishment of the Protestants in all their ancient civil rights, a measure which had long been warmly recommended by the parliament, and which was now brought forward to procure a better reception for the loan. On this occasion the king delivered a speech of unusual length, filled with professions of regard for the people, but at the same time dwelling strongly upon the obedience he expected to his edicts. An animated debate ensued, and was continued for nine hours, when the king, wearied by opposition, and chagrined at some freedoms used in the course of the dis¬ cussion, suddenly rose and commanded the edict to be re¬ gistered without further delay. But this order was most unexpectedly opposed by the Duke of Orleans, first prince of the blood, who protested against the whole proceedings of the day, as an infringement on the rights of parliament, and therefore null and void. The king, though he could not conceal his astonishment and displeasure at this deci¬ sive step, contented himself with repeating his commands, and immediately afterwards left the assembly. On his departure, the parliament confirmed the protest of the Duke of Orleans, and declared, that as their deliberations had been interrupted, they considered the whole business of that day as of no effect. But as it could not be supposed that Louis would suffer so bold an attack on his power to pass with impunity, a letter was next day delivered to the Duke of Orleans, com¬ manding him to retire to Villars-Cotterel, one of his seats, about fifteen leagues from Paris, and to receive no company there except his own family; and at the same time the Abbe Sabbatiere and M. Freteau, both members of the parliament, who had distinguished themselves in the de¬ bate, were seized under the authority of lettres de cachet, and conveyed, the former to the castle of Mont St Michel in Normandy, and the latter to a prison in Picardy. This act of despotism immediately roused the indignation of the parliament, which on the following day waited on the king, and expressed their astonishment and concern that a prince of the blood-royal should have been exiled, and two of their members imprisoned, for having declared in his presence what their duty and consciences dictated, and at a time when his majesty had announced that he came to take the sense of the assembly by a plurality of voices. The answer of the king was reserved, forbidding, and un-i satisfactory. But this did not prevent the parliament from attending to the exigencies of the state; and, convinced of the emergency, they consented to register the loan for four hundred and fifty millions of livres, which had been, the principal cause of this unfortunate difference. This, concession contributed to soften the mind of the king; and the sentence of the two magistrates was in conse¬ quence changed from imprisonment; to exile; M. Freteau being sent to one of his country seats, and the Abbe Sab¬ batiere to a convent of Benedictines. 44 FRANCE. History. The parliament, however, was not so far propitiated by v—this measure as to give up the points against which they 1788. }iacl originally remonstrated. In a petition, conceived with great freedom, and couched in the most animated language, they boldly reprobated the late acts of arbitrary violence, and demanded the entire liberation of the persons against whom these had been exercised. At the court of Versailles there was nothing but uncertainty and fluctuation; now vigour and now weakness ; violence one day and attempts at conciliation the next; a king without energy or deci¬ sion of character, and counsellors destitute alike of wisdom, prudence, and moderation. In the beginning of the year 1788, Louis recalled the Duke of Orleans, who soon after¬ wards obtained permission to retire to England; whilst the Abbe Sabbatiere and M. Freteau were about the same time allowed to return to the capital. But the parliament had not confined their demands to the liberation of these gentlemen ; they had also echoed the remonstrances of the parliament of Grenoble, and had loudly inveighed against the execution oUettres de cachet. These repeated remonstrances, mingled as they were with personal reflections, seconded the suggestions of the queen; and Louis was once more instigated to adopt measures of severity. MM. d’Espremenil and Monsambert, whose bold and pointed harangues had given the greatest offence, were doomed to experience the immediate resentment of the court.. A body of armed troops having surrounded the hotel in which the parliament were convened, Colonel Degout entered the assembly and secured the persons of the obnoxious members, who were instantly conducted to different prisons. This new instance of arbitrary violence drew forth a remonstrance from parliament, which in bold¬ ness far exceeded all the former representations made by that body. They declared they were now more firmly convinced than ever, that the entire subversion of the constitution was aimed at; but they added, that the French nation would never sanction the despotic measures which the king had been advised to adopt; that the fun¬ damental laws of the kingdom must not be trampled on ; and that the royal authority could only be esteemed as long as it was tempered with justice. Assembly Language so pointed and decisive, asserting the con- otthe Not-trolling power of the laws above the regal authority, could tmin con- n0t . t0 a^arm ^le king; and, with a view to diminish vened. tke influence of the parliament, it was determined again to convene the Notables. Accordingly, about the beginning of May, Louis appeared in that assembly, and after com¬ plaining of the excesses in which the parliament of Paris had indulged, and which had drawn down his reluctant indignation on a few of the members, he declared his re¬ solution, instead of annihilating them as a body, to recall them to their duty and obedience by a salutary reform. M. de la Moignon, as keeper of the seals, then explained his majesty’s intention to establish a plenary court, or su¬ preme assembly, composed of princes of the blood, peers of the realm, great officers of the crown, the clergy, mar¬ shals of Lrance, governors of provinces, knights of differ¬ ent orders, a deputation of one member from every par¬ liament, and two members from the chambers of council, which should be summoned as often as any public emer¬ gency should, in the royal opinion, render it necessary to do so. But if the Assembly of the Notables listened in silent de¬ ference to the project of their sovereign, the parliament of Paris received it with undisguised aversion. That body protested in the strongest manner against the establish¬ ment of any other tribunal, and declared their unalterable resolution not to assist at any deliberations in the supreme assembly which his majesty proposed to institute. A more unexpected mortification occurred to the king in the opposition of several peers of the realm, who expressed their regret at beholding the fundamental principles of History, the constitution violated ; and, though lavish in professions 's—'-y-w' of attachment to the person of the sovereign, concluded D88. with apologizing for not entering on the functions assigned them in the plenary court, which, in their opinion, was in¬ consistent with the true interests of his majesty, no less than with those of the nation at large. Nor was this op¬ position confined to the parliament. The flame quickly spread throughout the more distant provinces. At Rennes in Bretagne, and at Grenoble in Dauphine, the populace broke out into acts of the most daring outrage. In the latter city several hundred of the inhabitants perished in a conflict with the military; but they nevertheless maintained their ground against the regulars, and the com¬ manding officer, on the entreaty of the first president, withdrew his troops from a contest into which he had en¬ tered with reluctance. The different parliaments of the kingdom at the same time expressed their feelings in the most animated language, strongly urging the necessity of calling together the States General, the lawful council of the kingdom, as the only means of restoring public tran¬ quillity and promoting needful reforms. It now became evident to the king, that a compliance with the public wishes for the convocation of the States General was absolutely necessary, to avoid the calamities of a civil war, which a refusal would render inevitable. In such event he must have expected to encounter the ma¬ jority of the people, animated by the exhortations and ex¬ ample of their magistrates ; the peers of the realm had also expressed the strongest disapprobation of his measures; nor could he even depend on the support of the princes of the blood. But what afforded the most serious ground of alarm, was the spirit recently displayed by the military, who, during the disturbances in the provinces, had with difficulty been brought to act against their countrymen; whilst many of their officers, who had been engaged in as¬ sisting to establish the independence of America, publicly declared their abhorrence of despotism. It was not. how¬ ever, until after many a painful struggle that Louis could bring himself to restore an assembly, the influence of which would naturally overshadow that of the crown, whilst its jurisdiction would confine within narrow limits the uncon¬ trolled power which he had inherited from his predeces¬ sors. In the two preceding reigns the States General had been wholly discontinued ; and though the queen-regent, during the troubles attending the minority of Louis XIV. had frequently expressed her intention of calling them toge¬ ther, she was constantly dissuaded by the representations of Mazarin. It is probable, however, that Louis XVL still flattered himself with the hope of alluring the members of that assembly to the side of the court, and* having em¬ ployed them to establish some degree of regularity in the finances, and to curb the spirit of the parliament, of again dismissing them to obscurity. But be this as it may, an arret was issued in August, Convoca- fixing the meeting of the States General for the first day of Aon of the May in the ensuing year; and, during the interval, every ^t,ates step was taken to secure the favourable opinion of thenera*‘ public. New arrangements took place in the administra¬ tion ; Neckar, who had long enjoyed the confidence of the people, was again called to the management of the finances; the torture, which by a former edict had been in part restricted, was now entirely abolished ; every person accused was allowed the assistance of counsel, and permitted to avail himself of any point of law necessary to his defence; and it was decreed, that in future sentence of death should not be passed on any person, unless the accused had been pronounced guilty by a majority of at least three judges. As the time appointed for the convention of the States General approached, the means of assembling them form- FRANCE. 45 History, ed a matter of very grave deliberation in the cabinet. Tlie last meeting, in 1614, had been convened by appli- 1788. cation to the bailiwicks. But this mode was liable to strong objections, as the bailiwicks bad been increased in number and jurisdiction, several provinces having since that period been united to France ; and as the numbers and quality of the members were no less an object of se¬ rious attention, it was not till the close of the year that the proposal of Neckar, which fixed the number of de¬ puties at a thousand and upwards, and ordained that the representatives of the third estate or commons should equal in number those of the nobility and clergy united, wras adopted. Meanwhile the eyes of all Europe were turned towards the States General; but the moment of their meeting was far from being auspicious. The minds of the French had long been agitated by various rumours ; the unanimity which had been expected from the differ¬ ent orders of the states was destroyed by the jarring pre¬ tensions of each; and their mutual jealousies were attri¬ buted by the suspicions of the people to the intrigues of the court, wdiich, it was supposed, already repented of the hasty assent which had been extorted from it. A scar¬ city which pervaded the kingdom increased the general discontent; and the people, pressed by hunger, and in¬ flamed by resentment, were ripe for revolt. The sove¬ reign also, impatient of the obstacles which he continual¬ ly encountered, could not conceal his chagrin ; whilst the influence of the queen in the cabinet manifested itself by the immediate removal of Neckar. The dismission of this minister, who had so long been the favourite of the public, was the signal of open insurrection. The Parisians assembled in great numbers; the guards refused to stain their arms w ith the blood of their fellow-citizens; the Count d’Artois and the most obnoxious of the nobility thought themselves happy in eluding by flight the fury of the insurgents; and in a moment a revolution was accom¬ plished, which, in all its circumstances, is the most re¬ markable of any recorded in history. Causes of The moral history of man is always more important than the Revo- the mere recital of such physical occurrences as diversify lution. his existence. It is not the fall of a mighty monarch and the overthrow of his dynasty, it is not the convulsion of empires, and the rivers of human blood which have been shed, that render the French Revolution peculiarly inte¬ resting. Such events, however deplorable, are far from being without example in the history of mankind. In the populous regions of the East, where superstition and sla¬ very have always prevailed, these are regarded as forming part of the ordinary course of human affairs, because an intrepid and skilful usurper always finds it easy to intimi¬ date millions of ignorant and credulous men. But in Eu¬ rope the case is very different indeed. No adventurer can advance far without encountering thousands as artful and as daring as himself. Events are not the result either of blind hazard or of individual skill. Conspiracies or plots produce but little effect. Like other arts, that of govern¬ ment has been much improved ; and an established con¬ stitution can only be shaken by a strong convulsion pro¬ duced by national passions and national efforts. The won¬ derful spectacle which we are now to contemplate, is that of an enlightened and polished people becoming in an in¬ stant fierce and sanguinary; a long established government, fortified by the recollections of ages, and forming as it were part of the national character, overturned almost without a struggle ; a whole nation apparently uniting to destroy every institution which time had hallowed or edu¬ cation had taught them to revere; a superstitious people treating the religion of their forefathers with contempt; a long-enslaved race, whose very chains had become dear to them, occupied in the discussion of refined and even visionary schemes of freedom ; in short, twenty-five mil¬ lions of men suddenly treading under foot every sent!- History, ment and every prejudice which they themselves had once regarded as sacred and venerable. 1788. Like the other nations of Europe, France was anciently governed by a rude and fierce aristocracy, the different members of which were feebly united by the authority of a succession of kings destitute of power or influence. The nobles, within their own territories, enjoyed privileges almost royal. They made peace and war; they coined money; they were judges in the last resort; their vassals were their slaves, whom they bought and sold along with the lands; and the inhabitants of cities, although freemen, were poor, depressed, and dependent on the protection of some baron in their neighbourhood. But, by the progress of the arts, the cities at length rose into importance, and their inhabitants, along with such freemen of low rank as resided in the country, were considered as entitled to a representation in the States General of the kingdom, under the appellation of tiers etat, or third estate. When in pro¬ cess of time, however, the power of the crown had crushed that of the barons, and the sovereign became despotic, the meetings of the States General were discontinued. But absolute authority on the part of the crown was not ac¬ quired, as it was in England under the house of Tudor, by» abolishing the pernicious privileges of the nobles, and ele¬ vating the commons: it was obtained by skilful encroach¬ ments, by daring exertions of prerogative, and by the em¬ ployment of a regular military force. In France, there¬ fore, the monarch was absolute, whilst the nobles retained their feudal privileges, and the ecclesiastical hierarchy also enjoyed its peculiar rights and immunities. But the kingdom of France, previously to the Revolu¬ tion, had never been reduced to one homogeneous mass. It consisted of a variety of separate provinces acquired by different means; some by marriage, others by legacy, and others again by conquest. Each province retained its ancient laws and privileges, whether political or civil, as expressed in the capitularies or conditions by which it was originally acquired. In one part of his dominions the French monarch was a count, in another he was a duke, in a third he was a king; whilst the only bond which unit¬ ed his vast empire was the strong military force by which it was overawed. Each province had its barriers ; and the intercourse between one province and another was often more restricted by local usages than the intercourse of either with a foreign country. Some of the provinces, as Bretagne and Dauphine, even retained the right of as¬ sembling periodically their provincial states; but these constituted no barrier against the power of the court. The clergy formed the first estate of the kingdom in point of precedence. In number they amounted to about a hundred and thirty thousand. The higher orders en¬ joyed immense revenues ; but the cures or great body of the working clergy seldom possessed more than about L.28 sterling a year, whilst their vicaires had only about half that sum. A few of the dignified clergy were men of great piety, who resided constantly in their dioceses, and attended to the duties of their office ; but by far the greater number passed their lives at Paris and Versailles, immers¬ ed in all the intrigues and dissipation of a corrupt court and a profligate capital. They were almost exclusively selected from amongst the younger branches of the fami¬ lies of the high nobility ; and it had even come to be ac¬ counted a species of dishonour for any persons of low rank to be admitted into the episcopal order. The lower clergy, on the contrary, were for the most part persons of mean birth, who had little chance of preferment, but who, by living constantly among the people, naturally participated in their feelings and opinions. As a body, the clergy possessed, independently of the tithes, a revenue arising from their property in land, which amounted to four or FRANCE. History, five millions sterling annually, and they were at the same time exempt from taxation. The crown had latterly at- ' • tempted to break down this privilege; but, to avoid the clanger, the clergy had presented to the court, as a free gift, a sum of money somewhat short of a million sterling every five years. The nobility was nominally the second order of the state, but it was in reality the first. The nobles amounted to no less than two hundred thousand in number. The title and rank descended to all the children of the family, but the property went to the eldest alone; and hence vast multitudes of penniless nobles were entirely depen¬ dent upon the bounty of the court. They regarded the useful and commercial arts as dishonourable, and even the liberal professions of the law and physic they consi¬ dered as in a great measure beneath their dignity, dis¬ daining to intermarry with the families of their profes¬ sors. The feudal system in its purity was favourable to the production of respectable qualities in the minds of those who belonged to the order of the nobles; but the introduction of commerce had rendered its decline equally unfavourable to that class of persons. Instead of the an¬ cient patriarchal attachment between the feudal chieftain and his vassals, the nobility had become greedy landlords in the provinces, that they might appear in splendour at court and in the capital, where, plunged in intrigue and sensuality, their characters became frivolous and con¬ temptible. Such of the French nobility, however, as re¬ mained in the provinces, regarded with indignation this degradation of their order, and still retained a proud sense of honour and of courage, which has always rendered them respectable. The order of the nobles was exempted from the payment of taxes, although the property of some of them was immense. The estates of the prince of Conde, for example, were worth L.200,000 a year, and those of the Duke of Orleans nearly twice as much. The crown had indeed imposed some trifling taxes upon the nobility, but these they contrived, in a great measure, to elude. Next to the nobles, and as a privileged order possessing a secondary kind of nobility of their own, may be men¬ tioned the parliaments. These consisted of large bodies of men, in different provinces, and served as courts of law for the administration of justice. In consequence of the corruption of the officers of state, the members purchased their places, which they held for life; but the son was usually preferred when he offered to purchase his father’s place. Practising lawyers had but little chance of ever becoming judges. In courts thus constituted, consisting of a motley mixture of old and young, learned and igno¬ rant, justice was of course indifferently administered. I he judges allowed their votes in depending causes to be openly solicited by the parties or their friends. No wise man ever entered into a litigation against a member of one of these parliaments, and no lawyer would undertake to plead his cause; such a suit never came to a success¬ ful issue, and usually came to no issue at all. But after the States General had fallen into disuse, the parliaments {inquired a certain degree of political consequence, and formed the only check upon the absolute power of the crown. The laws, or royal edicts, before being put in force, were always sent to be registered in the books of the parliaments. Taking advantage of this practice, in favourable times and circumstances, the latter often delay¬ ed or refused to enregister the royal edicts, and present¬ ed remonstrances against them. And this was done un¬ der cover of a legal fiction. For they pretended that the obnoxious edict, being injurious to the public welfare, could not be the will of the king, but must either be a forgery or an imposition by the ministers. Objections of this kind were, however, got rid of, either by a positive order from the king, or by his coming in person and or¬ dering the edict to be registered. The parliaments, tie- History, vertheless, often carried their opposition a great length, indeed even to the ruin of themselves and their families USS. as individuals. This rendered them extremely popular with the nation, and enabled them to embarrass a weak administration. But, after all, the opposition of the par¬ liaments proved so feeble, that it was not thought worth while to abolish them entirely till towards the end of the reign of Louis XV. ; and they were restored as a popular measure at the beginning of that of Louis XVI. The tiers etat, or commons, formed the lowest order of the state in France, and they were depressed and miser¬ able in the extreme. To form a conception of their si¬ tuation, it is necessary to observe that the whole pecuni¬ ary burdens of the state were laid on them. They alone were liable to taxation. An expensive and ambitious court; an army of two hundred thousand men in time of peace, and twice that number in war; a considerable ma¬ rine establishment; public roads and works; all were sup¬ ported exclusively by taxes levied from the lowest of the people. The revenues also were collected in a wasteful and oppressive manner. They were farmed out at a cer¬ tain estimated sum, over and above which the farmers- general not only acquired immense fortunes for them¬ selves, but were also enabled to advance enormous pre¬ sents to those favourites or mistresses of the king or the minister by means of whom they procured their contracts. In raising all this money from the people, they were guil¬ ty of the most cruel oppression; as they had it in their power to obtain whatever revenue laws they pleased, and to execute these in the severest manner, their exactions were measured by their own cupidity alone. For this pur¬ pose they kept in pay an army of clerks, subalterns, scouts, end spies, amounting, it is said, to about eighty thousand. This class of persons were equally detested by the king, whom they deceived and kept in poverty; by the people, whom they oppressed ; and by the ancient nobility, whom they eclipsed by the splendour of their establishments and the prodigality of their expenditure. But the court of France could never contrive to dispense with these finan¬ cial middle-men. The peasants were also liable to be call¬ ed out by the intendants of the provinces, in what were called corvees, to work upon the high roads for a certain number ol days in the year. I his was a source of severe oppression, as the intendant had the choice of the time and place of their employment, and was not bound to accept of any commutation in money. They were more¬ over subject to the nobles in a great variety of ways. I he latter retained all their ancient manorial or patrimo¬ nial jurisdictions. The common people being anciently slaves, had obtained their freedom upon different condi¬ tions. In many places they and their posterity remained bound to pay a perpetual tribute to their feudal lords; and such tributes formed a considerable part of the re¬ venue of many of the provincial nobles. By a recent re¬ gulation, no man could be appointed an officer of the army until he had produced proofs of nobility for four genera¬ tions. The parliaments, although originally of the tiers etat, attempted also to introduce a rule that none but the nobility should be admitted into their order. It will not be accounted surprising, therefore, that the common peo¬ ple of France were extremely ignorant and superstitious. I hey were, however, passionately devoted to their mo¬ narch, and all that concerned him. In 1754, when Louis XV. was taken ill at Metz, the whole nation was thrown into a kind of despair. The courier who brought the news of his recovery to Paris was almost suffocated by the em¬ braces of the populace, who even extended their loyal en¬ dearments to the horse which had carried him. The trench monarch was, in every sense of the word, despotic. His power was supported by the army, and by FRA History, a watchful police with an infinite host of spies and other servants in its pay. In France no man was safe. The 1788. secrets of private families were searched into. Nothing, in fact, escaped the jealous inquisition of the police. Men were seized by lettres de cachet when they least expected it, and their families had no means of discovering their fate. The sentence of a court of law against a nobleman was usually reversed by the minister. No book could be published without the license of a censor-general, appoint¬ ed by the court, and the minister was accountable to none but the king. No account was given of the expenditure of the public money. Enormous gratifications and pen¬ sions were often bestowed as the reward of the most infa¬ mous services. The supreme power of the state was com¬ monly lodged with a favourite mistress, who was sometimes a woman taken from the stews. This was not indeed the case under Louis XVI., but it was nevertheless one of the misfortunes of his life that he was far from being absolute in his own family. Still, however, with all its manifold faults, the French court was the most splendid and po¬ lished in Europe. It was more the resort of men of ta¬ lents and literature of every kind, and there they met with more ample protection, than anywhere else. The court was often jealous of their productions; but they met with the most distinguished attention from men of fortune and rank; insomuch that for a century previous to this the French had given the law to Europe in all questions of taste, literature, and polite accomplishment. The gai¬ ety and elegance which prevailed at court diffused itself throughout the nation, and, amidst much internal misery, gave it an external appearance of happiness, or at least of contented endurance. But, such as it was, this government had stood for ages, and might have continued much longer, had not a con¬ currence of causes contributed to its overthrow. The in¬ ferior orders of the clergy, excluded from all chance of preferment, regarded their superiors with jealousy and envy, and were ready to join the laity of their own rank in any popular commotion. The inferior provincial nobi¬ lity beheld with contempt and indignation the vices and the power of the courtiers, and the higher nobility desired to diminish the power of the crown. The practising law¬ yers, being almost entirely excluded from the chance of becoming judges, wished eagerly for a change of system, not doubting that their talents and professional skill would render them necessary amidst any alterations which might occur; and accordingly they were the first instruments in producing the Revolution, and amongst its most active supporters. The monied interest eagerly longed for the downfall of the ancient nobility. With respect to the great mass of the common people, they were too ignorant, too superstitiously attached to old establishments, and too much depressed, to have any distinct conception of the nature of political liberty, or any hope of obtaining it; but their minds were nevertheless in some measure prepared for change, by the contagious influence, as it were, of the passions which were fermenting around them. For forty years the principles of liberty had been dis¬ seminated with eagerness in France by men of great ta¬ lents, as Rousseau, Voltaire, Helvetius, and Raynal, to whom the celebrated Montesquieu had led the way. Be¬ sides these, there was in France a vast multitude of what were called men of letters, or persons who gave this ac¬ count of the manner in which they spent their time ; and all these were deeply engaged on the side of some kind of political reform. The men of letters in Paris alone are said to have amounted to twenty thousand. One of the last acts of the administration of the Archbishop of Tou¬ louse was to publish a resolution of the king in council, dated 5th July 1780, inviting all his subjects to give him their advice with regard to the state of affairs. This was N C E. 47 considered as the concession of an unlimited liberty of the History, press; and it is scarcely possible to form an idea of the infinite variety of political publications which from that 1788* period diffused amongst the people a dissatisfaction with the order of things under which they had hitherto lived. The established religion of France had for some time past been gradually undermined. It had been solemnly assaulted by philosophers in various elaborate perform¬ ances; and the men of wit, amongst whom Voltaire took the lead, had attacked it with the dangerous weapon of ridicule, which in France is so much more effective than argument. The Roman Catholic religion is much exposed in this respect, in consequence of the multitude of false mi¬ racles and legendary tales with which its history abounds. But, without discriminating between the principles on which it rests, and the superstitious follies by which these had been defaced, the French nation learned to laugh at the whole, and rejected instead of reforming the religion of their fathers. Thus the first order in the state had al¬ ready begun to be regarded as useless, and the minds of men were prepared for important changes. Upon the whole, then, it appears that a great variety of causes contributed, some more and others less directly, to bring about that grand social and political movement which, in the early part of its career, dashed in pieces the oldest monarchy in Europe, and gave to the regene¬ rative principle an impulse which has been felt even in distant nations, and the ultimate effects of which no one can as yet compute. In the first place, the destruction of the power of the great vassals of the crown, and the con¬ solidation of the monarchy into one great kingdom, during the reigns of Louis XL, Francis L, and Henry IV., was essential to the Revolution; for, had the central power been weaker, and the privileges of the great feudatories remained unimpaired, France, like Germany, would most probably have been split into a number of independent principalities, all unity of feeling or national energy would have been lost in the division of interests, and a revo¬ lution would no more have happened in France than in Silesia or Saxony. Secondly, the military spirit of the French, and the native valour which a long series of nation¬ al triumphs had sustained, inspired them with the moral courage to commence, and the fortitude to maintain, a conflict, under which a people differently circumstanced would have speedily sunk. Thirdly, the spirit of free in¬ vestigation which distinguished the eighteenth century, and which, from expatiating in the regions of taste and philosophy, passed, by an easy transition, into those of politics and religion, no doubt contributed powerfully to produce that change of opinion which sooner or later brings about important alterations in the institutions of a country. This freedom of inquiry and discussion, which assumed its greatest latitude in the writings of Voltfiire, Rousseau, Raynal, and the Encyclopedists, existed by sufferance, it is true, and was confined to abstract ques¬ tions alone ; yet the fact of its having been tolerated is a proof that the minds of men were prepared to re-consider all received opinions, and that the religious and political speculations which are commonly supposed to have creat¬ ed the revolutionary spirit, were in reality the symptoms of a change already operated, but which they contributed incalculably to extend and confirm. Fourthly, the church in France experienced the fate of all attempts in an ad¬ vancing age to fetter the human mind by the shackles of an antiquated creed, or the tyranny of an overgrown and corrupt hierarchy ; the resistance to its authority became general, the good and the bad parts of its doctrine were indiscriminately rejected, and blind belief gave place to the most uncompromising scepticism. Infidelity became a test of mental independence ; and the progress of philo¬ sophical speculation, as evinced in the writings of Ray- FRANCE. 48 History, nal, Voltaire, Diderot, and Rousseau, served more and more to confirm the tendency to which we have alluded. 173a. Fifthly, the exclusive immunities enjoyed by the nobility, the grievances which the French nation suffered in conse¬ quence, and the insolence of privileged tyranny, which is even more keenly resented than the tyranny itself, were mainly instrumental in bringing about the Revolution. “ Numerous and serious as the grievances of the French nation were,” says Rivarol, “ it was not these that occa¬ sioned the Revolution. Neither the taxes, nor the lettres de cachet, nor the other abuses of authority, nor the vexa¬ tions of the prefects, nor the ruinous delays of justice, irritated the nation : it was Xhe prestige of nobility which excited all the ferment, a fact which proves that it was the shopkeepers, the men of letters, the monied interest, in a word, all those who were jealous of the nobility, who roused against them the lower classes in the towns, and the peasantry in the country. In truth, it was an extra¬ ordinary circumstance that the nation should say to a child possessed of parchment, 1 You shall one day be either a prelate, or a marshal, or an ambassador, as you choose,’ whilst it has nothing to offer to its other children.” And to all these may be added, as concurring and co-operating causes, first, the unprecedented inequality of taxation ; se¬ condly, the state of the labouring poor, who had been redu¬ ced to the most abject misery; thirdly, the non-residence of the landed proprietors, drawing after it, as is almost in¬ variably the case, a discontented tenantry and a neglect¬ ed country; fourthly, the local burdens and feudal ser¬ vices due by the tenantry to their feudal superiors, which were to the last degree vexatious and oppressive ; fifth¬ ly, the royal prerogative, which, by a series of successful usurpations, had reached a height inconsistent with any thing like real freedom ; sixthly, the corruption which had long tainted the manners of the court, and poisoned all the sources of influence ; seventhly, the American war, which, whilst the minds of the people were in a fer¬ ment, lighted a spark that speedily set fire to the train; eighthly, the state of the army, both in point of feelingand discipline ; and, lastly, the spirit of innovation, which may justly be considered as “ the joint effect and full result’of all the causes we have enumerated. But so many causes of disaffection did not come all at once into action ; many of them had long been in operation. During the whole reign of Louis XV. the discontents of the people were gradually increasing, and it was already foreseen that the reign of his successor would be one of anxiety and trou¬ ble. “ I have had great difficulty,” said Louis XV. “ in extricating myself from the quarrels with the parliaments during my whole reign ; let my grandson take care of them, for it is more than probable they will endanger his crown.” Subsequently to the peace of 1763, a growing discontent prevailed in the nation; headed, in the first instance, by a portion of the nobility, who were either impelled by the force of public opinion, or ambitious of popular applause, and augmented latterly by the number¬ less faults of the government, the corruption of the court, and the misery of the country. The immense population of the city of Paris rendered it an important engine in the hands of the fomenters and conductors of the Revolution. An overgrowm capital has always proved dangerous to a government which is or at¬ tempts to be despotic; as appears from the history of an¬ cient Babylon and Rome, as well as that of modern Con¬ stantinople, London under Charles L, and Paris in the times of the League and the Fronde. The general scarcity of grain which occurred about this period also assisted not a little in producing many of the convulsions attending the Revolution. On Sunday the 13th of July 1788, about nine in the morning, without any eclipse, darkness sud¬ denly overspread several parts of France; a phenomenon which formed the prelude to a tempest unexampled in the History, temperate region of Europe. Wind, rain, hail, and thun- der, seemed to contend in impetuosity; but the hail proved 1788-1739. the greatest instrument of destruction. Instead of the rich prospects of an early autumn, the face of nature in the space of an hour presented the dreary aspect of uni¬ versal winter. The soil was converted into a morass, and the standing corn beaten into the quagmire; the vines were broken to pieces, and the fruit trees demolished; whilst unmelted hail lay in heaps like rocks of solid ice. Even the most robust forest trees were unable to with¬ stand the fury of the tempest. The hail was composed of large, solid, angular pieces of ice, some of them weighing from eight to ten ounces. The country people, beaten down in the fields on their way to church, amidst this concussion of the elements, concluded that the last day had arrived ; and, scarcely attempting to extricate themselves, lay despairing and half suffocated amidst the water and the mud, expecting the immediate dissolution of all things. But the storm was irregular in its devastations. Whilst several rich districts were laid entirely waste, some inter? mediate portions of country remained comparatively little injured. One district of sixty square leagues had not a single ear of corn or fruit of any kind left. Of the sixty- six parishes in the district of Pontoise, forty-three were entirely desolated; and of the remaining twenty-three some lost two thirds and others half their harvest. The Isle of France, being the district in which Paris is situ¬ ated, and the Orleannois, appear to have suffered most severely. The damage done there, upon a moderate computation, amounted to eighty millions of livres, or between three and four millions sterling. Such a cala¬ mity must at any period have been severely felt; but occurring on the eve of a great political revolution, and amidst a general scarcity throughout Europe, it was pe¬ culiarly unfortunate, and occasioned more embarrassment to the government than perhaps any other event what¬ ever. Numbers of families found it necessary to contract their mode of living for a time, and to dismiss their ser¬ vants, who were thus left destitute of bread. Added to the public discontent and political dissensions, this cala¬ mity produced such an effect upon the people in general, that the nation seemed to have changed its character ; and instead of that levity by which it had ever been distin¬ guished, a deep gloom seemed now to settle down on every countenance. The spring of the year 1789 was a period of much po-Attempt litical anxiety in France. The superior orders wished to to reduce reduce the power of the crown, but were jealous of their P°wer own privileges, and determined to retain them; whilst crown< the popular philosophers and others were endeavouring to render them odious, and to rouse the people to a love of freedom. Still, however, the great body of the com¬ mon people remained careless spectators of the struggle, and unconscious of the approaching convulsion. Such was their indifference, indeed, that few of them took the trou¬ ble even to attend and vote at the elections of the depu¬ ties to the Stafes General. In many places where a thou¬ sand voters were expected, scarcely fifty came forward ; but such of them as did appear showed that a seed had been sown which might one day produce important fruits. In the instructions which they gave to their deputies, the British constitution formed in general the model upon which they wished their government to be reconstructed. They demanded equal taxation, the abolition of lettres de cachet or arbitrary imprisonment, the responsibility of mi¬ nisters, and the extinction of the feudal privileges of the nobles; but they wished that the whole three orders of the state should sit and vote in one house, well knowing that their nobility were not prepared to act the moderate part of the British House of Lords. The nobles, on the FRANCE. 49 1789. History, other hand, though willing to renounce some of their pe¬ cuniary immunities, and to sacrifice the power of the crown, were most decidedly resolved neither to surrender their feudal prerogatives, nor to give up the right of sit¬ ting in three separate assemblies; by means of which each of the orders could easily resist the encroachments of the two others. M. Neckar has been severely censur¬ ed for not deciding this last and important question pre¬ viously to the meeting of the States General; but it must be observed, that the very purpose of calling that assem¬ bly together was to overturn, through its medium, and without any direct interposition on the part of the mini¬ sters, the unjust privileges of the higher orders. Had the king positively decided in favour of three chambers, the nobles and the clergy would have retained all those ancient privileges established in their favour, of which it was his wish to deprive them, and the crown and its pre¬ rogatives would have been the only objects of sacrifice. It was therefore thought safer to leave the tiers etat to fight its own battle; nor was it yet imagined that the commons of France, depressed, and poor, and dispersed over a multitude of provinces, could ever unite in enter¬ prises dangerous to the power of the sovereign, leeting of The States had been summoned to meet at Versailles ie States. on t]ie 27th of April, and most of the deputies arrived at that time; but as the elections for the city of Paris were not concluded, the king deferred the commencement of their sessions until the 4th of May, During this period the members, left in idleness, began to find out and form acquaintance with one another. In particular, a few from Bretagne formed themselves into a club, into which they gradually admitted such other deputies as were found to be zealous in the popular cause, and also many persons who were not deputies. This society, which took the name of the Comite Breton, was originally established at Versailles, and was destined, under the appellation of the Jacobin Club, to give laws to France, and to diffuse ter¬ ror and alarm throughout Europe. On the other hand, the aristocratic party established conferences at the house of Madame de Polignac, for the purpose, as was alleged, of uniting the nobles and the clergy. An event occur¬ red at this time which all parties ascribed to some mali¬ cious motive. In the populous suburb of St Antoine, where a person named Reveillon carried on a great paper manufactory, a false report was spread that this individual intended to lower the wages of his workmen, and that he had declared that bread was too good for them, and that they might subsist W'ell enough on patato-flour. A com¬ motion was raised, Reveillon was burned in effigy, and his house thereafter burned and pillaged by the mob, who were not dispersed till the military had been called in, and many lives lost. The popular party asserted that this commotion had been artfully excited by the party of the queen and the Count d’Artois, to afford a pretence for bringing great bodies of the military to the neigh¬ bourhood, in order to overawe the States General, or in¬ duce the king to resolve on assembling that body at Ver¬ sailles in preference to Paris, where they and the popu¬ lar minister Neckar wished the assemblage to take place. On the 4th of May the States General assembled at Versailles, and commenced business by going to church in solemn procession, preceded by the clergy, and followed by the king, according to ancient custom, to perform an act of devotion. The nobles were arrayed in splendid robes, and, like the higher clergy, glittered in gold and jewels. The commons appeared in black, the dress be- longing to the law. The assembly was thereafter opened by a short speech from the throne, in which the king con¬ gratulated himself on thus meeting his people assembled ; alluded to the national debt, and the taxes, which were se¬ verely felt because unequally levied; and noticed the ge- vol. x. neral discontent and spirit of innovation which prevailed, History, but declared his confidence in the wisdom of the assem- bly for remedying every evil. M. Barretin, the keeper of 1789. the seals, next addressed the assembly in a congratulatory speech, and was followed by Neckar. The latter spoke for three hours; but though much applauded on account of the clear financial details which his speech contained, he encountered a certain degree of censure from all parties, on account of the cautious ambiguity which he observed regarding the future proceedings of the States General. The following day the three orders assembled separate¬ ly. The deputies of the tiers etat amounted to six hun¬ dred in number, and those of the nobles and clergy to three hundred each. During the earlier sittings much time was spent in unimportant debates about trifling points of form ; and the first important question which came under discussion was the verification of their powers, or produc¬ tion of the commissions of the members, and the investi¬ gation of their authenticity. The commons laid hold of this as a pretext for opening the grand controversy, whether the States General should sit in one or in three separate chambers; and they sent a deputation inviting the nobles and the clergy to meet along with them in the common- hall, for the purpose of verifying their powers in one com¬ mon assembly. In the chamber of the clergy a hundred and fourteen members voted for the performance of this ceremony in the general assembly, and a hundred and thirty- three against it; but in the order of the nobles the reso¬ lution for the verification in their own assembly was carried by a majority of a hundred and eighty-eight to forty-seven. The commons, however, paid no regard to this. Conduct¬ ed by bold and skilful leaders, who discerned the import¬ ance of the point in contest, they resolved not to abandon it. Hence the latter, though fully cognisant of the exigen¬ cies of the state, and aware that, owing to the deficiency in the revenue, a short delay might lead to the absolute disso¬ lution of the government, suffered five weeks to pass away in total inactivity. During this period proposals were made on the part of the ministry for a pacification between the three orders, and conferences were opened by commission¬ ers from each ; but no art could induce the commons to abandon their original purpose, or prevail witn them to enter upon the business of the state. The nation having expected much from the assembling Popularity of the States General, received the intelligence of their in- of the tiers action with no small degree of concern. But as the tiersttaU etat was naturally popular, public censure could not readi¬ ly fall upon that favourite order. Besides, from the period of their assembling, the commons had made every effort to augment their own popularity. They admitted all persons promiscuously into the galleries, and even into the body of their hall; no restraint was attempted to be laid upon the most vehement marks of popular applause or censure; lists of the names of the voters were publicly taken and sent to Paris upon every remarkable occasion ; and thus the mem¬ bers suddenly found that, according to their political senti¬ ments, they became objects of general execration or ap¬ plause. The new and bold notions of liberty which were daily advanced by the leaders of the tiers etat were re¬ ceived with acclamation by their hearers ; the capital be¬ came interested in the issue of every debate ; and the po¬ litical fervour thus generated thrilled along every nerve and sinew of society. The commons accused the nobles of ob¬ stinately impeding the business of the state, by refusing to verify their powers in one common assembly ; and the ac¬ cusation was greedily swallowed by the multitude. The nobles accordingly became every day more unpopular. Their persons were insulted; and new publications daily appeared, in which their order was reviled, and repre¬ sented as an useless or pernicious incumbrance, not to be tolerated in a free state. Whoever adhered to them was 50 FRA History, branded with the odious appellation of aristocrat. The clergy, from the influence of the parish cures or parsons, 1789- seemed ready to desert their cause; and they were even opposed by a minority of their own body, which derived lustre from having at its head the Duke of Orleans. Still, however, the majority of the nobles remained firm ; well aware, that if they once consented to sit in the same as¬ sembly, and to vote promiscuously, with the more numer¬ ous body of the commons, their whole order, with all its exclusive privileges, must speedily be overthrown. Meanwhile the leaders of the commons saw that a change was taking place in the minds of men ; and regarding the period as at length arrived when they might emerge from their inactivity, and seize the whole legislative authority, they declared that the representatives of the nobles and the clergy were only the deputies of particular incorporations, who might sit and vote along with them, but who had no title in a collective capacity to act as the legislators of France. For conducting business with more facility, twenty committees were named. On the suggestion of the Abbe Sieyes, a final message was sent to the privileged orders, requiring their attendance as individuals, and intimating that the commons, as the deputies of ninety-six out of every hundred of their countrymen, were about to assume the exclusive power of legislation. None of the nobles obeyed the summons ; but three cures, named Cesve, Bal¬ lard, and Jallot, presented their commissions, and were re¬ ceived with loud acclamations ; and the following day these were followed by five more, amongst whom were Gregoire, Dillon, and Bodineau. After some debate concerning the appellation which they ought to assume, the commons, with such of the clergy as had joined them, solemnly voted them¬ selves the sovereign legislators of their country, under the name of the National Assembly. When the result of the vote was declared, the hall resounded with shouts, from an immense concourse of spectators, of Vive le Roi et vive l'Assemblee Nationale. M. Badly was chosen president for four days only, MM. Camus and Pison de Galand were appointed secretaries, and the assembly proceeded to busi¬ ness. The first acts of the National Assembly were decisively expressive of its own sovereignty. All taxes imposed with¬ out the consent of the representatives of the people were declared to be null and void; but a temporary sanction was given to the existing taxes, though illegal, till the dis¬ solution of the assembly, and no longer ; and it was added, that as soon as the assembly should be able to fix, in con¬ cert with his majesty, the principles of national regenera¬ tion, it would take into consideration the national debt, and place the creditors of the state under the safeguard of the national honour. Union of The popular cause now gained ground so fast, that on the clergy the 19th of June a majority of the clergy voted for the ve- with the rification of their powers in common with the National As- commons. gembiy^ and resolved to unite with them on the following day. Affairs had thus come to a crisis, and the nobles per¬ ceived that they must instantly make a decisive stand, or yield up their cause as utterly lost. So great indeed was their alarm, that M. d’Espremenil proposed, at one of the sit¬ tings of their order, to address the king, entreating him to dissolve the States General. Hitherto that prince had gone along with Neckar in favouring the popular cause in oppo¬ sition to the aristocracy. But every art was now used to alarm his mind regarding the late assumptions of power on the part of the commons; and these arts were at length successful. Repeated councils were held ; and as Neckar was absent attending a dying sister, the king was prevail¬ ed upon to enter into the views of the aristocratical leaders. But the first measure which they adopted was so ill con¬ ducted as to afford little prospect of final success to their cause. On the 20th of June, when the president and mem- N C E. bers were about to enter as usual into their own hall, they History, found it unexpectedly surrounded by a detachment of the guards, who refused them admission, whilst the herald at DSO. the same time proclaimed a royal session. Alarmed at this unforeseen event, the meaning of which they knew not, but apprehending that an immediate dissolution of the assem¬ bly was intended, they instantly retired to a neighbouring tennis-court, where, in the heat of their enthusiasm, they took a solemn oath never to separate until the constitution they had promised the country should be completed. On the 22d a new proclamation intimated that the royal ses¬ sion was deferred till the following day. It was now alleg¬ ed that the assembly had been excluded from their hall merely because the workmen were occupied in preparing it for the intended solemnity. But this information was not calculated to excite favourable expectations of the measures about to be adopted at a royal session, ushered in by such circumstances of disrespect to the representa¬ tives of the people. The assembly, after wandering about in quest of a place of meeting, at length entered the church of St Louis, and were immediately joined by the majority of the clergy, with their president the Archbishop of Vi¬ enne at their head. Two nobles of Dauphine, the Mar¬ quis de Blazon and the Count d’Agoult, at the same time presented their commissions. Encouraged by these events, and by the applause of the multitude, the assembly now waited with firmness the measures about to be adopted. The royal session was held in the most splendid form, Discourse but altogether in the style of the ancient despotism. Sol-of the king, diers surrounded the hall. The two superior orders were seated, whilst the representatives of the people, who had been left standing a full hour in the rain, were in no hu¬ mour, when at last admitted, to receive with much com¬ placency the commands of their sovereign. The king read a discourse, in which he declared null and void the resolutions of the 17th, but at the same time presented the programme of a constitution for France. This scheme contained many good and patriotic principles, but pre¬ served the distinction of orders, and the exercise of lettres de cachet; it said nothing about any active share in the legislative power to be possessed by the States General, and was silent respecting the responsibility of ministers and the liberty of the press. The king concluded by command¬ ing the deputies immediately to retire, and to assemble again on the following day ; after which he then withdrew, and was followed by all the nobles and a part of the clergy. The commons remained on their seats in gloomy silence; but this was at length interrupted by the grand master of the ceremonies, who reminded the president of the inten¬ tions of the king. The words were scarcely uttered when Mirabeau, starting from his seat, exclaimed, “ The com¬ mons of France have determined to debate. We have heard the intentions which have been suggested to the king; and you, who cannot be his agent with the States Gene¬ ral, you, who have here neither seat nor voice, nor a right to speak, are not the person to remind us of his speech. Go tell your master, that we are here by the power of the people, and that nothing shall expel us but the bayonet.” The applause of the assembly seconded the enthusiasm of the orator, and the master of the ceremonies withdrew in silence. M. Camus then rose, and having in a vehement speech stigmatized the royal session by the obnoxious ap¬ pellation of a bed of justice, he concluded by moving that the assembly should declare their unqualified adherence to their former decrees. This motion was followed by ano¬ ther, declaring the persons of the deputies inviolable ; and both were unanimously decreed. The assembly according¬ ly continued their sittings in the usual form. On the fol¬ lowing day the majority of the clergy attended as members; and on the 25th the Duke of Orleans, along with forty-nine of the deputies belonging to the order of nobility, also joined FRANCE. 51 listory. them. The remaining nobles, as well as the small minority of the clergy, now found themselves awkwardly situated ; 1789. wiletiier on this account, or because their leaders had by this time formed a plan for carrying their point by the aid of a military force, the king, by a pressing letter, in¬ vited both orders to join the commons ; and this request was immediately complied with, though many of the nobi¬ lity highly disapproved of the measure, tuation The situation of France had now become truly alarming, ranee- When the king retired from the assembly after the royal session, he was followed by more than six thousand citi¬ zens, with loud clamours and every mark of disapprobation. At Versailles all was speedily in an uproar. Neckar bad repeatedly solicited his dismission, the report of which in¬ creased the popular clamour. The court was in consterna¬ tion. The king now discovered that his minister was more popular than himself. At six o’clock in the evening the queen sent for M. Neckar ; and when he returned from the palace, he assured the crowd who waited for him that he would not abandon them, upon which they retired satisfied. At the same time the news of the royal session had thrown the city of Paris into violent agitation. The peace of that capital was at this time endangered by a variety of causes. A dreadful famine raged throughout the land, and, as is usual in such cases, was most severely felt in the capital. This prepared the minds of men for receiving unfavourable impressions as to the political state of the country; and, besides, every effort was made to disorganize the govern¬ ment, and produce a dislike of the ancient order of things. The press poured forth innumerable publications, filled with new and seducing, though generally impracticable, theories of liberty; and these were not only distributed gratis amongst the people of Paris, but dispersed in the same man¬ ner throughout the provinces. Philip duke of Orleans, presumptive heir to the crown after the children and bro¬ thers of the king, is with good reason believed to have sup¬ plied out of his more than princely revenues the expense of these publications. In the gardens of the Palais Royal, which belonged to him, an immense multitude was daily assembled, listening from morning till night to orators who descanted upon the most exciting topics of popular politics, and many of whom were suspected to be in his pay. It was even believed, we wish we could say with¬ out reason, that his money found its way into the pockets of some of the most distinguished leaders in the National Assembly. duction But the government was, if possible, still more endan- the mi- gered by the methods which were now employed to seduce ar^' the military from their duty. Every officer of the French army belonged to the order of nobility ; and hence it might have been imagined that but little danger was to be appre¬ hended from a body so commanded. But this very circum¬ stance became tne means of disorganizing that great engine of despotism. As uie soldiers could not avoid imbibing the new opinions, their officers became the first objects of their jealousy, especially in consequence of the impolitic edict of Louis XVI. which required every officer to produce proofs of four degrees of nobility, and thus insulted, by avowedly excluding, the plebeians from promotion. With a view to what might eventually occur, the instructions to the deputies of the tiers etat had recommended an increase of the pay of the soldiers ; and now every art was employed to gain them to the popular cause. They were conducted to the Palais Royal, and there caressed and flattered by the populace, whilst they listened to the popular harangues. Nor were the arts of corruption unsuccessful. On the 23d of June the military refused to fire on the mob in a tumult; and when some of their number were on the 30th repor ted to be in confinement for this offence, a crowd instantly col¬ lected and rescued them, the dragoons who were brought to suppress the tumult grounding their arms. A deputation of the citizens solicited the assembly to obtain the pardon History, of the prisoners ; and the assembly applied to the king, who pardoned them accordingly. 1789. All these events, together with the tumultuous state of the capital, which was daily increasing, rendered it neces¬ sary for the king to call out the military force, in order, if possible, to restore the public peace. That his intentions were to re-establish order, the actual state of affairs will not permit us to doubt; but the aristocracy, with the Count d’Artois at their head, were engaged in bringing forward other measures, which ultimately contributed to ruin the king and the monarchy. Crowds of soldiers were collected, from all parts of the kingdom, around Paris and Versailles; and it was observed, that these consisted principally of fo¬ reign troops. Camps were traced out, and Marshal Broglio, an officer of exaggerated reputation, was placed at the head of the army. The king was supposed to have entirely yielded to new counsels, and every thing betokened a des¬ perate effort to restore the energy of the ancient govern¬ ment. This was indeed the most interesting and important period of the French revolution ; it formed as it were the pivot on which the whole movement turned; yet the spe¬ cific designs of the leading actors have never been clearly understood, though their general tendency has always been perfectly intelligible. It was rumoured at the time, that Paris was to be subdued by a bombardment, and that the assembly was to be dissolved, and its leaders put to death. But although such reports were entitled to small credit, the crisis of French liberty was at hand, and the existence of the National Assembly as an independent body, at least upon any other footing than that proposed by the king on the 23d of June, was also involved. An able and eloquent address to the king against the assemblage of foreign troops in their neighbourhood was in the mean time brought for¬ ward by Mirabeau, and voted by the assembly. The king replied that the state of the capital was the cause of as¬ sembling the troops, and offered to transfer the States Ge¬ neral to Noyons or Soissons. “ We will remove neither to Noyons nor to Soissons,” exclaimed Mirabeau ; “ we will not place ourselves between two hostile armies, that which is besieging Paris, and that which may fall upon us through Flanders or Alsace: we have not asked permission to run away from the troops; we have desired that the troops should be removed from the capital.” Thirty-five thousand men were now stationed in the neighboux-hood of Paris and of Versailles. The posts which commanded the city were occupied, and camps were mark¬ ed out for a greater force. The Count d’Artois and his party regarded their plans as ripe for execution ; and Nec¬ kar received an order from the king, ordaining him to quit the kingdom in twenty-four hours. That popular minister dined with his family after receiving the commands of his sovereign, and the same evening set out for Brussels. In his dismission the democratic party perceived that a reso¬ lution had been adopted to accomplish their ruin. The as¬ sembly therefore again addressed the throne, and requested anew the removal of the troops, offering to become respon¬ sible for the public peace, and to proceed in a body to Paris to encounter personally every danger which might occur. But they were coolly told that the king was the best judge of the mode of employing the troops, and that the presence of the assembly was necessary at Versailles. On receiving this reply, it was instantly decreed, on the motion of the Marquis de Lafayette, that the late ministry had carried with them the confidence of the assembly ; that the troops ought to be removed ; that the ministry should be held re¬ sponsible to the people for their conduct; that the assem¬ bly persisted in all its former decrees; and that as it had taken the public debt under the protection of the nation, no power in France was entitled to pronounce the de¬ grading word bankruptcy. 52 FRA History. The city of Paris was thrown into great consternation by the news of Neckar’s retreat. His bust and that of the Con stern a Orleans were dressed in mourning, and carried tion in Pa" through the streets. But the royal Allemand, a German ris. regiment, having broken in pieces the busts, dispersed the populace; and the Prince de Lambesc, grand-ecuyer of France, was ordered to advance with his regiment of cavalry, and take post at the Tuilleries. Being a man of a violent temper, and enraged at the appearances of disappro¬ bation which were visible around him, the latter furiously cut down with his sword an old man who was walking peaceably in the gardens. The consequences of this inhu¬ man act were such as might have been expected. A shout of execration instantly arose ; the cry to arms was heard ; the military was assaulted on all sides ; the French guards joined their countrymen, and compelled the Germans, over¬ powered by numbers, and unsupported by the rest of the army, to retire. All order was now at an end, and as night approached universal terror diffused itself throughout the city. Bands of robbers were collecting; and from them, or from the foreign soldiery, a general pillage was expected. The night passed away in consternation and tumult; and it was found in the morning that the hospital of St Lazare had already been plundered. The alarm bells were rung, and the citizens having assembled at the Hotel de Ville, adopt¬ ed a proposal which was there made for enrolling them¬ selves as a militia, under the appellation of the National Guard. This day and the succeeding night were spent in tolerable quietness, without any attempt being made on the part of the army. But on the morning of the 14th of July it was discovered that the troops encamped in the Champs Elisees had moved off, and an immediate assault was therefore expected. The national guard now amount¬ ed to a hundred and fifty thousand men ; but they were in general destitute of arms. They assumed a green cockade ; but on recollecting that this was the livery of the Count d’Artois, they adopted one of red, blue, and white ; and this was the origin of the tricolor cockade. M. de la Salle was named commander in chief; officers were chosen ; and de¬ tachments were sent round in quest of arms. In the Hotel des Invalides were found upwards of thirty thousand stand of arms, together with twenty pieces of cannon. Avariety of weapons were also procured from the garde-meuble de la cou- ronne, and from the shops of armourers, cutlers, and others. Capture of The too famous fortress of the Bastille was an object of the Bas- natural hatred to the Parisians. Within its walls, courage, nlle. genius, and innocence, had long wept unseen, and its dole¬ ful echoes had often responded to the stifled cries of de¬ spair. At eleven o’clock in the morning, M. de la Rosiere, at the head of a numerous deputation, waited upon M. De¬ launay, the governor, who promised, along with the officers of his garrison, that they would not fire upon the city unless they were attacked. But a report was soon spread through¬ out Paris that M. Delaunay had a short time thereafter admitted into the fortress a multitude of persons, and then treacherously massacred them. The origin of this rumour has never been discovered. The fact itself has been denied ; but it was attested at the time by the Duke of Dorset, then British ambassador at the court of France. The effect of it was the adoption of a resolution to assault the Bastille; in consequence of which an immense and furious multitude rushed into its outer, and soon forced their way into its inner, courts, where they received and returned a severe fire for the space of an hour. The French guards, who were now embodied into the national guard, conducted the attack with equal skill and coolness. They dragged three waggons loaded with straw to the foot of the walls, and there set them on fire, by which means the garrison were prevented from taking aim, whilst the smoke proved no hindrance to the assailants. The besieging multitude pressed the attack with incredible obstinacy for the space N C E- of four hours ; the garrison was thrown in confusion ; the History, officers served the cannon in person, and fired muskets in the ranks; whilst the governor in despair thrice attempt- H89. ed to blow up the fortress. A capitulation was at length sought, but refused to the garrison, and an unconditional surrender demanded. This at length took place, and the governor, with M. de Losme Salbrai, his major, became victims of the popular fury, in spite of every effort which could be made for their protection ; but the French guards succeeded in saving the lives of the garrison. Only seven prisoners were found in the Bastille. A guard was placed in it, and the keys were sent to the celebrated M. Brissot, who a few years before had inhabited one of its dungeons. The remaining part of this eventful day was spent at Paris in a mixture of wild triumph and excessive alarm. In the pocket of the governor of the Bastille there had been found a letter written by M. de Flesselles, the prevot des mar- chands, or chief city magistrate, who had pretended to be a most zealous patriot, encouraging him to resistance by the promise of speedy support. This piece of treachery was punished by instant death ; and the bloody head of Flesselles was carried through the city on a pole, along with that of M. Delaunay. On the approach of night a body of troops advanced towards the city by the Barriere d’Enfer ; but the national guard hurried thither, preceded by a train of artillery, and the troops withdrew upon the first fire. Barricades were everywhere formed, the alarm- bells were rung, and a general illumination continued throughout the night. In the mean time it was obvious that the new ministry A new mi- were entering upon a difficult scene of action, where one false nistry ap. step might lead to ruin, and where their own plans of con- P0inte(l- duct required to be maturely digested. Marshal Broglio was appointed minister of war; the Baron de Breteuil, president of finance ; M. de la Galeziere, comptroller-general; M. de Laporte, intendant of the war department; and M. Foulon, intendant of the navy : but they were only destined to act as official men under the Count d’Artois, and the other leaders of the aristocracy. To the latter there scarcely remained even a choice of difficulties; in fact no resource was left but that of overawing by military force the National As¬ sembly and the capital, and risking the desperate measure of a national bankruptcy, to avoid which the court had con¬ voked the States General. But no trace exists of any at¬ tempt to employ this last and desperate resource. The evening after the departure of M. Neckar was spent by the court of Versailles in festivity, as if a victory had been gained; and the courtiers of both sexes went round among the soldiery, striving to secure their fidelity by caresses, and every species of flattering attention. The ministry, however, not only failed to support the Prince de Lambesc in the post which he had been sent to occupy, but suffered the whole of the 13th to pass in indecision, whilst the c»i- pital was in a state of rebellion, an army formally mustering within its walls, and the names of the principal nobility pub¬ licly exposed in lists of proscription. They accordingly re¬ ceived with confusion and dismay the news of the capture of the Bastille ; and these feelings were increased by infor¬ mation received from Marshal Broglio that the troops re¬ fused to act against the Parisians or the National Assem¬ bly. In this perplexity they adopted the miserable de¬ vice of concealing from the king the real state of public affairs; and that unfortunate prince was thus perhaps the only person who remained ignorant of the convulsions in which his country was involved. At length, about mid¬ night, the Duke of Liancourt forced his way into the king’s apartment, and informed him of the revolt of the capital and the army, and of the surrender of the fortress of the Bastdle. The Count d’Artois, who was present, still at¬ tempted to retain the monarch under the fatal delusion which it had been the object of this communication to de- FRANCE. 53 1789. The king visits the assembly and the capital. History, stroy ; but the Duke of Liancourt, turning round, exclaim¬ ed, “ As for you, Sir, your life can only be saved by instant flight; I have seen with horror your name in the bloody list of the proscribed.” The count, with the members of his short-lived administration and their adherents, accordingly fled to the frontiers ; and thus commenced an emigration which, depriving the throne of its natural supporters, left the field open to the declared enemies of the monarchy. This ministry had, no doubt, many difficulties to contend with ; but an accurate examination of their conduct excites a suspicion which, whilst it exculpates them from much that has been laid to their charge, does little honour either to their talents or their character, namely, that they had come into office without having formed any regular plan of conduct, and that, acting without decision, they became the sport of events which they wanted skill and vigour to direct or control. But in spite of all that had occurred, the monarch was still personally beloved. Early the following morning the king went to the assembly, though with none of the usual solemnities. He regretted the commotions of the capital, disavowed any knowledge of an intention against the per¬ sons of the deputies, and intimated that he had command¬ ed the removal of the troops. A deep silence prevailed for some moments, but this was succeeded by vehement and universal shouts of applause. When the king rose to depart, the whole assembly instantly crowded around him, and at¬ tended him to his palace. The queen appeared at a balco¬ ny with the dauphin in her arms ; and the music played the pathetic air Ou pent on etre mieux qu'au sein de sa famille. The enthusiasm of loyalty communicated itself to the sur¬ rounding multitudes, and nothing was heard but acclama¬ tions of joy. On the following day the king declared his reso¬ lution to visit in person the city of Paris ; and accordingly he set out, attended by some members of the assembly, and by the militia of Versailles. He was met by Lafayette at the head of a body of the national guard, of which he had been chosen commander in chief; and M. Bailly, in whose per¬ son the ancient office of mayor of Paris had been revived, received the king at the gates, and delivered to him the keys. During all this time no shout was heard from the innumerable crowd of spectators but that of Vive la Nation. The king advanced to the Hotel de Ville, where the tri¬ color cockade was presented to him, which he put on, and with this badge on his breast presented himself at the win¬ dow. At the sight of the patriotic emblem an universal shout of Vive le Roi burst forth from every quarter, and Louis returned to Versailles amidst loud demonstrations of apparent loyalty and attachment. But much confusion still prevailed in the capital, notwithstanding there was more appearance of order than might have been expected at such a crisis. This arose from a casual concurrence of circumstances. In order to conduct the elections with fa¬ cility, Paris had been divided into sixty districts, each of which had a separate place of meeting. The people did not elect the members of the States General, but they chose delegates, who, under the name of electors, voted for the members. At the commencement of the disturbances, the electors, at the request of their fellow-citizens, assumed a temporary authority; but of this they speedily became weary, and as soon as possible procured the public election of a hundred and twenty persons, as municipal officers, for the government of the city. The citizens, having acquired the habit of meeting in their districts, grew fond of doing so; and assembling frequently, they made rules for their own government, and sent commissioners to communicate with other districts. The tumultuous nature of these meet¬ ings, and the vehemence of debate which prevailed in them, were incredible; but they gradually ripened into clubs, which ere long assumed the whole power of the state. The banishment of Neckar was of short duration. He returned to France in consequence of an invitation by the History, king, and was received with equal joy by the assembly and the capital. But on this occasion he committed what has H89t- been considered as a great political error. In deploring s the late excesses and murders, and in noticing the arrest of M. Bezenval, an officer of the Swiss guards, he recommend¬ ed to the electors at the Hotel de Ville, in a solemn ha¬ rangue, that the past should be forgotten, that proscriptions should cease, and that a general amnesty should be proclaim¬ ed. In a moment of enthusiasm, this was agreed to, and the electors decreed what unquestionably exceeded their powers. The districts of Paris were instantly in commotion. The electors, alarmed, declared that they only meant that hence¬ forth the people would punish no man except according to law; and to prove that they themselves were free from am¬ bition, they formally renounced all their own powers. The assembly now took up the question, upon which Lally-To- lendal, Mounier, Clermont-Tonnerre, Garat, and others, declared that no person ought to be arrested without a for¬ mal accusation ; whilst Mirabeau, Robespierre, Barnave, and Gleizen, alleged, on the contrary, that the people were entitled to lay hold of any man who had publicly appeared at the head of their enemies. The debate ended by ad¬ mitting the explanation of the electors, and by a declara¬ tion that it was the duty of the assembly to see justice exe¬ cuted in all cases. The commotions and enthusiasm which distracted the State of capital were speedily communicated to the provinces. In the coun. every quarter the people seized upon all the arms which could try* be found, and the military uniformly refused to act against them. Many acts of outrage were committed in Bretagne, at Strasbourg, in the Lyonnois, and elsewhere, in which the nobility were the sufferers. The mischiefs which occurred were usually magnified at a distance; but that very cir¬ cumstance constituted an additional evil. It was stated in the National Assembly that M. de Mesmay, lord of Quin- cey, had invited to his house a number of patriots, amongst whom were the officers of a neighbouring garrison, to a splendid entertainment, in celebration of the happy union of the three orders ; and that in the midst of the feast the master of the house contrived to withdraw unnoticed, and to set fire to a train previously laid, which communicated with a quantity of gunpowder in the cellars, by the explo¬ sion of which the whole company were blown into the air. On inquiry, however, it was found that the story was ut¬ terly destitute of truth. But before the fact could be as¬ certained, all France had resounded with accounts of the bloody tragedy; and the whole nobility of the kingdom suffered in a greater or less degree from the prejudices ex¬ cited by this unhappy report, the origin of which has never been well explained. It would be vain to state all the idle rumours to which at this time the blind credulity of the multitude gave currency. At one time the aristocrats were cutting down the green corn ; at another they were burying flour in the common sewers, or casting loaves into the river Seine. One report had no sooner been proved to be false than another was invented, and the whole na¬ tion was agitated by suspicion and alarm. The National Assembly were engaged in framing the declaration of the Rights of Man, which was to form the basis of the new constitution, when the alarming accounts, received from all quarters, of the state of anarchy into which the king¬ dom wras falling, obliged them suddenly to turn their at¬ tention to questions of practical necessity. The privileged orders finding themselves objects of universal jealousy and hatred, became convinced that something must in¬ stantly be done to save their families and property, which were menaced on every side with persecution and pillage ; and regarding the popular torrent as irresistible, they re¬ solved to sacrifice a part in order to save something cut of the general wreck. 54 FRANCE. 1789. Night of sacrifices. History. On the afternoon sitting of the 4th of August the Vis- J count de Noailles, seconded by the Duke d’Aguillon, opened one of the most important scenes in the French Revolution, or in the history of any country. These no¬ blemen stated, that the true cause of all the commotions which had convulsed the kingdom was to be found in the misery of the people, who groaned under the double op¬ pression of public contributions and of feudal services. “ For three months,” said M. de Noailles, “ the people have beheld us engaged in verbal disputes, whilst their own attention and their wishes are directed only to things. What is the consequence? They have armed to reclaim their rights, and they see no prospect of obtaining them except by force.” He therefore proposed to do justice, as the shortest way of restoring tranquillity, and for this purpose to decree that henceforth every tax should be imposed in proportion to the wealth of the contributors, and that no order of the state should be exempted from the payment of public burdens ; that feudal claims should be redeemed at a fair valuation, but that such claims as consisted of personal services on the part of the vassal should be abolished without compensation, as contrary to the imprescriptible rights of man. The extensive posses¬ sions of the noblemen with whom these proposals originat¬ ed, added lustre to the disinterested sacrifice which they had made; the speeches delivered on the occasion were received with the most enthusiastic applauses by the as¬ sembly and the galleries, and their proposals were decreed by acclamation. In fact, no nation is so powerfully influ¬ enced by sudden emotions as the French. On this occa¬ sion the patriotic contagion spread with inconceivable ra¬ pidity, and a contest of generosity ensued. The hereditary jurisdictions possessed by the nobles within their own ter¬ ritories were unconditionally sacrificed. All places and pensions granted by the court were suppressed, unless given as the reward of merit or of actual services. The game laws, which condemned the husbandman, under severe pe¬ nalties, to leave his property a prey to infinite multitudes of animals preserved for pastime, having always been num¬ bered amongst the most severe grievances of the French peasantry, were renounced, along with the exclusive rights of rabbit-warrens, fisheries, and dove-cots. The sale of offices was abolished, and the fees exacted from the poor, together with the privilege of holding a plurality of liv¬ ings, were relinquished by the clergy. The deputies of the Pais d’Etat, or privileged provinces, with the deputies of Dauphine at their head, next came forward, and offered to surrender their ancient privileges, requesting that the kingdom might no longer remain parcelled out amongst Dauphinois, Bretons, Proven^aux, and others, but that they should all form one great mass of French citizens. They were followed by the representatives of Paris, Marseilles, Lyons, Bordeaux, Strasbourg, and other places, who re¬ quested leave to renounce all their separate privileges as in¬ corporations, for the sake of placing every man and every vil¬ lage in the nation upon a footing of equality. And thus the assembly proceeded, until every member had exhausted his imagination upon the subject of reform. To close the whole, the Duke of Liancourt proposed that a solemn Te Deum should be performed, and a medal struck in comme¬ moration of the events of that night of sacrifices ; and that the title of Restorer of Gallic Liberty should be bestowed upon the reigning monarch. Several days were neces¬ sary to form into laws the decrees of the 4th August, and committees were appointed to make out reports for the purpose. But as one of these included the tithes and revenues of the clergy amongst the abuses which were to be done away with, and proposed in lieu of these to grant to the different ministers of religion a certain stipend pay¬ able by the nation, the clergy now attempted to make a stand in defence of their property; and violent debates ensued, in which they were ably supported by the Abbe History. Sieyes. As the clergy, however, had formerly deserted the nobles, so they were now in their turn abandoned to *789. their fate by the hereditary aristocracy; and the popular party had long regarded the wealth of the church as an easy resource for supplying the wants of the state. Ne¬ ver, indeed, was there a more complete proof of the in¬ fluence of opinion over the affairs of men. The Catholic clergy of France, though possessed of more property than at the time when princes took up arms or laid them down at their command, now found so few defenders, that they were terrified into a voluntary surrender of all which they and their predecessors had enjoyed for ages. In their overthrow they had not even the barren honour of falling the last of those privileged orders which had so long ruled over this ancient kingdom. They, as well as the nobles and the king, still possessed their former titles and nominal dignity ; but all of them were now subdued, and completely at the mercy of the commons of France, who could now dismiss them at pleasure. As a short season of tranquillity in the country and inNewmi- the National Assembly succeeded these great popular sacri- nistry. fices, the king thought it a fit opportunity for the appoint¬ ment of a new ministry, consisting of the Archbishop of Vienne, the Archbishop of Bordeaux, M. Neckar, the Count de St Priest, Count de Montmorin, the Count de la Luzerne, and the Count de la Tour du Pin Paulin. M. Neckar, as minister of finance, stated the distressed situation of the revenue, and presented the plan of a loan of thirty millions of livres. But Mirabeau prevailed with the assembly to alter and narrow the conditions to such a degree that very few subscribers were found, and the loan could not be filled up. This failure involved the as¬ sembly in considerable unpopularity, and they allowed M. Neckar to prescribe his own terms for the purpose ot obtaining a loan of eighty millions. But the moment of public confidence had been allowed to pass away, and the loan was never more than half filled up. Re¬ course was next had to patriotic contributions; and great numbers of gold rings, silver buckles, and pieces of plate, were presented to the assembly. The royal family them¬ selves sent their plate to the mint, either to give counte¬ nance to these donations, or, as Neckar has since assert¬ ed, through absolute necessity, for the purpose of sup¬ porting themselves and their family. The confusion into which the nation had been thrown by recent events had produced a suspension in the payment of all taxes. There existed, in fact, no efficient government; and if society escaped dissolution, it was only in consequence of those habits of order which are produced by a state of long- continued civilization. The business of government could not be transacted without money, and many vain efforts were made by the ministry to procure it. At length M. Neckar was driven to the desperate resource of proposing a compulsory loan, by which every individual possessed of property was to advance to the state a sum equal te one fourth of his annual income. This bold but unwise proposition was supported by Mirabeau, and adopted by the assembly; but it does not appear to have ever been effectually executed. In the mean time the assembly was busily occupied in Rights of framing the celebrated declaration of the Rights of Man, Man, and which was afterwards prefixed to the new constitution j**16 king's and this was followed by the discussion of a point of much veto* delicacy and difficulty, namely, what share of legislative authority the king ought to possess under the new con¬ stitution, whether an absolute veto or negative, a sus¬ pensive veto, or no veto at all. This question operated like a touchstone for trying the sentiments of every per¬ son ; and the assembly, consisting of twelve hundred men, was now seen to arrange itself into two factions, which FRA History, goon came into violent conflict. The debates, which were vehement and tumultuous, continued for several 1789. flays. But as the assembly sat in public, and as multi¬ tudes of people of all descriptions were admitted into the galleries, and even into the body of the hall among the members, the public at large became speedily interest¬ ed in tbe discussion ; the city of Paris took a side in op¬ position to the veto ; and the whole empire was thrown into agitation by new and speculative questions. In fact, rumours of plots were spread throughout the country, and a new storm was obviously gathering, when the question was got rid of by a sort of compromise, which, however, involved an abridgment of the royal authority. Mounier observed, that the executive power could possess no ne¬ gative against the decrees of the present assembly, which had been nominated by the nation with supreme powers for the express purpose of framing a constitution, to re¬ main binding on all orders of men in the state; and with regard to future legislatures, the king by a message de¬ clared that all he desired to possess was a suspensive ve¬ to. It is not a little remarkable that Mirabeau concluded a speech in favour of the absolute veto of the crown, by declaring that it would be better to live in Constanti¬ nople than in France, if laws could be made without the royal sanction. He is, however, accused of having caus¬ ed a report to be circulated in Paris that he had opposed the veto with all his influence ; and, to give credit to the story, he is said to have quitted the assembly immedi¬ ately before the division, that his vote might not appear on record against him. Constitu- The month of August was spent in the debates about tion of the the veto; but in the beginning of September a new con- body atlVe stltuti°nal question was presented to the assembly by one of its numerous committees. This was, whether the le¬ gislative body should consist of one or of two chambers. Mounier, Lally-Tollendal, Clermont-Tonnerre, and others, who were zealous lovers of freedom upon moderate prin¬ ciples, supported eagerly the idea of establishing two in¬ dependent chambers, in imitation of the British constitu¬ tion ; but they were deserted both by the democratic and the aristocratic parties. Hie former regarded an upper house or senate as a refuge for the old aristocracy, or at least as the cradle of a new one ; whilst the nobility and clergy were afraid lest such an arrangement might prevent the future re-establishment of the ancient division into three orders. Accordingly, of a thousand members who voted, only eighty-nine supported the proposal for dividing the legislature into two chambers. Soon after this the king gave his sanction to the important decrees of the 4th of August, though not without hesitation, and expressing doubts of the wisdom of some of them in a letter to the assembly. At the same time were decreed the inviolability of the person of the monarch, the indi¬ visibility of the throne, and its hereditary descent from male to male in the reigning family. State of In consequence of the debates on the subject of the parties. veto anti tjlat 0f the two chambers, the minds of parties had become much excited. Paris wore the same threat¬ ening aspect as it had done in the months of June and of July preceding; and everything seemed tending towards a crisis. I he aristocratic party accused their antagonists of a design to excite new insurrections; and the charge was retorted by circulating a report that a plot for con- veying the king to Metz was already ripe for execution. From the period of the defection of" the French guards, who were now in the pay of the capital, the protection of the royal family had been intrusted to the militia or na¬ tional guard of Versailles, together with the regiment of the gardes du corps, which was composed entirely of gen¬ tlemen. But when the report of the intended flight of the king was circulated, the French guards desired to be re- N C E. 55 stored to their ancient employment of attending his per- History, son, in order to prevent any attempt of the kind. This idea was eagerly caught hold of in the capital; and, not- 1789. withstanding every effort which M. de Lafayette could use, the approach of disturbances became every day more ob¬ vious. The popular party perceived the advantage which they would derive from placing the assembly and tbe king in the midst of that turbulent metropolis, which had given birth to the Revolution, and upon the attachment of which they could most securely depend; and every encourage¬ ment was therefore given by the most active leaders of what was now called the democratic party to the project of establishing the court at Paris. The ministry were under no small degree of apprehension ; and the Count d’Estaing, who commanded the national guard of Ver¬ sailles, requested the aid of an additional regiment. The regiment of Flanders was accordingly sent for, and its ar¬ rival caused no small degree of anxiety ; but every artifice was instantly employed in order to gain over both officers and soldiers to the popular cause. On the first of October the gardes du corps, probably for the purpose of ingratiating themselves with the newly- arrived corps, and perhaps to attach them more steadi¬ ly to the royal cause, invited the officers of the regiment of Flanders to a public entertainment; and several offi¬ cers of the national guard, and others of the military, were also invited. The entertainment was given in the opera-house adjoining to the palace, and several loyal toasts were drunk; but it is asserted, that when the favourite popular toast, The Nation, was given, the gardes du corps refused to drink it. In ordinary cases, so trifling a circum¬ stance as this would be regarded as unworthy of notice ; but such was now the position of affairs, that the most trivial occurrences became instrumental in producing im¬ portant consequences. The queen, having seen from a window of the palace the gaiety which prevailed amongst the military, prevailed on the king, who had just return¬ ed from hunting, to visit them, in company with herself and the dauphin. The sudden appearance of their ma¬ jesties in the saloon kindled in an instant the ancient en¬ thusiasm of French loyalty. The grenadiers of the regi¬ ment of Flanders, along with the Swiss chasseurs, had been admitted to the dessert; and they, as well as their officers, drank the health of the king, queen, and dauphin, with their swords drawn. The royal family then bowed to the company and retired. As they withdrew, the mu¬ sic played the favourite air, O Ricard, O mon roi, luni- vers £abandonne ; and, in the enthusiasm of the moment, the national cockade was thrown aside, and white cock¬ ades mounted as fast as they could be made by the la¬ dies of the court. When these circumstances were next day reported in Paris, with the usual amount of exagge¬ ration, they gave rise to the most violent alarm. The ca¬ pital was at that time suffering all the horrors of famine ; and in such a situation, the news of a feast enjoyed by others seldom gives much pleasure to hungry men. A ru¬ mour of an intended flight on the part of the royal fami¬ ly was also got up: it was also asserted that a counter revolution was speedily to be attempted by force of arms ; and the people were told that the present scarcity had been artificially created by the court for the purpose of reducing them to submission. For several days no notice was taken in the assembly of what had passed at the entertainment given by the gardes du corps ; but on the 5th of October Petion men¬ tioned it for the first time, and a violent debate ensued, during which Mirabeau rose and exclaimed, “ Declare that the king’s person alone is sacred, and I myself will bring forward an impeachment;” thereby alluding to the conduct of the queen. During this debate at Versailles, Paris was in the most violent commotion. A vast multitude 56 FRA History, of women of the lowest rank, with some men in women’s clothes, having assembled at the Hotel de Ville, they 1789. resolved to proceed instantly to Versailles, to demand bread from the king and from the National Assembly. La¬ fayette in vain opposed them ; for his soldiers refused to turn their bayonets against the women. Upon this Sta¬ nislaus Maillard, who had distinguished himself at the taking of the Bastille, having offered himself as leader of the insurgents, had the address to prevail on them to lay aside the arms which they had procured; and about noon he set out for Versailles, having established as much order amongst his followers as could well be expected in such a motley assemblage. The mayor and municipality of Paris also gave orders to Lafayette instantly to set out for that place at the head of the national guard. In the mean time Maillard approached Versailles with his tumultuous band, which he had arranged in three divi¬ sions, and persuaded to behave with tolerable decency. The king was hunting in the woods of Mendon when he was informed of the arrival of a formidable band of wo¬ men calling aloud for bread. “ Alas,” replied he, “ if I had it, I should not wait to be asked.” Maillard enter¬ ed the assembly, accompanied by a deputation of his fol¬ lowers, to state the object of their journey ; and, in order to pacify them, that body sent a deputation of their own number along with them to lay their complaints before the king. His majesty received them with great polite¬ ness, and readily agreed to go into any measures which could be suggested for the supply of the capital. The report of this gracious conduct produced a great effect upon the multitude collected around the palace, and they began to disperse; but they were speedily succeeded by another crowd not less numerous. A sudden resolution to fly seems now to have been proposed by the court, as the king’s carriages were brought to the gate of the palace which communicates with the orangery ; but the national guard of Versailles refused to allow them to pass, and the king himself declined to remove, or to permit any blood to be shed in his cause. At length Lafayette, with his army, arrived, about ten o’clock at night, and found the assembly in a very unplea¬ sant predicament, their hall and galleries being crowded by the Parisian fishwomen and others of the mob, who at every instant interrupted the debates. Lafayette waited upon the king, and informed him of the proceedings of the day; planted guards in every direction; and, after a scanty banquet had been procured for the multitude, pre¬ vailed with the assembly to close their sitting for the night. For this last part of his conduct Lafayette has been much censured,and not withoutreason ; for it could scarce¬ ly be expected that such an immense assemblage of turbu¬ lent characters as were now brought together would pass the night without disorder. All remained tranquil, however, until about six in the morning of the 6th, when a great num¬ ber of women and desperate persons rushed towards the palace, and attempted to force their way into it. Two of the gardes du corps were killed, and the crowd ascended the staircase leading to the queen’s apartment, but were bravely resisted by a sentinel named Miemandre, who gave the alarm, and dei'ended his post until he fell covered with wounds, from which, however, he afterwards recovered. I he ruffians, reeking with blood, rushed into the chamber of the queen, and pierced with bayonets and poniards the bed whence she had scarcely had time to fly almost wholly undressed, and, through passages unknown to the mur¬ derers, escaped to seek refuge at the feet of the king, who, already alarmed, had gone to seek her. The tumult became every moment more violent, and sudden death seemed to threaten the royal family ; but Lafayette was by this time at the head of his troops, whom he earnestly beseeched to save the gardes du corps from massacre ; and N C E. in this he was happily successful. Some who had been History taken prisoners were surrounded by the grenadiers of the French guards, who protected them, and the retreat of the 1789. whole corps was secured. The crowd was speedily driven from the different parts of the palace, which they had al¬ ready begun to pillage ; and the royal family at length ventured to show themselves at a balcony. A few voices now exclaimed Le roi d Paris, the king to Paris ; the shout became general, and the king, after consulting with La¬ fayette, declared that he had no objection to take up his residence at Paris, provided he was accompanied by the queen and his children. When this proposal was re¬ ported to the assembly, the popular leaders expressed much satisfaction ; they ordered a deputation of a hun¬ dred members to attend the king thither, and voted the National Assembly inseparable from the king. At two o’clock his majesty set out a prisoner in the custody of a turbulent mob ; and thus humbled, the royal captives were conducted so slowly that a short journey of twelve miles was protracted during six hours. The king, the queen, and their children, were lodged in the old palace of the Louvre, whilst Monsieur went to reside at the Luxembourg; the city was illuminated, and the evening spent in triumph by the Parisians. The removal of the king to Paris was justly regarded as a triumph by the popular party. The higher order of nobility considered it as completely ruinous to their hopes ; and many men of talents, such as Mounier, Lally- 1 ollendal, and others, now regarded every prospect of at¬ taining constitutional freedom as at an end, seeing the na¬ tional representatives would now be exposed to the insults, and overawed by the influence, of a turbulent capital. Several members of the assembly accordingly took refuge in foreign countries, and used every effort to excite other nations against France. As the Duke of Orleans had been regarded as the chief promoter of the late disturb¬ ances, Lafayette waited on him, and insisted on his leav¬ ing the kingdom for a time. The duke, not less timid than intriguing, felt overawed, and, on pretence of public busi¬ ness, proceeded to England, where he remained during several months. On the 19th of October the National Assembly held its First ses- first session in Paris. The king was closely guarded in sion of the his own palace ; and no apparent obstacle now remained fssenihlv to prevent the popular party giving to their country suchin Jian8‘ a constitution as they might judge expedient. Much, however, was still to be done, and many difficulties, arising from the habits of men educated under a different order of things, yet remained to be overcome. Two days after the assembly had gone to Paris, a baker was publicly murder¬ ed by the mob, upon a charge of having concealed a quan¬ tity of bread. Whilst the assembly was at a distance, events of this nature had been little attended to, as the lead¬ ing party did not attempt to check those ebullitions of po¬ pular fury, from which they had derived so much advan¬ tage ; but that party had now become all-powerful, and so flagrant an offence committed against the law was regarded as an insult to the sovereignty of the National Assembly, iwo leaders of the mob were therefore tried and publicly executed ; and a severe law was passed, of the nature of our riot act, authorizing the magistrates to act by military force against any assemblage of persons who should refuse to disperse when legally required to do so. The peace of the capital was thus secured for several months ; but in the country no small degree of anxiety and excitement still existed. The same suspicious temper which had prevailed at Paris agitated the provinces with the apprehension of plots and monopolies ol grain. Besides, the nobility in the country were by no means satisfied with the liberality which their representatives had evinced upon the 4th of August, in voting away their privileges and their pro¬ perty ; a circumstance which produced violent jealousies FRANCE. 57 History, between the peasantry and their landlords, and gradual- ly conveyed to every corner of the kingdom the political 1789. ferment which had commenced at Paris. The king- The National Assembly being now in tolerable security, Idomdivid- proceeded with the arduous task of framing a free consti- L'd ’nt0 e' tution for the kingdom of France. The Abbe Sieyes pre- ‘ ’ sented a plan for dividing the kingdom into eighty-three departments, of about three hundred and twenty-four square leagues each, the department into several arron- dissemens or districts, and the district into communes or cantons, of about four square leagues in extent* Thus all the ancient divisions of the kingdom into govern¬ ments, generalities, and bailiwicks, was in an instant over¬ turned. An attempt was also made to simplify in an equal degree the relative situation of individuals in civil life, by a decree which put an end to all distinction of or¬ ders and immunities, as far as privileges were concern¬ ed. A bold and important measure was at the same time adopted, namely, the confiscation of the whole lands belonging to the church, for the purpose of supplying the exigencies of the state. In this transaction all regard to justice was of course thrown aside. The lands of the church were as certainly the property of those who then possessed them, as any entailed estate amongst us is the property of the holder. In the former the clergy had as clear a life interest as the heir of entail could by possibi¬ lity possess in the latter. The state may have had a right to appropriate to itself the church lands upon the death of the incumbents ; but it might with as much justice have seized on the enormous revenues of the Duke of Orleans, as confiscated a single acre belonging to the most useless abbot in the kingdom. This iniquitous measure was pro¬ posed by the Bishop of Autun, M. de Talleyrand Peri- gord, who had been promoted to the episcopal bench in an irregular manner, in order to accomplish this premeditated robbery. On the property thus confiscated it was resolv¬ ed to issue assignats, which were to be received by the state in payment of taxes, and of church lands when set up to sale. A provision was at the same time made for the national clergy, who were in future to be paid by the state. On the day following that upon which this im¬ portant measure was adopted, a decree was also passed, suspending the functions of the different parliaments of the kingdom. Fruitless But proceedings in which the interests of so great ^te,mpts a multitude of individuals were involved, could not be liam«its.r" carried in t0 effect without opposition. The parliaments in particular exerted themselves, by protests and other pub¬ lications, to invalidate the decrees of the assembly; but these privileged bodies, who had long been accustomed to contend against the despotic administration of their country, and who on that account had for ages been ob¬ jects of public favour, now found themselves unable to resist the mandate of a popular assembly; and, after a few fruitless struggles, they were all of them under the necessity of submitting to their fate. The assembly then proceeded to organize the kingdom by the establishment of municipalities, and by reforming the jurisprudence of the country. When the parliament of Paris had been abolished, however, the second court in that city, called the Chatelet, was retained for the purpose of trying such persons as had become obnoxious by their attachment to the royal cause; and this tribunal had the spirit to acquit the Baron de Bezenval, Marshal Broglio, and the Prince de Lambesc. But having incurred much popular odium by this acquittal, they sought to regain credit by con¬ demning to death the Marquis de Favres, for a pretended conspiracy to massacre Lafayette, Bailly, and Neckar, and History, to convey the king to Peronne. During the whole of this winter the king had been so D89,1790. strictly watched by numerous guards placed round his palace, that in other nations he was naturally considered as in a state of captivity. To do away with this impression, if possible, and to make the king appear a voluntary agent in the measures which had lately been adopted, every effort was employed to prevail on him to repair to the assem¬ bly, and there, as of his own voluntary motion, to declare his adherence to the measures in question. For some time, however, he resisted the proposal to take such a step ; but at length, on the 4th of February, he suddenly appeared in the National Assembly, where he complained of the at¬ tempts which had been made to shake the new constitu¬ tion, and declared his wish that it should be universally known that the monarch and the representatives of the nation were united, and their wishes the same; that he would defend the constitutional liberty of the state; and that, in conjunction with the queen, he would early form the sentiments of his son in strict accordance with the new order of things which the circumstances of the empire had introduced. This declaration dispirited the aristo- cratical party, and increased the unhappy tendency to look for aid from foreign countries, which they had always been too prone to indulge. On the 13th of February, monastic establishments were suppressed, and their lands confis¬ cated ; but the inmates of these establishments were allow¬ ed pensions for their subsistence, and permitted to conti¬ nue the observance of their monastic vows if they thought fit to do so.1 An event occurred at this time (March 15th), which tended in no small degree to increase the odium under which the old government already laboured. This was the publication of the Red Book, or list of pensions and donations granted by the crown. After many entreaties on the one hand, and the most solemn promises of se¬ crecy on the other, it had been communicated by M. Neckar to a committee of the assembly; but it afforded too striking an advantage to the popular party not to be made use of, and in a few days the minister, to his no small surprise, found this register publicly sold by every book¬ seller in Paris. He ought not, indeed, to have been sur¬ prised ; and, in fact, the giving up of this list forms one of the many proofs which the transactions of this period afford of his utter unfitness for the office which he held. With much indignation, however, he demanded why the committee had published it without the permission of the assembly or the king; but he was told, that as to the as¬ sembly, they were sure of its approbation, and as to the king, they were not his representatives. To give an idea of the effect of this publication, it is only necessary to re¬ mark, that, under the short administration of Calonne, the two brothers of the king had received from the public treasury, independently of their legitimate income, near¬ ly two millions sterling, and that six hundred thousand pounds had been granted to one individual, merely be¬ cause he was the husband of Madame de Polignac. Nec- kar’s opposition to the publication of this register tended in no small degree to injure his popularity, and the rest of the ministry began to lose the confidence of the public. Indeed, fertile causes of alarm prevailed on all sides. The clergy were attempting to revive in the provinces the an¬ cient animosities between the Catholics and the Protes¬ tants, to whom the late decrees of the assembly were ascribed. The German princes who possessed property in the north of France complained loudly of the viola- the aDDeliation^f °f ^6 s,uPPression of the monasteries, the Breton Committee began about this time to assum I P of the Jacobin Club, fiom the hall belonging to the Jacobin friars at Paris, in which their meetings were now held. H VOL. X. 58 FRANCE. History, tion of their rights by the abolition of the feudal system, s’—although the National Assembly had voted them a com- 1790. pensation ; and the most melancholy intelligence was re¬ ceived from the colonies in the West Indies. The as¬ sembly had not recognized the right of the free negroes to enjoy the same privileges with other citizens, but still they hesitated to go the length of denying these privi¬ leges. This uncertain conduct produced infinite mischief. The whites contended with those commonly called people of colour, who again occasionally stood in opposition to the free negroes or to the slaves; and hence it sometimes happened that at the same time, and in the same colony, not less than three hostile assemblies were held, and made war upon one another with the most inveterate fury ; and each party found protectors in the National Assem¬ bly, because those who favoured or opposed the existence of distinctions at home, in general followed out the same principle in reference to the colonies. Upon the 14th of May M. de Montmorency having made known to the National Assembly the preparations for war in which England and Spain were engaged, this communication gave rise to the constitutional question, Who ought to possess the power of declaring war and making peace? Clermont-Tonnerre, Sarent, Virieu, and Dupont, supported the royal prerogative; whilst, on the other side, the exclusive right of the legislative body to exercise this important prerogative was supported by D’Aiguillon, Garat, Freteau, Jellot, Charles Lameth, Sil- lery, Petion, Robespierre, and others. Petion proposed that the French nation should for ever renounce all idea of conquest, and confine itself entirely to defensive war ; and this was decreed with universal acclamation. But Mira- beau at length successfully proposed that the right of de¬ claring war or making peace should be vested in the king and the legislative body conjunctly; and the decree which was passed on the subject formed a strange farrago of con¬ tradictions and absurdities. It enjoined the king to guard the state from all external attacks ; but it did not say how this could be done, without repelling any attack which might be made upon it. In fact, the king could do no¬ thing without previously informing the National Assembly; and if that body chanced not to be sitting at the time, he was bound to let the enemy advance without opposition, until he had convened the deputies, dispersed over twen¬ ty thousand square leagues, and listened to their metaphy¬ sical quibbles in Paris. Strange On the 16th of June a very singular farce was enacted farce. jn the assembly. A Prussian refugee, called Anacharsis Clootz, on an evening sitting, which was generally ill at¬ tended by persons of high rank, introduced to the assem¬ bly a number of persons dressed in the habits of all the different countries that could be thought of; and in a for¬ mal harangue told them that he was come, as the orator of the human race, at the head of the representatives of all nations, to congratulate them upon the formation of their new constitution. He was answered by the president with much solemnity, upon which he retired with his motley group. This fantastical piece of folly, which in any other country wmuld scarcely have excited a smile, was treated by the assembly in a serious light. Alexan¬ der Lameth proposed, that the figures of different nations exhibited in chains at the feet of Louis XIV. should be destroyed, as an insult to mankind. M. Lambel, a lawyer, then proposed the abolition of all hereditary titles; and in this he was supported by Lafayette, St Fargeau, and the Viscount de Noailles. The decree passed, along with ano¬ ther for suppressing all armorial bearings. No part of the proceedings of the French National Assembly was re¬ ceived with so much indignation as this. The feudal sys¬ tem had been abolished, and the property of the church wrested from it, with comparatively little notice; but when those nominal distinctions which antiquity had sanctioned History and personal vanity rendered dear were attacked, the sur- rounding nations instantly took the alarm, and beheld with U90. terror the levelling precedent which had thus been esta¬ blished. Nor is it a little remarkable, that of all the king’s ministers, Neckar alone, a plebeian, a republican born, and bred in a democracy, advised his majesty to refuse his as¬ sent to the decree, as a violent but useless encroachment upon the prejudices of a powerful order in the state. In the mean time, the capital was entirely engrossed with preparations for a grand festival. M. Bailly having pro¬ posed to commemorate the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille, his plan was adopted, because it flattered the vani¬ ty of the people, by presenting them with a splendid spec¬ tacle, in commemoration of their own exertions. As the army had been much disorganized, it was also resolved to attempt to unite all its branches, as well as the whole de¬ partments of the state, in one common attachment to the new order of things, by collecting into one place deputa¬ tions for the purpose of swearing fidelity to the new con¬ stitution. In the middle of the Champ de Mars an altar was erected, at which the civic oath was to be taken ; and around the altar an amphitheatre was erected capable of containing four hundred thousand spectators. All ranks of persons, the nobility, clergy, and even ladies, with that eagerness for novelty which is so peculiar to the French people, united their efforts ; and crowds of foreigners, as well as natives, hurried to the capital to be present at this solemnity, which was denominated the Confederation. The long-expected 14th of July at length arrived. At six o’clock in the morning the procession was arranged on the boulevards, and consisted of the electors of the city of Pa¬ ris, the representatives of the commons, the administrators of the municipality, a battalion of children with a standard on which was inscribed The Hopes of the Nation; depu¬ ties from the troops of France wherever quartered, and of every order, along with deputies from all the departments ; to which were added immense detachments of the military and of the national guards, with an almost infinite multi¬ tude of drums, trumpets, and musical instruments. The procession was extremely splendid, as every district had its peculiar decorations. The National Assembly passed through a triumphal arch ; and the king and queen, attend¬ ed by the foreign ministers, were placed in a superb box. After a solemn invocation to God, the king approached the altar, and, amidst the deepest silence, took the prescribed oath to employ the power delegated to him according to the constitutional law of the state, to maintain the consti¬ tution, and to enforce the execution of the law. The pre¬ sident of the National Assembly then went up to the altar, and took the civic oath, swearing to be faithful to the na¬ tion, the law, and the king, and to maintain the constitu¬ tion as decreed by the National Assembly, and accepted by the king; and every member of the assembly standing up, said, “ That I swear.” Lafayette then advanced and took the oath, which the other deputies of the national guards pronounced after him ; and the words were solemnly pro¬ nounced by every individual of this immense assembly. Te Deum was then sung, and the solemnity concluded. The performance was altogether sublime. Never before perhaps was there such an orchestra, or such an audience ; their numbers baffled the eye to reckon, and their shouts fell on the ear like the noise of many waters. It is impos¬ sible to enumerate all the means which were employed to add splendour to this day; it ended with a general illu¬ mination, and no accident disturbed the public tranquillity. I he assembly now proceeded with the formation of the constitution; but the public tranquillity was disturbed by an unhappy event at Nancy. Most of the officers of the army were unfriendly to the late revolution; and every means had been employed by them to excite disgust in F R A History, tlie minds of the soldiers. At Nancy, in particular, ne- -Tn'Ttqi cessaries been denied them, and their pay was kept ’ ' 'back, upon the pretence that such was the will of the National Assembly. Driven to despair, the regiments in garrison broke out in open mutiny ; demanded loudly the regimental accounts ; and having seized the military chest, sent a deputation to state their case to the National As¬ sembly. But the officers had anticipated their men, and prepossessed the minister of war against them, and upon his representation a decree was passed, authorizing the commander-in-chief of the province, M. Bouille, to reduce the mutineers by force. This was no sooner known than the national guard of Nancy assembled, and sent a depu¬ tation to give a fair statement of facts. But Bouille, without waiting the result of an explanation, hastened to Nancy at the head of all the troops he could collect; and having fallen upon the regiments of Chateauvieux and Mestre de Camp, put a number to the sword, and took four hundred prisoners. The news of these events filled Paris with indignation, and the assembly afterwards re¬ versed its own decrees against the mutineers at Nancy ; but Bouille could not be punished, because he had only acted in obedience to authority. As Neckar was unwilling to go all lengths with the rul¬ ing party, his popularity had for some time been gradu¬ ally declining. He therefore tendered his resignation on the 4th of September, and immediately thereafter left the kingdom. He was regretted by no party. Regarded, on the one hand, as having ruined the kingdom, by the con¬ cessions which he had advised the king to make in favour of the tiers etat, he was despised, on the other, as a politi¬ cian of lukewarm principles, narrow views, and limited un¬ derstanding. He retired, however, with an unblemished reputation for integrity. This minister does not seem to have been capable of penetrating deeply into the charac¬ ters of men, or forming any adequate conception of the effects of that energy which is called forth in a nation that attempts to make important changes in its ancient manners and government; and having formed no just esti¬ mate of the important era about to open on the country of which he was the minister, he was far from being quali¬ fied to direct or control its affairs amidst the violent con¬ vulsions through which it was destined to pass. Unable to brook the loss of his popularity, he retired to Switzer¬ land, and there published a work, which, whatever it fails to estaolish, clearly shows the honest intentions of the French king, and the boundless ambition of the popular leaders, whom he himself had armed with power. The assembly commenced the year 1791 with a decree announcing the termination of its session, which was to take place as soon as it should have finished the discus¬ sion of a list of constitutional articles. In the mean time, hostile appearances began to be exhibited on the side of Germany, Spain, Italy, and Savoy, and bodies of troops advanced towards the French frontiers. The Emperor Leopold was, however, too cautious to announce his inten¬ tions ; and the king soon communicated a letter which he had received from that potentate, containing protestations of amicable dispositions, but adding, that the innovations occasioned by the decrees of the 4th of August ought to be done away. The king treated this merely as an official measure on the part of the emperor, in order that he might not appear to compensate the claims of certain German princes on Alsace and Lorraine. But the assembly ex¬ pressed some alarm, and voted an augmentation of the na¬ tional force. On the 20th of February public attention was roused by a circumstance, which in any other state of affairs would have been accounted unimportant. The king announced to the assembly, that his aunts, the daughters of Louis XV., had that morning left Paris; but as he did not apprehend that the existing laws laid them NCR 59 under any restraint in this respect, he had not opposed History their departure. After some debate, the assembly agreed that the king had judged well; and these princesses were 1791- left to pursue their journey to Rome. The kingdom had thus been gradually deserted by every branch of the royal family, excepting the king and his eldest brother; the panic which had seized the nobility, and induced them to desert the country and the throne at the moment when they ought to have stuck firm to both, communicated itself to those most nearly connected with the latter, who also abandoned their posts. The assembly, however, continued its labours with unremitting perseverance and amidst tole¬ rable tranquillity. lowards the end of the month of March, the National Heath of Assembly was deprived by death of its most gifted mem- Mirabeau. ber, and, in one sense, greatest ornament, Mirabeau. The death of this extraordinary man had in it something su¬ blime. 1 hough sensible of his approaching dissolution, he was so far from being intimidated by the prospect, that he gloried in the name which he was to bequeath to pos¬ terity. I owards the close of his illness his sufferings were acute ; and at one moment, when deprived of the power of speech, he wrote on a slip of paper the words of Ham¬ let, “ To die, to sleep; no more.” But a few hours be¬ fore his death the commencement of mortification reliev¬ ed his sufferings, without overclouding the brightness of his faculties. “ Remove from the bed,” said he, “ all that sad apparatus. Instead of these useless precautions, sur¬ round me with the perfumes and flowers of spring; dress my hair with care; let me fall asleep amidst the sounds of harmonious music.” Aware that recovery was hopeless, he earnestly implored his attendants to give him lauda¬ num, to put a period to his sufferings. “ When a sick man is given over,” said he, “ and he suffers frightful pains, can a friendly physician refuse to give him opium ?” His extremities were already cold, and death was fast doing its work; but his countenance still retained its animation, his eye its wonted fire, his mind its energies unimpaired. Feigning to comply with his request, his attendants gave him a cup containing what they assured him was opium. He drank it off calmly, fell back on his pillow, and almost instantly expired. Endowed with a constitution naturally robust, his physical powers sunk under the combined waste of boundless ambition, continual excitement, and exces¬ sive indulgence. At his death he received from his coun¬ trymen marks of respect unparalleled in modern history. During his short illness his door was besieged by anxious citizens. A mourning of eight days was decreed by the assembly, and also a grand procession, which was attend¬ ed by all the public functionaries. He was likewise the first interred in the new Pantheon, consecrated to receive the remains of illustrious men; but his ashes were after¬ wards removed, in consequence of pretty conclusive proofs that he had not been incorruptible. Such was the end of the first commanding spirit which His cha- arose amidst the troubles of the Revolution. Mirabeau ratter, was upwards of forty years of age when he entered pub¬ lic life ; but even at the opening of the States General his reputation was already great; and notwithstanding the disfavour produced by his vices, he was regarded as the tribune who alone could support the cause of the people against the designs of the court. Nor were these expec¬ tations disappointed, notwithstanding all the defects inhe¬ rent in his character. He was endowed with splendid ta¬ lents, but impelled by insatiable ambition ; gifted with a penetrating intellect, but the prey of inordinate passions; sagacious in the perception of truth, but indifferent as to the means by which distinction was to be acquired; without great information derived from study, but unrivalled in the power of converting that which he possessed to the best possible account ; of matchless tact and promptitude, 60 FRA History, dauntless intrepidity, and unconquerable energy, but of sus- pected integrity, and destitute of either moral or religious 1791- principles. His temperament was too ardent and impetuous to permit him to master any subject; he studied nothing profoundly, and owed almost all the writings to which his name was attached, and many of the most effective speeches he delivered, to Dumont, Duroverai, and Claviere, who each assisted him in his labours. His strength lay in a vivid imagination, a nervous elocution, and an unrivalled power of seizing hold on the spirit of the assembly which he addressed, and applying the whole force of his mind to the point whence the resistance proceeded. It was in moments of the greatest difficulty that his faculties shone forth in the greatest splendour; it was when apparently on the verge of annihilation that he shot forth those thun* derbolts by which his ascendency was confirmed. But great as was his influence in the National Assembly, it fell far short ofwhat it might have been but for the consequences of his irregular life ; and the general impression of his total want of principle, combined with his habitual profusion and extravagance, made the league which he formed with the court towards the close of his career be ascribed to venal and corrupt motives. But in undertaking to heal the wounds of the Revolution, which he believed himself to hold as it were in the hollow of his hand, he miscalcu¬ lated his own power, great as it undoubtedly was. The work of destruction had proceeded too far to be suddenly stopped ; a spirit had been unchained which no magic of genius or talents could allay, until it had spent its force in levelling with the dust all old and time-honoured dis¬ tinctions. In the character of a mediator, which he pro¬ posed to assume, he would have most probably sunk into insignificance; and, with the loss of his influence as a po¬ pular tribune, his power to re-establish the monarchy, even upon the basis of constitutional freedom, would also have vanished. Besides, the instruments with which he proposed to work were not adapted to his handling; and, after a short trial, he would have found himself obliged to throw them aside.1 During the whole of this spring great fear was enter¬ tained that attempts were to be made to bring about a counter revolution. The emigrant army under the prince of Conde had assembled on the borders of Alsace. The king also was surrounded by crowds of nonjuring priests, and other disaffected persons. The popular jealousy, which in every period of the Revolution strikingly marked the French character, was thus kept on the alarm, and soon vented itself in an aggression on the royal family. On the 18th of April, when the latter were preparing to re¬ move to St Cloud, there to pass some days, a report was instantly spread that the king was about to fly from the country. The carriages were immediately surrounded by people. Lafayette called out the national guard, but they refused to act. “ We know,” said they, “ that we are violating the laws, but the safety of our country is the first law.” The king instantly went to the assembly, and with much spirit complained of the insult. He was an¬ swered respectfully by the president, and permitted to continue his journey. As the royal family had enjoyed for some time a considerable degree of freedom, the pre¬ sent opportunity was embraced to intimate to foreign N C E. courts his acceptance of the constitution ; and all obnoxi- History. ous persons were dismissed from about his person. But the breach of discipline on the part of the national guard 179f. was so much resented by Lafayette, that he resigned his command, and Paris was thrown into consternation ; nor was it until after universal solicitation that he could be prevailed upon to resume his functions. About this time M. de Bouille, to whom the protection Flight of of the frontiers had been intrusted, was reported to be em- the king, ploying every means in his power in order to render the country defenceless. The garrisons were left unprovided ; disunion spread amongst the national troops, who were removed from the frontiers, and their place occupied by foreigners; the emigrants abroad, and their friends at home, were lying in wait for an opportunity to revolt; such were the rumours in circulation, when suddenly, on the 21st of June, it was announced from the Tuilleries, that the king, the queen, the dauphin, with monsieur and madame, had quitted the palace and the capital, without leaving any information of their intention or their route. The feeling excited by this intelligence among the multi¬ tude was a mixture of rage and consternation. The Na¬ tional Assembly, however, acted with much coolness and promptitude. They instantly took upon themselves the government, and decreed their sittings permanent; and they at the same time sent messengers in all directions, to attempt to lay hold of the fugitives. The latter, how¬ ever, had taken different routes; and monsieur and madame arrived safely at Brussels on the 23d. The king, queen, and their children, when they reached a considerable dis¬ tance from the capital, were furnished by M- de Bouille with a guard of dragoons, under pretence of protecting treasure for the pay of the troops. But, at the distance of 156 miles from the capital, and when only a few leagues from the frontier, they were arrested at St Menehould by the postmaster, M. Drouet, formerly a dragoon in the re¬ giment of Conde. At half past seven o’clock in the even¬ ing, the carriages having stopped at his house to change horses, Drouet thought that he recognized the queen, and imagined that the king’s face resembled the impressions stamped upon the assignats. The escort of dragoons in¬ creased the suspicion. He suffered them to depart at eleven o’clock without notice; but taking a companion, he proceeded by a shorter road to Varennes, and with the as¬ sistance of the postmaster of that place, he gave the alarm ; overturned a carriage on the bridge, which detained the royal travellers till the national guard of the place had as¬ sembled ; and succeeded, without bloodshed, in effecting the arrest of the whole party, who were brought back to Paris by a deputation from the assembly. At his departure, the king had imprudently left behind him a memorial, in which he declared that he never had thought any sacri¬ fice too great for the restoration of order; but that the destruction of the kingdom and the triumph of anarchy being the only reward of all his efforts, he had thought it necessary to leave it. He then took a review of the faults of the new constitution, with the grievances he had suffer¬ ed, and protested against every thing which he had been compelled to do during his captivity. Different parties were variously affected by this ill-con¬ ducted and unfortunate flight of the king. A republican 1 Dumont, 276, 277 ; Lacretelle, viii. 133 ; Thiers, i. 281, 282 ; Mad. de Stael, i. 408 : Alison, i. 240, 241, 242. On his death-bed Mirabeau foresaw, in the clearest manner, the consequences which were certain to flow from the direction given to the Revolution, and the boundless scope thus afforded to popular ambition. “ When I am no more,” said he, “ my worth will become known. The misfortunes which I have arrested will then pour in on all sides on France ; the criminal faction which now trembles before me will be unbridled. I have before my eyes unbounded presentiments of disaster. ATe now see how much we erred in not preventing the commons from assuming the name of the National Assembly. Since they gained that victory they have never ceased to show themselves unworthy of it. They have chosen to govern the king, instead of governing by him; but soon neither he nor they will rule the country, but a vile faction which will overspread it with horrors.” (Dumont, 267, 268.) The sagacity and foresight dis¬ played in these remarkable words make us cease to wonder that the death of Mirabeau, at this crisis, should have been regarded as a public calamity. FRA History, party had already begun to appear; and during the king’s absence attempts were made to induce the public at large to consider the royal authority as no necessary part of a free constitution. But the minds of men were not yet altogether prepared for the reception of this doctrine. The idea, however, having been thus publicly proposed, left impressions which in time contributed to give rise to im¬ portant events. By far the greater number of the leading men were at this time convinced that it was impossible to govern a great empire like France without the assist¬ ance of an hereditary chief; and hence they determined to pass over the journey to Varennes as quietly as possible, and to hasten the period when the new constitution should be completed. But their intentions, as will be seen in the sequel, were rendered abortive ; and there is reason to believe that this unfortunate journey was, in its conse¬ quences, instrumental in bringing about the tragedy which consummated the overthrow of the monarchy. The flight of the king seemed the signal for a general emigration. Many of the aristocratic party sent in resignations of their seats in the National Assembly; and troops were levied on the frontiers in the name of the king, though he took care to disavow any connection with such proceedings. The assembly, in sanctioning the detention of the king at Varennes, and sending commissioners to bring him back to Paris, yielded to popular clamour, in opposition proba¬ bly to their better judgment; at all events they commit¬ ted a great political error. The leaders of the democra¬ tic party had every reason to rejoice at the near prospect of a republic which his flight opened up; the constitu¬ tionalists must have desired to see him established at Montmedy, and emancipated from the state of thral¬ dom in which he had been so long held by the rabble of Paris ; many of the royalists were not probably displeased at the retreat of a king whose concessions had brought the monarchy to the brink of ruin ; and all the better part of society must have been gratified at his escape from the iron despotism of the Parisian mob. But all these con¬ siderations went for nothing in opposition to the clamours of the multitude; and, either from cowardice or a base love of popularity, the assembly adopted a course which their own minds must have disapproved, and which men of all parties have united to condemn. “ The National Assembly,” says Napoleon, “ never committed so great an error as in bringing back the king from Yarennes. A fugitive and powerless, he was hastening to the frontier, and in a few hours would have been out of the French territory. What should they have done in these circum¬ stances ? Clearly facilitated his escape, and declared the throne vacant by his desertion: they would thus have avoided the infamy of a regicide government, and attain- N C E. G1 ed their great object of republican institutions. Instead History, of this, by bringing him back, they embarrassed them- selves with a sovereign whom they had no just reason for 1791. destroying, and lost the inestimable advantage of getting rid of the royal family without an act of cruelty.”1 In the truth and justice of these observations history must acquiesce. A considerable calm followed the events just related, and Treaty of France might almost be regarded as in a state of tranquilli- Pilnitz. ty. It contained, indeed, parties who entertained much ani¬ mosity against each other, and man}' citizens had withdrawn to foreign countries ; but the general peace was not disturb¬ ed, and moderate men hoped that prosperity would succeed to the late agitations. But this calm was delusive; and in the midst of it projects were formed which were destined afterwards to prove fatal to the peace of France and Eu¬ rope. Towards the close of summer the famous meeting at Pilnitz in Saxony took place between the emperor and the king of Prussia, and led to the celebrated declaration, which was conceived in the following terms: “ Their majesties, the emperor, and king of Prussia, having con¬ sidered the representations of monsieur, brother of the king, and of his excellency the Count d’Artois, declare conjointly that they consider the situation of the king of France as a matter of common interest to all the Euro¬ pean sovereigns. They hope that the reality of that in¬ terest will be duly appreciated by the other powers, whose assistance they will invoke, and that in consequence they will not decline to employ their forces conjointly with their majesties, in order to put the king of France in a situation to lay the foundation of a monarchical govern¬ ment, conformable alike to the rights of sovereigns and the wellbeing of the French nation. In that case the emperor and king are resolved to act promptly with the forces necessary to attain their common end. In the mean time they will give the requisite orders for the troops to hold themselves in immediate readiness for active ser¬ vice.” Such was the celebrated declaration of Pilnitz; but, either from a cooling of zeal upon the part of the allied sovereigns, or a sense of the danger which the king of France would have run, after he had, in consequence of the flight to Yarennes, become a prisoner in the hands of the assembly, it remained without effect. It was alleged by the French, however, that there was a treaty as well as a declaration of Pilnitz, or, in other words, that several secret articles, stipulating the partition of some of the fair¬ est provinces of France, were at the same time agreed to by the allied sovereigns; but no sufficient evidence has ever been produced to substantiate the allegation, and it is now indeed generally agreed that there was no such thing as a treaty of Pilnitz.2 1 Napoleon’s Mtmoires, vol. i. p. 1. 2 The following paper, which has been repeatedly published as the copy of a treaty concluded and signed at Pavia, is generally un¬ derstood to have been identical with, and is therefore known by the name of, the treaty of Pilnitz. We have already stated that its authenticity is more than questionable. It may have been fabricated by the National Assembly, to unite all parties against the foreign powers which threatened France with invasion. But, in relating the events of this revolution, it is as necessary, for the purpose of rendering the actions of men comprehensible, to give an account of what was at the time believed to have occurred, as it is to ascer¬ tain what was actually true. The treaty in question bears, “ That his majesty the emperor will take all that Louis XIV. conquered in the Austrian Netherlands, will give it to his serene highness the elector palatine; that he will preserve for ever the property and possession of Bavaria, to form in future an indivisible mass with the domains and hereditary possessions of the house of Austria ; that the Archduchess Maria Christina shall be, conjointly with her nephew the Archduke Charles, put into hereditary possession of the duchy of Lorraine; that Alsace shall be restored to the empire; that if the Swiss Cantons consent to accede to the coalition, it may be proposed to them to annex to the Helvetic league the bishopric of Porentrui, the defiles of Franche Comtd, and even those of Tyrol, with the neighbouring bailiwicks, as well as the territory of Versoy, which intersects the Pays de Vaud ; that should his majesty the king of Sardinia subscribe to the coalition, La Bresse, Le Bugey, and the Pays de Gex, usurped by F’rance from Savoy, shall be restored to him; that in case his Sardinian majesty can make a grand diversion, he shall be suffered to take Dauphine, to belong to him for ever, as the nearest descendant of the ancient dauphins ; that the king of Spain shall have Roussillon and Bearn, with the island of Corsica, and also the French part of the island of St Domingo ; that the empress of all the llussias shall take upon herself the invasion of Poland, and at the same time retain Kaminiech, with that part of Podolia which borders on Moldavia; that the em¬ peror shall oblige the porte to give up Choczim, as well as the small forts of Servia, and those on the river Lurna; that the king of Prussia, by means of the above-mentioned invasion of Poland, shall make an acquisition of Thorn and Dantzic, and unite the pala¬ tinate on the east to the confines of Silesia; that the king of Prussia shall besides acquire Lusace, and the elector of Saxony shall in exchange receive the rest of Poland, and occupy the throne as hereditary sovereign ; that the king of Poland shall abdicate the throne 62 FRANCE. History. In the mean time, the National Assembly was hasten- ration. Society has a right to demand from every public ing towards the completion of the new constitution, which agent an account of his administration. Every society in The^n^ was ^n's^e^ on ^le ^ °f September, and immediately pre- which the guarantee of rights is not assured, nor the se- constitu- sented to the king. It begins with a declaration of the rights paration of powers determined, has no constitution. Pro- tion. °f man; this is followed by the provisions regarding other perty being a right inviolable and sacred, no person can matters. According to it, all men are born, and remain, be deprived of it, except when the public necessity, le- free and equal in rights; and social distinctions can only gaily ascertained, shall evidently require it, and on con- be founded on common utility. The end of all political as- dition of a just and previous indemnification, sociations is the preservation of the natural and imprescrip- The constitution guarantees, as natural and civil rights, tible rights of man ; and these rights are liberty, property, first, that all citizens are admissible to places and employ- security, and resistance against oppression. The principle ments, without any distinction but that of ability and vir- of sovereignty resides essentially in the nation ; and no tue ; secondly, that all contributions shall be divided equal- body of men, no individual, can exercise an authority which ly among all the citizens, in proportion to their means; does not emanate expressly from that source. Liberty thirdly, that the same crimes shall be subject to the same consists in the power of doing everything except that punishments, without any distinction of persons. The con- which is hurtful to another ; and hence the exercise of the stitution, in like manner, guarantees, as natural and civil natural rights of every man has no other bounds than rights, liberty to all men, of going, staying, or departing, those which are necessary to ensure to the other mem- without being arrested or detained, except according to the bers of society the enjoyment of the same rights ; bounds forms prescribed by the constitution ; liberty to all men, of which can only be determined by law. The law has a speaking, writing, printing, and publishing their thoughts, right to forbid those actions alone which are hurtful to without having their writings subjected to any examina- society. Whatever is not forbidden by the law cannot be tion or inspection before publication, and of exercising the hindered ; and no person can be constrained to do that religious worship to which they are attached; liberty to which the law does not ordain. The law is the expression all citizens, of assembling peaceably, and without arms, of the general will; and all the citizens have a right to con- complying with the laws of police ; liberty of addressing cur personally, or by their representatives, in the formation to all constitutional authorities petitions individually sign- of the law ; it ought therefore to be the same for all, whe- ed ; and the inviolability of property, or a just and previous ther it protect or whether it punish. All citizens being indemnity for that of which public necessity, legally prov- equal in the eye ofthe law, are equally admissible to dignities, ed, shall require the sacrifice. A system of public instruc- places, and public offices, according to their capacity, and tion shall be created and organized, common to all citi- without any other distinction than that of their virtue and zens, gratuitous with regard to those parts of tuition in- their talents. No man can be accused, arrested, or detained, dispensable for all men, and of which the establishment except in cases determined by the law, and according to shall be gradually distributed, in a proportion combined the forms which the law has prescribed. Those who so- with the division of the kingdom. licit, dispatch, execute, or cause to be executed, arbitrary The kingdom is one and indivisible; its territory for orders, ought to be punished; but every citizen who is administration is distributed into eighty-three depart- summoned or seized in virtue of the law ought to obey ments, each department into districts, each district into instantly, otherwise he becomes culpable by resistance, cantons. Those are French citizens who are born in France The law ought to establish such punishments only as are of a French father; who, having been born in France of a strictly and evidently necessary; and no person can be foreign father, have fixed their residence in the kingdom ; punished except in virtue of a law established and pro- who, having been born in a foreign country, of a French mulgated prior to the offence, and legally applied. Every father, have returned to settle in France, and have taken man being presumed innocent till such time as he has the civic oath ; and, lastly, who, having been born in a fo- been declared guilty, if it shall be deemed absolutely ne- reign country, being descended in whatever degree from cessary to arrest a man, every kind of rigour employed, a Frenchman or Frenchwoman, have left their country not necessary to secure his person, ought to be severely from religious motives, come to reside in France, and repressed. No person shall be molested for his opinions, taken the civic oath. The right of French citizenship is even such as are religious, provided the manifestation of lost, first, by naturalization in a foreign country: secondly, those opinions does not disturb the public order establish- by being condemned to penalties which involve the civic ed by the law. The free communication of thought and of degradation, provided the person condemned be not rein¬ opinion is one of the most precious rights of man. Every stated ; thirdly, by a sentence of contumacy, provided the citizen, therefore, may freely speak, write, and publish his sentence be not annulled ; fourthly, by initiation into any sentiments; subject, however, to answer for the abuse of foreign order or body which supposes either proofs of no- this liberty in the cases determined by the law. The gua- bility or distinctions of birth, or requires religious vows, rantee of the rights of men and citizens involves a neces- The law considers marriage as only a civil contract, sity of public force ; but this force is then instituted for The sovereignty is one, indivisible, unalienable, and im- all, and not for the particular utility of those to whom it prescriptible, and it belongs to the nation ; no section of is confided. For the maintenance of the public force, and the people, and no individual, can arrogate the exercise of for the expenses of the administration, a common contribu- it. The nation, from which alone flow all powers, cannot tion is indispensably necessary; but this contribution exercise them but by delegation. The French constitu- should be equally divided amongst all the citizens in pro- tion is representative, and the representatives are the portion to their abilities. Every citizen has a right, by legislative body and the king. The National Assembly, lumselr or by his representatives, to decide concerning forming the legislative body, is permanent, and consists of the necessity of the public contribution ; to consent to it one chamber only. It shall be formed hv new elerfinns freely; to look after the employment of it; and to deter- every two years. 7 The legislative bTdy cannot be dTssolv! mine the quantity, the distribution, the collection, and du- ed by the king. The number of representatives to the History 1791. on receiving a suitable annuity ; and that the elector of Saxony shall give his daughter in marriage to the youngest son ofthe grand duke of all the Russias, who will be the father of the race of the hereditary kings of Poland and Lithuania.” And this is signed ay Leopold, Irince Nassau, Count Florida Blanca, and Bischoffswerder. ° FRA History. legislative body shall be seven hundred and forty-five, on account of the eighty-three departments of which the 1791 • kingdom is composed, and independently of those who may be granted to the colonies. The representatives shall he distributed among the departments, according to the three proportions of land, of population, and of the direct contributions or taxes. Of the seven hundred and forty- five representatives, two hundred and forty-seven are at¬ tached to the land. Of these, each department shall no¬ minate three, excepting the department of Paris, which shall nominate only one. Two hundred and forty-nine representatives are attached to the population. The total mass of the active population of the kingdom is divided into two hundred and forty-nine parts, and each depart¬ ment nominates as many of the deputies as it contains parts of the population. Two hundred and forty-nine re¬ presentatives are attached to the direct contributions. The sum total of the direct contributions of the kingdom is likewise divided into two hundred and forty-nine parts, and each department nominates as many deputies as it pays parts of the contribution. In order to form a Legislative National Assembly, the active citizens shall convene, in primary assemblies, every two years in the cities and cantons. The primary assem¬ blies shall meet of full right on the first Sunday of March, if not convoked sooner by the public officers appointed to do so by the law. To he an active citizen, it is necessary to be a Frenchman, or to have become a Frenchman; to have attained twenty-five years complete ; to have resided in the city or the canton during the time determined by the law; to pay in any part of the kingdom a direct contribution or tax, at least equal to the value of three days’ labour, and to produce the acquittance ; not to be in a menial capacity, namely, that of a servant receiving wages ; to be inscribed in the municipality of the place of his residence in the list of the national guards; to have taken the civic oath. The primary assemblies shall name electors in the pro¬ portion of the number of active citizens residing in the city or canton. There shall be named one elector to the assembly or not, according as there shall happen to be present a hundred active citizens. There shall be named two when there are present from a hundred and fifty-one to two hundred and fifty, and so on in this proportion. The electors named in each department shall convene in order to choose the number of representatives whose nomination shall belong to their department, and a number of substi¬ tutes equal to the third of the representatives. The as¬ semblies shall be held of full right on the last Sunday of March, if they have not been before convoked by the public officers appointed to do so by law. All active citi¬ zens, whatever be their state, profession, or contribution, may be chosen representatives of the nation; excepting, nevertheless, the ministers and other agents of the exe¬ cutive power, and other persons named. The members of the legislative body may be re-elected to a subsequent legislature, but not till after an interval of one legislature. No active citizen can enter or vote in an assembly if he be armed. The representatives shall meet on the first Mon¬ day of May, in the place of the sittings of the last legisla¬ ture. The royalty is indivisible, and delegated hereditarily to the race on the throne from male to male, by order of pri¬ mogeniture, to the perpetual exclusion of women and their descendants. Nothing is prejudged as to the effect of re¬ nunciations in the race on the throne. The person of the king is inviolable and sacred ; bis only title is King of the French. If the king put himself at the head of an army, and direct the forces of it against the nation, or if he do not oppose, by a formal act, any such enterprise undertaken in his name, he shall be held to have abdicated. If the king, having gone out of the kingdom, do not return to it, after N C E. 63 an invitation by the legislative body, within the space History, which shall be fixed by the proclamation, and which can- not be less than two months, he shall be held to have ab- 179L dicated the royalty. After abdication, express or legal, the king shall be in the class of citizens, and may be ac¬ cused and tried like them for acts posterior to his abdica¬ tion. The nation makes provision for the splendour of the throne by a civil list, of which the legislative body shall fix the amount at the commencement of each reign, for the whole duration of that reign. The king is a minor till the age of eighteen complete ; and during his minority there shall be a regent of the kingdom. The regency belongs to the relation of the king next in degree accord¬ ing to the order of succession to the throne, who has at¬ tained the age of twenty-five, provided he be a French¬ man resident in the kingdom, and not presumptive heir to any other crown, and have previously taken the civic oath. Ihe presumptive heir shall bear the name of Prince Royal. rIhe members of the king’s family called to the eventual succession of the throne shall add the denomi¬ nation of French Prince to the name which shall be given them in the civil act proving their birth ; and this name can neither be patronymic nor formed of any of the qualifica¬ tions abolished by the present constitution. The denomi¬ nation of prince cannot be given to any individual, and shall not carry with it any privilege or exception to the com¬ mon right of all French citizens. To the king alone be¬ long the choice and dismission of ministers. The members of the present National Assembly, and of the subsequent legislatures, the members of the tribunal of appeal, and those who shall be of the high jury, can¬ not be advanced to the ministr}', nor receive any place, gift, pension, allowance, or commission of the executive power, or its agents, during the continuance of their func¬ tions, or during two years after ceasing to exercise them ; and the same shall be observed respecting those who shall only be inscribed on the list of high jurors as long as their inscription shall continue. No order of the king can be executed if it be not signed by him, and countersigned by the minister or comptroller of the department. In no case can the written or verbal order of the king shelter a minister from responsibility. The constitution delegates exclusively to the legislative body the powers and functions following: To propose and decree laws, as the king can only invite the legisla¬ tive body to take a subject into consideration ; to fix the public expenses; to establish the public contributions; to determine the nature of them, the amount of each sort, the duration, mode of collection, and so forth. War cannot be resolved on except by a decree of the Na¬ tional Assembly, passed on the formal and necessary pro¬ position of the king, and sanctioned by him. During the whole course of war the legislative body may require the king to negotiate peace ; and the king is bound to yield to this requisition. It belongs to the legislative body to ratify treaties of peace, alliance, and commerce ; and no treaty shall have effect but by this ratification. The deliberations of the legislative body shall be pub¬ lic, and the minutes of the sittings shall be printed. The legislative body may, however, upon any occasion form itself into a general committee. The project of a decree or law shall be read thrice, at three intervals, the shortest of which cannot be less than eight days. The decrees of the legislative body are presented to the king, who may re¬ fuse them his consent. In case of a refusal of the royal consent, that refusal is only suspensive. When the two following legislatures shall successively present the same decree in the same terms in which it was originally con¬ ceived, the king shall be deemed to have given his sanc¬ tion. I he king is bound to express his consent or refu¬ sal to each decree within two months after its presenta- 64 FRA History, tion. No decree to which the king has refused his con- sent can be again presented to him by the same legisla- ture. The supreme executive power resides exclusively in the hands of the king. The king is the supreme head of the land and sea forces. He names ambassadors, and the other agents of political negotiations. He bestows the command of armies and fleets, and the ranks of marshal of France and admiral: he names two thirds of the rear- admirals, one half of the lieutenant-generals, major-gene¬ rals, captains of ships, and colonels of the national gen¬ darmerie : he names a third of the colonels and lieute¬ nant-colonels, and a sixth of the lieutenants of ships: he appoints, in the civil administration of the marine, the di¬ rectors, the comptrollers, the treasurers of the arsenals, the masters of the works, the under-masters of civil build¬ ings, half of the masters of administration, and the under¬ masters of construction. He appoints the commissaries of the tribunals ; as also the superintendents in chief of the management of indirect contributions, and the ad¬ ministration of national domains. He superintends the coinage of money, and appoints officers intrusted with this superintendence in the general commission and the mints. The effigy of the king is struck upon all the coinage of the kingdom. “ There is in each department a superior administration, and in each district a subordinate admini¬ stration. The administrators are specially charged with distributing the direct contributions, and with superin¬ tending the money arising from the contributions, and the public revenues in their territory. The king has the right of annulling such acts of the administrators of department as are contrary to the law or the orders transmitted to them; and he may, in case of obstinate disobedience, or of their endangering, by their acts, the safety or peace of the public, suspend them from their functions. The king alone can interfere in foreign political connections. Every declaration of war shall be made in these terms : “ By the king of the French, in the name of the nation. The judi¬ cial power can in no case be exercised either by the le¬ gislative body or the king. Justice shall be gratuitously administered by judges chosen from time to time by the people, and instituted by letters-patent of the king, who cannot refuse them. The public accuser shall be nomi¬ nated by the people. The right of citizens to determine disputes definitively by arbitration, cannot receive any in¬ fringement from the acts of the legislative power. In cri¬ minal matters, no citizens can be judged except on an ac¬ cusation received by jurors, or decreed by the legislative body in the case in which it belongs to it to prosecute the accusation. After the accusation shall be admitted, the facts shall be examined and declared by the jurors. The person accused shall have the privilege of challenging twenty jurors, without assigning any reason. The jurors who declare the fact shall not be fewer than twelve. The application of the law shall be made by the judges. I he process shall be public; and the person accused cannot be denied the aid of counsel. No man acquitted by a legal jury can be apprehended or accused on account of the same fact. For the whole kingdom there shall be one tribunal of appeal, established near the legislative body. A high na¬ tional court, composed of members of the tribunal of ap¬ peal and high jurors, shall take cognizance of the crimes of ministers, and the principal agents of the executive power; and of crimes which attack the general safety of the state, when the legislative body shall pass a decree of accusation. It shall not assemble except on the proclama¬ tion of the legislative body, and at the distance of thirty thousand toises at least from the place of meeting of the legislative body. The national guards do not form a military body, or an N C E. institution in the state ; they are the citizens themselves History, called to assist the public force. Officers are chosen for a time, and cannot again be chosen till aftei a certain in¬ terval of service as privates. None shall command the national guard of more than one district. All the parts of the public force employed for the safety of the state from foreign enemies are under the command of the king. Public contributions shall be debated and fixed every year by the legislative body, and cannot continue in force longer than the last day of the following session, if they are not expressly renewed. Detailed accounts of the ex¬ pense of the ministerial departments, signed and certified by the ministers or comptrollers-general, shall be printed and published at the commencement of the sessions of each legislature ; and the same shall be done with the statements of the receipt of the different taxes, and all the public revenues. The French nation renounces the undertaking of any war with the view of making conquests, and will never employ its forces against the liberty of any people. And it is also declared, that the nation has the imprescriptible right of changing its constitution ; but considering that it is more conformable to the national interest to employ only, by means provided in the constitution itself, the right of reforming those articles of it of which experience shall have shown the inconveniences, it is further decreed, that the proceeding by an assembly of revision shall be regu¬ lated in the form following: When three successive legis¬ latures shall have expressed an uniform wish for the change of any constitutional article, the revision demanded shall take place. The next legislature, and the following, can¬ not propose the reform of any constitutional article. The fourth legislature, augmented by two hundred and forty- nine members, chosen in each department, by doubling the ordinary number which it furnishes in proportion to its population, shall form the assembly ot revision. The French colonies and possessions in Asia, Africa, and America, though they form part of the hrench em¬ pire, are not included in this constitution. With respect to the laws made by the National As¬ sembly which are not included in the act of constitution, and those anterior laws which it has not altered, they shall be observed as long as they are not revoked or modified by the legislative power. On the 13th of September the king announced, by a Constitu- letter to the president of the assembly, his acceptance of tion ac- this constitution, which, however defective in some points, cepted by is based upon solid principles of liberty; and the eventthe kinS- was ordered to be notified to all the foreign courts, whilst the assembly decreed a general amnesty with respect to the events of the Revolution. On the following day the king repaired in person to the National Assembly ; and being conducted to a chair of state prepared for him by the side of the president, he signed the constitutional act, and took an oath to maintain it. He then withdrew, and was attended back to the Tuilleries by the whole assem¬ bly, with the president at their head. On the 30th ot September, the National, which has since been known by the name of the Constituent Assembly, dissolved itself, and gave place to the Legislative National Assembly, which had been elected according to the rules prescribed in the new constitution. Of the character and labours of the Constituent Assembly, Character which contained many men of distinguished talents, and and labours not a few of eminent virtue, it is by no means easy, even at oHhe Con- this distance of time, to form an accurate and altogether dispassionate estimate. Called together at a period of un- 1 ' exampled difficulty and distress; intrusted with the perfor¬ mance of duties altogether new to its members; required at once to regenerate a superannuated monarchy and to lay the foundations of constitutional liberty ; and placed m FRANCE. 65 History, the midst of a famishing people, resolved to cast off their chains, but not yet prepared for the enjoyment of freedom ; 1791- it was expected to reform every abuse which time and mis- government had engendered, to renovate an empire gray with feudal corruption, and to direct into safe channels the recently-excited energy of the people. The convocation of the States General formed the last resource of the mo¬ narchy overburdened by its own vices, and the first hope of the nation groaning under the pressure of accumulated evils ; and to this body, therefore, the court looked for help in overcoming the difficulties with which it was beset, at the expense of some concessions in favour of general li¬ berty, and the people for an entire re-organization of the system of government on a footing adapted to their opi¬ nions and their wants. How it accomplished the task thus imposed on it, is now matter of experience. That much still remains in dispute cannot be denied ; but time, the great expositor of truth, has nevertheless unfolded its errors and illustrated its virtues. The principal evils which afflicted France were removed by this assembly. Liberty of religious worship, which had been but imperfectly provided for in 1787, was secured in its fullest extent; torture and the punishment of the wheel were abolished ; trial by jury, publicity of criminal proceed¬ ings, the examination of witnesses in presence of the accus¬ ed, and counsel for his defence, were fixed by law; the an¬ cient parliaments, the fastnesses of prejudice and partiality, were suppressed, and one uniform system of criminal juris¬ prudence established ; lettres de cachet were abolished for ever ; the exemption from taxation of the nobility and the clergy was extinguished, and an equal system of contribu¬ tion established throughout the kingdom ; the most oppres¬ sive imposts, as those on salt and tobacco, together with the taille and the tithes, were abrogated ; and the privileges of nobility, with the feudal burdens, were abolished. To the Constituent Assembly France has also been indebted for the institution of national guards ; the opening of the army to the courage and ability of every class of society; and the division of landed property amongst the middle ranks, one of the greatest benefits which can be conferred upon a nation. I he same body also had the merit of authorita¬ tively recognising and proclaiming the natural, social, and civil rights of man ; of establishing that equality in the eye of the law without which there can be no true liberty ; and of rendering the whole genius, talent, and virtue of the na¬ tion available to the public service in all its departments. These were no doubt mighty changes, and their beneficial effects were demonstrated even amidst all the calamities and convulsions which ensued. They enabled the nation to bear up and prosper under a vast accumulation of evils, any one of which would have exhausted the national strength under the monarchy ; under public bankruptcy, enormously- depreciated assignats, civil divisions, political anarchy, the reign of terror, the wars of Napoleon, foreign invasion, and subjugation by Europe. In a word, by means of these re¬ forms, France has at length, in spite of every obstacle, be¬ come great, glorious, and free; the terror of the despots of continental Europe, and one of the greatest bulwarks of modern civilization. The errors of the Constituent Assembly, though scarce¬ ly of less magnitude, have happily not produced conse¬ quences equally lasting. By destroying in a few months the constitution of a thousand years, they set afloat the ideas of men, and spread the fever of innovation through¬ out the empire ; by confiscating the property of the church, they established a precedent for injustice, which was but too closely followed in subsequent years ; by establishing the right of universal suffrage, and conferring on the na¬ tion the nomination to all offices of trust, they conceded the exercise of powers incompatible with the monarchical form of government they themselves had established, and vol. x. which the people were as yet incapable of exercising with advantage. They diminished the influence of the crown to such a degree as to render it incapable of controlling the people ; they limited the royal negative in such a man¬ ner as to render it nearly inoperative ; and they thus left the kingdom a prey to the factions to which the recent changes had unavoidably given birth. Lastly, by exclud ing themselves from the Legislative Assembly (and this w'as their greatest error), they deprived France of the be¬ nefit of their experience, and permitted their successors to commence the same circle of experimental innovation, to the extreme hazards of which they had latterly been fully awakened. But all these were either reparable or termi¬ nable evils, which, though severely felt for a season, have, in the natural course of events, been either cured or end¬ ed ; and, fortunately for France, the good seed sown by this body is still producing its fruits, whilst the tares scat¬ tered amongst it have at length withered and died The new assembly was opened by the king in person onTheLegis- the 7th of October, in a speech recommending unanimity lative As- and confidence between the legislative and the executive sembly. powrers, which speech was received wdth unbounded applause. The character of the men who composed the new National Assembly was inauspicious to the court. At the commence¬ ment of the Revolution, the great body of the people at a distance from the capital felt little interested in those pro¬ jects of freedom which occupied the more enlightened but more turbulent inhabitants of Paris. But they had gra¬ dually been roused from their lethargy. The variety of powers conferred upon the people at large by the new con¬ stitution, and the multiplicity of offices of which it gave them the patronage, had kindled in the minds of men a sense of their own importance, and a desire to intermeddle in public affairs. This attached them to the new order of things. The love of power, which is perhaps the least dis¬ guised passion in the human heart, and equally strong in the breast of the meanest and most elevated of mankind, had thus, under the name of liberty, become a leading passion throughout the empire ; and they who flattered it most, and w ere loudest in praise of the rights of the people, be¬ came speedily the favourites of the public. The new Na¬ tional Assembly was chiefly composed of country gentle¬ men of principles highly democratic, or of men of letters who had published popular books or conducted periodical publications ; and as the members of the Constituent As¬ sembly had by their owm act excluded themselves from holding seats in the Legislative Assembly, the members of the latter entertained but little regard for a constitution which they themselves had not framed, and which was not protected by the sanction of antiquity. When this assembly first met, it showed much attention to formalities, and an extreme jealousy of the ministers of the crown ; and as the treaty of Pilnitz now began to be ru¬ moured abroad, France was thrown into a state of great anxiety for the safety of its newly-acquired liberties. Al¬ though the Prussians and Germans still continued to tem¬ porize, Sweden and Russia had entered into strict engage¬ ments to restore the old despotism of France. Accordingly, on the 9th of November a decree was passed, by which it was provided that the emigrants who, after the first of Janu¬ ary 1792, should be found assembled in a hostile manner be¬ yond the frontiers, should be Considered as guilty of a con¬ spiracy, and suffer death ; and that the French princes and public functionaries who should not return before that pe¬ riod, should be punishable in the same manner, and their property forfeited during their lives. On the 18th a num¬ ber of severe decrees were also passed against such of the ejected clergy as still refused to take the civic oath. But to all these the king opposed his veto or negative. The mode¬ rate party, who were attached to the constitution, rejoiced at this, as a proof of the freedom of the sovereign ; but, l 66 FRANCE. History, on the other hand, it raised a violent clamour, and became V'“'~Y~W the means of exciting new suspicions against the court. 1791, 1792. About this time ansWers from the different foreign courts to the notification sent them of the king having accept¬ ed the new constitution were received. These were gene¬ rally conceived in a style of great caution, and avoided employing language calculated to produce irritation. "1 he emperor even prohibited all assemblages of emigrants within his states; and Louis intimated to the assembly that he had declared to the elector of Treves, that unless the emigrants ceased before the 15th of January to make hostile preparations within his territories, he would be con¬ sidered as the enemy of France. All this, however, did not serve to allay suspicion ; for although the different fo¬ reign courts had openly declared pacific intentions, yet the French emigrants boldly asserted that all Europe was ac¬ tually arming in their favour, and accordingly ceased not to solicit such of their friends as still remained within the country to leave it and join them in what they called the royal cause. Placed between a republican party which was gradually gathering strength, and an aristocratical party which was rousing Europe to arms against a nation of which he was' the constitutional chief, with a combination of princes suspected of wishing to seize upon part of his dominions, the unhappy king stood in a situation which would have perplexed the most skilful statesman ; and it is no proof of incapacity that he fell a sacrifice to circumstances which might have overwhelmed any ordinary measure of human sagacity. Addresses were crowding into the assembly dis¬ approving the conduct of the court. M. Montmorin re¬ signed ; M. Delessart succeeded him; and M. Cahier de Gerville became minister of the interior. M. Duportail resigned also, and was succeeded as minister of war by M. de Narbonne. In the month of November M. Bailly’s may¬ oralty terminated; and the once popular Lafayette ap¬ peared as a candidate for the office. But he was success¬ fully opposed by M. Petion, a declared republican, who was elected mayor by a great majority. The Feuil- At this period the moderate men, friends of the consti- lants. tution, attempted to counteract the influence of the Jaco¬ bin Club by the establishment of a similar one. This new club derived its name from the vacant convent of the Feuil- lants, in which it assembled ; and the most active members of the Constituent Assembly belonged to it, such as MM. d’Andre, Barnave, the two Lameths, Duport, llabaud, Sieyes, Chapelier, Thouret, Labord, Talleyrand, Montes¬ quieu, Beaumetz, and others. But the Jacobins contrived to excite a riot at the place of their meeting, which was in the vicinity of the hall of the National Assembly ; and this afforded a pretext for applying to the assembly for the re¬ moval of the new club. The assembly complied with the request, and thereby evinced its favourable disposition to¬ wards the Jacobins. State of At the close of the year 1791 the kingdom of France France. was by no means in a prosperous state. The public re¬ venue had fallen far short of the expenditure; the emi¬ grant nobility had carried out of the kingdom the greater part of the current coin ; and a variety of manufacturers, who depended upon their ostentatious luxury, were redu¬ ced to much distress. The dispositions of foreign courts appeared at best doubtful. The year 1792, however, open¬ ed with a delusive prospect of tranquillity. The German princes seemed to be satisfied with the mode of compensa¬ tion which the French had offered for the loss of their pos¬ sessions in Alsace and Lorraine ; the Prince of Lowenstein accepted of an indemnification ; the Princes of Hohenlohe and Salm-Salm declared themselves ready to treat upon the same terms; whilst Prince Maximilian, and the Dukes of Wirtemberg and Deux-Ponts, also negotiated an ar¬ rangement. It is unnecessary to state in detail the subter¬ fuges employed by Leopold for amusing the French with the appearances of peace. To these, and probably also to the undecided character of Louis, M. Delessart, minister of foreign affairs, fell a sacrifice. He was accused by Bris- sot of not having given timely notice to the National As¬ sembly of the dispositions of foreign powers, and of not pressing proper measures for securing the honour and safety of the nation ; a decree of accusation waS passed against him in his absence; and having been apprehended, tried bv the high court at Orleans, and convicted, he was exe¬ cuted in virtue of its sentence. The unexpected death of Leopold on the first of March gave rise to a transient hope that peace might still be pre¬ served. On the 16th of the same month the king of Swe¬ den was wounded by a nobleman of the name of Anker- strom, and died on the 29th. This enterprising prince, having overturned the constitution of his own country, had formed the project of conducting in person his troops to the frontiers of France, and of commanding or accom- History. 1792. panying the combined armies of Europe in their attempt to avenge the cause of insulted royalty; and it was in a great measure to counteract this scheme that he was assas¬ sinated. The sudden fall of these two enemies, however, rather accelerated than retarded the meditated hostilities. The young king of Hungary, who succeeded to the empire, made no secret either of his own intentions or of the ex¬ istence of a concert of princes against France. Dumou- riez was now at the head of the war office, Roland held the portfolio of the interior, and Claviere was minister of finance. The Jacobins were all-powerful, and the court gave way to the torrent. The property of the emigrants was confiscated, reserving only the rights of creditors. Meanwhile the imperial minister, Prince Kaunitz, demand¬ ed three things of France : first, the restitution of all their feudal rights to the German princes; secondly, the resto¬ ration of Avignon to the pope, the inhabitants of which had some time previously thrown off their allegiance, and prevailed with the Constituent Assembly to receive their country as part of France; and, lastly, a guarantee that the neighbouring powers should have no reason for appre¬ hension from the present weakness of the internal govern¬ ment of France. On receiving these demands, the king proposed a declaration of war, which, on the 20th of April, was accordingly decreed by the National Assembly against the king of Hungary and Bohemia. The French immediately began the contest, by attack-The Aris¬ ing in three different columns the Austrian Netherlands. Dillon advanced from Lisle to Tournay, where he found strong body of Austrians ready to receive him. But the national force, unaccustomed to sustain the fire of regular troops, were instantly thrown into confusion, and fled even to the gates of Lisle. The cry of treason resounded on all sides ; and their commander, an experienced and faithful officer, was murdered by his own soldiers and the mob. A second division of ten thousand men, under General Biron, took possession of Quivcrain on the 29th, and marched to¬ wards Mons, at which place he was attacked by the Aus¬ trians, whom he repulsed; but hearing of the defeat of Dillon, he retreated. A third division advanced to Furnes, but afterwards withdrew; and Lafayette, who had simul¬ taneously advanced towards Bouvines, half way to Namur, was also obliged to retire. All these expeditions were ill contrived, inasmuch as they divided the French undisci¬ plined troops, and exposed them in small bodies to the at¬ tack of veteran forces. Some time elapsed before the Aus¬ trians attempted to retaliate. At length, however, on the 11th of June they attacked Gouvion, who commanded the advanced guard of Lafayette’s army, near Maubeuge ; but Lafayette having come to his assistance, the Austrians abandoned the field. In the mean time, matters were hastening towards a FRA History, violent crisis in Paris. Two parties, both equally hostile to the present constitution, had been gradually formed, one 1792. 0f which wished to give more effectual support to the royal Indies- authority, by establishing a senate, to prevent the king’s approach-1 vo^e ^rom being the sole check upon popular enthusiasm; big crisis. wbilst the other desired to set aside royalty altogether, and to hazard the perilous experiment of converting France into a republic. These last were supported by the Jacobin Club, which had now contrived to concentrate within itself an immense mass of influence. In every town and village of the provinces innumerable popular societies were esta¬ blished ; and with these a regular correspondence was kept up, both by letters and by emissaries. Every scheme was thus instantaneously propagated throughout the empire, and all the violent spirits which it contained were enabled to act in concert. But the more immediate engine of the republican party consisted of the immense population of the metropolis, whom they now endeavoured to keep in a state of continual alarm. For this purpose, it was alleged that an Austrian committee, or a conspiracy in favour of the enemies of the country, existed amongst the friends of the court; and both Gensonne and Brissot offered in the assembly to prove the existence of this pretended commit¬ tee. A report was next circulated that the king intended to abscond from the capital on the 23d of May ; and though his majesty publicly contradicted the rumour, which he treated as a calumny, it made no small impression upon the minds of the public. New decrees were now passed against the refractory clergy, but these his majesty refused to sanc¬ tion. A proposal was also made and adopted in the assem¬ bly to form a camp of twenty thousand men under the walls of Paris, and for this purpose to levy from every canton in the kingdom one horse and four infantry soldiers. But the national guard of Paris disliked the proposal, and the king gave it his negative. At this time the king seems to have come to a resolution of making a stand against the Jacobin party, to which he had for some time yielded. With the exception of Dumouriez, therefore, the ministry were dis¬ missed, and others appointed in their stead. Dumouriez lost the confidence of the Jacobin Club in consequence of the exception in his favour; but he saw his error, resign¬ ed his office, and immediately joined the army. In the mean time a decree had been passed, authorizing the manufactory of pikes for the purpose of arming cheaply the lower class of citizens. Attempts were also made, by means of inflamma¬ tory writings and harangues, to render the king odious ; and in both ways Marat, who afterwards acquired such infamous notoriety, appears to have taken the lead. On the 20th of June, Roederer, the procureur-general, informed the assembly that, contrary to law, formidable bodies of armed men were preparing to present petitions to the king and to the assembly; and part of them speedily made their appearance, with St Huruge, and Santerre, a brewer, at their head. They marched through the hall in a procession which lasted two hours, and to the number of about forty thousand. They then surrounded the Tuille- ries, the gates of which were thrown open ; and on an at¬ tempt to break open the door of the apartment where the king was, he ordered them to be admitted. During the four or five hours that he was surrounded by the multitude, and compelled to listen to every indignity, his sister the Princess Elizabeth never departed from his side. All this time Petion, the mayor of Paris, was most unaccountably absent; but at length he arrived at the palace, as did also a deputation from the assembly. The queen, with her chil¬ dren and the Princess de Lamballe, were in the mean while in the council-chamber, where, though protected from vio¬ lence, they were nevertheless exposed to insult. At last, on the approach of evening, the multitude, yielding to the entreaties of Petion, gradually dispersed. The indignities suffered by the royal family on this occasion were in" some N C E. 67 respects not unfavourable to their cause. The respectable Historv. inhabitants of the capital, ashamed of such proceedings, complained of them in a petition which they presented to 1792. the assembly ; and addresses to the same purpose were re¬ ceived from several departments. The directory of the de¬ partment of Paris, at the head of which were M. Roche- foucault and M. Talleyrand, published a declaration, dis¬ approving of the conduct of the mayor, and of Manuel the procureur of the commune, whom they afterwards suspend¬ ed fi om their offices, to which however the delinquents were speedily restored by a decree of the assembly. About the same time Lafayette having suddenly quitted the army, appeared at the bar of the assembly, where he declared that he came to express the indignation with which the whole army regarded the events of the 20th, and called upon the assembly to punish the promoters of these excesses, and to dissolve the factious clubs. The sudden appearance of La¬ fayette threw the Jacobins into consternation, and from that period they never ceased to calumniate him. On the 1st of July the assembly, on the motion of Jean de Brie, ordered a proclamation to be issued that the coun¬ try was in danger ; and on the 6th, Louis intimated that the king of Prussia was marching with fifty-two thousand men to operate against France. The French armies had about this time obtained some successes in the Austrian Nether¬ lands ; but the cabinet thought it necessary to order them to retreat, a measure which was afterwards publicly cen¬ sured by Marshal Luckner. On the 7th an extraordinary scene took place in the National Assembly. At the moment when Brissot was about to commence an oration, M. Lam- mourette, bishop of Lyons, requested to be heard for a few minutes, and after expatiating on the necessity of union amongst the members of the assembly, and of sacrificing their passions and prejudices on the altar of their country, concluded an animated address by proposing that all who held in equal detestation a republic and two chambers, and who wished to maintain the constitution as it stood, should immediately rise up. The words were scarcely pronoun¬ ced when the whole assembly started from their seats ; men of all parties solemnly embraced each other, protest¬ ing their adherence to the constitution ; and a deputation announced the happy event to the king, who came to the assembly, and congratulated them on what had occurred. But the only good effect produced by this temporary agree¬ ment was, that the festival of the 14th of July, which was celebrated with the usual magnificence, passed in tran¬ quillity. On the 25th of July, the Duke of Brunswick issued at Duke of Coblentz his celebrated manifesto. It declared that the pur- Bruns- pose of the intended invasion of France was to restore the wjck’s ma, French king to full authority; held the national guard re- nd’esio. sponsible for the preservation of tranquillity ; and threatened with the punishment of death, as rebels to their king, all those who should appear in arms against the aliied powers. The same language was employed towards all persons holding offices, civil as well as military ; whilst the city of Paris and the National Assembly were declared responsible for every insult which might be offered to the royal family. It was added, that if the latter were not immediately placed in safety, the allies were resolved to inflict upon those who should deserve it the most exemplary and ever-memo- rable punishment, by giving up the city of Paris to mili¬ tary execution, and exposing it to total destruction ; and the same vengeance was denounced against all those who should be guilty of what was called illegal resistance. This sanguinary and imprudent manifesto operated almost as a warrant for the destruction of the unfortunate Louis XVI. It left no middle party in the nation. All who wished to preserve freedom in any form, and all who loved the in¬ dependence of their country, were instantly united. The reproaches cast upon the king by the Jacobins now gained 08 FRANCE. History, universal credit. The sovereigns of Prussia and of Hungary announced to the French nation that their monarch was 1792. secretly hostile to the constitution ; and the restoration of the king and his family to despotic power was made the sole pretence for a most unjustifiable aggression. The re¬ publican party saw at once the advantage which they had gained, and resolved on the deposition of the king. The chief engine which they meant to employ in this service consisted of about fifteen hundred men, who had come to Paris at the period of the confederation on the 14th of July, hence called Federes, and who were also sometimes denominated Marseillais, from the place which had sent the greater number ; and next to these, dependence was placed upon the populace of the suburbs of the capital. The designs of the republicans were not unknown to the court, and both parties now formed their plans of operation. The royal party intended, it is said, that the king and his family should suddenly leave the capital, and proceed to as great a distance as the constitution permitted ; whilst the republicans, on the other hand, are alleged to have medi¬ tated seizing the person of the king, and confining him in the castle of Vincennes until a national convention should decide upon his fate. Both assertions are probably true. Every motive which can influence the mind of man must have induced Louis to wish to be at a distance from the factious and sanguinary capital; and the subsequent con¬ duct of the republicans warrants us in believing that they already contemplated the destruction of the king and the monarchy. Lafayette Various charges had at different times been brought for- accused ward in the assembly against Lafayette, and the 8th of and acquit- August was appointed for their discussion. In the mean time, on the 3d of August, Petion the mayor, at the head of a deputation from the sections of Paris, appeared at the bar, and formally demanded the deposition of the king. The discussion of the accusation against Lafayette was con¬ sidered as a trial of strength between the parties; but he was acquitted by a majority of nearly two hundred; and the republican party, despairing of carrying their point by a vote of the assembly, resolved to have recourse to the bolder experiment of insurrection. On the evening of the 9th, about fifteen hundred gen¬ tlemen, officers of the army, and others, repaired to the palace, resolved to protect the royal family, or to die in their defence ; and besides these, there were within its w^alls seven hundred Swiss guards, with a body of cavalry amounting to about a thousand. Mandat, the commander of the national guards, a man firmly attached to the consti¬ tution, had also procured two thousand four hundred of that body, with twelve pieces of cannon. There can be no doubt that, with such a force vigorously directed, the palace, which is a kind of castle, might have been success¬ fully defended ; and that which is now termed a revolution might have received the name of a rebellion. But. un¬ happily for the cause of monarchy in France, its support¬ ers, military as well as civil, were paralysed by the uncer¬ tainty and vacillation which characterized the royal coun¬ sels, and, through indecision, all was lost. Meanwhile the assembly declared its sittings permanent. Petion was at the palace late in the evening of the 9th ; and as some apprehensions were entertained, or pretended to be enter¬ tained, for his safety, a deputation from the assembly brought him away. At midnight the tocsin was sounded, and the drums beat to arms throughout the city, when a number of the most active leaders of the republican party assembled, and elected a new common council. The per¬ sons thus irregularly chosen instantly took possession of the common-hall, and drove out the lawful members, who, in¬ fected with that weakness which shrinks from stations of responsibility in perilous times, readily gave place to the usurpers. The new council then sent repeated messages 1792. to Mandat, requiring his attendance upon important busi- History, ness. He was occupied in arranging the troops around the v ’ palace ; but suspecting nothing, he went to the common- hall, and was there astonished to find a different assembly from that which he expected to meet there. He was ab¬ ruptly accused of a plot to massacre the people, and order¬ ed to prison ; but as he descended the stairs he was shot through the head with a pistol, and Santerre appointed in his stead to command the national guard. In the palace all was anxiety and alarm. About six o’clock in the morning of the 10th the king Tenth of descended into the gardens to review the troops. He was August, received with shouts of Vive le roi, excepting from the artillery, who shouted Vive la nation. The king return¬ ed to the palace, and the multitude continued to assemble. The national guard seemed undecided what to do, as they assembled in divisions near the palace; and had a steady resistance been made from within, it is probable they would have joined the royal party. But towards eight o’clock M. Roederer procured admission into the palace, and told the king that armed multitudes were assembling in hostile array around the Tuilleries ; that the national guard was not to be depended upon ; and that, in the event of resistance, the whole royal family would certainly be massacred. Fie therefore advised the king to seek pro¬ tection in the hall of the National Assembly ; and with this advice the king, with his usual facility of temper, prepared to comply ; but the queen vehemently opposed the humi- liatingproposal. Having, however, become gradually alarm¬ ed for the safety of her children, she at length gave her consent; and the king, queen, and Princess Elizabeth, together with the prince and princess royal, went on foot to the hall of the assembly. “ I am come hither,” said his majesty, “ to prevent a great crime. Among you, gentle¬ men, I believe myself in safety.” But by an article of the constitution the assembly could not deliberate in presence of the king. The royal family were, therefore, placed in a narrow box separated from the hall by a railing, where they remained during fourteen hours, without having any place to which they could retire for refreshment, excepting a small closet adjoining ; and here they sat listening to debates in which the royal character and office were treated with every species of contumely and insult. When the king left the palace of the Tuilleries, he un¬ fortunately forgot to order it to be immediately surren¬ dered. This he recollected as soon as he reached the assembly, and sent orders accordingly ; but unhappily it was now too late. The insurgents, amounting to about twenty thousand in number, were drawn up in tolerable order by Westermann, a Prussian by birth, and had with them thirty pieces of cannon. The gentlemen within the palace, who had assembled to protect the king’s person, now became dispirited, and knew not what to do. Afry, the commander of the Swiss, was absent, and the cap¬ tains were left without orders, whilst, in consequence of the death of Mandat, the national guard had no leader. About nine o’clock the outer gates were forced, and the insurgents formed their line in front of the palace. A bloody combat now commenced, chiefly between the Mar- seiliois and the Swiss. But after a brave resistance of about an hour, the latter were overpowered by numbers, and gave way. All those found in the palace were mas¬ sacred, some even whilst imploring quarter on their knees; but others escaped into the city, and were protected by individuals. Of this brave regiment only two hundred survived; but every human being, including even the lowest domestics, found within the palace, was put to death. Those of the Swiss who had been made prisoners in various quarters were conducted to the door of the as¬ sembly, and, by a decree, taken under the protection of the state ; but the sanguinary multitude insisted upon put- FRANCE. 69 1792. The royal authority History, ting them to instant death ; and the assembly would, in all probability, have been unable to protect them, had not the Marseillois generously interfered in their favour. The suspension of the royal authority was now decreed, and the nation invited to elect a convention to determine suspended. tjie nature 0f {(-g future government. On this occasion all Frenchmen of twenty-one years of age were declared capable of electing, and of being elected, deputies to the new National Convention. The same evening commis¬ sioners were dispatched to give to the armies a favour¬ able account of the transactions which had just taken place. The royal family were sent to the old palace of the Temple, there to remain under a strict guard ; and all persons of rank who had been attached to them were seized and committed to different prisons. As an instance of the temper by which the people of Paris were at this time actuated, it is proper to mention, that at the very moment when the multitude were mas¬ sacring the menial servants in the palace, and could scarcely be restrained from offering violence to the Swiss who had been made prisoners, they would not suffer an act of pillage to pass unpunished ; and several attempts of the kind were instantly followed by the death of the offenders. The plate, jewels, and money found in the Tuilleries were brought to the National Assembly, and thrown down in the hall; and one man, whose dress and appearance bespoke extreme poverty, cast upon the table a hat full of gold. But the minds of those men were e.le- vated by enthusiasm; and they conceived themselves at the moment the champions of freedom, and objects of terror to the kings of the earth. In the mean time, the situation of France had become extremely critical, and it appeared doubtful if the new Convention would ever be suffered to assemble. Lafay¬ ette having accidentally got early notice of the events of the tenth of August, advised the magistrates of the town of Sedan to imprison the commissioners of the National Assembly as soon as they should arrive there ; and this was accordingly done. He at the same time published an address to the army, calling upon them to support the king and the constitution ; but finding that they were not to be depended upon, he left the camp in the night of the 19th August, accompanied only by his staff and a few servants. The party took the route of Rochefort in Liege, which was a neutral country ; but having been met by a small body of the enemy, they were made prisoners, and Lafayette was detained for several years in close confine¬ ment. The severe treatment of this weak but well-mean¬ ing man was a great error in policy upon the part of the allies. His fidelity to the king and the constitution is now generally admitted; and though some have enter¬ tained strong suspicions of his conduct towards that un¬ fortunate monarch, and in the British House of Commons he was even stigmatized as an abandoned ruffian, it is cer¬ tain that he was actuated by the purest motives, and would have saved the king if it had been in his power to do so. His errors, in fact, were those of the head ra¬ ther than of the heart; he still fancied that he could guide a revolution which he had had a share in originat¬ ing, and seemed altogether unconscious that the direction of the movement had passed into other hands. But, how¬ ever this may be, he should have been protected by the allies, if for no other reason, at least to encourage deser¬ tion amongst the officers of the republican army. The commissioners arrested at Sedan wTere soon afterwards set History, at liberty, and received with applause by the army of La- fayette. General Arthur Dillon at first entered into the 1?92. sentiments of Lafayette ; but Dumouriez diverted him from his purpose, and thus regained his credit with the Jacobins, by whose influence he was appointed comman¬ der-in-chief. The other generals, Biron, Montesquieu, Kellerman, and Custines, offered no opposition to the will of the National Assembly. Meanwhile the combined armies of Austria and of Prus- Entry of sia had entered France. The Duke of Brunswick’s army the allies was above fifty thousand strong; and General Clairfayt1”10 had joined him with fifteen thousand Austrians and a*rance* considerable body of Hessians, besides twenty thousand French emigrants, amounting in all to near ninety thou¬ sand men. To oppose these, Dumouriez had only seven¬ teen thousand men collected near the point from which the enemy were approaching in Luxembourg. The French emigrants had given the Duke of Brunswick such an ac¬ count of the distracted state of the country, and of the alleged disaffection of all orders of men towards the ruling faction in Paris, that no resistance of any importance was expected by him ; and, in fact, when the combined forces, consisting either of steady Austrian or Hungarian batta¬ lions, or of well-trained Prussians, whom Frederick had inured to the best discipline, wrere reviewed in Germany before setting out on their march, the spectators, amongst whom the French cause was not unpopular, beheld them with anxiety and regret, pitying the unhappy country against which this irresistible force was to be directed. The officers and soldiers considered themselves as depart¬ ing for a hunting match, or an excursion of pleasure ; and many of the usual accommodations of an army were in con¬ sequence but ill attended to. The commencement of their invasion of France justified these expectations. Longwy surrendered after a siege of fifteen hours, although well fortified, possessed of a garrison of near four thousand men, and defended by seventy one pieces of cannon.1 Ver¬ dun was next summoned, and the governor, M. Beaure- paire, compelled by the municipality to surrender.2 The news of this second capture, and of the approach of the Prussians, spread consternation throughout Paris; and it was proposed to raise a volunteer army, which should set out immediately to meet the enemy. The municipality, which was now led by Robespierre, Danton, Marat, and others of the most sanguinary character, ordered the alarm guns to be fired, and enjoined the populace to meet in the Champ de Mars to enroll themselves to march against the enemy. The people assembled, and, either in consequence of a premeditated plan, or, which is not very probable, of an instantaneous movement, a number of voices exclaim¬ ed, that the domestic foes of the nation should be de¬ stroyed before its foreign enemies were attacked. Parties of armed men proceeded without delay to the Massacres prisons where the nonjuring clergy, the Swiss officers, °f Septvin- and those confined since the tenth of August on account ^er‘ of alleged practices against the state, were detained in cus¬ tody. They took out the prisoners one by one, gave them a kind of mock trial before a jury of their own number, ac¬ quitted some few, and murdered the remainder. Amongst these was the Princess de Lamballe, who was taken from bed, dragged before this bloody tribunal, and massacred ; after which her head, stuck on a pike, was carried by the populace to the Temple, that it might be seen by her , 1 The news of this event greatly irritated the assembly, who decreed, that when the town was retaken, the houses of the citizens should be razed to the ground ; and, mistrustful of the officers of the army, they also ordained that the municipal officers of a town should hereafter have power to control the deliberations of the council of war. 2 This officer, disappointed and enraged, shot himself dead with a pistol in presence of the council; and on the 2d of September the Prussian troops entered the town. 70 FRANCE. History, friend the queen. These massacres continued two days, '~*^s~***1 and upwards of a thousand persons were put to death. In 1792‘ all history, indeed, there is scarcely any thing to parallel them ; they were committed, it is believed, by less than three hundred men, in the midst of an immense city, which heard of them with horror, and in the vicinity of the National Assembly, which, by going in a body, could have put an end to them. But such was the confusion and dismay which prevailed during these two disgraceful days, that"no man dared to stir from his house; every one believed that the whole city, excepting his own street, was involved in massacre and bloodshed. The national guards were all ready at their respective posts, but no man directed them to act; and there is good reason to suspect that Santerre and the chiefs of the commune con¬ nived at, if indeed they were not actually implicated in, this atrocious butchery. In the mean time, General Dumouriez was occupied in taking measures to protract the march of the enemy till the army of Kellerman, consisting of about twenty thou¬ sand men, could arrive from Lorraine, and that of Bour- nonville, amounting to thirteen thousand, from Flanders ; together with whatever new levies Luckner might be able to send from Chalons. The forest of Argonne, extending from north to south upwards of forty miles, lay directly in the line of march of the Duke of Brunswick, who had either to force his way through it, or to make a circuit of forty miles by the pass of Grandpre on the north, or by Barleduc on the south. The pass which lay most directly in his line of march was that of Biesme. But after exa¬ mining Dillon’s position at this point, the duke left a force of twenty thousand men to observe it, and with the main body of his army took the circuitous route by Grandpre on the north. Here Dumouriez waited to receive him, and was attacked on the 12th and 13th without success ; but on the 14th the attack of the Prussians was irresistible, and Dumouriez abandoned his position. On his retreat he was so closely pressed by the cavalry of the Prussian ad¬ vanced guard, that his army was seized with a panic, and fled before fifteen hundred horse, who, if they had pushed their advantage, might have entirely dispersed it. On the 15th, however, Dumouriez having encamped at St Mene- hould, began to fortify his position, and Bournonville’s army joined him on the 17th. The Duke of Brunswick now resolved to attack Kellerman before he could effect his junction with Dumouriez; and, accordingly, on the 19th, when that officer had arrived within a mile of the French camp, the projected attack took place. The Prussians manoeuvred with their usual coolness and ad¬ dress ; but in an attempt to surround Kellerman’s army they were completely foiled, and, in the face of the ene¬ my, Kellerman joined Dumouriez at the close of the ac¬ tion. At the same time that the army of Kellerman was attacked, an attempt was also made to force Dillon’s camp at Biesme, by the twenty thousand men who had been left in its vicinity; but the attempt failed, and this large de¬ tachment was thus prevented from penetrating the forest of Argonne and joining the Duke of Brunswick. In these engagements the French owed the advantage they obtain¬ ed chiefly to the superiority of their artillery; a circum¬ stance which served to convince their enemies that they had to contend with regular military bodies, and not, as they expected, with undisciplined multitudes. The Duke of Brunswick now encamped his army at La Lun, near the position of Dumouriez ; and here the Prus¬ sians began to suffer extreme distress, both from sickness and from famine. No temptation could induce the inha¬ bitants of the country to carry provisions to the hostile camp, whilst at the same time the French army was abun¬ dantly supplied; whilst Bournonville, with a body of four thousand men, had intercepted several herds of cattle and other convoys of provisions destined for the Prussians. The rain fell in torrents, and the roads were uncommonly deep. F,xposed to cold and damp, and suffering from want of provisions, the Prussians ate freely of the grapes of Champagne ; in consequence of which an epidemical distemper appeared, and spread through the army with such rapidity, that ten thousand men were at one time unfit for duty. The Duke of Brunswick, however, was still at the head of a force more numerous than that of Dumou¬ riez ; and he has therefore been much censured for not attacking his opponent, and forcing him to receive battle. It has been said that the numerous and veteran force which he commanded would have marched to certain vic¬ tory against the raw troops who opposed them ; and that, having defeated Dumouriez’s army, there was nothing to oppose his march towards Paris. But the Duke of Bruns¬ wick having entered France upon the supposition that in its present distracted state no regular army could be brought into the field against him, and that the people at large were hostile to the ruling faction, felt disconcerted by discovering that he had been deceived, and that all his expectations were disappointed. Instead of a friendly he found himself in the midst of a hostile people ; where he had expected to meet with nothing but confusion, dis¬ order, and weakness, he observed all enthusiastically unit¬ ed in defence of their country ; and, so far from encoun¬ tering little or no resistance, he saw before him armies, imperfectly disciplined, it is true, but hourly increasing in numbers and improving in training, and at the same time conducted by skilful military chiefs. In such a situation a defeat would have brought certain ruin on his army; and even a victory might in its consequences have proved equally fatal. Accordingly, after proposing a truce for eight days, which was agreed to, he commenced his retreat to¬ wards Grandpre, and continued it without molestation. Verdun was retaken by the French on the 12th of Octo¬ ber, and Longwy on the 18th; and the siege of Thion- viile, a small but strong fortress under the command of General Wimpfen, was at the same time raised. Whilst the Prussians were advancing from the north¬ east, the Austrians under the Duke of Saxe-Teschen laid siege to Lisle. To the summons of the besiegers the council-general of the commune answered that they had just renewed their oath to be faithful to the nation, and to maintain liberty and equality, or to die at their post; and that they would not perjure themselves. The Austrian batteries opened on the 29th, and were chiefly directed against that quarter of the town which was inha¬ bited by the lower class of citizens, in the hope, no doubt, of exciting disturbance within. But this proceeding was exceedingly ill judged. The lower classes of mankind are always accustomed to hardships, and hence they are pre¬ pared to go much further in support of any principle which they may have enthusiastically adopted, than those who have been accustomed to enjoy all the comforts and luxu¬ ries of life. Accordingly, though a great part of the city was reduced to a heap of ruins, the citizens of Lisle became daily more obstinate ; every vault and cellar was occupied ; and although upwards of thirty thousand red-hot balls and six thousand bombs were thrown into the city, not to men¬ tion the effect produced by an immense battering train, yet the loss sustained by the garrison and people did not exceed five hundred persons, most of whom were women and children. After a fortnight of fruitless labour, the Austrians were therefore obliged to raise the siege. Mean¬ while war had been declared against the king of Sardinia, whose conduct towards France had for some time assum¬ ed a threatening character. On the 20th of September General Montesquieu entered the territories of Savoy, and was received at Chambery, and throughout the whole coun¬ try, with marks of unbounded welcome; and on the 29th History. 1792. History. 1792. The Na¬ tional Con¬ vention as¬ sembled. Two fac¬ tions in the Con¬ vention. Decree of fraternisa¬ tion. FRANCE. 71 General Anselm, with another body of troops, took posses¬ sion of Nice and the surrounding country. On the 30th General Custines advanced to Spires, where, finding the Austrians drawn up in order of battle, he attacked and drove them out of the city, taking three thousand prison¬ ers. The capture of Worms succeeded that of Spires; Mentz surrendered by capitulation ; and Frankfort fell into the hands of the French on the 23d. Out of this last place, however, they were afterwards driven on the 2d of December. On the 20th of September the French National Conven¬ tion assembled. This body was found to contain men of all characters, orders, and ranks. Many distinguished mem¬ bers of the Constituent Assembly were returned as mem¬ bers, and several who had belonged to the Legislative Assembly were also elected ; whilst even foreigners were invited to become French legislators. Thomas Paine and Dr Priestley were elected by certain departments ; and Clootz, whom we formerly noticed as having appeared at the bar of the Constituent Assembly at the head of a gro¬ tesque deputation professing to represent all the nations of the earth, was also chosen. The general aspect of the new Convention showed that the republican party had ac¬ quired a decided superiority. On the first day of meet¬ ing Collot-d’Herbois, who had formerly been an actor, ascended the tribune, and proposed the eternal abolition of royalty in France. This proposition was carried by acclamation, after which the house adjourned. Messages were then sent to all parts of the country intimating the decree, and through the influence of the Jacobins these were everywhere received with applause. Next day it was decreed that all public acts should be dated by the year of the French Republic; and every citizen was de¬ clared eligible to vacant offices and places. Nor was this all. The rage of republicanism soon proceeded so far that the ordinary titles of Monsieur and Madame were abolished, and the appellation of Citizen substituted in their stead, as more suitable to the principles of liberty and equality. It was soon discovered that the leading republicans were divided into two opposite factions. The one of these was called Girondists, because Yergniaud, Gensonne, Gua- det, and some others of its leaders, were members for the department of the Gironde. The celebrated Condorcet also belonged to this party, which was sometimes denomi¬ nated Brissotine, from Brissot their principal leader. The Girondists supported the ministry now in office, at the head of which was Roland ; and the majority of the Con¬ vention was obviously attached to them. In opposition to these was the smaller party of the Mountain, so called from its members usually sitting on the upper seats of the hall of the Convention. They were men possessed of less personal respectability, and inferior literary accomplish¬ ments, but of daring and sanguinary characters. At the head of this party were Danton and Robespierre, and sub¬ ordinate to these were Couthon, Bazire, Thuriot, Merlin de Thionville, Saint-Andre, Camille Demoulins, Chabot, Collot-d’Herbois, Sergent, Legendre, Fabre d’Eglantine, Panis, Marat, and others. These two parties evinced the diversity of their characters in the manner in which they treated the massacres of the 2d and 3d of September. The Brissotines, with the majority of the Convention, wished to bring the murderers to trial; but the question was always eluded by the other party, with the assistance of the Jacobin Club and of the populace. On the 9th of October it was resolved that all emigrants, when taken in arms, should suffer death ; and on the 15th of November, in consequence of an insurrection in the duchy of Deux Fonts, and an application for aid upon the part of the insurgents, a decree was passed, declaring that “ the National Convention, acting in name of the French nation, would grant fraternity and assistance to History, all those people who wished to procure liberty and charging the executive power to send orders to the gene¬ rals to give assistance to such people as had suffered, 1792. or were still suffering, in the cause of liberty. Of this decree foreign nations loudly complained, as calculated, if not intended, to provoke insurrection in other states; and in the rupture which subsequently took place be¬ tween Great Britain and France, it was founded on by the government of the former country as of itself afford¬ ing a sufficient justification of hostilities, and, in fact, as rendering war with France a necessary measure of self- defence. But it is now time to return to the military affairs of the Battle of Republic. The final retreat of the allies had left Dumou-^emmaP" riez at liberty to carry into execution a project he hadPes’ long meditated, of invading the Low Countries, rescuing these fine provinces from the Austrian dominion, and thus advancing the frontier of the Republic to the Rhine. He received unlimited powers from the government, and the losses sustained by the allies during their invasion of France gave him a great superiority of force. His right wing consisted of sixteen thousand men, detached from the Argonne Forest, whilst between it and the centre was placed General d’Harville with fourteen thousand; Du- mouriez himself commanded the main body, amounting to forty thousand men ; and the left wing, under Labour- donnaye, was about thirty thousand strong; in all a hun¬ dred thousand men, filled with enthusiasm, and anticipat¬ ing nothing but victory. To oppose this immense force, the Austrians had only about forty thousand men, who, according to the tactics of the time, were disseminated along an extended line of nearly thirty miles. Their main body, consisting of about eighteen thousand men, was en¬ trenched in a strong position, which had been deliberate¬ ly chosen by the imperialists, and extended through the villages of Ausmes and Jemmappes to the heights of Ber- thaimont on the one hand, and the village of Sidy on the other, sweeping over a succession of eminences which commanded the adjacent plain; whilst fourteen redoubts, strengthened by all the resources of art, and armed with a hundred pieces of cannon, seemed amply to compensate for inferiority in point of number. But formidable as this position undoubtedly was, Dumouriez resolved to assault it, and to make trial of the new system of accumulating masses upon one point, which, if thus forced, would ne¬ cessitate the abandonment of the whole. The battle commenced at day-break on the 6th of No¬ vember, with an attack on the village of Cuesmes, led by Bournonville; but, after sustaining a severe fire of artille¬ ry, which for some hours arrested his efforts, he at length succeeded in turning the village of Jemmappes, and the redoubts on the left of the Austrian position were carried by the impetuous onset of the French columns. Dumou¬ riez now caused his centre to advance against the front of Jemmappes, and the column moved forward rapidly to the attack; but upon approaching the village, they were taken in flank by some squadrons of horse, which broke through the column, and drove back the French cavalry which supported it. The moment was eminently critical; for whilst the flank of the column was thus maltreated, the leading battalions, checked by a destructive fire of grape, were beginning to waver at the foot of the redoubts, in this extremity, an attendant of the general-in-chief rallied the disordered troops, and arrested the victorious squadrons, whilst a young officer restored the front of the attack. Rallying the disordered regiments into one mass, which he called the column of Jemmappes, the latter placed himself at its head, renewed the attack on the re¬ doubts, carried the village, and at length drove the Aus¬ trians from their intrenchments in the centre of the posi- 72 FRANCE. Contests between the Gi¬ rondists and the Mountain. The king brought to trial. tion.1 But though thus victorious in the centre, Dumou- riez had still great cause for anxiety respecting the attack on the right. Bournonville, though at first successful on that side, had hesitated when he observed the confusion in the column of the centre, vacillating between a reluc¬ tance to abandon the ground he had gained, and a desire to withdraw part of his forces to support the column in the plain. As soon as this hesitation was perceived by the enemy, they redoubled their fire, and kept in hand a large body of cavalry ready to charge on the least appear¬ ance of disorder. Dumouriez flew to the spot, rode along the front of two brigades of old soldiers from the camp at Maulde, and succeeded in rallying the squadrons of horse, who were beginning to fall into confusion. The imperial horse charged immediately after, but receiving a close and well-directed volley, they wheeled, and, being instantly attacked by the French cavalry, were completely routed, and driven from the field. The victorious brigades now advanced, chanting the Marseillaise, and entering the re¬ doubts by the gorge, carried every thing before them. Dumouriez was still uneasy about his centre; hut whilst he was in the act of setting off to that point with a rein¬ forcement of six squadrons of cavalry, he received intel¬ ligence that the battle there was already won, and that the Austrians were retiring at all points towards Mons. Such was the battle of Jemmappes, the first pitched bat¬ tle which had been gained by the republican armies, and on that account not only celebrated beyond its real merits, but most important in its consequences. The loss on both sides was great, that of the Austrians amounting to five thousand men, whilst the French lost above six thousand ; but the results of the victory upon the spirits and the mo¬ ral strength of the two parties were incalculably different, and in fact led to the immediate conquest of the whole Netherlands. Mons and Brussels surrendered to Dumou¬ riez ; Tournay, Malines, Ghent, and Antwerp, were taken possession of by General Labourdonnaye ; Louvaine and Namur submitted to General Valence ; and the whole Austrian Netherlands, Luxembourg only excepted, fell into the hands of the French. Liege was taken on the 28th of November, after a successful engagement, in which the Austrians lost five or six hundred men and an im¬ mense train of artillery. France was now in a situation not unusual in the history of nations, successful abroad, but distracted by contending factions at home. The two parties in the Convention were engaged in a struggle, which daily became more and more implacable. The party called the Mountain did not hesitate to employ any means, however criminal, to effect the ruin of their antagonists ; and they are even suspected of having, through the medium of the minister of war, re¬ tarded the supplies for the armies, in order to render the ruling party odious from want of success. But they were for some time unfortunate in this respect, and the daily news of victories obtained supported the credit of the Girondists. A new subject was therefore started, namely, how the dethroned monarch was to be disposed of. The moderate party wished to save him, and this was a suffi¬ cient reason for their antagonists resolving on his ruin. A committee was accordingly appointed to report upon his conduct; and a variety of charges having in consequence been brought against him, the Convention resolved to constitute itself at once prosecutor and judge. On the 11th of December the ill-fated monarch was or¬ dered to the bar of the Convention; and when the act of accusation had been read, he was summoned by the pre¬ sident Barrere to answer the charges separately. These consisted of an enumeration of the whole crimes of the 1792. Revolution, from its commencement in 1789, all of which History, were imputed to him. The following is the substance of this extraordinary act of accusation :— “ Louis, the French nation accuses you of having com¬ mitted a multitude of crimes to establish your tyranny, by destroying her freedom. You, on the 20th of June 1789, attacked the sovereignty of the people, by suspending the assemblies of their representatives, and expelling them with violence from the places of their sittings. This is proved in the proces-verbal entered at the tennis court of Ver¬ sailles by the members of the Constituent Assembly. On the 23d of June you wanted to dictate laws to the nation; you surrounded their representatives with troops ; you pre¬ sented to them two royal declarations, subversive of all li¬ berty, and ordered them to separate. You ordered an army to march against the citizens of Paris. Your satellites have shed the blood of several of them, and you would not remove this army till the taking of the Bastille and a ge¬ neral insurrection announced to you that the people were victorious. The speeches you made on the 9th, 12th, and 14th of July, to the deputations of the Constituent Assembly, show what were your intentions; and the massacres of the Tuilleries rise in evidence against you. After these events, and in spite of the promises which you made on the 15th in the Constituent Assembly, and on the 17th in the Hotel de Ville of Paris, you have persisted in your projects against national liberty. You long eluded the execution of the decrees of the 11th of August, respecting the abolition of personal servitude, the feudal government, and the tithes; you long refused acknowledging the rights of man; you doubled the number of the life-guards, and called the regi¬ ment of Flanders to Versailles ; you permitted, in orgies held before your eyes, the national cockade to be trampled under foot, the white cockade to be hoisted, and the nation to be slandered. At last you rendered necessary a fresh insurrection, occasioned the death of several citizens, and did not change your language till after your guards had been defeated, when you renewed your perfidious promises. You took an oath at the confederation of the 14th of July, which you did not keep. You soon tried to corrupt the public opinion, with the assistance of Talon, who acted in Paris, and Mirabeau, who was to have excited counter re¬ volutionary movements in the provinces. You lavished millions of money to effect this corruption, and you even used your popularity as a means of enslaving the people. These facts are the result of a memorial of Talon, on which you have made your marginal comments in your own hand¬ writing ; and of a letter which Laporte wrote to you on the 19th of April, in which, recapitulating a conversation he had had with Ilivarol, he told you, that the millions which you had been prevailed upon to throw away had been produc¬ tive of nothing. “For a long time you had meditated on a plan of escape. A memorial was delivered to you on the 28th of Febru¬ ary, which pointed out the means for you to effect it; you approved ot it by marginal notes. On the 28th a great number of the nobles and military came into your apart¬ ments in the castle of the Tuilleries, to favour that escape. You wanted to quit Paris on the 10th of April, to go to St Cloud ; but the resistance of the citizens made you sensi¬ ble that their distrust was great. You endeavoured to dis¬ credit it, by communicating to the Constituent Assembly a letter, which you addressed to the agents of the nation near foreign powers, to announce to them that you had freely accepted the constitutional articles, which had been presented to you; and, notwithstanding, on the 21st you took flight with a false passport. You left behind a pro¬ test against these self-same constitutional articles; you or- 1 This young officer was the Duke de Chartres, then called General Egalite, and afterwards Louis Philippe, king of the French. FRA History, dered the ministers to sign none of the acts issued by the ■^at‘ona^ Assembly ; and you forbade the minister of justice 75,<4* to deliver up the seals of state. The public money was lavished to ensure the success of this treachery; and the public force was employed to protect it, under the orders of Bouille, who shortly before had been charged with the massacre of Nancy, and to whom you wrote on this head, ‘ to take care of his popularity, because it would be of ser¬ vice to you.’ “ After your detention at Varennes, the exercise of the executive power was for a moment suspended in your hands, and you again formed a conspiracy. On the 17th of July the blood of citizens was shed in the Champ de Mars. A letter, in your own handwriting, written in 1790 to Lafay¬ ette, proves that a criminal coalition subsisted between you and Lafayette, to which Mirabeau had acceded. The revi¬ sion began under these cruel auspices ; all kinds of corrup¬ tions were made use of. You have paid for libels, pamph¬ lets, and newspapers, designed to corrupt public opinion, to discredit the assignats, and to support the cause of the emi¬ grants. You seemed to accept the constitution on the 14th of September; your speeches announced an intention of supporting it; and you were busy in overturning it, even before it was completed. A convention was entered into at Pilnitz on the 24th of July, between Leopold of Aus¬ tria and Frederic-William of Brandenburg, who pledged themselves to re-erect in France the throne of absolute monarchy; and you were silent upon this convention till the moment when it was known by all Europe. Arles had hoisted the standard of rebellion ; you favoured it by send¬ ing three civil commissaries, who made it their business not to repress the counter revolutionists, but to justify their proceedings. Avignon, and the county of Yenaissin, had been united with France ; you caused the decree to be ex¬ ecuted ; but a month afterwards civil war desolated that part of the country. The commissaries you sent thither helped to ravage it. Nismes, Montauban, Mende, Jales, felt great shocks during the first days of freedom. You did nothing to stifle those germs of counter revolution, until the moment when Saillant’s conspiracy became noto¬ rious. You sent twenty-two battalions against the Mar¬ seillais, who marched to reduce the counter revolutionists of Arles. You gave the southern command to Wittgen¬ stein, who wrote to you on the 21st of April 1792, after he had been recalled: ‘ A few instants more, and I shall call around the throne of your majesty thousands of French, who are again become worthy of the wishes you form for their happiness.’ You paid your late life-guards at Cob- lentz ; the registers of Septeuil attest this ; and general or¬ ders signed by you prove that you sent considerable remit¬ tances to Bouille, Rochefort, Yauguyon, Choiseul, Beau- pre, Hamilton, and the wife of Polignac. Your brothers, enemies to the state, caused the emigrants to rally under their banners ; they raised regiments, contracted for loans, and concluded alliances in your name; you did not disclaim them. The soldiers of the line, who were to be put on the war establishment, consisted of only a hundred thousand men at the end of December; you therefore neglected to provide for the safety of the state from abroad. Narbonne required a levy of fifty thousand men ; but he stopped the recruiting at twenty-six thousand, giving assurances that all was ready; yet there was no truth in these assurances. Servan proposed after him to form a camp of twenty thou¬ sand men near Paris ; it was decreed by the Legislative As¬ sembly, but you refused your sanction. A spirit of patriotism made the citizens repair to Paris from all quarters. You issued a proclamation, tending to stop their march; at the same time our camps were without soldiers. Dumouriez, the successor of Servan, declared that the nation had nei¬ ther arms, nor ammunition, nor provisions, and that the posts were left defenceless. You waited to be urged by a re- vol. x. N C E. 73 quest made to the minister Lajard, when the Legislative As- History, sembly wished to point out the means of providing for the external safety of the state, by proposing the levy of forty- 1792. two battalions. You gave commission to the commanders of the troops to disband the army, to force whole regiments to desert, to make them pass the Rhine, and to put them at the disposal of your brothers, and of Leopold of" Austria, with whom you had intelligence. You charged your di¬ plomatic agents to favour this coalition of foreign pow ers and your brothers against France, and especially to cement the peace between Turkey and Austria, and to procure thereby a larger number of troops against France from the latter. The Prussians advanced against our frontiers: your minister was summoned on the 8th of July to give an account of the state of our political relations with Prussia; you answered, on the 10th, that fifty thousand Prussians were marching against us, and that you gave notice to the legislative body of the formal acts of the pending hostili¬ ties, in conformity to the constitution. You intrusted Da- bancourt, the nephew of Calonne, with the department of war; and such has been the success of your conspiracy, that the posts of Longwy and Verdun were surrendered to the enemy at the moment of their appearance. You have destroyed our navy ; a vast number of officers belonging to that corps had emigrated; there scarcely remained any to do duty in the harbours : meanwhile Bertrand was grant¬ ing passports every day ; and when the legislative body re¬ presented to you his criminal conduct on the 8th of March, you answered that you were satisfied with his services. “ You have favoured the maintenance of absolute govern¬ ment in the colonies; your agents fomented troubles and counter revolutions throughout them, which took place at the same epoch when it was to have been brought about in France, which indicates plainly that your hand laid this plot. The interior of the state was convulsed by fanatics ; you avowed yourself their protector, in manifesting your evident intention of recovering by them your ancient power. The legislative body had passed a decree on the 29th of January, against the factious priests ; you suspended its ex¬ ecution. The troubles had increased ; the minister declared that he knew nothing in the laws extant upon which to ar¬ raign the guilty. The legislative body enacted a fresh decree^ which you likewise suspended. The uncitizen-like conduct of the guards whom the constitution had granted you had rendered it necessary to disband them; the day after, you sent them a letter expressive of your satisfaction, and con¬ tinued their pay. You kept near your person the Swiss guards ; the constitution forbade you this, and the Legisla¬ tive Assembly had expressly ordained their departure. You had private companies at Paris, charged to operate move¬ ments useful to your projects of a counter revolution. You wished to suborn, with considerable sums, several members of the Legislative and Constituent Assemblies. You suffered the French name to be reviled in Germany, Italy, and Spain, since you omitted to demand satisfaction for the bad treatment which the French suffered in those countries. You reviewed the Swiss on the tenth of August, at five o’clock in the morning; and the Swiss w ere the first who fired upon the citizens. You authorized Septeuil to carry on a considerable trade in corn, sugar, and coffee, at Ham¬ burg.” It was asked, “ Why did you affix a veto on the decree which ordained the formation of a camp of twenty thousand men ?” To which Louis answered, “ The con¬ stitution left to me the free right of refusing my sanction of the decrees ; and even from that period I had demanded the assemblage of a camp at Soissons.” Valaze, who sat near the bar, now presented and read a memoir of Laporte and Mirabeau, and some other papers, containing plans of a counter revolution, which the king, however, disowned. He then presented a number of other papers on which the act of accusation was founded, and K 74 FRANCE. History, having asked the king if he recognized them, the latter re- plied that he did not. By the admission even of his enemies, '92, the answers of Louis were brief, firm, and for the most part judicious ; he displayed remarkable presence of mind, and in most cases negatived the charges by the most satis¬ factory replies. The affair of Nancy, the journey to Va- rennes, the suppression of the revolt in the Champ de Mars, were justified by the decrees of the assembly ; and the catas¬ trophe of the tenth of March, by the power of self-defence conferred on him by the laws. To every question, in fact, he replied with clearness and precision; denying some, showing that the matters referred to in others were the work of his ministers, and justifying all that had been done by the powers conferred on him by the constitution. In a loud voice he repelled the charge of shedding the blood of the people on the tenth of August, exclaiming, “ No, sir, it was not I who did it.” But he was careful in his answers not to implicate any members of the Constituent and Legis¬ lative Assemblies; and many who now sat as his judges trembled lest he should compromise them with the domi¬ nant faction. The deep impression made on the Conven¬ tion by the simple statements, and temperate but firm de¬ meanour, of the sovereign, struck the Jacobins with such dismay that the most violent of the party proposed he should be hanged that very night. But the majority, composed of the Girondists and the neutrals, decided that he should be formally tried and defended by counsel. He then returned to the Temple, where the resolution of the municipality, that he was no longer to be permitted to see his family, was communicated to him; or, in other words, that a con¬ solation, which is never withheld even from the most atro¬ cious criminals, was denied him. Next day, however, the Convention, less inhuman than the commune, decreed that the unfortunate father might enjoy the society of his chil¬ dren ; but the king thinking them more necessary to the queen’s comfort than his own, declined to take them from her, and, after a struggle with feelings which even demons might have respected, he submitted to the separation with a resignation which nothing could shake. Louis had desired to be furnished with copies of the ac¬ cusation, and of the papers upon which it was founded ; and also to have the choice of his own counsel. Both requests were conceded, and he accordingly chose as his counsel M. Tronchet and M. Target. The former accepted, and faith¬ fully discharged his duty ;x the latter basely declined, on the pretence of age and infirmity. The venerable Malesherbes, whose official career had been distinguished by many wise and useful reforms, now came forward and volunteered his services as counsel for his sovereign. “ I have been twice honoured,” said he, in a letter to the president of the Con¬ vention, “ with a place in the counsels of my sovereign, when it was an object of ambition to all the world; I owe him the same service when it imposes a duty which many consider as dangerous.”2 Malesherbes and Tronchet after¬ wards called in the assistance of M. Deseze, a celebrated pleader, who had at first embraced the popular side, but had withdrawn from political life since the Revolution had assumed a sombre and threatening aspect; and, unlike Tar¬ get, who shrunk from a task which would have immorta¬ lized his name, he entered upon his arduous duties with great earnestness, and even more than his wonted ability. “ I have often wished,” said the king to Malesherbes, “ I had the means of recompensing the zeal of your colleagues. I have thought of leaving them a legacy; but would it be respected by the Convention ? would it not endanger them ?” “ Sire,” replied Malesherbes, “ the legacy is al¬ ready bequeathed; in choosing them for your defenders, your majesty has immortalized their names.” On the 26th of December the king was again conducted to the assembly. He evinced as great serenity and self- possession as on the former occasion ; discoursed of Seneca, Livy, and the public hospitals ; and even addressed himself in a vein of pleasantry to one of the municipality who sat covered in the carriage. Whilst in the ante-chamber, Males¬ herbes, in conversing with the king, happened to make use of the words, “ Sire, your majesty.” “ What,” exclaimed Treilhard, a furious Jacobin, interrupting him, “ what has rendered you so bold as to pronounce these words, which the Convention has proscribed ?” “ Contempt of life,” replied the intrepid old man. When admitted into the assembly, Louis seated himself between his counsel, surveyed the crowded benches of his adversaries with perfect composure, and was even observed sometimes to smile as he conversed with Malesherbes. M. Deseze then read a defence which had been prepared by the king’s counsel, and which was equally admired for the solidity of the argument and the beauty of the composition. In this address, the inviolabi¬ lity of the sovereign was ably argued; and it was proved that, if it were destroyed, the weaker party in the Conven¬ tion would have no security against the stronger; a pro¬ phetic deduction, which the Girondists soon found fatally verified in their own persons, when conducted to the scaf¬ fold by their implacable enemies. The advocate then exa¬ mined the whole life of the king, and showed that in every instance he had been actuated by a sincere love of his peo¬ ple. With reference to the tenth of August he observed, “ Was the monarch under the necessity of submitting to an armed multitude ? Was he constrained by law to yield to force? Was not the power which he held in the constitu¬ tion a deposit, for the preservation of which he was answer- able to the nation ? If you yourselves were surrounded by a furious and misguided rabble, which threatened, without respect for your sacred character, to tear you from this sanctuary, what could you do other than what he has done ? The magistrates themselves authorized all that he did, by having signed the order to repel force by force. But not¬ withstanding their sanction, the king was unwilling to make use of his authority, and retired into the bosom of the Con¬ vention, to avoid the shedding of blood. The combat which followed was neither undertaken by him, nor continued by his orders; he interfered only to put a stop to it, as is proved by the fact that it was in consequence of an order signed by him that the Swiss abandoned the defence of the Chateau, and surrendered their lives. There is a crying in¬ justice therefore in reproaching him with the blood shed on the tenth of August; in truth, his conduct in that particu¬ lar is above reproach.” M. Deseze concluded with these words: “ Louis mounted the throne at the age of twenty, and even then he set an example of an irreproachable life; he was governed by no weak or corrupt passion; he was One^f hfs W °W Vi a-( mire heroism: even when exfte,d in mother cause, and regarded it as the noblest title to prefermenl = Thk ^nin l ’ « attaining to sovereign power, was to place Tronchet at the head of the supreme court of Cassation. their humanity was W frT of, I™"-! 111 the, Convention and even the Jacobins were silent; for a momer rab e fS ^When t!1P Inft6" ? a % P00rTkm& hf ^ deeply affected by this proof of devotion on the part of his vem vou mv friend Vn ^“er entered the Temple, Louis clasped him in his arms, exclaiming, with tears in his eyes, “ Ah ! it : me to remove tlm troons66- \° "a i ? StatG 1 at? re?UCed b7 the,excess of.1T'.v affection for my people, and the self-denial which le fife to save mine • bm ift0 PTr°teCt Hf ne f'°m tl?1eventerpnses the factions. You fear not to endanger your ow unon the defence’a^V T ln ^ ? u am wellJ?a1ware thfv bring me to the scaffold; but that is of no moment; let us ente unsnotted^ nosteritv »W7re u be successful- ? wlU Sain 11 xn reality through your exertions, since my memory will descen unspotted to posterity. (Lacretelle, x. 186, 193; Hue, p. 42; Mignet, i. 236 ; Thiers, iii. 336 ; Alison, i.513.) History. 1792. FRANCE. 75 History, economical, just, and severe. He proved himself from the beginning the friend of his country. The people desired the removal of a destructive tax; he removed it. They wished the abolition of servitude; he abolished it in his domains. They prayed for a reform in the criminal laws ; he reformed them. They demanded that thousands of French¬ men, whom the rigour of our usages had excluded from po¬ litical rights, should enjoy them ; he conceded them. They longed for liberty ; he gave it. He even anticipated their wishes ; and yet it is the same people who now demand his punishment.” When the defence was concluded, the king rose, and holding a paper in his hand, pronounced, in a calm manner, and with a firm voice, what follows: “ Citizens, you have heard my defence, I will not recapitulate it; but when now addressing you, perhaps for the last time, I declare that my conscience has nothing to reproach itself with, and that my defenders have said nothing but the truth. I have no fears for the public examination of my conduct; but my heart bleeds at the accusation brought against me of having caused the misfortunes of my people, and, most of all, of having shed their blood on the tenth of August. The multiplied proofs I have given in every period of my reign, of my love for my people, and the manner in which I have conducted myself towards them, might, I had hoped, have saved me from so cruel an imputation.” Having said these words, he withdrew along with his counsel, and in a tran¬ sport of gratitude he embraced M. Deseze, exclaiming, “ I am now at ease; I will have an honoured memory; the French will regret my death.” A stormy discussion immediately ensued in the assem¬ bly, and Lanjuinais had the boldness to demand a revoca¬ tion of the decree by which the king had been brought to the bar of the Convention. “ If you insist on being judges,” said he, in concluding a powerful speech, “ cease to be ac¬ cusers. My blood boils at the thought of seeing in the judgment-seat men who openly conspired against the throne on the tenth of August, and who have in such ferocious terms anticipated the judgment without hearing the defence.” The delivery of these words was instantly followed by the most violent agitation; and cries of “ To the Abbaye with the perjured deputy; let the friends of the tyrant perish along with him,” resounded through the hall. But the storm was at length appeased by a proposal to discuss the ques¬ tion, whether an appeal should be made to the people; a pro¬ posal which was adopted, and the discussion that thereupon ensued lasted twenty days. The most powerful declaimer against the sovereign was the infamous Saint-Just; the most vehement and direct, the sanguinary Robespierre. Ver- gniaud replied in a strain of impassioned eloquence worthy of his reputation as the first orator of France. But his for¬ cible, nay sublime, appeal was unavailing. At the conclu¬ sion of the debate the assembly unanimously pronounced the ill-fated Louis guilty of the offences charged against him, and the appeal to the people was rejected by a ma¬ jority of 423 to 281.1 This unanimous vote upon the ques¬ tion of guilt is one of the most remarkable facts in the his¬ tory of the Revolution. That among seven hundred men great difference of opinion must have existed on this sub¬ ject, is beyond all doubt; and if any evidence were wanting to establish the fact, it would be supplied by the division which immediately followed on the proposal to appeal to the people, and by the narrow majority which decreed the punishment of death. But such was the temper of the time, and the ascendency of democratic influence in the Conven¬ tion, that even the friends of the king were compelled to commence their efforts for his salvation by voting him guil¬ ty of the crimes which had been charged against him. The only question which now remained to be decided was, what punishment should be inflicted. The debate on this subject lasted forty hours, during which Paris was in the most violent agitation. The Jacobin Club resounded with cries for death; the avenues leading to the Conven¬ tion were filled with a ferocious rabble, menacing alike the supporters of the king and the neutrals; and as the termina¬ tion of the voting drew near, the tumult increased. The most breathless anxiety pervaded the Convention, when the president, Vergniaud, at length rose to announce the re¬ sult, which he did in these words : “ Citizens, I announce the result of the vote; when justice has spoken, humanity should resume its place; there are seven hundred and twenty-one votes; a majority of twenty-six have voted for death. In the name of the Convention, I declare that the punishment of Louis Capet is deat/i.” Without the defec¬ tion of the Girondists on this occasion, the king’s life would have been saved. Forty-six of their party, including Ver¬ gniaud, voted conditionally or unconditionally for his death. This was a fatal error, which almost all of them subsequently expiated on the scaffold. They were really anxious to save the king ; but, destitute of political courage, and hurried on by the democratic fury of the times, they trusted to accom¬ plish their object by an appeal to the people. In this-, how¬ ever, they were baffled ; their weak and timid policy ruined all. The triumph of the Jacobins was complete. They had committed the Revolution by an act which cut off all retreat; and they had compelled their most able and dan¬ gerous enemies to participate in the guilt of the bloody deed.2 When the counsel of the unfortunate monarch were called in to hear the sentence, they were greatly affected. Malesherbes attempted to speak, but emotion choked his utterance. Deseze then read a protest, in which the king solemnly declared his innocence ; and Tronchet urged the revocation of a decree which had been passed by so slen¬ der a majority. “ You have either forgotten or destroyed,” said this celebrated advocate, “ the humane principle of the criminal law, which requires a majority of two thirds to con¬ stitute a definitive sentence.” “ The laws,” it was answer¬ ed, “ are passed by a simple majority.” “ True,” rejoined Deseze, “ but the laws may be repealed; and who can recall human life ?” The Girondists, as a last resource, then proposed a limited delay ; but in this they also failed, and the fatal sentence was pronounced. This decisive step produced an intense sensation in Paris. The mem¬ bers of the Cote Droit, and the royalists, secret or avowed, wrere in equal consternation. But the Jacobins, who could History. 1793. 1 Eight members were absent from bad health ; thirty-seven declared Louis guilty, but voted only for precautionary measures : six hundred and eighty-three declared him guilty. (Thiers, hi. 377.) a Of those who voted for death, there were many, such as the Duke of Orleans, influenced by base or selfish motives; and even at that moment their characters were appreciated. When Egalite, with a faultering step, and a countenance pale as a corpse, ad¬ vanced to the place where he was to put the seal to his infamy, and read in these terms his vote, “ Exclusively governed bv mv duty, and convinced that all those who have resisted the sovereignty of the people deserve death, my vote is for death,” exclama¬ tions of “ Oh, the monster !” and, “ How infamous !” broke forth from all sides, and he returned to his seat amidst the imprecations even of the assassins of September, and all the wretches of every description who were there assembled. But there were other per¬ sons of a very different character; many men, both great and good, who inclined with sorrow to the side of severity, from an honest opinion of its absolute necessity to annihilate a dangerous enemy, and establish the republic on a settled basis. Amongst this number was Carnot, who, when called on for his vote, gave it in these words : “ Death, and never did word weigh so heavilv on my heart.” (Alison, i. 523 ; Carnot, Memoires, p. 97 ; Histoire Pitturcsque de la Convention JVationale, tom. ii. p. 143.) 76 FRANCE. 1793. History, hardly believe that so great a victory had been gained, re¬ doubled their activity, and put every engine in motion to keep up an incessant agitation ; they besought their adhe¬ rents to be vigilant for the next two days, and thus secure the fruits of so mighty a triumph. Nor were their efforts and entreaties in vain. The greater number were over¬ awed and put to silence by the audacity of their movements ; whilst, by the resolute few, whose minds burned with in¬ dignation at their conduct, nothing could be attempted. Louis was fully prepared for his fate. When Malesherbes, dissolved in tears, came to announce the sentence of death, he found the unhappy king alone, with his elbows resting on a table, his forehead leaning on his hands, and absorb¬ ed in profound meditation. Without inquiring concerning his fate, Louis raised himself as his friend approached, and observed to him, “ For two hours I have been revolving in my memory whether during my whole reign I have vo¬ luntarily given any cause of complaint to my subjects ; and with perfect sincerity I can declare, when about to appear in the presence of God, that I deserve no reproach at their hands, and that I have never formed a wish but for their happiness.” Malesherbes encouraged him to hope that the sentence might yet be superseded. Louis shook his head, and only entreated his friend not to leave him in his last moments. Malesherbes promised to return, and repeated¬ ly applied at the gate for admission, which however was re* fused by order of the municipality. Louis often asked for his aged friend, and was deeply afflicted at not seeing him again. He received without emotion the official announce¬ ment of his sentence made by the minister of justice on the 20th of January, and demanded a respite of three days to prepare himself for death, and also to be allowed an in¬ terview with his family, and to have the assistance of a con¬ fessor whom he named. The two last requests were alone conceded by the Convention, and the execution was fixed for the following morning at ten o’clock. The interview with his family presented a heart-rending scene, which lasted nearly two hours, and may be morp easily imagined than described. When the terrible moment of separation arrived, Louis promised to see them again on the morrow ; and having embraced them all in the tenderest manner, bade them a mournful adieu ; but on entering his cham¬ ber he felt that a second trial would be too much for all parties, and resolved to spare them the agony of a final se¬ paration. This was his last struggle ; he now only thought of preparing for death. The remainder of the evening was therefore spent with his confessor, the Abbe Edge- worth, who, with heroic devotion, discharged the perilous duty of administering the last consolations of religion to his dying sovereign. On the night which preceded his death, Louis slept tranquilly until five in the morning, when he was awaked by Clery, whom he had ordered to call him at that hour. He then gave his last instructions to his faithful attendant, and put into his hands the little property which he had at his disposal, a ring, a seal, and a lock of hair. Already the drums were beating, and the heavy roll of cannon dragged along the streets, interrupted at inter¬ vals by a confused sound of voices, was also heard. About nine o’clock, Santerre arrived at the Temple. “You come to seek me,” said the king ; “ allow me a minute.” He went into his closet, and immediately returned with his testament in his hand, which he intrusted to a municipal officer; after which he asked for his hat, and said with a firm voice, “ Let us set off.” He calmly seated himself in the carriage beside his confessor, and during the passage from the Temple to the Place de la Revolution, which occupied two hours, he never ceased reciting the psalms which were pointed out by his spiritual guide. The route was lined with double files of soldiers; more than forty History, thousand men were under arms ; and the aspect of Paris was mournful. Amongst the citizens who were present at H93. the execution there reigned the most profound silence, un¬ interrupted by any external manifestation either of appro¬ bation or regret. When the procession arrived at the place of execution, he descended from the carriage, ascended the scaffold with a firm step, and received on his knees the sublime benediction of his confessor, “ Son of St Louis, ascend to heaven.” He suffered his hands to be bound, though not without repugnance, nor until after M. Edge- worth had exclaimed, “ Submit to that outrage, as the last resemblance to the Saviour who is about to recompense your sufferingsand advancing quickly to the left of the scaffold, “ I die innocent,” said he ; “I forgive my ene¬ mies, and you, unfortunate people....” At these words his voice was drowned by the sound of drums placed at the front of the scaffold to prevent his being heard; three executioners seized and hurried him to the block ; and in a few seconds he had ceased to live. One of the assist¬ ants grasped his head, and waved it in the air, whilst the blood fell on the confessor, who was still on his knees be¬ side the mutilated body of his sovereign. Thus perished, in the thirty-ninth year of his age, and seventeenth of his reign, one of the best but at the same time weakest of sovereigns. He inherited a revolution from his ancestors, but he was better fitted than any of his prede¬ cessors to prevent or to terminate it; for he was capable of being a reforming king before it broke out, and of becom¬ ing a constitutional sovereign under its influence. He was perhaps the only prince who had no passion, not even that of power, and who united the two qualities most essential to a good king, the fear of God and the love of his people. He perished the victim of passions which he did not parti¬ cipate ; of those of his supporters to which he was a stran¬ ger, and those of the multitude, which he had not excited. Few kings have left so spotless a memory, and history will say of him, that, with a little more force of mind and deci¬ sion of character, he would have bequeathed to posterity a name unique among princes. Such, in the opinion of the ablest of the republican writers of France,1 was Louis XVI.; a man better qualified to adorn a private station than to govern a great people at a period of unexampled excite¬ ment ; one whose virtues ought to have ensured him a dif¬ ferent fate, and whose misfortunes were the result of that long-continued misrule which he had endeavoured to cor¬ rect. In a political point of view, this tragical event proved Rupture injurious to the republican cause throughout Europe. No with Great man out of France ventured to justify it; and in all conn- Britain, tries it excited the most violent indignation against the rulers of the French republic. Accordingly new enemies now hastened to join the general league against France. It is unnecessary here to enter into any detail of the poli¬ tical struggles which occurred in other countries, particu¬ larly our own. It is sufficient to remark generally, that at this time the British government thought itself endanger¬ ed by the propagation of those speculative opinions which had overturned the French monarchy, and that almost all the men of property in the kingdom concurred with the mi¬ nistry in thinking a war with France necessary for the pur¬ pose of securing the constitution, and checking the progress of levelling doctrines. After the tenth of August the Bri¬ tish minister had been recalled ; but the Republic had still suffered the ambassador of France, M. Chauvelin, to remain in England. The ostensible grounds of quarrel on the part of Great Britain were two ; the decree of the 15th of November 1792, 1 Mignet, Histoire de la Revolution Franfaise, i. 334. FRA History, by which it was considered that encouragement to rebel- ^on been held out to the subjects of every state, and 7 • war thereby waged against every established government; and the question relative to the opening of the Scheldt. Of the decree the French executive council gave explana¬ tions, denying the fairness of the interpretation put upon it, and alleging that the intention of the Convention was only to give aid to such countries as had already acquired their freedom, and by a declaration of the general will re¬ quested aid for its perservation. But this explanation was not admitted, inasmuch as the decree expressly says that the French nation will “ grant assistance to all who wish to procure liberty and, considering the notions of liberty then entertained in France, it was not doubted that their real intention was to excite rebellion in foreign nations. With regard to the opening of the Scheldt, as this river runs from Brabant through the Dutch territory to the sea, the Dutch had shut up its mouth, and thus prevented any maritime commerce being carried on by the people of Bra¬ bant by means of the river. To render themselves popular in Brabant, however, the French declared that they would open the navigation of the Scheldt. But Great Britain having some time previously become bound by treaty with the Dutch to assist them in obstructing this navigation, now intimated to the French government that the project of opening the Scheldt must be abandoned. The French, however, alleged that by the law of nations navigable rivers ought to be open to all who reside upon their banks ; that nevertheless the point was of no importance either to France or to England, and but of little importance even to Hol¬ land ; and that if the people of Brabant themselves chose to give it up, they would make no objection. In the mean time the Dutch gave themselves no concern about the mat¬ ter. Ihey did not even solicit the assistance of England ; and the merchants, when applied to individually, declared that if the Scheldt was opened, they coidd conduct their commerce as well at Antwerp as at Amsterdam. But in all this there is nothing remarkable. Amongst the Dutch there wrere many republicans, who wished for the downfall of the stadtholder, and rejoiced at every thing which dis¬ tressed him, or had a tendency to render his office useless in the eyes of the people; whilst others who thought dif¬ ferently were afraid to speak their sentiments, as Dumou- riez was in their neighbourhood at the head of a victorious army. The result of the whole was,. that the British go¬ vernment ordered M. Chauvelin to quit this country. The French executive council accredited another minister, M. Maret, who was also invested with powers to negotiate, and requested that a passport might be given him ; but he was not even suffered to land. The republicans having thus far humbled themselves before the British govern¬ ment, were fired with indignation at the manner in which their envoy was treated; and on the 1st of February 1793 the National Convention, on the motion of Brissot, de¬ creed that George king of England had never ceased, since the revolution of the tenth of August 1792, to give the French nation proofs of his attachment to the concert of crowned heads; that he had drawn into the same combi¬ nation the stadtholder of the United Provinces ; that, con¬ trary to the treaty of 1783, the English ministry had grant¬ ed protection to the emigrants and others who had openly appeared in arms against the French ; that they had com¬ mitted an outrage against the French republic, by order¬ ing the ambassador of France to quit Great Britain ; that the English had stopped different boats and vessels laden with corn for France, whilst, at the same time, contrary to the treaty of 1786, they continued the exportation of grain to other foreign countries ; and that, to thwart more effi¬ caciously the commercial transactions of the republic with England, they had by an act of parliament prohibited the circulation of assignats. The Convention therefore de- N C E. 77 dared, that in consequence of these acts of hostility and History, aggression, the French republic was at war with the king '—-x of England and with the stadtholder of the United Pro- !793. vinces. The absurdity of pretending that any treaty with France made in 1783 could be violated by protecting the emigrants who fled from the vengeance of the Convention, must be sufficiently obvious. The Convention itself was a usurpation of the government with which that treaty had been concluded. On the other hand, the prohibition of the assignats was certainly contrary to no law, and was sanction¬ ed by every motive of expediency, unless the Convention could prove that all nations were bound by the law of nature to risk their own credit upon that of the French republic. About a fortnight after this declaration appeared, war was likewise declared against Spain; and in the course of the summer France was in hostility with all Europe, except¬ ing only Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, and Turkey. In the mean time General Dumouriez, proceeding agree- Progress of ably to his orders, made an attack upon Holland ; but in Dumou- doing so he disseminated his troops in such a manner as toriez- expose himself to attack upon the side of Germany. He commanded General Miranda to invest Maestricht, whilst he advanced to blockade Breda and Bergen-op-Zoom. Bre¬ da, however, surrendered on the 24th of February, Klun- dert was taken on the 26th, and Gertruydenberg yielded on the 4th of March. But here the triumphs of Dumouriez ended. The sieges of Williamstadt and Bergen-op-Zoom, though vigorously pressed, proved unsuccessful. On the 1st of March General Clairfayt, having passed the Roer, attack¬ ed the French posts, and compelled them to retreat with the loss of about two thousand men. The following day the archduke attacked them anew with considerable success ; and on the 3d the French were driven from Aix-la-Cha- pelle, with the loss of four thousand men killed and sixteen hundred taken prisoners. The siege of Maestricht was now raised, and the French retreated to Tongres, where they were also attacked, and forced to retreat to St Tron. Here Dumouriez joined them, but did not bring his army along with him from Holland. After some skirmishes, a general engagement took place at Neerwinden, and was contested on the part of the French with great obstinacy ; but they were at length overpowered by numbers, and forced to retreat. This defeat had well nigh proved fatal to the re¬ publican arms. The French lost three thousand men in the battle, and six thousand immediately afterwards deserted and returned to their homes. Dumouriez continued to retreat, and on the 22d he was again attacked near Louvain; but, through the medium of Colonel Mack, who afterwards be¬ came so unenviably famous, he entered into an arrangement with the imperialists that his retreat should not be seriously interrupted. It was also fully agreed that whilst the impe¬ rialists took possession of Conde and Valenciennes, he should march to Paris, dissolve the Convention, and place the son of the late king upon the throne. The rapid retreat and successive defeats of General Du¬ mouriez having rendered his conduct suspicious, commission¬ ers were sent by the executive government, for the purpose of discovering and defeating his designs. The latter dissem¬ bled, and pretended to communicate to him a scheme of a counter revolution. Dumouriez fell into the snare which they had laid for him, and confessed his intention of dis¬ solving by force the Convention and the Jacobin Club, and restoring monarchy. On the report of these commission¬ ers the Convention sent Bournonville, the minister of war, along with Camus, Blancal, Lamarque, and Quinette, as commissioners, to supersede and arrest Dumouriez. The attempt on the part of these functionaries to arrest a gene¬ ral in the midst of his army was certainly hazardous ; and in fact Dumouriez, on the first of April, sent them prison¬ ers to General Clairfayt’s head-quarters at Tournay, as host¬ ages for the safety of the royal family. He next attempt- 78 FRA History, ed to seduce his army from their fidelity to the Convention ; but he speedily found that he had mistaken the character of 1793. hjg troops. When the report reached them that their gene¬ ral was to be carried as a criminal to Paris, they were seized with vehement indignation ; but as soon as they learned that an attempt was being made to prevail on them to turn their arms against their country, their sentiments underwent a sudden alteration, and resentment succeeded to the gene¬ rous feeling of indignation which at first prompted them to interpose in his behalf. On the 5th of April two procla¬ mations were issued, one by General Dumouriez, and the other by the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg, declaring that their only purpose was to restore the constitution of 1789, 1790, and 1791. The latter announced that the allied powers wished merely to co-operate with General Dumouriez in giving to France a constitutional king and the constitution which she had framed for herself; and he declared, upon his word of honour, that he came not into the French ter¬ ritory for the purpose of making conquests. On the same day Dumouriez went to the advanced guard of his own camp at Maulde ; but he there learned that the corps of artillery had risen upon their general, and were marching to Valenciennes; and he also found that the whole army were resolved to stand by their country. Seven hundred cavalry and eight hundred infantry were all who deserted with Dumouriez to the Austrians, and many of these after¬ wards returned. State of By the defection of Dumouriez, however, the army of France. the north was dissolved, and in part disbanded, in presence of a numerous, well-disciplined, and victorious enemy. The Prussians were at the same time advancing in immense force, and were about to commence the siege of May- ence. In the interior of the Republic, evils even more serious were threatened. In the departments of La Ven¬ dee and La Loire, or the provinces of Bretagne and Poitou, immense multitudes of emigrants and other royalists had gradually assembled in the course of the winter, professing to act in the name of Monsieur, as regent of France ; and about the middle of March they auvanced against Nantes to the number of about forty thousand. In the beginning of April they defeated the republicans in two pitched battles, possessed themselves of fil’ty leagues of country, and even threatened, by their own efforts, to shake the republic to its very foundations. On the 8th of April there assembled at Antwerp a congress of the combined powers, which was attended by the Prince of Orange and his two sons, with his excellency Vander Spiegel, on the part of Holland ; by the Duke of York and Lord Auckland on the part of Great Britain ; and by the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg, Counts Metternich, Staremberg, and Dargenteau, and the Prus¬ sian, Spanish, and Neapolitan envoys. In this congress it was definitively determined to commence active opera¬ tions against France ; the Prince of Cobourg’s proclama¬ tion was recalled, and a scheme of conquest announced. The repub- Commissioners fi'om the Convention now set up anew lican army the standard of the republic, and the scattered battalions again as- flocked around it. General Dampierre was appointed com- sem e . manfler-in-chief, and on the 13th he was able to resist a general attack upon his advanced posts. On the 14th his advanced guard yielded to superior numbers, but on the 15th he was victorious in a long and well-fought battle. On the 23d the Austrians were again repulsed, and on the 1st of May General Dampierre was himself defeated in an attack upon the enemy. On the 8th another engagement took place, in which the French general was killed by a cannon ball. On the 23d a determined attack was made by the allies upon the fortified camp of Famars, which co¬ vered the town of Valenciennes. The French made a very gallant resistance, but were at length overcome, and in the night abandoned their camp. By this victory the allies were enabled to commence the siege of Valenciennes; N C E. Conde having been blockaded since the first of April. History. About the same time General Custines on the Rhine made a vigorous but unsuccessful attack upon the Prussians, HOa. and in consequence they were soon enabled to lay siege to Mayence. At this period also the Corsican general Paoli revolted; and the Republic, assaulted from without by the whole strength of Europe, was undermined by treachery and faction within. Whilst the country was in a state verging upon utter Revolu- ruin, the parties in the Convention were gradually waxing tionary fiercer and fiercer in their animosity; and, regardless ofAn una * what was passing at a distance, they seemed only anxious for the extermination of each other. In the month of March the Revolutionary Tribunal was established, for the purpose of trying crimes committed against the state ; and the Girondists, the mildness of whose administration had contributed not a little to increase the evils of their coun¬ try, began to see the necessity of adopting measures of se¬ verity. But the public calamities, which now followed in rapid succession, were ascribed by their countrymen to the imbecility or perfidy of that party. This gave to the party of the Mountain a fatal advantage. On the 15th of April the communes of the forty-eight sections of Paris present¬ ed a petition, requiring that the chiefs of the Girondists therein named should be impeached and expelled from the Convention ; and this was followed on the 1st of May by another petition of the same description from the faubourg St Antoine. In the mean time the Girondist party im¬ peached Marat, but the miscreant was acquitted by the jury. With the assistance of the Jacobin Club, the Moun¬ tain had now acquired a complete ascendency over the city of Paris. The Girondists therefore proposed to re¬ move the Convention from the capital; and to prevent this, the Mountain resolved to make the same use of the people of the capital against the Girondist party which they had formerly done against the monarch on the tenth of August. It is unnecessary to relate in detail all the tu¬ mults which occurred either in Paris or in the Convention during the remaining part of the month of May. On the 31st, at four o’clock in the morning, the tocsin was sound¬ ed, the generale beat, and the alarm guns fired. All was commotion and terror. The citizens flew to arms, and as¬ sembled round the Convention, where some deputations demanded a decree of accusation against thirty-five of its members. The day, however, passed without coming to a decision. On the afternoon of the 1st of June an armed force made the same demand, which was repeated on the 2d of June, when the tocsin again sounded, and an hun¬ dred pieces of cannon surrounded the hall of the Conven¬ tion. At length Barrere, who wras considered as a mode¬ rate man, and respected by both parties, mounted the tri¬ bune ; but he now artfully deserted the Girondists, and in¬ vited the denounced members voluntarily to resign their character of representatives. Some of them complied, and the president attempted to dissolve the sitting; but the members now found themselves prisoners in their own hall. There Henriot, commander of the armed force, compelled them to remain ; and the obnoxious deputies, amounting to upwards of ninety in number, were put under arrest, and a decree of accusation passed against them. It is very obvious that on this occasion the liberties of France w ere trodden under foot. The minority of the national repre¬ sentatives, with the assistance of an armed force raised in the capital, had compelled the majority to submit to their measures, and taken the leading members prisoners. The city of Paris thus assumed to itself the whole powers of the French Republic ; and the nation was no longer governed by representatives freely chosen, but by a minority of the Convention of whose sentiments the city of Paris and the Jacobin Club had thought proper to approve. The history of nations, and, above all, of factions, is a mass of contra- FRANCE. 1793. History, dictions. The Mountain party came into power by preach¬ ing boundless liberty, and by practically violating its fun¬ damental principles. How far the plea of political neces¬ sity may serve to excuse their conduct, we shall not ven¬ ture to decide. Certain it is that they soon commenced, both at home and abroad, a career of the most terrible energy which is to be found in the records of nations. The first result of their victory in the capital was cala¬ mitous to the Republic at large. Brissot and some other deputies escaped, and endeavoured to kindle the flames of civil war. In general, however, the influence of the Jacobin Club, and of its various branches, wras such, that the north of France adhered to the Convention ; but the southern departments were speedily in a state of rebel¬ lion. The department of Lyons declared the Mountain party outlawed. Marseilles and Toulon followed the ex¬ ample of Lyons, and entered into a confederacy, which lias since been known by the appellation of Federalism. The departments of La Gironde and Calvados broke out into open insurrection. In a word, the whole of France was in a state of violent convulsion. Still, however, the enthusiastic garrisons of Mayence and Valenciennes pro¬ tected it against the immediate entrance of a foreign force, and afforded leisure for one of its internal factions to gain an ascendency, and thereafter to protect its independence. In fact, the political enthusiasm of all orders of persons was such, that even the female sex did not escape its con¬ tagion. In the beginning of July a young woman of the name of Charlotte Corday came from the department of Calvados to devote her life for what she deemed the cause of freedom and her country. Having requested an inter- viewr with Marat, the most obnoxious of the Mountain party, she at length contrived to obtain it, and after con¬ versing with him for some time, suddenly plunged a dag¬ ger in his breast, and walked carelessly out of the house. But she was immediately seized, condemned, and execut¬ ed; behaving throughout with infinite constancy, and with her last breath shouting Vive la Republique. The party to which Marat was attached derived advantage from the manner of his death, as it seemed to fasten the odious charge of assassination upon their antagonists, and to give them the appearance of suffering in the cause of liberty; though the real truth is, that assassination was sanction¬ ed by both parties, under pretence of defending the liber¬ ties of the Republic. One of the first acts of the Mountain party after their triumph was to complete the republican constitution. Pre- bv'tlf616^ v'ous'y t0 t^e*r *'a^’ ^ie Girondists had brought forward Mountain ^,e ^an a constitLlt*°n, which was chiefly the work of party. Condorcet; but it wras never sanctioned by the Conven¬ tion, and much too intricate to be practically useful. The constitution now framed, which was afterwards sanction¬ ed by the nation, but never put in practice, abolished the former mode of electing the representatives of the people through the medium of electoral assemblies, and appoint¬ ed them to be chosen immediately by the primary assem¬ blies, which were to consist of from two to six hundred citizens, whilst each man was to give his suffrage by bal¬ lot or otherwise at his option. One deputy was allowed for every forty thousand individuals, and population form¬ ed the sole basis of representation. The elections were to take place every year on the first of May. Electoral as¬ semblies were, however, retained. Every two hundred citizens in the primary assemblies named one elector, and an assembly of all the electors of the department was afterwards held, which chose candidates for the executive council, or ministry of the Republic ; and out of this list of candidates the legislative body selected the members 79 History. The con. slitution of the executive council. One half of this council was to be renewed by each legislature in the last month of the session. Every law, after being passed by the legislative 1793. body, was to be sent to the department; and if in more than half of the departments the tenth of the primary as¬ semblies of each did not object to it, it became effectual. Trial by jury was also established. National conventions might be called for altering the constitution, and were to be summoned, if required, by the tenth of the primary as¬ semblies of each department in a majority of the depart¬ ments. The publication of this constitution secured no small degree of applause to the Convention and the Moun¬ tain party. The rapidity with which it had been framed1 seemed to cast a reflection upon the slowness of the mo¬ derate party, and was regarded as a proof that its fra¬ mers were decidedly serious in the cause of republicanism. No regard, however, was paid to it by the Convention, which declared itself permanent; nor indeed did it seem possible to carry it into execution. We have mentioned that Conde was invested ever since the beginning of April; but it did not yield till the 10th of July, when the garrison was so much reduced by famine and disease, that out of four thousand men, of which it originally consisted, only fifteen hundred were fit for ser¬ vice. The eyes of all Europe were in the mean time fix¬ ed upon the siege of Valenciennes. Colonel Moncrieff had contended that batteries ought to be placed imme¬ diately under the walls, without approaching it by regular parallels ; but the imperial engineer Ferraris asserted that the work of the great Vauban must be treated with more respect, and his opinion was adopted by the council of war. The trenches were opened on the 14th of June. Few sallies were attempted by the garrison, on account of the smallness of their number. The inhabitants at first wished to surrender; but the violence of the bombard¬ ment prevented their assembling, or giving much trouble to General Ferrand, the governor. The principal labour of the siege consisted of mines and countermines, some of which having been successfully sprung by the assailants, the town v^as surrendered by capitulation on the 27th of July, and the Duke of York took possession of it in be¬ half of the emperor of Germany. The siege of Mayence at the same time proceeded, and the place suffered much from famine; but at last, after an unsuccessful attempt to raise the siege by the French army of the Rhine, it sur¬ rendered on the 22d of July. After the termination of the siege of Valenciennes the The allies allied powers became much divided as to their future divided as proceedings. The Austrian commanders are understood to their to have presented two plans; the one to penetrate to^LltureIiro* Paris by means of the rivers which fall into the Seine ;ceet the other to take advantage of the consternation occasion¬ ed by the surrender of Valenciennes, and with fifty thou¬ sand light troops to penetrate suddenly to Paris, whilst a descent should be made on the coast of Bretagne to assist the royalists. The proposal of the British ministry, how¬ ever, to divide the grand army, and to attack West Flan¬ ders, beginning with the siege of Dunkirk, was ultimately adopted ; but this determination proved ruinous to the allies, as the French found means to vanquish in detail that army which they were unable to encounter when united. It has been asserted that the Duke of York w^as in secret correspondence with Omeron, the governor of Dunkirk ; but the latter was removed before any advantage could be taken of his treachery. On the 24th of August the Duke of York attacked and drove into the town the French out¬ posts, after an action in which the Austrian general Dal- 1 This constitution was only the work of a fortnight; a short space, no doubt, for so important an undertaking. 80 FRANC E. 1793. Lyons. History, ton was killed. A naval armament was expected from Great Britain to co-operate in the siege, but it did not ar¬ rive in time to be of any avail. Meanwhile a strong re¬ publican force menaced the covering army of the allies, commanded by General Freytag ; and, in point of fact, he was soon afterwards attacked and totally routed, in conse¬ quence of which the siege was raised. The British lost their heavy cannon and baggage, with several thousand men ; but the Convention, believing that their general, Houchard, might have cut off the Duke of York’s retreat, tried and executed him for this alleged neglect of duty. In the mean time the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg and Gene¬ ral Clairfayt unsuccessfully attempted to besiege Cam- bray and Bouchain. Quesnoy was, however, taken by General Clairfayt on the 11th of September; and here terminated the success of the allies in the Netherlands during the present campaign. A considerable part of the French army of the north having taken a strong position near Maubeuge, were there blockaded by Prince Cobourg ; but upon the 15th and 16th of October the latter was repeatedly attacked by the French troops under General Jourdan, who had succeeded Houchard in the command. The French having now re¬ covered their vigour, brought into the field a formidable train of artillery ; and commissioners from the Convention harangued the soldiers, threatening the timid and applaud¬ ing the brave. The attacks were repeated and furious, and the Austrians had the disadvantage, in consequence of which the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg retired during the night. The French now menaced maritime Flanders, took Furnes, and besieged Nieuport. But a detachment of Bri¬ tish troops ready to sail to the West Indies were hastily sent to Ostend, and for the present prevented the further progress of the French. The multiplicity of the events which now occurred in France was so great, that it is difficult to give an outline of these with tolerable perspicuity. It has been already mentioned that violent dissensions occurred throughout the Republic, in consequence of the triumph of the Moun¬ tain party on the 31st of May. The department of Cal¬ vados was first in arms against the Convention, under the command of General Wimpfen ; but before the end of July the insurrection had been subdued. The federalism of the cities of Marseilles, Lyons, and Toulon, however, still remained. On the 8th of August Lyons was attacked by the Conventional troops ; and several actions followed, which were attended with great loss both on the part of the assailants and of the besieged. The city in fact was reduced almost to ruins; but it held out during the whole month of September. The besieging general, Kellerman, was removed from his command on account of his sup¬ posed inactivity; and the city surrendered on the 8th of October to General Doppet, a man who had lately been a physician. The walls and public buildings of Lyons were ordered to be destroyed, and its name changed to that of Ville Affranchie; many hundreds of its citizens were dragged to the scaffold on account of their alleged treasonable resistance to the Convention; and the victo¬ rious party, weary of the slow operation of the guillotine, at last destroyed their prisoners in multitudes, by dis¬ charges of grape-shot. With the party of the Moun- Marseilles. tain terror was now the order of the day. In the end of July General Carteaux was sent against Marseilles. In the beginning of August he gained some successes over the advanced guard of the federalist troops ; and on the 24th he took the town of Aix, upon which the Mar- Toulon. seliois submitted. But the leading persons of the impor¬ tant town of I oulon, one of the first naval stations in France, entered into a negotiation, which terminated in their sub¬ mitting to the British admiral Lord Hood, upon the con¬ ditions that he would preserve as a deposit the town and shipping for Louis XVII. and assist in restoring the con¬ stitution of 1789 The sieec of Tculon was commenced by General Carteaux in the beginning of September ; and it continued without much vigour during that and the suc¬ ceeding month, Neapolitan, Spanish, and English troops having been brought by sea to assist in its defence. But in the beginning of November, General Carteaux was re¬ moved to the command of the army in Italy, and General Dugommier succeeded him in the direction of the siege. General O’Hara also arrived with reinforcements from Gibraltar, and assumed the command of the town, under a commission from his Britannic majesty. Upon the 30th of November the garrison made a vigorous sally, in order to destroy some batteries which were erecting upon heights that commanded the city. The French were surprised, and the assailants effected their object; but, elated with this success, the troops rushed onward in pursuit of the ene¬ my, and were unexpectedly met by a strong French force brought up by the commandant of artillery to check their advance. General O’Hara now arrived from the city to endeavour to bring off his troops; but he received a wound in the arm, and was taken prisoner. The total loss of the assailants in this affair was estimated at a thousand men. The French now mustered in great force around Toulon, and prepared to prosecute the attack with vigour. It commenced on the 19th of December, and was chiefly directed against Fort Mulgrave, occupied by the British. This fort was protected by an intrenched camp, and thir¬ teen pieces of cannon consisting of twenty-four and thir¬ ty-six pounders, with five mortars and three thousand troops ; but such was the fury of assault, that it was car¬ ried in an hour, and the whole garrison either killed or taken. The British and their allies now found it impossi¬ ble to defend the place ; and in the course of the day em¬ barked their troops, after having set on fire the arsenal and the ships. A scene of confusion now ensued, such as has rarely been exhibited in modern warfare. Crowds of peo¬ ple of every rank, age, and sex, hurried on board the ships, to escape the vengeance of their enraged country¬ men. Some of the inhabitants began to fire upon their late allies; others in despair were seen plunging into the sea, and making a vain effort to reach the ships ; and not a few put an end at once to their own existence on the shore. No language, indeed, can do justice to the horrors of the scene. Mothers clasping their helpless babes, and old men weighed down with the load of years, might be seen stretching their hands towards the harbour, shudder¬ ing at every sound behind them, and even rushing into the waves to escape the less merciful death which awaited them from their countrymen. Sir Sidney Smith, with honourable humanity, suspended the retreat until not a single individual who claimed his assistance remained on shore, though the total number borne away amounted to nearly fifteen thousand. Of thirty-one ships of the line found by the British at Toulon, thirteen were left behind, ten were burned, and four had been previously sent to Brest and Rochefort, with five thousand republicans who could not be trusted; so that Great Britain finally ob¬ tained by this expedition only three ships of the line and five frigates. The recovery of this important place by the French was in a great measure, if not altogether, ow¬ ing to the superior genius and conduct of the command¬ ant of artillery, Napoleon Bonaparte, who here made his first conspicuous essay in arms. The storm which now burst on the devoted heads of the Toulonese was indeed terrible. The infuriated sol¬ diers rushed into the town, and, in their frantic rage, mas¬ sacred two hundred Jacobins who had gone out to wel¬ come their approach. During twenty-four hours the in¬ habitants were left at the mercy of the soldiers, and the galley slaves, who had been let loose on the city ; and a History, 1793. FRANCE. 81 1793. History, stop was only put to these horrors by the citizens redeem- — — J jng themselves for four millions of francs. Dugommier, a brave, honourable, and humane soldier, did his utmost to check the violence of the troops, and to mitigate the se¬ verity of the Convention ; but though he succeeded in re¬ straining the former, nothing could soften the inexorable hearts of the latter. Several thousand citizens of every age and both sexes perished in a few weeks, either by the sword or the guillotine ; for a considerable time two hundred were beheaded daily ; and twelve thousand la¬ bourers were hired from the surrounding departments to demolish the buildings of the city. On the motion of Bar- rere, it was decreed that the name of Toulon should be changed to that of Port de la Montagne, that the houses should be razed to the foundations, and nothing should be left but the naval and military establishments; and Bar- ras, Freron, and Robespierre the younger were chosen to execute the vengeance of the Convention upon the fal¬ len city. Military commissions were immediately formed, and a revolutionary tribunal was established; the prisons were crowded with the unhappy persons destined for the guillotine ; and the mitraillades of Lyons were imitated with fearful effect. One of the victims, an aged mer¬ chant, named Hugues, was eighty-four years old, deaf, and nearly blind. His only crime consisted in the possession of a fortune of L.800,000, all of which, excepting L.20,000, he offered, to save his life. The judge, however, deeming the offer inadequate, sent him to the guillotine, and con¬ fiscated the whole. “ When I beheld this old man exe¬ cuted,” said Napoleon, “ I felt as if the end of the world was at hand.” It seemed, indeed, as if a legion of evil spirits had been let loose upon earth, to revel for a season in crimes hitherto unheard of among the children of men.1 t On the side of Spain the war produced nothing of im¬ portance; and in the mountainous country of Piedmont little advantage had been gained on either side. But more terrible scenes were acting in other quarters. In La Vendee a most fierce and sanguinary contest was main¬ tained by the royalists. In that part of the country the language of the rest of France was but little understood. The people were superstitious, and had acquired almost no knowledge of the new opinions which had recently been propagated throughout the rest of the country. They were chiefly headed by priests, and taught to re¬ gard their cause as that of religion. Their usual mode of warfare was to proceed in their ordinary occupations as peaceable citizens, but suddenly to assemble in im¬ mense bands at the prescribed rendezvous, when the alarm was given. Atone time, indeed, they were said to amount to one hundred and fifty thousand men. They besieged Nantes and Orleans; and even Paris itself was not consi¬ dered altogether safe from their enterprises. The war was inconceivably bloody ; neither party gave quarter; and La Vendee proved a dreadful drain on the population of France. On the 28th of June the Conventional general Biron drove the royalists from Lucon ; and Nantes was re¬ lieved by General Beysser. But after obtaining some suc¬ cess, General Westermann was surprised, and compelled to retreat to Parthenay. In the beginning of August the royalists were defeated by General Rossignol; but on the 10th of that month they again, under Charette their ,com¬ mander-in-chief, attacked Nantes, though without success. Our limits do not admit of our entering into the details of this fierce contest, rich as it is in daring actions and heroic adventures. The royalists were often defeated and ap¬ parently dispersed, but they as often appeared again in crowds around the astonished republicans. At last, about the middle of October, they were completely defeated, War in 1 Vendee. driven from La Vendee, and forced to divide into sepa- History, rate bodies; one of which threw itself into the island of Noirmoutier, where they were destroyed, whilst another OSS. took the road of Maine and Bretagne, where they strug¬ gled for some time against their enemies, and were at last either cut to pieces or dispersed. The royalists had long expected assistance from England ; and an armament un¬ der the Earl of Moira was actually fitted out for that ser¬ vice, but it did not arrive till too late, and returned home without even attempting a landing. The Mountain party invariably disgraced their successes by the most ferocious cruelties. Humanity is shocked, and history would almost cease to obtain credit, were we to state in detail the un¬ relenting barbarities which were exercised against the un¬ fortunate royalists, especially by Carrier, a deputy of the Convention, who had been sent into this quarter with un¬ limited powers. Multitudes of prisoners were crowded on board vessels in the Loire, which were afterwards scut¬ tled and sunk. No age or sex was spared; and these exe¬ cutions were performed with every circumstance of wan¬ ton barbarity and insult. The infernal republican mar¬ riages, as they were denominated by the demon who in¬ vented them, usually preceded these noyades. On the side of the Rhine a great variety of events oc-Progress curred during the months of August and September. Se- of the ai- veral engagements took place, in which the French werelie®.on the upon the whole successful. In September, however, Lan- Khine- dau was invested by the combined powers; and it was resolved to make every possible effort to drive the French from their position on the Lauter. They occupied the an¬ cient and celebrated lines of Weissenberg, constructed in former times for the protection of the Rhenish frontier, and stretching from the town of Lauterburg on the Rhine, through the village of Weissenberg to the Vosges Moun¬ tains ; and during four months all the resources of art had been employed in strengthening them. Having ap¬ proached the extreme left of this position, the allies formed the design of attacking it from left to right, and thus forcing the French to abandon the whole line of the intrenchments. Accordingly the Prussians, under the Duke of Brunswick, assaulted the left of the lines by the defiles of the Vosges Mountains, whilst the Austrians under Prince Waldeck crossed the Rhine to turn the right, and Wurmser, with the main body, endeavoured to force the centre. The attack on the right by Lauterburg obtained only a momentary success; but Wurmser having carried several redoubts in the centre, soon got possession of Weissenberg; and the left having been turned and forced back, the French army retired in confusion, and some of the fugitives even fled as far as Strasburg. Such was the tardiness of the allies, however, that the French, though completely routed, lost only a thousand men; whereas, if the victory had been improved, the ruin of the whole army would have been inevitable. The French re¬ treated to Hagenau, from which they were driven on the 18th ; and they suffered two other defeats on the 25th and 27th. Some of the principal citizens of Strasburg now sent a private deputation to General Wurmser, offer¬ ing to surrender the town, upon condition that it should be restored to Louis XVII. But General Wurmser de¬ clined to accede to these terms, and insisted upon an unconditional surrender. The delay occasioned by this disagreement led to the discovery of the negotiation, and those citizens of Strasburg who had been engaged in it were seized by Saint-Just and Lebas, the commissioners of the Convention, and brought to the scaffold. Prodigious efforts were now made by the French in order to recover the ground which they had lost. On the 9th of VOL. X- 1 Alison, vol. ii. p. 201, 202 ; Lacretelle, xi. 189, 190. h 82 FRA History. November General Irembert was shot at the head of the army, upon a charge, probably ill founded, of treachery 1793* in the storming of the lines of Weissenberg. But on the 14th Fort Louis was taken by the allies, not with¬ out suspicion of treachery on the part of the governor. With this the success of" General Wurmser may be said to have terminated. On the 21st, the republican army drove back the Austrians, and penetrated almost to Hage- nau ; whilst the army of the Moselle advanced to co-ope¬ rate with the army of the Rhine. On the 17th the Prus¬ sians were defeated near Sarbruck, and next day their camp at Bliescastel was stormed; the French then ad¬ vanced to Deux-Ponts. On the 29th and 30th, however, the French were repulsed with great loss in two violent attacks which they made on the Duke of Brunswick near Lantern. It was obvious, indeed, that they had come into the field with a determination to conquer, whatever it might cost. Every day was a day of battle, and torrents of blood flowed on both sides. The allies had the advantage of the ground, which is very strong, on account of its inequalities and morasses; but the French army was far more nume¬ rous than theirs ; and although inferior in point of discip¬ line, yet it derived great moral force from the enthusiasm with which the troops were animated. On the 8th of De¬ cember the French under Pichegru carried the redoubts which covered Hagenau at the point of the bayonet. In a word, the finest troops in Europe were unable to with¬ stand the fury of the republicans, whose determination seemed only to increase in proportion to the slaughter of their companions in arms, and who were never more likely to conquer than immediately after a defeat. On the 22d the allies were driven with great loss from Hagenau, not¬ withstanding the works which they had thrown up for their defence. The intrenchments on the heights of Reishoffen were considered as stronger than those of Jem- mappes ; yet they were stormed by the army of the Mo¬ selle and the Rhine, under Hoche and Pichegru. On the 23d and 24th the allies were pursued to the heights of Wrotte; and on the 26th the intrenchments which they had thrown up there were, after a desperate conflict, forced at the point of the bayonet. On the 27th the republican army arrived in triumph at Weissenberg. Wurmser re¬ treated across the Rhine, and the Duke of Brunswick hastily fell back to cover Mayence. The blockade of Lan¬ dau, which had lasted four months, was raised ; Fort Louis was evacuated by the allies, and Kayserslautern, Germers- heim, and Spires, submitted to the French. During the last month of the year 1793 the loss of men on both sides was immense, and is said to have amounted to between seventy and eighty thousand. Efforts of In the mean time violent efforts were made at Paris by the Moun-the new administration, established under the auspices of tain party, jacobin Club and of the party called the Mountain. The new republican constitution had been presented to the people in the primary assemblies, and accepted; so that the business for which the Convention had been called toge¬ ther, namely, that of forming a constitution for France, was at an end. It was therefore proposed that they should now dissolve themselves, and order a new legislative body to as¬ semble, according to the rules prescribed by the constitu¬ tion ; but the dominant party considered it as hazardous to convene a new assembly, possessing only limited powers, in the present distracted state of the country ; and in fact it was obvious that FYance at this time required a dictator¬ ship, or a government possessed of more absolute authori¬ ty than can ever be enjoyed by one which acts, or pretends to act, upon constitutional principles. It was therefore determined that the Convention should remain undissolved until the end of the war; and that a Revolutionary Go¬ vernment should be established, and invested with uncon¬ trolled powers. Committees of its own body were there- N C E. fore elected for the purpose of conducting every depart- History, ment of business. The principal of these was called the Committee of Public Safety, whose duty it was to superin- 1 in¬ tend all the others, and to give to the administration all the secrecy and dispatch which have been accounted peculiar to a military government, together with a combination of skill and energy hitherto unknown among mankind. A correspondence was maintained with all the Jacobin Clubs throughout the kingdom; and commissioners appointed by the Convention were sent into all parts of the coun¬ try, with unlimited authority over every description of per¬ sons. In this way a government was established, possessed of infinite vigilance, and more absolute and uncontrolled power than was ever enjoyed by any single despot; and the whole transactions and resources of the country were known to its rulers. On the 23d of August, Barrere, in name of the Committee of Public Safety, proposed the ce¬ lebrated decree for placing the whole French nation in a state of requisition for the public service. “ From this moment,” says the decree, “ till that when every enemy shall have been driven from the territory of the Republic, all Frenchmen shall be in permanent readiness for the ser¬ vice of the army. The young men shall march to the combat; the married men shall forge arms, and transport the provisions; the women shall make tents and clothes, and attend in the hospitals ; the children shall make lint of old linen ; the old men shall cause themselves to be carried to the public squares, to excite the courage of the warriors, and to preach hatred against the enemies of the Republic ; the cellars shall be washed to procure saltpetre; the sad¬ dle-horses shall be given up to complete the cavalry ; the unmarried citizens, from the age of eighteen to twenty- five, shall march first, and none shall send a substitute; and every battalion shall have a banner with this inscrip¬ tion, 7Vie French nation risen against tyrants. The Re¬ public is only a great city besieged, and France must there¬ fore be converted into a vast camp.” The measures pro¬ posed by Barrere were immediately decreed. All French¬ men from the age of eighteen to twenty-five took the field ; the armies, recruited with requisitions of men, were sup¬ ported with requisitions of provisions; and the Republic had soon fourteen armies, and twelve hundred thousand soldiers. France was thus transformed at once into a camp and arsenal for the supply of the armies, and terror en¬ forced all the provisions of this celebrated decree. The bayonets of the allies appeared less formidable than the guillotine of the Convention ; and safety, despaired of every¬ where else, was found only in the armies on the frontier. In the centre the dictatorial government struck down all the parties, however elevated, with whom it had been at war. The condemnation of the queen, Marie-Antoinette, was directed against Europe generally ; that of the Twen¬ ty-one against the Girondists; that of the virtuous Bailly against the old constitutionalists ; and that of the Duke of Orleans against certain members of the Mountain, who were supposed to have plotted his elevation to the throne. The widow of the unfortunate Louis XVI. was sent to the guil¬ lotine on the 16th of October, after a mock trial, in which justice and humanity were equally disregarded. Her con¬ duct, both during her trial and at the place of execution, was distinguished for calmness and dignity, and she died, amidst the savage shouts of the infuriated multitude, with a firm¬ ness that did honour to her race. The deputies of the Gironde party, who had been proscribed on the 2d of June, soon followed her to the scaffold, where they ended their ca¬ reer on the 31st of the same month. They were in num¬ ber twenty-one; Brissot, Vergniaud, Gensonne, Fonfrede, Ducos, Valaze, Lasource, Sillery, Gardien, Carra, Duprat, Beauvais, Duchatel, Mainvielle, Lacaze, Boileau, Lehardy, Antiboul, Vigee, Dufriche, and Duperret. Sixty-three of their colleagues, who had protested against their arrest, FRA History, were also imprisoned, but the terrorists did not venture to send these also to the guillotine. During their sham trial 17»3. before the Revolutionary Tribunal, which lasted nine days, they displayed the most sustained and serene courage. For an instant Vergniaud made his eloquent voice be heard, but in vain. The vehemence of Brissot was equally una¬ vailing. Their destruction had become necessary to the ruling party, and they were condemned without being heard in their own defence. When the sentence was pro¬ nounced, Valaze stabbed himself with a poniard, and ex¬ pired in presence of the court; whilst Lasource, address¬ ing his judges, exclaimed, “ I die at a moment when the people have lost their reason ; you, you also will perish on the day when they recover it.” Vergniaud had been pror vided by his friends with a certain and speedy poison ; but he refused to make use of it, that he might accompany his friends to the scaffold. The condemned deputies marched to punishment with all the stoicism of the time, singing as they w ent the Marseillaise hymn, which, by a slight change, they applied to their own situation : Aliens, enfants de la patrie, JLe jour de glorie est arrive; Centre nous de la tyrannie Te couteau sanglant est levd. When they arrived at the place of execution they mutu¬ ally embraced, exclaiming, Vive la Republique, and died, like Romans, protesting with their last breath their attach¬ ment to freedom arifi the Republic.1 Of the other chiefs of this party, almost all met with an untimely end. Salles, Guadet, Barbaroux, were discover¬ ed in the caves of Saint-Emilion, near Bordeaux, and pe¬ rished on the popular scaffold, Petion and Buzat, after having wandered about for some time, committed suicide, and were found dead in a field, with their bodies half de¬ voured by the wolves. Rabaud Saint-Etienne was betray¬ ed by a wretch in whom he confided. Madame Roland was also condemned, and died with the courage of a Ro¬ man matron ; her husband, on learning her death, quitted his asylum, and stabbed himself on the high road between Paris and Rouen, that he might not betray the generous friends who had sheltered him in his misfortunes, Condor- cet, who had been put beyond the protection of the law since the 2d of June, was discovered when in the act of concealing himself from his pursuers, and escaped punish¬ ment by taking poison. Louvet, Kervelegan, Lanjuinais, Henri-larRiviere, Le Sage, and La Reveillere-Lepeaux, W'ere the only Girondists who, in secure asylums, waited for the cessation of this furious tempest. And thus perish¬ ed this celebrated party, blameable for its rashness, but esr timable for its intentions, illustrious for its talents, and glo¬ rious in its fall; a party which, embracing all men who were philanthropists from feeling, or republicans from prin¬ ciple, the brave, the humane, and the benevolent, fell the victim of a base and despicable faction, composed of men sprung from the dregs of the populace, and impelled by coarse and vulgar ambition ; a party, in short, which, though adorned by the most splendid talents, supported by the most powerful eloquence, and actuated by the most ge¬ nerous indentions, was destroyed, because its members re¬ fused to countenance the sanguinary violence which alone commands success in revolutions. F.xpcution The Duke of Orleans was soon afterwards condemned, on of Egalite. a charge 0f having, from the commencement of the Revolu¬ tion, aspired to the sovereignty. The execution of Egalite gave satisfaction to all parties. His vote for the death of the king had done him little honour, even in the opinion of N C E. 83 the Mountainists, and had rendered him odious to the rest History, of mankind. It was, in fact, an unparalleled outrage on humanity. 17^3. The Committee of Public Safety was now remodelled, conformably to the views of the dictators. Until the 31st of May, when the decree for the arrest of the Girondists had passed, it consisted of neutral members of the Conven¬ tion ; now it was composed of the most furious partisans of the Mountain. Barrere remained, but Robespierre was elected a member, and, by means of Saint-Just, Couthon, Collot-d’Herbois, and Billaud-Varennes, his party had a complete ascendency. He struck off some Dantonists, such as Herault de Sechelles and Robert Lindet, who still remained; gained Barrere; and took under his own ma¬ nagement the departments of the police and public opinion. His associates also cast their parts. Saint-Just undertook the surveillance and denunciation of persons suspected ; Cou¬ thon, that of violent propositions, which required to be soft¬ ened in the form of expression: Billaud-Varennes and Col¬ lot-d’Herbois directed the proconsulates in the departments; Carnot the war ; Cambon that of the finances department; Prieur de la Cote d’Or, Prieur de la Marne, and others, the administration of the interior; and Barrere was the daily ora¬ tor and ever-ready panegyrist of the dictatorial committee. Below this was placed as an auxiliary in the details of re¬ volutionary administration and inferior measures the Com¬ mittee of General Safety, constituted in the same spirit a*s the great committee, and, like it, consisting of twelve mem¬ bers, re-eligible every three months, and always continued in their functions. In such hands was the whole revolu¬ tionary force now placed. “ Vous n’avez plus rien a ma¬ nager contre les ennemis du nouvel ordre des choses,” said Saint-Just; “ et la liberte doit vaincre a tel prix que ce soit. Dans les circonstances ou se trouve la Republique, la constitution ne peut etre etablie; elle deviendrait la garantie des attentats contre la liberte, parce qu’elle man- querait de la violence necessaire pour les reprimer. Le gouvernement present est aussi trop embarrasse. Vous etes trop loin de tous les attentats ; il faut que le glaive des lois se promene partout avec rapidite, et que votre bras soit present partout.” And thus was created that terrible power which first devoured the enemies of the Mountain, then devoured both the Mountain and the Commune, and at length ended by devouring itself. The committee dispos¬ ed of every thing in name of the Convention, which was merely its tool. It was this body which appointed and dis¬ missed generals, ministers, representative commissioners, judges, and juries ; which struck down opposing factions ; which possessed the initiative of all measures. By means of its commissioners the armies and the generals were kept under its control; it exercised sovereign power in the de¬ partments ; by the law in regard to suspected persons, it disposed of the liberty, and by the Revolutionary Tribu¬ nal, of the life, of every one ; by requisitions and the max¬ imum, it had the unlimited disposal of all fortunes ; and by the terrified Convention, it could command decrees of ac¬ cusation against any member of that body. Every thing, in short, was at its feet, and, supported by the multitude, its despotism was for the time as complete as it was terrible. When the human mind is once roused, its activity ex- Weights tends to every object. At this time a new system of weights and Mea- and measures, in which the decimal arithmetic alone is em- sures. ployed, -was established by the Convention. The court of Spain, notwithstanding the war, had the liberality to per¬ mit Mechain to proceed with his operations for measur¬ ing a degree of the meridian in that country ; and he ac- 1 Lacretelle, ii. 100 ; Thiers, v. 392 ; Mignet, ii. 294 ; Toulangeon, iv. 115. A young man, named Girey Dufoce, was brought to the bar of the Revolutionary Tribunal. “ You have been a friend of Brissot,” said the president. “ I had that happiness.” “ hat is your opinion of him ?” That he lived like Aristides, and died like Sidney,” was the answer. Dufoce was sent to the scaffold, where, by his heroic firmness, he vindicated the friendship of Brissot. 84 FRANC E. History. 1793. New ka- lendar. Decay of religion. cordingly carried on his system of triangulation from Bar¬ celona to Perpignan, whence the mensuration was conti¬ nued to Paris. Delambre and his pupil La Francois also measured a degree of latitude in the vicinity of the me¬ tropolis. In all, twelve degrees of the meridian were mea¬ sured, the mean of which is 57,027 toises; and by this the universal standard of measure was calculated. MM. Bor- da and Cassini also determined the length of a pendulum which vibrates seconds in vacuo, and in a mean tempera¬ ture at Paris, to be three feet eight hundred and six lines ; and MM. Lavoisier and Haiiy found that a cubic foot of distilled water at the freezing point weighs in vacuo seventy pounds and sixty gros French weight. From these data the new table of weights and measures was constructed. The astronomical circles with which MM. Borda and Cas¬ sini had made their observations were also divided ac¬ cording to the centesimal plan ; so that the quadrant con¬ tains a hundred degrees, and each degree a hundred mi¬ nutes. Hence the minute of a great circle of the sphere is equal to a milliare or new French mile ; and if, for the reduction of this measure, we estimate the Paris toise, ac¬ cording to the comparison made with the standard kept in the Royal Society of London, at 6*3925 English feet, the milliare or minute will be equal to 1093*633 yards, and the metre to 3*280899 feet. Separated by the war and by their own laws from all states and forms of government, the innovators sought to isolate themselves still more. For an unparalleled revolu¬ tion they established an entirely new era; they changed the divisions of the year, and the names of the months and days ; they replaced the Christian kalendar by the republi¬ can, the week by the decade, and fixed the day of rest, not on the Sabbath, but on the tenth day. The new era dated from the 22d September, or autumnal equinox, the epoch of the foundation of the Republic. The year was divided into twelve equal months of thirty days each, which com¬ menced on the 22d September, and were arranged in the order following, viz. Vendemiaire, Brumaire, Frimaire, for autumn; Nivose, Pluviose, Ventose, for winter; Ger¬ minal, Floreal, Prairial, for spring; and Messidor, Ther- midor, Fructidor, for summer. Each month had three decades, each decade ten days, and each day received its name from its place in the decade; thus, primidi, duodi, tridi, quartidi, qidntidi, sextidi, septidi, octidi, nonidi, deca- di. Five complementary days were thrown to the end of the year, or added after the 30th Fructidor, in order to complete it; these received the name of Sans-culotides, and were consecrated, the first to the festival of Genius, the second to that of Labour, the third to that of Actions, the fourth to that of Recompenses, and the fifth to that of Opinion. The constitution of 1793 naturally led to the republican kalendar, and the republican kalendar to the abolition of the Christian worship. Accordingly, the Com¬ mune and the Committee of Public Safety proposed each a new kind of religion ; the Commune the worship of Rea¬ son, and the Committee that of the Supreme Being. The religion of France had for some time been gradual¬ ly losing ground; and on the 7th of November, Gobet, bishop of Paris, along with a great multitude of other eccle¬ siastics, came into the hall of the Convention, and at once resigned their functions and renounced the Christian reli¬ gion. All the clergymen, whether Protestant or Catholic, who were members of the Convention, followed this ex¬ ample, excepting only Gregoire, whom we formerly men¬ tioned as having been one of the first of his order to join the tiers etat after the meeting of the States General, and who had now the courage to profess himself a Christian, although the emoluments of his bishopric were, he said, at the service of the Republic. Amidst the acclamations of the Convention, it was decreed that hereafter the only French deities should be Liberty, Equality, and Reason; and they would seem to have consecrated these abstractions History, as the only objects of worship. What political purpose the leaders of the Convention intended to serve by this pro- G93. ceeding does not clearly appear; unless, perhaps, their ob¬ ject was to change so completely the French manners and habits of thinking, that it should never be in their power to return to the state from which they had just emerged, or to unite in intercourse with the other nations of Europe. The populace, however, could not at once relinquish the religion of their fathers. The municipality of Paris order¬ ed the churches to be shut up, but the Convention found it necessary to annul this order; and Robespierre gained no small degree of popularity by supporting the liberty of religious worship on this occasion. Hebert and Fabre d’Eglantine, who led the opposite party, hastened their own fall by an ill-judged contempt of popular opinion on the subject of religion. To the abjui’ation of Christianity by Gobet, followed as it was by the apostacy of many of the constitutional bishops and clergy in the Convention, who joined in the declaration, that no other national religion was now required but that of liberty, equality, and morality, the wildest excesses of profanity and irreligion succeeded. Drunken artisans and shameless harlots crowded to the bar of the Convention, and there trampled under their feet the sacred vases con¬ secrated for ages to the holiest purposes of religion ; the churches were despoiled of their plate and ornaments; busts of Marat and Lepelletier replaced the images of Christ and the Virgin, which were trodden in the mire; and pa¬ rodies on Che Hallelujah were sung as an accompaniment to the Carmagnole dance. Hebert, Chaumette, and their associates, appeared at the bar of the Convention, and there declared that there was no God, and that the wor¬ ship of Reason ought to be substituted instead of his ; whilst an opera singer, known in more than one character to most of the Convention, was introduced as the personi¬ fication of the new divinity. The services of the Chris¬ tian religion were universally abandoned, and the pulpits deserted throughout the revolutionized districts ; the church bells were everywhere silent; Sabbath was entirely oblite¬ rated ; baptisms ceased; the burial service was no longer heard; the sick received no consolation, the dying no communion ; and the rites of heathenism, blended with the profanities of the most fanatical infidelity, desecrated the unhappy land. On every tenth day atheism was publicly preached to the bewildered people by some revolutionary leader; and on all the public seminaries was placed the inscription, “ Death is an Eternal Sleep.” Marat was dei¬ fied ; God was insulted and defied. Such is the wild re¬ action which follows the overthrow of systems which ex¬ clude all reformation, and cherish the abuses engendered by time as their most valuable prerogatives and distinc¬ tions. For seven years did the reign of impiety continue in France; and when at length the worship of Christiani¬ ty was restored by Napoleon, its ruinous effects were ge¬ nerally felt; it had demoralized the old, and left the young without any impressions of religion. But now when the Republic saw itself successful in all Dissen- quarters, when the Mountain party and the Jacobins hadsi°ns l)e- no rivals at home, and accounted themselves in little imme- T^j^tain- diate danger from abroad, they began to split into factions, istg antj and to entertain the fiercest jealousies. The Jacobin Club Jacobins, was the usual place in which their contests were carried on ; but at this time Robespierre acted the part of a medi¬ ator between all parties, and attempted to turn their atten¬ tion from private animosities to public affairs. Having spread a report that Great Britain intended speedily to in¬ vade France, he proposed that the Jacobin Club should en¬ deavour to discover the vulnerable parts of the British con¬ stitution and government. They caught at the bait which had thus been thrown out to them; made speeches and FRANCE. Govern ment. History, wrote essays without number; and were in this way occu- pied and amused for a considerable time. The winter passed in tolerable tranquillity, and no mili- Vigour of tary enterprise was undertaken either by the allies or by the lievo- the French. On the first of February Barrere asserted utionary -n Convention that the confederate powers were willing provisionally to acknowledge the French Republic, to con¬ sent to a cessation of hostilities for two years, and at the end of that time to conclude a lasting peace with the French people. But this assertion met with no credit, and the Convention declared itself determined to reject any pro¬ position founded on it, as affording to the other nations of Europe the means of undermining the new government. In the mean time the Revolutionary Government was gra¬ dually becoming more vigorous. Thirty committees of ihe Convention managed the whole business of the state, without sharing much of the direct executive government, which remained in the hands of the Committee of Public Safety ; and these different committees were engaged in a great variety of matters. The ruling party had no competitors for power. The most extensive plans were therefore car¬ ried into effect, without confusion or opposition. The Con¬ vention was little more than a court in which every project was formally registered. At a single sitting thirty decrees were passed, relating to subjects the most widely different, and some of them of the greatest importance. The finances were under a committee, at the head of which was Gam¬ bon, and which found resources for the most lavish expen¬ diture. The assignats were received as money throughout the state ; so that a paper mill had become more valuable than a mine of gold. The credit of this paper was sup¬ ported by an arbitrary law regulating the maximum or highest price of all provisions, and by the immense mass of wealth which had come into the hands of the Convention by the seizure of the church-lands, and by the confiscation of the property of royalists, emigrants, and other persons condemned by the Revolutionary Tribunal. So unequally, indeed, had property been divided under the ancient go¬ vernment, that, by means of these confiscations, about seven tenths of the national territory was supposed to have been transferred to the state. To this was added the plun¬ der of the churches, consisting of gold and silver images, and vessels employed in divine worship, along with other articles of less value, amongst which may be mentioned the church bells, which were considered as sufficient for the manufacture of fifteen thousand pieces of cannon. These resources formed altogether a mass of property such as was never perhaps possessed by any other government. Other committees were engaged in very different occupa¬ tions. Highways were constructed, and canals planned. Im¬ mense manufactories of arms were everywhere established. At Paris alone eleven hundred muskets were fabricated daily, and a hundred pieces of cannon cast every month. Pub¬ lic schools were instituted, and the French language taught in its purity from the Pyrenees to the Rhine. The Con¬ vention possessed immense resources, and they did not he¬ sitate to lavish them upon their schemes. Every science and every art was called upon for aid; and the most accom¬ plished men in every profession were employed in giving splendour to their country. The chemists, in particular, gave essentia] aid by the facility with which they supplied materials for the manufacture of gunpowder ; and in return for their services, Lavoisier, the greatest of them all, suf¬ fered death by a most iniquitous sentence. Not fewer than two hundred new dramatic performances, the object of which was to attach the people to the existing order of things, were produced in less than two years. The vigour with which the committees of subsistence exerted them¬ selves is particularly remarkable. All Europe was at war with France ; and as England, Holland, and Spain, the three maritime powers, were engaged in the contest, it had been 85 thought practicable to reduce France to great distress by Fistorr. famine, especially as it was imagined that the country had not resources to supply its immense population. But the 1794. rulers of that country acted with the policy of a besieged garrison. They seized upon the whole provisions of the country, and carried them to public granaries ; they regis¬ tered the cattle, and made their owners responsible for them; they provided the armies abundantly ; and, as the people were accurately numbered, they dealt out in every district, on stated occasions, what was absolutely necessary for subsistence, and no more. To all this the people sub¬ mitted; and, indeed, throughout the whole of the mixed scenes of tire Revolution, the calm judgment of the histo¬ rian is not a little perplexed. It is impossible not to ad¬ mire the patience with which they endured every hardship which was represented as necessary to the common cause ; and equally so not to honour the enthusiastic energy with which they lavished their blood in defence of the indepen¬ dence of their country. On the other hand, no one can regard without indignation and horror the sanguinary pro¬ ceedings of the factions in the Convention and the capital, or reconcile with our ordinary knowledge of humanity the spirit of mutual extermination by which all of them were in turn actuated. During the winter the dissensions of the Jacobins in- Increased creased. They were divided into two clubs, one of which dissensions (that recently instituted) assembled in a hall which onceof l.he Ja* belonged to the Cordeliers. The leaders of this club werecobins' Hebert, Ronsin, Vincent, and others; but that of the Jaco¬ bins still retained its ascendency, and Robespierre had now become decidedly its leader. This extraordinary man had gradually combined in his own person the confidence of the people and the direction of the government. But as the committees were above the Convention, which had become little more than a court of record, so that of Pub¬ lic Safety was above the other committees; and Robes¬ pierre was the leader of this dominant committee, Barrere, Saint-Just, Couthon, and others of its members, only acting a secondary part. These persons laboured in the business of the state, but the supreme power was in Robespierre. He surrounded the members of the Convention with spies, and being equally jealous and implacable, set no bounds to the shedding of blood. On the 25th of March he brought to trial the following active Jacobins, who were condemned and executed the day after, viz. Hebert, Ronsin, Momoro, Vincent, Du Croquet, Koch, Laumur, Bourgeois, Mazuel, Laboureau, Ancard, Leclerc, Proly, Dessieux, Anachar- sis Clootz, Pereira, Florent, Armand, Descombles, and Du- buisson. And not satisfied with this, on the 2d of April he brought to trial nine of those who had once been his most vigorous associates; Danton, Fabre d’Eglantine, Bazire, Chabot, Philipeaux, Camille Desmoulins, Lacroix, Dela- may d’Angers, and Herault de Sechelles, all of whom were executed, along with Westermann, on the evening of the 5th. The fall of the Hebertists was regarded with satisfaction The He- by every one beyond the pale of the municipality of Paris, bertists. This faction, which had laboured in the Pere Duchene to popularise obscenity of language, with grovelling and cruel sentiments, and whose characteristic it was to blend derision with ferocity, had for some time made redoubtable progress ; and Robespierre, finding it untractable for his purposes, resolved on its destruction, upon the pretence that, whilst it corrupted the people, it served the purposes of foreigners by promoting anarchy. This he effected by a compromise. His object was to sacrifice both the com¬ mune and the anarchists ; whilst the committees desired to sacrifice the Mountain and the moderate party. The par¬ ties came to a mutual understanding, in consequence of which Robespierre gave up Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and their friends to the members of the committee, and 86 FRA History, the members of the committee in return gave up Hebert, ^ Clootz, Chaumette, Ronsin, and their accomplices. In 1'*94* at first favouring the moderate party in the Convention, he prepared the destruction of the anarchists, and thus at¬ tained two objects advantageous to his power j he ruined a redoubtable faction, and he disencumbered himself of a revolutionary reputation which rivalled his own. But the latter object was, after all, that which he had probably most at heart, because the party of Danton stood most in his way. Their principles were, that terror was to be used only for the establishment of freedom, not made an in¬ strument of destruction in the hands of those who had obtain¬ ed it; they wished above all things that the Republic should be consolidated by victory, but that success should be used with moderation. Hence, whilst they vehemently repro¬ bated the proceedings of the dictators after the 31st of May had ensured the triumph of the populace, they desired to humble the anarchists of the municipality, to put down the Revolutionary Tribunal, to discharge from confinement those imprisoned as suspected persons, and to dissolve the despotic committees of government. But these objects were manifestly opposed to that supreme and undisputed domination which Robespierre was now labouring to secure for himself by means of the revolutionary machinery; and, accordingly, after the understanding already mentioned had been come to, it was not long ere he commenced hostilities, by attacking the Jacobin Club, the Vieux Cordelier of Ca¬ mille Desmoulins,1 and indirectly denouncing Danton him¬ self. Danton, who had not yet discontinued his relations with Robespierre, demanded an interview, which took place at the residence of the latter. Both parties were cold and bitter. Danton complained violently; Robespierre was haughty and reserved. “ I know,” said Danton, “ all the hatred which the committee bear me, but I do not fear it.” “ You are wrong,” replied Robespierre; “ there are no bad intentions towrards you, but it is well to be explicit. “ To be explicit,” rejoined Danton, “ good faith is neces¬ sary.” But observing Robespierre assume a lowering look, “ It is doubtless necessary,” he added, “ to coerce the roy¬ alists ; but we ought to strike blows which are useful to the Republic, and should not confound the innocent with the guilty.” “ Eh ! who has told you,” replied Robespierre sharply, “ that one innocent person has suffered ?” Danton turned to the friend who had accompanied him, and with a bitter smile, “ What say you ? Not one innocent man has perished !” At these words they parted ; all hope of re¬ conciliation was at end. N C E, The fall of the anarchists ensued. They were brought before the Revolutionary Iribunal, upon a charge of being 1794. agents of foreigners, and of having conspired to give a ty¬ rant to the state. From the time of their arrest, their auda¬ city abandoned them; and as they had neither talents nor enthusiasm, they defended themselves without ability, and died without courage. It was now time for Danton to look to liis own safety 5 F all of the proscription had reached the commune, and was fast Danton. approaching him also. His friends urged him to act; but having failed to shake the dictatorial power by exciting public opinion and rousing the Convention, where could he look for support? The Convention was well disposed towards him and his cause; but it was in complete subjection to the revolutionary power of the committees. Having neither the government, nor the assembly, nor the com¬ mune, nor the clubs, Danton therefore awaited the pro¬ scription without taking any step to ensure his safety. _ Still his friends pressed him to act. 111 would rather, said he, “ be guillotined than become guillotiner ; besides, my life is not worth the trouble of preserving ; I am weary of exist¬ ence.” “ The members of the committee seek your death.” “ What!” exclaimed he, in anger ; “ if ever—if Billaud— if Robespierre... They will be execrated as tyrants ; the house of Robespierre will be razed; salt will be scattered on its foundations, and a stake of infamy planted to avenge the crimes...But my friends will say of me that I have been a good father, a good friend, a good citizen; they will not for¬ get me.” “ But you may escape.” “ I would rather be guillotined than become guillotiner.” “ Still it is necessary to fly.” “ To fly !” exclaimed he with a mixture of anger and disdain ; “ do you suppose that a man carries his coun¬ try in the soles of his shoes ?” Danton had only one re¬ source ; to lift up his well-known and powerful voice, de¬ nounce Robespierre and the committees, and rouse the Convention against their tyranny. He was warmly press¬ ed to adopt this course ; but, not to mention the difficulty of overturning an established domination, however atroci¬ ous, he knew too well the subjugation and terror of that assembly to trust to the efficacy of such an attempt. He therefore awaited his fate, in the belief however that his enemies would shrink from the proscription of one who had dared so much. He was mistaken. On the 10th Germi¬ nal he received notice that the question of his arrest was under the consideration of the Committee of Public Safety, and he was once more urged to fly ; but, after a moment’s consideration, he answered, “ They dare not.” In the night his house was surrounded, and he was conducted to the * In this production Desmoulins discoursed of liberty with the profound sense of Machiavel, and of men with the wit of Vol¬ taire. His picture of the horrors of this gloomy period is drawn with a powerful hand. “ At the present epoch, said he, words became state-crimes ; and from this the transition is easy to simple looks, which, with sadness, compassion, sighs, nay even absolute silence itself, are made the ground-work of suspicion. Is a citizen popular ? He is a rival of the dictator, and might excite commo¬ tions. Does he, on the other hand, avoid society, and live retired in the bosom ot his family ? This secluded life makes him re¬ marked, and excites the suspicion that he is meditating sinister designs. Are you rich ? There is imminent peril that the people may be corrupted by your largesses. Are you poor ? You must be the more closely watched, because there is none so en erprising as those who have nothing to lose. Are you ot a thoughtful and melancholy character, with a neglected exterior . ou are a ic e because in your opinion public affairs are not well conducted. Does a citizen indulge in dissipation and bring on in iges ion . e is concealing ambition under the mask of pleasure. Is he virtuous and austere in his morals ? He has constitute imse le censor of the government. Is he a philosopher, an orator, a poet ? He will soon acquire more consideration than the rulers ot the state. Has he acquired reputation in war ? His talents only make him the more dangerous, and render it indispensable to remove him trom the army, perhaps to send him to the scaffold. The natural death of a distinguished person, particularly it in place, has become so rare, that historians transmit it as an event worthy of record to future ages. Even the death of so many innocent and estimable citizens seems a less calamity than the insolence and scandalous fortunes of those who have denounced and murdered them. Every day the accuser makes his triumphal entry into ihe pavace of death, to reap the harvest of some rich succession ; and the tribunals which were once the protectors of life and property have become mere slaughter-houses, where that which bears the name of punishment and confiscation is nothing but robbery and murder.” In Camille Desmoulins the anarchists had an able, active, and redoubted antagonist, t his atrocious faction he attacked with unsparing severity, and in an especial manner fastened on its head the infamous Hebert, whom he described as “a miserable intriguer, a caterer for the guillotine, a traitor paid by Pitt; a wretch who had at different times received two hundred thousand francs from the factions of the Republic to calumniate their adversaries ; a thief and robber, who had been expelled trom his situation as lacquey in the theatre for common stealing, and now pretended to drench France in blood by his prostituted .journal. Such is Desmoulins’ description of the man on whose testimony Marie-Antoinette was condemned, and whose evidence was also held sufficient to send the Revolutionists themselves to the scaffold. FRA History. Luxembourg, with Camille Desmoulins, Philipeaux, La- croix, Herault de Sechelles, and Westermann. On enter- 1794. jng prison iie cordially greeted the captives who pressed around him. “ Gentlemen,” said he, “ I had hoped to have been the means of releasing all of you from this place ; but here I am among you, and I know where all this will end.” An hour afterwards he was shut up in a solitary cell, which Hebert had recently before occupied, and which was soon to be tenanted by Robespierre himself. The past now rose up to the review of his mind, and, giving way to reflection and regret, he observed, “ It is just a year since I caused the Revolutionary Tribunal to be instituted. I ask pardon of God and man for doing so; but I never imagined that it would become the scourge of humanity.” The arrest of Danton and his friends produced a violent agitation in Paris ; the Convention also was stricken with dismay. Legendre made a powerful appeal in behalf of his friend, and demanded that, before the report of the committee wras received, Danton should be examined in their presence. The proposition was favourably received, and for a moment the assembly seemed disposed to cast off its fetters. But the spell of the dictatorship of terror was still strong on that body. Robespierre ascended the tribune, and having by menace reduced the Convention to silence, proceeded to mark out for vengeance the intre¬ pid Legendre. “ You affect to be afraid,” said he, in con¬ clusion ; “ but I say, whoever trembles at this moment is guilty; for never did innocence fear the vigilance of the public authorities.” None dared to incur the fatal impu¬ tation ; terror had frozen every heart. The assembly crouched beneath their tyrants, and unanimously sent the accused to the Revolutionary Tribunal. When brought be¬ fore this Rhadamanthine judgment-seat, they assumed an attitude of haughty defiance, evincing at once an audacity of purpose, and a contempt for their judges, altogether ex¬ traordinary. Danton, in answer to the usual interrogato¬ ries as to his name, age, and residence, put by the presi¬ dent Dumas, replied, “ I am Danton, well known in the Revolution ; I am thirty-five years of age ; my abode will soon be in nothingness ; and my name will live in the Pan¬ theon of history.” The disdainful and vehement respon¬ ses of Danton, the cool and measured discussion of La¬ croix, the austerity of Philipeaux, and the nervous vigour of Desmoulins, began to make an impression on the peo¬ ple. The accused were therefore put hors de debats, on the pretence that they had been wanting in respect to the court, and they were immediately condemned without any further hearing. “ We are immolated,” cried Dan¬ ton, “ to the ambition of a few cowardly brigands; but they will not long enjoy the fruit of their criminal victory. I pull down Robespierre ; Robespierre follows me.” They were conducted to the Conciergerie, and thence to the scaffold. On their way to the place of execution, they dis¬ played the stoical courage common at that period. A body of troops had been assembled, and their escort was nume¬ rous ; but the people, who, on such occasions, are usually clamorous and approving, maintained a profound silence. Camille Desmoulins, even when on the fatal cart, was still astonished at his condemnation, and could not compre¬ hend it. “ This, then,” said he, “ is the recompense des¬ tined to the first apostle of liberty.” Danton held his head erect, and cast a calm and intrepid look around him. At the foot of the scaffold, however, his feelings for a mo¬ ment overmastered him: “ Oh, my well-beloved,” cried he ; “ oh, my wife, shall I then never see thee more I” But immediately checking himself, “ Danton, no weakness,” said he. He ascended the scaffold with a firm step, and received the blow of the fatal axe with unshaken courage. And thus perished the tardy but last defenders of huma¬ nity and moderation; men who had desired to establish peace amongst the conquerors in the revolutionary struggle, N C E. 8? and to extend mercy to the vanquished. After their fall History, no voice was for some time raised against the dictatorship of terror, which, from one end of France to the other, now H94. struck down its victims in silence. Still, however, the preparations for the ensuing cam-Campaign paign were pursued with unabated vigour. The commit- D94; tee for military affairs, at the head of which stood Carnot 1 e and others, were busily occupied in arranging along the frontiers the immense force which the requisition had called forth. Plans of operations were drawn out by this com¬ mittee, and, when approved by the Committee of Public Safety, were sent to the generals to be executed. On the other hand, the allies were making powerful preparations for another attempt to subjugate France ; and the emperor himself took the field at the head of the armies in the Netherlands. The plan of the campaign is said to have been framed by Colonel Mack, who afterwards acquired so much negative celebrity. West Flanders was to be pro¬ tected by a strong body of men ; whilst the main army was to penetrate to Landrecies, get within the line of French frontier towns, and cut off the armies from the in¬ terior by covering the country from Maubeuge to the sea. This plan was bold ; but it belongs to military men to judge whether boldness was not its only merit. In fact, the al¬ lies seem to have had no correct information of the im¬ mense force which the French were collecting against them. Even the town of Lisle alone, which was capable of containing a numerous army within its walls, and which was to be left in their rear, should have seemed an insur¬ mountable obstacle to the execution of this plan. On the 16th of April, the Austrian, British, and Dutch State of the armies assembled on the heights above Cateau, where they allied ar- were reviewed by the emperor; and on the following day mles> they advanced in eight columns against the French, drove in their posts, and penetrated beyond Landrecies. The allied army now amounted in all to a hundred and eighty-seven thousand men, who were disposed in the following man¬ ner: Fifteen thousand Dutch and fifteen thousand Aus¬ trians, under the Prince of Orange and General Latour, formed the siege of Landrecies ; fifteen thousand British and fifteen thousand Austrians, commanded by the Duke of York and General Otto, encamped towards Cambray; the emperor and the Prince of Saxe-Cobourg, at the head of sixty thousand Austrians, advanced as far as Guise; twelve thousand Hessians and Austrians, under General Worms, were stationed near Douai and Bouchain ; Count Kaunitz, with fifteen thousand Austrians, defended the Sambre and the country near Maubeuge ; and General Clairfayt, with forty thousand Austrians and Hanoverians, protected Flanders from Tournay to the sea; whilst sixty thousand Prussians, for whom a subsidy had been paid by Great Britain, were expected to take the field, but in fact never arrived. The French now commenced active operations. On Fall of the morning of the 26th of April they attacked, in great Landre- force, the Duke of York near Cateau; but after a severe c‘es; sut‘* conflict they were repulsed, and General Chapuy was taken ge, crossed the Maese, and threw a garrison into Maestricht; but he soon found it necessary to send back part of his troops to the neigh¬ bourhood of Tongres. Flere the French armies, to the as¬ tonishment of all Europe, made a voluntary pause in their career of victory, and ceased to pursue their retiring foes. The war on the Rhine was equally successful on the part of the French. On the 12th, 13th, and I4th of July, re¬ peated battles were fought, in which the French obtained their usual success. As their armies were numerous, their practice was to fight in great bodies day after day till their object was accomplished. The Palatinate was next over¬ run, and Treves taken, by General Michaud. Flanders and the Palatinate have always been accounted the gra¬ naries of Germany, and both of them, at the commence¬ ment of the harvest, now fell into the hands of the French. During the four months which succeeded the fall of Execu- Danton, the power of the committees was exercised with-tions in- out opposition and without reserve. Death became the crease.c*5 only instrument of government, and the Republic was^1^1'13111 abandoned to daily and systematic executions. Then were k - invented the conspiracies of the prisons, which had been ” crowded by the operation of the law in regard to suspected persons, and which were emptied by that of the 22d Prairial, which might be called the law of the condemn¬ ed : it was then that the emissaries of the Committee of Public Safety suddenly replaced those of the Mountain ; that Carrier, the creature of Billaud, appeared in the west; Maignet, the creature of Couthon, in the south ; and Joseph Lebon, the creature of Robespierre, in the north. The extermination en masse of the enemies of the democratic dictatorship, which had been practised at FRANCE. 89 1794. History. Lyons and Toulon by means of the mitraillades, became still more horrible when effected by means of the noyades of Nantes and the scaffolds of Paris, Arras, and Orange. The terrorists were now so completely united, that they seemed to have but one body and one soul, in which all feelings, sentiments, and desires, had merged in a craving and insatiable appetite for blood. Posterity will find it diffi¬ cult to credit the extent to which this appetite had grown by what it fed on. “ The more the social body perspires, the sounder it becomes,” said Collot-d'Herbois. “ It is the dead only who never return,” said Barrere. “ The vessel of the Revolution can only arrive in port on a sea redden¬ ed with torrents of blood,” said Saint-Just. “ A nation is only regenerated on heaps of dead bodies,” rejoined Robespierre. Nor were their actions at variance with the creed they professed. For months together these prin¬ ciples were daily carried into practice in every town in France. Alone and unopposed, the Committee of Public Safety struck numberless blows from one end of the king¬ dom to the other. The mandates of death issued from the capital, and the guillotine was immediately set to work in almost every town and village of France. Amidst the roaring of cannon, the roll of drums, and the sound of the tocsin, the suspected were everywhere arrested, whilst the young and active were marched off to the frontiers; fifteen hundred bastilles, spread throughout the depart¬ ments, were found insufficient to contain the multitude of captives; and the monasteries, the palaces, the chateaux, were in consequence converted into prisons. Rapidly as the guillotine did its work, however, it reaped not the harvest of death which everywhere presented itself. But disease came to its assistance, and contagious fevers, pro¬ duced by the crowded state of the prisons, swept off thou¬ sands who had been destined to perish by the revolution¬ ary axe. Over the portals of these dread abodes might have been written the inscription which Dante has placed over the entrance of the infernal regions; hope never crossed their thresholds, and despair of life produced its usual diversified effects on the minds of the unhappy cap¬ tives. Some sunk into sullen indifference ; others indulged in immoderate gaiety; many became frantic with horror; not a few sought to amuse life even at the foot of the scaffold. Rising in one wild and heart-rending chorus might be heard raving, blasphemy, lamentation, com¬ mingled with the loud shouts of obstreperous laughter; in short, all the varied sounds which intimate the absence of hope, and a desperate recklessness of the future. Ter¬ ror was now in its zenith, and death at every door. On the 10th of May, Madame Elizabeth, sister of the late king, was sacrificed by the Revolutionary Tribunal; and multitudes of every rank and both sexes daily shared the same fate. The rich were naturally the great objects of persecution, because the confiscation of their property added to the strength of the ruling powers; but neither were the poor safe in their poverty from the vengeance of this ferocious and sanguinary government. No security was to be found in any station of life, however humble or mean; a word, a look, a gesture, might excite suspicion, and suspicion was death. By the instrumentality of the guillotine Robespierre had contrived to destroy every avowed rival. The constituted authorities consisted of persons nominated by him, or with his approbation; the committees which conducted the business of the state were at his disposal, and his will was irresistible through¬ out the Republic. In the Convention he met with no op¬ position ; for that body had ceased to be the turbulent popular assembly which it once appeared, and had become little more than a name employed to give a sort of sanction to such schemes as were proposed to it. But notwithstand¬ ing all this, the dictator was fast approaching the crisis of his fate, and at the very culminating point of his power VOL. x. destruction awaited both his system and himself. All History, hope would indeed have been lost if the issue had de- pended on the efforts of the virtuous classes ; these were *794. complete!}' subdued by terror; but as it is the natural effect of suffering to induce a remedy, so it was in the shock of the wicked among themselves that the only hope of salvation remained. From the beginning of 1794, in¬ deed, men gifted with foresight had entertained the con¬ viction that, in pity to an afflicted land, heaven would throw the apple of discord among the tyrants themselves, and strike them with that judicial blindness which is the instrument it makes use of to punish men and nations. Nor was this expectation disappointed. The Girondist party, it is true, was indeed subdued and silent; its illus¬ trious leaders were no more ; but many members of the Convention still remained attached to its principles, and deeply repented having ever deserted them. The party of the Mountain, too, by means of which Robespierre had risen to power, now found itself not only disregarded, but ready at every instant to fall a sacrifice to that system of terror which they had contributed to erect. And even the Jacobins themselves, though neither timid nor scru¬ pulous in the shedding of blood, began to murmur when they saw that fearful privilege confined to a few, or rather monopolized by one man. For a time things remained in this state, during which it was seen how possible it is for an individual to govern a great nation, even when that nation is hostile to his authority. It is far easier, indeed, to uphold the worst form of govern¬ ment, than to establish the best which human genius or pa¬ triotism ever devised. But still the power of Robespierre rested upon no solid foundation, and his fall was therefore inevitable. He had no organized force; his partisans, though numerous, were not organized ; he was sustained only by terror and a great force of opinion; and hence, not being able to overpower his enemies by an act of violence, he sought to strike them with dismay. And for a time he succeeded. But such a system soon attains the utmost limit to which it can be urged, and when the tension becomes extreme, the recoil is near at hand. On the day after the festival of the Supreme Being, when the power of the tyrant had reached its apex, his sanguinary intentions were fully dis¬ closed. By the decree of the 22d Prairial, passed on the motion of Couthon, every form, delay, or usage, calculated to protect the accused, was at one fell swoop annihilated. “ Every delay,” said Couthon, “ is a crime ; every forma¬ lity indulgent to the accused is a crime ; the delay in punishing the enemies of the country should not be greater than the time requisite for identifying them.” Accus¬ tomed as the Convention had been to blind obedience, a project calculated to place every member of that body at the mercy of the dictator startled its apathy. “ If this law passes,” said Ruamps, “ nothing remains but to blow out our brains.” But the hour of deliverance had not vet arrived. Robespierre mounted the tribune, and demanded, that instead of pausing on the proposal of adjournment, the assembly should sit until the project of the law was discussed. The assembly felt its weakness, and in thirty minutes the decree was unanimously adopted. From this moment, however, may be dated the commence¬ ment of the re-action. Proscriptions increased with fear¬ ful rapidity, and the cruelties committed in the provinces equalled, if not exceeded, those perpetrated in the capi¬ tal. Lebon at Arras, and Carrier at Nantes, revelled in horrors such as the world had never before witnessed. Since the law of the 22d Prairial, heads fell at the rate of fifty or sixty a day; yet the Committee of Public Safety, not satisfied with this dreadful amount of carnage, inces¬ santly urged the public accuser, Fouquier Tinville, to ac¬ celerate the executions. But whilst the apprehensions of the terrorists themselves inflamed and maddened their 90 History. 1794. FRA ferocity, discord arose in their conclave; the active mem¬ bers of the committees were divided; on one side weie Robespierre, Saint-Just, and Couthon ; on the other Bil- laud-Varennes, Collot-d’Herbois, Barrere, and the mem¬ bers of the Committee of General Safety. After several fruitless attempts to regain his ascendency, Robespieire absented himself from the committees, and threw himself on the Jacobins and the commune, where his influence was still paramount. Meanwhile his more furious parti¬ sans urged the immediate adoption of the most vigorous measures. Henriot and the mayor of Palis were icady to commence a new massacre, and three thousand young assassins were provided for the purpose. “ Strike soon and strongly,” said Saint-Just. 44 Dove; that is the sole secret of "revolutions.” Tallien, Bourdon de 1’Oise, Thu- riot, Rovere, Lecombre, Fanis, Monestier, Legendre, Fre- ron, Barras, Cambon, were marked out as the fiist vic¬ tim’s. But as the conspirators had no armed force at their command, as the Jacobin Club was only powerful fiom its influence on public opinion, and as the committees of government were all arrayed upon the othei side, Robes¬ pierre was compelled to commence the attack in the Con¬ vention, which he hoped to sway by the terror of his voice, or at all events to overwhelm by a popular insur¬ rection similar to that which had proved so successful on the 31st of May. Nor were the leaders of the Conven¬ tion and the committees idle on their side. Ihe imme¬ diate pressure of danger united all parties against the tyrant, who, in the popular society, had made no secret of his resolution to decimate the assembly. At length, on the 8th Thermidor (26th July), the con¬ test commenced in the National Convention. Ihe dis¬ course of Robespierre was dark and enigmatical, but its real object was not doubtful. Jhe dictator was listened to with breathless attention ; not a sound interrupted the delivery of his speech ; not a whisper of applause followed its close. On the proposal that it should be printed, the first symptoms of resistance showed themselves.^ Bour¬ don de 1’Oise opposed its publication; but Barrere sup¬ ported it, and the assembly, fearful of prematurely com¬ mitting itself, agreed to the proposal. Seeing the majonty wavering, the Committee of General Safety now deemed it necessary to take decisive steps. Ihe time for dissem¬ bling had passed. 44 One man paralyses the assembly, and that man is Robespierre,” said Cambon. 441 would rather that my carcass served for a throne to the tyiant, said Billaud-Varennes, 44 than render myself by my silence the accomplice of his crimes.” Freron proposed to throw off the hated yoke of the committees, and to reverse the de¬ cree which permitted the arrest of the representatives of the people ; but as Robespierre was still too powerful to be overthrown by the Convention unaided by the committees, this proposal was rejected, and the assembly contented itself with reversing the decree for the publication of his address, which was sent to the committees for examina¬ tion. In the evening the tyrant, attended by Hemiot, Dumas, Coffinhal, and his other satellites, repaired to the popular society, where he was received with enthusiasm ; and during the night he made arrangements for disposing his partisans on the following day. The two committees, on their side, were not idle. They sat in deliberation du¬ ring the whole night; and it was felt by every one that a combination of all parties was requisite to shake the power of the tyrant. To this object, accordingly, all their ef¬ forts were directed; and, by unremitting exertions, the Jacobins of the Mountain succeeded in forming a coali¬ tion with the leaders of the centre and the right. 44 Do not flatter yourselves,” said Tallien to the Girondists, “ that he will ever spare you; you have committed an unpardonable offence in being freemen. Let us bury our ruinous divisions in oblivion. You weep for Vergniaud ; N C E. we weep for Danton. Let us unite their shades by strik¬ ing Robespierre.” Before daybreak all the assembly had united for the overthrow of the tyrant. At an early hour on the morning of the 9th Ihermidor (27th July), the benches of the Convention were crowded with members, and the leaders walked about in the pas¬ sages confirming one another in their generous resolution. At noon Saint-Just ascended the tribune, and Robespierre took his seat on a bench directly opposite, to intimidate his adversaries by that look which had so often stricken them with terror. But its spell was powerless; fear had now changed sides. As he proceeded to take his seat his knees trembled, and the colour fled from his lips ; the hos¬ tile appearance of the assembly already gave him an an¬ ticipation of his fate. Saint-Just began by declaring that he belonged to no party, and would combat them all. 44 The course of events has possibly determined,” said he, 44 that this tribune shall become the Tarpeian rock for him who now tells you that the members of die committees have strayed from the path of wisdom.” Here he was vehemently interrupted by Tallien, the intiepid leader of the revolt. 44 Shall the speaker, said he, 44 for ever ai 10- gate to himself, with the tyrant of whom he is the satellite, the privilege of denouncing, accusing, and proscribing the members of the assembly ? Shall he for ever go on amus¬ ing us with imaginary perils, when real and pressing dan¬ gers are before our eyes? After the enigmatical expres¬ sions which fell from the tyrant yesterday, can we doubt what Saint-Just is about to propose? You are about,” added he, 44 to raise the veil; I will rend it asunder. Yes, I will exhibit the danger in its full extent; the tyrant in his true colours. It is the whole Convention which he now proposes to destroy ; he knows well, since his over¬ throw yesterday, that however much he may mutilate that great body, he will no longer find it the instrument of his tyrannical designs.” Loud applauses followed this intrepid declaration. 44 Two thousand assassins,” he pro¬ ceeded, 44 are sworn to execute his designs; I myself last night heard their oaths, and fifty of my colleagues heard them with me. The massacre was to have commenced in the night, with the Committees of Public Safety and Ge¬ neral Security, all of whom were to have been sacrificed, excepting a few creatures of the tyrant. Let us instant¬ ly take measures commensurate with the magnitude of the danger; let us declare our sittings permanent, until the conspiracy is broken and its chiefs arrested. Bil¬ laud-Varennes gave fuller details of the conspirac}^ which had been matured in the society of the Jacobins, and de nounced Robespierre as its chief; at the same time de daring that the assembly would perish if it showed the least symptom of weakness. 44 Me will never perish, ex¬ claimed the members, rising in a transport of enthusiasm. Tallien then resumed, and in impassioned language called upon the assembly to pass the decree of accusation. Du¬ ring this agitating scene Robespierre sat motionless fiom terror. The Convention, amidst violent uproar, decreed the arrest of Dumas, president of the Revolutionary Iri- bunal, Henriot, commander of the national guard, and their associate conspirators ; it also declared its sittings permanent, and numerous measures of precaution were suggested. But as the main object of destroying Robes¬ pierre was in danger of being lost sight of amidst these multifarious proposals, Tallien again ascended the tribune, and, in the most emphatic terms, demanded that the dic¬ tator should be declared hors la loi. 44 Let there be no formalities with the accused,” said he; 44 you cannot too much abridge his punishment, he has told you so himself a hundred times.” Robespierre now attempted to obtain a hearing, but in vain. His voice was drowned by the in¬ cessant ringing of the president’s bell, and by shouts of 44 Down with the tyrant,” which resounded throughout History. 1794. FRANCE. 91 History, the halls. A moment of silence ensued, during which he made a last effort to be heard. “ For the last time, pre- sident of assassins,” exclaimed he, turning to the chair, “will you allow me to speak?” But Thuriot recom¬ menced ringing his bell; and, amidst renewed cries of “ Down with the tyrant,” he sunk on his seat exhausted with fatigue and rage. The foam now issued from his mouth, and his speech failed. “ Wretch,” exclaimed a voice from the Mountain, “ the blood of Danton chokes thee!” The act of accusation was then passed amidst the most violent agitation ; the two Robespierres, Lebas, Coutbon, Saint-Just, Dumas, and some others, were una¬ nimously put under arrest, and sent to prison ; and, after a scene perhaps unexampled in history, the assembly broke up at five o’clock. The Jacobins, who had fully expected that Robespierre would be victorious in the Convention, no sooner heard of his arrest than they instantly gave orders to sound the tocsin, to close the barriers, to convoke the council-general, and assemble the sections; they also declared their sit¬ tings permanent, and established the most rapid means of communication between the two centres of insurrection. Meanwhile Henriot endeavoured to excite the people to revolt, by parading the streets, at the head of his staff, with a sabre in his hand, exclaiming, “ To arms to save the country.” But having been met by two deputies who prevailed upon some horsemen to obey the orders of the Convention, he was seized, handcuffed, and sent to the Committee of General Safety. Peyan, the national agent, was about the same time arrested; and the Convention seemed triumphant. But between six and seven o’clock the insurgents regained the advantage, chiefly in conse¬ quence of the energetic measures of the municipality. Robespierre having been sent to the Conciergerie, and the rest of the conspirators to the other prisons of Paris, the commune sent detachments to deliver them ; and Robespierre was speedily brought in triumph to the Hotel de Ville, where he was joined by his brother and Saint- Just; whilst Coffinhal, at the head of two hundred canno- niers, forced the guard of the Convention, penetrated to the rooms of the Committee of General Safety, and deli¬ vered Henriot. The assembly met again at seven o’clock, when it received intelligence of the success of the insur¬ gents, the liberation of the terrorists, the assemblage at the Hotel de Ville, and the convocation of revolutionary committees, and of the sections. In a short time the de¬ livery of Henriot, and the presence of an armed force around the Convention, were also communicated ; and when the agitation was at its height, Amar entered and announced that the cannoniers had pointed their guns against the hall of the assembly. The moment was truly terrible. But in this extremity Tallien and his friends acted with that dauntless intrepidity which so often proves successful in revolutions. Henriot was declared hors la loi, and Barras appointed to the command of the military, whilst Freron, Bourdon de 1’Oise, and other determined men, were associated with him in this perilous duty; the Committee of Public Safety was fixed on as the centre of operations; and emissaries were instantly dispatched to all the sections to summon them to the defence of the Convention. Fortunately for this body, Henriot in vain attempted to induce the cannoniers to fire. They had obeyed his orders in marching from the Hotel de Ville, and to this they limited their obedience. The refusal of the cannoniers decided the fortune of this day. Dispirited and alarmed, Henriot withdrew to the Hotel de Ville ; the armed forced followed his example; and the Convention, which had just been besieged in its hall, became the as¬ sailing party. The battalions of the sections, who had been convoked hy the emissaries of the Convention, now began to arrive at the Tuileries; and in a short time a considerable force History, assembled. The night was dark, the moon being in the firs! quarter; but the public anxiety had supplied this l79** defect by a general illumination. The defenders of the National Convention took the line of the quay, carrying with them several pieces of cannon ; they marched in si¬ lence, sustaining their courage without the aid of those vociferations and exclamations which are the resource of men who march to pillage and disorder. The space in front of the Hotel de Ville was filled with detachments of the national guard, who had obeyed the summons of the municipality, companies of cannoniers, squadrons of gen¬ darmerie, and a multitude of individuals, some armed, and others not, but all apparently inflamed with the most violent spirit of Jacobinism, though perhaps in secret ac¬ tuated by fear alone. At midnight a rumour began to cir¬ culate through the ranks of the insurgents that the mu¬ nicipality had been declared hors la loi; that the sections had joined the Convention; and that their forces were advancing to attack the Hotel de Ville. In the Place de Greve there were stationed about two thousand insur¬ gents, with a powerful train of artillery; but their firm¬ ness was much shaken when the light of the torches showed the heads of the columns of the national guards appearing in all the avenues which lead into the square, and thus made obvious the defection of their fellow-citi¬ zens. Still it was a fearful moment. Ten pieces of artillery had been placed in battery by the troops of the Convention ; and the cannoniers of the municipality, with burning matches in their hands, stood beside their guns on the opposite side. But happily the authority of the le¬ gislature prevailed; its decree which declared the com¬ mune hors la lot was read by torch-light, and in an instant the Place de Greve was deserted. A few moments after¬ wards, Henriot descended the stair of the Hotel de Ville, with a sabre in his hand, and finding no one, “ How !” ex¬ claimed he, “ is it possible? These scoundrels of can¬ noniers who saved my life five hours ago, thus abandon nte f ” now I With terror in his looks and imprecations in his mouth, Henriot re-ascended the stair, and announced the total de¬ fection of the troops. Instantly despair took possession of that band of assassins; every one turned his fury on his neighbour ; nothing but mutual execrations could be heard. In a transport of rage Coffinhal seized Henriot in his arms, and exclaiming, “ Vile wretch, your cowardice has undone us all,” hurled him headlong down the stair. Saint-Just implored Lebas to put an end to his life. “ Coward, follow my example,” exclaimed the latter, and blew out his brains. Robespierre tried to imitate him; but his hand trembled, and he only broke his under jaw, which disfigured him in a frightful manner. Couthon was found under a table, feebly attempting to strike with a knife, which he wanted courage to plunge into his heart; Coffinhal and the young¬ er Robespierre threw themselves from the windows, and were seized in the inner court of the building; Henriot, bruised and mutilated, had contrived to crawl into the en¬ trance of a sewer, out of which he was dragged by the troops of the Convention. Robespierre and Couthon, being thought dead, were dragged by the heels to the Guai Pel¬ letier, where it was proposed to throw them into the river ; but when daylight appeared, and it was found that they still breathed, they were stretched on a board and carried to the Committee of General Safety. There, extended on a table, with his visage disfigured and bloody, the fallen tyrant lay for some hours exposed to invectives and execra¬ tions, saw men of every party rejoicing in his overthrow, and heard himself charged with all the crimes which had been committed. “ II montra,” says Mignet, “ beaucoup d’insensibilite pendant son agonie.” He was then convey¬ ed to the Conciergerie, w here for a brief space he occupied 92 FRANCE. • History, the same cell in which Danton, Hebert, and Chaumette had been confined. When brought with his associates be- 1794* fore the Revolutionary Tribunal, the process was short ; as soon as the identity of their persons had been established, they were ordered for execution. About five in the morn¬ ing of the 29th July, he was placed on the death-cart, be¬ tween Henriot and Couthon, who were as mutilated as him¬ self. A linen bandage soaked in blood supported his bro¬ ken jaw; his countenance was livid, and his eye almost extinct. An immense multitude crowded around the cart, testifying their feelings in loud and reiterated shouts of exultation ; some shed tears of joy, others embraced, and others again poured forth execrations against the tyrant, whom, from time to time, the gendarmes pointed out to the people with their sabres. Saint-Just was the only one who evinced any firmness or self-possession ; the others, to the number of twenty-two, were excessively dejected. Robespierre was executed the last; when the fatal axe de¬ scended, an exulting shout arose, which was prolonged for several minutes after the tyrant was no more. With the fall of Robespierre ended the system of terror, of which however he was not the most zealous partisan of his party. Aspiring to supreme power, moderation would have become necessary to him had he succeeded, and ter¬ ror, which ceased by his fall, would have equally ceased by his triumph. But his destruction was inevitable. He had no organized force ; his partisans, though numerous, were not embodied and disciplined; he had only the force of opinion and terror; and being thus unable to surprise his enemies by a sudden act of violence, he sought to strike them with dismay. When fear did not succeed he attempt¬ ed insurrection ; but as the Convention, when supported by the committees, had become courageous, so the sections, reckoning on the courage of the Convention, declared against the insurgents. In attacking the government, he roused the assembly ; in rousing the assembly, he let loose the people ; and this coalition proved his ruin. The Con¬ vention, on the 9th Thermidor, was no longer what it had been on the 31st May; divided and undecided, in the pre¬ sence of a compact, numerous, and daring faction. All par¬ ties were united by defeat, misfortune, and an ever-menacing proscription, and under the pressure of common danger they were prepared to combat together. The overthrow of History. Robespierre was therefore inevitable. He could not avoid separating himself from the committees. “ Au point ou H94. il etait arrive, on veut etre seul, on est devore par ses pas¬ sions, trompe par ses esperances et par sa fortune jusque- la heureuse ; et, la guerre une fois declaree, la paix, le re¬ pos, le partage du pouvoir ne sont pas plus possibles que la justice et la clemence lorsque les echaufauds ont ete une fois dresses.”1 A man so circumstanced must ultimately fall by the means which have contributed to his elevation ; and as conquerors are at length destroyed by war, so the leaders of factions naturally terminate their career on the scaffolds, by which they had sought to establish their power. We may add, that the 9th Thermidor was the first day of the Revolution in which those who attacked had failed. The ascending revolutionary movement had reached its term, and the contrary movement now commenced.2 After the fall of Robespierre the Convention exhibited Terror a remarkable change of appearance. Instead of the silence £lves place- which had formerly prevailed, all was now bustle and acti-^^atof vity. The success of the general rising of all the Parties tism.™' against one man destroyed the compression under which they had laboured ; but the momentary union which had en¬ sured the victory was soon at an end, and the conquerors speedily arranged themselves into two parties, namely, that of the committees, and that consisting of partisans of the Mountain, which received the name of parti Thermidorien. But the committees were vanquished with Robespierre, and their government lost the prestige of terror which con¬ stituted its whole force. Besides the loss of their chief, they had no longer the commune, whose insurgent members, to the number of seventy-two, were sent to the scaffold, and which, after its double defeat under Hebert and under Robespierre, was not re-organized, and lost in consequence all its influence. The democratic power of the commit¬ tees accordingly declined, and the Thermidorian party, in¬ cluding a great majority of the Convention, prevailed; whilst a new character was given to that assembly by the coalition of the moderates, Boissy-d’Anglas, Sieyes, Cam baceres, Chenier, Thibaudeau, with the Dantonists Tal- lien, Freron, Legendre, Barras, Bourdon de TOise, RovAe, Bentabold, Dumont, and the two Merlins. The former 1 Mignet, Histoire de la Revolution Fran false, ii. 479, 480. 2 The quantity of blood which was shed in France during the regime of terror will hardly be credited in future ages. Prudhomme, who, as a republican, could scarcely be disposed to exaggerate the crimes committed by the popular party, gives the following appal¬ ling enumeration of the victims of the Revolution : There were guillotined by sentences of the Revolutionary Tribunals, Nobility of both sexes 2,028 Wives of labourers and artisans 1,467 Priests 1,135 Religieuses 350” Common persons 13,623 18,603 Women died in premature childbirth, and from grief... 3,748 Women killed in La Vendee 15,000 Children killed in La Vendde 22,000 Men slain in La Vendde 900,000 Victims of Carrier at Nantes 32,000 Killed at Lyons 31,000 Total 1,022,351 Of the victims sacrificed by Carrier, 500 children were shot, and 1500 drowned; 264 women were shot, and 500 drowned; 300 priests were shot, and 460 drowned ; 1400 nobles were drowned; and 5300 artisans were drowned. The general results of this enumeration are strikingly curious. The nobles and priests guillotined are only 2413, whilst the per¬ sons of plebeian origin put to death in this manner exceed 13,000. The nobles and priests exterminated at Nantes do not much ex¬ ceed 2000, the infants drowned and shot amount exactly to this number, and the artisans drowned exceed 5000. It thus appears that the middling and lower ranks were the greatest sufferers by the Revolution, which professed to have been undertaken and car¬ ried on exclusively in their interest. Finally, the total number of persons destroyed at Nantes and Lyons alone exceeded the total number guillotined in virtue of the judgments pronounced by the Revolutionary Tribunals, by no less than 42,397- In this enumeration are not included the massacres at Versailles, the Abbaye, the Carmes, and other prisons, on the 2d of Sep¬ tember ; the victims of the Glaciere of Avignon ; those shot at Toulon and Marseilles ; nor the persons slain in the little town of Bedoin, which was almost entirely depopulated. (Prudhomme, Victimes de la Revolution; Chauteaubriand, Etudes His- torujues.) FRA History, system of terror was consequently declared to be at an end, and a new system of moderatism succeeded, which was carried to as great a height as that of terror had formerly been ; and all means were taken to render popular the fall of the tyrant. The committees were organized anew, and their members ordered to-Te frequently changed. The correspondence between the affiliated Jacobin Clubs was prohibited, and the Jacobin Club itself was at length abo¬ lished. This last event was accomplished without difficulty, and that society which had been the great engine of the Revolution was overturned almost without resistance. Se¬ venty-one deputies of the Girondist party, who had been imprisoned since the 31st of May 1793, were set at liberty. The name of Lyons was restored. Some of the agents of Robespierre, particularly Lebon and Carrier, the former of whom had signalized himself by unheard-of cruelties at Arras and Cambray, and the latter at Nantes, were brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal, condemned, and exe¬ cuted, with the greater part of their accomplices.1 Still, however, the Convention appeared so little decided with regard to objects of the first importance, that in all proba¬ bility they would not have conducted the important strug¬ gle against the nations of Europe with more success than the Girondist party had formerly done, if the revolutionary government and the late system of terror had not already accumulated in their hands vast resources, and traced out a plan of procedure, which rendered it comparatively an easy matter to preserve their numerous armies in the train of success to which they were now habituated. The The allies in their retreat having left strong garrisons in I-rench the French towns Conde, Valenciennes, Quesnoi, and Lan- renderSUr* ^recies’ vv'h'ch had surrendered to them, these now surren- without dered to the republican armies with so little resistance, that resistance, the conduct of the emperor began to be considered as am¬ biguous, and he was even suspected of having entered into some kind of compromise with the French. But this sus¬ picion proved groundless; and as soon as the army which had besieged these towns was able to join the grand army under Pichegru and Jourdan, the operations of the campaign were resumed after a suspension of almost two months. The French army divided itself into two bodies. One of these under Jourdan advanced against General Clairfayt, who had succeeded the Prince of Cobourg in the command in the neighbourhood of Maestricht. On the 15th of Sep¬ tember the French attacked the whole Austrian posts, ex¬ tending along a line of five leagues from Liege to Maes¬ tricht ; and on the following day the attack was renewed with nearly an equal loss on both sides. On the 17th the French, with fifty pieces of cannon, attacked General Kray in his intrenched camp before Maestricht; and the latter was already retiring when General Clairfayt arriv¬ ed with a strong reinforcement, and, after a severe com¬ bat, compelled the French once more to fall back. On the 18th the French having renewed the attack with increased fury upon every part of the Austrian line, obliged the N C E. 93 whole to fall back to the neighbourhood of Aix-la-Cha- History, pelle. General Clairfayt now took up a strong position on the banks of the Roer, where he declared it to be his 1794. w ish that he might be attacked ; but by this time the spi¬ rit of his army had been humbled, desertions were nume¬ rous, and discipline became extremely relaxed. On the first of October the French crossed the Maese and the Roer, attacked the whole Austrian positions from Ruremond to Juliers, and, after a bloody engagement, compelled the brave and active though unfortunate Clairfayt hastily to repass the Rhine with the loss of ten or twelve thousand men. The French general did not attempt to cross that river ; but one detachment of his army took possession of Coblentz, whilst others laid siege to Venlo and Maestricht, which soon afterwards surrendered. In the mean time the French army under Pichegru Progress of entered Holland, and having attacked the allied army the French under the Duke of York between Bois-le-Duc and Grave,111 ^ie l t!n' forced the advanced post of Boxtel. Lieutenant-general Abercromby was sent to attempt to recover this post, on the 15th of September; but he found the French in such force that he was obliged to retreat. They were in fact discovered to be nearly eighty thousand strong; and the Duke of York, unable to contend against a force so greatly superior, retired across the Maese with the loss of about fifteen hundred men. Pichegru immediately laid siege to Bois-le-Duc. On the 30th of September, Creve- coeur was taken, and Bois-le-Duc surrendered in ten days thereafter. The French now followed the Duke of York across the Maese ; whereupon the greater part of the allied army under his royal highness crossed the Rhine and took post at Arnheim, whither the remainder followed soon afterwards. Nimeguen was occupied by the French on the 7th of November. At this time the Duke of Bruns¬ wick was requested to assume the command of the allied army, and if possible to protect Holland; and with that view he proceeded to Arnheim; but after attentively ex¬ amining the state of affairs, he declined undertaking the heavy responsibility which such a command would in¬ volve. The allied troops had now so often fled before their victorious enemies, they had so long been in want of almost every necessary, and had been received so ill by the inhabitants of the countries through which they passed, amongst whom the French cause was extremely popular, that they had lost that regularity of conduct and discipline which alone can afford a reasonable prospect of success in military affairs. The French, on the contrary, well received, abundantly supplied with every thing, and proud of fighting in a popular cause, now conducted them¬ selves with much order, and submitted to the strictest discipline ; and, in addition to all these advantages, their leaders had the dexterity to persuade the world that new and unknown arts were employed to give aid to their cause.2 3 In human affairs, and more especially in military 1 Lebon was a young man of a feeble constitution, and apparently mild in his disposition. In his first mission he had been humane; but he was reproached by the committee for his lenity, and sent to Arras with orders to show himself a little more revolutionary. Determined not to disappoint the inexorable policy of the committee, he now abandoned himself to the most unheard-of excess; combined debauchery with extermination; had the guillotine, which he called holy, always in his presence ; and made an habitual companion of the executioner, whom he admitted to his table. But Carrier having more victims to destroy, surpassed Lebon in the art of extermination. Bilious, fanatical, and naturally sanguinary, he wanted only an opportunity to execute all which the imagination of Marat would have dared to conceive. Sent to the borders of an insurgent country, he condemned to death the whole hostile population, priests, women, children, old men, and young girls. As the scaffolds were not sufficient for his purpose, he had replaced the Revolutionary Tribunal by a company of assassins, called the company of Marat, and the guillotine by scuttled boats, in vyhich he drowned his victims in the Loire. Immediately after the 9th Thermidor, loud cries of vengeance and of justice for these crimes w'ere raised in the Convention. Lebon was first attacked, as he had been more particularly the agent of Robespierre; the proceedings against Carrier, who had been the agent of the Committee of Public Safety, and whose conduct had been disapproved by Robespierre, were not instituted until some time thereafter; but both happily met the fate wdiich their unparal¬ leled crimes so richly merited. 3 At this period the telegraph was first used for conveying intelligence from the frontiers to the capital, and from the capital to the frontiers. Balloons were also employed by the French during this campaign, to procure knowledge of the position of the ene- 94 FRANCE. History. 1794. Successes in Spain. The con¬ quest of Holland completed. transactions, opinion or moral force is all-powerful. The French soldiers confided in their officers as men possess¬ ed of a kind of omniscience, whilst the allied troops attri¬ buted their misfortunes to the incapacity of those in com¬ mand, and beheld with anxiety new contrivances em¬ ployed against them, the importance of which was magni¬ fied by ignorance, or exaggerated by fear. Whilst these events were occurring in the north, the French arms were scarcely less successful on the side of Spain. Bellegarde was taken, Fontarabia and St Sebas¬ tian surrendered, and the whole kingdom of Spain seem¬ ed panic-stricken. That feeble government, with an al¬ most impregnable frontier and the most powerful fortress¬ es, made but little resistance ; and the difficult nature of their country seemed now their only protection. The his¬ tory of this war is merely a list of victories gained by the French. On the 17th of November the French general Du- gommier was killed in an engagement fought in the East¬ ern Pyrenees, where, however, his army was successful. On the 20th of the same month the French again attack¬ ed the Spaniards, and routed them with the bayonet, without firing a single shot. Tents, baggage, and cannon, for an army of fifty thousand men, fell into the hands of the conquerors, along with the greater part of the province of Navarre. Towards the end of the year an army of forty thousand Spaniards, intrenched behind eighty redoubts, the work of six months, suffered themselves to be com¬ pletely defeated ; their general was found dead upon the field of battle, and the whole Spanish artillery was taken. Three days afterwards, Figueiras, containing a garrison of above nine thousand men, surrendered, although it mounted a hundred and seventy-one pieces of cannon, and possessed abundance of provisions. The French con¬ tinued their conquests ; Rosas surrendered, and the whole province of Catalonia was left at the mercy of the in¬ vaders. But the successes of this wonderful campaign were not yet terminated ; the last, and perhaps the most important, although no great effort was necessary to its execution, yet remains to be noticed. The winter had now set in with uncommon severity. For some years past the sea¬ sons of Europe had been uncommonly mild; there had been little frost in winter, and no intense heat in summer. But during the preceding season the weather had been remarkably dry until the latter part of the harvest, when there fell a considerable, though by no means an un¬ usual, quantity of rain. Towards the end of December a severe frost bound up the whole of the rivers and lakes of Holland, and in the beginning of January the Waal was frozen over, which had not occurred for fourteen years past. Taking advantage of this circumstance, the French crossed that river on the ice, and seized with little opposi¬ tion the important pass of Bommell, which at other seasons is so strong by reason of its inundations. The allied army, having been joined by seventeen thousand Austrians, had received orders to defend Holland to the last extremity. Ihey did so, and were successful in repulsing the French for some days between the Waal and the Leek; but the republican army, amounting to seventy thousand men, hav¬ ing at last advanced in full force, the allied troops were com¬ pelled to retire across the Yssel into Westphalia. In the course of their march through this desert country, in the midst of severe frost and deep snow, they suffered incredi¬ ble hardships, and lost a great number of men. The French, in the mean time, advanced rapidly across the country to the Zuyder-Zee, to prevent the inhabitants from flying and carrying off their property. On the 16th of January 1795 History, a party of horse, without resistance, took possession of Amsterdam. The other towns surrendered at discretion ; HSS- and in consequence of an order from the States-General, Bergen-op-Zoom, Williamstadt, Breda, and other strong places, opened their gates to the French. By the intense frost, the fleet and the shipping were fixed in their stations, and became a prey to the enemy, who thus, with little ef¬ fort, made a complete conquest of this rich and highly- defensible country. The people were almost everywhere favourable to their cause ; and in fact the power of the stadtholder had been supported solely by the influence of Prussia and England. Through hatred of this office, which had now become odious chiefly to the mercantile aristocracy of Holland, the people were unfriendly to the allies, and, during the war, gave them as little support as possible. The stadtholder and his family now fled to England. And thus terminated a campaign, in the course of which, even before the conquest of Holland, the French had taken two thousand pieces of cannon and sixty thou¬ sand prisoners ; whilst after that event the conquered ter¬ ritories added a population of nearly fourteen millions to the Republic. Luxembourg and Mayence were the only places on the Rhine which resisted them. But the for¬ mer was closely blockaded ; and the latter, though several times assaulted, successfully held out. As the constitution which had been framed in the year A new con. 1793 was justly deemed impracticable, a committee was stltutlon- appointed to frame a new one. It was composed of Sieyes, Cambaceres, Merlin de Douai, Thibaudeau, Mathieu, Lesage de 1’Eure, and Latouche. On the 19th of April Cambaceres reported that, in the opinion of the commit¬ tee, a commission should be appointed for this important purpose ; and a number of qualified persons were accord¬ ingly chosen, whilst all citizens were invited to commu¬ nicate their sentiments upon the subject, and the commit¬ tee was instructed to order the best plans to be published. The feelings of the nation at large received additional gratification from the conduct of the Convention towards Fouquier-Tinville, the public accuser,1 and fifteen judges and jurors of the Revolutionary Tribunal. Having been fully convicted on the 8th of May, they were executed on the 9th, amidst the loud execrations of a vast multitude of spectators. But although the Jacobins were defeated on the 1st and Insurrec- 2d of April, they did not consider themselves as ent*rety j^^ins/ subdued. On the contrary, they were now plotting a more extensive insurrection, which was not to be confined to the capital alone, and they had fixed upon the 20th of May as the period of revolt. In truth, the Convention had been borne along too rapidly by the force of the re-action, and, in its desire at once to repair and to punish, it fell into a most imprudent excess of justice. In this way it drove to despair a numerous party, which had ceased to be for¬ midable, and by threatening it with vast and eternal repri¬ sals, left it no resource but in insurrection, to which many were but too well disposed from other causes, including famine. The arrest of Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d’Her- bois, Barrere, and Vadier, not to mention other circum¬ stances, convinced the Jacobins that their whole party was doomed to destruction. Accordingly, on the morning of the day fixed on, the tocsin sounded, and the drums beat to arms in the faubourgs of Saint Antoine and Saint Marceau, in which the Jacobins had always enjoyed the greatest influence. The Convention met on the first alarm; but although the insurrection was far from being a my- An engineer ascended in the balloon (which was suffered to rise to a great height, but prevented from being carried away bv along line), made plans of the enemy’s encampment, and during an attack sent down notice of every hostile movement. 1 “ Je-demande, said Freron, making himself the organ of public indignation; “ je demande qu’on purge enfin la terre de ce monstre, et que Fouquier aille cuver, dans les enfers, le sang qu’il a verse.” FRA History, secret, the Committee of Public Safety did not appear to have taken any measures to prevent it; and it was only 1795. a): (-hg moment when the insurgents were approaching that General Hoche was appointed to the command of the armed force, and sent to collect the military and citi¬ zens for the protection of the Convention. The hall was presently surrounded, the guards were overpowered, and the mob forced their way into the midst of the assembly. The multitudes of women who appeared on this occasion shouted for bread and the constitution of 1793. Vernier, the president, a man far advanced in years, quitted the chair to Boissy-d’Anglas, who kept it with unexampled fortitude during the remainder of the day. The mob had written on their hats with chalk, “ Bread, the constitu¬ tion of 1793, and the liberation of the patriots.” One of the party attached to the Convention having imprudent¬ ly torn off the hat of one of the insurgents, the multitude attacked him with swords ; and he was killed by a musket shot as he fled for protection towards the chair of the pre¬ sident. The majority of the members gradually retired from this scene of lawless intrusion, and left the multitude masters of the hall; but several of the members who re¬ mained espoused the cause of the insurgents. The triumph of the latter, however, was but of very short continuance. In the evening they were overpowered by a large body of military, aided by the citizens; the powers of the Conven¬ tion were restored; and the deputies who had espoused the cause of the mob were put under arrest. But this day decided nothing. It would appear, indeed, that the Convention and the citizens of Paris considered their triumph as complete ; at all events no measures were adopted sufficient to prevent the repetition of a similar outrage. The Jacobins, how¬ ever, were by no means disposed to consider their cause as desperate. Next day they collected their forces in the suburbs, and in the afternoon made a second attempt to re¬ gain the ascendency. The Place de Carrousel was taken without opposition, and some pieces of cannon were even pointed against the hall of the Convention. The mem¬ bers, being wholly unprotected, now endeavoured to gain over the mob by flattery; they fraternised with the fau¬ bourgs, without however making them any positive pro¬ mise ; and the intruders retired on receiving an assurance that the Convention was solicitously occupied with the means of procuring subsistence, and that it would soon pub¬ lish the organic laws of the constitution of 1793. On the 23d, the citizens assembled, and proceeded to theTuileries to defend the Convention from insult and violence. The mi¬ litary also collected in considerable force ; and the Conven¬ tion, at length encouraged to act on the offensive, decreed that if the faubourg of ISaint Antoine did not immediately surrender its arms and cannon, together with the assassin of Feraud, who had been murdered in the very hall whilst covering the president with his body, it would be declared in a state of rebellion. Ihe generals of the Convention at the same time received orders to reduce it by force if ne¬ cessary; and the insurgents, finding themselves unequal to the conflict, were forced to surrender unconditionally, in order to preserve their property from the depredations of the military. All soldiers found amongst the prisoners were put to death. Six members of the Convention who had been concerned in the insurrection were also tried by a military commission, and condemned. These were Gou¬ jon, Bourbotte, Homme, Duroy, Duquesnoy, and Soubrany, all democrats of the Mountain party. When they heard the sentence pronounced they all stabbed themselves with the same knife, which they passed from one to another, exclaiming Vive la Republique. Romme, Goujon, and Duquesnoy were fortunate enough to strike home; the other three were conducted to the scaffold in a dying state, but with their countenances still serene. N C E. 95 In the south of France, the Jacobins, equally turbulent History, with their brethren in Paris, excited an insurrection at Toulon on the 20th of May; seized on the gates, which 1795- they planted with cannon; set at liberty such of their as¬ sociates as had been incarcerated; and detained the fleet which was about to put to sea. From Toulon they pro¬ ceeded to Marseilles, forming in all a body about three thousand strong, with twelve pieces of cannon; but on their march they were encountered by Generals Charton and Pactod, by whom they were defeated, and three hun¬ dred sent as prisoners to Marseilles. Ihe Mountain party were now much reduced, and ex¬ posed in many places to violent persecution ; indeed as¬ sociations were formed for the purpose of avenging the crimes committed by them during the continuance of their power. Ihe character of Robespierre’s government, and the amount of suffering which it inflicted on persons of all ranks and parties, renders it truly astonishing that any number of men should hazard their lives in attempting its restoration. The party was of course gradually abandon¬ ed on the fall of the tyrant; but there still remained a small number of its adherents, men of superior activity and enterprise, but uncompromising republicans, who fan¬ cied they beheld the revival of royalty and aristocracy in every attempt to establish a mild, sober, and regular government. Hence, even amidst the universal odium cast upon them, the Jacobins expected to rise once more into power; and, what is more singular, the revival of their strength may be dated from the unsuccessful insurrec¬ tion to which we have just adverted. Their unpopularity began to affect even the Convention, for the people re¬ membered how tamely that body had submitted to the tyranny of Robespierre, and how the majority of its mem¬ bers had been the servile instruments of his power. The press being now free, the most hideous picture of their conduct was accordingly held up to the public; and the greater number began to repent of their victory over the Jacobins, which they foresaw might in the end prove fatal to themselves. On the 23d of June, Boissy-d’Anglas presented the report New con. of the committee relative to the project of a new constitu-stitution. tion. Like its predecessors, it was prefaced with a declara¬ tion of the rights of man, and, besides, consisted of fourteen chapters on as many different subjects, viz. the extent of the republican territories; the political state of citizens; primary assemblies ; electoral assemblies : the legislature ; the judicial authority; the public force ; public instruc¬ tion ; the finances ; foreign, treaties ; the mode of revising the constitution ; with a provision that nc rank or superio¬ rity should exist amongst citizens except such as might arise from the exercise of public functions. The legislature was composed of two assemblies ; the Council of the An¬ cients, consisting of two hundred and fifty members, into which none but married men and widowers turned of forty could be admitted; and the Council of Five Hundred, consisting of as many members, who enjoyed the exclusive privilege of proposing the laws, whilst the Council of An¬ cients might reject or oppose, but without having power to alter, the bills or projects of law submitted to them. The executive power was intrusted to five persons, who were required to be forty years of age at least, and de¬ nominated the Executive Directory. The two coun¬ cils had the power of electing its members; the Council of Five Hundred proposing ten times as many candidates as could be chosen, whilst the Council of Ancients se¬ lected the five directors from amongst the fifty candi¬ dates thus designed. One member of the Directory was to go out of office annually, by which means they would all be changed in the course of five years. In enacting laws the Directory had no vote, being appointed merely to superintend their execution, to regulate the coining 96 FRA History, of money, and to dispose of the armed force. The trea- ties made by the Directory with foreign courts were not 1795- binding without the sanction of the legislature, and war could not be declared without a decree of the two assem¬ blies. All the articles of the new constitution underwent each a separate discussion, after which they were ordered to be transmitted to the primary assemblies for their appro¬ bation. Previously to this event, however, the Convention, in order to avert the danger which now threatened it from the loss of public favour, decreed that at the approaching general election the electors should be bound to return two thirds of the present members; and if this failed, that the Convention might themselves fill up the vacancies. Decrees to this effect accompanied the constitution; but at Paris the idea of re-electing two thirds of the old mem¬ bers was rejected with indignation, and the absurdity of doing so pointed out with every expression of acrimony and contempt. The Convention, however, did not fail to publish the approbation of the decrees, as well as of the constitution, by the primary assemblies; although it is pretty certain that great numbers had confounded the one with the other, and given their approbation accordingly. Such, indeed, was the rage of many against the Convention, on account of the decrees already mentioned, that it was even proposed to try all the members before a new revolutionary tribu¬ nal, and to punish each according to his crimes. Ihe sec¬ tions remonstrated to the Convention against the decrees, and the more eager they appeared in the matter, the more persuaded was the Convention of its own imminent dan¬ ger. Every remonstrance was accordingly disregarded, and the contending parties formed the resolution of set¬ tling the question by force. The 13th About a hundred electors of Paris met in the hall of the A endemi- theatre in the suburb of St Germain, before the day of meet- aire. jng which had been appointed by the Convention, and hav¬ ing chosen the Duke de Nivernois as their president, began their debates, absurdly concluding that the sovereignty was vested in the hands of the electors after these had been chosen by the primary sections. A body of troops was sent to dissolve them as an illegal assembly, and this was accomplished without any difficulty, because the citizens had not been unanimous in their sentiments respecting it. This, however, did not prevent the sections from presum¬ ing that, by steady perseverance, they would finally prove victorious ; they had always found that the party favoured by the co-operation of the Parisian populace had carried their point ever since the commencement of the Revolu¬ tion. The armed force with which the Convention was surrounded gave the people but little concern, as they had persuaded themselves that the military could never be brought to act against the citizens. The members of the Convention also appeared to suspect their fidelity, and therefore applied for assistance to those very Jacobins whom they had humbled on the 24th of May. If the sections of Paris detested the members for their connection with the atrocities of Robespierre, the Jacobins admired them for this very reason ; and from fifteen to eighteen hundred of the latter, released from prison, were put in a state of requisition for assisting the legislative body, and regiment¬ ed under the denomination of “ Battalion of the Patriots of Eighty-nine.” The sections of Paris beholding the Conven¬ tion surrounded by men who had justly obtained the appel¬ lations of terrorists and men of blood, now exhibited the strongest desire to engage them. Their leaders designed to make the members prisoners till they could be conve¬ niently brought to trial, and in the interval to conduct public affairs by committees of the sections, till a new le¬ gislative body could be chosen. General Miranda was to have the command of the armed force after the overthrow of the Convention ; but as it was still problematical which N C E. party would be triumphant, he retired to the country till History, the event should declare it, ready to share the reward of a conquest to which he had resolved to contribute nothing. ; *>- The superior officers of the Convention were not to be de¬ pended on; but the subalterns and the soldiers continued firm, to which they were strongly exhorted by their Ja¬ cobin auxiliaries. It was also greatly in favour of the Convention, that the first moments of enthusiasm were permitted to pass away; this w^as a fatal error, which no subsequent vigour could repair. As the danger, however, was imminent, the Convention had declared its sittings permanent; called around its en¬ ceinte the troops in the camp at Sablons; and concen¬ trated its powers in a committee of five persons, instruct¬ ed to adopt such measures as they should judge necessary for the public safety. These members were Colombel, Barras, Daunou, Letourneur, and Merlin de Douai. In the night of the 11th Vendemiaire the decree which dis¬ solved the college of electors, and armed the battalion of the patriots of 1789, excited the greatest agitation; the generale was beaten ; the section Lepelletier thundered against the despotism of the Convention, and the return of terror ; and during the whole day of the 12th it was oc¬ cupied in disposing the other sections to combat. In the evening, the Convention, not less agitated itself, resolved to assume the initiative, surround the disaffected section, and terminate the crisis by disarming it. The general of the interior, Menou, and the representative Laporte, were charged with this mission. The head-quarters of the sec- tionaries was in the convent of the Eilles-Saint-Thomas, before which they were drawn up in order of battle to the number of six or seven hundred. They were surrounded by superior forces, on flank by the boulevards, and in front on the side of the Rue Vivienne. Instead of disarming, however, the chiefs of the expedition parleyed with them ; and it was at length agreed that both parties should retire. But scarcely had the troops of the Convention withdrawn when the sectionaries returned in greater force than be¬ fore. This was to them a real victory, which, being exag¬ gerated in Paris, excited their partisans, augmented their number, and gave them courage to attack the Convention the following day. At eleven o’clock, the latter received information of the issue of this expedition, and the danger¬ ous effect which it had produced. Menou was immediate¬ ly deprived of the command, which was conferred on Bar¬ ras ; and the latter demanded of the committee of five the appointment, as his second in command, of a young officer who had distinguished himself at the siege of Toulon ; “ a man,” said he, “ of head and resolution, and capable of serving the Republic at such a moment of peril.” This young officer was Bonaparte, who immediately presented himself before the committee; but nothing in his appear¬ ance or demeanour yet indicated his astonishing destinies. Little connected with party, and called for the first time to perform a part on a great scene, his countenance betray¬ ed something of timidity and want of confidence, which, however, he lost in the preparations for action and in the heat of the battle. He caused the artillery to be brought in all haste from the camp of Sablons, and disposed the guns as well as the troops, amounting to five thousand men, on the different points of attack. On the 13th of Vendemiaire (5th October), about mid-day, the enceinte of the Convention had the appearance of a strong place, which could only be taken by assault. The line of de¬ fence extended, on the left of the Tuileries, along the river, from the Pont-Neuf to the Pont Louis XV., and on the right occupied all the little streets which debouch into that of Saint-Honore, from those of Rohan, L’Echelle, and the cul-de-sac Dauphin, to that of the Revolution. In front, the Louvre, the garden of the Infanta, and the Carrousel were planted with cannon; and behind, the FRANCE. History. Pont-Tournant and the Place de la Revolution formed a park of reserve. 1795. Thus prepared, the Convention waited for the insur¬ gents, who soon advanced upon several points. They had about forty thousand men under arms, commanded by Generals Danican and Duhoux, and an ex-garde-du-corps named Lafond. The thirty-two sections which formed the majority had furnished their military contingents ; but of the sixteen others, several sections of the faubourgs had their troops in the battalion of 1789; some sent re¬ inforcements during the action, others, though well dis¬ posed, wrere unable to do so, and a few remained neutral. About three o’clock General Carteaux, who occupied the Pont-Neuf with four hundred men and two four pounders, was overpowered by several columns of sectionaries, and obliged to fall back as far as the Louvre. This advantage emboldened the insurgents, who were in force upon all points, and General Danican now summoned the Conven¬ tion to withdraw the troops and to disarm the terrorists. Several members declared for conciliatory measures. Boissy-d’Anglas was for entering into a conference with Danican; Gamon proposed a proclamation, in which, on the citizens engaging to retire, the Convention should promise to disarm the battalion of 1789; and Lanjuinais, after some observations on the imminence of the danger, and the miseries of civil war, supported this proposition. But Chenier having declared that there was now nothing for the National Convention but victory or death, that body, on the motion of Fermoud, passed to the order of the day. Seven hundred muskets were now brought in, and the members of the Convention armed themselves as a corps de reserve. The combat began in the Rue Saint- Honore, of which the insurgents were masters ; the first shots proceeded from the Hotel de Noailles, and a heavy fire was instantly opened along the whole of that line. On the other flank, two columns of sectionaries, about four thousand strong, commanded by Count de Maulevrier, debouched by the quays a few minutes afterwards, and attacked the Pont-Royal. The battle now became general; but it could not last long, as the place was too formidably defended to be taken by assault. After an hour’s hard fighting the sectionaries were driven out of Saint-Roch and the Rue Saint-Honore, by the cannon of the Convention and the battalion of 1789. The column of the Pont- Royal received three discharges of artillery, directly along the bridge, and obliquely from the quays, by which means it was completely shattered, and driven back in the great¬ est disorder. At seven o’clock, the troops of the Con¬ vention, victorious at all points, assumed the offensive; and at nine they had dislodged the sectionaries from the theatre of the Republic, and the posts which they occu¬ pied in the neighbourhood of the Palais-Royal. The latter had prepared to form barricades during the night; but several discharges of round shot fired along the Rue Richelieu prevented them. On the morning of the 14th the Conventional troops disarmed the section Lepelletier, and re-established order in the others. The victory was used with moderation. The assembly had only combated in its own defence, and had no vengeance to gratify. The victors attributed this insurrection to the influence of the royalists; but whether they were right in this opinion or not, it is certain that the cause of royalty had now become less odious to the people generally than the bloody extravagance of republicanism; though, as to the mob, they seem to have looked no further than the dis¬ arming of the Jacobins, and obtaining new representatives. The sittings of the Convention terminated on the 27th of October, and it was succeeded by the new legislature, in terms of the constitution. Amongst its last decrees was one granting a general amnesty for all crimes and pro¬ ceedings of a revolutionary nature; but the emigrants, VOL. x. transported priests, and every one concerned in the last History, insurrection, were excluded from the benefit of it. The first step of the new legislature was to divide it- D95. self into two councils, and proceed to the election of an^?sures Executive Directory. The Council of Five Hundred was ie„is|^<ru8sia* republican troops should be immediately withdrawn from the territories of Prussia on the right bank of the Rhine, but that the territories which France then possessed on the left bank of that river should be retained till a gene¬ ral peace. A mutual exchange of prisoners of war was agreed on, and the intercourse between the two countries placed on its former footing. Measures were also adopt¬ ed to transfer the theatre of hostilities from the northern, parts of Germany. The king of Sweden at the same time acknowledged the French Republic, and his ambassador was received at Paris with great solemnity. In the month of May another treaty was concluded with Prussia, which had a special reference to the line of neutrality. The cantons of Switzerland followed the example of the king of Sweden ; and on the 22d of July a treaty of peace was also concluded at Basle, between the Republic and the court of Spain, in consequence of which France gave up all the conquests she had made in that country, and the original frontier was restored; whilst, in return, the Republic re¬ ceived all the Spanish part of St Domingo. In this treaty the Dutch Republic was included, and the mediation of the king of Spain, in favour of Portugal and the Italian princes, was accepted by France. On the 9th of June, the dauphin, the heir to the throne Death of of the unfortunate Louis XVL, and also his only son, died Louis in the prison of the Temple, where he had been confined with his sister since the death of his father. His death interested the French nation so deeply in favour of his family, that the Convention found it prudent to liberate the princess. The Committee of Public Safety proposed to the emperor to give her in exchange for the commis¬ sioners whom Dumouriez had sent as prisoners to the Austrians, together with Semonville and another person, who had been seized on their way to Turkey as envoys extraordinary from the French Republic. This proposi¬ tion was agreed to, and the exchange took place in con¬ sequence, at Basle in Switzerland. If Britain was unfortunate upon the Continent, she still Expedi- retained her superiority on her own element. On thetionto „ Quiberon. 98 FRA History. 14th of March a fleet under Admiral Hotham engaged a '—’'v-w French fleet, and took two sail of the line, the Ca Ira 1^95‘ and Censeur ; but this was nearly counterbalanced by the loss of the Berwick and Illustrious. Three French ships of the line were captured by Lord Bridport on the 23d of June, in an attack on the enemy’s fleet off Port L’Orient; the rest effected their escape. Britain having thus evin¬ ced her usual superiority by sea, advantage was taken of this circumstance to send assistance to the royalists in the western departments ; but unfortunately for them it came too late. The Convention had offered them a treaty, which was accepted and signed at Nantes on the 3d of March, by deputies from the Convention on the one part, and, on the other, by Charette, Sapineau, and the rest of the chiefs of La Vendee, and by Cormartin, as represen¬ tatives of the party called Chouans. Stofflet also submit¬ ted to the Republic on the 20th of April. But the coun¬ tenance given by Britain to the royalists induced them to disregard these treaties. The troops sent to their aid were composed of emigrants in the pay of Great Britain, and a number of prisoners who had agreed to join the royal cause. Puisaye commanded this motley army, and the Count de Sombreuil afterwards joined him with an inconsiderable reinforcement. The expedition arrived in the bay of Quiberon on the 25th of June, and arms were put into the hands of the inhabitants of the country ; but it was soon found that the latter could not be of much advantage to regular troops. A resolution was therefore adopted to withdraw the emigrant army within the penin¬ sula of Quiberon ; and the fort of the same name, with a garrison consisting of about six hundred men, was taken on the 3d of July, and occupied by the emigrants. But all the posts without the peninsula were carried by an army under General Hoche, the emigrants and Chouans escaping in the boats of the British fleet, or flying for protection under the cannon of the fort. The republi¬ cans then began to erect formidable works on the heights of St Barbe, which commanded the entrance of the pe¬ ninsula. To prevent these operations, a sally was made from the fort on the 7th, but without eftect; and another in still greater force had no better success. The whole forces in the peninsula, including Chouans, amounted to about twelve thousand men, five thousand of whom were sent to attack the heights of St Barbe. On this position the republicans were intrenched in three camps, two of which were taken without difficulty ; but as the emigrants rushed forward to attack the third, a masked battery was opened upon them with grape shot, which caused a dread¬ ful slaughter, and few of the emigrants would have effect¬ ed their escape, had not the fire of the British ships com¬ pelled the republicans to abandon the pursuit. Failure of It was now evident what would be the fate of this ex- the Quibe-pedition, and desertion amongst the emigrants became ron expe- very frequent, especially those who had been liberated dition. from prison on condition of serving against the Republic. On the evening of the 20th, the weather was tempestu¬ ous, and this induced the emigrants to indulge in a fa¬ tal security. The troops of the Republic were conducted in silence along an unguarded part of the shore, and sur¬ prised one of the posts, where they found the artillery¬ men asleep. They extinguished the lanthorn which was intended to give the British fleet the alarm, and seized on their matches. Some of the emigrants threw down their arms and joined the republicans, whilst others main¬ tained an obstinate contest before they surrendered. The Count de Sombreuil was taken and put to death, together with the Bishop of Dol and his clergy ; none being spared but such as pretended that their appearing in arms against the republicans was purely owing to compulsion. Conhnen- But it is time to return to the affairs of the Continent, tal affairs. After a protracted siege Luxembourg surrendered on the N C E. 7th of June, and put the French in possession of the whole Histoiy. left bank of the Rhine, excepting Mayence, which the Austrians could conveniently supply with every necessary M95. from the opposite bank of the river. The republicans therefore determined to cross the river, and to invest it on every side ; but the attempt was delayed until the re¬ sult of the Quiberon expedition should be fully known. In the month of August, the passage of the Rhine at Dus- seldorf was effected by Jourdan, who had been appointed commander-in-chief of the army of the Sambre and Meuse. Flaving driven in the Austrian posts, he crossed the Maine, and invested Mayence and Cassel; whilst Pichegru, hav¬ ing crossed the river near Manheim with the army of the Rhine and Moselle, at the same time took possession of that city. But a strong detachment of this army having driven Wurmser from an important post, began to plun¬ der, and getting into confusion, the Austrians took prompt advantage of the circumstance, returned to the charge, and defeated the republicans. Jourdan was pursued by Clairfayt as far as Dusseldorf, where he made a stand; and Pichegru recrossed the Rhine near Manheim, leav¬ ing in that city a garrison of eight thousand men. But after a vigorous siege it surrendered to the Austrians; and the republicans were also driven from the vicinity of Mayence, upon which an armistice of three months was agreed to. The Directory, however, still resolved to prosecute the Conduct of war with vigour, and therefore, during the winter, made^he Direc- great preparations for another campaign. But the Moun- 01T‘ tain party being again possessed of power, now began to discover their restless and turbulent disposition; inca¬ pable of long submitting peaceably to any government, they soon became disgusted with the Directory which they themselves had established, and were continually disturb¬ ing the public tranquillity. After the 5th of October, the people of Paris durst not openly avow their abhorrence of the Jacobins ; but as it was understood that wearing green cravats was a token of contempt for these parti¬ sans, this piece of dress was prohibited by the Directory, on the pretence of its being a mark of attachment to roy¬ alty. Ashamed of this absurdity, however, they in a few weeks recalled their edict, and the proscription of green cravats ceased. In the south of France, the authority of the Jacobins produced very serious effects. Freron, by whom they had been abandoned after the death of Robes¬ pierre, rejoined them before the 5th of October, and was sent with full administrative powers to Toulon, where he dismissed the municipality which had been chosen by the people, restored the Jacobin clubs, and caused to be im¬ prisoned every person whom he suspected. Alarmed at the numerous complaints which were made from every quarter against the conduct of these turbulent men, the Directory resolved to obtain the confidence and affections of the people by deserting them entirely. Freron was recalled from Toulon, and moderate men replaced the Ja¬ cobins in most public employments. The Directory also issued a public declaration that its confidence had been abused. The minister of police was charged to remove from Paris the members of former revolutionary tribunals, and such as had been active leaders of the Jacobins ; and ten thousand men, called the Legion of Police, who had acted against the Parisians on the 5th of October, and were decidedly favourable to the Jacobins, received orders to join the armies on the frontiers. This induced the vio¬ lent Jacobins to concert a plan for the ruin of the Direc¬ tory and the majority of the councils, who had now aban¬ doned them. But their designs were discovered and com¬ pletely defeated. On the 10th of May the guards were increased, and large bodies of cavalry were stationed round the Luxembourg and Tuileries. The Council of Five Hundred was informed by the Directory that a ter- FRA History, rible plot was ready to break forth on the ensuing morn- ing' The consPir?tors> at the ringing of the morning bell, 7 • were to proceed in small parties of three or four, to the houses of those persons whom they had singled out for destruction; and having murdered these, they were then to unite in one body against the Directory, whose guard they conceived themselves able to overpower. Some of the leaders of this conspiracy were arrested, amongst whom was Drouet, postmaster of Varennes, who had stop¬ ped the unfortunate Louis on his way to the frontiers : with ten others, he was condemned at Vendome, but he subsequently contrived to make his escape. The defeats which the Jacobins thus experienced, and the disgrace into which they had fallen, determined the moderate party in the two councils to attempt to procure the repeal of the decrees of the Convention, which had granted them an amnesty, and confirmed the laws against emigrants. A number of days were occupied in the discussion of these topics, but the moderate party gained nothing in favour of the emigrants; and with respect to the Jacobins, all they obtained was, that such of that party as had owed their preservation to the amnesty, should be deemed incompe¬ tent to hold any public offices. State of the Another matter of no less serious a nature now called inances. for the attention of the republican government. This was the deplorable state of the finances. Whilst the us¬ urpation of Robespierre continued, terror supported the credit of the assignats, which, joined to the sale of the church lands and the property of the emigrants, furnished ample resources; but no provision was at all thought of for future exigencies. If money was wanted, more as¬ signats were fabricated, and no inquiry was made con¬ cerning the public expenditure, as no taxes were demand¬ ed from the people. The Directory having complained to the councils of the great distress under which they la¬ boured, and of the want of sufficient funds to meet the unavoidable expenses of the ensuing campaign, a law was passed on the 25th of March, giving authority to dispose of the remainder of the church lands at the value former¬ ly fixed on them, namely, twenty-two years’ purchase. A new paper cun ency, termed mandats, was also to be issued, and to be received in payment; but government had now lost all credit, and the mandats became rapidly depre¬ ciated in value, which increased the demand for national property. To prevent this, the legislature decreed that one fourth of every purchase should be paid in cash; a provision which obstructed the sale of the national pro¬ perty, and increased the circulation of mandats, rational During the preparations for the approaching campaign, "2u;e . \he Directory attempted to render themselves popular at [ “■home, by establishing, under the protection of government, the French National Institute. Every man of science or learning who had escaped the persecution of the Moun¬ tain party was invited to become a member; and it was opened on the 4th of April, in the hall of the Louvre, when the ambassadors of Spain, Prussia, Sweden, Den¬ mark, Holland, America, Tuscany, Genoa, and Geneva, were present, and the members of the Directory attended in their robes of state. The directorial president express¬ ed the determination of the executive government to af¬ ford every encouragement to the improvement of science, literature, and the arts ; and the president of the Institute replied that it was the determination of the members to endeavour to give lustre to the republican government, by the exercise of their talents, and by their publications. The speeches were enthusiastically applauded by a multi¬ tude of spectators, and the general expectation was, that h ranee would now enter upon a career of glory and pros¬ perity wholly unprecedented in her past history. About this time an approach towards a negotiation with France was made on the part of Great Britain, through 7 O N C E. 9c Mr Wickham, ambassador to the Swiss Cantons. On the History. 8th of March a note was communicated to M. Barthelemy, ambassador of the French Republic, in which it was iii- 1796. quned, whether France would be willing to send ministers ^,roPosa^ to a congress to negotiate peace with his Britannic majesty and his allies ? whether she would be inclined to commu- Britain? nicate the general grounds upon which she would be will¬ ing to conclude peace, that his majesty and his allies might consider them in concert ? and, w hether she would desire to communicate any other mode of accomplishing a peace ? Any answer which might be returned was directed to be transmitted to the British court; but it was at the same time intimated that Mr Wickham had no authority to dis¬ cuss these subjects. On the 26th of the same month an answer was returned by Barthelemy in name of the Direc¬ tory, complaining of the insincerity of the British court in giving its ambassador no authority to negotiate, and stat¬ ing that the proposal of a congress rendered negotiation endless. The Directory expressed their wish to obtain peace, but declared that no portion of territory would be relin- quished which, in virtue of the constitutional decree, form¬ ed part of the Republic. Fo this note no reply was made ; but it was complained of to the foreign ministers resident at the court of London, and considered as leaving Britain no alternative but the prosecution of the war. During the winter season the Directory found means to Royalists reduce the western departments. The expedition fromin ble wesl England had tempted the royalists once more to try their subduetl- fortune in the field; but after a number of defeats, their leaders, Charette and Stofllet, were apprehended and put to death on the 29th of March; and this tended to sup¬ press the insurgents in every quarter. Domestic enemies being thus subdued, the republican government was en¬ abled to make the most vigorous exertions on the fron¬ tiers. Their military force was divided into three armies : the army of the Sambre and Meuse under Jourdan, princi¬ pally stationed about Dusseldorf and Coblentz ; the army of the Rhine and Moselle, commanded by General Moreau, stationed on the Upper Rhine, from Landau to Treves; and the army of Italy, which occupied the Italian coast from Nice towards Genoa, the command of which was now be¬ stowed on General Bonaparte, who had so greatly signaliz¬ ed himself on the 13th Vendemiaire. The army of Italy, which had hitherto operated on the Bonaparte flank of the Alps, was destitute of every thing, and scarce-assumes ly thirty thousand strong; but it was full of courage and ^he corn- patriotism, and by means of it Bonaparte commenced thatman(i of brilliant career of victory which had nearly terminated in H10 arm^ the subjugation of all Europe. His plan was to debouch" Italy' into Italy between the Alps and the Appennines, to turn the former range, intersect the enemy’s line, and operate on his flanks. He had before him the allied force, consisting of ninety thousand men, placed in the centre under Ar<'en- tau, on the left under Colli, and on the right under Beau¬ lieu ; but in a few days this immense force was dispersed by prodigies of genius and of courage. On the 9th of April the campaign was opened by General Beaulieu attacking the post of Voltri, six leagues from Genoa; the republicans defended themselves till the evening, when they retreated to Savona. Next day Beaulieu renewed his attempts, and penetrated to Montenotte, which was occupied by Colonel Rampon, with fifteen hundred men. In a moment of en¬ thusiasm, their commander prevailed on them to swear that they would never abandon their post; and they kept their oath ; for, in spite of every effort that could be made on the part of the enemy, they succeeded in arresting the pro¬ gress of the Austrian general during the remaining part of the day. During the night the right wing of the French army, under Laharpe, took up a position in rear of the re¬ doubt of Montenotte; whilst Bonaparte, Massena, Berthier, and Salicetti, advanced by Altara, to take the enemy in 100 FRA History, flank and rear. Powerful reinforcements were in the mean time sent to Beaulieu, who, on the morning of the 11th, HOG. again attacked the position of Montenotte; but the obsti¬ nate resistance of Laharpe, and the approach of Massena, at length forced the Austrians and Sardinians to give way on all sides ; two of the enemy’s generals were wounded, and two thousand five hundred men became prisoners. The re¬ publicans pursued them beyond Cairo, which, on the fol¬ lowing day, fell into their hands. Defiles of On the 13th April, General Augereau forced the defiles Millesimo 0f Millesimo, and by a rapid movement surrounded General torced. Provera at tbe head of fifteen hundred grenadiers; but instead of surrendering, this brave officer forced his way through the enemy, and intrenched himself in the ruins of an old castle situated on the summit of the hill. Augereau with his artillery endeavoured to dislodge him, but without success ; he then arranged his troops in four columns, and made an attempt to carry Provera’s intrenchments by storm, which also proved unsuccessful. In this affair the French had two generals killed, and Joubert was wounded. A divi¬ sion was now left to continue the blockade of Provera The hostile armies continued in presence during the 14th. On the following day the Austrians made an attack on the re¬ publican centre ; but Massena turned the left flank of their left wing in the vicinity of Dego, whilst Laharpe turned the right flank of the same wing; one column kept in check the centre of the Austrians, another attacked the flank of their left wing, and a third gained its rear. They were completely defeated at all points, with the loss, besides killed and wounded, of eight thousand prisoners. General Provera also surrendered. Deg° re- After his defeat at Millesimo, Beaulieu made a vigorous taken. effort to change the fortune of war. With seven thousand of his best troops he attacked Dego, where the republicans after their success were indulging in security, and made himself master of the village ; but the troops rallied under Massena, who renewed the combat, and employed the great¬ er part of the day in his efforts to retake it. The repub¬ licans were thrice repulsed, but Bonaparte having arrived in the evening with reinforcements, the village was retaken, and fourteen hundred men were made prisoners. Bonaparte had now accomplished his object of separating the Austrian and Sardinian armies; for his right wing being secured against the efforts of Beaulieu by the village of Dego, he was enabled to act against the Piedmontese troops with the great¬ er part of his force. Augereau powerfully seconded his ex¬ ertions, and having opened a communication with the Fa- naro, Serrurier was now approaching the town of Ceva, in the vicinity of which the Piedmontese had an intrenched camp with eight thousand men. The redoubts which co¬ vered this camp were, on the 16th, attacked by Augereau, who carried the greater number of them, and thus forced the Piedmontese, during the night, to evacuate Ceva, which Serrurier entered in triumph on the morning of the 17th. Count Colli repulsed Serrurier on the 20th ; but Bonaparte, on the 22d, defeated the Sardinian general at Mondovi, and there decided the fate of Piedmont. The beaten army en¬ deavoured to make a stand at Fossano, whilst its wings rested on Coni and Cherasco; but on the 25th the latter place was taken by Massena, Fossano by Serrurier, and Alba by Augereau. Armistice Previously to these movements, however, Count Colli had with Sar- requested an armistice, which General Bonaparte granted, dmia. on concption t]iat t}ie fortresses of Coni, Ceva, and Tortona should be given up to him, with their magazines and ar¬ tillery, and that he should have permission to cross the Po at Valentia. The armistice was signed on the 29th of April, and a definitive treaty was concluded at Paris on the 17th of May. The conditions, in as far as they concerned his Sardinian majesty, were unquestionably humiliating. The duchy of Savoy was given up to France, as were also the N C E. counties of Nice, Tende, and Breteuil; an amnesty was History, granted to all his subjects who had been prosecuted for po- litical opinions; and it was agreed that the French troops D96. should have free access to Italy through his territory. His Sardinian majesty also bound himself not to erect fortresses on the side of France, to demolish those of La Brunette and Suza, and to confess that his conduct to the last am¬ bassador of the Republic had been disrespectful. In the mean time, the republican army advanced towards the Po. Deceived respecting the article of the armistice which stipulated permission to Bonaparte to pass the river at Valentia, Beaulieu, concluding that the republican chief seriously intended to cross at that place, made every pos¬ sible preparation to oppose him; whilst Bonaparte rapidly penetrated into Lombardy, and on the 7th of May was sixty miles down the river towards Piacenza before the enemy had obtained information of his march. He passed the river without difficulty. Six thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry were dispatched by Beaulieu, when it was too late, to oppose the passage of Bonaparte across the river; but they were met and defeated on the following day, near the village of Fiombio, whilst five thousand more who had advanced to their assistance were repulsed by La¬ harpe. On the 9th an armistice was granted by General Bonaparte to the Duke of Parma, on condition of paying two millions of francs, and delivering ten thousand quintals of wheat, five thousand quintals of oats, and two thousand oxen, for the use of the army. The duke likewise con¬ sented to give up twenty of his best paintings, to be se¬ lected by the republicans. Forced to abandon the Po, General Beaulieu crossed Victory the Adda at Lodi, Pizzighettone, and Cremona, leavingat Lodi some troops to defend the approaches to Lodi. On the 10th, the latter were attacked by the advanced guard of the republicans, who drove them into the town, and pur¬ sued them so rapidly that they had not time to break down the bridge on the Adda. The Austrians defended the pas¬ sage with thirty pieces of cannon, and the republican offi¬ cers, after holding a consultation, were of opinion that the bridge could not be forced. Bonaparte, however, having addressed his grenadiers, who declared themselves willing to make the attempt, formed them in close column, and, waiting a favourable moment, ordered them to advance. Under cover of the smoke of the enemy’s artillery they reached the middle of the bridge unobserved ; but the mo¬ ment they were perceived a tremendous fire of grape and canister shot in a few seconds strewed the bridge with dead bodies. The republican officers, including the general-in¬ chief, now flew to the head of the column, and, urging on the troops, broke into the Austrian ranks, took the cannon, and forced the enemy to fly in all directions. All that seems to have been expected from the campaign of Bonaparte in Italy was to induce the different princes and states to abandon the coalition against France, which every one of them had assisted, either with troops or with money and provisions. But this youthful chief far surpass¬ ed all that even the most sanguine had anticipated. The occupation of Alessandria, which opens the whole of Lom¬ bardy ; the demolition of the fortresses of Suza and La Brunette on the side of France; the acquisition of the county of Nice and of Savoy ; and the disengagement of the other army of the Alps under Kellerman, which was now rendered disposable; such were the fruits of a cam¬ paign of fifteen days, during which six victories had been gained. The king of Sardinia was also detached from the coalition against France, and so humbled and weakened as to be no longer in a condition to occasion any uneasiness to that country. Bonaparte likewise made himself master of Ferrara, Bologna, and Urbino, and granted to his holi¬ ness and the Duke of Modena an armistice on the usual terms of large contributions in money, as well as in paint- FRANCE. 101 the French in Genna- ny- History, ings and curiosities for the national gallery of France. Ter- rifted by his march into the Roman States, the Neapolitan 1796. cabinet, in like manner, requested a peace ; and Bonaparte agreed to an armistice without any of the humiliating con¬ ditions demanded from the other states of Italy. He next proceeded to Leghorn, in order to drive out the English, and confiscate their property; and thus finished the task assigned him before the campaign on the Rhine had com¬ menced. Mantua, it is true, was still in possession of the imperial troops ; but that fortress was in a state of siege, and the rest of Italy had submitted to the French Republic. Success of With a view to lessen the exertions of the republicans in Italy, the contest was renewed in Germany. General Jourdan was therefore instructed to denounce the armistice, and renew hostilities on the 31st of May. Jourdan at this time had to contend with General Wartensleben, whilst the archduke put himself at the head of the army in the Hundsruck to oppose Moreau on the Upper Rhine. The commencement of the campaign on the part of the French was distinguished by a singular stratagem, employed with the view of drawing the whole of the Austrian forces to the Lower Rhine, that an opportunity might thus be afford¬ ed General Moreau of suddenly entering Suabia, and car¬ rying the war into the hereditary dominions of Austria. Jourdan began to make vigorous exertions, and Moreau re¬ mained inactive. On the 31st of May the lines of Dussel- dorf were abandoned by the left wing of Jourdan’s army, under the command of General Kleber, who defeated the Austrians in his march towards the Sieg. Advancing with his centre and right wing, Jourdan forced the Austrian posts on the Nahe, effected the passage of the Rhine, blockaded Ehrenbreitstein, and hastened forward as if he had intended lo form the siege of Mayence. As these movements brought the archduke into the perilous situation of having Moreau in his front and Jourdan in his rear, he therefore crossed the river in haste, leaving the fortresses of Mayence and Manheim to retard the advance of Moreau, and attacked the advanced guard of General Jourdan, which, after an obstinate conflict, he forced to retire. Jourdan then with¬ drew to his former position, and Kleber on the 20th en¬ tered the lines of Dusseldorf. But the archduke had no sooner withdrawn from the pa¬ latinate to force Jourdan down the Rhine, than Moreau marched speedily towards Strasburg, so that the hostile armies seemed to be receding from instead of approaching each other. The passage of the river opposite to Kehl was effected by Moreau on the 24th of June; an operation at¬ tended with considerable difficulty, owing to a sudden swell, which prevented the Austrians being taken by surprise, as appears to have been the original intention of the republi¬ can commander. The intrenchments on the islands occu¬ pied by troops were instantly carried at the point of the bayonet, and two thousand six hundred republicans effected a landing on the opposite bank, where they were exposed to the Austrian cannon from the camp of Wilstedt, and also to the fire of the fort. Still, however, they maintained their ground, and even acted on the offensive, until the boats returned with reinforcements, when the fort and redoubts were carried by storm, and the Austrians retreated towards Offenburg. Austrians In consequence of the archduke’s departure to the Lower Morea611 ^ RhinC in Pursuit of JourtIan> and the detachments sent to au- Italy to check the victorious career of Bonaparte, Moreau was in a condition to enter Suabia at the head of a supe¬ rior force. On the 26th of June he succeeded in compel¬ ling the Austrians to abandon their camp at Wilstedt, and next day proceeded with his army in three columns against another body of fifteen thousand men posted near Offen¬ burg. A strong detachment was sent to their assistance by Wurmser, but the reinforcement was defeated on its march by two republican columns, and Offenburg was evacuated during the night. On the 2d of July a body of the French History, under General Laroche seized on the loftiest point in the ridge of mountains denominated the Black Forest; and 1796* the Austrians were next day, after an obstinate resistance, driven from the pass of Friedenstadt, by which their com¬ munication with the emigrants under the Prince of Conde was entirely cut off. On the 8th the Austrians were at¬ tacked at Rastadt by the left wing of the republican army, commanded by General Dessaix, and, after a most deter¬ mined resistance, obliged to retreat to Ettingen. I he archduke now arrived writh his army on the Lower Rhine, leaving Wartensleben to check the advance of Ge¬ neral Jourdan, who, as soon as he received information of the archduke’s departure, resumed the offensive. Kleber, as before, set out from the lines at Dusseldorf, whilst the centre and right wing crossed the Rhine in the vicinity of Coblentz. The French forced the posts of Ukareth and Altenkirchen ; the whole army under Jourdan crossed the Lahn on the 9th of July; and next day Wartensleben was defeated with great slaughter, and the loss of five hundred prisoners. On the 12th the republicans entered Franckfort. I he two imperial armies were now at no great distance from each other, being in fact in the centre between those of Moreau and Jourdan. Had the archduke, therefore, found it practicable to resist for a time one of these armies, whilst he fell upon the other with the main body of his army, it is not improbable that an end might thus have been put to any further invasion of Germany. But the ac¬ tivity of the republican officers was not to be easily checked, nor could their progress be arrested by any partial exertions. His last resource, therefore, was to give battle to Moreau, which he accordingly did; and the action was obstinately contested on both sides. The French, in their endeavours to force the heights of Rollensolhe, were four times re¬ pulsed ; but, after a terrible slaughter, they at length suc¬ ceeded in carrying the position at the point of the bayonet. In consequence of the loss sustained at the battle of Et¬ tingen, the imperial armies retired eastward, the archduke retreating through Suabia towards Ulm, where he had magazines. At every position of any strength he made a stand, in order, as much as possible, to obstruct General Mo¬ reau’s advance ; whilst Wartensleben, in his retreat through Franconia, offered a similar opposition to Jourdan. The archduke was forced by Moreau to cross the Neckar, and afterwards the Danube, by which means the whole circle of Suabia was in the rear of the republicans; and Whir- tensleben was obliged to retreat through Aschaff’enburg, Wartsburg, Schweinfurt, and to cross the Rednitz, in order to avoid the army of Jourdan, which was pressing on his rear. Jourdan continued his advance until his right wing, commanded by General Bernadette, reached Neumarck, and his advanced posts Teining ; and the main body of the army having pursued Whirtensleben beyond the Nab, ar¬ rived at Amberg on the 22d of August. The three republican armies under Moreau, Jourdan, Great and Bonaparte, thus commanded an immense tract of coun- alarm in try, extending from the frontiers of Bohemia to the shores G'erman^‘ of the Adriatic (excepting only a part of the mountains of Tyrol), and caused unspeakable alarm throughout the whole of Germany. The payment of four millions of francs pro¬ cured a peace for the Duke of Wirtemburg ; and the circle of Suabia obtained it on condition of paying twelve mil¬ lions of livres, and delivering for the use of the army eight thousand four hundred horses, five thousand oxen, a hun¬ dred thousand quintals of wheat, fifty thousand quintals of rye, a hundred thousand sacks of oats, a hundred thou¬ sand pairs of shoes, and a large quantity of hay. Peace was granted to the Margrave of Baden upon similar terms ; and negotiations were also entered into by the Elector of Bavaria and the circle of Franconia, each party offering large sums in order to obtain it; and even the diet of Ra- 102 FRANCE. Charles. History, tisbon sent a deputation to the republican generals to treat for a neutrality. About the same time Spain concluded 1796- a treaty offensive and defensive with France, and in con¬ sequence soon afterwards declared war against Great Bri¬ tain. Bonaparte was still detained in Italy; but had it been in his power to traverse the Tyrol, and reach the Danube, it is probable that the emperor of Germany would have been obliged to accept peace upon any terms which the conquerors thought proper to prescribe. But though abandoned by every member of the coalition except Bri¬ tain, the pecuniary aid furnished by the latter enabled the emperor to extricate himself from the dangers which surrounded him ; with an almost unlimited command of money, one army after another was raised to check the career of Bonaparte in Italy, whilst his German armies were recruited by extensive levies, and by mercenary troops drawn from the states which had made peace with France. Able con- The Archduke Charles having received strong reinforce- duct of the ments, came to the resolution of encountering Moreau at Archduke Umersheim. A battle accordingly ensued, which lasted seventeen hours, when one of the wings of the Austrian army succeeded in gaining about four leagues of territory in the rear of the republican army ; but as the archduke had received information that Wartensleben was unable to maintain his ground against Jourdan, he deemed it pru¬ dent to retreat, and adopt new measures. On the 17th of August he left General Latour to keep Moreau in check, and crossing the Danube at Ingolstadt, marched to the re¬ lief of General Wartensleben, determined with their unit¬ ed forces to fall upon Jourdan. On the 23d he attacked Bernadotte at Teining, and compelled him to retreat to¬ wards Nuremberg. The archduke having thus placed himself on Jourdan’s right, whilst Wartensleben menaced him in front, the French general was forced to fall back, which he did accordingly on the 24th. The state of the French finances at the beginning of this campaign was such that the armies of Jourdan and Moreau were under the necessity of making the war support itself, or, in other words, supplying their immediate wants by means of re¬ quisitions. This was particularly the case with Jourdan’s army, which, when it commenced its retreat, suffered nearly as much from the exasperated inhabitants as from the pursuing enemy. The archduke and Wartensleben having effected a junction of their forces, the former was enabled to detach General Nauendorf with reinforcements to Latour, in order to keep Moreau in check, whilst he continued his pursuit of Jourdan towards Wurtzburg. Here the French made a stand on the 3d of September, and a severe engagement ensued, in which Jourdan was defeated with great loss, and obliged to continue his re¬ treat during the night. Having crossed the Lahn, he made a feeble resistance, and marched along the banks of the Rhine, till his army on the 17th arrived at Coblentz and Dusseldorf, the points from which it had formerly taken its departure. The army of Moreau was now in a situation of extreme peril; yet he maintained his position till the 17th of Sep¬ tember, the day upon which Jourdan reached Dusseldorf. But he obviously wavered as to his future movements, and indeed seemed completely at a loss what course to pursue. He made an unsuccessful attempt to arrest the archduke in his pursuit of Jourdan, and frequently attack¬ ed, but without effect; on whatever side he moved, the Austrian generals gave way before him. But finding that the retreat of Jourdan was irretrievable, and that Bonaparte was still detained in Italy, he finally resolved to retire. 1796. To prepare for this arduous undertaking, he had crossed History, the Lech, which he suddenly repassed as if fully deter¬ mined to penetrate further into Austria, and thus com¬ pelled Latour to fall back on Lansberg. Having thus ob¬ tained a free passage, he commenced his memorable re¬ treat, passing between the Danube at Ulm and the Lake of Constance, whilst Latour continued pressing upon his The defiles of the Black Forest were occupied by Moreau’s situation and re¬ treat. rear. numerous bodies of Austrians and armed peasantry, whilst his right flank was harassed by Nauendorf and Petrasch at the head of twenty-four thousand men. To disengage himself he once more turned upon Latour with terrible impetuosity, defeated him, and took five thousand prison¬ ers. He then continued his retreat, checking Nauendorf and Petrasch with the right wing of his army under Ge¬ neral Dessaix, whilst the remainder cleared the passages in front, till he reached the Valley of Hell. This pass, which is a narrow defile extending some leagues between lofty mountains, and in particular places not more than a few fathoms broad, he forced with the centre of his army in a mass, whilst the wings opposed the enemy under Nauendorf and Latour ; and after incredible efforts he ar¬ rived at Fribourg on the 13th of October. The archduke having discontinued the pursuit of Jourdan, now arrived, forced Moreau to abandon all his positions on the Suabian side of the Rhine, excepting the forts of Kehl, and a tete- de-pont at Hunningen. This memorable retreat has been severely censured by Napoleon in his Memoires, dictated at St Helena; but apparently without sufficient reason. His dislike of Moreau seems to have biassed his judgment, and sharpened the edge of his criticism. As the French frontier was at this time in a defence¬ less state, the imperial forces took advantage of the cir¬ cumstance to cross the Rhine at Manheim, and march in different detachments to Weissenberg, Seitz, and Hage- nau, almost to the gates of Strasburg, levying contributions and demanding hostages wherever they went. When these detachments were recalled, the archduke formed the re¬ solution of terminating the campaign by the reduction of Kehl and the fortification at Hunningen; but this he found no easy task. Much of the winter was spent by the Aus¬ trians in endeavouring to reduce these places; but the French at length agreed to evacuate Kehl on the 10th of January, and the fortification at Hunningen was surren¬ dered in the month of February. But although the republicans had experienced consi- Bonaparte derable reverses of fortune in Germany, yet Bonaparte con victorious tinned to be victorious in Italy. Having laid the whole of’11 Italy, that country under contribution, he had the means of pre¬ serving a vigorous and steady discipline over a well-paid army. The great secret of his tactics consisted in keeping his army always in hand, advancing with the utmost rapidi¬ ty, and operating in masses on the decisive point; a system which could scarcely fail to succeed against that of cordons, to which it was opposed.1 The style, too, in which he ad¬ dressed his army before any great action, was well calcu¬ lated to inspire them with enthusiasm. He knew the sol¬ dier, and possessed the invaluable art of awakening in his mind all those feelings which prompt to the performance of daring actions. His address to the army on entering Lombardy is a masterpiece of its kind. “ Soldiers,” said he, “ you have rushed like a torrent from the summit of the Appennines, you have driven back and dispersed all who opposed your march. Your fathers, your mothers, your wives, your sisters, your mistresses, rejoice in your success, and boast with pride of being related to you. But remains there nothing more for you to effect ? Shall 1 Napoleon, when asked what he considered as the most important rule or maxim in the art of war, replied, “ Faire douzt lieues par jour, combattre, et cantonner ensuite en repos.” FRANCE. 1796. Siege of Mantua. H’stciry.^ posteiity reproach us with having found a Capua in Lom- baidy? But I already see you rushing to arms; an un¬ manly repose fatigues you, and the days lost to glory are lost to your felicity. But let the people be tranquil ; we are the friends of all nations, and more particularly of the descendants of the Brutuses, the Scipios, and the illustri¬ ous personages whom we have chosen as models. To re- stoie the capitol, to replace with honour the statues of the heroes who rendered it renowned, and to rouse the Roman people, become torpid by so many ages of slavery, such will be the fruit of your victories; they will form an epoch to posterity, and you will have the immortal glory of renovating the fairest portion of Europe. The French nation, free and respected by all the world, will give to Europe a glorious peace. You will then return to your homes, and your fellow-citizens, who, when pointing to you, will say, ‘ He was of the army of Italv.’ ” During the early part of the month of July Bonaparte was occupied in commencing the siege of Mantua, a place of which he expected to become master towards the end of the month. In this, however, he miscalculated. Aided by Britain, Austria made great efforts, and poured rein- foi cements from all points into Italy. Twenty thousand tioops were sent from the Rhine; large masses arrived fiom other quarters; and Italy had once more to be con¬ quered. Bonaparte wTas therefore obliged to raise the siege, in order to make head against fresh masses descend¬ ing from the Tyrol to dispute the possession of Italy with the youthful conqueror. On the 29th of July Massena was attacked and driven from his post at La Corona, whilst fifteen thousand Austrians forced the republicans to retire, first from Salo, and next from Brescia, with the loss of all the stores and magazines belonging to the army. 1 he imperial troops, however, committed a fatal blunder in dividing into two columns, separated by physical obsta- cles, an army which, united, would have been more than a match for the enemy, and thus exposing themselves to be beaten in detail. Of this error the republican chief was fully awrare, and did not fail to take advantage of it. He unexpectedly raised the siege of Mantua, and leaving only a small body of troops to keep the Austrians in check, marched rapidly westward, and on the 1st of August retook Brescia, with all the magazines and hospitals. Carrying the mass of his army along with him, he exceeded his enemies in numbers wherever he attacked them. Having foimed a large body of his troops into close columns, he awaited the Austrians, who, as yet unacquainted with the new tactics, extended their line with the view of surround¬ ing him. The result was such as might easily have been foreseen. He penetrated their line in all directions, threw them into the utmost confusion, made four thousand pri¬ soners, and took twenty pieces of cannon. A division of the Austrians finding Salo in possession of the republicans, wandered about in quest of a road by which to make their escape, and, believing that the bulk of the French army had marched in search of Wurmser to give him battle, summoned Lonato to surrender. Their^ belief was w'ell founded, but Bonaparte was still in Lonato, though with no more than twelve hundred men. His situation w-as no doubt critical, but, with great presence of mind, he threa¬ tened to destroy the whole division, for daring to insult the French army, by summoning its commander-in-chief to surrender. Persuaded that the whole army was in the place, the Austrians abandoned all idea of resistance ; and by this admirable acting on the part of Bonaparte,’four thousand men were induced to lay down their arms. °n the 5tl? and 6th Wurmser was attacked by Bona- r- parte, and driven from Peschiera and the line of the Min- cio. But on the 7th the Austrians were obliged to aban¬ don Verona, and again to betake themselves to the moun¬ tains of Tyrol; losing in a contest of a few days upwards of 103 defeat of twenty thousand men, three fourths of whom were prison- History, ers. The siege of Mantua was again undertaken by the French ; but as their works had been destroyed by the H96. enemy in their absence, and the cannon which they had left behind taken into the city, the French could not un¬ dertake a regular siege ; and by the beginning of Septem¬ ber Wurmser wras in a condition to attempt the relief of the place. Informed of his approach, Bonaparte left a di¬ vision to maintain the blockade of Mantua ; and, directing his march northward with the main body of his army, drove the Austrians from Santo Marco and Roveredo to the pass of Galliano. Here however they made a stand, and an engagement ensued, in which the Austrians were defeated with the loss of six thousand prisoners, upon which the French entered Trent in triumph. But instead of i etiring, \\ urmser threw himsell into Bassano, upon the flank and rear of Bonaparte, and then marched with great rapidity towards Mantua. He endeavoured to make a stand at Bassano, but was defeated with the loss of five thousand prisoners. He then crossed the Adige at Porto Legnago, and entered Mantua with no more than eight thousand five hundred men, infantry and cavalry. The loss which Wurmser had sustained was great beyond ex¬ ample, but still it had the effect of detaining Bonaparte in Italy to watch the numerous garrison of Mantua. He expected that, owing to its numbers, famine would soon reduce it to the necessity of capitulating; but the flesh of more than four thousand horses, which Wurmser carried into the place, afforded the troops subsistence for a consi¬ derable time, and enabled the gallant veteran to signalize himself by as brave a defence as any on record. The emperor now endeavoured to relieve Mantua, by Battle of sending another army into Italy under the command of Arcolo. General Alvinzi. But having crossed the Piava, Aivinzi was met by the republicans, and compelled to repass that river. Davidovich, however, having with his division driven the French down the Adige towards Verona, Bona¬ parte found it necessary to concentrate his forces. Leav¬ ing General Vaubois to keep Davidovich in check, he there¬ fore marched in person against General Alvinzi, and came up with the Austrians in position at the village of Arcole. But as the village could not be speedily turned, on ac¬ count of a canal, the French were obliged to attempt the passage of a narrow bridge under the fire of the whole Austrian army. Their officers rushed to the head of the column, and in vain endeavoured to urge the troops to advance. Augereau rushed to the end of the bridge with a standard, but he was followed by no one. At length the general-in-chief hastened to the bridge, and exclaim¬ ed, “ Grenadiers, follow your general;” the soldiers fol¬ lowed till within thirty yards of the bridge, when they became intimidated by the tremendous fire of the Aus¬ trians, and Bonaparte judged it prudent to withdraw the troops. In the evening General Guieux carried the vil¬ lage at the head of two thousand men, but the Austrians again recovered possession of it. On the 16th of Novem¬ ber a desperate engagement took place in the vicinity of Arcole ; but next day the Austrians, whilst pressing on the centre of the republican army, were unexpectedly taken in flank by the left wing of the French army, which was lying in ambuscade. Bonaparte having sent into their rear a party of horse with twenty-five trumpeters, the Austrians concluded from the noise that they were surrounded, and fled in all directions in the utmost con¬ fusion. Having driven Alvinzi across the Brenta, Bona¬ parte resumed the positions of Rivoli and La Corona, and Davidovich was driven back into Tyrol. Wurmser still defended Mantua, which held out during the remain¬ der of the year; but with these operations the campaign in Italy terminated. Whilst such was the fortune of the field of battle, Great 104 FRANCE. History. Britain made an attempt to negotiate with France. Pass- Mantua, whilst powerful effoits were making to reinfoice History, v——. ports were obtained from the Directory, and Lord Malmes- the army of Alvinzi. The youth of Vienna were request- 179(>. bury set out as ambassador to Paris. He commenced ed to lend their assistance, and six thousand of them vo- Negotia- negotiations with Lacroix, the minister for foreign affairs ; lunteered their services for Italy. By these and other tioiis be- but bis lordship soon discovered, or fancied he discovered, means Alvinzi’s army was augmented until it became fifty Britain and that the Directory had no serious intention of concluding thousand strong ; and with this force he menaced the re- France. a peace with Britain. As individuals, the British minis- publicans in all directions, in order to conceal from them try did not approve of a peace at this time, yet officially the plan of his future operations. Bonaparte was at Bo- they considered it as prudent to treat; that is, they sought logna, to prevent the escape of Wurmser in that direction, from policy, what they had no desire, either from interest when, receiving information of the approach of the Aus- or inclination, to obtain. It was proposed by Lord Malmes- trian army, he hastened to Mantua, and thence proceed- bury, that the principle of mutual restitution should be ed to Verona, where the centre of his line had already agreed upon as the basis of the treaty; but the Directory come to blows with the Austrians; but as they continued desired that specifications should be made. Lord Malmes- to attack on all points at once, he was as yet unable to bury therefore proposed that the French should give up the penetrate the design of Alvinzi. On the 13th of January, Austrian Netherlands, in return for which Britain, he said, however, the movements of the enemy became more seri- would consent to give up the foreign settlements belong- ous upon the lower part of his line, near Porto Legnago; ing to the Republic which had been taken during the war. but having been informed in the evening that the upper Many of the Dutch possessions abroad would also be extremity under Joubert had been attacked by greatly relinquished, on condition that the authority of the stadt- superior numbers, he concluded that the Austrians were holder was acknowledged. His lordship was next requir- there in greatest force. Notwithstanding all the lessons ed to give in the ultimatum of his government in twenty- they had already received, the Austrians still persisted in four hours ; and when he complained of this demand, he dividing their army; experience had not yet taught them was informed, on the 19th of December, that the Direc- to correct an error which was soon to entail the same tory would agree to no conditions repugnant to the French destruction on this as on former armies. len thousand constitution, and that his further residence was unneces- troops, including the Vienna volunteers, received orders sary. During this year Great Britain maintained her ac- to proceed to Mantua by Porto Legnago, whilst Alvinzi customed superiority on the ocean. On the 16th of Sep- in person advanced against Joubert, who was forced to tember 1795 the Cape of Good Hope was taken by Ad- retreat, and in fact reduced to such a situation that the miral Elphinstone ; but as the Dutch were extremely anxi- capture of his whole division on the following day (the ous to recover this settlement, they advanced money to 14th) seemed highly probable. the French to enable them to fit out a squadron destined Bonaparte having received information as to the real Defeat of to co-operate in an attempt to reduce it. Seven ships of state of affairs, left Verona on the 13th, having ordered the Aus- the line were accordingly sent out for this purpose, under Massena to follow him with the centre to Rivoli as ffist rians* the command of Admiral Lucas; but the latter having as possible. On the 14th, at the break of day, the divi- been caught between two fires, found it impossible to sion of Joubert attacked the Austrians, a circumstance escape, and therefore surrendered to the British admiral which much surprised them, ignorant as they were that without firing a gun. Bonaparte had arrived with reinforcements. But the Unsuccess- But although Britain maintained her superiority by sea, superior numbers of the Austrians baffled all the endea- ful attempt yet an invasion of Ireland was attempted by the French vours of the French troops to turn their divisions; and the on Ireland. jn the end of 1796 ; but as folly seemed to have concert- two wings of the republican army were forced back upon ed the scheme, it consequently proved abortive. Ihe the centre in considerable confusion. Alvinzi encounter- command was intrusted to General Hoche, without any ed the centre, which with difficulty maintained its ground ; second in command to take his place in the event of acci- and the Austrian wings advancing on both sides, entiiely dent. The disaffected party in Ireland had received no surrounded the French. The victory seemed already information of the approach of the expedition, and the fleet won, and it is even reported that Alvinzi had sent a cou- was sent towards a part of the country where the people rier to Vienna to announce the approaching capture of were not much disposed to receive them. In this expedition Bonaparte and his army. But the tide was already at the eighteen sail of the line, thirteen frigates, twelve sloops, turn. Forming his troops in three strong columns, Bona- and transports with twenty-five thousand men, were em- parte led them against the right wing of the Austiians, ployed; but it was detained for some time when ready which they penetrated at various points, and foiced to fly for sailing, in consequence of a mutiny. Hoche set sail on in such confusion that four thousand Austrians laid down the 10th of December, but in working out of Brest a ship their arms to a party of republicans which had not arnv- of the line was lost, and some others were considerably ed in time to join the army, and surrendered themselves damaged. The frigate which had on board the command- prisoners of war. Bonaparte, perceiving that this part of er-in-chief was separated from the fleet in a gale of wind, his line was no longer in danger, left Joubert to prosecute and when the latter arrived at Bantry Bay, it found itself the victory, and proceeded to oppose the march of Pro- without instructions. The officers and troops desired to vera. A detachment under General Murat having conti- disembark, but Admiral Bouvet refused to comply with nued their march during the whole night of the 14th, seiz- their wishes. After remaining for some days on the coast, ed on Montebaldo in the rear of the position at La Corona, he sailed for France, and on the 31st reached Brest with to which part of the Austrians retreated; and on the fol- part of the fleet. General Hoche reached Bantry Bay lowing morning Joubert attacked them in front. Thus when it was too late, and consequently could not land, surrounded, they were thrown into confusion, six thou- One ship of the line and two frigates foundered at sea, a sand were taken prisoners, and numbers perished in at- frigate was captured by the British, and a ship of the line tempting to cross the Adige. was run ashore to prevent her being taken. During this bloody conflict on the upper part of tlm Advan- In the beginning of the year 1797 the Archduke Charles Adige, Provera forced his passage across the lower part of tages gain- was still employed in endeavouring to reduce Kehl and the river, near Porto Legnago, and obliged the republican ed by the tj)e fortifications opposite to Hunningen. Moreau con- general Guieux to retreat towards Ronco. But as Pro- Austnans. tjnue(j j-,^ 0pponent. Hoche succeeded Jourdan on the vera was marching rapidly to Mantua, Augereau came up Rhine, and Bonaparte was still occupied with the siege of with his rear, and made two thousand prisoners ; notwith- FRANCE. History, standing which the Austrian general on the 15th reached t^le neighbourhood of that city, which was blockaded at iJi‘ St George and La Favourite. The Austrian general sum¬ moned the republican commander to surrender; but the latter having refused to comply, Provera endeavoured, without success, to carry it by assault. He next made an attack upon La Favourite, and was seconded by Wurm- ser with the troops in the garrison, who had observed his arrival; but as Bonaparte had by this time arrived with reinforcements, Wurmserwas defeated, and Provera being surrounded by the French, surrendered both himself and his troops as prisoners of war. In consequence of these engagements at Rivoli and Mantua, the Austrians lost twenty-three thousand prisoners and sixty pieces of cannon. The surrender of Mantua had now become in¬ evitable, and in fact it capitulated from famine on the 2d of February. That the French emigrants might escape, Bonaparte allowed Wurmserto select and take out of the garrison seven hundred men, who were not to be examin¬ ed nor viewed as prisoners of war; and the general him¬ self was permitted to depart unconditionally. i he pope’s The most active and vigorous preparations were now uaTSUb" ma^inS both by the emperor and the French to recommence the contest on the German frontiers; and it was therefore of importance that Bonaparte should leave Italy in his rear in a state of tranquillity. On the 1st of February he sent General Victor with the legion of Lombardy to enter the papal territories ; and after the surrender of Mantua, he himself followed in person. The Lombard legion, after storming the position occupied by the papal troops, made a thousand of them prisoners, and took all their can¬ non. General Colli had carried away most of the trea¬ sure from the chapel at Loretto; but the republicans still found articles of gold and silver worth a million of livres, and the image of the virgin was sent to Paris as a curiosi¬ ty. At Tolentino the republican chief was met by a mes¬ senger from his holiness, with overtures of peace; and on the 19th a treaty was concluded, by which the pope pro¬ mised to pay fifteen millions of livres, and to deliver eight hundred cavalry horses, with an equal number of draught horses and oxen. He also agreed to pay three hundred thousand livres to the family of the French ambassador Basseville, whom the rabble had murdered at Rome, and to make an apology through his minister at Paris for that outrage against the law of nations and of humanity, einforce- The Frencn having proved unfortunate in their inva- ents sent sion of Germany through Suabia and Franconia, now de- rte°na" termine(i t0 make their principal attempt from Italy under the command of General Bonaparte. Considerable bodies of troops were therefore detached by the Directory from the divisions which had served under Moreau, and sent as secretly as possible towards Italy by the way of Sa¬ voy. The impending danger was however perceived by ihe court of Vienna, which accordingly conferred the command on the side of Italy on the Archduke Charles, the only Austrian general who had hitherto been successful against the republicans. The war was now about to be carried into territories where a foe had scarcely ever been seen by the house of Austria. It was necessary that Bona- parte should once more force his way across the Alps; that he should carry the war into that immense chain of mountains which, rising in the neighbourhood of Toulon and stretching northward, obtains the names of Pied¬ mont and Savoy, and which, taking an easterly direction, forms the countries of Tyrol, Carinthia, and Carniola, and on the side of the Adriatic constitutes the frontier of the hereditary states of Austria. As to the fertile and level tract which belonged to Venice, it is situated be¬ tween the mountains and the sea, and is crossed by many streams, which are increased by the melting of the Al¬ pine snows, and the peculiar characteristic of which is, that VOL. x. they are greatest in summer and least in winter. But the archduke, instead of being ordered to make a stand in the defiles of the mountains, was sent into the plain to guard the passages of the rivers ; a blunder which entered into the whole plan of defence adopted by the council of war at Vienna. Whilst Bonaparte advanced into the territories of the pope, the Austrian army was assembling on the eastern bank of the Piava. The republicans were on the opposite side of the river, and Bonaparte, after quitting the papal territories, hastened to join them. Having effected the passage of the Piava on the 12th of March, the Austrians retired, skirmishing for some days, till they crossed the lagliamento, where they halted and concentrated their w hole force. On the 17th the republican army reached \alvesone, on the opposite bank of the river, and after some hesitation determined to force the passage. The stream had been diminished by the frost, and though the banks were high, the operation seemed practicable. After some sharp fighting, the French accordingly crossed the river in columns at different points. Joubert, with the left wing, then received orders to pass along the valley of the Drave, beyond the highest chain of the Noric Alps; Massena, at the head of the centre division, entered the defiles of these mountains; and the right division, com¬ manded by Bonaparte, marched along the coast of the Adriatic. On the 19th the town of Gradisca, situated on the river Isonzo, surrendered to the right wing of the army; and its garrison, consisting of three thousand men, were made prisoners of war. On the 2ist the same divi¬ sion entered Goritz, where it found the principal maga¬ zines and hospitals belonging to the Austrians. Trieste was taken on the 23d, and quicksilver, worth two millions of livres, was sent off by the French from the mines of Idria. On the 24th a large body of Austrians was kept in check by Massena and part of the right wing under General Guieux; but having procured reinforcements from the archduke, they engaged the French next day, and were defeated with the loss of five thousand prisoners and from three to four hundred baggage waggons. Equal success attended the left wing under Joubert, Baraguay- d’Hilliers, and Delmas. Four thousand prisoners were taken on the banks of the Lavis, and the enemy was de¬ feated at Clauzen with the loss of fifteen hundred men. This division then directed its march eastward, along the valley of the Drave towards Clagenfurt, the metropolis of Carinthia, where it was met by General Massena, who had obliged the archduke to evacuate his head-quarters, and to fall back in order to cover the capital of the em¬ pire, which was now seriously threatened. Thus in fifteen days General Bonaparte had effected the passage of the Alps, taken twenty thousand prisoners, and arrived with¬ in twenty-four leagues of Vienna, which was thus com¬ pletely exposed. Yet his own situation was not free from danger. The rapidity of his advance had rendered it im¬ possible to take the necessary measures for protecting his line of communications; a hostile population hung upon his rear; a continued success could alone enable him to maintain his advanced positions, and the slightest reverse might lead to ruinous consequences. Bonaparte, there¬ fore, prudently embraced the present moment of unpre¬ cedented success to make overtures of peace. On the 31st of March he wrote to the archduke, deprecating the conti¬ nuance of the war, and entreating him to use his influence for putting a period to its ravages. But the prince re¬ plied evasively, that it did not belong to him to investi¬ gate the principles on which the war was carried on, and that he had no power to negotiate. In the mean while the Austrians raised the peasantry of the Tyrol to harass the rear of the French army, and in consequence gained some advantages under Laudohn, 105 History. 1707- Progress of Bona¬ parte's army. History, who drove back the republican troops which had been left at Botzen and Brixen. The people of the Venetian states also rose against the troops which had been left amongst them, and, with the assistance of ten Sclavonian regiments, murdered every Frenchman they could find, not sparing even the sick in the hospitals, of whom five hundred were massacred at Verona. The Austrians now attempted to surround the invading army ; but Bonaparte knew that the embarrassment of the court of Vienna was at least equal to his own. He was at the head of a body of men hitherto irresistible ; and to surround his army was not to vanquish it. For these reasons he continued his advance, and on the 2d of April, after a bloody con¬ flict, forced the strong defiles between Freisach and Neu- marck, making six hundred prisoners. On the 4th his advanced guard reached Hunsmarck, where they again defeated the Austrians. The cabinet of Vienna, finding that there was now no place where the army of the arch¬ duke could make a stand, till it reached the mountains in the vicinity of the capital, thought it high time to treat for peace. With this view, therefore, Bellegarde and Mor- veldt requested a suspension of hostilities, to which the French commander consented, on condition of obtaining possession of Gratz and Leoben, about fifty miles from Vienna. This was on the 7th of April, but the armistice, which would have expired on tile 13th, was afterwards renewed for a longer period. On the 19th a preliminary treaty was signed, by which the French were to retain the Austrian Netherlands, and the whole of Lombardy, now called the Cisalpine Republic, comprehending the Mila¬ nese, Mantua, Modena, Ferrara, and Bologna. Bonaparte consented to return to Italy, on condition that his army should be supplied with provisions during its march; and all further disputes were to be settled by a definitive treaty of peace. The overthrow of the Venetian govern¬ ment, which had so long been in a state of helpless de¬ crepitude, speedily followed the signature of the prelimi¬ nary treaty of Leoben. Bonaparte had for some time meditated the dismemberment of the Venetian states, and a pretext was now afforded him for carrying this design into execution by the insurrection and massacre above adverted to. He saw his advantage, and promptly seized it; announced that the hour of Venice was now come ; de¬ clared war against the unfortunate city of the sea ; brought up cannon to the edge of the lagoons ; and by menaces of retaliation compelled the senate and the doge to pass a de¬ cree dissolving their ancient constitution, and establishing a kind of municipal democracy in its stead. Peace he- During the approach of Bonaparte towards Vienna, the tween republican armies on the Rhine wrere pressing hard on the trance Austrians, to prevent their sending reinforcements to the tria. archduke. An armistice was offered by the Austrians, but as the French required Ehrenbreitstein as a guaran¬ tee, both parties resolved to prosecute the war. Ihe left wing of the army of General Hoche marched from Dus- seldorf, whilst the centre and right wing crossed the Rhine near Coblentz. On the 18th of April a fierce contest took place between the hostile armies near the Lahn, in which the Austrians were beaten with the loss of four thousand prisoners. General Moreau having forced the passage of the Upper Rhine near Strasburg, attacked and carried the village of Diersheim ; and next day the conflict was renewed with such vigour on the part of the republicans, that the fort of Kehl was taken, and five thousand Aus¬ trians were made prisoners. The French then advanced, and the Austrians were retiring towards the Danube, when all military operations were suspended, in conse¬ quence of intelligence received from the archduke and Bonaparte, that peace had been concluded. On the arri¬ val of this intelligence, the army of General Hoche was making an attack upon Franckfort-on-the-Maine, which General Warneeht was employing every effort to defend. History. Both armies received the news about the same time, upon which the troops threw down their arms, and congratulat- U97. ed each other on the happy event. A contest of a serious nature was now fast approaching changes in between the legislative and executive branches of thetheDirec- French government. The time had arrived when a third tory; state part of the legislative body was to be changed. On the Parties- 19th of May Letourneur went out of the Directory by lot; on the 20th the new third took their seats ; and on the 21st Barthelemy was chosen a member of the Directory in the room of Letourneur. Pichegru, Jourdan, and Wil- lot, were amongst the members of the new third, so that a decided majority of both councils was of the moderate party ; and two members of the Directory, Carnot and Barthelemy, were understood to be men of the same de¬ scription. The old conventionalists, therefore, employed every means which seemed calculated either to render the Mountain party odious, or to embarrass the Directory. On the 14th of June Gilbert Desmolieres brought up a report from a committee on the state of the finances, in which he inveighed against the prodigality of the Directory, and censured in the strongest language the conduct of its agents. On the 18th the same committee proposed a new plan of finance, which went to deprive the Directory of the administration of the public money. On the preced¬ ing day Camille Jourdan had presented a report of great length on the subject of religion, in which he insisted on the impropriety of forbidding its ceremonies to be publicly displayed, and the iniquitous nature of that persecution which its ministers had suffered because they could not take the oaths prescribed by the legislature. On the 15th of July the Council of Five Hundred decreed that all the laws against refractory priests should be repealed ; and on the following day a decree, requiring from them an oath of fidelity to the constitution, was carried by a majority of no more than six members'. Emery, a new member, proposed the repeal of the laws by which the property of emigrants had been confiscated and their relations de¬ clared incompetent to succeed them. The discussion which these topics underwent made the Directory and the Councils professed enemies to each other. The Coun¬ cils wished the Director}' to be changed before the expi¬ ration of the legal time, and the Directory desired to de¬ prive of their seats many new members who had been elected by the people. As Barras was upon the whole the most obnoxious member of the Directory, an effort was made to deprive him of his seat, on the pretence that he was less than the legal age of forty ; but his colleagues maintained that he had been born in the year 1755, and no proof of the contrary could be produced. Still the Directory did not want a number of adherents. The re¬ solution of the Councils in favour of the priests had the appearance of a counter revolution, which induced the royalists to resume courage, and journals were rapidly published in defence of their cause. On the 20th of July the Councils received information that a division of the army under Hoche was within a few leagues of Paris; whilst the constitution declared that the Directory incur¬ red the penalty of ten years imprisonment, if it brought troops any nearer the residence of the legislative body, without its consent, than twelve miles. An explanation was demanded and given ; the Directory declared their ignorance of the march, which they said had been under¬ taken without orders from them, and owing to a mistake on the part of the officer by whom it was conducted ; but the Councils paid no regard to an allegation which they evi¬ dently disbelieved. The turbulent suburb of Saint An¬ toine adhered to the majority of the Directory; and this encouraged them so much that they lost no time in pro¬ ceeding to action. History. 1797- Treaty of Catnpo Formio. F RANG E. 107 General Augereau had been sent from Italy, upon the pretence of delivering to the Directory some standards taken from the enemy. On the morning of the 4th, the Tuileries was surrounded by a division of the troops, un¬ der the command of this officer; the guard of the Councils refused to act against them, and Ramel their commander was made prisoner. On entering the hall, Augereau seiz¬ ed Pichegru and twelve more of the chiefs of the opposite faction, whom he immediately sent prisoners to the Tem¬ ple. Carnot made his escape on the preceding evening; but Barthelemy remained, and was put under arrest. When several members of the Councils came to the hall at the usual hour, they were astonished to find that seals had been put upon the doors, and that they could not ob¬ tain admittance. They were ordered to go to the Sur¬ geons’ Hall, where the Directory, it was said, had ap¬ pointed them to meet; but of both Councils not more than a hundred and twenty members assembled, who, however, sent to obtain from the Directory an explanation of the proceedings which had just taken place. They were given to understand, that what had been done was absolutely necessary for the salvation of the Republic, and the Coun¬ cils were congratulated on their escape from the machina¬ tions of the royalists. According to the report of Boulay de la Meurthe, a great royalist conspiracy, the centre of which was in the bosom of the Councils, was endeavouring to subvert the constitution ; but, by the indefatigable dili¬ gence and activity of the Directory, it had been defeated, it w7as proposed to banish the conspirators without a trial, and the Councils were so completely imposed upon, that they voted the deportation of fifty-three of their own members, and twelve other persons, amongst whom were the directors Carnot and Barthelemy. During these trans¬ actions the city of Paris remained tranquil. The unfor¬ tunate issue of the struggle on the 5th of October had so completely subdued the ardour of the inhabitants, that they suffered the national representation to be violated with impunity, and saw liberty trampled under foot, with¬ out a single exertion in its defence. The Directory ex¬ cused their conduct to the nation, under pretence of the existence of a royalist conspiracy. Pichegru, it was said, had offered to join the emigrants under the Prince of Conde, and the Austrians under Wurmser, and, at the head of this aggregate force, to march directly to Paris, and re-establish the monarchy. Moreau was also impli¬ cated in this conspiracy, but, as is alleged, saved himself by betraying his accomplice. The Directory were now powerful; but its members soon became giddy from the elevated nature of their situ¬ ation, and seemed to act under the dangerous conviction that there was nothing in which they might not venture to engage, however great might be their ambition or rapacity. Whilst contending with the councils, they prolonged the negotiations with Lord Malmesbury; and, what is more extraordinary, acted in a similar manner respecting those which had been entered into between Bonaparte and the imperial ambassadors at Campo Formio. But the negotia¬ tions with the emperor were at length terminated, and on the 17th of October a definitive treaty was signed at Cam¬ po Formio. The Netherlands were given up to the French Republic, and the Milanese to the Cisalpine Republic; whilst the imperial territories in the Brisgau were surren¬ dered to the Duke of Modena, as a compensation for the loss of his duchy in Italy. It was likewise agreed by the emperor that the French should possess the Venetian islands in the Levant, Corfu, Zante, Cephalonia, Santa Maura, Cerigo, and others; and, on the other hand, the emperor was to have the city of Venice, with its remaining territory, from the extremity of Dalmatia, as far as the Adige and the Lake of Garda. The Austrians according¬ ly withdrew from the bank of the Rhine, and the repub¬ licans were thus enabled to retake Mayence and Ehren- History, breitstein. Venice was at the same time entered by the v—"-n-"—' Austrians; and Bonaparte, when about to take his de- D97. parture from Italy, left twenty-five thousand men to gar¬ rison Mantua, Brescia, Milan, and some other places, and to retain the Cisalpine Republic in a state of dependence upon France. At this time the empire of the seas was so completely Naval sue- possessed by Britain that the republican fleets lay block-cesses of aded in their own ports during the greater part of the Br^a'n- year. But as the expedition against Ireland had complete¬ ly failed, the Directory were at a loss how to dispose of the galley slaves who had formed part of Hoche’s army. It would have been cruel to send them back to punish¬ ment; the troops refused to serve with them in the army; and by the new laws of France they could not receive a pardon, neither was it prudent to set so many criminals at liberty. To get rid of the difficulty, the Directory at last determined to send them over to England; and these criminals, to the number of about twelve hundred, were landed from two frigates and some small vessels on the coast of Wales, with muskets and ammunition, but des¬ titute of artillery. On the evening of the day on which they landed, however (the 23d of February), they were made prisoners by a party of militia, yeomanry, cavalry, colliers, and others, under the command of Lord Cawdor. But although the navy of France continued in port, and therefore out of danger, the Spanish and Dutch allies of that country sustained serious losses by sea. A Spanish fleet of twenty-seven sail of the line, opposed to a British fleet of only fifteen sail under Sir John Jervis, was com¬ pletely defeated off Cape St Vincent on the 14th of Fe¬ bruary. The Spanish fleet was on its way to Brest to ef¬ fect a junction with the French fleet; but by the victory of Jervis this object was rendered unattainable. The Dutch were, if possible, still more unfortunate. Admiral Duncan having blockaded the Texel, where their fleet lay during the summer, a resolution was at length adopted to risk an engagement; and De Winter received positive orders to put to sea. Admiral Duncan was at this time refitting at Yarmouth; but on receiving intelligence that the Dutch fleet had sailed, he immediately put to sea in quest of the enemy, and on the 11th of October came up with their fleet, consisting of a force rather inferior to his own. The British admiral having carried his fleet through the enemy’s line, commenced the attack between them and their own coast, about nine miles from Camperdown. The conflict lasted three hours, at the end of which time the greater part of the Dutch fleet had struck. Eight ships of the line, two of fifty-six and one of forty-four guns, were taken, besides a frigate, which was afterwards lost near the coast of Britain. See article Britain. After the ratification of the treaty with the emperor atDisturb- Campo Formio, Joseph Bonaparte was sent to Rome usances at plenipotentiary of the French Republic. The pope having Rome, now no expectation of foreign assistance, submitted to the demands for the reduction of his troops, and the liberation of every person confined in prison on account of political opinions. But on the 26th of December 1797, three men waited upon the ambassador, and requested the co-operation of France in bringing about a revolution which a party at Rome was anxious to effect. Fie refused to countenance the project, and did every thing in his power to dissuade them from embarking in such an enterprise; but unfortunately he neglected to communicate the intelligence to the papal government. On the 28th, however, he went to the cardinal secretary, and showed him a list of persons under his protec¬ tion who had a legal authority to wear the tricolor cockade ; he at the same time consented thatall others wearing it shouhl be punished; and he offered to give up six of the insurgents who had taken refuge in his palace. In the evening of the 108 FRA History, same day, a most serious tumult, in its origin not altogether 1798- unknown to his holiness, happened in the courts and vici- nity of the French ambassador’s palace, and the governor of the city endeavoured to disperse the rioters by parties of cavalry and infantry. But in attempting to induce the military to desist from firing upon the people, General Du- phot, who belonged to the French mission, was shot by a petty officer belonging to the troops of his holiness. As soon as the Spanish ambassador received information of this event, he sent to the cardinal secretary, and protested against this daring violation of the privileges of plenipo¬ tentiaries. The palace of the French ambassador was still surrounded by the military, when he demanded his pass¬ ports, which were granted, accompanied by many protesta¬ tions of the innocence of government, and its sorrow that such an unfortunate occurrence should have taken place. Joseph Bonaparte retired to Florence, and thence proceed¬ ed to Paris. The protection of Austria, Spain, Naples, and Tuscany, was earnestly solicited by the pope ; but all these powers seemed disinclined to interfere in behalf of the pon¬ tiff. General Berthier experienced little or no opposition on his march to Rome, where he subverted the dominion of the pope, proclaimed the sovereignty of the Roman people, and caused the tree of liberty to be planted on the very day on which the anniversary of the pope’s election was being celebrated. Whilst in the Sistine chapel re¬ ceiving the congratulations of the cardinals, the commis¬ sioner-general, and Cervoni, who commanded the troops within the city, entered the chapel during the ceremony, and announced to the sovereign pontiff that his reign was at an end. Conquest But scenes of a different and more sanguinary character oi Switzer-were in the mean time exhibited in Switzerland, a country land. which had preserved its neutrality during the conflict be¬ tween France and the combined powers. About the end of the year 1797, an insurrection broke out in the Pays de Vaud, a district subject to the canton of Berne. This oc¬ currence showed the government its critical situation, and induced it to issue a proclamation on the 5th of January 1798, requiring the people of the Pays de Vaud to appear in arms, renew their oath of allegiance, and reform all abuses. A commission of the senate of Berne was also empowered to examine every complaint, and redress every grievance; but their motions were considered as too tardy by popular impatience, and the insurgents endeavoured to make them¬ selves masters of the strong places. Troops were sent against them by the government of Berne; but General Weiss hav¬ ing acted with hesitation, a body of republicans appeared under General Menard, who sent an aid-de-camp with two hussars to negotiate with Weiss. As the messengers return¬ ed, however, one of the hussars was killed, most probably by accident; but this circumstance was instantly magnified into a horrid breach of the law of nations. The French, there¬ fore, continued to advance, and by the end of January were masters of the whole of the Pays de Vaud. The government of Berne, whilst it used every effort to maintain peace, pre¬ pared for war. But a truce was entered into with General Brune, the successor of Menard, and those who had killed the hussar were delivered up. An army of twenty thousand men was collected, the command of which was given to D’Erlach, once a field-marshal in the service of France. But disaffection prevailed in this army, and the people were far from being united amongst themselves. Of this the French were well aware, and therefore they demanded a total change of government. On the other hand, D’Erlach, appre¬ hensive of a still greater defection in his army, requested permission to put an end to the armistice. The French now refused to negotiate, and on the 2d of March General Schawenberg took possession of Soleure at the head of thir¬ teen thousand men; whilst Brune afterwards made himself master of Friburg, and forced the Swiss army to retreat. N C E. The government of Berne, now greatly alarmed, decreed History, the landsturm, or rising in mass, which the ancient cus- toms of the country justified in the time of necessity. The 1798. people assembled, dissolved the government, and offered to dismiss the army, if the republican troops would retire. But this offer was rejected, except upon the condition of admitting a French garrison into Berne, and therefore the Swiss continued to advance. About six thousand of the army of D’Erlach had deserted, leaving him at the head of little more than fourteen thousand men; and although the rising had abundantly supplied him with numbers, yet raw and undisciplined levies, however numerous, were of little avail against veteran troops, and he was not allowed time to give them any thing like regular organization. He was accordingly attacked on the 5th of March, and driven from Newenbeg and Favenbrun; but having rallied his troops, he made a stand for some time at Uteren. The conflict was renewed at Grauholtz, whence the Swiss were driven four miles nearer the capital; and being at last completely defeated, they in a fit of fury and despair murdered many of their officers, amongst whom was their commander-in¬ chief. Berne capitulated to the French, and the more wealthy and populous states followed the example; but the poorer cantons made a vigorous effort to preserve their small possessions, and the independence of their country; they compelled Schawenberg to retire with the loss of three thousand men, but were at last totally vanquished by the superior skill and numbers of the republican army. The public magazines were plundered, and a new constitution, modelled on that of France, was forced upon them. As the Directory had made no scruple of violating the Conduct of independence of other nations, it was but reasonable to ex-the Direc- pect that they would pay little regard to the liberties of their own. A third of the legislature was changed in the month of April; one member of the Directory also went out by ballot, and Treilhard was chosen to succeed him. Nothing was left unattempted by the Directory to influence the elections in favour of their friends; but their success was not commensurate with their exertions. On the 2d of May, they made a complaint to the Council of Five Hundred, of alleged royalist plots, by means of which it was said that the elections had been made to fall on persons who were ini¬ mical to the interests of the Republic ; and on the 7th it was proposed by the committee which reported on the message of the Directory, that many electoral assemblies should be annulled. But General Jourdan opposed this plan, as in¬ compatible with the freedom of election, and as proceeding upon the supposition of conspiracies the existence of which was not proved, and which most probably had no existence at all. After peace had been proclaimed between France and Threat of Germany, the Directory made no secret of their determi-invasion, nation to attempt the invasion of Great Britain. Whe¬ ther this project originated with Bonaparte himself, or was intended by his kind friends of the Directory as a snare for him and his victorious army, is a matter which our readers must be left to determine for themselves. It appears, how¬ ever, that soon after the return of Bonaparte to the capital, where the Directory received him with all imaginable splen¬ dour, an army was offered him by the government, with which to invade England; and it is also certain that he ac¬ cepted the command. Barras, indeed, told him not to repose on his laurels, but to prepare for undertaking the conquest of the bitterest and most formidable enemy of the Republic ; a mission, however, which it was somewhat more easy to con¬ fer than to execute. This came eventually to be the opi¬ nion of the general himself; after calculating all the chances, he thought it possible to gain a battle on British ground, but quite hopeless to maintain a footing in that country. But England, though invincible on her own soil, might be deeply wounded through her commerce and her colonies; FRA History, these he considered as the principal sinews of her strength ; anc* if f*e could divert in different channels the main branch 17M- 0f the one and seize upon the most important of the other, he doubted not that he would thereby effectually humble the haughty island. Impressed with the common but groundless notion that Britain derived incalculable re¬ sources from her Indian dominions, and conceiving that commercial superiority must ever belong to the nation which is possessed of the safest and readiest communica¬ tions with the East, Bonaparte thought of restoring the trade of India to its ancient channel through Egypt and the Le¬ vant. With such views he contemplated the seizure and conquest of the former, as the first step towards the reali¬ zation of his design; and this once effected, he conceived that, proceeding from Egypt as from a place of arms, he might march towards the Euphrates, and in less than four months reach the Indus, there to dispute with the Eng¬ lish the possession of that country whence he supposed they derived their inexhaustible resources. An expedi¬ tion to Egypt was therefore resolved on, with the full con¬ currence of the Directory, who were delighted to be rid of a too fortunate soldier, and to the great satisfaction of Bonaparte himself, whose imagination seems to have been carried away with the idea of perhaps founding an eastern empire. French This resolution, however, was kept a profound secret, expedition an(j every artifice employed to mislead the English as to t0 »-vPL the real destination of the intended expedition. Threats of invasion were therefore studiously reiterated, and mat¬ ters were so contrived as to give to the necessary prepara¬ tions, which could not escape observation, an appearance calculated to confirm the idea that an invasion was actually intended. Prodigious stories were circulated concerning large rafts of timber, by means of which the Army of Eng¬ land was to be transported to Britain; and, to give the greater probability to this report, General Bonaparte, the commander-in-chief, made a journey to the coast oppo¬ site England. Meanwhile, the fleet was getting ready in the harbour of Toulon, and troops were collected in its vicinity; and when every thing had been prepared, Bo¬ naparte embarked with forty thousand veteran troops, and, on the 9th of June, reached Malta. Having land¬ ed his troops in different places, he resolved to make himself master of this island; and, after a very feeble opposition, the grand-master capitulated, giving up in a few days a fortress which might have held out for months against all the troops of the French Republic. Bona¬ parte left in the island a garrison of four thousand men, and on the 21st of June sailed for Alexandria. Admiral Nelson was dispatched in pursuit of the French fleet; but being wholly ignorant of its destination, he sailed for Naples, where he obtained information of the attack upon Malta. To that island accordingly he steered his course, and on his arrival he found that Bonaparte was gone; but conjecturing that he had sailed for Alexandria, he imme¬ diately prepared to follow him. The French commander, however, instead of keeping a direct course towards the coast of Egypt, stood along that of Greece, until he had made the easternmost point of the island of Candia ; then steering to the southward, he protracted his voyage, so as not to reach the Egyptian coast till Admiral Nelson had left it. On the 5th of July, Bonaparte landed his troops, and took by storm the city of Alexandria. The republican transports were then drawn up within the inner harbour of Alexandria, and the ships of war were anchored along the shore of the bay of Aboukir. The republican army then marched on towards the Nile, and, in proceeding along the banks of that river, suffered much from the intense heat of the climate. They soon came to action with the Mamlukes; but this superb cavalry found itself N C E. 109 unequal to contend with European discipline and valour. History. Under Murad Bey, their most distinguished chief, they made a last effort near the Pyramids ; but were routed with DOti- the loss of two thousand men killed, four hundred camels with baggage taken, and fifty pieces of cannon. Cairo im¬ mediately surrendered. Bonaparte having proceeded thus far in the conquest ofBattle of Egypt, framed a provisional government, and issued pro-the Nile, clamations in Arabic, protesting that the French were friendly to the religion of Mahommed, owned the autho¬ rity of the Grand Signior, and were only come to inflict punishment on the Mamlukes, the oppressors and spoilers of Egypt. Thus far the good fortune of Bonaparte seem¬ ed still to attend him. But on the 1st of August the Eng¬ lish fleet under Admiral Nelson appeared off the mouth of the Nile; and before the sun of the morrow rose, that of trance had been destroyed, and all communication be¬ tween the French army and Europe thus completely cut off. The action commenced at sunset, and continued, with occasional intervals, till daybreak, when the morning dis¬ closed to the astounded invaders the extent of the cala¬ mity which had befallen them. (See article Britain.) It would be difficult to point out any naval engagement of mo¬ dern times, productive of results so important as this. The military exertions of France had by degrees destroyed the combination which the princes of Europe had formed against her; the victories of Bonaparte had humbled the pride of Austria; the Continent looked with dismay to¬ wards the new Republic; and when the Directory seized on Rome and Switzerland, no power ventured to inter¬ pose in their behalf. But in consequence of the victory of the Nile the aspect of affairs suddenly underwent a remarkable change, and the conqueror of Italy was shut up in a distant country, from which the fleets of Britain might prevent his return. Proposals were therefore made by Britain to the northern powers, to recommence hosti¬ lities against France ; the states of Italy determined to make a vigorous effort for the recovery of their indepen¬ dence ; and the court of Naples, encouraged by the de¬ struction of the French fleet, threw off the mask which it had been compelled to wear, and joined the new confede¬ racy against the Republic. The French, it is well known, had long held out en-General couragement to the Irish rebels; but as the expectations of the latter were disappointed, they broke out into openE"™^6® rebellion without the promised assistance; and when thelrearu‘ spirit of insurrection had been almost wholly extinguished, the Directory, with its usual imbecility, made a feeble at¬ tempt to revive it. On the 22d of August General Hum¬ bert, with a handful of troops, amounting only to eleven hundred men, landed at Killala. Yet this force, small as it was, would have proved formidable a month before. On landing they were joined by a party of the more desperate rebels in the vicinity, and defeated General Lake at the head of a superior force, taking from him six pieces of can¬ non. They sent in different directions to announce their ar¬ rival, advanced ashort way into thecountry, and maintained their ground for three weeks. But receiving no reinforce¬ ments from France, finding the rebellion in a great mea¬ sure crushed, and being informed that General Corn¬ wallis was about to surround him with twenty-five men, General Humbert laid down his arms to a British force four days after he had dismissed his Irish associates, that they might provide for their own safety. Active mea¬ sures were now taken by the Directory to send troops to Ireland when it was too late; the vigilance of British cruisers defeated all their endeavours. On the 12th of October, La Hoche, a ship of eighty-four guns, and four frigates, were captured by Sir John Borlase Warren, in attempting to reach Ireland with three thousand men ; on the 20th another frigate, destined for the same country, 110 FRANCE. History. 1798. Impru¬ dence of Naples. was also taken. The Directory therefore abandoned the sion of a campaign undertaken in contempt of all prudence, History, attempt as hopeless. commenced with gasconading and cruelty, and carried on The victory of the Nile, important as beyond all doubt in such a manner as to leave it exceedingly doubtful which 1'99- it was in a political point of view, seems nevertheless to was more remarkable, the utter incapacity of the officers, have been over-estimated by the court of Naples, which, or the abject cowardice of the troops. considering the destruction of the army of Egypt as cer- In Naples there had long been a numerous body of men Conduct tain, now rushed headlong into a new war with France, called Lazzaroni, who subsisted entirely on charity. These°1’-he i^z- Disdaining to wait until the Austrians were ready to take vagabonds frequently threatened the state if their wantszaron1, the field against the republicans, the king prevailed on ■were not immediately supplied, and their submission was General Mack to assume the command of his army, began often purchased by liberal contributions. Having been in- the war without any foreign aid excepting that of the Bri- formed that the French, wherever they came, destroyed all tish fleet, and thus brought upon himself the vengeance the monasteries and other sources of charity, this immense of the French Republic. The Directory had no concep- gang of sturdy beggars determined to oppose them to the tion that he would adopt such an insane line of conduct; utmost, and to appear forsooth as the advocates of royal go- and consequently, when General Mack appeared at the vernment. In the beginning of January 1799 they exhi- head of forty-five thousand men, the troops of France in bited marks of discontent, and at last broke out into open that quarter were not in a condition to contend with him. insurrection. They appointed as their commander-in-chief When General Championet complained of the attack made Prince Militorni, who, however, did his utmost to restrain upon his posts, he was informed that his Neapolitan ma- their violence and love of plunder. But all his efforts were jesty had resolved to take possession of the Roman terri- unavailing. They declared war against the French, forced tory, advised to retire quietly into the Cisalpine states, and open the prisons, and murdered all who had been incarce- further apprised that his entrance into Tuscany would be rated for disaffection to the government. Their ravages considered as a declaration of war. Championet having now became so dreadful and boundless, that Prince Mili- no force sufficient to contend with the Neapolitan army, torni abandoned them, and proceeded to Capua, where he accordingly evacuated Rome ; but he left a garrison in requested Championet to take possession of the city, in the castle of St Angelo, and concentrated what troops he order to rescue it from utter destruction. It was accord- could collect in the northern parts of the Roman states, ingly agreed that a column of French troops should ad- In the end of November General Mack entered Rome vance against the capital by a circuitous route, and endea- without opposition. When these transactions became vour to enter the city from the opposite quarter. But be- known at Paris, war was immediately declared against the fore this plan could be carried into execution, a great body king of Naples and the king of Sardinia. The latter had of the Lazzaroni marched out (on the 19th and 20th of Ja- committed no act of hostility against the French ; but he nuary) to attack the French in the fortifications of Capua, was accused of disaffection towards the Republic. This This daring attempt failed, as might have been expected, charge could scarcely fail to be true. For, ever since the and multitudes perished by the fire of the French artillery ; entrance of Bonaparte into Italy, he had been reduced but in order to favour the capture of Naples by the de- to a most humiliating condition ; his strongest fortresses tachment sent for that purpose, Championet continued on were in the possession of the French ; a garrison had been the defensive. On the 21st the Lazzaroni, informed that placed in his capital; contributions were levied from his a French column had marched for Naples, returned to the subjects at the pleasure of the conquerors; and he was city ; and although Championet closely pursued them, they reduced to such a situation, that, unable to protect him- arrived in time to barricade the streets, and prepare for the self, he made a voluntary surrender of his continental do- defence of different quarters. A fierce conflict now com- minions, and agreed to retire to the island of Sardinia. menced, and lasted from the morning of the 22d till the But a period was soon put to the dispute with Naples, evening of the 23d of January, when, having been driven As the French retreated, the people of the country gave from street to street, they finally rallied at one of the gates, them infinite trouble and uneasiness, and the Neapoli- where they w^ere almost totally cut off. tan troops scarcely observed the rules of modern warfare This advantage maybe considered as the last which theUnpopula- towards such as they made prisoners. When, by orders Directory obtained ; for the consequences of their past mis-rity of tba from General Mack, Bouchard summoned the castle of St conduct were now rapidly gathering around them. They ^irector-'‘ Angelo to surrender, he declared that he would view the were justly unpopular at home, both from their mode of prisoners in the light of hostages for the conduct of the conducting public affairs, and their repeated violations of garrison, and that a man should be put to death for every the constitution. Their profusion was boundless, and the gun which was fired from the castle. It is not to be ima- demands which they made upon conquered countries exor- gined that the Neapolitan officers would have dared to bitant. Championet was so ashamed of their proceedings, hold such language if they had not calculated on the vigo- that he refused to enforce their orders in Italy, and was rous co-operation of the Austrian forces; but in this ex- in consequence depidved of his command, and thrown into pectation they found themselves grievously disappointed, prison ; whilst Scherer, the war minister, was appointed and were ere long obliged to change their tone. The his successor. Under the latter the rapacity of the govern- Neapolitan troops were defeated by one fourth of their ment agents, and the embezzlement of the public stores, number, at Terni, Porto Fermo, Civita Castellana, Otri- were carried to an incredible extent. Still France continued coli, and Calvi; and as the army of Mack was speedily to be dreaded by foreign nations, to whom the true state reduced by defeat and desertion to less than twelve thou- of her internal affairs was but imperfectly known. A sand men, he advised the king and his family to take re- Russian army had arrived, but the cabinet of Vienna was fuge on board the British fleet which was then lying at Leg- at a loss whether to declare war or temporise a little horn. This advice was adopted, and the royal family reach- longer. Britain solicited the aid of Prussia with an offer ed Palermo in Sicily on the 27th of December. General of large subsidies ; but Sieyes, the French plenipotentiary Mack now requested an armistice, which wras refused ; at Berlin, artfully contrived to defeat the negotiation, and and being driven from Capua, the only remaining post of counteract the unpopularity of his country in Germany, any importance in the Neapolitan territory, and in danger by giving to the world the secret convention of Campo from the disaffection of his troops, he surrendered himself Formio, which determined the greater number of the Ger- and the officers of his staff as prisoners to the republican man princes to observe neutrality under the guardianship general. And such was the lame and impotent conclu- of Prussia. i F R A N C E. in History. On the 2d of January a note was presented to the congress at Rastadt, by the French plenipotentiaries, intimating, that if the entrance of Russian troops into Germany was not pre- clared a' ven^e^> ^ would be considered as tantamount to a declaration gainst the °fwar- To this no satisfactory answer was returned. On the emperor. 26th of the same month the strong fortress of Ehrenbreit- stein, which had been blockaded since the treaty of Campo Formio, surrendered ; and the possession of this place, to¬ gether with that of Mayence and Dusseldorf, rendered the French powerful on the Rhine. Switzerland and all the for¬ tified places of Italy were also in their hands, so that they were fully prepared to commence active operations. At this period Jourdan commanded on the Upper Rhine from Mayence to Hunningen ; the eastern frontier of Switzer¬ land was occupied by Massena; Scherer commanded in chief in Italy, with Moreau under him ; and Macdonald was at the head of the troops in the Roman and Neapolitan ter¬ ritories. But these armies thus disseminated did not ex¬ ceed a hundred and seventy thousand men, a force greatly inferior to that of Austria, independently altogether of the Russian army. The Directory, however, trusting to the unity of its own plans, the wavering politics of the court of Vienna, and the slow movements of the imperial armies, was anxious to renew the contest; and, accordingly, on the 13th of March war was declared against the emperor of Germany and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Jourdan had actually crossed the Rhine at Strasburg on the first of that month, and occupied strong positions in Suabia. Man- heim was taken, and General Bernadette summoned Phi- lipsburg, wdiilst General St Cyr entered Stutgardt. To op¬ pose the march of this army, the Archduke Charles cross¬ ed the Lech upon the 4th of March; whilst, on the other side, Massena entered the territory of the Grisons, surpris¬ ed a strong body of Austrians, made the whole prisoners, with their general and his staff. But the plan of campaign could not be carried into operation without the junction of Massena’s and Jourdan’s armies ; and to accomplish this it was necessary to carry the important post of Feldkirch, which was occupied by General Hotze. Defeated in his first attempt, Massena re¬ newed the attack five times with fresh troops ; but the de¬ termined bravery of the Austrians rendered all his efforts ineffectual. As the French, however, were in possession of the Grisons, this facilitated the invasion of the Engadine, where the Austrians being too weak to resist, retreated into the Tyrol, and were pursued by the republicans, who for¬ ced some of the defiles, and pushed forward their flying parties as far as Glurentz and Nauders. Battle of The vanguard of the principal Austrian army now ad- Stockach. vanced to meet the French, and on the 20th of March was attacked by Jourdan, who drove in the enemy’s outposts ; but on the following day the centre of the French army was attacked, and forced to retire to Stockach during the night. The archduke encamped before Stockach on the 24th, and the republicans again attacked him on the fol¬ lowing day. Their main object of attack was his right wing under General Meerfeldt, which they succeeded in driving into a wood between Liptingen and Stockach. Meerfeldt renewed the conflict without success. But the left wing having maintained its ground, sent reinforcements to Ge¬ neral Meerfeldt, who in his turn obliged the French to retire. The French, however, made four thousand prison¬ ers during the various movements of the day. Yet their loss was so great, and the Austrian force so much superior, that Jourdan durst not hazard another engagement. He therefore retreated on the following day, and, finding that he was not a match for the enemy, sent part of his army to cover Kehl and Strasburg, and marched with the remain¬ der towards Switzerland. By this event General Massena, who was forcing his way into the Tyrol and Engadine, was obliged to return to the protection of Switzerland. He was now appointed to the chief command in this quarter, History, and Jourdan was removed. The Austrians were not less successful in Italy, not- 1799. withstanding they had been attacked by the French before *ta^’ the termination of the armistice. General Kray obtained a complete victory at Legnago, and forced the enemy to fly for protection under the walls of Mantua. On the 15th of April they were again attacked by the Austrians at Memiruolo, and forced to retreat after an obstinate re¬ sistance. The loss sustained by the French in these dif¬ ferent engagements was certainly great; but the Austrians also purchased their success at a costly rate. Scherer at first gained some advantages over them, but he wanted the skill necessary to improve them. The Austrian posts were forced by a division of his army on the 26th of March, and four thousand men made prisoners ; but ano¬ ther division being repulsed, Scherer withdrew his troops, and thus relinquished the advantages he had obtained. On the 5th of April the division under Moreau was again successful, and took three thousand prisoners ; but, by the unskilful measures of Scherer, he was not supported, and the triumph of the Austrians was therefore complete. A short time previous to this, the Russians had effected Suwarof. a junction with the imperialists, and the command of the combined army was given to Field-marshal Suwarof. The Russian commander on the 24th of April advanced to¬ wards the Adda, and after carrying the outposts of Mo¬ reau, determined to attack him in his intrenchments. Su¬ warof maintained a show of attack along the whole line of Moreau, whilst he secretly threw a bridge amongst the rocks at the upper part of the river, where such an opera¬ tion had been considered as impossible. By this bridge part of the combined army next morning turned the re¬ publican fortifications, and attacked their flank and rear, whilst the remainder forced the passage of the river at different points. The French fought with their usual in¬ trepidity, but were soon driven from all their positions, and forced to retreat towards Pavia, with the loss of six thousand men killed, five thousand prisoners including four generals, and eighty pieces of cannon. General Moreau now established the remains of his army, amounting to about twelve thousand men, upon the Po, between Alessandria and Valentia, where, on the 11th of May, he forced a body of Austrians to retreat, and took a number of prisoners. On the 12th about seven thousand Russians crossed the Po at Basignano, and marched towards Pecetto, when Moreau fell upon them with incredible fury ; and as they obstinately refused to lay down their arms, about two thousand of their number were drowned in repassing the river, and a few taken pri¬ soners. On the advance of Suwarof, General Moreau was under the necessity of retiring to occupy the Bochetta, as well as other passes leading to the territory of Genoa, when the combined army commenced the sieges of the fortified places in Italy then occupied by the French. Bellegarde drove the French from the Engadine; Massena, pressed by the archduke, was obliged to retire to the vici¬ nity of Zurich; and nearly the whole of Piedmont had risen against the republicans. The armies received no re¬ inforcements from the interior of France, and their officers were obliged to act upon the defensive. In one instance only they had the power of acting on the offensive, and it was certainly done with great vigour. General Macdonald had still a considerable army in the territories of Naples and of Rome ; and the combined powers had made no effort to cut off his retreat, which, indeed, could scarcely be accomplished in the mountainous countries of Tuscany and Genoa. Knowing his situation secure, he was in no haste to withdraw, although nearly the whole of the coun¬ try between him and France was occupied by the allies. His army amounted to about thirty thousand men, and he 112 FRANC E. History, had received orders from the Directory to leave the terri- tories of Rome and Naples, and unite, if possible, with the 17i>y- army of Moreau. From the situation of the allies, how¬ ever, he resolved to hazard an action by himself. With Moreau he had concerted a plan for dividing the enemy, and vanquishing them in detail, as Bonaparte had pre¬ viously done with so much success. Macdonald alone was in a situation to strike an important blow; but it was never¬ theless necessary that Moreau should draw upon himself as many of the Austro-Russian forces as possible, in order that the remainder might be the more completely exposed to the attack of Macdonald. Stratagem Moreau artfully availed himself of the circumstance ot'JMoreau. 0f tiie French and Spanish fleets being in the vicinity of Genoa, to spread a report that they had brought him powerful reinforcements, intending thereby to withdraw the attention of Suwarof from Macdonald. The Russian general was at Turin, and his advanced posts were at Susa, Pignerol, and the Col d’Assiette, whilst General Hohen- zollern was stationed at Modena with a considerable force, and General Ott occupied Reggio with ten thousand men. General Macdonald began his operations on the 12th of June, when his advanced divisions attacked and defeated Hohenzollern, and made two thousand prisoners. Gene¬ ral Ott was also attacked, and compelled to retreat, upon which the French made their entry into Parma on the 14th. The Austrian general was again attacked on the 17th, and forced to retire towards Giovanni; but here the progress of the French was arrested by a more powerful and determined antagonist. French de- Suwarof having received information of the approach leated by and successes of Macdonald, left Turin on the 15th of Suwarof'. june? at the ileat| 0f twenty thousand men, and came up with the enemy upon the banks of the Tidone. The centre and right wing of Suwarof’s army were commanded by Rosenberg and Forster; the Austrian general, Melas, commanded the left wing; Prince Bagration was at the head of the advanced guard; and Prince Lichtenstein commanded the reserve. An action immediately ensued, and was continued with desperate fury for three succes¬ sive days, when victory at length declared in favour of Su- w'arof. Driven from the Tidone to the Trebbia, the French were finally defeated on the 19th, after a greater slaugh¬ ter on both sides than the oldest officer ever recollected to have witnessed. Victory had remained doubtful until General Kray arrived with large reinforcements from the army besieging Mantua, and, in direct contempt of his orders, decided the fortune of this protracted and terrible battle. The republicans retreated during the night, and were next day pursued by the army of Suwarof formed in two columns. Seldom could the French be overtaken in retreat; but this the victorious barbarian accomplished, and, having surrounded the rear-guard, obliged them to lay down their arms. The rest of the army defended themselves in the passes of the Appennines and territory of Genoa, after losing nearly half their numbers in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Moreau, in the mean time, gave battle to the Austrians under Bellegarde, who, though greatly superior in numbers, were totally defeated. But this temporary advantage proved of little avail. Suwarof rapidly returned from the pursuit of Macdonald, and Moreau was compelled to retire. The fortresses of Italy now surrendered in close succession, and the combined powers regained a complete ascendency in that country. Siege of The affairs of the republic became equally critical in Acre. Palestine. After having defeated the Mamlukes, and made himself master of Alexandria and Cairo, Bonaparte led an army into Palestine. At the head of ten thousand men, with officers eminently skilled in war, he reached Acre on the sea-coast, and laid siege in due form to this town, which was but indifferently fortified, and defended by a small garrison. But Sir Sidney Smith received the History, command, and detained Bonaparte sixty days before Acre, although the number of the garrison by whom it was de- fended scarcely exceeded three thousand men. The French commander made eleven successive attempts to carry the place by assault; but in all these he proved unsuccessful, and was at last obliged to raise the siege, after he had lost eight generals, eighty-five inferior officers, and nearly one half of his army. The successful defence of this place destroyed ihe prestige of invincibility, and mainly contri¬ buted to decide the fate of the French army in Egypt. Whilst France experienced such reverses abroad, she Murder of was much disturbed also by internal commotions, and the the French Directory now found itself in a most critical situation. E|mbassa- The new elections were still unfavourable to their inte-^®^^ rest, and they could no longer command a majority in the Councils. When they sought money they met with re¬ proaches for their profusion ; and royalist insurrections in the west and south were with difficulty subdued, on ac¬ count of the absence of the military. But in the midst of these difficulties an event occurred which seemed to pro¬ mise the Directory the return of their former influence. On the 28th of April the French plenipotentiaries having received orders to quit Rastadt in twenty-four hours, demanded passports from Colonel Barbasey, but were in¬ formed that none could grant these excepting the comman¬ der-in-chief. They accordingly set out without passports. The three ministers, Bonnier, Roberjot, and Jean Debry, were in separate carriages, Roberjot having his wife, and Jean Debry his wife and daughters along with him ; and they were attended by the ministers of the Cisalpine Re¬ public. At a short distance from Rastadt, however, they were met by fifty Austrian hussars, who stopped the car¬ riage of Jean Debry, and fiercely demanded his name. Debry gave them the information required, adding, that he was a French minister returning to his own country. He was immediately torn from his carriage, desperately wounded with sabres, and thrown into a ditch for dead ; whilst Bonnier and Roberjot were murdered outright on the spot. When the ruffians departed, the carriages re¬ turned to Rastadt, and Jean Debry wandered all night in the woods. Next day he retraced his steps, and demand¬ ed the restitution of the papers which the assassins had carried off when they plundered the carriages; but these were refused. Rastadt and its vicinity had been occu¬ pied by French troops during the sitting of the congress, and the Austrians had obtained possession of the place only a few days before. In any view, therefore, this event was a severe reproach to the discipline of the Austrian army; but it is probable that more than the want of su¬ bordination was at the bottom of a crime so atrocious, in¬ deed unprecedented in the history of civilized nations. The archduke, it is true, lost no time in declaring his ut¬ ter ignorance of the matter, in a letter addressed to Mas- sena; but this was far from giving satisfaction to the Di¬ rectory or to France. In a message to the Councils on the 5th of May, they accordingly described it as a premedi¬ tated act on the part of the Austrian government, intended to insult France by the murder of her ambassadors. The introduction of a new third this year into the legis- Sieyes cho- lature was the commencement of a violent opposition to the sen a inem. Directory. Sieyes, who had been ambassador at Berlin,ber °|tlie and possessed considerable influence over all parties, was directory, elected a member of the Directory. This station he re¬ fused to occupy on the establishment of the constitution, and therefore his acceptance of it at such a critical junc¬ ture excited surprise. Treilhard was removed upon the pre¬ tence that he had held an office in the state within less than a year previously to his election ; and Merlin and Re- veillere-Lepeaux were under the necessity of resigning, to avoid a threatened impeachment. Barras, however, still FRANCE. History, retained his place, and Moulins, Gohier, and Ducos, men little known, were chosen members of the Directory. An at- 1799* tempt was made to revive public spirit by the establishment of clubs ; a proceeding of which the Jacobins were the first to take advantage. They soon proposed violent measures, and began to denounce the members as well as the conduct of government. But their intemperance having alarmed the Directory, permission was at length obtained from the Councils to suppress their meetings. Battle of The Directory now employed every effort to reinforce Novi. the armies which had lately suffered such dreadful losses. In the beginning of August the army of Italy amounted to forty-five thousand men, and General Joubert was promot¬ ed to the chief command. Turin, Alessandria, Milan, Pes- chiera, and Ferrara, were captured by the allies with as¬ tonishing rapidity. Turin sustained a bombardment of only three days, Alessandria held out seven, and Mantua only fourteen ; the latter place contained thirteen thousand men, who were dismissed on their parole. The combined forces next laid siege to Tortona; but General Joubert re¬ solved to attempt its relief, which he expected to accom¬ plish before the arrival of Kray with reinforcements. On the 13th of August, the whole of the Austrian posts were driven in by the republicans, who took possession of Novi. But on the 15th they were attacked by Suwarofi who had by this time received reinforcements from Mantua under General Kray. The right wing was commanded by Kray, the left by Melas, and the centre by Prince Bagration and Suwarof in person. The engagement commenced about five o’clock in the morning ; but soon afterwards Ge¬ neral Joubert, whilst urging his troops forward to charge with the bayonet, received a musket shot in his body, and falling from his horse, immediately expired. Moreau now assumed the command, and after a bloody conflict the allied army gave way in all directions. The Russians in particu¬ lar suffered severely from the obstinate manner in which they fought. The French line was attacked at three in the afternoon, but remained unbroken; and the whole would have terminated in the defeat of the allies if Gene¬ ral Melas had not turned the right flank of the republican line, and, following up his advantages, obtained posses¬ sion of Novi, when the French army began to retire under the direction of General Moreau. The French now lost all hope of being able to defend Genoa, and therefore pre¬ pared to evacuate that city and territory. The Directory fully expected that the south ofFrance would immediately be invaded; but in this they were happily deceived. The conquered army was astonished to find itself unmolested after so signal a defeat, and in a few days sent back parties to reconnoitre the movements of the allies. Championet, the successor of Joubert, was amazed to discover that they had rather retreated than advanced, on which account he resumed the positions which the army had occupied before the battle of Novi. Suwarof So far from prosecuting the advantages which he had the^rTf0 °^taine^ in Italy* Suwarof was persuaded to abandon that of Switzer- c.ountry wit'l1 ^ Russian troops, and to march to the de- land. 'liverance of Switzerland. In the month of August, the army of Massena in this quarter amounted to seventy thou¬ sand men, a force which not only prevented the archduke from pursuing his advantages, but even enabled the French to threaten his position ; and the right wing under General Lecourbe had carried Mount St Gothard, the great pass leading from the eastern parts of Switzerland into Italy. Suwarof’s expectations were no doubt high, as he had never yet been beaten ; and he felt flattered in being called upon to undertake an enterprise in which the Austrians had hitherto failed, even under their most fortunate general. But when he was ready to march, the Austrian commander in Italy refused to furnish him with mules for transporting his baggage, and asserted that he would be furnished with a VOL. X. ] 13 competent number at Bellinzone, where, however, none were H istory. to be found. Suwarof had therefore no alternative but to dis- mount his cavalry, and make use of their horses to drag along 1799. the baggage. In spite of all obstacles, however, he arrived, by forced marches, on the frontiers of Switzerland, upon the very day which he had stipulated with the archduke. But the archduke, either supposing that it would demean a prince of the house of Austria to serve under a Russian general, or not having courage enough to require the most expe¬ rienced general in Europe to receive orders from one so much his junior, immediately marched into Suabia, and car¬ ried with him a large body of troops. It is not easy to con¬ ceive upon what principle the council of war at Vienna could imagine that so very able an officer as Massena would continue inactive at the head of an army almost double that which had been sent to oppose him. The archduke marched against the French in Suabia, who resisted him as long as the small number of their troops would permit; but they were gradually driven towards the Rhine. To carry on the deception, however, they made a serious stand in the vicinity of Manheim, where they lost nearly eighteen hundred men. In the mean time Switzerland was completely exposed to the army of Massena. The right wing of the combined army was commanded by General Hotze ; the centre, com¬ posed of the newly arrived Russians, was headed by Kor- sakof, and the left wing by General Nauendorf. As soon as Massena understood that the archduke had entered Man¬ heim, and that Suwarof was approaching Switzerland by St Gothard, he commenced his movements, and, as St Go¬ thard was defended by Lecourbe, determined to anticipate the Russian general. Having by a false attack, on the 24th of September, drawn the attention of the Russians to an¬ other quarter, he suddenly crossed the Limmat, three leagues from Zurich. Some French divisions now engaged the Austrians, but the main body of the army marched against the Russians. Flotze fell in the beginning of the action, and Petrasch, who succeeded him, saved himself from a total defeat by retiring in the night with the loss of four thousand men. The Russians fought with singular obsti¬ nacy, though in a mountainous country to which they were strangers, and contending against the ablest commanders in Europe. It was in vain to attempt to put them to flight, for even when surrounded they refused to lay down their arms, and stood to be slaughtered on the spot. But the Austrians having retreated on the 25th, the Russians on the 28th followed their example, retiring in good order under General Korsakof, but with the loss of three thousand men, which, considering their perilous situation, was not very great. During these transactions General Suwarof was advan- Suwarof cing from Italy with an army of from fifteen to eighteen disgusted thousand men. Having carried the pass of St Gothard, he^jj^j6^ descended into the valley of Urseren, drove Lecourbe he-Austria- fore him with great slaughter, and advanced as far as Al- torf. He next day reached the canton of Glaris, and made a thousand prisoners, whilst General Linken defeated another corps of thirteen hundred men. Massena now turned upon Suwarof, and surrounding him on all sides, expected to take both the field-marshal himself and the grand duke Constantine prisoners. But Suwarof defended himself in a masterly manner, and there being one pass in the moun¬ tains which the republicans had left unoccupied, the vete¬ ran discovered it, and thus effected his escape, but lost his cannon and baggage amongst the dreadful precipices with which the country abounds. He made his way through the country of the Grisons, and arrived at Coire with only about six thousand men. When Suwarof discovered in what man¬ ner affairs had been conducted, when he ascertained the perilous situation in which the Russians had been left by the archduke, and saw the destruction which had in p 114 FRANCE. History, consequence overtaken them, his indignation knew no bounds ; he considered himself and his men as betrayed, ' ' complained bitterly of the commander of the allies in Swit¬ zerland, publicly charged the council of war at Vienna with selfishness and injustice, and refused any longer to co-ope¬ rate with the Austrian army. He transmitted an account of the whole to Petersburg, and withdrew his forces to the vicinity of Augsburg, there to wait for further orders from his court. British in- In the mean time Great Britain made active preparations vasion of invade Plolland, with an army of forty thousand men, Holland. compOSeti 0f British troops and Russian auxiliaries. The first division, under General Sir Ralph Abercromby, sailed in the month of August, protected by a fleet under Admi¬ ral Duncan; but bad weather prevented any attempt to land the troops till the morning of the 27th, when the dis¬ embarkation was effected without opposition, at the Helder Point. As the invaders had not been expected to land in North Holland, there were but few troops in that neighbour¬ hood to oppose them. But before the British had proceeded far they were met by a considerable body of infantry, caval¬ ry, and artillery, hastily collected from the adjacent towns. The Dutch fought with great obstinacy, but, fatigued by the steady opposition of their antagonists, they fell back about two leagues, and in the night evacuated the fort of Helder, which was taken possession of by the British on the morn¬ ing of the 28th. Admiral Mitchell now entered the Zuyder- Zee with a detachment of the British fleet, in order to give battle to the Dutch under Admiral Story; but the latter, instead of retiring to the shallow water with which that sea abounds, surrendered his whole fleet, on the 30th of August, without firing a gun, pretending that from the mutinous disposition of his seamen he could not prevail upon them to fight. If the expedition had terminated here it would have been fortunate. This success, however, was followed up by an attempt to restore the authority of the stadtholder, and to re-establish the ancient form of government. But as no more than the first division had arrived, the terror of invasion began to be dissipated, the enemies of the new go¬ vernment became disheartened, and time was allowed to pre¬ pare for defence. Nor were these the only errors chargeable against the expedition. The British troops were landed in the worst place which could possibly have been selected, in a part of the country everywhere intersected by ditches and canals, and abounding more than any other with per¬ sons disaffected to the person and government of the stadt¬ holder ; and this unfortunate expedition was undertaken to¬ wards the approach of the rainy season, when a campaign in Holland is next to impossible. An invasion of Holland seemed so natural an operation on the part of Britain, and one too which might be undertaken with so many advan¬ tages by a power which had the command of the sea, that when it was first talked of the French Directory hesitated to undertake the defence of that country; but when the time and the place of disembarkation came to be known, the prospect of an almost certain success put an end to every doubt on the subject; and General Brune was accordingly sentwith such troops as could be hastily collected, to co-ope¬ rate with General Daendels. In the mean while, as no rein¬ forcement had arrived, General Abercromby could only act on the defensive; and the enemy, encouraged by his want of activity, ventured to attack him on the 10th of Septem¬ ber. Two columns of Dutch and one of republicans advan¬ ced against the invaders, but were repulsed in every direc¬ tion, and forced to retreat to Alkmaer. On the 13th addi¬ tional troops arrived under the Duke of York, who now as¬ sumed the chief command ; and the Russians having also ar¬ rived, the army, upon the 19th, assumed the offensive. The left wing under General Abercromby advanced along the shore of the Zuyder-Zee to attack Hoorne ; Generals Dun- das and Pulteney commanded the centre columns ; and the Russians were led by their own general D’Herman. But, History, owing to some misconception, the Russians advanced to attack the enemy about three o’clock in the morning, some H99. hours before the Vest of the army had begun its march. Their first efforts, however, were crowned with success, and they made themselves masters of the village of Bergen ; but as they pressed too eagerly forward, without waiting for the co¬ operation of the other columns, the enemy nearly surround¬ ed them; their general was made prisoner ; and notwith¬ standing that the British troops came up in time to cover their retreat, they lost upwards of three thousand men. This defeat of the right wing induced the commander-in¬ chief to recall his troops from their advanced positions, not¬ withstanding Abercromby had by this time made himself master of Hoorne and its garrison, and Pulteney had carried by assault the chief position of the Dutch army. The seve¬ rity of the weather prevented any fresh attack being made till the 2d of October. On that day, however, an action was fought between the British and the united Dutch and French troops, which was warmly contested, and did not terminate till late in the evening, when the British regain¬ ed possession of Alkmaer and the neighbouring villages. But as this engagement had taken place among the sand¬ hills near the sea, the fatigue which the troops had under¬ gone prevented them from profiting by their victory; and the fugitives were enabled to take up a position between Baverwyck and Wyck-op-Zee. Here they were again at¬ tacked on the 6th by the Duke of York, who after a san¬ guinary contest kept possession of the field. This, however, was the last success gained by the invading army. The Duke of York, finding that he could make no further pro¬ gress, that the enemy had been rapidly reinforced, and that the difficulties presented by the face of the country and the badness of the weather also conspired against him, retired to Schager Brug, where he waited for fresh orders from England. But being closely pressed by the enemy, the em¬ barkation of the troops must have been effected with great difficulty, had he not entered into a convention with the Dutch and French that his retreat should not be molested, in return for which he engaged not to injure the country by demolishing any of the dikes which defended it against the sea, and also to restore to France and Holland eight thousand prisoners taken before the present campaign. The affairs of the French Republic now began to wear a French more favourable aspect. Championet, it is true, had been affairs, defeated in Italy, and Ancona surrendered on the 13th of November to General Frdlich; but the French were still masters of the Genoese territory, Switzerland, and Hol¬ land ; and the new combination formed against them seem¬ ed about to be dissolved. Prussia withdrew at an early pe¬ riod, and still preserved a neutrality ; and, from the fate of Suwarof’s army, it was reasonable to conclude that the em¬ peror of Russia would also desert the cause of the allies. But the crisis of the directorial government was now fast Revolution approaching. Bonaparte, on his retreat from Syria, had of the 18th received intelligence that a Turkish army, supported by a Brumaire. fleet, was about to invade Egypt. Fie hastened his return across the desert, and arrived in the vicinity of the Pyra¬ mids on the 11th of July, when he found that an army consisting of eighteen thousand Moslemins had landed at Aboukir, carried that place by assault, and put the garri¬ son, consisting of five hundred men, to the sword. On the 15th he marched against these new invaders, and ten days afterwards not only defeated, but annihilated, their whole force, slaying about half their number, and driving the re¬ mainder into the sea. On the 10th of October the Direc¬ tory received a dispatch announcing this victory ; and on the 14th of the same month the less agreeable intelligence was communicated, that Bonaparte, accompanied with his principal officers, had landed on the shores of Provence. The state to which France had been reduced under the F R A History, directorial regime was truly deplorable. Not to mention the disastrous defeats which had been sustained by the 1799. French army, the loss of Italy, and of all the advantages se¬ cured to the Republic by the treaty of Campo Formio, the provinces had fallen into a state of extreme disorganization ; the roads were infested with brigands; and, by the law of hostages, all persons nobly born, or related to the nobility, were obliged either to skulk in concealment, or to join the insurgent bands. The rich were vexed with the same ex¬ actions as in the early period of the Revolution, when the country was menaced with invasion; the great mass of the population had been decimated by the consumption of the armies ; the fields in many places remained uncultivat¬ ed ; disorder and misery everywhere prevailed. The ne¬ cessity of a change was every day becoming more and more obvious ; and whatever difference of opinion there might be in the capital, the provinces were prepared to submit to any government which might supersede the Directory. Even the members of this body itself had become convin¬ ced that the period of its demise was at no great distance. Barras treated with the Bourbons ; Sieyes had repeatedly remarked that the chief thing wanting was a head; others held similar language ; and the minds of all, excepting the extreme democrats, were prepared for a change. Bonaparte, on his arrival, repaired to the Luxembourg. The Directory praised and feared, but dared not reproach him with the bold step he had taken in returning to France. Fie had evidently come to watch the course of events, and with this view shut himself up in a modest mansion in the Rue Chantereine. But it soon appeared that he was the loadstone which drew to it all interests and all ambition ; ministers, generals, deputies, men in office who desired to re¬ tain their places, and men out of office who desired to dis¬ possess the actual occupants, flocked in crowds to General Bonaparte. All parties in fact made overtures to him ; the extreme democrats, who sought in him an instrument, and the moderates, who desired the re-establishment of order at almost any price. Not to have picked up the fragments of sovereign power which thus crumbled and fell at his feet, would have been an act of self-denial unexampled in the annals of ambition. The country had despaired of obtain¬ ing at once a free and an efficient government; and, torn by the violence of contending factions, it now languished for repose. . Bonaparte took several days to mature his plans, and decide on the course which he was to adopt. The de¬ mocrats and moderates were equally eager in their advan¬ ces. But his revolutionary connections inclined him to the former; and as his brother Lucien had, in compliment to him, been chosen president of the Council of Five Hundred, Bonaparte proposed, through this party, to become Director in room of Sieyes. Gohier and Moulins were accordingly sounded, but these pragmatical blockheads objected on the ground of the law which required that a director should be forty years of age. The facility of getting a dispensa¬ tion voted was hinted at; but they persisted, not seeing the inevitable consequences of their obstinacy ; and Bonaparte instantly joined Sieyes and the moderates, with whom he planned a change, not only in the members, but also in the form of government. But to effect this, it was necessary to commence with a coup d'etat, or revolution; and the success of the latter must in a great measure depend on the support of the military. Of that order Bonaparte was the natural representative, and great exertions were now employed to secure its co-operation. He could reckon on the inferior officers and the troops ; their idol is always a victorious leader. But three of the generals, Moreau, Au- gereau, and Bernadette, were either too high in rank to stoop to a comrade, or too republican in principle to ac¬ quiesce in a project of revolution which might terminate in establishing a despotism. Moreau, however, was irre solute, and being discontented with the Directory, suffer- NCR 115 ed himself to be neutralized, if not gained over ; Augereau, History, brave in the field of battle, wanted political courage and conduct; and even Bernadotte, who had both, and argued 1799. stoutly against Bonaparte, was stilled, awed, or duped by his address. On the 18th of Brumaire, the day fixed for this revolu¬ tion, Bonaparte summoned all the generals and officers in Paris to an early breakfast. It was a kind of levee ; some regiments were to be reviewed; and it was necessary to harangue the troops. The Directors Barras, Moulins, and Gohier, were kept in ignorance of the plot; they in¬ habited the same palace, that of the Luxembourg, and, forming a majority of the Directory, might have done mis¬ chief. The first step, however, had all the forms of le¬ gality. The Council of Ancients, in which the influence of Sieyes predominated, met at six in the morning, and passed the preconcerted decree removing the sittings of the legislative body to Saint Cloud, and conferring upon Bonaparte the command of the troops in the capital. The decree was brought to Bonaparte in the midst of his levee, and immediately communicated to the officers present, whom he also addressed. The moment for action had now arrived. Seizing Lefebvre by the arm, he presented him with a sword, and won the rough soldier by a few magical words. The decree of the Legislative Assem¬ bly secured the obedience of Moreau. Bernadotte alone stood firm, but he was not permitted to retire, until he had given a promise not to raise agitations, harangue the soldiers, or act in any way until legally summoned. Hav¬ ing thus made himself certain of the military, Bonaparte rode to the Tuileries, reviewed the troops, and watched the course of events. Talleyrand had been sent to the Luxembourg to induce Barras to resign, and the latter had sent his secretary to the Tuileries to collect tidings. The directorial emissary was brought to Bonaparte, who in¬ stantly addressed him as if he had been the Directory it¬ self: “ What have you done with France, which I left so brilliant ? I left peace and I find war, victories and I find reverses ; I left you the millions of Italy, and I find nothing but spoliation and misery. WTere are the hundred thou¬ sand soldiers, my companions in glory ? They are dead.” This was spoken to excite the officers around, and to dis¬ pose them to march against the Luxembourg, which he was now prepared to do. But the prudence of Barras rendered such a step unnecessary. Having received from Talleyrand a promise of oblivion for the past, wealth and impunity for the future, he signed his resignation, and left the capital for his house in the country, attended by an escort of dra¬ goons. Moulins and Gohier, less accommodating, were ordered to be put under a guard in the Luxembourg, and Moreau was charged with this invidious duty. As Sieyes and Ducos had also resigned, the Directory was now vir¬ tually dissolved; and all that remained to be done was to replace it with a new executive government. On the following day, being the 19th of Brumaire, the members of the two Councils met at Saint Cloud. Bona¬ parte had occupied the road and the environs of the cha¬ teau with troops ; but his project was still far from being accomplished. The democratic majority in the Council of Five Hundred were indignant; the moderate majority in the Council of Ancients wavered as the crisis approached ; and whilst the one prepared for extremities, the other be¬ gan to repent their own act, and to be apprehensive of the intentions of Bonaparte. When the Councils met, the greatest agitation prevailed. In the Five Hundred the oath of fidelity to the constitution was renewed ; and it was fear¬ ed that some similar demonstration would be made by the Ancients. Informed of this dangerous spirit of resistance, Bonaparte resolved to confront, and if possible put it down by his presence. Surrounded by his staff, he accordingly entered the Council of the Ancients, and addressed their 116 FRA History, president, but with so much confusion both of language and of manner that his partisans began to despair. “ Ite- 1799. presentatives,” said he, “ you are on a volcano. I was tranquil yesterday when your decree was brought me, and I have come with my comrades to your aid. On this ac¬ count I am recompensed with calumnies. I am stigma¬ tized as a Cromwell and a Caesar. If such were my cha¬ racter, I had no need of coming here.” He then mention¬ ed the resignation of the Directors, the distress of the coun¬ try, and the agitated state of the Council of Five Hun¬ dred, upon which, he said, no dependence could be pla¬ ced ; and he besought the Ancients to save the Revolution, liberty, and equality. “ And the constitution,” exclaimed a voice. “ The constitution !” repeated Bonaparte, paus¬ ing and collecting himself; “ I tell you, you have no con¬ stitution. You violated it in Fructidor, in Floreal, and in Prairial, when you seized by force and condemned the na¬ tional representatives, when you annulled the popular elec¬ tions, when you compelled three directors to resign. The constitution, forsooth ! a name at once invoked and violat¬ ed by every faction in turn. What force can it possess, when it has ceased to command even respect ? The govern¬ ment, if you would have such a thing, must be fixed on a new basis.” Having thus shown the necessity of the re¬ volution, he then proceeded to re-assure his partisans, by promising it success; and, pointing to the glittering bayo¬ nets of the soldiers, “ I am accompanied,” added he, “ by the god of fortune and of war.” The Ancients applauded this speech, and Bonaparte, satisfied with the effect it had produced, hurried to the other wing of the chateau, where, in the Orangery, the Council of Five Hundred were in a state of extreme excitement. Leaving his staff behind, he advanced into the hall, whilst the grenadiers who followed him remained at the door. As he proceeded towards the chair, which was occupied by his brother Lucien, a violent tumult ensued, and the epithets “ Cromwell,” “ Caesar,” “ Usurper,” were freely applied to him from all parts of the house. Had the assembly heard him calmly, and then voted him a traitor or outlaw, his career might have been speedily closed; for Jourdan and Augereau were both without, and might easily have withheld or drawn off the soldiers. Instead of this, however, the exasperated depu¬ ties sprang from their seats as soon as he appeared, and pressing upon him, collared, hustled, and maltreated him, whilst Arena Corsican endeavoured to dispatch him with a dagger. The grenadiers flew to his assistance, and rescued him from their fury. “Let us outlaw him ; a vote of out¬ lawry,” was the instant cry of the assembly ; “ let him be treated like Robespierre, let him be put ho?'s la loi.” But Lucien refused to put the decree to the vote; he resisted, gained time, and at length, when about to be overpowered, was borne out of the hall by the grenadiers whom Napoleon sent to his assistance. Throughout the whole of this trying scene the civilian showed more courage and presence of mind than the soldier. Divesting himself of his robes, Lu¬ cien mounted a horse and harangued the troops, telling them that the majority of the Council of Five Hundred were held in terror by a few democrats armed with poni¬ ards, who menaced them, and attempted to assassinate the general. This declaration produced a great impression ; and the demand whether they might be reckoned on was answered with acclamations by the troops. A company of grenadiers was instantly ordered to clear the Orangery. They advanced from the one end to the other with fixed bayonets, whilst the deputies escaped by the windows and through the woods, leaving in their retreat fragments of their robes upon almost every bush. In the evening of the same day the Council of Ancients, and about fifty mem¬ bers of the dispersed Council of Five Hundred, passed a decree abolishing the Directory, and establishing in its room three consuls, Bonaparte, Sieyes, and Roger Ducos, N C E. as a provisional government, which, in concert with two History, committees chosen from each council, was authorized to prepare a constitution. l800- The plan of a new constitution was presented to the A consular public by the consuls in the month of December 1799.govern- According to this plan, eighty men, who had the power of nie“t es- nominating their own successors, and were called the Con- ab 18 ei1, servative Senate, had likewise authority to elect the whole of the legislators and executive rulers of the state, whilst none of these offices could be held by themselves. One man, called the chief or first consul, was to possess the so¬ vereign authority, to hold his office for ten years, and to be competent to be re-elected ; and other two consuls were to assist in his deliberations, but to have no power to control his will. The legislative power was divided into two as¬ semblies ; the Tribungte, composed of a hundred members, and the Conservative Senate, of three hundred. When the first consul thought proper to propose a law, the Tribunate might debate upon it, without having authority to vote either for or against it, whilst the members of the Senate might vote, but were not entitled to debate. The consuls and the members of the legislative body, as well as of the Conservative Senate, were not responsible for their con¬ duct ; but the ministers of state employed by them were undei'stood to be accountable. The committees which framed the constitution nominated the persons who were to execute the functions of government. Bonaparte was appointed first consul, and Cambaceres and Lebrun second and third consuls. Sieyes, as formerly, declined taking any active part in the administration of public affairs, and received, as a gratuity for his services, an estate belonging to the nation, called Crosne, in the department of the Seine and Oisne. Bonaparte had not been long in possession of the reins Bonaparte of government, when he made overtures for negotiating ProPose.s peace with the allied powers at war with France. Separate proposals were made to the different belligerent powers, no doubt with a view to dissolve the coalition ; but the de¬ crees of the Convention which had declared war against all the powers of Europe still remained unrepealed. Departing from the forms sanctioned by the custom of nations in car¬ rying on diplomatic correspondence, he addressed a letter directly to his Britannic majesty, the substance of which was, whether the war, which had for eight years ravaged the four quarters of the globe, was to be eternal ? and whe¬ ther there were no means by which Britain and France might come to a good understanding ? To these questions the British ministry made a formal and elaborate reply, in which they dwelt much on the bad faith of the revolu¬ tionary rulers, and the instability of the governments of France since the subversion of the monarchy. The over¬ ture transmitted to Vienna was of a similar description, and experienced similar treatment; but, irritated by the shame¬ ful treatment of Suwarof while carrying on the war in Italy and Switzerland, the emperor of Russia abandoned the coa¬ lition. On the 7th of March Bonaparte sent a message to the legislative body, containing his ideas as to the conduct and designs of the British cabinet, and assuring them that he would invoke peace in the midst of battles and triumphs, and fight only for the happiness of France and the repose of the world. This message was followed by two decrees ; the one calling, in the name of honour, upon every soldier absent upon leave from the armies of Italy and the Rhine, to join them before the 5th of April; and the other appoint¬ ing a fresh army of reserve to be assembled at Dijon, un¬ der the immediate command of the first consul. About this time the belligerent powers were nearly ready Affairs of to open the campaign both in Italy and on the Rhine. The Genoese Republic formed the only territory of any importance in Italy, which remained in the hands of the FRA History. French ; but the army by which it was defended had been very much reduced since the preceding year, and might be 1800. considered as in a state of mutiny, from the want of pay, clothes, and provisions. The Austrians were most anxious to obtain possession of Genoa and its dependencies ; and in this they were seconded by the Genoese themselves, who regarded the republicans as the destroyers of their com¬ merce. Massena received the command of the army in Genoa, with extraordinary powers, and by his conduct proved himself a general of consummate abilities. Carrying with him a reinforcement of troops from Lyons and Mar¬ seilles, and reducing to order and obedience all whom he had found ready to desert their standards, he was soon at the head of a force sufficient to check the progress of the Austrians, and to keep the Genoese in subjection. But after a number of battles, all of them most vigorously con¬ tested, he was at length obliged to retire within the city, where he had soon an opportunity of distinguishing him¬ self by one of the ablest and most obstinate defences on record. The appearance of the British fleet on the 5th of April was the preconcerted signal for Melas to attack Genoa, the communication between which and France was thus cut off. But previously to the arrival of Lord Keith, a quantity of wheat and other provisions had been thrown into the city, by which means the army and the inhabitants were rescued from immediate famine. The sur¬ rounding country wras soon occupied by the Austrians ; but as Massena still lived in the expectation of supplies from France, he obstinately refused to surrender the city. General Melas having nothing to apprehend from the army shut up in Genoa, left General Ott to continue the block¬ ade, and with the remainder of his forces marched against Suchet, who commanded another division of the French army. On the 7th of May a battle was fought, between Ceva and St Lorenzo, in which the republicans were de¬ feated with the loss of twelve hundred prisoners and ten pieces of cannon. The consequences of this defeat, which in the circumstances was perhaps inevitable, proved emi¬ nently disastrous to the French. Suchet was obliged to abandon his strong position on the Col di Tende, where he left behind him four pieces of cannon and two hundred pri¬ soners ; and though he disputed every defensible point on his retreat, the Austrians drove him from one post to ano¬ ther, till he was finally obliged to take refuge behind the Var; by which means General Melas became master of the whole department of the Maritime Alps. Campaign But the campaign on the Rhine did not open in so fa- Rhin vourable a manner for the Austrians as that of Italy. The lne court of Vienna directed the Archduke Charles to resign the command of the army to General Kray, who had emi¬ nently distinguished himself during the Italian campaign of 1799. Of his military talents there could be only one opinion, and his integrity and zeal had been sufficiently tried; but he had the misfortune not to be noble, and in the Austrian dominions the want of high birth cannot be compensated by the possession of great talents. It could scarcely be expected, therefore, that a divided army, com¬ manded by an officer without birth, though possessed of ability, would make head against the united veterans of France, led on by a general under whom they had been accustomed to conquer ; and, in fact, the Hungarian troops, finding themselves ready to be sacrificed to the dissen¬ sions of their officers, refused to fight against the enemy. At the opening of the campaign, the council of war at Vienna had sent General Kray instructions how to dis¬ pose of his forces ana having no general under him to support his views, Re was under the necessity of obeying his instructions whether he approved of them or not. In¬ structions of a similar nature had been transmitted to Mo¬ reau by the chief consul, but he refused to fight under re¬ straint. Conscious that in knowledge of the military art he N C E. 117 was not inferior to Bonaparte himself, whilst he possessed History, the advantage of being infinitely better acquainted with the v—~~y— country, he sent a courier to Paris to inform the first con- 1800- sul, that if the orders sent him were to be rigidly obeyed, he should feel it his duty to resign his command, and ac¬ cept of an inferior station. He accompanied his resigna¬ tion with a plan of the campaign which he had framed for himself; and as the propriety of his suggestions forcibly struck the mind of the first consul, he was ordered to act according to his own judgment. Being thus judiciously left to adopt and execute his own measures, General Moreau crossed the Rhine, and drove the Austrians from one post to another, till General Kray, finding it impracticable to adopt offensive measures with a mutinous army and disaffected officers, resolved to main¬ tain his position at Ulm, and wrait for reinforcements from \ ienna. He had been defeated at Stockach, at Engen, and at Mbskirch, although on almost every occasion he gave proofs of abdity and determination; but no talents, how¬ ever great, can counteract the pernicious effects of treach¬ ery and disaffection, to say nothing of an absurd and im¬ practicable plan of operations. At one time, indeed, seven thousand men, when ordered to advance, instantly threw down their arms. Convinced that it was absolutely vain to attempt any offensive operation, Kray intrenched himself strongly at Ulm, which, as it commands both sides of the Danube, is consequently a place of great importance. But Moreau, perceiving his intentions, resolved to attempt the passage of the Danube, and force Kray to a general en¬ gagement, by cutting him off from his magazines at Dona- wert; and with this view he ordered Lecourbe, with one of the wings of his army, to take possession of a bridge between Donawert and Dillingen. This was not effected without difficulty and loss; but it fully disclosed the intentions of the French general. The Austrians, in fact, perceived their danger in all its magnitude, and accordingly disputed every inch of ground with the enemy. Kray sent rein¬ forcements to the left bank to oppose the passage, and a battle in consequence ensued at Hochstet, in the vicinity of Blenheim, where victory again declared for the French, who made four thousand prisoners. Sensible that his situ¬ ation had now become perilous in the extreme, Kray left a strong garrison at Ulm, and marched against the enemy, whom he attacked at Neuburg. The troops on both sides fought with determined bravery ; but, after a severe contest, the Austrians were obliged to fall back on Ingolstadt. This battle may be said to have decided the fate of Germany. The electorate of Bavaria was now in the possession of the French, besides other territories of less extent; and as they approached the hereditary dominions of the emperor, re¬ publican sentiments were loudly expressed, whilst the peo¬ ple in many parts evinced such a leaning towards the ene¬ my, as to convince the court that no dependence could be placed on armies composed of such persons. The imperial family, and the British ambassador, were openly insulted in the theatre, and the cry of “ Peace, peace,” resounded from every part of the house. “ A new dynasty must be baptized in blood.” This was vjews and the careless remark of a rhetorician, but Napoleon deeply wants of felt its truth. His authority, which wanted the sanction ofNapoleon. time, required the support of victory. It was necessary for his own sake, as well as for that of the country which had placed its destinies in his hands, that he should strike a blow which would at once humble the enemy, and impress the world with an idea of his irresistible power. With this view, he had caused to be assembled at Dijon, and organiz¬ ed by Berthier, an army of reserve (as it was called), which was thought to have no other destination than that of de¬ fending the course of the Rhine, but which was in reality intended to perform a conspicuous part on an independent theatre of action. 1 he object of Napoleon was to reconquer 118 F R A History. Italy, which, with the exception of Genoa, where Massena still held out, the Austrians now occupied to the foot of the 1800. Alps. And every thing seemed to favour the project which had been so boldly conceived. His preparations had been so skilfully masked, that when the government ostentati¬ ously announced the real strength of the army of reserve, the statement was universally discredited ; and Melas, who commanded the imperial forces in Italy, so little dreamed of being called upon to contend for the possession of that country with the most fortunate and enterprising general of his time, that his whole attention was directed towards the pursuit of Suchet, who was now retreating over the Alps of Savoy. In his head-quarters at Alessandria, he never suspected that he would have to oppose an invading force descending into Italy by the pass of the Great St Ber¬ nard. The real views of Bonaparte were too bold to enter into the conception of the Austrian general. These were, to traverse Switzerland by the lake of Geneva and the val¬ ley of the Rhone as far as Martigny, and thence to cross the Great St Bernard, and descend into the plains of Lombardy in rear of Melas; in other words, to intersect the commu¬ nications of the Austrian general, disarrange all his plans, oblige him to countermarch and take up new positions, and, lastly, impose on him the necessity of receiving battle in a situation where defeat would be total ruin. He expected to reap the benefit of a complete surprise, and at all events to take the enemy in flagranti delicto. Passage of On the 6th of May the first consul left Paris, and pro- the Alps; ceeded to take the command of an army the strength and invasion (]est;nation 0f which had given rise to so many conjectures. ta This army, which had been reinforced from the Rhine, and amounted to about forty thousand men, immediately began its march into Switzerland, and on the 20th cross¬ ed the Great St Bernard. The passage of this mountain is justly accounted one of the most extraordinary achieve¬ ments in modern warfare, and is not inferior in any of its circumstances to the celebrated passage of the Alps by Hannibal. The French army now advanced by a path which had hitherto been considered as practicable only for mules and foot passengers ; they removed their cannon from the carriages, placed the guns in the hollowed trunks of trees, and thus dragged them up the steep ascent. In May winter still reigns with unmitigated severity in these regions ; and the rigours of a northern climate, snow, ice, and whirlwinds, increased the dangers of the march ; but all difficulties were overcome by the enthusiasm and per¬ severance of the troops. On reaching the summit, refresh¬ ments awaited them at the convent, to the monks of which large sums had been transmitted for the purpose ; and in that cloud-capped habitation of peace, the soldiers as they passed received a cordial welcome, and enjoyed some needful rest. The division which crossed the Simplon encountered still greater difficulties than that which pass¬ ed the Great St Bernard, having to clear deep fissures in Indian file, and sometimes clinging to a single rope. In descending from Mount St Bernard into the valley of Aoste, the road passes under the fort of Bard, by which it is completely commanded. Here, then, was a lion in the path. The troops might avoid it by clambering over the adjoining precipices, but for the artillery this was impos¬ sible. The fort was summoned and cannonaded, but in vain ; the governor disregarded the menaces of the invad¬ ers, and his little citadel was secure against a coup-de- main. What was to be done ? The case seemed desperate, but ingenuity at length triumphed. The street of the village immediately below was covered with straw and small branches, and the cannon were dragged past during a dark night without attracting the attention of the gar¬ rison. Had the fort opened its fire, and delayed the army longer, all the advantages of this bold march would have been lost. But fortune still remained true to her favourite ; N C E. and Bonaparte, having cleared an obstacle which at first History, appeared insuperable, followed the course of the Doria and - the Po, entered Milan and Pavia, and thus accomplished his first object, namely, that of placing himself on the communications of Melas. The Austrian general had already retrograded ; he could not credit the report of Bonaparte being in Italy, but still he had taken the precaution to fall back. What above all astonished him, was to hear that the French had cannon; how had they passed the Alps? Bonaparte arrived at Milan on the 2d of June, and there expected Moncey to join him with reinforcements from the army of Switzer¬ land. In the mean time he dispatched his lieutenants to seize the towns on the Po; which was promptly effected. In occupying Piacenza, Murat interceptejd a courier on his way to the Austrian head-quarters, with tidings of the fall of Genoa. This event, which disengaged and render¬ ed disposable a large Austrian force, left Napoleon no al¬ ternative but either to fall back and wait for his expected reinforcements, or to march against Melas, and put all to the hazard of a battle. Fie chose the latter course, and trusting that his own genius and fortune would compen¬ sate for his deficiency in effective force, resolved to anti¬ cipate the enemy. Melas had concentrated his whole force at Alessandria, on the Bormida; and General Ott, having reduced Genoa, was rapidly advancing, with the intention of surprising the French advanced posts on the Po, and at the same time combining his operations with those of the principal army in a grand effort against the enemy. But Ott was himself surprised by Lannes at Montebello, and after a severe action completely defeated with the loss of five thousand men. The French army now advanced to Stradella, where it took up an advanta¬ geous position, and remained several days to allow Suchet to close upon the enemy’s rear, and Massena, with the liberated garrison of Genoa, to join from the south. The Austrians in the mean while made no movement; and Na¬ poleon, apprehensive that Melas might escape him, either by marching north towards Turin or south towards Genoa, advanced into the plains of Marengo ; thus giving a pro¬ digious advantage to the enemy. But although Melas was greatly superior in cavalry, and might at his option either attack the French, or defend the course of the Bor¬ mida, behind which his army was concentrated, Bonaparte was still so apprehensive that he might file off towards Genoa, that he detached Dessaix, who had just arrived from Egypt and taken the command of a division, to coun¬ teract any movement in retreat, and to compel the Aus¬ trians to receive battle. But this measure, which in its consequences had nearly proved fatal to the French army, proceeded on a total miscalculation ; for at the very mo¬ ment when Napoleon was thinking of preventing the flight of Melas, it was decided in a council of war that the only mode of securing Genoa was to give battle to the French. On the morning of the 14th, which Melas had fixed on Battle of for the attack, the French were echelloned in an oblique Marengo, formation, extending from Marengo, the village next the Bormida, which was occupied by their advanced guard, to San Giuliano, where the head-quarters were established, with considerable intervals between the divisions. The Austrians passed the Bormida in three columns, by as many bridges, which they had thrown across the river. One cause of the want of preparation on the part of Napo¬ leon, was the assurance he had received that the principal bridge had been broken down ; and this was perfectly true ; but the Austrians had not lost a moment in re-establish¬ ing the bridge, and thus restoring their communications with the opposite bank of the stream. The first burst of the attack was directed against the French at Marengo. But instead of advancing boldly to the charge, and storm¬ ing the key of the position, the imperialists deployed, FRA History, planted batteries, and waited to effect tardily by their fire what an assault might have at once accomplished. 1800. Ibis afforded the trench time, which they so much want¬ ed, and enabled Napoleon to recall Dessaix. The right and left of the Austrians had scarcely an enemy to contend with; for being composed chiefly of cavalry, in which arm the Austrian army was eminently powerful, they swept every thing before them; and at length, turning towards the centre, drove the enemy from the village of Marengo, across a swampy rivulet in the rear. At mid-day, the plain presented an extraordinary spectacle. The French in disordered masses were in half retreat, yet still main¬ taining a vigorous resistance ; whole columns of wounded and stragglers were pressing towards the rear, and throw¬ ing into confusion the ranks which still held firm ; the Austrian cavalry domineered in the plain, and threatened at every moment to break in among the disordered troops ; the fate of the day seemed already decided. Seeing him¬ self victorious at Marengo, General Melas retired to Ales¬ sandria to write his dispatches, leaving the chief of his staff, Baron Zach, to complete the victory. He had al¬ ready withdrawn from the field a considerable body of ca¬ valry, which he deemed it necessary to send against Su- chet; a fatal error, which he had soon reason to repent. But whilst Melas thus indulged in the security of an assured triumph, Bonaparte was preparing to make a stand at San Giuliano, and to avenge the defeat of the morning by fighting a fresh battle in the evening. Dessaix had now joined, and highly applauded the resolution of the gene¬ ral-in-chief. The artillery was at the same time placed in battery upon an eminence commanding the high road, along which the Austrians shortly afterwards advanced in column. But success had rendered them as impru¬ dently confident in the evening as the French were in the morning, and they came on less to dispute the victory than to gather up the fruits of one which had been already gained. Bonaparte now rode leisurely along his newly- formed line. “ Soldiers, said he, tl we have retreated enough for to-day ; you know it is my custom to sleep on the field of battle.’ When the imperialists led on by Zach approached San Giuliano, the battery, unmasked, opened its fire; Dessaix led on his fresh division of in¬ fantry to the attack; Kellerman, with a brigade of light horse, watching the favourable moment, charged and broke through the advancing column, then wheeling round, chaiged back and again penetrated it. Thus surprised and enveloped, the head of the column laid down its arms, and the remainder scarcely attempted to make a stand ; being speedily routed and put to flight, it communicated its panic to the troops in the rear, which, had they come up with suitable determination, might have repeated at San Gmhano the success of Marengo. All was now lost. The impel ialists fled across the plain of Marengo towards the bridges, pursued by the French, who slaughtered the fu¬ gitives in all directions. The carnage was dreadful, and continued until nightfall, when the victors, weary of slay¬ ing and oppressed by fatigue, slowly withdrew. Thus the battle of Marengo, which a vigorous charge of cavalry would for ever have decided, was restored and gained by six o’clock in the evening. Dessaix fell early in the second battle, to which the brilliant charge so opportunely executed by young Kellerman gave the decisive turn.1 Italy was thus conquered at Marengo; and France by one battle regained her superiority in the field. An ar¬ mistice was now agreed to, the terms of which were, that N C E. 119 Piedmont and Genoa were to be given up to the French, History, and that the Austrians should retire behind the Mincio; s-- thus abandoning at once all the conquests of Suwarof. 1800. Ihe convention with Melas was considered as preparatory to a treaty; and, in fact, Bonaparte offered to Austria the terms of Campo hormio; but the cabinet of Vienna, more resolute in adversity than in prosperity, pleaded her en¬ gagements with Britain, as precluding her from treating excepting in conjunction with that power, her ally. Ho- henlinden was destined to add its glories to that of Maren¬ go, before peace could be conquered. General Kray was anxious to avail himself of the armis¬ tice concluded in Italy in order to arrest the progress of Moreau; but that able general refused to listen to any overtures upon the subject, until he should have received instructions from Paris. Count St Julien, however, arriv¬ ed with proposals of peace from the imperial cabinet, in consequence of which the armistice was extended to Ger¬ many ; and the posts then occupied by the respective ar¬ mies were considered as constituting the line of demarca¬ tion. But, in opposition to the spirit of the stipulations with General Melas, the French reinforced their army in Italy, levied immense contributions, and raised troops in different states which they themselves had declared inde¬ pendent. . Whilst France was thus victorious in Europe, her troops Distress in Egypt were subjected to the greatest hardships. The °f the circumstance of their being abandoned by their chief gave Prench rise to bitter complaints; and Kleber is said to have de- dared that the same universe should not contain him and Bonaparte. Under the auspices of the latter, a convention for the evacuation of Egypt by the French was concluded at El Arisch on the 24-th of January 1800, between the Grand Vizier on the part of Turkey, and Sir Sidney Smith on that of Great Britain. By virtue of this convention, the republican army, with its baggage and effects, were to be collected at Alexandria, Rosetta, and Aboukir, and to be conveyed to France in vessels belonging the Repub¬ lic, or such as might be furnished for that purpose by the Sublime Porte. Towards the close of the year 1799 the British ministry Kb'ber as- reason to believe that an arrangement would be en-sassinated* tered into between the Grand Vizier and General Kleber for the evacuation of Egypt by the French ; and as such an event was much to be desired, Lord Keith received orders to accede to it, but only on condition that Kleber and his army should be detained as prisoners of war. The convention of El Arisch accordingly fell to the ground ; and, but for the honourable conduct of Sir Sidney Smith,* Kleber would have been treacherously attacked by the Grand Vizier whilst resting upon his arms, in reliance that the treaty would be ratified. But the Turks paid dear for their meditated perfidy. On the 20th of March, Kleber attacked and totally routed them at Heliopolis, near Cairo, with the loss of more than eight thousand men killed and wounded on the field of battle. This victory restored to the French Cairo, which in terms of the convention of El Arisch they had abandoned. Kleber again proposed to evacuate Egypt, upon the terms agreed to by the Grand Vizier and Sn Sidney Smith; and Lord Keith being now empowered to agree to them, a suspension of hostilities took place, and the Turks were about to be delivered from an enemy whom they were not able to expel, when Gene¬ ral Kleber was suddenly assassinated. Both parties had reason to regret this event, as Kleber was not only one of an, supported b.v a.toost a.l the omission of all notice of this achievement in the official account of the hntfle8 -n S of .res^tment was excited in his mind by the he acknowledged. “ That charge of yours was oonnlmA- K the ^tle. Ihe service thus rendered was perhaps too great to “ UU)ortune in^ed,” replied Kellerman; « it has placed the crownTn ^ourtead.” e’ ln a tone of lukewaim Praise’ 120 FRA History, the most able, but also one of the most upright and hon- ourable men ever intrusted with the command of an army. 1801. Menou succeeded Kleber in the command of the French ofTh^Bri1 army in Egypt, but refused to quit that country by capitu- tish go-n" Nation; in consequence of which the British government vernment. formed the resolution of expelling him by force. Sir James Pulteneyhad received the command of twelve thousand men in the Mediterranean, with orders to act in such a manner as might most effectually annoy the enemy ; but as this plan had been disconcerted by the result of the battle of Marengo, he -was superseded by Sir Ralph Abercromby, who carried out with him reinforcements, together with a train of ar¬ tillery from Gibraltar. Having touched at Minorca and Malta, Sir Ralph steered his course thence for the coast of Egypt, which he reached on the first of March 1801, and next day anchored in the Bay of Aboukir. But the weather prevented him from attempting to land till the 8th, when the first division effected a landing in the face of the French, to the amount of four thousand men, and the disembarkation was continued during that and the following day. The army moved forward on the 12th, and coming in sight of the enemy, gave them battle on the 13th. The conflict was obstinate on both sides, and the loss very considerable ; but victory in the end declared for the Bri¬ tish. This advantage was followed up with vigour, and on the 21st a more decisive battle was fought about four miles from Alexandria, where, after various turns of fortune, the British were finally victorious. In the heat of the action, General Abercromby received a mortal wound, and died on the 28th. The loss on both sides was severe. The north- As the fate of Egypt was in a great measure decided by em confe- ^gg two battles, we shall now advert to affairs of great im- eracy. portance which about this time took place in Europe. The northern powrers, jealous of the maritime superiority of Bri¬ tain, and acting under the influence of the Emperor Paul, resolved to revive the armed neutrality of Catharine II. established during the American war, and to claim the right of trading to the ports of France without being sub¬ jected to what they conceived the intolerable evil of having their vessels searched. The ministry of Great Britain had determined to break up this confederacy; but, to the asto¬ nishment of the nation, which was not prepared for such an occurrence, they suddenly resigned. Change of Various causes have been assigned for an event so un- ministry in expectefl ; but the ostensible reason was a difference in the iitain. cabinet relative to Catholic emancipation. After the union of Ireland with Britain, the minister appears to have pro¬ posed this subject in the cabinet; but his majesty, from some conscientious scruples founded on his coronation oath, gave it his direct negative, and in consequence Mr Pitt and his friends tendered their resignation. They were succeed¬ ed by men, however, who had generally supported Mr Pitt’s administration during the war, and who were entirely of the same school in politics. Mr Addington was appointed first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer; Lord Eldon, lord high chancellor; the Earl of St Vincent, first lord of the admiralty ; Lords Hawkesbury and Pelham, secretaries of state ; and the Honourable Colonel Yorke, secretary at war. The former ministry was dissolved on the 11th of February ; but owing to the indisposition of the king, the new ministry did not enter upon office until the middle of March, during which interval Mr Pitt and his associates had the chief management of public affairs. The new ministry commenced their career by solemnly pledg¬ ing themselves to the nation that they would employ their united efforts in procuring a safe and honourable peace with France, which in fact was loudly demanded by the nation. Proceed- About this time measures the most hostile were adopted ings of the towards Britain, by the powders composing the northern con- northern fe(ieracy. The city of Hamburg was taken by a Danish conte era- porce uncjer the Prince of Hesse ; and the king of Prussia N C E. likewise sent a numerous army into the electorate of Ha- History, nover, all with the view of injuring British commerce. To punish this audacious conduct, and dissolve the northern iSOl. confederacy, a fleet of seventeen sail of the line, four fri¬ gates, four sloops, and some bomb vessels, was fitted out in the ports of Britain, and sailed from Yarmouth on the 12th of March, under the command of Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, Lord Nelson, and Rear-admiral Graves; and hav¬ ing passed the Sound, appeared before Copenhagen on the 30th of the same month. The Danes did not appear in the smallest degree moved by this display of force, thinking it impossible to molest either their fleet or their city without passing through a channel so extremely intricate that it was once believed hardly safe to attempt it even with a single ship unopposed by an enemy. But this channel was sound¬ ed by Lord Nelson, who undertook to conduct through it a large division of the fleet; and having requested from Sir Hyde Parker the command of the squadron, it was accord¬ ingly given him, and Rear-admiral Graves was appointed his second in command. As the largest ships drew too much water for being employed in so hazardous an attempt, his lordship selected twelve of from seventy-four to fifty guns, together with four frigates, four sloops, two fire-ships, and seven bombs. To this a prodigious force was oppos¬ ed, consisting of six sail of the line, eleven floating batte¬ ries, each mounting from eighteen to twenty-eight heavy guns, one bomb-ship, and a number of schooners ; and these were supported by the Crown Batteries, mounting eighty- eight pieces of cannon, by four sail of the line, moored in the mouth of the harbour, and by a few battei'ies on the island of Amak. On the 2d of April, Lord Nelson attack¬ ed this tremendous force, and after an obstinate and bloody action, which lasted four hours, silenced the fire of the bat¬ teries, taking, burning, and sinking about seventeen sail, including seven ships of the line. A suspension of hostili¬ ties was the immediate consequence of this brilliant victo¬ ry, and the armed neutrality was in fact dissolved. When the armistice was signed between the Austrian Battle of and French generals in the year 1800, the troops of the lat- Hohenlin- ter were in possession of Germany almost to the banks of(*en# the Inn, and of Italy to the frontiers of Venice; but the spirit of the emperor was yet unsubdued, and he declined abandoning his allies by ratifying the preliminaries of peace which Count St Julien had agreed to at Paris, more espe¬ cially as the latter was alleged to have exceeded his powers. Kray having retired from the army, the Archduke John suc¬ ceeded him in the command, and with the emperor in per¬ son repaired to the army ; but they soon found it imprac¬ ticable to undertake any offensive operation against Mo¬ reau, and therefore another armistice, comprehending Italy, was agreed to. The emperor wished to include Britain in any treaty which might be entered into with France; but as Bonaparte refused to admit any plenipotentiary from that power until a naval armistice had been agreed to, Moreau received orders to resume his military operations. The command of the Austrian divisions was now given to generals whose very names were unknown beyond the confines of their own country, and who had shown them¬ selves but little acquainted with the military art. Moreau was on the banks of the Iser, with his troops considerably disseminated; the Austrians were on those of the Inn, occupying a good line of defence if they had understood its importance, or had the prudence to maintain it. But whilst the French general-in-chief was meditating the plan of his winter campaign, the right wing of his army was attacked and driven back by the Austrians ; and had they known how to make a judicious use of their advantage, the French commander would in all probability have been reduced to act on the defensive. Elated with success, however, they unaccountably abandoned their position on the Inn, and marched to attack the French along wretched FRANCE. History, roads, rendered nearly impassable by November weather. Moreau was with his army at Hohenlinden, behind the fo- 80 ’ rest of Ebersberg, where he awaited the approach of the enemy. The archduke ordered his army to advance in se¬ parate columns by the roads and paths leading through the forest, on the exterior edge of which he intended to de¬ ploy and give battle. His centre, under Kollowi’ath, took the principal road, but was encountered as it debouched from the forest by the divisions of Ney and Grouchy; whilst another division of the French under Ilichepanse turned the flank of the Austrians, and fell with great fury upon its rear at the other side of the forest. This double attack was attended with complete success. The centre was en¬ tirely routed, with the loss of no less than eight thousand prisoners, besides killed and wounded; and the defeat of the rest of the army followed as an inevitable consequence. Had the Archduke Charles commanded on this occasion, a defeat caused by such a blunder would have been impos¬ sible ; but this prince was now in disgrace for having coun¬ selled peace. At Hohenlinden the Austrians lost in all eighty pieces of cannon, two hundred caissons, and ten thousand prisoners. Tonse- Moreau allowed the enemy no time to rally, but march- Eattl ing directly towards the Inn, crossed that river on the 9th e' of December, drove the enemy before him, and struck the court of Vienna with consternation and dismay. Prince Charles was recalled and invested with the command of the army; but after many fruitless efforts to retrieve its honour, he on the 27th of December proposed an armistice, which was acceded to by the French commander, upon condition that it should be immediately followed by a definitive treaty. If the archduke could have placed any dependence upon his army, this armistice would not in all probability have taken place. The position of Moreau was, in fact, perilous in the extreme. Having advanced into the very heart of the Austrian states, he had behind him on his right about thir¬ ty thousand men in the Tyrol, and upwards of fifty thou¬ sand on his left. But Austrian valour was now well nidi extinguished by so many reverses of fortune; the officers were discontented; and the army was not in a condition to make head for a single day against so able and enterprising an enemy. Accordingly, the armistice was followed by a treaty of peace, which was signed at Luneville on the 9th of February 1801, between the emperor for himself and the Germanic body on the one hand, and the first consul of the French Republic, in name of the people of France, on the other. By this treaty the emperor ceded the Brisgau to the Duke of Modena, in lieu of the territories lost bv that prince in Italy, and bound himself to find indemnities in the Ger¬ manic empire to all those princes whom the fate of war had deprived of their dominions. The Grand Duke of Tusca¬ ny renounced his dukedom, with its dependencies in the isle of Elba, in favour of the Duke of Parma, who assumed the title of king of Etruria; and for this the empire was to provide him with an adequate indemnification. Italy re¬ sumed its republican forms and divisions of governments under French influence and protection ; and the Rhine still continued the boundary of France on the side of Germany. On the 28th of March, peace was also concluded between the French Republic and the king of the Two Sicilies. By this treaty his majesty obliged himself to shut the ports of Naples and Sicily against ships of every description be¬ longing either to the British or the Turks ; and he renoun¬ ced for ever Porto Longano in the island of Elba, his states in Tuscany, and the principality of Piombino, to be dis¬ posed of in such manner as the French Republic might think proper. ntain Great Britain had now no ally left to aid her in the contest thin™ With F.rance’ excepting the Turks in Egypt and the Portu- >a, ’ Suese in Europe, powers which rather diminished than in¬ creased her strength. At the desire of France the Spa- vol. x. 121 mards had made an attack upon Portugal, and conquered History, some of its provinces ; but a treaty of peace was conclud- '"-"■"Y''*.' ed on the 6th of June, by which the king of Spain restor- 1802. ed all his conquests excepting the fortress of Olivenza; and the prince regent of Portugal and the Algarves promised to shut the ports of his territories against the ships of Great Britain, and to make indemnification to his Catholic majesty for all losses and damages sustained by his subjects during the war. When the first consul had made peace with all his other enemies, he threatened Great Britain with an imme¬ diate invasion ; a circumstance which at first gave great un¬ easiness to a considerable part of the nation. But in order to assuage this alarm, Lord Nelson was sent to destroy the shipping in the harbour of Boulogne ; and though his suc¬ cess fell short of wdxat had been expected by many, he nevertheless made such an impression on the enemy as showed that Britain could annoy the coast of France with greater facility than France could molest that of Britain. During the summer of 1801, attempts were again made Treaty by Britain to negotiate with France. From the total dis-with solution of the northern confederacy, the first consul could ^ rance ? not fail to perceive that it was impossible for him to ruin Bri- Pea<:e of tish commerce, and consequently that all the treaties which Amiens' he might make for excluding our ships from neutral ports would signify nothing. He seemed determined, however, to keep possession of Egypt; and Britain, on the other hand, was as fully resolved to wrest it from him. On this account the negotiations were protracted till the conquest of that country became known both at London and Paris. On the death of Sir Ralph Abercromby, General Hutchin¬ son succeeded to the command of the British forces in Egypt, and as he was acquainted with the designs of his predecessor, one spirit seemed to actuate both. Rosetta surrendered, and this was soon followed by the capitulation of Cairo ; and Menou having accepted of similar terms for Alexandria, the whole of Egypt fell into the hands of the allies, and the republican troops with their baggage were conveyed to the nearest French ports in the Mediterranean, in ships furnished by the allies. After these events, the negotiations between Britain and France proceeded more agreeably ; and, on the 1st of October, the preliminary trea¬ ty was signed at London by Lord Hawkesbury on the part of his Britannic majesty, and by M. Otto on that of the French Republic. By this treaty Great Britain engaged to give up all the conquests made by her during the continuance of the war, excepting the islands of Ceylon and Trinidad, whilst France was in fact to restore nothing. The Cape of Good Hope was to be free to all the contracting par¬ ties ; the island of Malta was to be given up to the knights of the order of St John of Jerusalem ; Egypt was to be re¬ stored to the Ottoman Porte ; Portugal was to be main¬ tained in its integrity, excepting what had been ceded to the king of Spain by the prince regent; Naples and the Roman States were to be evacuated by the French, and Porto Ferrajo by the British, together with all the ports and islands occupied by them in the Mediterranean. Plenipo¬ tentiaries were also appointed to meet at Amiens, for the purpose of drawing up and concluding a definitive treaty. This accordingly took place on the 22d of March 1802, and the French Republic was thus acknowledged by the whole of Europe. Having thus arrived at the period when the dogs of war Itetrospec- were during a brief interval chained up, and the nations oftive Hew Europe allowed to respire a little after the fierce contestof re' in which they had been engaged, it may not be uninstruc- volutlon£U tive or uninteresting to pause for a moment and pass in review that extraordinary series of revolutions in France which overthrew the monarchy to make way for the Re¬ public, and in turn destroyed the Republic to make way for the Consulate and the Empire. Popular insurrections, and an army, have hitherto been Q 122 FRA History, the usual means, or chief instruments, of every revolution ; '—but insurrections of this description have generally been 1802, fomented by a certain number of factious men, devoted to and dependent upon some ambitious chief, daring, brave, possessed of military talents, the absolute conductor of every step of the revolt, and the master of all the means of the insurrection. In the hands of such a chief, the soldiers, or people armed, are mere machines, set in motion or re¬ strained according to his pleasure, and are always employ¬ ed to put an end to revolutionary disorders and crimes, as soon as the object of the revolution has been attained. Thus Caesar and Cromwell, after they had usurped the supreme power, lost no time in securing it, by placing it upon the basis of a wise and well-regulated government; and they employed in quelling the troubles which had favoured their usurpation, those very legions which they had used to ex¬ cite them. But this was not the case in France. In that country the revolution, or rather the first of those revolutions it ex¬ perienced, and of which the others were the inevitable consequence, does not seem to have been the result of a conspiracy or preconcerted plan to overturn the monarchy and to establish a republic in its place. It was unexpect¬ edly engendered by a mixture of weakness, ignorance, ne¬ gligence, and numberless errors in the government. The States General, however imprudent their convocation may have been, would have produced only useful reforms, if they had found the limits of their power marked out by a hand sufficiently firm to keep them within their natural boundaries. It was but too evident, however, that even before their opening they were dreaded, and that conse¬ quently they might attempt almost any thing they pleased. From that time, under the name of Clubs, various associa¬ tions and factions sprang up; some more violent than others, but all tending to the subversion of the existing government, without agreeing upon the form of that which was to be substituted in its stead: and at this period also the projects of the faction whose views were to get the Duke of Or¬ leans appointed lieutenant-general of the kingdom began to manifest themselves. This faction, or, as some call it, this conspiracy, was, in truth, of the same nature with those which had produced all former revolutions, and might have been attended with the same consequences had the Duke of Orleans been posses¬ sed of the energy and courage requisite in the leader of a party. The people had already declared in his favour, and he might easily have corrupted and brought over a great part of the army had he been equal to the command of it; but, on the very first occasion of personal risk, he discover¬ ed such cowardice and meanness that he defeated his own conspiracy, and convinced all those who had entered into it that it was impossible to continue the Revolution, either in his favour or in conjunction with him. T.he enthusiasm which the people had felt for him ended with the efforts of those who had excited it. First revo- Neckar, whom the multitude had associated with this lution. prince in their homage, still preserved for some time his worshippers, and that little cabal was for ever exalting him to the skies. But inferior even to Orleans in the talents and dispositions necessary to influence the army in his fa¬ vour, he was as little calculated to be the leader of a re¬ volution ; and for this reason his panegyrists confined them¬ selves, in the pamphlets and placards with which they inundated the capital, to insinuating that the only means of saving the state was to declare Neckar dictator, or at least to confer upon him, under some title xuore consistent with the monarchy, the authority and powers attached to that republican office. In fact, if after his dismission in the month of July 1789, he had dared to make this a con¬ dition of his return to the ministry, it is more than probable that the king would have been under the necessity of agree- N C E. ing to it, and perhaps of re-establishing in his person the History, office of mayor of the palace. At that moment he might w~y^' have demanded any thing ; eight days later he might have 1802- been refused every thing ; and soon afterwards he was re¬ duced to the humiliating necessity of sneaking out of the kingdom like an outlaw, to escape the effects of the general contempt and censure which he had brought upon himself. General Lafayette, who then commanded the Parisian national guard, gathered the wrecks of all this popularity, and might have turned them to the greatest advantage, if he had possessed that resolute character and heroic judg¬ ment of which Cardinal de Retz speaks, and which serves to distinguish what is truly honourable and useful from that which is only extraordinary, and what is extraordinary from that which is impossible. With the genius, the talents, and the ambition of Cromwell, he might have gone as great a length ; with a less criminal ambition, he might at least have made himself master of the Revolution, and di¬ rected it at his pleasure ; in a word, he might have secured the triumph of whatever party he chose to declare himself the leader. But, as unfit for supporting the character of Monk as that of Cromwell, he soon betrayed the secret of his incapacity to all the world, and was distinguished amongst the crowd of constitutional leaders only by his tri-coloured plume, his epaulettes, his white horse, and his saying that insurrection is the most sacred of duties when oppression is at its height. The Revolution, at the period when the faction which had begun it for the Duke of Orleans became sensible that he was too much a coward to become a leader, and when La¬ fayette discovered his inability to conduct it, was too far ad¬ vanced either to recede or to stop ; and hence it continued its progress, but in a line which no other revolution had ever taken, namely, without a military chief, or the inter¬ vention of the army ; and it gained triumphs, not for any ambitious conspirator, but for political and moral innovations of the most extraordinary kind, innovations the most suited to mislead the multitude, who were incapable of compre¬ hending them, and to let loose those passions which are most dangerous to the repose and happiness of nations. The more violent combined to destroy every thing; and their fatal coalition gave birth to Jacobinism, a revolutionary pro¬ duct till then unknown, and till now not sufficiently unmask¬ ed. This new creation took upon itself alone to carry on the Revolution; it directed and executed all its operations, all the explosions and the outrages which occurred ; it every¬ where appointed the most active leaders, and employed as instruments the profligates of every country. Its power far surpassed that which has been attributed to the inquisition, and other similar tribunals, by those who have spoken of them with the greatest exaggeration. Its centre was at Paris ; and its ramifications, formed by means of clubs in every town and little borough, overspread the whole sur¬ face of the kingdom. The constant correspondence kept up between those clubs and that of the capital, or, to use their owm expressions, between the affiliated popular socie¬ ties and the parent society, was as secret and as speedy as that of free-masons. In a word, the Jacobin clubs had succeeded in causing themselves to be looked up to as the real national representation. Under that assumed charac¬ ter they censured all the authorities in the most imperious manner ; and whenever their denunciations, petitions, or addresses failed to produce an immediate effect, they gained their point by having recourse to insurrection and assassi¬ nation. Whilst Jacobinism thus subjected all France to its control, an immense number of emissaries propagated its doctrines amongst foreign nations, and prepared for it new conquests in distant countries. The National Assembly, the capital, indeed all France, was divided into three distinct parties. The most con¬ siderable in number, but unhappily, through a deficiency FRA History, of plan and resolution, the weakest, was the party purely royal; it was adverse to every kind of revolution, and was 1802, solely desirous of some improvements, with the reform of abuses and pecuniary privileges. The most able and most intriguing was the constitutional party, or that which was desirous of giving France a new monarchical constitution, but modified after the manner of the English, or even the American, by a house of representatives. The third party was the most dangerous of all, by its daring spirit, by its power, and by the number of proselytes it daily acquired in all quarters of the kingdom ; it comprehended the demo¬ crats of every description, from the Jacobin clubs, calling themselves Friends of the Constitution, to the anarchists and plunderers of the school of Hebert and Chaumette. The democratic party, which at first was only auxiliary to the constitutional one, in the end annihilated it, and became itself subdivided into several parties, whose fatal struggles produced all the subsequent revolutions. But in principle the constitutionalists and the democrats formed two distinct though confederate factions; both were desi¬ rous of a revolution, and employed all the usual means of accomplishing it, except troops, which could be of no use to them, for neither of them had a leader to put at the head of the army. But as it was of equal importance to both that the king should be deprived of the power of making use of it against them, they laboured in concert to disorganize it; and the complete success of that manoeuvre was but too fully proved by the fatal issue of the departure of the royal family for Montmedy. The revolution then took a more daring and rapid stride, which was concluded by the constitutional act of 1791. But the incoherence of its principles, and the defects of its institutions, present a faithful picture of the disunion of its authors, and of the opposite interests by which they were swayed. It was, properly speaking, a compact or compromise between the party of the constitutionalists and that of the democrats, in which, to secure co-operation, mutual concessions and sacrifices were made. But this absurd constitution, the everlasting source of sorrow and remorse to all who had a part in framing it, might have been got over without a shock, and led back to the old principles of monarchical govern¬ ment, if the assembly who framed it had not separated be¬ fore they witnessed its execution; if, in imposing on the king the obligation to maintain it, they had not deprived him of the power and the means ; and if the certain conse¬ quence of the new mode of proceeding at the elections had not been to secure, in the second assembly, a considerable majority of the democratic against the constitutional party. The second assembly was likewise divided into three factions, the weakest of which was the one that desired to maintain the constitution. The two others were for a new revolution and a republic; but they differed in this, that the former, composed of the Brissotines or Girondists, was for effecting it gradually, by beginning with divesting the king of popularity, and allowing the public mind time to wean itself from its natural attachment to monarchy ; and the latter, which was the least numerous, was eager to have the republic established as speedily as possible. These two factions, having the same object in view, though tak¬ ing different roads, were necessarily auxiliaries to each other; and the pamphlets, excitations to commotion, and revolutionary measures of both, equally tended to over¬ throw the constitution of 1791. Those different factions, composed of advocates, attor¬ neys, apostate priests, doctors, and a few literary men, hav¬ ing no military chief capable of taking the command of the army, dreaded the troops who had sworn allegiance to the constitution and obedience to the king, and who moreover might be influenced by their officers, amongst whom there still remained some royalists. The surest way to get rid of all uneasiness on the subject, was to employ the army in N C E. 123 defending the frontiers. For this purpose a foreign war History, was necessary, to which it was known that the king and his council were equally averse. Nothing more was want- i802- ing to determine the attack which was directed, almost at the same time, against all the ministers, in order to compel them to retire, and to put the king under the necessity of appointing others more disposed to second the views of the parties. Unhappily this attempt was attended with all the success which its authors had promised themselves; and one of the first acts of the new ministry was to declare war against the emperor. At the same time, the emigration which had been provoked, and which was almost every¬ where applauded, even by the lowest class of people, drained off the flower of the royalist party, and left the king, de¬ prived of his best defenders, exposed to the suspicions and insults which sprung from innumerable calumnies, for which the disasters at the beginning of the war furnished but too many opportunities. In this manner was prepared and accelerated the new revolution, which was accomplished on the tenth of August 1792, by the deposition and imprisonment of the king, and by the most flagrant violation of the constitution of 1791. The latter, however, was not entirely abandoned on that day; for the project of the Girondists, who had laid the plot of that fatal conspiracy, was then only to declare the king’s deposition, in order to place the prince royal upon the throne, under the guidance of a regency composed of their own creatures ; but they were hurried on much fur¬ ther than they meant to go, by the violence with which the Jacobins, who took the lead in the insurrection, con¬ ducted all their enterprises. The prince royal, instead of being crowned, was shut up in the Temple ; and if France at that moment was not declared a republic, this was less owing to any remaining respect for the constitu¬ tion, than to the fear the legislative body entertained of raising up against it the majority of the nation, who could scarcely fail to be astonished and exasperated at finding a constitution fenced by so many oaths thus precipitately over¬ thrown. It was on these grounds that the opinion was adopt¬ ed, that a National Convention should be convoked, in or¬ der to determine the fate of royalty. From this moment the Girondists daily lost ground, and Second re- the most furious members of the democratic party, sup- volution, ported as they were by the Jacobin club, by the new com¬ mune of Paris, and by the tribunes, made themselves mas¬ ters of every debate. It was of the utmost importance to them to control the ensuing elections ; and this was effected by the horrible consternation which the massacres of Sep¬ tember excited throughout the kingdom. The terror of being assassinated, or at least maltreated, drove from all the primary assemblies not only the royalists and constitution¬ alists, but moderate men of all parties; those assemblies became enth*ely composed of the weakest men and most desperate characters to be found in France ; and from amongst the most frantic of these a large proportion of the members of the Convention was chosen. Accordingly, this third assembly, in the first quarter of an hour of its first sitting, was heard shouting for the abolition of royalty, and proclaiming the Republic, upon the motion of a mem¬ ber who had formerly been a player. Such an opening but too plainly showed what was to be expected from that horde of plunderers who composed the majority of the National Convention, and of whom Robe¬ spierre, Danton, Marat, and the other leaders, formed their party. That of the Girondists still existed, and was the only one really republican. Glutted with the horrors al¬ ready committed, they seemed desirous of arresting the tor¬ rent, and laboured to introduce into the assembly the mo¬ deration necessary to give to the new Republic a wise and solid organization. But the superiority of their knowledge, talents, and eloquence, which their opponents could not 124 FRANCE. History, dispute, had no power over men thirsting for blood, and determined to rule by the instrumentality of terror alone. They had no doubt occasion for atrocities, to prepare the terror-stricken nation to suffer them to commit, in its name, the murder of the unfortunate Louis XVI.; and that sacrifice was necessary to commit the Revolution beyond all possibility of retreat, and bring about a third revolution, which Robespierre and his associates were already prepar¬ ing. Fear had greatly contributed to the two former ; but this was effected by terror alone, without popular tumults, or the intervention of the armies, which, being now drawn by their conquests beyond the frontiers, never heard any thing of the revolutions at home till they were accomplish¬ ed, and always obeyed the prevailing faction, by whom they were either paid or allowed to pay themselves. By the degree of ferocity discovered by the members of the Convention in passing sentence upon the king, and in the debates relative to the constitution of 1793, Robespierre was enabled to mark which of the deputies were most likely to second his views, and which of them it was necessary to sacrifice. As to the people, they could not but receive with transport a constitution which seemed to realise the chi¬ mera of their sovereignty, but which would only have given a kind of construction to anarchy, if the execution of this new code had not been suspended, on the pretence common to all acts of despotism and tyranny, that the safety of the state is the supreme law. This suspension was effected by establishing the provisional government, which, under the title of revolutionary government, concentrated all the powers in the National Convention until there should be an end to the war, and to all intestine troubles. Third re- Although the faction which acknowledged Robespierre volution. as its bead possessed a decided majority in the assembly, and might consequently have considered themselves as ex¬ clusively exercising the sovereign power, he was a dema¬ gogue of too despotic a nature to endure even the ap¬ pearance of sharing the empire with his associates. Hence he greatly reduced their number, by causing all the powers invested in the National Assembly by the decrees which had established the revolutionary government, to be trans¬ ferred to a committee, of which he got himself appointed a member, and in which he was certain to rule, by obtaining as colleagues men less daring, but if possible even more wicked, than himself; such as Couthon, Saint-Just, Bar- rere, and others of the same stamp. This committee, styled the Committee of Public Safety, soon seized upon both the legislative and executive powers, and exercised them with the most sanguinary tyranny ever heard of amongst men. I he ministers were merely their clerks ; and the subjugat¬ ed assembly, without murmur or objection, passed all the revolutionary laws which were proposed, or rather dictated, by them. One of their most decisive proceedings was the establishment of those revolutionary tribunals which cover¬ ed France with scaffolds, on which victims of every rank, age, and sex, were daily sacrificed ; so that no class of men should be beyond the influence of that stupifying and ge¬ neral terror which Robespierre found it necessary to spread in order to establish his power. Nor was this all. He soon dragged some members of his own party, such as Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and others, whose energy and popu¬ larity had offended him, before one of those tribunals, where he had them condemned to death. By the same means he had got rid of the leaders of the Girondists ; and had caused all the moderate republican party, who were still members of the assembly, except those who had time and address to escape, to be sent to prison, in order to be sentenced and executed on the first opportunity. In this manner ended the third revolution, in which the people, frozen with terror, dared not take a part. Instead ot an army of soldiers, Robespierre employed an army of executioners and assassins, set up as revolutionary judges ; and the guillotine, striking or menacing all indiscrimi- History, nately, rendered France submissive from one end to the '***~Y*+S other. A nation, formerly proud, even to idolatry, of its 1802, kings, wras thus seen to expiate, by rivers of blood, the crime of having suffered the most virtuous of all their mo- narchs to be murdered on a scaffold. In the room of the famous Bastille, whose capture and demolition had set only seven prisoners at liberty, two of whom had long been in a state of lunacy, the colleges, the seminaries, and all the re¬ ligious houses of the kingdom, were converted into so many state prisons, into which were incessantly crowded the vic¬ tims devoted to feed the ever-working guillotines, at once the chief resource of supplies for the government, and the instrument of its ferocity. “ The guillotine coins money for the republic,” said Barrere. In fact, according to the jurisprudence of the revolutionary tribunals, the rich of every class were declared suspected persons, and received sentence of death for no other reason but that of giving to the confiscation of their property a show of judicial form. But still blood flowed too slowly to satisfy Robespierre; Fourth re. his aim was but partly attained by the proscription of the volution, nobles, the priests, and the wealthy. He fancied not only an aristocracy of talents and knowledge, but of the virtues, none of which however his orators and journalists would admit, save that horrid “ patriotism” which was estimated according to the enormity of the crimes committed in fa¬ vour of the Revolution. His plan was to reduce the French people to a mere plantation of slaves, too ignorant, too stupid, or too pusillanimous, to conceive the idea of break¬ ing the chains with which he would have loaded them in the name of liberty ; and he might perhaps have succeed¬ ed, had not his ambition, as impatient as it was jealous, too soon unveiled his intention of resorting to the guillotine to strike off the shackles with which an assembly of national representatives fettered or might fetter his power. He was about to give the decisive blow, which he had con¬ certed with the Commune of Paris, the Revolutionary Tri¬ bunal, the Jacobin Club, and the principal officers of the na¬ tional guard, when the members of the Convention, who were marked out to be the first sacrificed, anticipated him at a moment when he least expected it, by attacking him¬ self in the assembly, with energy sufficient to rouse against him and the Jacobins all the sections of the capital. The parties came to blows, and for several hours victory re¬ mained uncertain, but at length it declared in favour of the Convention. In the space of a day that execrable monster was dragged from the highest pitch of power ever attained by any tyrant, to the very scaffold which was still reeking with the blood of his last victims. His principal accom¬ plices in the Committee of Public Safety, in the Commune, in the national guard, in the Revolutionary Tribunal, and many of his agents in the provinces, met the same fate. The revolutionary tribunals were suppressed, the prisons thrown open, and the terrorists hunted down wherever they could be found. This fourth revolution, in which the faction which was then esteemed the moderate party overthrew the terrorists, and seized the supreme power, was no less complete than those which had preceded it, and produced the constitution of 1795. All France received as a great blessing a constitu¬ tion which delivered them from the revolutionary govern¬ ment and its infernal policy. Besides, in spite of great de¬ fects, it had the merit of coming nearer than the two pre¬ ceding ones to the principles of order, justice, and real li¬ berty, the violation of which had, during the five preceding years, been the source of so many crimes and disasters. I he royalists, considering it as a step towards monarchy, were imprudent enough to triumph in it; and their joy, as premature as it was indiscreet, so alarmed the assembly, that they passed the famous law, ordaining the primary as¬ semblies to return two thirds of the members of the Con- FRA History, vention to the legislative! body destined to succeed that assembly. It was thus that the spirit of the Convention 1802. continued, for the first year, to be displayed in the two coun¬ cils. In the year following, the bias of the public mind, too hastily turned towards royalty, showed itself, in the elec¬ tions of the members for the new third, so clearly as to alarm the regicides who composed the Directory, and the conventionalists who still formed a third of the legislative body; nor did they lose a moment in devising means for their defence. That which appeared to them the surest, was to publish notices of plots amongst the royalists, and an¬ nex one or more denunciations, in terms so vague as to leave room for implicating, when necessary, all their adversaries ; whilst by the help of this imposture they procured some se¬ cret information, ever easily obtained by those who have at command the guillotine and the exchequer. This mask¬ ed battery was ready to be opened before the members of the new third took their seats. These at first confined themselves to the object of securing a constant majority in the two councils in favour of moderate opinions; but in a little time every sitting was marked by the repeal of some revolutionary law, or by some decree tending to restrain the executive authority within the limits fixed by the con¬ stitution. Fifth and Alarmed at the abridgment of their power, and dreading sixth revo- more serious attacks, the Directory came to the reso- ii ions. luticm of no longer postponing the blow which they had been meditating against the Legislative Assembly; and in the manner already related they accomplished a fifth revolu¬ tion, as complete as any of those by which it wTas preceded. It differed indeed from them essentially in the facility and promptness with which it was effected; although the party which prevailed, that is to say, the majority of the Directo¬ ry, and the minority of the legislative body, had to combat, not only against the constitution, but against the opinion, and even against the indignation, of the public. That mo¬ ral force, on which the majority of the two councils had unluckily placed all their reliance, vanished in an instant before the physical force of a detachment of troops con¬ sisting of six or seven hundred men. The Directory, com¬ pelled to withdraw the larger body of troops which they had thought necessary to ensure the revolution they were meditating, discovered great ability in securing the two councils, by appearing to dread them ; but it was chiefly to the energy of their measures, and to the concentration and promptness with which they were executed, that they owed their success. Two days before, the legislative body might without obstruction have impeached, arrested, and even outlawed, the majority of the Directory, who were execrat¬ ed by the public under the title of the triumvirate; and, if requisite, they would have been supported by more than thirty thousand armed citizens, who, with Pichegru and N C E. 123 Willot at their head, would soon have dispersed, and per- History, haps brought over, the feeble detachments of troops of the line which the Directory had at their command. But the 1802. legislative body, relying too much upon its popularity, did not sufficiently consider that the people, whose impetuosi¬ ty is commonly decisive when allowed to take advantage in attack, are always feeble when acting on the defensive, and totally unable to withstand any assault made previous¬ ly to an insurrection, seeing it is always easy to prevent their assembling. It was on this principle that the Direc¬ tory founded their operations, and the 5th of September too well proves how justly. That day reduced the legisla¬ tive body to the most degrading subjugation, a mere cari¬ cature of national representation; it invested the Direc¬ tory with the most arbitrary and tyrannical power, and re¬ stored the system of Robespierre, under a form less bloody, but not less pernicious; for the revolutionary tribunals which that monster had established were scarcely more expediti¬ ous than the military commissions of the Directory. The power of arbitrary and unlimited transportation is, in time, as destructive as the guillotine, without possessing, like that, the advantage of exciting a salutary horror, which, by recovering the people from the state of stupor and apathy, the first effects of terror, gives them both recollection and force to break their chains. Though, in violating the most essential regulations of the constitution, the Directory ob¬ tained a temporary confirmation of their pow'er, their ex¬ ample pointed out to Bonaparte and Sieyes the path which they pursued with infinite address, and in which they ac¬ complished a sixth revolution, by the establishment of the consulate, the character of which will be sufficiently unfold¬ ed in the sequel. The truce of Amiens having been concluded (it had none Policy of of the characteristics of a solid peace), Bonaparte pursued Bonaparte, his plans of internal organization with an evident view to the re-establishment of monarchy in France. A church had already been reared up, and the Catholic religion, with a suitable hierarchy, re-constituted by the state. With this view the pope had been spared when the course of events placed him at the mercy of the conqueror; and the year 1801 was spent in negotiating a “ concordat” with Rome, by which, in return for a decree declaring the Catholic re¬ ligion that of the great majority of the French, and under¬ taking to grant salaries to the clergy, the pontiff agreed to consecrate such bishops as should be nominated by the French government, to give up all claim to the lands which had belonged to the church, and to order a public form of prayer for the consuls. At the desire of Bonaparte, the court of Rome further consented to secularize Talleyrand, and to make certain other concessions, all indicating an ac¬ commodating, if not an obsequious spirit towards the ruler of France.1 The next desideratum was an aristocracy, which, 1 In re-establishing religion in France, Bonaparte encountered much opposition from the prejudiced incredulity of those around him. “ Hearken,” said he to one of his councillors during a promenade at Malmaison ; “ I was here last Sunday, walking in this so¬ litude amidst the silence of nature. The sound of the church bells of Ituel suddenly struck upon my ears. I was moved, and said, if I am thus affected, what must be the influence of those ideas on the simple and credulous mass. The people must h-ave a religion, and that religion must be in the hands of the government.” The councillor, thus addressed, waiving the broad question of religion or no religion, objected to Catholicism. “ It is intolerant; its clergy are counter-revolutionary ; the spirit of the present time is entirely op¬ posed to it. And, after all, we, in our thoughts and principles, are nearer to the true spirit of the gospel than the Catholics, who affect to reverence it.” Bonaparte urged, that by his leaning to Protestantism the government would be weakened, not strengthened; one half of France might embrace it, but the other half would remain Catholic. “ Let them call me papist if they will. I am no such thing. I was a Mahommedan in Egypt, and I will be a Catholic here for the good of the people.” This was certainly very accom¬ modating ; but, notwithstanding, considerable resistance was experienced. The theophilanthropists raised the cry of no popery. The soldiers, too, were excessively indignant. In commemoration of the re-establishment of the church, Cardinal Caprara celebrat¬ ed Te Deum in Notre Dame on Easter Sunday 1802, when the first consul attended, surrounded by his officers. On his return he asked several of them their opinion, and, in particular, addressing General Delmas, said, “ Well, general, we have just witnessed a very imposing ceremony ; I hope you are satisfied.” “ Yes,” replied Delmas, “ a pretty capucinade ; there was only wanting the million of men who have perished in overthrowing all you have built up. We must now, I presume, fasten beads to our swords.” Lannes expressed his resentment in still stronger terms. Perceiving in the hall of the Tuileries Cardinal Caprara and several bi¬ shops, he accosted them in the rudest manner; then entering without ceremony the cabinet of Bonaparte, he exclaimed, “ Eh ! que lais-tu de ce tas de pretres dans tes antichambres ; chasse-moi toute cette canaille ; est-ce avec des soldats de cette espece que tu as gagnd la bataille de Marengo ? A quoi diable songes-tu done ? Tu verras qu’un beau jour ils te jetteront bas.” Delmas received orders 126 FRANCE. History, after the conchuson of the peace, every effort was used to supply. The ancient nobility were allowed, nay even en- 1802. couraged, to return to France ; Napoleon seemed anxious to gather around him the fragments of a monarchy sanc¬ tioned by time, though at last overthrown by the force of opinion and circumstances; but, stripped of their proper¬ ties, and alike disinclined to the Revolution and its repre¬ sentatives, they refused to abandon the cause of legitimacy for an equivocal or anomalous place in the consular court. In one sense they judged rightly ; for, even if they had availed themselves of the permission granted by the French government, it would still have been necessary to counter¬ balance the old nobility by elevating to the same rank those who had attained to distinction during the wars and strug¬ gles of the Revolution, in short, warriors and civilians, who had earned their honours in the school of democracy. Ac¬ cordingly Napoleon, obliged for a time to abandon this idea, formed a scheme eminently calculated to attach to him a nation which, with all its professed republicanism, still re¬ tained a strong predilection for the trappings of monarchy. This was the institution of the Legion of Honour, by which, at the expense of red ribbons and very moderate pensions, an order of merit was created, into which every man of am¬ bition or enterprise might hope one day to gain admission, and which was calculated to ensure the attachment of all the men of courage and ability in the country. But when the project was communicated to the council and the le¬ gislative body, an instant outcry was raised against it. “ It destroys equality, it contradicts the principles of the Re¬ volution. The legion of honour contains all the elements of hereditary nobility; privileges, powers, honours, titles and pensions. It is sowing the seeds of an aristocracy.” Bonaparte combated these objections, of which he must nevertheless have felt the force. “ You cite the Roman republicans against me ; the Romans, amongst whom dis¬ tinctions were perhaps more marked than amongst any other people. Observe the consequence when the noble class of patricians was destroyed at Rome ; the Republic, left at the mercy of the populace and its leaders, ran straight through anarchy and proscription to despotism.” And was not this also the case in France? Did not the re-action which followed the reign of terror prepare the way for that despotism which Napoleon himself was so soon to establish over France? In one respect, however, the first consul acted with equal firmness and justice. When Mathieu Du¬ mas proposed to confine the decorations of the legion of ho¬ nour to the military, he peremptorily refused to admit any such exclusive limitations, and persisted in his determina¬ tion to render the new order equally accessible to the sol¬ dier and the civilian. Plans for But whilst Napoleon was thus reconstructing the sup- establish- ports and providing the ornaments of monarchical power, he ver Vntv' not neS^ec^ ^ie necessary means for raising the edifice in his fa- ^tse^» that is, the establishment of a permanent sovereign- mily. ty in his own person and family, on a basis involving a full recognition of the rights and interests created by the Re¬ volution. In this, accordingly, he laboured with equal skill and perseverance, advancing step by step towards his ob¬ ject. It was at first hoped indeed that he would be con¬ tented with the second place, and restore the crown to the Bourbons; and, on this supposition, Louis XVIII. twice addressed him in terms which might perhaps have conciliat¬ ed ordinary ambition. But although Josephine exhorted him to imitate the conduct of Monk, and there were not want¬ 1802. ing others to insinuate the same advice, Bonaparte, satisfied History, that there were more difficulties in the way of restoring the Bourbons than of founding a new dynasty, and that the men of the Revolution would more readily tolerate as sove¬ reign one who had risen from its ranks, than receive back any member of a family who had so many wrongs to avenge, resolved to put on his head the crown which genius and fortune had enabled him to win. Accordingly, he began by feeling the pulse of the nation in a pamphlet, which, it is said, was written by his brother Lucien, and corrected by himself. But as the public mind was not yet prepared for so violent a transition, the experiment failed ; ridicule was provoked at the idea of an Emperor of the Gauls ; and the first consul, throwing the blame of this alleged imprudence on his brother, deprived him of his office of minister of the in¬ terior, and sent him as envoy into Spain. Meanwhile, the Tribunate, or representative body, had been remodelled, and the most froward patriots excluded; an “ epuration” which materially facilitated the development of his plans. In May 1802, Bonaparte was declared first consul for another ten years; and, after a short interval, this was amended into a vote by which he was appointed first consul for life. Under a republican designation, he thus became the acknowledged sovereign of France ; and it is not less remarkable than in¬ structive that this surrender of the liberties of the country encountered much less opposition in the council than the institution of the legion of honour had done. The history of the Revolution shows, indeed, that it is not liberty which the French prize, but equality and military glory. The views of the consular government in concluding the Effects of peace of Amiens were now sufficiently indicated by the the peace course which Napoleon pursued in extending his influence 0^^‘m^ens* over the neighbouring states. The Cisalpine Republic had been remodelled to suit his views, and the first consul elected as president of its legislature. The Batavian and Ligurian Republics were obliged to submit to similar modi¬ fications ; Piedmont was formally annexed to France, and divided into departments ; and the stipulations of the treaty of Luneville, which guaranteed the independence of the republics of Italy and Holland, thus became void. Britain began to show alarm and distrust, though the grounds for such a feeling were scarcely stronger now than at the time when the treaty of Amiens had been concluded. Bonaparte was merely following out the system which he had pre¬ viously adopted. Remonstrances were made against these encroachments and usurpations ; but the answer was ready and conclusive. “ You must have foreseen all this. The Cisalpine Republic chose the first consul as its president in January 1802, two months before the signature of the pre¬ liminary treaty of Amiens; you could not be ignorant of the fact. And why should England complain of the infrac¬ tion of the treaty of Luneville, when Austria, with whom it was concluded, remains silent ?” This seems wholly un¬ answerable. Great Britain was neither a party to nor the guarantee of the treaty of Luneville, and no stipulation had been included in that of Amiens, that the articles of the treaty of Luneville should be observed. She had ob¬ viously, therefore, no right whatever to interfere. Accord¬ ing to the admission of Lord Castlereagh, she had made “ a peace to try France;” but then this trial should in justice and fairness have been confined to the treaty which she had actually concluded, and not extended to a differ¬ ent one in which she could not even pretend to have any concern, excepting upon the assumption that she held Aus- to qmt^ Paris immediately ; Lannes, more favoured, was only admonished to show a little more patience, and less vivacity. “ I shall know, said Napoleon, “ how to govern these men, and prevent them from exciting any disturbance. What I do is necessary ; I pray you in tuture to be more reserved.” Moreau, Bernadotte, Oudinot, Colaud, Victor, and others, entertained the same senti¬ ments as Eannes and Delmas; and the army, generally, was decidedly opposed to the concordat, and the re-establishment of the clergy. (Montgaillard, Histoire de France, tome v. p. 445.) FRA History, tria in tutelage. On the other hand, it was equally futile to complain of interference with the Helvetian Republic, 1802. because, in concluding a peace with France, it must have been foreseen that Napoleon would inevitably act by it as he had already done by the Cisalpine Republic. In treat¬ ing, the object of both powers was most probably the same, namely, to display to Europe a readiness to make peace, and thus cast on each other the blame of the inevitable and speedy rupture. But in playing this difficult and not very creditable game, English diplomacy was completely at fault. The French observed the treaty to the letter; by the English it was decidedly violated. The former conti¬ nually appealed to the compact which had been entered into between the twm countries; the latter were obliged to tra¬ vel out of the bond in quest of reasons or pretexts to justify the nonfulfilment of its stipulations. The British ministry may have had rational grounds for their mistrust; indeed it is certain that they had such; but in withholding Malta and the Cape of Good Hope, merely because France had increased her territories and encroachments in Europe, they took up an indefensible position, and consequently were under the necessity of supporting their cause with vague and unstatesmanlike recrimination. Fresh But whilst the peace which had so recently been con- causes of eluded was thus endangered by the hesitation of the Bri- a icnation. government to surrender Malta, and the transmission of counter orders not to deliver up the Cape of Good Hope to the Batavian Republic, other sources of division and ali¬ enation were unhappily opened up. Sensitive at all times to public opinion, and peculiarly so at this time when em¬ ployed in rearing the fabric of his power, the first consul felt deeply the unsparing attacks which were now made upon him by the English press, and re-echoed by the pa¬ pers of the French royalists in England. To him this was a species of warfare at once more dangerous and more galling than any other. A formal demand was therefore made by the French ambassador in London that this torrent of abuse should be checked; and further, that the press should be prohibited from indulging, in future, in strictures offensive to the head of the French government. The ministry re¬ plied that the press in this country was free; that so far from having any control over its conduct, they were them¬ selves daily exposed to the utmost severity of remark ; and that all persons aggrieved by it must seek redress in the ordinary courts of law. Nevertheless, to avoid the appear¬ ance of conniving at or encouraging such attacks, they con¬ sented to gratify him as far as might be done in a constitu¬ tional way, by sending one of the libels complained of to a jury. But this made matters ten times worse. Peltier was acquitted, and an obscure libel received consequence from the prosecution, and notoriety, if not fame, from the incomparable splendour of the defence. Another demand, that the Bourbons and their partisans should be expelled from England, met with a firm and generous refusal. Cha¬ grined and exasperated, Bonaparte now condescended to enter into a personal quarrel with the English press, and employed his time in dictating articles for the Moniteur, filled with acrimony and insult. About the same time also appeared a report by Sebastian! (who had been employed in a mission to the Levant), in which, amongst other things, it was stated that six thousand French soldiers could re¬ conquer Egypt, and that England durst not renew the war against France. To say that intemperate paragraphs in newspapers, and silly vaunting in reports, could ever be¬ come a reasonable ground of war, is preposterous. But the English government, by its want of foresight and pre¬ caution, if not also by its want of faith, was reduced to the humiliating necessity of appealing to such authorities in vindication of its conduct. The first consul now demanded why Malta had not been evacuated according to stipula¬ tion. The English ministry replied by a claim to retain it, N C E. 127 on the ground that France had increased her territory in History. Europe, and that Egypt was threatened. But the first ob- jection was irrelevant, and the second ridiculous. Bonaparte, 18t,3. whose throne was being erected on the basis of national glory, could never consent to the retention of Malta by the English; to demand it of him was in fact to declare war. “ England,” said the French minister, shall have the trea¬ ty of Amiens, and nothing more than the treaty of Amiens.” A rupture wras now inevitable, as indeed it had from the A rupture first been, and accordingly both countries made prepai’a- inevitable, tions for war. Napoleon assembled troops in the fortresses of Holland and the north of France, and dispatched envoys to Austria and Prussia. Britain was not less active ; in all her ports and harbours the deep note of preparation was Tieard. Still Bonaparte was unwilling to commence war, and, unavoidable as it now seemed, made a last effort to ward it off. In an interview with the British ambassador, Lord Whitworth, he expressed himself with a degree of frank¬ ness and sincerity unusual in diplomacy, but which unhap¬ pily led to no amicable result. “ Why should I wish for war ?” said he. “ A descent upon England is the only mode I have of combating her ; and this, if compelled, I am re¬ solved to undertake. But why suppose that, arrived at my present height of power, I should risk my reputation and life, unless constrained thereto by necessity, in an expedi¬ tion in which myself and the greater part of my army would most probably go to the bottom of the sea ; for there are a hundred chances to one against me.” But all this can¬ dour proved unavailing. Napoleon was exceedingly averse to war at this time, when he had good cause to apprehend that the basis on which his power was fixed had not yet be¬ come sufficiently consolidated to withstand the rude shock of a fresh contest. For the same reason England was in¬ exorably bent upon trying again the fortune of arms. A warlike message from the king to parliament in March 1803 formed the prelude to the storm which was now ready to burst. Bonaparte replied in a diplomatic note of singu¬ lar ability and unanswerable cogency of reasoning. It was important to him to cast upon England the whole blame of the rupture ; he had at once to satisfy the people of France, and to conciliate the other powers of Europe ; and, besides, his pride was mortified to find England assume the language of cold and haughty defiance, if not insult, at the very mo¬ ment when he had almost humbled himself before the mi¬ nister of that country. Hence his keen and quick resent¬ ment prompted him to break through the rules of courtly decorum, and, at a public levee held on the 13th of March, to give vent to the bitterness of spirit which this conduct had excited. “ You are decided on war, it seems you wish it,” said he, addressing the British ambassador. “ After fifteen years of combats, we must yet recommence and fight for fifteen years to come. You force me to it.” Then turning to the ambassadors of Spain and Russia, he said, “ The Eng¬ lish will have war. They are the first to draw the sword; I will be the last to put it in the scabbard. They do not respect treaties, which we must henceforth cover with black crape. You may destroy France, but you shall not intimidate her.” “ We do not wish to do either the one or the other,” replied Lord Whitworth. “ Respect trea¬ ties, then. Wo be to those who do not respect them ; they shall be responsible to Europe for the consequences.” At the conclusion of the levee, he again addressed the British ambassador when near the door: “ The Duchess of Dorset has passed the unpleasant season at Paris; I sincerely wish she may pass the pleasant one also ; but if it be true that we are to have war, the responsibility, in the sight of both God and man, will rest on those who shall re¬ fuse to execute the treaty.” It has been said by some that this burst of anger was calculated. Why might it not be natural and sincere ? War at this time was not for the in¬ terest of Napoleon, or of the country which had placed him 128 FRANCE. History. 1803. British ul¬ timatum. Renewal of hostili¬ ties. at its head; he required time to mature his plans of go¬ vernment ; France languished for repose. But the die was now cast, and all that remained was to abide the hazard of the throw. Lord Whitworth was now instructed to demand that the French forces should evacuate the Batavian and Swiss ter¬ ritories ; that a suitable provision should be made for the king of Sardinia, and that Britain should be permitted to retain possession of Malta for ten years. This was called an ultimatum, and a week was insultingly fixed as the term beyond which no reply would be received. Yet even now the French government did not assume a peremptory tone. Talleyrand was sincerely averse to war, and up to the last moment used every effort to prevent it; foreseeing, pro¬ bably, the pernicious consequences which would result even from fresh victories. But the English ministry resisted every advance towards an accommodation of the points in dispute, gave wretched and shuffling reasons for a mistrust which in the main was perhaps not altogether groundless, and sought to cover the blunders of their diplomacy by means of sullen pride and defiance. Outwitted, out-argued, and outdone, both in talents and in good faith, they had no voice for, no resource in, any thing but war. Or¬ ders had already been issued for seizing the ships of France, and those of the states dependent on or in close alliance with that country ; a measure entirely in the spirit of that usur¬ pation which they at once denounced and imitated; and the first consul retaliated by detaining all the British sub¬ jects whom curiosity or business had induced to visit France. And thus recommenced between the nations a quarrel unrivalled for the inveteracy of its spirit and the variety of its fortunes. “ The rupture was to the first consul,” says Bignon, “ the decisive point of his destiny. Henceforth he saw England rise before him like a cape of storms, which he was for ever forbidden to pass.” The first step of Napoleon, on the renewal of hostilities, was to put his armies in motion ; that of Holland to occupy Hanover, and that of Lombardy to invade Naples, and gar¬ rison Tarentum. Britain, secure from direct attack in her insular fortress, could only be combated by establishing the power of France in the sea-ports, and excluding British commerce from the Continent. To bestride Europe like a huge colossus, having one foot on the Mediterranean and the other on the Baltic, wras therefore the grand object of Napoleon; and this menacing attitude he lost no time in preparing to assume towards England. That power now reigned supreme as empress of the seas ; but “ her control stopped with the shore,” which was now about to be closed against the enterprise of her people. Towards the end of May 1803, General Mortier marched against Hanover with an army from Holland, and speedily made himself master of the country. The troops of the electorate, incapable of offering any serious resistance, retreated before the enemy, and at length capitulated, when they were discharged on condition of not serving against France during the war. About the same time the kingdom of Naples was re-occu¬ pied with equal facility by a French force. These sudden conquests, however, excited uneasiness and suspicion on the part of the northern powers. Russia, wfflich had taken the Sicilian court under its protection, was offended by the re-occupation of the Neapolitan territory, and still more seriously displeased to observe the French flag waving on the shores of the Baltic. Prussia had still greater cause for alarm at the presence of so formidable a neighbour; more especially as the French, not satisfied with Hanover, al¬ ready threatened to occupy Hamburg and Bremen, the possession of which was necessary to enable them to give the law to the north of Germany. The blow aimed at England thus recoiled on a power whose selfish and tem¬ porising policy had induced her to withdraw from the con¬ test with republican France, and leave her allies to defeat and humiliation. But as these proceedings placed the Histcrv, courts of Berlin and St Petersburg under the necessity of either humbling themselves before France, or throwing 1803- themselves once more into the arms of Britain, Napoleon sought by every means to conciliate these powers, and even to bribe them to join him in his attempts to destroy the commercial and maritime superiority of this country. “ The germ of what was subsequently called the Continental Sys¬ tem,” says Bignon, “ already existed in the mind of the first consul, and this system reposed upon the support of Prussia. One of the objects of the usurpation of Hanover was to make that court feel the inconvenience of a state of indecision towards France, and the advantages of a close alliance with her. To render Prussia powerful, in order that by its union with France it might awe the Continent to quiet, was the aim of Napoleon. If it be asked why, towards the close of his reign, Napoleon showed himself inexorable towards Prussia, the reason is, that Prussia was the power which wished him most ill, in forcing him to combat and destroy her, instead of extending and strength¬ ening her monarchy, in order that she and France united might keep Austria and Russia immoveable, and at the same time give that development to the continental sys¬ tem which would force England to make peace.” Prussia, in short, was to be fattened and enriched at the expense of acting in subservience to the views of France, and Hanover was offered to her as the price of her submission. The bribe was tempting, and there was considerable hesitation in refusing it. All the old ministers were disposed to ac¬ cept the electorate with the French alliance ; Hardenberg alone was of a contrary opinion, and his view ultimately prevailed. But the influence which decided the Prussian court to reject the insidious proposals of Bonaparte was that of the Emperor Alexander, whose opinions, argu¬ ments, and weight overcame all the representations of Duroc and the other French envoys, even when on the point of accomplishing their object. By a singular turn of opinion and events, every act of Effect of Bonaparte now told in favour of Britain, the ministry ofNapoleon’s which, had he remained on the defensive, could scarcely measur^s have persisted in a war which had been undertaken with-on.P^*’c out any adequate object, and in the prosecution of which °^inion* there was no reasonable prospect of success. But the oc¬ cupation of Hanover and the south of Italy excited the ap¬ prehensions of Europe ; whilst the army collected on the northern coasts of France, and destined to invade England, had the effect of exciting the patriotic energies of that country, silencing the arguments of the friends of peace, firing the national pride, and uniting all by the tie of a supposed common danger. The voice of reason, prudence, and humanity, was drowned in the tumult of contending passions ; and the most unjustifiable war in which Britain had ever engaged, suddenly became, in the broadest sense of the term, a national one. Meanwhile, as a field of bat¬ tle was denied to Napoleon, he turned his activity towards military organization, forming the armies and preparing the resources with which his most brilliant conquests were afterwards achieved. Alessandria was fortified upon the most approved principles, at an enormous expense, and ren¬ dered the bulwark of Italy. From Otranto to the Texel every coast and sea-port was put in a state of defence ; and the British fleet, whilst blockading every harbour, and me¬ nacing every accessible point, might observe the gigantic attempt made by the enemy to surround Europe, as it were, with a wall of iron. The few remaining colonies or foreign possessions of France now fell into the hands of Britain ; and Louisiana, which had been wrested from Spain, was sold to the United States, as the only mode left of deriving advantage from the acquisition, and at the same time defeating the views which England might en¬ tertain in regard to the occupation of the province. FRANCE. 129 History. Whilst public attention was mainly directed to the army and flotilla assembled at Boulogne, Ambleteuse, and other 1804. places adjoining, for the professed purpose of invading Conspiracy Britain, it was suddenly diverted from military projects firs^con t^ie discovery of a conspiracy against the first consul. 3U;. ' The hopes which the royalist party had entertained upon his first accession to power have already been noticed. They fancied that, satisfied with military glory, he might be prevailed on to favour a restoration, if not directly to assist in bringing it about; and, in two letters, LouisXVIII. demanded of him this act of disinterestedness, which, how¬ ever, he calmly but firmly declined. His subsequent mea¬ sures for strengthening and perpetuating his power left no doubt that, occupying the first place in the state, he would never voluntarily descend to the second, and that the hopes which they had so hastily fprmed were entirety fallacious. Disappointment now gave place to intrigue, and intrigue became envenomed by the spirit of revenge. The decree which conferred upon Napoleon the consul¬ ship for life had encountered very considerable opposition. Lafayette protested against it; Camille Jourdan publish¬ ed a reclamation in favour of the liberty of the press ; and Madame de Stael opened her brilliant saloon to the most distinguished opponents of the consular government. Of all this the royalists now took advantage; and a corre¬ spondence was entered into with Louis XVIII., who pro¬ mised, in the event of his restoration, to respect the prin¬ ciples of liberty, and further to grant a charter in which these should be fully recognised. The hopes of the roy¬ alists were thus kept alive ; the activity and confidence of their adherents were augmented ; whilst the watchfulness and jealousy of the government were proportionally in¬ creased. But although the opinions and predilections of speculative persons seldom lead those who entertain them to embark in the perilous adventure of conspiracy, the Bourbons counted amongst their more zealous and active partisans men eager to strike a blow at the head of the new government, and to anticipate events rather than to wait for their tardy development. Of these, General Pichegru was one. His fortunes were now desperate ; and he had many wrongs, or at least misfortunes, to avenge. Having escaped from Sinamary, to which he had been banished by the fac¬ tion of the 18th of’Fructidor (4th September 1797), the ex¬ patriated general returned to Europe ; openly espoused the cause of the Bourbons ; and, as Bonaparte had now become master in France, wished to attempt by a coup-de-main to overturn the principal author of his misfortunes. A plan of conspiracy, having for its object to overthrow the consu¬ lar government and to restore the Bourbons, was accord¬ ingly arranged at London, in conjunction with Georges Cadoudal, son of a miller at Morbihan, a determined Chouan, and other persons well fitted to engage in such an enterprise. The views of the conspirators can only be gathered from circumstances, and from the admissions afterwards made by themselves when arrested by the French police; but it seems tolerably certain that the as¬ sassination of the first consul was regarded by them as a preliminary measure, indispensable to the success of the counter revolution which it was their main object to bring about. The whole fabric of Bonaparte’s power rested on the basis of his character and reputation ; he was not part of a system established on a wide and solid foundation, but the system itself; the existence of the consular govern¬ ment depended entirety on him; and hence the surest as well as speediest mode of overturning his authority was to begin by destroying himself. But be this as it may, the ultimate success of the enterprise depended on providing beforehand the means of giving it a determinate charac¬ ter, and at the same time acting powerfully on public opinion. What the conspirators most wanted, therefore, was a VOL. X. name to oppose to that of Bonaparte ; a leader of eminence, History, whose reputation might conciliate public opinion, and bear to be put in competition with that of the first consul. Mo- 18(14. reau was precisely such a personage, indeed the very man they required. Possessing great talents for war, his success had been commensurate with his ability as a commander, and the renown of Hohenlinden had equalled, if not eclips¬ ed, the glory of Marengo. Besides, he was discontented, liv¬ ing in affected obscurity, and full of resentment on account of the unmerited neglect with which he had been treated since the 18th of Brumaire. But though a brave soldier, Moreau was deficient in moral courage. He could not persuade himself either to yield or resist; he wanted the strength of mind or the dissimulation necessary to restrain the expression of his resentment; nature had denied him that promptitude of volition as well as energy of action which are so indispensable in the chief of a party; and, on the 19th of Brumaire, he had not dared to convert that revolution to his own advantage or that of the na¬ tion, and had even served, though with a bad grace, as aide-de-camp to his more audacious rival. His wife also had great influence over him, and having been slighted at the consular court, now exerted it to induce him to listen to propositions for overthrowing the tyranny of Bonaparte. The royalist agents, ever on the watch, took advantage of these dispositions, effected a reconciliation between him and Pichegru, and thus entangled him in a scheme des¬ tined to prove his ruin. Pichegru arrived from England in January 1804; Georges Cadoudal had preceded him by several months. They both saw Moreau, who was dis¬ gusted with the ferocity of the Chouan ; but their scheme, whatever it was, made little progress towards maturity. From the first, indeed, Fouche had spread his toils around them ; numbers of their accomplices were already arrest¬ ed ; and if Pichegru and Cadoudal were still allowed to remain at large, it was only that they might gain over Moreau, and effectually implicate him in their schemes. Meanwhile the conspirators were unable to come to any decision. At their last interview Pichegru showed much hesitation ; Moreau possessed ambition which he could not conceal, but was totally wanting in character; Geor¬ ges, and especially Pichegru, perceived that he had per¬ sonal views. Cadoudal, endowed with great energy, and devoted to the cause of the Bourbons, pressed, conjured, threatened Moreau, but could not decide him to act; and Pichegru ended by proposing to adjourn the execution of the plot for four days. But in the night fixed for action, the conspirators, whilst impatiently waiting the signal agreed on, received counter orders, and dispersed ; some indulging in the most violent proposals, others resolved to mix no longer in such intrigues. The police was on the alert; the most inquisitorial means were employed ; all kinds of seduction were had recourse to; Moreau, Pichegru, and Georges were successively arrested. When interrogated as to the project of assassination, the Chouan answered frankly, “ I came to Paris to attack the first consul openly by force ; by the same means, in short, which he takes to protect himself. We waited to act until a French prince arrived in Paris.” This prince was, it seems, the Duke d’Enghien ; and the voluntary confes¬ sion of the Chouan sealed his fate. But in the interval between the arrest and trial of Piche- Murder of gru and his associates, Bonaparte struck a blow which the Duke stunned all Europe, and was no doubt intended to strike terror into the hearts of those who had so often plotted his destruction, We allude to the seizure and military exe¬ cution of the Duke d’Enghien. This young prince, a son of the Duke de Bourbon, and grandson of the last Prince of Conde, inhabited the chateau of Ettenheim, belonging to the elector of Baden, and only four leagues distant from Strasburg, where he had lived for some time in perfect K 130 FRA History, security. The proximity of his residence to the French ' frontier, the fact of which the consular government had 1804- received information that Dumouriez was at Ettenheim,1 and, above all, the confession of Cadoudal that he and his brother conspirators only waited for the arrival of a French prince in order to commence operations, satisfied the first consul that the duke was not only aware of, but deeply implicated in, the counter-revolutionary movement which had been concerted in Paris ; and this conviction was much strengthened by the reports of the police, all of which re¬ presented the conspiracy as having assassination for its principal object. “ The air,” said Fouche, “ is full of po¬ niards.” The life of the first consul had already been at¬ tempted by means of the infernal machine ; and although, on that occasion, he had escaped as it were by miracle, he could not always hope that the hand of the assassin would miss its aim, or that his machinations would fail of success. The law of self-preservation, which gives to every man, when his life is in jeopardy, the right of de¬ fending it by all the means in his power, seemed there¬ fore to sanction the adoption of measures calculated not merely to ward off the present danger, but also to strike a salutary terror, which might in future prevent the renewal of such attempts. Accordingly a detachment of French gensdarmes, under the order of Captain Chariot, was di¬ rected by General Ordener to surprise the castle of Etten¬ heim, and carry off the Duke d’Enghien ; whilst another expedition, under General Caulincourt, moved upon Kehl and Offemburg to seize some emigrants at those places.2 * * * * But the gensdarmes advanced so rapidly, that on the night of the 15th of March the prince was seized in his bed, and hurried off to Strasburg. The tidings of his capture were immediately conveyed to Paris by the telegraph, and through the same channel orders were received on the morning of the 18th, in consequence of which the pri¬ soner was rapidly transported to the castle of Vincennes, but without traversing the capital. He reached Vin¬ cennes at nine o’clock in the evening, much fatigued with his journey, and the same night was brought before a military commission, specially appointed to try, or rather to condemn him. The charges brought against him were six in number; first, having borne arms against the Republic; secondl}7, having offered his services to England, the eternal enemy of France ; thirdly, having received accredited agents of that country, facilitated their correspondence in France, and conspired against the internal and external safety of the state; fourthly, having placed himself at the head of a corps of French emigrants in the pay of England, which had been formed in the Brisgau and in Baden ; fifthly, hav¬ ing maintained a correspondence in Strasburg, with the in¬ tention of raising the adjoining departments, and operat¬ ing a diversion in favour of England; and, lastly, having entered into the conspiracy formed by that power for the assassination of the first consul, and held himself in readi¬ ness, in the event of success, to enter France with arms in his hands. Interrogated on each of these heads, the prince made the best defence which circumstances ad¬ mitted of, oppressed as he was with fatigue, and exhaust¬ ed from want of food and rest; but, after a sham trial, which lasted about three hours, he was found guilty upon all the counts, and condemned, although not a single docu- N C E. ment had been produced, nor a witness examined in evi- Historv. dence against him. It is said that the commission which so summarily tried and convicted the young prince, did so under the impression that the punishment of death would not be inflicted; but if they entertained any such belief, the event speedily showed that it was entirely groundless. The prince requested to see and speak with Bonaparte, and begged that this request might be communicated to the first consul. Savary, however, who had positive orders to see the judgment carried into execution, refused to grant any indulgence ; and at daybreak the prince was conducted to the fosse of the chateau, where, beside a new-made grave, destined to receive his remains, he was shot by a party of gensdarmes, and died with a courage worthy of his race. Whatever excuse Napoleon may have had for seizing and detaining the Duke d’Enghien as a hostage, he had none whatever for putting him to death; whilst the cir¬ cumstances attending this tragedy, the rapid journey, the nocturnal trial, the shameful conviction without evidence, and the immediate execution of the sentence, gave to it the character of a premeditated assassination. In this light, accordingly, it was regarded throughout Europe, men of all parties uniting in execrating the deed as a foul mid¬ night murder, only rendered more revolting by the mock¬ ery of justice with which it was accompanied. It has in¬ deed been said, that in accelerating the catastrophe, and condemning the prince clandestinely by night, the fermen¬ tation which might have arisen had the procedure been prolonged was avoided ; and that the circumstances which had created the necessity for a great example, also required that it should be promptly made. But is the policy of him who seeks to profit by a crime, any justification of the crime itself? or can mere expediency ever sanction a pro¬ ceeding by which justice is trampled on, and the door shut against mercy ? It is no doubt true that the life of the first consul was aimed at, and that the principle of self-preser¬ vation warranted him to take some measures for his own protection ; but the law of self-defence requires of him who resorts to such a plea, proof that he has not exceeded the moderamen inculpates tutelce, or, in other words, that the measures he had recourse to did not go beyond the neces¬ sity of the occasion. Had Napoleon confined himself to the seizure and detention of the prince as a hostage for his own safety, all Europe would probably have thought that he was justifiable in taking such a precaution ; by acting as he did, he outraged the sentiments of justice and humanity, armed public opinion against him, and exhibited himself to the world in the light of a man capable of committing any crime, however dark and atrocious. Fouche was right, there¬ fore, in pronouncing the murder of the Duke d’Enghien, a great political fault, which, in his estimation, was worse than a crime. Napoleon, in a laboured defence of his own con¬ duct, dictated many years afterwards, endeavours to incul¬ pate Savary, by charging him with precipitation ; and affirms that if the request of the prince for an interview had been communicated to him, it would have been granted, and might have been followed by a remission of the capital pu¬ nishment. But is it to be believed that in a matter of so much importance, a subaltern would have ventured to act as Savary did without positive orders ? or that having such, he would dare to disobey them ? On this point, indeed, 1 This proved to be a complete mistake. The person whom the spies of the French police represented as General Dumouriez, was in reality the Marquis de Thumery, the German pronunciation of whose name had led them to confound him with General Dumouriez. (Montgaillard, Histoire de France, tom. vi. p. 47-) It moreover appears that, among the persons present at Etten¬ heim, was a Count Demoustier of Franche-Comte', the consonance of whose name approaches still more nearly to that of Dumou¬ riez. (Ibid.) * The minister of exterior relations, Talleyrand, in a letter dated the 11th of March, sent to the minister of the elector a notifica¬ tion of the intended arrest of the Duke d’Enghien, but it is uncertain whether this letter reached Oarlsruhe before the seizure of the prince, which was so rapidly effected by the gensdarmes under Chariot. Talleyrand evidently desired to prevent the commission of a crime which, he foresaw, would arm public opinion against the new order of things established in France. FRANCE. History, tbe vindication of Savary is complete ; for, whatever may be thought generally of the part which he acted in the af- 1804. fair, he has at least established this point, that he merely obeyed his orders. The French government had early intimation of the sen¬ timents with which this crime was regarded in other coun¬ tries. The emperor of Russia lost no time in instructing his charge d’affaires at Paris to notify that he had learned with equal surprise and grief the event which had taken place at Ettenheim, the circumstances which followed it, and its deplorable result; and that the interest felt by his imperial majesty was the stronger, because he could in no way re¬ concile the violation of the territory of Baden with those principles of justice and humanity regarded as sacred by nations, and which alone protect their mutual relations. The Russian minister, at the diet of Ratisbon, also present¬ ed a note, in which he forcibly represented this violation of the Baden territory as endangering the peace and security of every state in Germany.1 A long diplomatic correspond¬ ence ensued, without leading to any result; and on the 29th of August the Russian charge d’affaires quitted Paris, after which all relations ceased between his country and France.2 )eath of Some time after this tragedy, Pichegru, who had been ’ichegru. confined in the Temple since the 28th February, was found strangled in his prison. The operation had been performed by means of a faggot-stick inserted between the neck and the cravat, so as to act like a tourniquet, or rather like what is commonly called a Spanish windlass. Wright, an English captain, who had landed Cadoudal upon the coast of Nor¬ mandy, and had afterwards been taken prisoner, was also found with his throat cut. The French government pub¬ lished all the details relative to both suicides; but the re¬ cent catastrophe of the Duke d’Enghien had produced in all minds an impression so unfavourable to Bonaparte, that, without proof, and even without examination, the death of Pichegru, in particular, was at the first moment imputed to him. But time has demonstrated the injustice of this imputation. The circumstances of real evidence connect¬ ed with the deed itself, the clear interest of Napoleon to bring Pichegru to a public trial, as he afterwards did Mo¬ reau, the situation of that unfortunate man himself, and, above all, the fact that, even after the fall of Bonaparte, not a particle of evidence was discovered to contradict the statement originally published by the government, or to warrant so much as a suspicion of foul play, all unite to prove that Pichegru died by his own hand. What possible motive could the first consul have to order this unhappy man to be privately assassinated ? The evidence against him was complete. His negotiations with the Bourbons could not be disavowed; the agents of Louis XVIII. and of the English ministers, with whom he had corresponded, were detained as prisoners in the Temple; and that cor¬ respondence was about to be judicially authenticated by their respective depositions. Was it not for the interest of the first consul, and of the government of which he was the head, that all this should be clearly established in a court of justice, and that the man who had associated him¬ self with assassins should also be proved to have been a traitor to his country? Buc Pichegru appears to have judged more correctly of his position in the Temple, than 131 those who preposterously attempted to invest him with the History, honours of martyrdom. He saw himself undone without resource, and being unable to endure the ignominy of as- cending the scaffold with brigands, chiefly known by their exploits on the highway, he put an end to his existence. Georges Cadoudal, and several of his more guilty asso¬ ciates, were soon afterwards brought to trial, condemned, and executed, without the slightest manifestation of pub¬ lic feeling in their favour. The prosecution of Moreau commenced on the 10th of Trial of June. He was arraigned on a law which declared the con- Moreau, cealment of proclaimed conspirators an offence punishable with six years’ imprisonment in fetters ; and the specific fact charged against him was the harbouring of Georges Ca¬ doudal and his accomplices. His conduct on this occasion fully justified the opinion which we have previously pro¬ nounced as to his character. The public declared loudly in his favour; but he did nothing corresponding to the great interest excited in his behalf. Brave and decided on the field of battle, he constantly showed himself timid, and sometimes pusillanimous, on the political arena; nature, in giving him the bravery of the soldier, had denied him the courage of the citizen. He must indeed have been conscious that he was deeply compromised; but, on the other hand, never did a person accused find so many de¬ fenders in almost every class of society. The enemies of Bonaparte, and they were numerous, loudly expressed the interest with which Moreau had inspired them ; a crowd of military men, who had served under his orders, prepared to defend him by open force, nay, even to rescue him from the tribunal; and the very gensdarmes appointed to guard him turned towards him the hilts of their sabres in token of their readiness to assist in his deliverance. But always feeble, and incapable of taking a decided part, Moreau had recourse to supplications addressed to the first consul, to whom, in a letter from his prison in the Temple, he pre¬ sented the most humble excuses, at the same time implor¬ ing the “ bienveillance” of the head of the government. Nor was his conduct less humiliating wEen brought before his judges. The exigencies of his defence imposed upon him the dire necessity of denying the statement which he had written to the Directory, and signed with his own hand, that “ the proofs of the treason of Pichegru were as clear as day, but that he doubted whether they could be exhi¬ bited in a judicial form.” Accordingly, after having repeat¬ edly affirmed that “ it was but too true that Pichegru had betrayed the confidence of the whole nation,” he had now^re- course to the most miserable shifts in order to invalidate all the accusations which he had presented against Pichegru, when the latter commanded the army of the Rhine and Mo¬ selle in 1795 and the beginning of 1796, as guilty of main¬ taining a correspondence with the Prince of Conde and the enemies of the Republic. But the force of public opinion had made itself felt even on the bench; and the recollection that he had gained thirty battles for the Republic, and saved two armies, created an interest in his favour which all his weakness and folly could not destroy. The culpa¬ bility of Moreau was evident, and Bonaparte required that he should be condemned to death, or to some degrading punishment, intending, as is said, to have remitted the sen- 1 As a proof of the sentiments with which he professed to regard the murder of the Duke d’Enghien, the Emperor Alexander caused to be erected in the principal church of St Petersburg, a funeral monument in honour of the unfortunate prince, with a Latin inscription, in which the latter is described as a hopeful scion of the house of Bourbon, quern Corsica bdlua immaniter trucidavit. Yet, four years later, we shall find the autocrat, who on this occasion professed so much hatred and contempt for Bonaparte, loading him with every mark of regard, priding himself on being acknowledged as a friend by the new emperor of the Gauls, and even exclaiming, in the words of a French poet, “ L’amitie d’un grand homme est un present des dieux.” At Erfurt, the Corsica bellua of the inscrip¬ tion was held out, by this Greek of the lower empire, as little short of an angel of light. * In replying to the first note of M. d’Oubril, the llussian chargd d’affaires, the French minister made a palpable hit : “ Si lorsque les Anglais concertaient 1’assassinat de Paul Ier., on fut venu avertir 1’Empereur Alexandre que ses assassins n’dtaient qu’^. une lieue de la frontiere Russe, ne se serait-il pas mis en devoir de les faire arreter ?” This was a home-thrust, which admitted of no riposte. 132 FRANCE. History, tence, which would have effectually destroyed Moreau in ' public opinion. But in vain did he attempt to seduce or 1304. intimidate the judges. Out of twelve, seven feared not to resist j1 and by a sort of compromise between the govern¬ ment and public opinion, Moreau was declared culpable, but excusable, and condemned to suffer two years’ impri¬ sonment, which was afterwards commuted into exile.2 Of forty-six others who were at the same time arraigned, twenty were condemned to death, five to two years’ impri¬ sonment, and the rest acquitted, but not released. The Polignacs were spared at the intercession of Josephine, and Madame Murat, afterwards queen of Naples. Civil code. In the early part of this year a law was passed which decreed the re-union of the civil laws in a single code, under the title of Code Civil des Francrais. The advan¬ tage which a country derives from the establishment of uniform laws does not need to be proved; but, to appre¬ ciate the full importance of this benefit to France, it is only necessary to cast a glance at the state of the law under the old regime. It was divided into two principal systems; that, of written law, and that of the countries governed by customs or common law. Both systems were subdivided into an infinite number of branches. There were about three hundred general customs, varying in the extent to which they prevailed; and these, again, were modified by a multitude of local usages. The number of commentators was immense. France was also governed by many other written institutions, such as ordonnances, edicts, declara¬ tions of the sovereign, and arrets of the parliaments ; each province, each diocese, each bailliage, each town, each cor¬ poration, had in fact its own usages and its own jurispru¬ dence. “ Besides the forty thousand Roman laws, of which some one is always cited at random,” says Voltaire, “ we have five hundred different customs, reckoning the small towns and burghs, which derogate from the usages of the principal jurisdiction ; so that a person travelling post in France changes laws oftener than he changes horses, and an advocate who is very learned in one city is no better than an ignoramus in that next adjoining.” This descrip¬ tion is not in any respect overcharged. Never in any other country had chicanery and oppression so wide a field to expatiate in ; never was there so urgent a necessity for substituting, in the room of conflicting usages and accu¬ mulated anomalies, a comprehensive and uniform system of laws. The em- The failure of the royalist plot to overthrow the consular piie. government, together with the exposure of the follies com¬ mitted by Drake and Smith, the English residents at the courts of Munich and Stutgardt, materially contributed to advance the project which Napoleon had for some time cherished of assuming the imperial purple. A despotism for life is an absurdity ; and besides it holds out a sort of premium for assassination. That the first consul’s life had been aimed at, the infernal machine, and the conspi¬ racy of Pichegru and Georges, placed beyond all doubt; that similar attempts would be repeated, as long as the hope remained that, by taking off a single individual, a counter revolution would be effected, was indeed most probable. According to the logic of the time, a necessi¬ ty had arisen, not for abating the despotism, but for pla¬ cing it on a more solid and permanent foundation ; or, in other words, for declaring it hereditary in the person and family of the man who was already invested with absolute power. Thus reasoned the partisans of Napoleon, and, in their view of the question, correctly ; because any thing was preferable to a government which might at any given instant of time be overthrown. Measures were therefore taken to effect the object which was now declared to be so necessary to the safety and happiness of France. On the 30th of April a motion was made in the Tribunate to con¬ fide the government of the Republic to an emperor, and to declare the empire hereditary in the family of the first consul Napoleon Bonaparte. This motion was made by an obscure member of the legislative chamber, named Curee, who concluded his speech on the occasion by de¬ claring that the nation desired a chief as illustrious as its destiny. Ever since the 2d of August 1802, when, by an organic senatus-consultum, the members of the Tribunate were reduced to a hundred and fifty, Bonaparte had com¬ pletely controlled the deliberations of that body; indeed almost all the tribunes were either sold or intimidated, and scarcely a shadow of representation remained. The proposition to confer upon Bonaparte the title of emperor was therefore adopted by the Tribunate; but the unani¬ mity of that body was greatly troubled by the heroic op¬ position of Carnot, who on this occasion expressed the most noble and generous sentiments. “ I voted,” said he, “ at the time against the consulate for life; I shall in like manner vote now against the re-establishment of the mo¬ narchy in France.” He contended that the government of a single individual was any thing rather than a guarantee of stability and tranquillity. “ The duration of the Roman empire,” said he, “ was not longer than that of the Repub¬ lic would have been; the intestine disorders were still greater, and crimes more multiplied ; republican high¬ mindedness, heroism, and all the masculine virtues, were displaced to make room for the most ridiculous pride, the vilest adulation, the most insatiable cupidity, and the most complete disregard of national prosperity. What evil, pray, was remedied or obviated by declaring the succession to the throne hereditary? Was not this in fact regarded as the legitimate inheritance of the house of Augustus ? Was not Domitian the son of Vespasian, Caligula the son of Germanicus, Commodus the son of Marcus Aurelius ?” He concluded a powerful address in the following words, the beauty and force of which we shall not impair or en¬ feeble by any attempt at translation. “ La liberte fut-elle done montree a 1’homme pour qu’il ne put jamais en jouir ? Fut-elle sans cesse olferte a ses veeux comme un fruit auquel il ne peut porter la main sans etre frappe de mort ? Ainsi la nature, qui nous fait de cette liberte un besoin si pressant, aurait voulu nous trailer en maratre ? Non, je ne puis consentir a regarder ce bien si universellement prefere a tous les autres, sans lequel tous les autres ne sont rien, comme une simple illusion ; mon cceur me dit que la liberte est possible, que le regime en est facile et plus.stable qu’aucun gouvernement arbitraire, qu’aucune oligarchie.” The vote of the Tribunate was communicated to the Conservative Senate, which, on the 4th of May, decreed, History. 1304. 1 These were, Clavier, the learned translator of Pausanias, Lecourbe, Martineau, Desmaisons, Rigault, Laguillaumie, and De- meuve. To an emissary who informed him that Bonaparte only desired the condemnation of Moreau in order to pardon him, Cla¬ vier replied, “ Et qui nous la fera, a nous ?” Who will pardon us ? 2- After the sentence had been pronounced, every facility of escape was afforded to Moreau ; but, discovering the snare laid for him, he avoided it by returning alone to the prison of the Temple. At length a compromise was entered into, and, after having paid the whole expense of the prosecution, he retired through Spain to America. “ En montrant un caractere moins inddeis, moins pu- sillanime,” says the Abbe de Montgaillard, “ Moreau aurait trouve' de 1’appui dans le senat, dans Parade, dans la population de Paris, et meme dans la nation ; mais son infirmitd politique se montre ici tout entiere. II ne s’dtait fait une idee positive de la part qu’il pouvait et devait prendre dans ces grandes crises de Fructidor et de Brumaire ; il ne sut se determiner ni dans 1 une ni dans Pautre de ces circonstances; patriote sincere, ami de Pordre, de la justice, et de la libertd, il ne sent jamais que des velleites incohdrentes d’imiter ces grands hommes qui se signalerent contre les oppresseurs de la patrie.” (Montgaillard, Histoire dc c ranee, tome vi. p. 125, 12G.) FRA History, on the motion of the second consul, Cambaceres,1 “ that it is for the decided interest of the French people to con- U ‘ fide the government of the Republic to Napoleon Bona¬ parte as hereditary emperorand fourteen days after¬ wards the same body, without waiting until the vain for¬ mality of obtaining the sanction of the people had been gone through, passed another decree, :n which the first consul is styled “ Emperor of the French,” a title which, according to the mover, “ is only the expression of an authentic wish already manifested by the nation.” It ap¬ pears, however, that the people were not in any shape consulted or referred to in the matter. For form’s sake, , they had been admitted to vote respecting the question of the consulate for life; but on the present occasion the experiment was not repeated, however advantageous it might have been to obtain at least a semblance of popu¬ lar assent; and, what is not a little remarkable, this fact is established by the conclusion of the very discourse in which it is unblushingly affirmed that the assumption of the imperial dignity by Napoleon is only the expression of an authentic wish already manifested by the nation. “ If it is in the principles of our constitution,” says Cam¬ baceres, in presenting the decree of the senate, “ and al¬ ready several examples have been given, to submit to the sanction of the people the part of the decree which con¬ cerns the establishment of an hereditary government, the senate nevertheless conceives that it ought to supplicate 3'our imperial majesty to consent that the organic dispo¬ sitions should immediately receive their execution ; and, for the glory as well as for the happiness of the Republic, it proclaims, on the instant even, Napoleon emperor of the French. W hat, then, becomes of the assertion, so often advanced, as if it could not be contradicted, that “ the wish of thirty millions of men had crowned the Emperor Napoleon ?” By evidence the most conclusive it is here established that Bonaparte was created emperor by the senate, consisting entirely of his own creatures, and that the nation was not consulted or appealed to in the matter. An organic senatus-consultum next declared the imperial dignity hereditary in the direct, natural, and legitimate descendants of Napoleon, from male to male, in the order of primogeniture, to the perpetual exclusion of women and their descendants. It provided, however, that the empe¬ ror might adopt the children or grandchildren of his bro¬ thers, it he had no male oftspring himself at the moment of adoption, and that the children who might thus be adopted should enter into the direct line of descent, but could only be called to the succession after legitimate and natural descendants. In default of an heir of Napoleon, the imperial dignity was to devolve upon Joseph-Napoleon and his descendants, and, failing the latter, upon Louis Bona¬ parte and his descendants. And thus expired the French Republic, surnamed indivisible and imperishable by so many orators and rhetoricians; and thus was monarchy re-established in France, with even greater facility than it had been overthrown eleven years before. Having pass¬ ed through a course of representative government, they now hastened to submit to the government of one man N C E. 133 invested with despotic power; like the ancient slaves, History, they voluntarily replaced themselves under the yoke which ' for a day they had entertained the design of for ever 1804. shaking off.2 Having assumed the title of emperor, which the obse-Measures quious senate had, by a sort of improvisation, bestowed on of Napo- him, Bonaparte lost no time in exercising the powers be-^e?n to 0D* longing to his new dignity. On the 19th of May he cre-tain fh.e re' ated eighteen of his generals marshals of the empire. This was an act of homage to the army, the real basis ofdignitv. his power, and it was performed without even waiting until the senate had taken the oath of allegiance, which it did on the 27th. Addresses now flowed in from all parts of the hundred and eight departments into which the terri¬ tory of the imperial republic was divided. The authori¬ ties, the functionaries, the magistracy, and the army, all brought to the foot of the throne assurances of the most profound devotion. Harassed with the convulsions of a long anarchy, the people now invoked the repose of ser¬ vitude. The despotism of one man seemed to them a small evil compared with the tyranny of the factions. Of this disposition Napoleon took full advantage, and, ac¬ cordingly, spent the remainder of the year in employing every means to get his new dignity confirmed and sanc¬ tioned both at home and abroad. The fact of his assump¬ tion of the imperial dignity was formally announced to all the states of Europe, Britain alone excepted, and nego¬ tiations were at the same time opened with a view to ob¬ tain its recognition. Austria was the first to acknowledge the new emperor of the Gauls; and the opportunity was even chosen by her sovereign for modifying his own title, to which he now added that of hereditary emperor of Aus¬ tria. But the other powers either hesitated or delayed. I he army, however, formed the true basis of Napoleon’s power, and their sanction was essential to its stability. To obtain this with suitable eclat, he visited Boulogne in the course of the summer, and, soon after his arrival in the camp, ordered a grand review, during which he distribut¬ ed to the military crosses of the Legion of Honour, which, created by the law of the 19th May 1802, had been so¬ lemnly inaugurated at Paris a short time before (14 passera jamais, et qui sera grave par le burin d’immortalite' dans les fastes des nations...Qu’une expedition du de'cret de r r/nVTe’ U ins,tant; au C0nseil ex^utif pour le faire exdcuter dans les vingt-quatre heures de la notification/’ Hi this u j ^ sena °rs was a so t e minister of justice who, on the 20th January, announced to Louis XVI. the sentence of death, souille lf» 5ml)eie*jr (e ome, ^ says Montgaillard, “ ne dut le diademe a de plus vils aff'ranchis; pose par de telles mains il eul so eao-pr m liastmi The death'of Louis *XVT Francc’> vL ?4>) In a word’ these Conventionalists, who, in 1793, had shown themselves s jj e .ta , , Couis XVI , were not less so, in 1804, to accelerate the enthronement of Napoleon Bonauarte H ow well they verified the words of an Italian poet, the reader will judge : P uonaParte- Torna contento cosi Schiavo, che usci di pena, Alia barbara catena Che detestava un d'. (Metastasio.) 134 FRANC E. History. Moses and Cyrus, not to mention other impious absurdities.1 good sense, intuitive quickness, unquenchable energy, sc- History. [nsuccessthey discovered divine right as well as legitimacy, vere judgment, untiring perseverance ; such were the ge- 1804. anci proclaimed the finger of God as the agent of his ele- neral attributes of his mind, to which circumstances af- vation. Nor was the successor of St Peter, and the vicar forded full opportunities of development. He was not one of God upon earth, less accommodating than the members of those men born to struggle against events, or to create of the Gallican church. At the command of Napoleon, occasions for the display of his own powers, and for the gra- his holiness made a journey to Paris, in order to place the tification of an aspiring ambition. He never anticipated crown on the head of the new Charlemagne, who had de- the course of events, nor ventured forward until every ac- spoiled the church of the very possessions which had been cessory had been prepared, until all was ripe for consum- bestowed on her by the pious emperor of the Franks. The mation. His mind was essentially practical, and his su- sovereign pontiff who thus obsequiously consented to con- preme excellence consisted in a just appreciation ol the secrate military usurpation, was no other than that Bishop true character of events, united with unexampled promp- of Imola who, in December 1797, exhorted his flock to titude in availing himself of the favours of fortune, and in follow the traces of the democratic revolution of France ; turning every propitious circumstance to the utmost pos- but if the hearts of men are in the hand of the Most High, sible advantage. But his energy was active, not passive ; infallibility is of course an attribute of the papal tiara. The with the current of events in his favour, his audacity was ceremony of the coronation took place in the church of boundless; when the tide turned against him, he evinced Notre Dame on the second of December; and no labour but little fortitude; in prosperity he seemed like a god, or expense had been spared to give splendour and magnifi- governing all things at his pleasure ; in adversity he pined cence to the spectacle. But notwithstanding all the pomp like a southern exotic under a northern sky. He was not and luxury displayed, few acclamations greeted the empe- fitted by nature to play the part either of Caesar or of ror on his way to Notre Dame, and still fewer awaited him Cromwell, and he would never have descended to that of on his return. No man said God bless him. The people Catiline. He was in truth but a bad conspirator; for, as generally remained passive and silent. During the cere- we have already seen, the revolution of the 18th and 19th monial, Napoleon, impatient of its slow march, seized the of Brumaire was effected, in spite of his blunders and crown, which he placed on his own head, and next he also hesitation, by the firmness and intrepidity of his brother crowned the Empress Josephine. The holy father then Lucien. Further, Napoleon was endowed with great and performed the triple unction on the head and the two commanding intellect, but not with strong passions; he hands, after which he recited the following strange for- neither loved nor sympathised with freedom ; and even mula of consecration; “ Almighty and eternal God, who his ambition seems to have been after-thought begotten hast established Hazael to govern Syria, and Jehu king of events. A little before the 13th of Vendemiaire, vyhen of the Jews, in manifesting to them thy will by the organ accident first brought him into notice, his views were limit- of the prophet Elias; who hast equally shed the holy ed to the purchase of a country-house and farm, but not of unction of the kings on the head of Saul and of David by confiscated property, so unstable did he then consider the the ministry of the prophet Samuel; shed, by my hands, Revolution. But he had that restless spirit, that craving ac- the treasures of thy grace and of thy benediction on thy tivity, and that innate consciousness of intellectual power, servant Napoleon, whom, notwithstanding our personal out of which ambition springs. He was not without en- unworthiness, we do this day consecrate emperor in thy thusiasm of a certain kind ; but it never approached the name.” This formula explicitly announces the doctrine generous warmth of inspiration, or betrayed him into any of divine right, a doctrine borrowed from the constitution sallies which his judgment condemned; and hence his of the Hebrews, and introduced into Europe at a period compositions and addresses, though full of force and vi» of the grossest ignorance, under the feeble Carlovingians, gour, are deformed by exaggeration, and devoid of natu- when the priesthood established the absolute power of ral feeling, the essential element of true eloquence. But kings over their people, and the absolute power of the the absence of passion and enthusiasm implies selfishness pope over kings. in the highest degree ; and this again naturally produces Character The man who had thus gathered up out of the wrecks the most depreciatory judgments of mankind. The cha- ofNapo- of the Revolution the fragments of the sovereignty which racter of Napoleon was deformed by both these vices iiy Icon. it had broken to pieces, and with these materials, aided an eminent degree. Himself, his greatness, and that of by his own genius, constructed a new empire in France, France through him, became, if not a passion, at least the was, considering his character in its various aspects, the substitute for one ; and, mistrustful of all pretensions to most extraordinary personage that any age or country public virtue or disinterestedness, he regarded mankind has ever produced. Gifted by nature with all the general as all governed by their immediate interests, and as ready and efficient elements of greatness, but possessing few or to serve any cause by which these might be advanced, none of those peculiarities which sometimes mar and some- From this nullity of feeling, and strength of intellect, flow- times adorn it, his powers differed from those of ordinary ed the virtues and vices of the man. He was neither im- men not so much in kind, perhaps, as in degree. Great posed on by the cant of the Revolution, nor in the slight- 1 The language of impious adulation in which the clergy indulged on the occasion referred to reflects eternal disgrace, if not on their order, at least on themselves. The following are specimens of the pious incense with which they endeavoured to regale the nostrils of Napoleon : “ Le Dieu des dieux,” said Cardinal Cambaceres, “ et des rois, avait donne, et il avait repris; il n’a pas rendu, mais il a donne de nouveau, comme il avait donnd le trone de Clovis a Charlemagne, et le trone de celui-ci k Saint-Louis...L’homme de la religion trouvera nos maximes dans PEvangile.” “ Un dieu et un monarque,” said the Archbishop of Turin, “ comme le Dieu des Chretiens est leseul digne d’etre adord et obei; vous (Napoleon) etes le seul homme digne de commander aux Franqais. Par- lit cesseront toutes abstractions philosophiques, tout depecement du pouvoir.” “ Qu’elle est grande,” cried another dignitary, “ qu’elle est admirable, cette divine sagesse qui etablit les empires. Napoleon, que Dieu appella des deserts d’Egypte, comme un autre Mo'ise...Donnons pour garant de notre fiddlite it Cesar, notre fidelite a Dieu...N.e cessons de le dire, le doigt de Dieu est ici... Nouveau Mathathias, Bonaparte parut dans 1’assemblde du peuple, envoye par le Seigneur...Un nouveau Cyrus a paru...Gdnereux comme le pieux Onias...L’ecriture nous trace, dans leregnede Josaphat, ce prince cheri de Dieu et des hommes, 1’image du gouverne- tnent accompli de Napoleon... La sou mission lui est due, comme dominant surtout; a ses ministres, comme envoyes par lui pour proteger le bien et punir le mal, parce que tel est 1’ordre de la Providence.” It would be at once curious and instructive to compare this with the language held after the events of 1814, by some of the very men who thus profaned holy writ in order to offer incense to the Jacobin emperor. F RANG E. 1804. History, est degree tinged with its fanaticism. Indebted for his promotion to the democracy, he adopted that side which threw command open to talents; he espoused the cause of the Revolution, and rendered it triumphant; but he imbibed none of its passions or prejudices against either the aristocracy or the clergy, both of whom he spared and even protected. He was not by nature cruel or implaca- ble; but the supreme command of armies, and the habi¬ tual spectacle of fields of battle, had inspired him with a contempt of human life, and a disregard for destroying it. He had no immoral tendencies; but as he had derived from education no principle of religion, or, at least, as the Revolution annihilated any he might have originally im¬ bibed, he was left free to adopt those untempered maxims of expediency, according to which prudence becomes the only regulating principle of human actions. Nor does he seem to have cherished any nice sentiment of honour, or in general to have possessed those habits and manners which are characteristic of a gentleman. The one would have inspired him with a respect for truth, and prevented an imperial bulletin from becoming synonymous with falsehood; and the other would have preserved him from that habitual rudeness, which at length left around him, not devoted servants, but servile instruments, alike inca¬ pable of delaying a guilty order or of hastening a generous one. As to war, Napoleon always found it made to his hand; if his system provoked it, which it unquestionably did, this never entered into his calculation, and he could not imagine why Austria, Britain, or any other power, should affect to feel any alarm at his aggrandisement. He had come in place of the Revolution ; he was at once the representative and the guardian of all the interests and changes which it had created or effected ; and yet, though but a Jacobin enthroned, he resented as an indignity and an insult the mistrust evinced by those very powers which had previously combined to crush the Revolution of which he was the representative. This was no doubt the grand misfortune of his position. He could not stand still, much less recede. His system was essentially of a progressive and an encroaching character ; his policy was from neces¬ sity arbitrary and menacing. Wars followed; coalition aftercoalition was formed and destroyed; and whilstFrance only assumed the offensive in order to anticipate enemies which were preparing to strike her, victory attended her standards. But the very fruits of success, which no man knew so well as Napoleon how to gather up, soon accu¬ mulated to such a degree, that a further extension of his authority became inevitable. The obstinate hostility of England, which he endeavoured to overcome by means of what he chose to denominate the continental system, in¬ volved him in the Russian expedition, in which he assum¬ ed a directly aggressive character; and the consequences were unheard-of disasters and defeats. The elements warred against him, and in the snows of Russia were buried those formidable legions which had so often march¬ ed to victory. I he tide of events now turned ; and in the violence of the reflux Napoleon was, after a brief strug¬ gle, overthrown. When he crossed the Niemen to invacTe Russia, he had reached the culminating point of his des¬ tiny ; when he recrossed that stream, the nations of Eu¬ rope were already freed from his grasp. But though una¬ ble to control events, Napoleon was eminently calculated to rule over masses of men. If he deprived them of liberty, he at least secured to them equality; in all departments a boundless field was opened by him to talent and enter¬ prise ; and in pursuing his own schemes of greatness, he conferred the most substantial and enduring benefits on the nation which he governed. His was essentially a popular despotism; one which rested not on the narrow basis of castes, but leaned on the general mass. Yet his power, though it extended widely over the land, did not 135 strike downwards, but, spreading its roots horizontally History, and superficially through the soil, wanted that firm hold which alone could have enabled it to resist the fury of Soo¬ the adverse blasts to which it was exposed. Ihe events of 1804< prepared the way for a new coah-New coali¬ tion against France. The breach with Russia, resulting tion against ostensibly from the seizure and execution of the Duke France pre. d’Enghien, had accomplished the first wish of Great Bri-r’ann£- tain, which was to find a continental ally. Menaced with invasion, the mere threat of which, independently of any danger to be apprehended, was an evil, because an insult, that power, acting upon the most obvious principles of policy, naturally sought to find employment on the Con¬ tinent for the legions which frowned defiance on the op¬ posite shores of the Channel; and a prospect of accom¬ plishing this object was unexpectedly opened in conse¬ quence of the event to which we have alluded. But this prospect was for a time overclouded by an unjustifiable aggression on the part of Britain. Spain had for several years been in close alliance with France, which she se¬ cretly aided with subsidies; yet the English government, though fully aware of the circumstance, pretended not to observe it, and had hitherto respected Spain as a neutral power. I his policy, however, which, in the circumstan¬ ces, was not less wise than cautious, the English minis¬ try suddenly abandoned, and, by a most unjustifiable act of aggression, threw Spain into the arms of France. Without any declaration of war, or the least indication of a change in the system which had hitherto been pursued by England, several Spanish vessels, returning laden with treasure, were attacked by a superior force, and after a sharp action captured. I his proceeding, stamped with all the characters of violence and treachery, was immediate¬ ly followed by a declaration of war on the part of the Spanish government; and from this time Britain had not only to contend with the fleets of France and Spain unit¬ ed, but, in consequence of the gigantic schemes of Napo¬ leon, became seriously exposed to all the perils and mi¬ series of an invasion. Meanwhile, as the clouds of hostility were gathering pr0p0sai around him, Napoleon addressed a letter directly to the for p^ace. king ot Great Britain (14th January), containing overtures of a peace. “ I attach no dishonour,” said he, “ to making the first advance. I have, I think, sufficiently proved to the world that I do not dread any of the chances of war. Peace is the wish of my heart. I conjure your majesty not to deny yourself the satisfaction of giving it to the world. A coalition will never have any effect but to increase the continental preponderance and grandeur of France.” In any view, this was a politic proceeding. It served to con¬ ciliate public opinion in France, to throw upon England the odium of persisting in embroiling the Continent, to mask his real designs, and at the same time to parade his dignity by treating on a footing of equality with the proudest and most powerful monarch in the world. The reply of the English ministry was cold and repulsive. “ His majesty is persuaded,” said they in their reply addressed to M. Talleyrand, “ that the object of peace can only be obtained by engagements calculated to provide for the future safe¬ ty and tranquillity of Europe, and to prevent the recur¬ rence of the dangers and misfortunes in which it has been involved. His majesty, therefore, feels that it is impos¬ sible for him to reply more particularly to the overture which has been made to him, until he has had time to communicate with the powers of the Continent.” Both parties were equally insincere. Britain desired to abide by the fortunes of a third coalition ; Napoleon pursued his schemes of aggrandisement, and on the 18th of March announced to the senate that he had accepted the crown of Italy, in conformity, as he said, with the wishes mani¬ fested by the Italian Republic. At Milan, where he was 136 FRA History, received with enthusiasm, he had exchanged his title ot president of the Cisalpine Republic for that of king of Italy, and placed upon his head the iron crown1 * of Charlemagne, amidst the acclamations of a people charmed with the idea of a kingdom of Italy. This was followed by an act of a still more unequivocal character, namely, the incor¬ poration of Genoa, lately the Ligurian Republic, with the French empire; a measure certain to alarm Austria, and to furnish Great Britain and Russia writh a new and powerful argument for inducing that power to join the coalition against France.8 Napoleon’s Many persons have thought, and some gravely main- plan of in- tained, that Napoleon was not serious in his menace of in¬ vasion. vading England. But the contrary has been proved by the most incontrovertible evidence. He was well aware, how¬ ever, that without obtaining at least a temporary supe¬ riority of naval force, such a project would be impracti¬ cable ; and accordingly all his efforts had, for some time past, been directed towards the accomplishment of this preliminary object. His plan was to distract the atten¬ tion of England, by sending a powerful fleet to the West Indies, which, after threatening her possessions in that quarter, should suddenly return to Europe, effect a junc¬ tion with the Spanish fleet, then disengage the squadron blockaded in Brest, and having rallied under its flag ships from other ports, enter the Channel with an overwhelm¬ ing force of nearly sixty sail of the line. This project was admirably conceived, and most skilfully combined; and if the execution had at all corresponded with the de¬ sign, or if Yilleneuve had obeyed his orders, or if, even after his indecisive action with Sir Robert Calder, he had made sail for Brest, instead of going into Cadiz in the face of reiterated instructions, enforced even with menaces, it would beyond all doubt have succeeded. In this splen¬ did conception, almost every contingency had been taken into the calculation, except the obstinate and infatuat¬ ed disobedience of the admiral, which allowed England time to collect her n^eans, and enabled Nelson to anni¬ hilate, by one decisive blow, the navies of both France and Spain. On this occasion fortune was on the side of England, which was saved from imminent peril, perhaps from a great national calamity, by a degree of infatuation in the commander of the combined fleets, far beyond all ordinary experience or reasonable calculation. If, after his action with Sir Robert Calder, Villeneuve had pro¬ ceeded to Brest, according to his peremptory instructions, his force would have at once been increased to forty-five sail of the line, which, with the Rochefort squadron, the junction of which he could then calculate on, would have N C E. enabled him to enter the Channel with at least fifty sail History, of the line; a force amply sufficient to secure to France for the time the naval superiority required. And, in such lo0j‘ an event, what would most probably have followed ? The troops were in hand, almost on the very beach ; the flo¬ tilla was kept in readiness to put to sea at a moment’s notice; and in ten hours a hundred and fifty thousand men, with material and ammunition, might have been on their way to the opposite coast.3 * * * * But providence willed it otherwise. Whilst Napoleon was thus menacing England with inva-Third sion from the heights of Boulogne, his looks were at thecoafitiun same time anxiously directed towards the east and north ^ormei^ of Europe. He was by no means ignorant of the coalition which was forming against him ; but as the position which he at present occupied enabled him at once to threaten England and observe Austria, he waited for the develop¬ ment of events in order to judge whether he should attack the former upon her own soil, or strike a blow at her in Ger¬ many. Prepared for instant operations, his principal ob¬ ject was to suffer the continental powers to anticipate him in declaring war, and then in turn to anticipate them, by promptly assuming the offensive, dashing into the very heart of Germany, overpowering Austria before she had time to concentrate her means of resistance, and thus de¬ stroying the coalition by, as it were, cutting off its head. And this plan, based on the most accurate prescience of events, was that which he ultimately carried into execution with the most astounding success. On the 8th of April a treaty of alliance was concluded at St Petersburg, be¬ tween Great Britain and Russia, in which the contracting powers engaged to employ the most prompt and effectual means to form in Europe a general league, capable of con¬ straining the government of France to consent to the re-? establishment of peace, and of the equilibrium of power; and to attain this object, the force to be employed was fixed at five hundred thousand effective men, exclusively of the succours to be furnished by England. The special objects of the league were, the evacuation of Hanover and of Germany ; the independence of Holland and of Switzer¬ land ; the re-establishment of the king of Sardinia in Pied¬ mont, with a considerable extension of territory; the se¬ curity of the kingdom of Naples; and the entire evacua¬ tion of Italy by the French. Sweden, having already de¬ cided against France, acceded to these stipulations. Prus¬ sia approved of their spirit, but temporised; and finally resolved to persevere in that neutrality by which she had already profited so much. Austria, anxious to redeem her defeats, and regain her ascendency in Italy, formally 1 This crown is called iro«, from a nail of the true cross, which, it seems, is attached to it. s Napoleon’s object in seizing Genoa is announced in one of his letters to Lebrun, who had been appointed governor, and en¬ deavoured, as far as possible, to mitigate the rigour of his stern orders. “ In uniting Genoa to the empire, I was induced neither by the revenue, npr by the land forces she might contribute. I had but one object in view, viz. fifteen thousand seamen. It is, then, going against the very spirit of my orders to be lenient or backward in levying and raising this force. You are too mild, too merci¬ ful. How can you govern people without discontenting them ? What would you do if you were charged with forcing the conscripts of a couple of French departments to march to the army ? I tell you that, in matters of government, justice means force as well as virtue. ( Vous savez bien qu'en fait de gouvernement justice •cent dire force comme vertu.) As to the discontent of the Genoese, I am not the man to listen to such remonstrances. Think you I am decrepid enough to fear them ? My answer is, seamen, seamen, still sea¬ men. Govern but to collect seamen ; dream but of them. Say what you will from me, but say that I will have seamen.” The reason of this extreme urgency will immediately appear. As to the detestable maxim, that justice means force, it might with truth be converted into a general motto for the history of Napoleon's reign. With him the amount of force was ever the measure of justice and virtue. 3 Dumas, Precis des Evenemens Militaires, tome xvii. pieces justifcatives. I’ourrienne reports a conversation which he had with Napoleon on this subject, and in which the latter is made to say, “ Those who believe in the seriousness of my menace of invasion are fools. They do not see the thing in its true light. I can without doubt disembark in England with a hundred thousand men, fight a great battle, win it; but I must reckon on thirty thousand killed, wounded, or prisoners. If I march upon London, a second battle awaits me ; suppose me again successful, what am I to do in London, with an army diminished by three fourths, without hope of reinforcements ? It would be madness. Without naval superiority, such a project is impracticable.” This merely shows either that Bourrienne did not understand the nature of the communication made to him, or that it suited the views of Napoleon to con¬ ceal his real intentions from the inquisitive secretary. That the menace was “ serious” as long as a hope remained of obtaining, by the means already described, a superiority of naval force in the Channel, is proved beyond all doubt by the documents which General Dumas has inserted in the Appendix to his seventeenth volume, above referred to; and it seems equally certain that, if Villeneuve had obeyed his orders, the experiment, with all its attendant hazards, would have been tried. ' FRANCE. 137 History. acceJea to the treaty of St Petersburg (on the 9th of staff-officer, was wholly unequal to the difficult and re- History 1805~ August), notwithstanding the strenuous opposition of the sponsible situation in which he had been placed. Of this ' ^ Archduke Charles, who, foreseeing the peril, earnestly total incapacity he gave early and lamentable proofs. Con- ls°5. counselled peace. She engaged not to lay down arms ceiving that Napoleon must necessarily advance by the except with the consent of her allies, and xvas to receive same road which had formerly been made choice of by from England a subsidy of three millions sterling during Moreau, he took post at Ulm, and there awaited the ap- the current year, 1805, and of four millions during each proach of the enemy. The French emperor, however, of the following years. These negotiations did not long had very different views. His preparations had been made remain a secret from Napoleon-, who had anxiously watch- with such rare ability, and the plan of the campaign so ed the gathering storm; and scarcely had Austria acced- well digested beforehand, that towards the end of Sep- ed to the third continental coalition, when the French tember the French grand army had arrived on the right army, assembled upon the shores of the Channel, was in bank of the Rhine. It was divided into seven corps, with full march towards the Rhine. Bavaria had previously a grand reserve of cavalry. The first corps was command- been secured by a promise of territorial aggrandisement; ed by Bernadette, the second by Marmont, the third by the Russians were still in Gallicia ; and Austria, as the Davoust, the fourth by Soult, the fifth by Cannes, the Archduke Charles had foreseen, was thus left to contend sixth by Ney, the seventh by Augereau, and the cavalry single-handed with the whole power of France. In these by Murat, who had under his orders Nansouty, D’Haut- circumstances Austria pushed forward her troops, and poul, Klein, Beaumont, and Walcher. Napoleon entered peremptorily demanded that the elector of Bavaria should Germany at the head of about a hundred and sixty thou- abandon the alliance of France, and unite with her in sand men, including his guard.1 By the 6th of October maintaining the independence of Germany. The elector Bernadotte and the Bavarians occupied Weissemburg, temporised, pleaded his engagements, gained time, and twelve leagues south of Nuremberg ; Marmont was in the succeeded in drawing off his army. The Austrians then vicinity of Neuburg; Davoust was at Oettingen, eight occupied Munich, thereby committing the very act of ag- leagues north of Donawerth ; Soult was at Donawerth; , gression which Napoleon expected and required. Ney was at Kenssingen, three leagues west of Dona- seinsli and I he great object which the English ministry had in werth; Cannes was at Neeresheim, two leagues north- m forming a new coalition against France cannot be north-west of Donawerth; and Murat with his cavalry England. n?,st^k®n- But in thus precipitating Austria into hostili- was on the borders of the Danube. In thus placing him- ties before her allies had time to come to her assistance, self in rear of the enemy, Napoleon accomplished two in order to remove the French army from Boulogne, Pitt grand objects ; he avoided exposing his flank to the de- played into the hands of the very enemy whom he was bouchesof the Tyrol; and by the rapidity of his march he . 80 desirous to humble. From the cause already stated, had completely disconcerted the plans of the Austrians, namely, the failure of Napoleon’s maritime combinations, whilst, by turning towards the north, he might cutoff the through the incapacity of his naval commanders, a de- Russians who were advancing from Gallicia towards the scent upon England had become impossible, and the dar- Danube. But in order to operate a prompt re-union of ger, before so imminent, had by this time entirely ceased, all his columns, it was necessary that Bernadotte, setting It was already certain that France could not obtain even out from Hanover, and Marmont from Holland, should a temporary superiority of naval force in the Channel, traverse the country of Anspach, belonging to Prussia, without which such an attempt would have been worse Napoleon had secured the neutrality of that power by than madness. To obviate a danger, therefore, which no the corruption of the Prussian ministry. But this violation longer existed, Pitt recklessly sacrificed the principal ally of its territory wounded the self-love of the sovereign, as of England, contributed to extend and consolidate the co- well as the pride of several distinguished military men, lossal power of Napoleon, and enabled him to impose on who, desiring to see an end put to the humiliation of their Germany those fetters which it afterwards cost so much country, loudly demanded war against France. The in¬ blood and treasure to shake off. The blunder of the dignation inspired by this insult had more effect on the English minister was indeed gigantic, and no wonder it cabinet of Berlin than all the efforts of England and Rus- cost him his life. He fell into the very snare which had sia ; and Prussia, when it was too late, renounced the neu- been so skilfully laid for him ; and by this fatal error placed trality which she had observed ever since the peace of Europe at the feet of the man for whom he may with truth Bale, 5th April 1795, to engage single-handed in a contest be said to have paved the way to victory. Nor was the with France. conduct of the campaign itself in any respect unworthy of The contest in Germany now advanced, with singular the blind and infatuated policy which had hurried on the rapidity, towards a crisis. On the 8th of October a combat v contest. . . t00k p]ace at Wertengen, four leagues south-west of Do- ienced™" ^ "e Archduke Charles, finding his pacific counsels dis- nawerth, in which Murat, supported by Lannes, enve- urrender reSart^e^’ resigned the presidency of the war depart- loped an Austrian division, making a great number of f'Ulm. merd, and refused to assume the general direction of a prisoners. On the 9th the Archduke Ferdinand was de- war which, he foresaw, would be attended with ruin to his feated by Ney at Guntburg, six leagues east of Ulm, with house. 1 he command of the Austrian army, therefore, considerable loss ; and the same day Soult occupied Augs- was in an evil hour intrusted to General Mack, who, it is burg. On the 12th Bernadotte occupied Munich ; and said, had been recommended by the English government; on the 14th Memmingen, a considerable place on the II- a mere pedantic tactician, without genius or energy, who, ler, surrendered by capitulation to Soult, when four thou- a few years previous to this, had failed to defend Rome sand Austrians were made prisoners. The same day a with a numerous army, against General Championnet with combat took place at Elchingen, two leagues north-east only a few thousand troops; and who, though a tolerable of Ulm, in which Ney signalized himself by the most chi- tlJ j^assena’ at tke ,same f11?6’ assumed tne command of sixty thousand men assembled in the north of Italy, and advanced towards dom of ’ 7her?’ being reinforced by twenty thousand troops, who, under the conduct of Gouvion-Saint-Cyr, had evacuated the king- j i , aplfS’ he found himself in a condition to contend with the Archduke Charles, and prevent him from oneratimr through the logne C Maveru^ amTst °n}.the .0,f the Sfand army. Three corps d’armde, intended as a reserve, were also assembled at Bou- ^vo’L a^ ence5 an(l Strasburg, and three flying camps of grenadiers were marked out at Rennes, in La Vendde, and at Marengo. s 138 FRA History, valrous bravery. Three thousand Austrians were made prisoners. It had become necessary to obtain possession 1805. 0f t]ie bridge and position at Elchingen, in order to isolate on the left hank of the Danube the mass of the Austrian army confined in Ulm. The bridge and the position, de¬ fended by six thousand men with four pieces of artillery, were twice carried by the bayonet, and as often recover¬ ed ; but a third onset, made with the greatest impetuosity under Ney in person, proved successful. On the 15th the head of the first Russian column arrived on the Inn. The corps of Bernadette was then in position between that river and Munich. At the combat of Langenau, three leagues north-east from Ulm, Murat, on the 16th, came up with the division of Werneck, which had escaped from Ulm, and made three thousand prisoners. Thus, by the direction given to his army after the pass¬ age of the Rhine, and by the rapidity of his marches, Na¬ poleon had, as it were, overwhelmed the Austrians, and reduced all their offensive plans to a defensive without method. Mack at Ulm was placed in nearly the same situation in which Melas had found himself before the battle of Marengo, Both had their retreat cut off; but Melas tried to break through the enemy in his rear, and had succeeded in his object, when an accident deprived him of the reward of his resolution; wdiilst Mack, closely invested in Ulm and its immediate vicinity, made no effort to force his way with his masses united, although continual rains favoured such an attempt, but preferred risking the es¬ cape of his divisions separately. Thus the Archduke Ferdinand, nominally general-in-chief, but placed under the tutelage of Mack, had left Ulm with part of the cavalry ; whilst Mack, who had the title of quarter-master-general, still remained there. As already stated, he was the same person who, in the campaign of Naples, had lost his re¬ putation as a tactician, without displaying any talents for execution; and who, on the 23d January 1799, had sur¬ rendered himself prisoner to General Championnet. His situation had now become desperate. The French occu¬ pied all the surrounding heights, and he had nothing left but to capitulate. General Segur, sent to demand his submission, found every thing in disorder, and the brain of Mack in a state entirely corresponding. This poor man had no clear idea of the state of things until the French themselves informed him; and he did not even know that Napoleon was his antagonist. He began by demanding eight days’ truce, or death, and concluded by immediate¬ ly capitulating. Ulm, with all its magazines and artillery, was surrendered to the French; and thirty thousand combatants became prisoners of war. The officers, in¬ cluding sixteen generals, were discharged on their parole ; the sub-officers and soldiers were conducted into France. In less than fifteen days, the Austrians had lost above fifty thousand prisoners, two hundred pieces of cannon, many thousand horses, with about eighty colours and other trophies, and were now forced to shelter themselves behind the Inn. Never was triumph more rapid or more complete. The surrender of Ulm took place on the 20th October, and on the 21st was fought the battle of Trafal¬ gar, in which Lord Nelson annihilated the combined fleets of France and Spain, and by the results of that glorious day counterbalanced to England the advantages which Napoleon had just reaped in Germany. Pro ecu- But the disasters which Austria had sustained at Ulm tion ot the might have been repaired, and the fortune of the war campaign, changed, it Prussia, otherwise so well disposed towards the coalition, had even now struck in. By her hesitating and (as the result proved) ruinous policy, a heavy blow had fallen on Austria; but there was still time to check the advance of the French, and even to reduce them to the necessity of acting on the defensive. On the 25th of October an interview took place at Berlin, between the N C E. Emperor Alexander and Frederick-William III., and, at the History, tomb of Frederick II., these two sovereigns promised to unite their efforts to restrain the ambition of Napoleon. 1805- But this political and sentimental farce ended in nothing. The favourable moment thus allowed to escape could not be recalled ; the king of Prussia was ere long at the feet of Napoleon; and the emperor of all the Russias became the friend of the man who had granted him his life upon the field of battle. Very different indeed was the course pursued by the French emperor. After reconducting his ally, the elector of Bavaria, to his capital, Napoleon advanced into the heart of the Austrian states, whilst his lieutenants continued to drive all before them. On the 1st of October he had crossed the Rhine; on the 20th Mack and his army were prisoners; and on the 15th of November he made his public entry into Vienna, which had capitulated on the 13th. The Austrian court and army had retired into Moravia ; but in evacuating the capi¬ tal they had neglected to break down the great bridge on the Danube, of which Lannes, by an act of unexampled audacity, now made himself master. The Emperor Fran¬ cis had hoped that the Russians would arrive in time to act on the right bank of the Danube, and thus save his capital from occupation ; but in this he was disappointed. The first Russian army under Kutusof having advanced higher up the Danube than Vienna, immediately fell back towards Brunn on receiving intelligence of the oc¬ cupation of the capital. Justly apprehensive of having his communications with the second army intercepted, which in fact was the aim of Napoleon, the Russian commander felt himself compelled to execute this retrograde move¬ ment, which he did with all possible celerity. But being warmly pursued beyond Vienna, and attacked in the midst of his movement by Murat with the French cavalry, he proposed an armistice, with the sole view of gaining time to receive the reinforcements which were advancing from Upper Moravia, and to secure his retreat. Murat, who was already at Hollabrunn, fell into the snare, and accept¬ ed the artful propositions of the Russian commander, which, however, were immediately rejected by Napoleon. By means of this stratagem Kutusof saved his army from the imminent perils to which it was exposed, and on the 18th November effected a junction with the second Rus¬ sian army under Buxhowden, at Wischau, six leagues from Brunn, the capital of Moravia, where he assumed the command in chief of the allied army. Kutusof’s re¬ treat was covered by Prince Bagration, who, with a corps of six thousand men, made a desperate stand at Junters- dorf against a greatly superior force under Murat, Soult, and Lannes, and, in spite of every effort that could be made to dislodge him, maintained his ground till night, when he withdrew with the remains of his corps. This encounter, which saved the army of Kutusof, raised the courage of the Russians; they were still the soldiers of Suwarof, and longed to measure swords, in an ampler field of battle, with an enemy whom that victorious chief had so often overthrown. I he trench now occupied Brunn, a strong place, well Situation armed and supplied with munitions of war, which the°^^ie Austrians had precipitately evacuated on the evening 0f French the 18th November, and on the 19th Napoleon establish- armA ed his head-quarters at Wischau. Still the situation of the French army was one of imminent hazard. Hurried on by the ardour of success, it had arrived in the centre of Moravia, more than two hundred leagues from the frontiers of France; it had in its rear neither magazines nor strong places to serve as points c?appui; its line of operations was disproportionately long ; and it was expos¬ ed in a space of about ninety leagues of hostile coun¬ try. Bohemia was in a state of insurrection, and threat¬ ened the communications by the left. The warlike FRA History. Hungarians had risen in mass upon the right. The Arch- duke Charles, having escaped from Massena, whom the 1805. appearance of an Anglo-Russian fleet had retained in Italy, was within fifty leagues of Vienna, the numerous population of which was in a state of extreme fermenta¬ tion. Prussia had secretly acceded to the coalition, and her minister Haugwitz brought to Napoleon an ultimatum, the rejection of which was to be immediately followed by an official declaration of war. In a word, all the proba¬ bilities were against the French army, which had no re¬ source but in a prompt and decisive victory, and, without immediate prodigies of bravery and military science, could not hope to escape from the numerous enemies by whom it was about to be enveloped. What Napoleon most wanted, therefore, was a great battle; but, in proportion as this had become necessary to him, the clear interest of the allies recommended for the present a Fabian sys¬ tem of tactics, and at any sacrifice avoiding a decisive ac¬ tion, by the result of which alone could the French army be saved from destruction. But, in spite of the strong and urgent reasons for acting upon the defensive, it was nevertheless resolved at the head-quarters of the allied emperors to deliver battle. Battle of On the 2d of December the three emperors with their Audlerlitz. troops were near Austerlitz, a village about two leagues south of Brunn. The Russian army, reinforced by a second corps (18th November), reckoned about eighty thousand effective combatants; and that of Austria amounted to about twenty-five thousand. The French army did not exceed eighty thousand men on the field of battle. The artillery on both sides was formidable, but the allies had the advantage in the number of cavalry. The allies no doubt desired to gain time, in order to await the arrival of a third Russian corps, now only eight marches distant; but the manoeuvres of Napoleon, and, we may add, his artifices, induced, if not compelled them to accept battle. The immense accumulation of troops around Olmutz, re¬ sulting from the extraordinary rapidity of events, occa¬ sioned such a scarcity of provisions, that the general-in¬ chief, Kutusof, felt himself constrained to precipitate of¬ fensive operations. This determination had, without his knowledge, entered into the plan of Napoleon, who, three days before, bad withdrawn his advanced guard, in order to fight upon ground which he had reconnoitred, and all the accidents of which were consequently known to him. The hesitation of Kutusof allowed a precious opportunity, and circumstances extremely favourable, to escape him. But not having attacked when the French forces were scattered, he ought to have continued his retreat, in order to engage them still more in advance, either by moving upon Hungary to operate a junction with the Archduke Charles, or upon Bohemia to communicate with Prussia, whose army was assembled and in a condition to act; in short, he ought to have temporised until the simultaneous co-operation, now close at hand, of all the members of the coalition had been obtained, in which case the retreat of the French army towards the Rhine would have been rendered impossible. But instead of acting in this man¬ ner, by which eventual success would have been placed almost beyond the reach of accident or fortune, he decid¬ ed to risk the chances of a general battle, when the re¬ spective forces of the combatants were nearly equal. Marshal Lannes, having under him General Suchet, commanded the left; Marshal Soult directed the right; Marshal Bernadette commanded the centre; Marshal Davoust kept himself in observation before the left of the allies; Marshal Murat, with his cavalry, and twenty-four pieces of light artillery, supported the right under Mar¬ shal Lannes ; and the reserve consisted of ten battalions of grenadiers under General Oudinot, flanked by ten bat¬ talions of the guard under General Junot, the whole being N C E. 139 provided with forty pieces of cannon. The action com- History, menced at sun-rise, and continued until night. The sun rose with unclouded brilliancy, and was long remembered 1305. as the sun of Austerlitz. Its first rays discovered the Austrians and Russians disseminated on, around, and be¬ hind the village of Austerlitz, where the allied emperors had taken post to observe the first efforts of the attack. This was directed against the French right, and sustain¬ ed by Soult and Davoust with their wonted activity and skill, aided greatly by their positions, which were amongst flooded and marshy ground, where the ice was still too weak to support the weight of men or horses. All that Napoleon required of these officers was to maintain their ground for a certain number of hours, whilst with his left and centre he simultaneously attacked that portion of the enemy’s force in front, which he proposed to cut off from the wing engaged. This was the decisive movement; but he delayed long in giving the signal for the premedi¬ tated attack, so little anticipated by the enemy, fearing lest they might recall their troops from their left, by which they proposed to assail the French. But as soon as he heard the sound of battle fully engaged in that di¬ rection, he gave the word; his generals hurried to their respective posts; and Lannes, Bernadotte, Legrand, St Hilaire, each at the head of a division, advanced. At this moment the allied columns were descending from the heights, and filing off in the direction of their left, where they expected to find the main strength of the battle. But it was nearer them than they imagined, even in their front, where, owing to their ignorance of the true position of the French army, they had not looked for any serious opposition. Surprised, and attacked during an oblique movement, by columns of equal or superior force to their own, the Russian line was intersected; and the French hav¬ ing gained the heights, drove their adversaries down into the defiles behind. But between the village of Austerlitz and the heights thus carried were the Russian reserve, consisting of chosen troops, including the imperial guard, commanded by the Grand Duke Constantine. These, too, were marching towards the left, when, to their asto¬ nishment, the French light troops, supported by cavalry, broke in amongst them. A scene of surprise and confusion ensued. But the emperor, aided by Kutusof rallied the troops ; the Russian guards, assisted by some other regi¬ ments, charged with great fury; the French, victorious a few moments before, were now driven back; and some regiments which had formed squares were broken by the impetuosity of the Russians. Napoleon did not observe what was taking place, Austerlitz being hidden from his view by the intervening heights; but his ear having caught sounds betokening any thing but victory, he in¬ stantly ordered General Rapp, one of his aides-de-camp, to advance at the head of the grenadiers d cheval of the French imperial guard. Rapp galloped off at the head of these superb squadrons, rallied the stragglers as he advanced, and on approaching the immediate scene of conflict, found the victorious Russians sabring the French as they were driven from the broken squares. Without hesitating a moment, he sounded the charge, broke through a superb regiment of the Russian imperial guard, and made Prince Repnin, one of its colonels, prisoner. This afforded the French time to rally ; and, with their usual promptitude and intelligence, they quickly regained their order. Rapp returned to the charge, and overpowered the regiment of the Grand Duke Constantine, who was indebted for his safety to the swiftness of his horse ; whilst General Gar- danne, charging with a division of dragoons, completed the discomfiture of the enemy. From the heights of Austerlitz, the Emperors Alexander and Francis witnessed the defeat of the Russian guard. The Emperor Napoleon then direct¬ ed his efforts to the right, where the enemy still continued 140 FRANCE. History, to oppose a vigorous resistance; and the Russian corps, being at length surrounded and driven from all the heights, 1805. were force(j hack to the margin of a lake, where the French artillery made a terrible carnage. From fifteen to eigh¬ teen thousand Russians, attempting to escape over the ice, were drowned; two columns, each four thousand strong, laid down their arms ; the whole Russian artillery was taken, whilst forty standards, including those of the imperial guard, also fell into the hands of the French ; and the remains of the Russian army, without artillery, without baggage, in a state of the most frightful disorganization, and surrounded on all sides, must have surrendered at discretion had they been vigorously pressed. Even the life of Alexander was at the mercy of Napoleon, who ordered his artillerymen not to fire on the emperor of all the Russias, and, from mo¬ tives of generosity or policy, allowed him to escape.1 Such was Austerlitz, one of the most remarkable battles fought in modern times. It consisted of a series of manoeuvres, every one of them successful, by which the Russian army, surprised in an oblique march, was cut into as many por¬ tions as there were columns directed against it. The loss sustained by the Russians, in killed, drowned in attempting to cross the lake on the ice, wounded, and prisoners, has been estimated at thirty-five thousand men ; fifteen gene¬ rals were either killed or taken ; the general-in-chief, Ku- tusof, received several wounds ; and a hundred and fifty pieces of cannon were abandoned. The French appear to have lost about ten thousand men, including a general of division and two colonels, who died on the field of battle. At Austerlitz, masses of the French cuirassiers charged, for the first time, the.enemy’s batteries ; a bold manoeuvre, which, being rapidly executed and courageously sustained, during nine hours, by the corps of Marshal Soult, contri¬ buted powerfully to the success of the battle. Marshal Bernadotte also took an active part in this mighty conflict. At the moment when the Russian guard was defeated, he advanced at the head of the centre of the army, and by means of his cavalry vigorously charged the enemy ; whilst Marshal Lannes, who commanded the left, charged at the same instant, with rare intrepidity, and thus threw them into the most frightful disorder. Conse- On the evening of the battle the emperor of Germany quences of the battle. sent to demand an interview with Napoleon. It was ar- History, ranged for the 4th of December, and took place within a few leagues of Austerlitz, by the fire of a bivouac. “ I receive 1805* you,” said Napoleon, “ in the only palace which I have in¬ habited for two months. “ You made so good use of this kind of habitation,” replied the emperor of Germany, smil¬ ing, “ that it ought to content you.” Francis took Napo¬ leon by the hand, and saluted him by the name of brother. From this moment the judgment of Napoleon, usually so clear, seemed to be bewildered; he changed, so to speak, his nature ; and, in his desire to become at any price a monarch allied to an old dynasty, he ceased in future to be any thing but an emperor. The sovereigns remained two hours in conversation, during which the terms of an agree¬ ment appear to have been arranged.2 Napoleon showed great forbearance and moderation. The emperor of Russia, to whom he afterwards restored the portion of his guard who had been made prisoners, w^as permitted to retire unmo¬ lested to his dominions, under the protection of an armistice ; but although the czar professed great admiration of the man who had so generously spared both himself and the wrecks of his army, he declined to enter into any treaty, or even to acknowledge Napoleon as emperor of the French. The king of Prussia had a more difficult part to perform. He had been ready openly to join the coalition, to which he had secretly acceded ; and his minister, Count Haug- witz, had arrived, prepared to employ the language of me¬ nace. But fortune had embarrassed all the calculations of Prussian policy; and Haugwitz, finding Napoleon success- fid, changed his tone, and complimented him on the victory which he had just gained. “ This is a congratulation,” said Napoleon, in reply, “ of which fortune has changed the address.” In proportion as he had shown forbearance to Austria, he gave way to his indignation against the dupli¬ city and perfidy of Prussia, and so terrified Count Haug¬ witz that the latter concluded a treaty, accepting Hanover in lieu of Anspach and Bareuth, which were to be given up to France. The object of Napoleon, no doubt, was to em¬ broil Prussia with Britain, and he thought this would be most effectually accomplished by an arrangement which im¬ posed on the former powTer the odious task of seizing upon Hanover. Nor was this all. At the very moment when 1 “ Cette gen^rositd,” says the Abbe de Montgaillard, “ doit £tre conskHr^e, politiquement, comme une tres-grande faute; Alex¬ andre tue sur le champ de bataille, et I’arme'e Itusse ane'antie ou prisonniere de guerre, un grand soulevement devait avoir lieu h Saint-Petersbourg; il est difficile,de pre'sumer lYtendue des consequences d’un tel ordre de choses ; mais elles ne pouvaient qu’etre favorables au systeme et aux intdrets Franqais. Napoffion, chargd de fers a Sainte-Hdlene, et proie a toutes les barbaries qu’ordon- nent les cabinets de Saint-Petersbourg, de Vienne, et de Berlin, barbaries dont le cabinet de Saint-James s’est rendu Pexecuteur, Napoleon aura du vivement regretter la magnanimite dont il use envers les deux empdreurs vaincus a Austerlitz. Cette magnanimite, il n’est pas permis d’en douter, est produite par le brulant desir qu’a Napoleon d’etre reconnu empereur et roi; d’entrer dans le ca¬ talogue officiel des monarques d’Europe, et de s’entendre appeler mon frere par les deux plus puissans de ces monarques. Mais une bonne et sage politique demandait que les deux empereurs, Alexandre et Francois, fussent fails prisonniers et amine's en France; la paix, une veritable paix, et non une treve de quelques mois, eut ffi:e, selon toute apparence, le prix de la ran<;on des deux captifs, et 1’Angleterre n’eut pas refusd d’y adherer, pour peu que Napoleon eut borne son ambition a maintenir, pour la France, lYtat actuel de possession. Q,ue ne pent done I’amour d’une vaine gloire, que ne peut I’orgueil imperial et royal sur I’esprit d’un parvenu de la Ile'- volution Franchise ? (Montgaillard, Hist, de France, tome vi. p. 179, 180.) 2 Whilst the proceeding adopted by the emperor of Germany shows the deep impression made upon his mind by the battle of Aus¬ terlitz, following as it did so rapidly after the disaster of Ulm, it is at the same time clear, that the check which he had just expe¬ rienced, though infinitely grave, was not so decisive and irremediable as to destroy all hope, or to be incapable of being repaired in the course of another campaign. The Archdukes Charles and John were advancing at the head of eighty thousand fresh troops, and had already put themselves in communication with Hungary, where the insurrection was becoming general ; the losses sustained by the Russians were on the eve of being effaced by a considerable corps (the third army) which had arrived in Silesia; the inhabitants of Bohemia had commenced their levy in mass; a hundred and sixty thousand Prussians, Saxons, and Hessians, were under arms, waiting the order to advance ; numerous corps of Prussians and Swedes menaced the northern frontier of Holland ; a formidable di¬ version was on the point of being operated in the south of Italy; and, lastly, the army of Napoleon, sensibly weakened by its rapid marches and successes, was more than three hundred leagues from its reinforcements, and in fact only occupied the long narrow line which it had followed in its advance from the Rhine to Olmutz. A little more tenacitv on the part of Austria would therefore in all probability have brought about the ruin of Napoleon and his army. But the Emperor Francis, dejected by his last disaster, threw away a thousand chances which had become favourable to him ; he wanted the courage necessary to support the struggle when the tide was about to turn, or to prolong hostilities on the eve of a general change ot circumstances, which could scarcely have failed to pro¬ duce a great amelioration in his position, political as well as military ; and, without waiting to calculate or deliberate, he came hum¬ bly to solicit an armistice, as Darius would have done after a defeat, and as Sapor would not. By a strange and inconceivable destiny, the emperor of Austria, without intending it, twice saved Napoleon, in the heart of his states, namely, at Austerlitz and at Wagram; on both occasions, the French emperor, having committed great military faults, found himself, after gaining two battles, exposed to have his communications with Prance intercepted, and was saved from this danger by an almost immediate suspension of hostilities. FRANCE. 1806. History, the transfer in question was concluded by Haugwitz, Har- J denberg had required the assistance of Britain, conjunctly with Russia, in case Prussia should be attacked ; and these incompatible agreements were, to its no small embarrass¬ ment, soon laid before the cabinet of Berlin. The difficul¬ ties thus created were no doubt great; but it endeavoured to escape fiom them in the best way it could, by accept¬ ing Hanover as a deposit, and by yielding up Anspach, together with Cleves, Berg, and Neufchatel, as had been agreed to by Haugwitz, On the 26th of December, a treaty of peace was concluded at Presburg, between France and Austria. The ancient states of \ enice, including Dalmatia and Albania, were ceded to the kingdom of Italy. The principality of Eichstett, part of the archbishopric of Pas- sau, the city of Augsburg, the Tyrol, and all the posses¬ sions of Austria in Suabia, the Brisgau, and the Ortenau, were transferred to the elector of Bavaria, the Duke of Wirtemberg, and the Duke ol Baden ; and the indepen¬ dence of the Helvetic Republic was also stipulated. The Germanic constitution, so much damaged by the treaty of Lunecille, was now virtually dissolved by two of its mem¬ bers, the elector of Bavaria and the Duke of Wirtemberg assuming the title of kings, under the auspices of France, without the consent either of that body or of its chief. By this treaty, Austria likewise sanctioned all the partitions previously effected both in Germany and Italy, and lost a territory of eleven hundred thousand square miles, with a population of two millions six hundred thousand souls. Napoleon declared to the French senate, as he had pre- 141 Proceed- Son iNa'viously done t0 the emperor of Austria, that he had sought no aggrandizement for France. But this declaration was made in the true spirit of the Italian school of politics, which enjoins the observance of the letter of an obligation, but permits an infringement of its principle. If France was not aggrandized, all the states in dependence on her wore so. Venice and Dalmatia were added to the kingdom of Italy. Naples, which an Anglo-Russian force had invad¬ ed, was occupied, and the reigning house expelled, as if by the mere word of command. Berthier and Murat were created German princes. The newly acquired provinces of Venice, Dalmatia, Istria, Friuli, Belluno, Feltre, Bas- sano, Vicenza, and Rovigo, were declared duchies, and as¬ signed to the generals and civilians of the imperial court. Bavaiia and Wirtemberg had already been aggrandized out of the spoils of Austria, and their rulers raised to the rank of royalty. Ihis was Napoleon’s first performance as king-maker. But his elder brother Joseph was now declared king of Naples, and his younger brother Louis, a man of mdd and amiable character, king of Holland ; whilst vari¬ ous matches were made, all having for their object at once to aggrandize and unite the new imperial family. Lastly, having done so much for those of his own house, Napoleon consented to receive the homage of his subservient legis¬ lature, which, after lavishing on him the most fulsome ex¬ pressions of adulation, ordered to be erected, in one of the principal places of the capital, a column surmounted with a statue of the emperor, and bearing the inscription, “ A Napoleon le Grand, la patrie reconnoissante.” ’ faiart,e.°nfaf' .The commencement of the year 1806 was brightened pect ofr03'wlth a momentary prospect of peace. On the 23d of Ja¬ nuary, not two months after the battle of Austerlitz, where all his schemes had been overthrown, Pitt breathed his last. With the bitter exclamation, “ Oh, my country,” on his lips,* he expired, leaving Europe in confusion, and England be¬ set with difficulties. On the accession to power of Mr Fox pect of peace. and his friends, hopes of peace were entertained ; and that History, statesman having opened a correspondence with the French emperor, by apprising him of an offer which had been made iSOG. to assassinate him, negotiations followed. But serious ob¬ stacles unexpectedly arose, one of them relating to Sicily, which the trench insisted should be conjoined with Naples. Talleyrand, however, pushed the conferences with great activity, and evinced the utmost anxiety to conclude a peace. W ith prophetic sagacity, he foresaw, that without a peace with England, every thing was problematical with the French emperor; that nothing short of a sequence of iortunate battles would consolidate his power ; that this was a series of which the last term might perhaps be zero; that nothing could be safe where all was continually put tc hazard ; that one great reverse would overthrow the fabric which it had required many victories to rear up and esta¬ blish ; that, in short, the time had arrived to secure what had already been gained, and to realise, as it were, the glory which no disaster had as yet overclouded.1 But all these efforts proved, unhappily, vain ; nor in fact would any peace that might now have been concluded have proved lasting. . Napoleon could not descend from the position to which victory had raised him ; and England could not ac¬ quiesce in the continued exercise of an ascendant influence subversive of the general balance of power and the inde¬ pendence of states in Europe. Austria and southern Ger¬ many were under the dictation of the French emperor; Italy, from the Alps to the Gulf of Tarentum, was subject to his immediate sway ; Spain had degenerated into a mere province of the French empire. The only independent power bordering on France was Prussia, and she was al¬ ready marked out as the next object of attack. In such circumstances peace was unattainable, or, if nominally at¬ tained, would have only been a renewal of the truce of Amiens. Bonaparte was still in his ascending movement; and although wisdom would have counselled him to stop, and even to descend to a lower and safer level, ambition held different language, and urged him to go on. Prussia, however, had acted a part equally imprudent Prussia, and unworthy. We have already adverted to the two treaties, one concluded by Haugwitz with Napoleon, and the other by Hardenberg with England, in December 1805. Perplexed by the results of her own perfidy and double dealing, she derived advantage from neither. She naturally hesitated to accept of Hanover, and to shut her ports against England; but, on the other hand, as Ans¬ pach, Cleves, and Berg, ceded by Haugwitz, were already seized by the French, the desire of an equivalent prevail¬ ed over all sense of justice or regard even to decency, and this hesitation was overcome. On the 1st of April Hanover was annexed to the Prussian territory, in virtue of a proclamation which set forth that, since Hanover be¬ longed to France by right of conquest, its legitimate pos¬ session had been transmitted to Prussia as an equivalent for the cession of three of her provinces to France. A more impudent and unblushing declaration was never made by any government, nor one more subversive of every principle of public law, justice, and morality. But the same cabinets which stigmatized Bonaparte as a usurp¬ er, recognised him as legitimate sovereign of France whenever they could profit by his political crimes, and when his spoliations suited their own interests and political arrangements. The conduct of Prussia, in this particular, met with loud and indignant reprobation in England. Mr Fox publicly denounced it as “ every thing that was con- Talleyrand poussait les conferences avec activite: rien ne lui fW k R ,g°' • 1 be words of‘ Savary are, “ M. de voulait I’entendre, que, sanselle, tout (halt probleme nour I’emnerenr r ,.n n’ Vrt? la Paix, avec Angleterre. II disait, a qui Ufa,,,, „ que cela se r&luisait a uue serie, dont le premier Jme dt’ail A, Jdone la’deSr™ uVatutr" Y ou'zero? ^ ^ 142 FRANCE. History, temptible in servility, and all that was odious in rapacity.” ' Nor was this all. Whilst Prussia had thus dishonoured !806. herself for the sake of Hanover and the French alliance, she had the incredible mortification to learn, through the English papers, that Napoleon had offered to restore Ha¬ nover to Britain as the price of peace. She had sacrificed her character to obtain Hanover, and she had even dis¬ missed her minister, Hardenberg, to please the French emperor ; she had rendered herself an object of scorn to the government of England, and France now rewarded her abasement and humiliation with contempt. Never indeed was perfidy more severely and at the same time more justly punished. But Prussia had yet other and more severe mortifications to endure. Confedera- A compact still more alarming to Prussia than any tion of the which had yet been formed was now entered into. This lilhne. was the confederation of the states of the Rhine, which was concluded on the 12th of July, between the emperor Napoleon, and several princes of the south and west of Germany. These princes separated themselves, in per¬ petuity, from the territory of the Germanic empire, and united together in a new federation, of which the em¬ peror of the French was declared the protector. The contingent to be furnished by each of the allies was de¬ termined ; a great number of secularisations and annexa¬ tions of territory in their favour were recognised and sanc¬ tioned ; the old constitution of the Germanic body was dissolved; and Napoleon became, in fact, lord suzerain of a large portion of Germany. His object, indeed, seems to have been to make the confederation of the Rhine the centre and pivot of his future power. The notification of the treaty of the 12th July was made to the diet at Ratis- bon on the 1st of August, when fourteen German princes declared their separation from the Germanic body, and their new confederation under the protectorate of Napo¬ leon. The common interests of the confederate states were to be discussed in a diet which was to sit at Franck- fort-on-the-Maine ; and this diet was to be divided into two colleges. In the college of kings were to sit the repre¬ sentatives of the elector of Bavaria and the Duke of Wir- temberg, who had each assumed the title of king, together with those of the Grand Dukes of Baden, Berg, Darmstadt, and the prince primate; and in the college of princes were eight petty princes bearing inferior titles. The con¬ tingents were, for France two hundred thousand men ; for Bavaria, thirty thousand ; for Wirtemberg, twelve thou¬ sand ; for Baden, eight thousand, &c.; making in all two hundred and sixty-three thousand men. Such was the con¬ federation of the Rhine, which, in the course of six years, was augmented by all the sovereigns of Germany, old or new, with the exception of the emperor ol Austria, the king of Prussia, the Dukes of Brunswick and Oldenburg, the king of Sweden as Duke of Pomerania, and the king of Denmark as Duke of Holstein. Relations On the 20th July preliminaries of peace between France of France and Russia were signed at Paris. This was before the with Rus- treaty of the confederation of the Rhine had transpired. Prussia When that organic compact had become known, the cabi¬ net of St Petersburg refused (15th August) to ratify the stipulations which had been agreed to with France, upon the pretence usual in such cases, that its envoy had ex¬ ceeded his instructions. The negotiations on both sides had, in fact, been entered upon with equal duplicity, with the same perfidy. The ambitious designs of Napoleon against the north of Europe had already become sufficient¬ ly manifest not to leave any room for doubt as to his real intentions ; whilst the czar, anxious to obliterate the hu¬ miliation of Austerlitz, and to re-establish his preponder¬ ance in the west of Europe, had recourse to those arti¬ fices which have at all times been familiar to Russian di¬ plomacy. The object of the French emperor was to ma¬ ture his schemes, and augment bis means of future aggres- History, sion; what the Russian autocrat desired, was to gain the time necessary to prepare for another struggle. Mean- 1806* while the situation of Prussia was every day becoming more and more critical. If she had cause for mistrust on discovering that Napoleon had offered to restore Hanover to England, this was not lessened by the organization of a powerful, and, from its very constitution, hostile confe¬ deracy on her most defenceless frontier. Napoleon, how¬ ever, attempted to assuage her just suspicions by inviting Frederick-William to form in the north of Germany a confederation similar to that which he had established in the south and west, and also to assume the imperial dig¬ nity. But, in the circumstances, these propositions were no better than sheer mockery. The court of Berlin had received too many proofs of the slighting conduct, if not hostile intentions, of France, to repose any confidence in her offers. Injury had been exasperated and envenomed by insult, and the cry of the nation was now for war. Still the most obvious maxims of prudence should have indu¬ ced Prussia to temporize until her allies were in a condi¬ tion to take the field. Russia having refused to ratify the stipulations of the 20th July, was preparing to renew the struggle ; all hopes of an accommodation between Britain and France were completely at an end ; and Prussia, single handed, was not in a situation to contend with a power which had so recently overthrown Austria, even when assisted by Russia. But, neglectful of all this, the court of Berlin, passing from the extreme of caution to the ex¬ treme of temerity, gave full intimation of its intentions as early as the month of August, by increasing the army and calling out its reserves. Prussia was now destined to reap the bitter fruits of her selfish and equivocating policy. Had she, during the last coalition, united cordi¬ ally with Austria before that power had received a stun¬ ning blow, Napoleon might have been compelled to re¬ ceive instead of dictating the law; Austria would at least have been saved ; and the confederation of the Rhine would never have been beard of. But selfish timidity kept her arms tied when every motive urged, nay when the strong¬ est obligations bound, her to strike in ; and now, when Austria was humbled and France aggrandised, when all the favourable chances had disappeared, and when a mighty army, trained to combats and flushed with victory, was ready to pour its veteran legions across her frontier, Prus¬ sia stepped forth alone, in her own strength, to encounter the gigantic force before which her more powerful neigh¬ bour had fallen. Her councils became smitten with that infatuation which is the sure forerunner of calamity. If it was the height of imprudence in Prussia to decide War be- upon a war in which Austria was no longer in a condition t^een to take part, it was sheer madness not to have both secured and waited for the co-operation of Great Britain andsia Russia. Instead of this, however, when Lord Morpeth, the British envoy, spoke of Hanover, he was answered that its fate depended on a battle; plainly intimating that, if victorious, Prussia meant to retain it. The same indiffer¬ ence was manifested as to the aid of Russia; and the army, which, indeed, it was difficult to restrain, pushed for¬ ward into Saxony to compel the elector to join his forces to those of Prussia, and to induce Hesse to espouse the cause of the north of Germany against France. For the sake of these secondary objects, the blunder of Mack at Ulm was repeated. The French troops were already assembled. Napoleon left Paris in the end of September, and proceed¬ ed by Mayence and Wurtzburg to Bamberg, the rendez¬ vous of his army, where he arrived on the 6th of October. Proclamations, the usual preludes of war, now followed. The king of Prussia required the French to tfuit Germa¬ ny, the soil of which they had no right to tread. Napo¬ leon returned the bravado by some sarcastic remarks on F R A History, the Prussian queen and court. “ The queen of Prussia,” says a French bulletin, “ is with the army clothed as an 1806. Amazon, wearing the uniform of her regiment of dragoons, and penning twenty letters a day, in order to kindle flames on every side. One might believe her to be Armida out of her senses, setting fire to her own palace. Near her is the young Prince Louis, overflowing with valour, and ex¬ pecting vast renown from the vicissitudes of war. Echo¬ ing these two illustrious personages, the entire court cries out for war. But when war shall have come, with all its horrors, it is then that each will vainly endeavour to ex¬ cuse himself of the guilt of having drawn down its thun¬ ders upon the peaceful countries of the north.” Opening cf The Prussian army, commanded by the king in person, the cam- ancj t]-ie 0]cj X)uiie 0f Brunswick, whom his campaigns paign* against the French had not instructed in their new sys¬ tem of tactics, was scattered along the high road from Eisenach and Weimar. Having advanced so far, it should have assumed the initiative, and, by a great offensive effort, endeavoured to break through the enemy’s line before his corps were in a condition to afford mutual support. But Brunswick was alike incapable of conceiving or exe¬ cuting such a plan of operation ; he hesitated when he should have decided ; marched and countermarched with- out object; and, worst of all, committed the fatal error of dividing his army when almost in presence of the enemy. The road by which the Prussians had advanced, and along which their magazines were established, from Weimar, in a north easterly direction, to Leipsic, run obliquely to the line on which the French were now approaching from the south. Instead of attacking Weimar, where their main force was concentrated, Napoleon therefore resolved to throw himself on their communications, intersect their line of retreat, and cut them off from their principal ma¬ gazines. And this he effected by one of those rapid and masterly movements which, executed by him, had so often decided the fate of armies. Ihe only resistance which the French met with was at Saalfieid, where, on the 10th of October, the division of Suchet, belonging to the corps of Lannes, was opposed by Prince Louis of Prussia, com¬ manding the advanced guard of the corps of Hohenlohe. A fierce combat ensued; but the Prussians, being unsup¬ ported, were overpowered, the brave prince lost his life, and thirty pieces of cannon, with a thousand prisoners, fell into the hands of the French. The French now occupied the line of the Saale, with their backs towards Germany; whilst the Prussians, in order to face them, were obliged to turn theirs to France. Ihe belligerents having thus, as it were, changed places, the main body of the French under Napoleon crossed the Saale at lena; the interval between lena and Naumberg was occupied by Bernadotte, who had orders to observe the Saale as far as Doern- berg, by which he was to debouch, in order to cut off the enemy’s masses from their reserves, and to fall upon their rear, in case they should move in force upon Naumberg or lena; and Davoust, with three fine divisions of infam tiy thirty thousand strong, but weak in cavalry, was post¬ ed between Naumberg and Doernberg, on the right of the Saale, to guard the defiles of Koesen. To drive the French from these positions, and to restore the communi¬ cations, was now the great object of the Prussians. Ac¬ cordingly the king and the Duke of Brunswick, at the head of the main body of the Prussian army, marched to dislodge Davoust; whilst the remainder, under Prince Hohenlohe, advanced against the main body of the French s army> commanded by Napoleon. In this way Davoust found himself in the presence of an enemy more than sixty thousand strong, one-fifth of whose force consisted of cavalry, in which arm he was disproportionately weak; whilst, on the other hand, Hohenlohe advanced to attack a force which outnumbered him in a still higher ratio, and was N C E. 143 supported by the main body of the cavalry under Murat. History. Both parties appear to have had false notions of each other’s movements ; but Napoleon was evidently misled by the ex- 1606. traordinary proceeding of the Duke of Brunswick, in divid¬ ing his army on the eve of a great battle, an error which exceeded all ordinary calculation or experience. The battles of lena and Auerstadt were fought on the Battles of same day, the 14th of October, at the distance of six Iena an Murat. The French now pushed on without intermission for Berlin, which Napoleon entered at the head of his guard on the 2/th of October, amidst the silence and tears of the people. He had spent the 25th at Potsdam, in the apart- 144 FRA History, ments of Frederick II. for whose character and memory, v—both as a warrior and a sovereign, he professed the greatest 1U06. veneration ; but this feeling did not prevent him from tak¬ ing away the sword and the order of the black eagle worn by Frederick, and sending them, with the colours of his guard, to the Hotel des Invalides at Paris. Meanwhile the king of Prussia retired behind the Oder, in the hope of col¬ lecting the scattered remains of his army, and making a stand under cover of the strong places by which that line was defended. But fortress after fortress, though power¬ fully garrisoned and well supplied with ammunition and provisions, surrendered with a rapidity inexplicable on any supposition except that of treachery or infatuation. Spandau yielded almost without resistance ; Magdeburg, the bulwark of the kingdom, capitulated after a short and irregular siege; Glogau, the strongest place on the Oder, likewise surrendered ; and other places imitated their ex¬ ample. Blucher alone supported the national character amidst all these calamities. He executed a daring and masterly retreat amongst the French divisions, which pur¬ sued and frequently crossed his line of march ; and, when at length obliged to take shelter in the free town of Lu- beck, the desperate resistance which he opposed to the overwhelming masses of the enemy made them pay dear for the advantage they gained in storming the place. Thus, by two simultaneous battles, in which both parties fought on wrong principles and erroneous information, was the Prussian monarchy not only shaken, but destroyed. Na¬ poleon had not only avenged the defeat of the French at Rosbach, but also the peril in which he had himself been placed by Prussia during the campaign of Austerlitz, and he now wreaked his vengeance with unsparing severity. Proceed- At Berlin Napoleon had once more to enter upon the ings of Na-j.ask 0f organizing a new empire. The smaller states of Berlin de Germany were compelled to join the confederation of the cree.m 0 Rhine; Saxony was treated with politic leniency ; Hesse- Cassel and Brunswick were doomed to expiate their loy¬ alty by rigorous contributions ; and the electorate of Ha¬ nover was seized in the name of France. I he occupation of the free city of Hamburg, against which the emperor Napoleon had no assignable cause of war, immediately followed. On the 19th of November, Mortier took posses¬ sion of the town in name of the French government, and the same day issued an order, enjoining the inhabitants to make known all funds and merchandise belonging to the English. This was part of his system. To strike a free commercial port with nullity, and thus to ruin a great city, gave him no concern, provided it was closed against Eng¬ land. A measure of a still more extraordinary character followed. On the 21st of November was issued an impe¬ rial decree, dated at Berlin, in which the British islands were declared in a state of blockade. By this decree all commerce and correspondence were interdicted ; every subject of England, of whatever state or condition, who should be found in the countries occupied by the French or their allies, was to be made prisoner of war; the com¬ merce in English merchandise was prohibited, and all mer¬ chandise, of whatsoever kind, proceeding from England, was declared lawful prize; lastly, all vessels coming direct¬ ly from England or from English colonies, or having been there since the publication of the decree, were not to be received into any port. Such was the decree by which Bonaparte endeavoured to exclude England from the Continent at the expense of neutral and independent na¬ tions, and which he intended to enforce in all the harbours of Europe, from St Petersburg to Constantinople. But this scheme, although it no doubt occasioned, in the first instance, much mischief to British commerce, and tended to throw the principal carrying trade of Europe into the hands of the Americans, yet, like all prohibitory systems, NCR it eventually recoiled on its author. For, in the first place, History, nothing tended so much as the severities of the continen- tal system to alienate from Bonaparte the affections both of his subjects and his allies. Even the exhausting de¬ mands of the conscription were borne with less impatience than the rigours of a code which crippled one great branch of industry, and deprived all persons possessing only mo¬ derate fortunes of the customary luxuries of life. But, on the other hand, whilst the price of sugar, coffee, and other articles, rose to an exorbitant height, the contraband trade flourished ; and whilst the vexations of the excise excited that state of chronic war between the government and the people which is the fruitful sources of disaffection, the object aimed at was in a great measure defeated. In spite of all restrictions, enforced by armies of douaniers, English merchandise found its way into the Continent; the smugglers were enriched, the regular traders ruined, and the people forced to pay many prices for articles which habit had rendered indispensable. Towards the close of November, Russia declared war War be- against France. About the same time the king of Prus- tween sia, who had retired to Konigsberg, made an attempt t°R^s^an^ negotiate ; but as Napoleon demanded the cession of the XU1 e-v' whole country between the Rhine and the Elbe, Frede- rick-William, hoping that the power of Russia might yet give a check to that of France, refused to accept terms less severe than those which he was afterwards under the necessity of submitting to. But, unfortunately for this hope, war broke out at the same moment between Russia and Turkey. In a few days of successful intrigue, Sebastian!, whom Napoleon had sent to Constantinople, succeeded in putting an end to the amicable relations subsisting not only between Russia and Turkey, but also between Eng¬ land and the Porte ; the invasion of Egypt by France, and its deliverance by England, were forgotten ; French offi¬ cers were seen directing works for strengthening the bat¬ teries of the Dardanelles, as well as training the Turks to serve the guns with which they were armed; and a war followed on the Danube, which occasioned a powerful di¬ version in favour of Napoleon, and crippled the exertions of Russia in the approaching struggle. Napoleon now advanced in pursuit of the Prussian mo- Poland, narch, and at Posen, the capital of that part of Poland acquired by Prussia, he, on the 11th of December, con¬ cluded a treaty of peace and alliance with the elector of Saxony, who acceded to the confederation of the Rhine, and assumed the title of king. From Posen he proceeded to Warsaw, which was evacuated on his approach. At the sight of the Russian and Prussian eagles retiring from the capital of their country, the Poles were in exultation. Their patriotism and national spirit revived ; the youth crowded into the Polish regiments which were now formed to act in concert with the French; and the throne of Sobieski seemed already re-established. But Napoleon, though resolved to make use of their zeal, had no intention to reward it with that independence which they so ardently desired. “ Quoique Napoleon, que sa mefiance et les dis¬ positions de 1’Autriche rendraient ties circonspect, ne leur eut fait aucune promesse,” says General Dumas ; “ il les avait pourtant excites a s’avancer pour reconquerer leur liberte et leur independance. II leur avait donne un gouvernement provisoire cree des autorites civiles et mi- litaires prises dans leur sein. Les Polonnais se flattaient avec raison que la restauration de la nation serait le juste prix du sang qu’elle avait verse pour la cause de la France, depuis ies premieres campagnes dTtalie jusqu’aux der- nieres batailles, dans lesquelles ils avaientvaillammentcom- battu. Devaient-ils croire que maitre de reparer le scan- dale des demembremens de leur patrie, de venger la plus manifeste violation du droit des gens, le vainqueur laisseruit FRANCE. History, fletrir dans ses mains le plus beau fruit de sa victoire?”1 With Napoleon these just expectations went for nothing. 1806. |n his view all interests and all wills were to yield to his, as all resistance had yielded to his arms; but he lived to repent of his injustice to Poland, and discovered in adver¬ sity the extent of the error as well as of the wrong he had committed. Rapid pro- By the first of December all northern Germany, except- French.1 ing K5nigsl?erg> with the fortresses of Stralsund and Col- berg, was either under the direct domination or under the immediate influence of Napoleon. Hesse, Brunswick, Ha¬ nover, the duchies of Oldenburg and Mecklenburg, and the Hanseatic Towns, were in his power. Prussia, which for half a century had been gradually rising to the highest rank amongst military powers, was overturned at the first shock. Hostilities commenced on the 9th of October, and on the 14th she received a mortal blow. In seventeen days, the French soldiers, having traversed the forests and defiles of Franconia, the Saale, and the Elbe, reached Ber¬ lin ; and by the end of November they were beyond the Vistula. The overthrow of the Prussian monarchy in a campaign of six weeks, is one of those events the reality of which will hardly be credited by posterity. But the season of combats having reached its term, an able and prudent general, Frederick II. for example, would have stopped on the Oder, at least until spring, and employed the winter in establishing himself in a solid manner in Germany ; in securing the immobility of Austria ; in mak-- ing himself master of the strong places in Silesia; in taking possession of Dantzick and Colberg before the arri¬ val ot the Bussians ; in reducing Stralsund, and recruiting, clothing, and re-arming his troops at the expense of the conquered countries ; in forming a German army, which would have been an useful auxiliary; in negotiating with his enemies, in order to divide, deceive, or intimidate them ; and, above all, in masking his ulterior projects. The his¬ tory of the following years shows that the independence of Europe would have been destroyed, if Napoleon, yielding to the most obvious suggestions of prudence, had retarded a little his precipitate advance, in order to attain his grand object, the subjugation of Europe. But he did nothing which he could and ought to have done in order to conso¬ lidate his power, and he was ultimately ruined even by his own successes. Hostilities recommenced at Czarnovo, near the con¬ fluence of the Bug and the Wrka, on the 23d of Decem- bei , but the Russians, though numerous and advanta¬ geously posted, were dislodged by the division of Morand of the corps of Marshal Davoust. A more important combat took place at Mohrungen, sixteen leagues south of Elbing, on the 25th. 'Ihe Russian generals, observing that the T rench army had suspended its march, and was preparing to go into cantonments on the Vistula, came to the deter¬ mination of attempting to cut off the left wing; and their design would probably have succeeded if Bernadotte had servilely executed the orders he had re c' for the general outbreaking of the spirit ’of resistance, which, as in almost all popular commotions, displayed it¬ self in acts of sanguinary vengeance. The French were assailed and massacred in most of the towns ; the soldiers made common cause with the people ; and those com¬ manders who sought to resist the general will were mer¬ cilessly sacrificed. The flower of the Spanish army had been marched to the north of Europe; but the void was soon filled up, and in a few weeks insurgent armies made their appearance in all parts of the Peninsula. In the first encounters, indeed in most general actions, the French, as might have been expected, wTere successful; and the defeat of Blake and Cuesta at Rio Seco seemed the bat¬ tle of Almanza to the new dynasty. But Lefebvre, though successful in the field, was repulsed from Zaragoza; and Dupont, after an unsuccessful attempt to reach Cadiz, was intercepted in his retreat across the Sierra Morena, and obliged to surrender at Baylen. These successes kept alive the national spirit, and encouraged the Spa¬ niards to hope that their efforts would ultimately be crown¬ ed with success. Meanwhile the flame of insurrection had spread to Portugal, where the inhabitants rose against Junot, and united with the Spaniards in asserting their independence. The British government availed them¬ selves of the opportunity thus offered. In the end of July 1808, Sir Arthur Wellesley landed at the mouth of the Mondego, to the north of Lisbon, with about fifteen thou¬ sand men ; and, after a short but brilliant campaign, termi¬ nating in the battle and victory of Vimiero (21st August), Portugal was, in virtue of the convention of Cintra, cleared of the enemy. The court of Vienna now began to show signs of re-Austria, turning spirit, and, encouraged by the events in Spain and Portugal, armed, increased the regular force, and orga¬ nized a landwehr. At a public levee held in August, Na¬ poleon took the opportunity to reproach Metternich, the Austrian envoy, with these preparations; but the intelli¬ gence received from the Peninsula, together with certain 1 The spirit of a people is often shown in their pasquils. Soon after the affair of the 2d of May, the following epigram was at¬ tached to a proclamation affixed by the French to the walls of Madrid, and addressed to the Spaniards : En la plaza hai un cartel, Que nos dice en Castellano, Q,ue Joseph, rey Itaiiano, Muda a Madrid su dosel. Y a leer esa cartel, Dice un maja a su majo, Manolo ponlo mas abajo Que me cage en en esa ley Que no sabe deck carajo. It is not necessary to subjoin any translation of this national epigram; but, to give our readers some idea of the means employed to stimulate and perpetuate a hatred of the French, we shall give in English an excerpt from a catechism generally circulated in Spain about this time, and which parents were enjoined to teach their children. “ Tell me, my dear child, who are you ? A Spaniard, by the grace ot God. What do you mean by that ? A person of respectability. Who is the enemy of our happiness ? The emperor of the French. Who is he ? A wicked man, the source of all that is evil, the destroyer of all that is good, and the centre of every vice. How many na¬ tures has he ? Two, the human and the diabolical. How many emperors of the French are there ? One Veritable, in three de¬ ceitful persons. What are the names of these persons ? Napoleon, Murat, and Manuel Godoy. Which of the three is the most wicked? They are all equally so. Of whom is Napoleon derived ? Of Sin. Murat? Of Napoleon. And Godoy ? Ofthefornica- tion of the other two. What is the spirit of the first ? Pride and despotism. Of the second? llapine and cruelty. Of the third? Cupidity, treachery, and ignorance. Who are the French ? Men once Christians, who have become heretics. What punishment does the Spaniard deserve who fails in performing his duty ? The death and infamy of traitors. How ought the Spaniards to con¬ duct themselves ? According to the maxims of our Lord Jesus Christ. Who will deliver us from our enemies ? Mutual confi¬ dence and arms. Is it a sin to put a Frenchman to death ? No, father ; he will gain heaven who shall kill one of these dogs of he¬ retics.” A people who would teach their children such a manual of doctrine as this might easily be expected to begin by exemplify¬ ing in their own actions the precepts which are here inculcated. FRANCE. 151 ^ : itioy. History, appearances of the commencement of a re-action, gave ^ hardihood to German independence. Resolved openly to insult, if not to menace Austria, Napoleon, in Septem¬ ber, held a meeting with the emperor of Russia at Er- furth, where, as at lilsitt, great European interests were discussed, and Austria was again excluded as a secondary power. On the part of the French emperor this was the consummation of that foolish insolence which is be¬ gotten of success. Being thus insulted, trampled on, and despised, Austria determined, though alone, and opposed instead of being supported by Russia, to renew the strug¬ gle with France ; but her effort was reserved for the year 1809. Napoleon foresaw the storm which was gathering, and, that he might be prepared to meet it with undivid¬ ed means, made preparations to extinguish by one grand effort the insurrection in Spain, and to settle the govern¬ ment of that country. From Erfurth he issued orders to his veterans to march to the Pyrenees, and by the begin¬ ning of November he had himself crossed these moun¬ tains, and established himself at Vittoria. Napoleon was now in the midst of the Spanish armies, with a greatly superior force ; and as they were disseminated on a length¬ ened and irregular line, so as to be incapable of acting in concert or affording mutual support, his plan waste crush them one after another, by means of rapid movements executed with overwhelming masses. Accordingly, from the central position of Vittoria, he attacked and defeated Blake at Espinosa, overthrew Belvedere near Burgos, and totally routed Castahos at Tudela ; so that whilst the Eng¬ lish were slowly advancing into Spain, one column by a circuitous route, the armies with which they had expected to co-operate were completely swept from the field. Na¬ poleon now pushed forward to Madrid, which, after a vain stand made in the passes of the Somosierra, and a show of resistance when he approached the walls, he entered in the beginning of December. Here, however, he remained but a short time. Having passed some decrees intended to conciliate the liberal Spaniards, having abolished the Inquisition, suppressed the convents, and made a variety of judicious and salutary regulations, he turned his arms against the English, whose principal force was assem¬ bled in the neighbourhood of Salamanca; crossed the Guadarama range in the depth of winter at the head of eighty thousand men ; and advanced with incredible velo¬ city upon Astorga, the strategic point, in order to cut off their retreat. But his skilful combinations and rapid exe¬ cution were defeated by the masterly retreat of the Eng¬ lish general Sir John Moore; and Napoleon, finding that the enemy had escaped him, left Soult to continue the pursuit, galloped back to Burgos, and thence hurried to Paris. The preparations of Austria, of which he had received fresh intelligence whilst proceeding against the British, required his immediate presence in the capital to watch the movements of that power. A fifth continental coalition had already been formed. Availing herself of the diversion occasioned by the events in the Peninsula, Austria had armed; whilst in France new conscriptions were ordered, and the imperial guard, hastily recalled from the pursuit of the British, marched against the Austrians on the Danube. The war seemed interminable ; and Talleyrand’s prediction was in course of being realised. The court of Vienna had made incredible exertions, and an army of nearly two hundred thousand Fifth coa lition ; successes of the French. men, commanded by the Archduke Charles, menaced History. France and Italy ; whilst another, in Gallicia, was intended to oppose whatever forces Russia might bring into the 18U9. field to support her new ally. On the 9th of April the Austrians crossed the Inn at Brunnau and at Scharding, and the Salza at Burghausen ; the Archduke Charles de¬ claring to the commandant of the French troops stationed in Bavaria that he was about to advance, and would treat as enemies all who should resist him. On the 15th hos¬ tilities also commenced in Italy, and the following day the French under Eugene Beauharnais were completely defeated at Pordenone, on the Tagliamento. Napoleon, on receiving the first tidings of the advance of the Austrians, hurried from Paris, and atDillingen met the king of Bava¬ ria, who had been forced to abandon his capital. The French, in fact, were quite unprepared for the adoption of such a vigorous offensive on the part of the Austrians; and the corps of Davoust, which Berthier had stationed at Ratis- bon, was so much in advance as to be seriously compro¬ mised. But Davoust took upon himself the responsibility of executing a flank march from that city upon Abensberg; checked the advance of the Austrian army at Tann; gave his hand (as the military phrase is) to the Bavarians; and thus prepared for Napoleon, who was on the point of arriv¬ ing, the means of penetrating the enemy’s line, and beat¬ ing in succession the two great Austrian corps under the Archdukes Louis and Charles. Upon the 20th Napoleon defeated, at Abensberg, the corps under the orders of the Archduke Louis and General Hiller, after an engagement of only an hour and a half. Great advantages resulted from this success, which, upon the following day, forced the Austrians to abandon nine thousand prisoners, thirty pieces of cannon, six hundred ammunition waggons, three thousand vehicles of various sorts, and three pontoon trains. On the 22d, the archduke directed his efforts against Da¬ voust, who was in position at Eckmuhl; but the portion of the army under Napoleon, which had followed to Land- shut the corps defeated at Abensberg, rapidly counter¬ marched, and having appeared on the left flank of the Aus¬ trians, compelled the archduke to abandon his position and cross the Danube. Thus, after a campaign of a week, on almost every day of which a victory had been gained, the French emperor was enabled to send forth one of his astounding proclamations, announcing the capture of a hundred pieces of cannon, fifty thousand prisoners, and forty stand of colours. Davoust, to whom the last success had been mainly owing, was created Prince of Eckmuhl on the field of battle. The archduke having crossed the Danube at Ratisbon, Affair of retreated into Bohemia, no doubt in the hope of drawing Ebersberg; the French after him in pursuit; but Napoleon preferredoccuPation marching along the right bank towards Vienna. This, how- °* ^enn£u ever, was not effected without opposition. At Ebersberg, a large town situated upon the right bank of the Traun, three leagues from Lintz, there occurred, on the 4th of May, one of the most sanguinary combats on record. The French generals, acting under the eye of their chief, at¬ tempted to carry this strong position at the first onset, and without hesitation sacrificed five thousand men, who were either drowned in the torrent, destroyed by the mus¬ ketry, overwhelmed amidst the rubbish, or consumed by the flames of the houses, to which the enemy set fire on beating a retreat ) a carnage as useless as it was horrible, “ 1‘ igure to yourself,” says an eye-witness of this horrid spectacle, “ all these dead, baked by the fire, trodden under the feet of the cavalry and the wheels of the artillery, all forming a mass of mud, which, as it was removed by shovels, emitted an undescribable odour of burned human flesh, and caused a sensation horrible even amongst the every-day horrors of war.” In passing Cohorn’s Corsican regiment, which had headed the attack, Napoleon inquired respecting its loss. “ We have just one more charge left,” re¬ plied the officer, pointing to the surviving half of the regiment. “ A ce jour,” says the Abbd Montgaillard, “ 1’espoir d’un grade, d une dotation, fait depasser toutes les homes de I’audace guerriere, et me'connaitre aussi les inspirations de I’humanitd ” (Hint. dli/, That the colleges of arrondissement should be broken into smaller divisions. It was agreed that the Chamber should be composed of 430 instead of 260 members—258 being returned by the colleges of arrondissements and 172 by the colleges of departments. The important change intro¬ duced into the new law was that a different class of electors was introduced,—persons paying 1000 francs instead of 300. 1 Gregoire is generally denominated a regicide; but he did not actually vote for the death of the king, having been absent at the time on a mission. 2 Lamartine, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. vi., p. 187. F R A History. During the month of January and the first part of Feb- v—/ ruary of this year nothing very important occurred in the 1820. Chambers. On Sunday night the 13th February, however, Assassina- Paris was startled by a sad event. On that evening, just tion of the preceding the close of the carnival, there was, as is usual, Iten-i 0f a rePresentat‘on at opera. The Duke and Duchess of Berri were among the audience. About eleven o’clock the duke conducted the duchess, who wished to retire to her carriage, intending to return for the ballet. As he stood at the door of the carriage, a man of the name of Louvel, a journeyman saddler, whose boyhood had been passed amidst the worst scenes of the Revolution, rudely thrust aside the aide-de-camp, struck a dagger into the right breast of his victim, and leaving the weapon in the wound, escaped round the corner of the Place Louvois into the Rue Richelieu. The duchess hearing her husband exclaim that he was assassi¬ nated, rushed from the carriage, and followed him as he was borne bleeding to the little room behind his box. The Duke felt that the blow was mortal, and called for his wife that he might die in her arms. The best medical skill was had recourse to, but in vain. The blood escaping from the wound into the chest threatened suffocation, when the Prince re¬ quested to be turned on his left side ; no sooner was this demand complied with than he expired. The assassin was taken near the royal library in the Rue Richelieu. When pressed as to what could have instigated him to commit such an act, he replied, that the Bourbons were the tyrants and enemies of France, and that he had singled out the Duke of Berri as the youngest of his race. Before the duke breathed his last sigh the king arrived. When the monarch approached, the first words of the duke were, “ My uncle, give me your hand that I may kiss it for the last time and he then earnestly added, “ I entreat the life of that man. I beseech that I may die in peace, and that my dying moments may be softened.” These words paint the generous, noble, and placable prince whose days had been so untimely shortened. The death of the prince excited general regret amongst all parties ; and amongst the royalists it excited consterna¬ tion. It was determined by the government that the opera house should be removed from the spot where the crime had been committed, and that a monument should be erected on the site. The suspicions and dislike of the royalists had been long concentrated upon M. Decazes, and they now sought to fix on him the guilt and infamy of this crime. “ Party,” said Louis XVIII, to his favourite minister and pupil, “ will seek to turn this event to its purposes. The ultras, who hate me as much as you, will accuse me of blindness and indifference if I support you. But I will resist, and you shall not quit office ; I insist, my child, upon your remaining ; they shall not separate you from me.” When the Chamber opened, the zealous ultra-royalists accused M. Decazes of being an accomplice of the assassin. Villele in vain endeavoured to restrain these furious zealots; La Bourdonnaye proposed an address to the king praying his Majesty to put down revolu¬ tionary doctrines; General Foy supported the proposal of an address, but suggested that it should merely express the grief of the Chamber ; a sentiment in which all were unanimous. “ To no party,” said Foy, “ can this event be so deplorable as to the friends of freedom ; for the antagonists of freedom will turn this conjuncture to their advantage in seeking to deprive the country of those liberties which the king had granted.” The Chamber adopted the motion of Foy. It was agreed by the monarch and his minister that the Chamber of Peers should be summoned as a supreme court to try the assassin, and that stringent laws against the press, modifying the electoral law, and giving the government N C E. 181 extraordinary powers, should be introduced into the Cham- History, ber of Deputies. Though Louis XVIII. was determined * to support M. Decazes, yet public feeling appeared too 1820. strong for him. Chauteaubriand attacked the favourite, say¬ ing his feet had slipped in blood. The Count d’Artois, too, as well as the Duchess d’Angouleme, demanded his dismissal. It is impossible for me, said the father of the murdered prince, to remain at the Tuileries when M. De¬ cazes, accused of that crime, sits at the council. I beseech your Majesty to allow me to retire to Compiegne.1 When M. Decazes heard of these events, he tendered his resigna¬ tion. The king felt obliged to accept it. It is not against you, he said, but against me that the stroke is directed. The Pavilion Marsan are trying to overbear me. I will not have M. de Talleyrand; the Duke de Richelieu alone shall replace you. I will show the world that you have not lost my confidence. The Duke of Richelieu, though he evinced tiie utmost Second distaste for the task, at the earnest solicitation of the king, ministry of undertook to form a ministry. M. Simeon was made mi- nister of the interior, M, Portalis under-secretary to the Klc ieu' minister of justice, but no other changes were made in the cabinet. M. Decazes was appointed ambassador to London, with a salary of L. 12,000 a-year, was loaded with presents by the monarch, and he was so far from losing his influence by the change, that the king corresponded with him almost daily. The French proverb, however, says les absens ont toujours tort; and while M. Decazes was in London an in¬ trigue was hatched which destroyed his ascendancy. Though the king was at this period advanced in life, and Madame addicted to the pleasures of the table, yet he was not insen- du Ca)la> sible to beauty, and was above all delighted with the con¬ versation of the refined and sensible of the fair sex. The royalists, aware of this disposition, fixed on a young and beautiful woman possessing a graceful exterior and winning address, great powers of conversation, and exquisite tact; and it was contrived that this lady should solicit the favour and protection of the monarch in reference to her family affairs, thus win his confidence, and insensibly draw the king more and more from M. Decazes, and of course nearer to the ultra-royalists and clique of the Pavilion Marsan. Such was the origin of the secret influence of Madame du Cayla. The management of the delicate negotiation was entrusted to the Viscount de la Rochefoucauld, and he, aided by the Jesuits, impressed on the fair lady the service she would render to religion, to royalty, to the family of the Bourbons, and to France, if she would lead back the sove¬ reign into the right way. The history of the plot is gra¬ phically, minutely, and apparently from most accurate sources, told in the recent volumes of Lamartine’s History of the Restoration, to which we must refer the reader curious of more copious details than can be here given.2 The result of the first interview was entirely successful. Dazzled and captivated by her beauty, her grace, her tact, and her charm of manner, the king invited Madame du Cayla to a second interview. Her ascendancy grew apace, and so necessary did her presence become to the monarch, that he passed several days in her society, and no longer thought of the male favourite whom for years pre¬ viously he had called by the endearing term of “ mo?i enfant" It is a remarkable fact that from the period of Madame du Cayla’s ascendancy, the career of Decazes as a public man closed. He never again formed a part of any ministry, and his influence ceased when no longer in office. He was a man of great tact, of considerable ability, and of most serviceable suppleness. The ascendancy he gained over the mind of the monarch was partly due to his suavity 1 Vaulabelle, Histoire de la Restauration, tom. iv., p. 486. 2 See Hist, de la Rcstauration, par Lamartine, tom. vi., pp, 230, 244. 182 FRANCE. History. an[{ moderation—partly to his studying the dispositions and designs of the monarch, and making himself the exponent, in- 1820. terpreter, and executor of the royal wishes, projects, and plans. Decazes, like the king, was a temporizer, a moderator. His policy was to disarm and mitigate opposition, but he was a man of just views, of clear judgment, joining to con¬ siderable powers of speech the art of adroitly conciliating and managing men. The doctrinaires went out of office with M. Decazes, but the elite of the party, comprising MM. Guizot, de Stael, de Barante, and St Aulaire, voted generally with the new ministry. It should be stated to the credit of this minister, that Guizot, Villemain, and Cousin all owed their rise to him. He was the first minister who gave to France direct election and the freedom of the press. Funeral of The murdered Duke of Berri was buried with all pos- the Duke p0mp in the vaults of St Denis. The king, accompa- °f Berri. njet| ^ tjie j)uke anc[ Duchess d’Angouleme, attended the ceremony. The murderer was brought to trial in due course. He was condemned on the clearest evidence, con¬ fessed his guilt, but maintained that his crime was justifiable on public grounds. After the fall of Decazes, the electoral law was the first upon which the fortune of parties turned. The existing law, giving the franchise to all who paid 300 francs taxes, was sure to produce a liberal majority, for the simple reason that the ultra-royalists were a minority in the nation. But the murder of the Duke of Berri produced a universal panic, appalled the royalists, and was not without an influence on the mind of the king himself. His Majesty heard from all sides, at home and abroad, that the law should be altered so as to produce a royalist majority, and the Duke de Richelieu was willing to go these lengths. The duke, however, refused to enter the ministry unless the Count d’Artois would promise his sup¬ port, a support which the latter was ready to give, as the great object of the ultra-royalists was to obtain the repeal of the electoral law. To conciliate the ultra party, the un¬ der-secretaryships of both the home ministry and ministry of justice were given to two ultras, the Barons Portalis and Capelle; and the latter, who had been a kind of private councillor and secretary of the Count d’Artois, was en¬ trusted with the management of the employes of the home office, thus giving him unlimited power over the appoint¬ ment of prefects and functionaries. Thus the duke gave up the patronage and management of the departments and of the elections to the Count d’Artois. It was by a compromise, brought about by the efforts of Simeon, Pasquier, and Mounier, that this was effected. It was agreed that there were to be two classes of colleges of electors—one of the departments, the other of the arron- dissements. The electoral college of each department w as to consist of a fifth part of the whole electors paying the highest taxes ; the electoral colleges of the arrondissements were to consist of the remainder of the electors having their domicile within the limits. The electoral colleges of the arrondissements named by a simple majority as many can¬ didates as the department was entitled to elect, and the college of the department chose from among the deputies to send to the Chamber. To the government project an amendment was proposed by M. Camille Jordan, which re¬ ceived the support of the liberal party, and was carried against the government by a majority of one. This majority was produced by the vote of M. Chauvelin, who, seriously ill, was carried into the Chamber on a couch to decide the question. An appeal was now made to the doctrinaires, and a new amendment was proposed by MM. Boin and Cour- voisier, which was supported by the government, the right, and their adherents in the centre. It was to this effect, that the Chamber of Deputies was to consist of two hundred and fifty-eight members chosen History, by the arrondissements, and a hundred and seventy-two by the departments; the latter being chosen, not by the whole 1820. electors, but by a fourth of their number, composed of those who paid the highest amount of taxes. M. de Boin’s amendment was carried by a majority of five. It is a remarkable circumstance that only five mem¬ bers were absent from the division, a plain proof that the question excited the most palpitating interest. As soon as the news of the decisive vote in favour of the new law be¬ came known, there wyas considerable excitement in the ca¬ pital. Crowds collected in the streets, seditious cries were heard, and the military were called on to disperse the mob. In the tumult a law student named Lallemand was shot. This event increased the excitement and augmented the discontent. Mobs collected in greater force, and procla¬ mations were issued forbidding assemblages even to the number of three. The proclamation of the government produced a counter one from the democratic and liberal committees, calling on the students to avenge their compa¬ nion. The students met and marched two by two, but were dispersed by the gendarmerie d cheval. A suppressed insurrection generally strengthens the hands of government, and at the funeral of Lallemand, which occurred on the 9th June, the capital was tranquil. The budget for the year was voted with little opposi- The tion. The gross revenue was 741,087,000 francs, the net budget, income 739,712,000 francs. The expenditure, exclusive of the interest of the debt, was estimated at 511,317,000 francs. It was at a period when the revenue was thus flourishing, and when the country was generally prosperous, that mili¬ tary conspiracies became rife. Lamartine, who had access to good sources of information, states that Lafayette de¬ clared to his friends that open force could alone overthrow a government which declared against the equality of classes. Conspirators and carbonari, as they were then called, tried to seduce the military ; to surprise the fortress of Vincennes; to tamper with the regiments in Paris; to excite the schools of law and medicine, and to rouse the faubourgs. Such were the affairs in which Nantil, Sauzet, and Mazaire were implicated. Many general officers were also at this time mixed up in conspiracies. So long as Gouvion St Cyr, as minister of war, and Decazes, had made attempts to allay the discontent of the old Napoleonist officers by giving them a share of promotions and honours, though there was secret discontent there was no conspiracy ; but now that the new war minister closed the career of promotion and honour to officers with imperial sympathies and predilections, military conspii’ators became more numerous. They assembled together in the Rue Cadet, and their schemes were communicated to La¬ fayette, who had formed a species of council composed of Voyer d’Argenson and Koechlin, both deputies having im¬ mense influence in the Rhenane departments, to Manuel, one of the orators of the Chamber, to Dupont de 1’Eure, an ancient magistrate, to Merilliou, a rising barrister, to Corcelles, a deputy, and others. Several generals, and among others, Pajol, Bachelu, Maransin, and Merlin ; the colonels Ordner, Combe. Caron, Ferrari, and others, wrere also mixed up in these plots. The day on which a simul¬ taneous demonstration was to take place was fixed for the 19th August, but circumstances prevented the outbreak. Towards the end of July the legion of the Meurthe, of the Cotes du Nord, and of the first legion of the North were all affiliated. But accidental circumstances prevented the rising at the appointed time, though Colonel Sauzet started for Vitry, Colonel Mazian for Amiens, Lafayette for his chateau of Lagrange, Voyer d’Argenson for the Upper Rhine, Corcelles for Lyons, and Saint Aignan for Nantes.1 Lafayette, according to Lamartine, wished to 1 Vaulabelle, tom. iv., p. 561. FRANCE. History 1820. Birth of the Duke de Bor¬ deaux. Royalist ’eaction. d. de illele in he Cabi- let. jaw of eclesiasti- dendow- lents. postpone the enterprise to some days later, in order to keep the anniversary of the death of his wife, and on the night of the 18th or 19th August an explosion took place in the castle of V incennes, and this caused military and gens d armes to be assembled in the fortress. The presence of the troops led the conspirators erroneously to suppose that their designs were discovered.1 * Some vague information had, however, been given to ministers, and they assembled on the 19th at the Duke de Richelieu’s. Lists of the persons implicated in these plots were then in the hands of the cabinet, and among them were many of the foremost men among the liberals, among others Lafayette and Manuel. The cabinet recoiled from the task of grappling with the leaders who were strong in the chambers, and proceeded only against the inferior agents. A month subsequent to the threatened outbreak, the Duchess de Berri was safely delivered of a son, who was christened Henri Duke de Bordeaux. Suchet Duke d’Al- bufera and several of the guard were eye-witnesses to the birth.3 The royalists were delighted at this auspicious event, nor could the liberals resist the general enthusiasm. The Duke d’Orleans, afterwards Louis Philippe, asked the Duke d’Albufera whether the Duchess de Berri his niece was really the mother of a bov. “ As certainly as your Royal Highness is the father of‘the Duke de Chartres,” re¬ plied the marshal.3 J he duke, with his duchess, afterwards Maiie Amelie, queen of the French, went to congratulate his royal relative on the birth of a prince who might one day be his king. The military conspiracy, which was to have broken out on the 19th August, had ramifications in many of the provinces, and disturbances took place which had to be put down by open force. At Brest M. Ballart, a deputy, was insulted by the populace. The national guard in the town, exhibiting symptoms of disaffection, was dissolved. Benjamin Constant was threatened by the scho¬ lars of the military school of cavalry at Saumur. There were also conspiracies in the east and west, at Saumur, Be- fort, and La Rochelle, during the course of 1820 and 1821. In these conspiracies Generals Berton, and Thouars, Bories,' Armand Carrel, and Lafayette were implicated. Lafayette set out from Paris for Befort, and only turned back when he heard on reaching the place that the plot had failed. The attitude of the Doctrinaires at this epoch was almost hostile to the ministry, and the Duke de Richelieu exas¬ perated the party at the close of the session by striking the names of Royer Collard, Guizot, Barante, Camile, Jourdan, and Mirbel, from the members of the council of state. In consequence of the reaction which had taken place in the public mind after the birth of the Duke de Bordeaux, the elections were favourable to the royalists. They had now for the first time since the Restoration obtained a prepon¬ derance, and the consequence was that De Villele was admitted without office into the Cabinet; that De Corbiere was appointed minister of public instruction, and M. de Cha- teaubriand appointed to the embassy to Berlin.4 The Chambers met on the 20th December, and the kino- addressed them in a moderate tone. “ Whatever,” said he' “ adds to the consideration and influence of the legislature’ adds to the authority and dignity of my crown.” The ad¬ dress and answer echoed the strong feelings of the majority and suggested the necessity of fortifying the authority of religion, purifying morals, and giving to the armed force the organization which would secure tranquillity within and peace without. The strength of the royalists induced the ministers to introduce a law for additional ecclesiastical endowments. It was proposed to establish twelve new bishopricks, and to raise the salaries of the clergy. The project met with a violent opposition from the liberal party, 1 Lamartine, Histoire de la Restauration, tom. vii., p. 26. Memoires d'Outre Tombe, tom. vii., 276, 279, 131 and 132. but it was carried by a majority of more than two to one. Some modifications were introduced in the French corn laws by limiting the number of places to which foreign grain might be imported. A law was also passed for an indemnity to the marshals, generals, and others, whom Napoleon had endowed out of the revenues of Italy, Germany, and other countries over w wch he had extended his sway. The indignation of the royalists knew no bounds when they heard the names of these Napoleon ists. I he minister of the interior brought forward a project for continuing the censorship, contending that it had been so gently exercised that no legitimate and proper discussion had ever been interfered with, but that abuse and scandal had been checked. Shortly before the session closed Villele and Corbiere resigned their places, and Chateaubriand re¬ tired from the embassy at Berlin. After the session of the legislature had terminated, the difficulties of the ministry greatly increased. The ultra-royalists, with the Count d Artois at their head, were discontented that they had not a majoiity in the Cabinet as well as in the Chamber, and that Polignac, the favourite of the prince, and Peyronnet, the spokesman if not the orator of the extreme party, had not portfolios as ministers. I he ultra-royalists had no objection to M. de Richelieu as premier, and they commenced negotiations on this basis, demanding the ministry of the interior in a new cabinet for M. de Villdle, and the creation of a ministry of public in- straction tor M. de Corbiere, the English embassy for M. de Chateaubriand, and another embassy for M. de Vitrolles. I he Cabinet offered the ministry of marine to this small party, but insisted on maintaining M. Mounier in the minis- tiy of the interior, by far the most influential office connected with the government. On this point negotiations broke off, and the old ministers, without the support of the right, opened a new session. The elections of 1821, however’ had increased the royalist majority, already great, and which was victorious by a large majority on the first division. On the 13th December, M. de Richelieu, finding the Chamber hostile to him, and there being no possibility of coming to an understanding with the Count d’Artois, resigned the seals of office. All his colleagues followed his example. M; de Richelieu advised the monarch to send for M. de Villele, who accepted the place of president of the council and minister of finance. M. de Peyronnet was appointed minister of justice, M. de Montmorency of foreign affairs, M. de Corbiere of the interior, Marshal Victor of war, and M. Clermont Tonnere of marine, whilst Chateaubriand was sent to London as ambassador. This was a complete ultra¬ royalist or Carlist Cabinet, to which the monarch would not have consented had he possessed his ordinary health and strength. But he was frail and feeble, and in such a state of debility that his mind had lost its tone. In truth, Louis XVIII. now considered his reign as almost terminated. “ Now that M. Villele triumphs,” he exclaimed, “ I regard myself as annihilated.5 Hitherto I have preserved the crown, and defended the charter; if my brother imperils both, it is his affair.” There cannot be a doubt that the change introduced into the electoral law under the Duke de Richelieu’s administra¬ tion contributed to placing the government in the hands of the ultra-royalists. The principle of giving the depart¬ mental electors representatives of their own, chosen by a fourth of their number who paid the highest amount of taxes, completely altered the character of the Chamber, and gave to the Carlists, the seigneurs, proprietors, and parti pretre an undue ascendancy. Indeed this last party, with its Jesuits of the long and short robe, and its congrega- 2 Ibid., tom. vi., 277. 3 Ibid ) tom vi ; p 278< Vaulabelle, Hist, dc Id Restdurdtion^ tom. v., p. 262, 183 History. 1820. Indemnity to mar¬ shals. The censor¬ ship. 1821. Elections of 1821. Resigna¬ tion of M. de Riche¬ lieu. Villele ministry. FRANCE. 184 History, tionists now assumed a dangerous prominence, obtained '''—-vmany employments in every department, and urged on its 1821. instruments without any regard to consequences. Embassies, prefectures, places in the council of state and in the ministry of public instruction, rained on them. It is no pait ot oui duty in this place to refer to the congresses of Carlsbad, Troppau, and Laybach, or to the insurrection in Naples, Piedmont, and Greece, all of which had more 01 less an effect on France; but whilst the ultra-royalists were making such rapid strides towards a monopoly of place and power, H-ath of the Emperor Napoleon departed this life at St-Helena on Napoleon. t]ie 4th May in his fifty-second year. (See Napoleon Bonaparte.) His demise, strange as it may appear, ex¬ cited a greater sensation in England than in France. Thus passed away the man who for twenty years had disposed of the destinies of nations after a fashion recalling the times of Alexander, Caesar, and Charlemagne. Alas! to use the words of Burke, “ what shadows we are, and what shadows we pursue.” It may be supposed that a man of the keen common sense of Louis XVIII. deeply felt the humiliation of his present position. It is true he was still king, but his brother was viceroy over him. It was the Count d’Artois appointed the new ministry, every one of whom, says Vaulabelle, with the exception of Victor duke de Belluno, belonged to the con¬ gregation ; and from the date of that appointment the Count d’Artois was the real king of France.2 The first difficulty of the new ministry arose from the laws regarding the press. It was necessary to do something to check the boldness, daring, and what the ultra-royalists called the licentiousness of the journals, and yet this was difficult in a ministry in which M. de Chateaubriand—who had been himself a writer in the press held a distinguished Law on the place. A law was brought forward by M. 1 eyronnet pro- press. fessing to be based on the charter, but yet tending seriously to abridge the liberty of the press. By this it was enacted that no journal could appear without the kings authority, excepting such as were in existence on the 1st January 1822. 1822. Offences of the press were declared to fall exclu¬ sively under the jurisdiction of the royal courts which de¬ cided without a jury. Ihe authorities were authorised to suspend or even suppress journals which published a series of articles against religion and the monarchy. Ihe plead¬ ings were to be with closed doors, in cases in which the authorities considered publicity dangerous to morality or to order. When the Chamber was not sitting, the king was authorised by ordonnance countersigned by three ministeis to re-establish the censure. This law was received by the left with a storm of indignation, and even M. de Serres so recently filling a high office in the king’s government, made an eloquent speech against the project. I he law was, hovy- ever, carried in both houses, and by a greater majority in the Chamber of Deputies than in the Peers. After the dis¬ cussion on the press, the budget was the only question that Revenue excited general interest. The revenue for the year 1823 for 1823. was estimated at 909,130,000 francs (L.36,450,000), and the expenditure at 900,475,000 francs (L.36,025,000); leaving a surplus of 8,000,000 francs, or L.320,000. Ihe vote for 80,000 in the army was the theme of indignant remark to the opposition. The revenue of 1822 was 915,591,000 francs (L.36,600,000), the expenditure 882,321,000 francs (L.35,960,000); leaving a surplus of 33,270,000 francs (L.1,320,000) in the hands of government. The sums voted for the army amounted to 250,000,000 francs. French in- Villele was a man of sound sense, shrewdness, and tervention sagacity, and entered into office with views directed to the in Spain. peace and prosperity of the country. But circumstances and events overmastered him and disturbed all his plans of domestic government. He had not been long in office when revolution reared its head beyond the Pyrenees. The History, examples of Naples and Piedmont had now extended to Spain, and the French ultra-royalists were for measures of 1822. repression by armed interference. They were determined in fact to put down the Spanish revolution by force. Al¬ ready during the administration of the Duke de Richelieu a body of troops called a Cordon Sanitaire had been col¬ lected on the French side of the Pyrenees, under the pre¬ text of preventing the yellow fever, then raging at Barcelona, from penetrating into France, and now a congress was summoned at Verona to take into consideration the question of Spain, and the progress of the Spanish revolutionists. The directions which M. de Villele drew up for the pleni- Congress of potentiaries whom he proposed to send to Verona were skil- Verona, fully and moderately framed. He required that France should be left independent to deal with Spain according to the exi- o-encies of the case, and that the other powers should recall their ambassadors when France recalled hers. But these were the views of the minister, not of the majority of the Chamber. The views of the majority were expressed by M. de Montmorency, who required that the great powers should recall their ambassadors simultaneously with I’ranee, and afford material support in the certain event of war. To counteract these views of M. de Montmorency, M. de Chateaubriand left the London embassy and proceeded to Verona. M. de Montmorency was the representative of the ex¬ treme-royalists, and the object of the French premier was to curb and check him by a man of more liberal opinions and of more brilliant reputation. M. de Montmorency re¬ turned from Verona with the draft of the despatches which the allied governments proposed sending to Madrid, and bearing one from France to the same purport. But he was coldly received by the monarch and M. de Villele to whose instructions he had paid so little regard, and the notes which he brought from Verona were not despatched; a more con¬ ciliatory one drawn up by the king and Villele being sub¬ stituted. The result was the resignation of M. de Mont¬ morency. M. de Chateaubriand was appointed in M. de Montmorency’s place as minister for foreign affairs, the premier Villele believing Chateaubriand to be imbued with his own moderate views. But Chateaubriand, as soon as M. de Montmorency had left Verona, suddenly embraced with zeal and ardour the views of the ultra-royalists, and by every diplomatic effort sought to force his country into an invasion of Spain. Placed in the ministry of foreign affairs, he carried out these views with all the energy of an anxious mind, making himself the exponent of the opinions of the ultra party. In his memoirs he extenuates this passage in his public life, on the ground that it was necessary for the grandeur of France and the consolidation of the throne of the Bourbons. His object, he maintains, was “ to re¬ place France in the rank of military powers; to restore the white cockade in a war almost without danger, to which the opinions of the royalists and the army strongly inclined. Louis XVIII. and Villele, however, were apprehensive ot the consequences of this French intervention. I hey feared a war of opinion, and that the French troops marching under the white flag might rally to the Spanish marching under the tricolor. These misgivings were much strength¬ ened by the Duke of Wellington, who on his return from Verona had a confidential interview with Louis X\ HE, and represented to his Majesty, in the words ot Mr Can¬ ning’s note, that the English government had always been opposed to any foreign intervention in the internal affairs of Spain. The arguments of the Duke had great weight with the sovereign. But in the French Cabinet Peyronnet, Clermont Tonnere, and the Duke de Belluno strongly counselled in- 1 Lacretelle, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. iii., p- 198. 2 Vaulabelle, tom.v., 263. FRANCE. 1822. 1823. History, tervention, the latter, who was war minister, insisted that the example of the Spanish revolution was prejudicial to the throne of France, and that the impression it produced on the military might be dangerous. The Duke de Belluno further stated that the army would in a campaign be¬ come devoted to the Bourbons, but that it was dan¬ gerous to leave it inactive on the frontier. Nothing, he truly added, is so dangerous as a body of troops in a state of inaction. W" arlike preparations wrere not suspended, and the march of troops to the Pyrenees continued. Public opinion in P ranee, it must be confessed, was in favour of the war. The war party in the legislature was augmented by the result of the annual election of one-fifth of the Chamber, and it now comprehended an immense majority in the Chamber. The royalists and the army panted for the contest, and the liberals and democrats in secret hoped that the French troops would fraternise with the Spanish revolutionists. I he French Chambers met on the 28th January, and the speech of the king was eminently warlike. “ I have tried, said his Majesty, ‘‘everything to secure the peace of my people, and to preserve Spain, but in vain. 100,000 men, commanded by a prince of my family, are ready to march to preserve the throne of Spain to a descendant of Henry IV., and to save that fine kingdom from ruin. Let Ferdinand VII. be free to give to his people the institutions which they can never hold but of him, and which in assuring the repose will dissipate the just uneasiness of P"ranee. From that moment hostilities shall cease.” Chateaubriand, the minister for foreign affairs, made an eloquent and well-reasoned speech in favour of the inter¬ ference which he had promoted and provoked. Admitting that no government has a right to interfere in the affairs of another, except in the case where the security and immediate interests of the first government are compromised, he pro¬ ceeded to show that there was a moral contagion which was the most serious and alarming of all the dangers—that the re¬ volutionists of Spain were in correspondence with the revolu¬ tionists of France, and excited French soldiers to revolt. 1 hese circumstances, he urged, compromised the essential interests of France. 1 his speech made a prodigious im¬ pression ; for it expressed with force, felicity, and eloquence, not merely the feelings of the ultra-royalists and Carlists, but of the royalists and many men of moderate opinions. The adhesion of the Chamber to M. de Chateaubriand’s views was proved by a substantial vote. A supplementary credit of 100,000,000 francs (four millions sterling) was placed at the disposal of the minister to carry on the war. It was in the course of the debate on this grant that Manuel, the orator of the opposition, rose to answer Chateaubriand, He described the government of Fer¬ dinand as atrocious, alluded more than once to the fate of Louis XVL, and endeavoured to show that it was the pro¬ tection given to the Stuart family by France which led to the destruction of those princes. The royal dynasty of France, he continued, owed its most serious danger to the same cause, the invasion of the soil of the country by foreign armies, and it was then that revolutionary France, feeling the necessity of defending herself with fresh energy - The speaker was not allowed to finish his sentence. They 185 History. 1823. Manuel, his expul¬ sion from the Cham¬ ber. hastened to interrupt him, says Lamartine, in order to have the right to execrate him. The cote droit exclaimed that Manuel had apologised for regicide, and with loud imprecations they called on the president to put him down, to expel him". Expulsion ! expulsion ! let us drive him from our benches, exclaimed eighty or a hundred voices. M. Ravez, the president, re¬ marked with dignity that the speaker had been interrupted in the middle of a sentence. The vociferators, heedless of these remarks, surrounded the rostrum on which Manuel stood; and one of them, bolder than the rest, dragging Manuel from the eminence on which he stood, demanded a signal vengeance on the advocate of assassins. Manuel wrote a letter to the president, contending for his right to finish his sentence, and to allow his meaning to be judged. But M. Forbin des Issarts demanded his expulsion, and a formal motion to that effect was prepared by M. de la Labourdonnaye, the leader of the ultra-royalists, which was carried by a majority of two to one. The liberals resolved to resist this unwise act of the government. Guards were placed at the doors of the Chamber to prevent the entrance of Manuel. He entered, however, unperceived. The pre¬ sident then summoned him to withdraw. “I announced yesteiday, said Manuel, “ that I would yield only to force, and I shall keep my word.” After some delay the huis- siers, or officers of the Chamber, read to him a written older that he should withdraw. Fie maintained that the order Was illegal, whereupon the huissiers returned with a piquet of National Guards in uniform. The cries of the libeial deputies induced the National Guard to waver, and amidst the applause of Lafayette, Foy, Laffitte, and others, the Sergeant Mercier hesitated to act the gendarme. But in a few minutes thirty gendarmes, under M. Foucault, made their appearance, and Manuel was re¬ moved by force. Sixty-nine deputies, among whom were Lafayette, Foy, Laffitte, &c., of the liberal party, followed him to the house of M. Gevandau, where a protest was drawn up against his expulsion, declaring that the Cham¬ ber had exceeded the limits of its mandate. On the 15th March the Duke d’Angouleme set out to Duked’An- take the command of the army that was to enter Spain, gouleme At first there was a difficulty in provisioning the troops, the Seneralis* commissariat being badly arranged, but M. Ouvrard, tosimo- whom the contract was given, soon placed the supplies on the most satisfactory footing. The French army mustered 91,000 men. It was divided into four corps, under Mar¬ shals Oudinot, Molitor, Moncey, and Prince Hohenlohe. The Spanish force consisted of 123,000 men, under Ballas- teros, Mina, and O’Donnell, Conde d’Abisbal. On the 5th April the French were ranged along the Bidassoa, and it was evident that a passage would be attempted on the fol¬ lowing day. A considerable force of Spaniards was also drawn up on the Spanish side of the river, but the corps that attracted most attention was a body of French and Italian refugees, ranged under the tricolor flag, and commanded by Colonel Fabvier, an officer of the Empire. Fabvier had been promised a corps of 800 of these men, but only 200 made their appearance. As the French advanced post ap¬ proached, the corps of Fabvier chanted the Marseillaise. The moment was critical. General Vallin, who com¬ manded the advanced .guard, ordered a gun to be dis¬ charged along the bridge. The first round was fired over the heads of the enemy in order to induce them to retire, whereupon the refugees cried vice Vartillerie. General Vallin then ordered a point blank discharge, which killed several. A third round completed the dispersion of the group. When Louis XVIII. saw General Vallin after the campaign, he said, “ General, votre coup de canon a sauve 1’Europe.” This may have been an exaggeration of the monarch, but it is certain that the act had a most prodi¬ gious influence on the campaign. The French army effected Operations its passage without difficulty, drove back the garrison of St of the Sebastian, and established the blockade of that place, while French in the French centre and reserve moved rapidly on the great sPain- road to Madrid. The invaders were generally well, often enthusiastically, received. They observed an exact disci¬ pline, and paid for everything they required, so that no von. x. Vaulabelle, Hist, de la Restauration. tom. v. Lamartine, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. vii., p. 153. 2 A 186 F il A History, serious difficulty was experienced from Irun to Madrid. v O’Donnell, Conde d’Abisbal, and the municipality of 1823. Madrid agreed to capitulate on favourable terms—terms to which the Duke d’Angouleme at once acceded; and on the 24th May he entered Madrid. Two columns, one commanded by General Bordesoult, the other by General Bourmont, marched immediately in pursuit of the revolutionary forces, which were carrying the king a prisoner by forced marches towards Seville. But the enemy retreated as soon as the French troops appeared in sight. The Cortes had established themselves at Seville, whither the English ambassador had followed the captive monarch. On hearing of the approach of the French, the Cortes proposed to the king to move with them to Cadiz, but Ferdinand, who witnessed the want of success and growing unpopularity of the revolutionary government, re¬ fused to leave Seville. The Cortes then declared the king deposed, appointed a provisional regency, and forced Ferdi¬ nand to Cadiz, where he arrived on the 12th June. Sir W. A’Court, the English ambassador, refused to accompany the deposed monarch. A royalist reaction took place at Seville on the evening of the king’s departure, and on the 18th June, General Bourmont entered Seville, where he permanently established the royal authority. The forces of the Cortes abandoning Andalusia, took refuge within Cadiz, where 20,000 men, partisans of the revolutionary party, were assembled. Murillo, who commanded at Va¬ lencia, passed over with half his forces to the royalists, and Ballasteros, defeated at Carabil with 7000 men, delivered over to the French Carthagena, Tarragona, and all the fortresses, with the exception of Barcelona. Corunna and Ferroll opened their gates to the French. Mina, indeed, continued the struggle in the mountains of Catalonia, so favourable to guerilla warfare, and Cadiz still held out. Resolved that the city should fall, the Duke d’Angouleme left Madrid on the 18th July, taking with him the guards and reserve, and leaving only 4000 men to garrison the capital. On the 8th of August, his royal highness pub¬ lished at Andujar a proclamation by which it was, among other things, declared that the commanders-in-chief of the corps under the orders of his royal highness were to set at liberty all persons who had been imprisoned for political causes. Meantime the siege of Cadiz had been undertaken. On August the 17th the Duke d’Angouleme sent a letter to the president of the Cortes expressing the wish of the French government that the king of Spain should be re¬ stored to liberty, that he should grant to his people a gene¬ ral amnesty, and by the convocation of the Cortes give a guarantee for the reign of justice and order. The Cortes returned a haughty answer, telling his royal highness that if he abused the power he possessed he would be respon¬ sible for all the evils he might draw down on the person of the king. Thus all hope of adjustment having failed, the assault of the Trocadero, the outwork of Cadiz, situ¬ ated on the land side, was directed. So energetically were the approaches made, that on the 24th August the first parallel had been drawn to within sixty yards of the ditch. An incessant fire was kept up from the batteries of the assailants from the 24th to the 31st. On the morning of the 31st, the assaulting column rushed into the ditch, with the water up to their armpits, and ascending the opposite side under a shower of balls, mounted the ramparts. By nine o’clock the conquest was complete, the entire penin¬ sula with all its forts having fallen into the hands of the victors. By the middle of September the Cortes were convinced of the hopelessness of the contest, and they induced Ferdinand YU. to sign a letter to the Duke d’Angouleme, in which he requested a suspension of arms. L he duke replied that as soon as the king was set at liberty he would entreat his Majesty to grant an amnesty, and to promise suitable institutions. MCE. On the 28th September the Cortes declared that their History, means of defence were exhausted, and dissolved themselves, On the same day the king sent a message to the Duke 1824. d’Angouleme that he was at liberty, and on the 1st October he embarked at Port St Mary’s for his capital. Judged by its immediate result, the French expedition was successful. In less than six months, with the loss of only 400 men, and at an expense of 200,000,000 francs, the French troops had delivered the king of Spain, and had prevented Spanish factions from tearing each other to pieces. On the 2d December the Duke d’Angouleme made his triumphal entry into Paris, surrounded by his staff. The municipality of Paris met the prince at the barrier, and warmly congratulated him. He replied that he w'as happy in accomplishing the mission confided to him, and in showing that nothing was impossible to a French army. It was not with feelings of pleasure that Mr Canning be¬ held the successful progress of the French in Spain. In the triumph of the French arms he saw not merely the Bourbons strengthened, but the influence of France on the Continent greatly augmented. To use his own words, he therefore determined on calling a new world into existence to redress the balance of the old, and re¬ solved on recognising the independence of the republics of South America. It appears, however, from a statement published in Chateaubriand’s posthumous memoirs, that Canning only forestalled the designs of the French states¬ man, who projected placing Bourbon princes on South American thrones. The elections that took place for the renewal of the fifth of the Chamber, in the autumn of 1823, were nearly all in favour of the royalists, who were now enabled to cope with, if not to vanquish, the union of the liberals and the centre. Places and honours were bestowed on the members of the majority to the exclusion of all other candidates. Pub¬ lic affairs, indeed, appeared to proceed most prosperously, and under these circumstances it was that M. de Villele contracted a loan with the house of Rotheschild and Com- New loan, pany, to the amount of L.16,400,000, at 89*55. These favourable terms produced great confidence in the public mind, and enabled the government to clear off the debts and engagements connected with the Spanish war. A dis¬ solution of the Chamber was under these circumstances re¬ solved on, and it was effected by ordonnance on the 24th December. The result of the elections which took place in February and March were most favourable to the ultra¬ royalists. Even in the capital in which the liberal party had hitherto obtained all the seats, they now only suc¬ ceeded in returning Foy, Perrier, and Benjamin Constant, while in the provinces, out of 434 elections, the extreme party gained only fifteen seats in the colleges of arron- dissements, and two in those of departments. The effect on the public funds was surprising. In the beginning of March the public funds reached the extraordinary figure of 104*80, a price not attained for more than half a century. On the 23d March the Chambers met. The king con¬ gratulated the country on the discipline and bravery of the French army, conducted, said Louis XVIII., by my son, with as much wisdom as valour. There were here loud cries of Vive le Roi, Vive le Due eVA ngouleme. After allud¬ ing to the inconvenience that resulted from the annual election of the fifth of the Chamber, the speech proceeded to state, that a bill would be introduced for extending the duration Septennial of the legislature to seven years, subject to the royal prero- law. gative of dissolution. Another bill was presented for the purpose of providing the means of repaying the holders of government annuities, or converting their rights into a claim Conversion for sums more in accordance with the actual value of money, of 5 to 3 A measure for reducing the interest on loans from 5 to 3 Per cents* FRA History, per cent., in a country in which there are so many small rentiers, as in France, can never be popular. Lamartine, 1824. *n ^ie seventh volume of his History of the Restoration, con¬ tends that a conversion was retroactive and dishonest, in¬ asmuch as the state constituted these funds as rentes perpe- tuelles,1 and in this opinion he is supported by Alison.2 It was argued in favour of the septennial law, that the great want of the government was the absence of a fixed majority, and that the annual renewal of a fifth of the Cham¬ ber kept up a perpetual excitement and agitation, and aug¬ mented corruption. On the other hand it was urged, that the septennial law repealed a vital part of the charter, and tended to make the king independent of the popular voice. The debate in the Chamber of Deputies on the law was continued for several days. The most remarkable speech on the occasion was delivered by M. Royer Collard, who urged that the annual renewal of a certain portion of the national representatives could alone suit the country, for in a time of general election the people felt themselves so¬ vereign. The speaker clearly demonstrated, in the course of his remarks, that the power of election and representa¬ tion had passed from the nation and centred in the class of functionaries. Arguments such as these fell, of course, unheeded on an assembly of functionaries; and indepen¬ dently of this, a newly elected Chamber in any country, or under any circumstances, would feel pleased in prolonging its existence to seven years instead of three. The septen¬ nial bill passed by 292 votes to 87. The measure of Villele for the conversion of the 5 per cent, to a 3 per cent, stock met with many opponents. The functionaries, the shopkeepers, and the clergy in the capital were all opposed to any change which affected their in¬ comes. The clergy, in particular, much as they approved of the general march of the government, were rancorous on this question. It is, however, quite legitimate in any state to profit by its own prosperity, and to liberate itself from an undue burden of interest, by offering back the principal at par. Another reason why the conversion was unpopular was, that it was publicly known that the amount saved was to be applied to indemnifying the emigrants. A project of this kind pleased the Count d’Artois and the ultra-royalists, but was sure to displease the great body of the nation. The bill was brought forward on the 5th April, when it was pro¬ posed to reduce the 5 into 3 per cents, taking the latter at 75. It was calculated that this would effect a reduc¬ tion in the annual charge of the debt of 30,000,000 francs (L. 1,200,000), and would establish the credit of the go¬ vernment on a solid foundation. As, however, there were 250,000 persons holders of these annuities, of whom a ma¬ jority held only 500 francs, the excitement and opposition were very great. Such, however, was the overpowering influence of the government, that the law passed by a majority of 238 to 145. In the Chamber of Peers the result was different. The bill was there thrown out by a majority of 34; and it was observed that M. de Chateau¬ briand did not speak in favour of the measure, and that several of his party voted against it. The rejection of the law gave unbounded satisfaction in Paris, and was cele¬ brated by the most signal demonstrations of joy, and led to one important measure, the dismissal of the minister for foreign affairs. Dls®i®sal The day after the discussion on the law in the Peers, 5th teaubriand "f-Une 1824, tle Chateaubriand received an unceremo- mnd. nious announcement from M. de Villele, that his services were dispensed with at the foreign office. To make this communication more uncourteous, if not contemptuous, it was forwarded by a common messenger, and in the absence of the minister was received by his secretary, who found N C E. 187 that his princinal, unconscious of his dismissal, had already History, proceeded on his way to the Tuileries. It was only by v/-—•' hurrying after the dismissed minister that the private secre- 1824. tary could communicate to his principal the fact of his dis¬ grace in time to spare him the affront of finding the council chamber closed against them.3 Nor was Chateaubriand the only dismissal. Victor duke de Belluno, who had been ob¬ noxious to the Dauphin, was removed from the war depart¬ ment, to which M. de Tonnerre was appointed. The port¬ folio of foreign aifairs was given to M. de Damas, a creature of the Duke d’Angouleme. 1 hus was ungraciously dismissed from office the minister who had matured and given life and spirit to the invasion of Spain, who had restored to the throne the representative of the Spanish Bourbons, who had rallied to the French Bourbons the army of France, who had defended the foreign policy of the government in the Chamber with uncommon eloquence, and who, in addition to these services, was re¬ nowned throughout Europe by his genius. But M. de Chateaubriand was not a member of the congregation, did not go all lengths with the parti pretre, and on these grounds was obnoxious to the Duchess d’Angouleme and the clerical camarilla about the court. Fie was, moreover, no favourite with Louis XVIII., and it must also be admitted that in his dealings with M. de Villele and M. de Montmorency he did not always exhibit straightforwardness, honesty, can¬ dour, or high political honour. Inordinate vanity and in¬ ordinate ambition were the failings of Chateaubriand ; and notwithstanding the attempts of his brother poet Lamartine to make a defence for him, we fear it must be admitted that he was in the gravest national affairs always looking for the opportunity to create a sensation about himself. Such a minister may occasionally be a bold and brilliant statesman, but is not always safe or trustworthy as a colleague. Never¬ theless, there was something harsh, if not brutal, in the manner of Chateaubriand’s dismissal. To use his own in¬ dignant words, he was driven out of the councils of the king comme un laquais qui aurait vole la montre du roi sur sa cheminze. This was indeed a grievous error; for it deprived the ministry of M. de Villele of the support of the Journal des Debats, the principal organ of the Parisian press, and of the sympathy of men of letters in general. Nothing memorable occurred in the remainder of the parlia¬ mentary session. The health of the king, for some time infirm, now com¬ pletely gave way. Suffering from a complication of dis¬ orders, the monarch became daily more lethargic, and took little part in business or in the council. The small effort of reading or writing one of those notes which he daily forwarded to Madame du Cayla produced somnolency, and Lamartine tells us, in the minute account he gives of the monarch’s illness, that the continual dropping of the royal head on the bronze table had produced an abrasion of the skin. The only pleasure or excitement the king had at this period was in excursions in the royal carriage drawn by eight horses, proceeding at the top of their speed. Louis XVIII. felt the same gratification in these exercises, says Lamartine, that a captive does in the glare of the sun. The royal patient knew he was sinking, but he bore his doom with philosophical indifference if not with stoicism. The direction of affairs was now transferred to the Count d’Ar¬ tois, so soon to be Charles X. The high hand of the Count might be traced in an edict suspending the liberty of the press, and re-establishing the censure, and in an ordonnance creating a new ministry, the ministry of ecclesiastical affairs, an office which was bestowed on M. Frassinons, bishop of Hermopolis and Grand Master of the University. No doubt M. Frassinons was an able, eloquent, and moderate 1 Lamartine, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. vii., p. 229. 3 Lamartine, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. vii., p. 234. History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon, vol- ii., p. 727. 188 FRA History. man, but he was a churchman, and although not going the lengths of the parti pretre, yet he dared not publicly 1824. discourage their pretensions. While suffering great agony and weakness of body, the king went through public and official receptions, and sub¬ mitted to all the formal etiquette incident to his rank and station. When no longer able to get into the royal carri¬ age, he ordered his gentlemen and equerries to occupy his place so that the Parisian public might be deceived, and, to use the language of Lamartine, re-assured.1 As his birth¬ day approached, his physicians feared the fatigue of a public reception of all the great corps of dignitaries of the state, and implored him to postpone this royal ceremony. His Majesty energetically refused. “ A king,” said he, “ should never be ill in the interests of his people.” After this pub¬ lic reception he was carried in a comatose state to the royal apartments, and by his obstinate desire to appear in public aggravated the alarms he had intended to allay. But on the following day his Majesty resumed his wonted habits, rose at the usual hour, was attended by all the great officers of his court, and went through the ceremonies and observances of that etiquette which he had re-established. One of the fancies of the monarch was to be transported to Versailles, in the old palace of which he caused his ancient apartment to be furnished as it had been previous to the revolution. Another of his fancies was to be wheeled round a garden which he had caused to be laid out in the English fashion—a souvenir of Hartwell. As the end of the monarch approached he expressed no wash to receive the ceremonious consolations of the Romish Church. This circumstance gave great uneasiness to the Countd’Artois to the Duchess d’Angouleme, and to the priest party generally throughout the kingdom. It was remem¬ bered that the monarch had in his youth associated with the wits and philosophers of the epoch—that in his middle and mature age he had never yielded to superstitious practices, and that he had ridiculed even w'ithin a few years the de¬ vout observances of his brother, who had become a mere instrument in the hands of the clergy. Unlike Louis XIV. he did not surrender his conscience to a Le Tellier; for though there was a confessor gazetted as of the household, yet this individual never'appeared at court, and the king was in nowise under the dominion of an humble and ob¬ scure priest, chosen by Louis XVIII. for the piety of his life and for his exemplary character. All these circumstances disquieted the royal family and the high clerical camarilla by which they were surrounded. Cardinal Latil, M. de Frayssinous, and others, held a council on the subject of the king’s abstaining from confession, and it was resolved that M. de Frayssinous should seek an interview with his sovereign, and delicately warn him of the danger of delaying the succours of the church. The king, who esteemed the bishop, liked his moderation, and heard the prelate patiently, but persisted in refusing to receive the last sacraments, fearing, he said, to alarm the public.2 In this difficulty of the parti pretre, the young Viscount de la Rochefoucauld, who originally introduced Madame du Cayla into the private cabinet of the king, appeared on the scene, and proposed to the royal family and to the clerical camarilla of cardinals and bishops to convey to Louis XVIII. their united hopes and wishes. The functions of the viscount gave him a ready access to royalty, and as he was one of the congregation, and attached by conscience and connection to the priest party, he proposed to his sovereign to see once more Madame du Cayla, who had retired to Saint Ouen, and who it was believed would induce the monarch to re¬ ceive the sacraments. The king, seriously regarding him, said to M. de Rochefoucauld—“ Vousle voulez, eh bien, allez dire a Madame du Cayla que je la recevrai.”3 Madame du N C E. Cayla, after some hesitation, consented to render this service History, to the parti pretre and the congregation, and after opening the subject to the monarch with that delicacy and tact of qg24. which she was so capable, Louis replied, you only Madame could venture thus to address me. I hear your words, and shall do what I ought to do. Then holding out his hand, which the lady tearfully kissed, the king, with a suppressed sigh, said, “ Adieu, et a revoir dans 1’autre vie.” No sooner had Madame du Cayla departed, than the king sent for the humble priest who filled the office of confessor. Soon after the visit of the latter, the grand almoner, the cardinals, and the bishops assembled, and the funeral pomps and cere¬ monies of what is called I'ayonie des Rois were gone through. The last hour of the monarch was now approaching. The extremities of the king were cold, and symptoms of morti¬ fication began to appear. The family of the sovereign and theforeign diplomatists were introduced. “ Loveeach other,” said the expiring monarch, addressing his family, “and by your affection console yourselves for tne misfortunes of our house.” “ The charter,” said he, “ is my best inheritance. Preserve it, my brother, for me, for your subjects, for your¬ self”—then raising his hand to bless the Duke de Bordeaux (whom his mother placed in the foreground), he added— “ and for this child to whom you should transmit the throne after my daughter and my son” (he thus affectionately called the Duke and Duchess d’Angouleme). Looking at the child, he said, “ May you be wiser and happier than your parents.” The king received extreme unction, thanked his attend¬ ants, and bade an eternal farewell to his former minister, M. Decazes, whom he was wont to call his child, and whose sobs reached his ear. On the 16th September 1824, the day he had fixed on as his last, all that was mortal of Louis XVIII. had passed away. At early dawn on that morning M. Portal drew the curtains of the bed to feel the royal pulse. The pulse had erased to beat, though the hand was not yet cold. “ Gentlemen,” said M. Portal, turning to the attend¬ ants, “the king is dead;” and then respectfully inclining towards Charles X., he exclaimed “ Vive le Roi.” The last words the deceased sovereign addressed to his brother were remarkable. “ I have tacked,” said he, “ be¬ tween parties, like Henri IV., and unlike him I die in my bed, and in the Tuilleries. Do as I have done and your reign will end in peace.” It was indeed one of the greatest triumphs of Louis XVIII. to die in his bed, and in the pa¬ lace of his ancestors. He had contrived to sit for ten years on the throne of France during one of the most difficult periods of French history, and he maintained his position without any war more serious than the mere military pro¬ menade into Spain. He was no ordinary king—we may say, indeed, no ordinary man—who could succeed in such a career. The great secret of the success of Louis XVIII. was, that he was moderate and passionless, and that he al¬ together suited himself to the temper of the times. He was a man of clear intellect, great observation, exquisite tact and discretion, and consummate judgment. Well read in ancient and modern history, thoroughly knowing the world and its ways, he was very capable of forming a sound and sagacious opinion on public affairs. Yet with all his lights from nature, reading, and experience, he was not wedded to his own views. Open to conviction, calm and unprejudiced, he yielded to superior sense or ar¬ gument, or whenever circumstances rendered it imperative to do so. Though learned in an eminent degree, he recog¬ nised the superior sense and sagacity of M. de Villele, a man without any pretension to letters, and trusted and con¬ fided to his moderation and masculine sense. “ His natural talent,” says Lamartine, “ cultivated, reflective, and quick, full of recollections, rich in anecdotes, nourished by philo¬ sophy, enriched by quotations, never deformed by pedantry, 1 Hist, de la Ilestauration. tom. vii., p. 308. Ibid., tom. vii., p. 317. Ibid., tom. vii., p. 320. FRA History, rendered him equal in conversation to the most renowned literary characters of his age. M. de Chateaubriand had 1824. not more elegance, M. de Talleyrand more wit, Madame de Stael more brilliancy. Never inferior, always equal, often superior to those with whom he conversed on every sub¬ ject ; yet with more tact and address than they, he changed his tone and subject of conversation with those he addressed, and yet was never exhausted by any one. History, contem¬ porary events, things, men, theatres, books, poetry, the arts, the incidents of the day, formed the varied text of his con¬ versations. Since the suppers of Potsdam, where the genius of Voltaire met the capacity of Frederick the Great, never had the cabinet of a prince been the sanctuary of more philosophy, literature, talent, and taste.” Louis XVIII. was humane and benevolent, as well as moderate and wise. The few examples of severity which his reign affords were forced on him either by the violence of party spirit, or the reactionary vehemence of a rank ultra¬ royalist majority, which became too powerful in his latter days. But for years antecedent to his death he had kept the ultramontane, ultra-royalist, and Jesuitical parties within proper bounds. He also restrained and moderated the mon¬ archical and aristocratic party to which he himself belonged. His conduct in exile was exemplary. Never did man suffer with more dignity, constancy, and patience, or await with more calm certainty his restoration. The eyes of Louis XVIII. were scarcely closed in death ere the brother of the king (now reigning Charles X.), and the party which used Madame du Cayla for what they called the edification of the kingdom and the honour of religion, sought to efface all traces of her influence. Letters, papers, and everything relating to the intercourse of the late mo¬ narch with Madame du Cayla, had disappeared from the cabinet of the king before her friends could take any step in the business. Charles X., however, paid Madame du Cayla during his life an annuity of 25,000 francs. She at once re¬ tired from the court, to what M. de Lamartine calls a “ splen¬ did obscurity.” Charles X. The Count d’Artois, who succeeded his brother under the title of Charles X., made no change in the ministry. M. de Villele had long been acting on the Count d’Artois’ views as the minister of his elder brother, and he possessed the entire confidence of Charles X. Everything seemed to smile on the new sovereign.1 The Spanish peninsula and Italy were tranquil—there was a majority in the Cham¬ ber of Deputies in harmony with the Peers, and there was great internal prosperity, every branch of domestic industry being flourishing. The external influence of France was also great, and her power respected abroad. The personal appearance and demeanour and many of the qualities of the new monarch were greatly in his favour. His figure was tall and majestic, his manners frank and open, his air eminently courtly and ehivalric; excelling in all bodily exercises, he rode with skill and boldness, and either in passing a review or in following the chase, to which he was passionately addicted, won all hearts by the charm and fas¬ cination of his manner. He walked as erect, and was as graceful in his demeanour, on the day of his accession as in his early youth. Fond of popularity, he was warm-hearted, benevolent, and solicitous for the happiness of his people. There was nothing he more desired than to make a favour¬ able impression on the nation which he governed. His first care was to restore the ancient ranks and titles to his family. The Duke d’Angouleme, turned of fifty, was created Dauphin, and his duchess Dauphiness. Charles X. also conferred the title of royal highness on the Duke d’Orleans, accompanying it with the ancient appanages of the house, consisting of crown forests which had not been sold at the Revolution, and which rendered the duke one of the wealthiest of N C E. is9 French proprietors. The Duke de Charles, the eldest son History, of the Duke d’Orleans, was promoted to the command of J a regiment. The new king also received with a chivalrous 1824. cordiality the marshals and generals of the empire. Grouchy was favourably noticed, and to Excelmans the king said, “ I remember not the past, but I am sure, general, I can count upon you for the future.” Speeches such as these were of the happiest augury. The king made his entry into Paris on the 27th Sep¬ tember. There were not wanting those who suggested precautions ; to which the monarch replied,—“ People who don’t know me cannot hate me, and I am confident those who know me do not hate me.” The archbishop of Paris, who awaited the king at the head of his clergy, addressed a maladroit speech to his majesty, to which the monarch listened with apparent disrelish. The king was perfectly well received by the people, and bore himself inimitably on this occasion. To the Duke d’Augouleme his father had confided the supreme direction of the army. The king proposed to his ministers to abolish the censorship of the journals, an odious and unpopular measure impatiently suo- mitted to during the last months of the previous reign. The editors of newspapers responded to this measure of the king in transports of gratitude. But notwithstanding this temporary effervescence, it was soon perceived that there was a back-stairs influence exercised by a sacerdotal cama¬ rilla. Lamartine states, that in a confidential communica¬ tion with himself Charles X. disavowed being governed by priests and Jesuits, whose God he adored without loving the sect; but the poet historian admits that the king might have deceived himself without deceiving others, and we every day see in every rank oflife men denying the exis¬ tence of an influence to which they unconsciously and al¬ most unawares are slavishly subject. Among this secret council, whose power the monarch concealed from himself, were Cardinals Latil, Lafare, Clermont Tonnere, Lambrus- chini the pope’s legate, and M. de Quelen, archbishop of Paris, a man of piety and worth, but profoundly devoted to the interests of mother church. Latil, according to La- cretelle,'2 was born a courtier, and ever had been a zealous partizan of the Jesuits. The ultra-royalist chiefs joined their councils with these churchmen. Among these were the Duke de Riviere, M. de Polignac, and M. de Vau- blanc, who, once an imperial prefect, had now become one of the shining lights of Carlism. The soul of the camarilla, however, was the restless, ambitious, intriguing, and ever active Vitrolles, who played so important a part in 1814. The king had not been long seated on the throne ere the The disciples of Loyola began to rear their heads haughtily. Jesuits. Everywhere throughout France they set about establishing new colleges and seminaries. Montrouge, their chief col¬ lege, became the centre around which the most favoured and distinguished young men about court revolved. Ap¬ pointments in the public offices were made through the in¬ fluence of the disciples of Ignatius Loyola. Neither M. de Villele nor M. Corbiere, it is true, belonged to the congre¬ gation, but these ministers were overborne by chefs-de- division, who opposed their veto to the appointment of candidates suspected of lukewarm zeal. The proof of this is afforded by the case of an old man of seventy-two, and author of mathematical treatises which are classical through¬ out Europe. M. Legendre, of the Academy of Sciences, enjoyed a pension of 3000 francs, and there being a vacant place in the academy, was asked by M. Lourdoucix, a chef- de-division, to vote for M. Binet, a congregationalist candi¬ date. On his refusing to do so, his pension was withdrawn by royal ordonnance. A fortnight after this the power and intolerance of the clergy was proved by their refusing to re¬ ceive within the precincts of the parish church the mortal re- 1 Hist, de la Restauration, tom. vii., p. 329. Lacretelle, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. iv., p. 132, 133, 190 FRA History, mains of an actor named Philippe, who had suddenly died in an apoplectic fit. A deputation waited on M. de Damas, first 1824. gentleman of the chamber to Charles X. M. de Damas appealed to M. Corbiere, the minister, who replied that he could not force the ministers of any religion to receive within the church the body of an actor. It was said that the king personally interfered, as his brother Louis XVIII. had done in the case of Mile. Raucourt, but apparently without success, for an armed force prevented the people from carrying the coffin to the parish church.1 Mass, vespers, complines, matins, fastings, pilgrimages, were now the order of the day. It was even necessary, says Lacretelle, to be armed with a confession ticket ;2 that is, a card importing that you had confessed and been shriven in the most ap¬ proved fashion within canonical time. It was counted a noble work to baptize a Jew or to convert a young Protes¬ tant, male or female. In the army, as well as in civil life, confession was made a test. The minister of war, M. Cler¬ mont Tonnerre, the nephew of the archbishop of Toulouse, the most turbulent and arrogant of prelates, caused all the regiments to be regularly catechised. Thus mere outward observances were made to pass for religion, the profoundest and deepest sentiment of the human soul. Processions and expositions of the saint sacrement and of relics multiplied ; and “at one of these,” says Lacretelle, “I remember to have seen Don Miguel, after the crime attempted against his father and the actual assassination of Count Louie.”3 Yet notwithstanding this hothouse forcing of a sentiment which ought to take its rise spontaneously in the heart of man— notwithstanding the pastorals of bishops and the preach¬ ings of Jesuits, Congregationists, and Redemptorists, more copies of Voltaire, Rousseau, and the atheistical work called Le Systeme de la Nature, were sold than in any antecedent period. It was at this period that Lamennais, then a furious ultramontane, and who died not long since out of the pale of the Romish church, fulminated his anathemas against Frayssinous, bishop of Hermopolis, whom he accused of semi-Gallicanism. On the other hand, the Count de Mont- losier, a conscientious man, of intrepid courage, abandoned the culture of his estate, and came up to the capital to point out, in a series of pamphlets, to the king the evils which Jesuitism would inflict on the country. M. de Montlosier opened the way for other writers, such as the Abbe de Pradt, former archbishop of Mechlin, Paul Louis Courrier, and the ablest critic of the Journal des Debats, Hoffmann. The ultramontane and absolutist tendencies of the monarch were resisted in the Chamber of Peers by Laine de Talley¬ rand, Decazes, Pasquier, Mole, Simeon, Portal, Roy, Mol- lien, and Mounier. Among the mass of the people different opinions predominated as to these observances. A few re¬ garded them with reverence, many with indifference, but the majority with scoffing sneers. The priest party was, however, strong in the Chamber of Deputies. So great a change had been operated by the electoral law of 1821, that 130 members were devoted to the parti pretre in the lower house, though that party could not boast of more than 30 adherents in the Chamber of Peers. But that which rendered the party all-powerful was, that it had placed viceroys over all the ministers. Thus M. de Renneville was a sacerdotal spy over M. de Villele, M. Tronchet over the minister of the interior. The king probably was not aware of these manoeuvres. The progress of the Jesuits is always sly and insidious, and it is very likely they had in¬ stalled their instruments before the monarch was aware of the fact. The answers of Charles X. to the public bodies who presented congratulatory addresses were such as be¬ came him, frank and conciliatory. As the nation was pros¬ perous and flourishing, there was a general feeling of satis- N C E. faction and security. This was first dispelled by a proceed- History, ing of the minister of war, M. de Clermont Tonnere, who issued an ordonnance placing on half-pay 50 lieutenant- 1324 generals and 100 major-generals, whose names had many times figured in the bulletins of the grande armee. Among the number were Grouchy, Vandamme, Gazan, Drouot, Ornano, Excelmans, Harispe, and many others. This mea¬ sure was the result of a secret conclave of the camarilla, the object doubtless being, as Lacretelle suggests, to more easily place the army under the discipline of the congre¬ gation.4 Charles X. was not at first aware of the effect of the measure. No sooner, however, were his eyes opened than he granted exemptions and dispensations, and these became at length so numerous that the ordonnance remained a dead letter. General Foy called it a cannon-shot charge at Waterloo, and fired ten years after the battle. The Chambers were opened by the king in person on the 22d December. It wTas intimated in the speech that a measure of indemnity to the emigrants was in preparation. The public finances being in a prosperous condition, this sum, though amounting to a milliard, might be provided for without injuring public credit. The cessation of war con- tributions, and a peace of ten years, had so restored the finances that there was an excess of income over expendi¬ ture of 8,898,118 francs, or L.360,000 for the year 1824.6 The sinking fund, too, remaining intact, the public debt was undergoing a diminution. It appeared also that the late king had left no debts. The accounts of his household were regular and orderly, and there was annually a very considerable excess of income over expenditure. The first law, brought forward on January 3, was the law 1825. on the civil list, which was fixed at 25,000,000 francs (L.1,000,000) for the king during his life, besides 7,000,000 francs (L.280,000) for his family, and 6,000,000 francs (L.240,000) for (an odd conjunction) the funeral of the late king and the coronation of his successor. It was a provi¬ sion of this measure that the whole territorial possessions and estates of the Orleans family should again revert to them. These properties had been merged in the domains of the state in 1791, but Charles X. now proposed to sanc¬ tion a restitution by a solemn act of the legislature. The bill passed the Chamber of Deputies by a large majority, and was almost unanimously voted by the Peers. The next measure brought forward was the creation of a fund to provide an indemnity for the emigrants. It was proposed to create a stock of a milliard (L.40,000,000) in the 3 per cents., to be devoted to the families who had lost their property during the revolutionary era. The annual charge, it was calculated, would be about 30,000,000 francs, or L. 1,200,000, a-year. To reconcile tax-payers to the weight of such a burden, M. de Villele abandoned the idea of reducing the interest of the national debt. The law of indemnity for the emigrants or sufferers bv the Revolution was brought forward by M. Martignac, a gentleman of great ability, of amiable manners, of irre¬ proachable character, of the most persuasive eloquence, of great moderation of views, and of winning gentleness of expression. He stated the case of the emigrants lucidly and strongly ; and now that thirty years have passed since the discussion, and that party spirit is not so exacer¬ bated, it may be said he stated the case unanswerably. Every candid man must agree with Lacretelle, a writer of decidedly liberal if not democratic tendencies, in thinking that the measure was fully as advantageous to the acquirers of national domains as to the emigrants themselves. It was said at the time to be an attempt to restore the aristocracy, and to be an outrage to the Revolution. But calm reflective 1 Vaulabelle, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. vi., pp. 288, 289. 4 Ibid., tom. iv., p. 156. 2 Lacretelle, tom. iv., pp. 134, 135. 6 Annuaire Historique, 1825. 3 Ibid., tom. iv., p. 137. FRANCE. 1825. History, men will agree with Lamartine in thinking that it was the greatest political administrative and financial act of the Restoration, the conception of Louis XVIII., the work of Charles X., the glory of M. de Villele. The valuation was easy with respect to all property sold since 1795, as an account of the rental of each property in 1790 was given in at the sale. There had been 452,072 sales of the landed property of emigrants, of which 81,455 were made subsequent to 1795. The annual revenue of these amounted to 35,000,000 of francs, and the price at twenty years’ purchase was calculated at 692,400,000. The remainder, bought at low prices, and paid for in assignats, was calculated at 605,000,000 francs of capital. Upwards of 300,000,000 francs of debt had been paid, leaving the indemnity proposed to be liquidated less than a milliard. It was proposed to pay this sum by the delivery to the claim¬ ants of stock bearing 3 per cent, interest; in other words, there were to be thirty millions of rentes, six millions of which were to be issued for five years in succession. To the ultra-royalists, such as Le Clerc, De Beaulieu Ducha- telet, Duplessis de Grenedan, and Labourdonnaye, the law of indemnity appeared a miserable compromise. Labour¬ donnaye, indeed, went the length of declaring that the king had no right to declare the tenure of emigrants’ property secure in the hands of those who had taken it, and he main¬ tained that the indemnity should be levied on the pur¬ chasers instead of on the nation. This called up General Foy, who truly described the ultra majority as being desir¬ ous to use their power to deprive the peasant of his pro¬ perty. Between the views of such men as Labourdonnaye and Foy the project of law of the government appeared a kind of middle term, a sort of juste milieu. His calm mariner and sagacious reasoning placed the question in its true light. The indemnity, said he, is neither a punish¬ ment to one class of Frenchmen nor a recompense to an¬ other. It is a measure indispensable to complete the Res¬ toration, to give unity, security, and peace to the country. The agitation of the question of the indemnity raised a number of rival claims. Thus the capitalists who had suf¬ fered from the confiscation of the funds, the losses by the law of the maximum, the Vendeans, and the generals, who had been ruined by the events of 1814 and 1815, all claimed to be indemnified. “Let a few crumbs,at least, fall to the old and mutilated soldiers,” said Foy, “ who have carried to the farthest corners of the earth the glory of the French name.” The law passed both chambers by large majorities. The majority in the deputies was 105, in the peers 96.1 The Duke 11’Orleans received 14,000,000 of francs, L.560,000 of our money, for that portion of his estates which had been sold; the Duke de Choiseul and the Dukede la Rochefou- cault 1,000,000 francs each (L.40,000) ; the family of Mont¬ morency 12,000,000 francs (L.480,000); and Madame La Fayette 400,000 francs (L. 16,000). The clergy, to their own manifest discontent, received no part in this indemnity, but they induced the ministry, as a kind of compensation, to bring forward a law of sacrilege. By this it was proposed to punish the profanation of the consecrated elements with the pains of parricide, the profanation of the sacred vases not yet filled with the consecrated elements with the pain of death, theft in sacred places with death or the galleys for life. The severity of these enactments, more suited, to use the words of Chateaubriand, to the twelfth rather than to the nineteenth century, excited amazement and opposition within and without the chambers. Chateaubriand spoke and voted for the amendment proposed by the liberal party; but such was the strength of the priest party and the cama¬ rilla, that the law passed the Chamber of Deputies with scarcely any alteration by a majority of 115, and the peers by a majority of 36. 191 A bill for legalizing female religious communities also History, passed. Ibis bill extended the privilege of holding pro- perty to societies of religious women, provided they were 1825. established for religious purposes, under certain regulations approved by the bishop of the diocese. In the debate on the subject the minister for ecclesiastical affairs stated that 140,000 sick persons among the poor were yearly attended by sisters of charity, and that 120,000 children in the hum¬ blest classes received gratuitous education from their la¬ bours, and 100,000 in the higher classes an education suited to their position. In a Roman Catholic country, in which there is no well-defined system of poor laws, sisters of cha¬ rity may no doubt fulfil many exemplary and noble duties; but the danger of these monastic institutions is, that they become too powerful, and that they are guided and go¬ verned by a mysterious and occult influence, either Jesuit¬ ical, Dominican, or Liguorist. Fortunately, by the provi¬ sions of the French law females initiated into these sister¬ hoods can only leave to the communities to which they be¬ long portions of their fortune. The bill passed the cham¬ bers by a majority of 236, thus proving the increased ten¬ dency of the chamber towards everything savouring of priestly and sacerdotal dominion. I he high price of the public funds induced M. de Villele again to recur in a modified way to his favourite project of the reduction of the interest of the public debt. A less comprehensive plan than his former one, which had been lost in the preceding year, was now brought forward by him. It was proposed to the holders of 5 per cent, to convert these securities into a 4J per cent., with a guarantee that they should not be paid off before 1835. The project was carried by a majority of 118 in the Chamber, and by a ma¬ jority of 42 in the Chamber of Peers. Preparations had been making for a considerable time, The coro- and on a most extensive and expensive scale, for the coron- nation of ation of the king. The event took place at Rheims on the Cliarles x- 29th May. It was conducted with extraordinary pomp, and at a cost of four millions of francs. On the journey to that city, an accident occurred to the royal carriage which was nearly attended with fatal effects. The king was only saved by the dexterity and presence of mind of his coachman, but Gene¬ ral Curial and some officers of his household were severely injured.2 In lieu of the old coronation oath to destroy here¬ tics and wield absolute power, the successor of Clovis took an oath to maintain the constitution, the charter, and the Roman Catholic religion. The oath was the subject of much negotiation between the ultras and the government. Though the prime minister Villele did all that in him lay to harmonize the whole ceremony of the coronation with the constitution and with modern usages, yet the clergy were un¬ yielding, and insisted that the Saint Ampoule, or holy oil, which, according to the legend, had been brought down by a dove to St Remy to anoint Clovis, should again be had recourse to. It was no legend that the commissary of the Conven¬ tion had broken the phial and cast out the so-called sacred oil. Yet, as is usual on such occasions, another phial was discovered and produced, containing the miraculous liquor. With this unguent the king was anointed in seven different places of his body, through holes slit in his coronation robes. What with the prayers, the ceremonies, the girdiny; on the sword of Charlemagne, and assuming his crown, the cere¬ mony occupied six hours. The monarch was wiry and slight in figure, and hale in body, but even his strength and agility were exhausted by these tedious ceremonies, while the dauphin and Talleyrand were fairly overcome. It was the duty of Talleyrand to put on the velvet boots of the king, and of the Dauphin to put on his father’s spurs. Vaulabelle gives a ludicrous description of these doings, of 1 Annuaire Historique, vol. iii, 2 LacreteUe, vol. iv., p. 185. 192 FRANCE. History. 1825. 1826. the dressings and undressings oi' the monarch, and of his receiving the sword from a minister of the church. A cer¬ tain number of carrier pigeons and other birds were placed in the cathedral to bear the glad tidings, but they were so overcome with clouds of frankincense and the stifling at¬ mosphere of unsavoury priests and sacristans, that many of them died, and the remaining birds were unable to wing their flight with the glad tidings ; a sinister augury to those who believe in such omens. Every state in Europe sent representatives to be present at this ceremony. The Duke of Northumberland repre¬ sented England, and is said by Lacretelle to have expended two or three millions of francs. Mahometanism was re¬ presented in the person of an envoy of the Bey of Tunis, and the Jewish community in the person of the banker Rothschild. Three marshals who had fought against the Bourbons were made chevaliers of the Cordon Bleu, Soult, Mortier, and Jourdan. The Duke de Chartres was also invested with the insignia of the order, and a general par¬ don was granted to all political offenders.2 But notwith¬ standing this generosity on the part of the king, it was plain that the parti pretre was in the ascendant. Three cardi¬ nals, all ultramontane, and one furiously so, Latil, Lafare, and Clermont Tonnere, were made ministers of state; and the last mentioned, the most intemperate of the body, had openly revolted against a decision of the minister Corbiere. It was not therefore surprising, seeing this predominance of sacerdotal influence, that the Procureur-General took proceedings against the Drapeau Blanc, the Courrier Fran¬ cois, and the Constitutionnel, which had denounced the mea¬ sures of the Jesuits. The requisitoire of the government functionary called for a suspension of the journals for three months eacli. Dupin, who had at this time arisen to great eminence at the bar, defended the incriminated journals with ability and great dialectical skill. The court declared itself incompetent, and dismissed the complaint without costs. On the 28th November in this year, the great opposition orator, General Foy, died of an aneurism of the heart pro¬ nounced incurable by Corvisart. In the previous session of 1824 he had delivered two of his most successful speeches, and was occupied almost to his last moment in writing a history of the war in Spain. Since the death of Mirabeau, says Lacretelle, few men have been more regretted; he was less eloquent than that wonderful orator, but he was a Mirabeau without vices.2 Having died almost without for¬ tune, a subscription was opened for his family, and it is to the honour of France that a million of francs, L.40,000 of our money, was raised. Foy was never a flatterer of the emperor, which will account for the little notice taken of him by Napoleon. A little while after the death of Foy, the ex-keeper of the seals, De Serre, died at Naples whither he had been delegated by the royalists, who always seemed ill at ease in being sustained by orators and men of genius. De Serre was as much distinguished in the camp of the royalists as Foy in the camp of the liberals. Early in life he had emigrated and served in the army of Conde, but returning to France in 1802 he became a member of the bar of Metz, at which he rose to be advocate-general. In this year the recognition of the independence of St Domingo was acknowledged by a formal convention. M. de Villele also joined Mr Canning in sending representatives to Spain to procure the acquiescence of the parent state in favour of the recognition of the independence of the colonies. A law was introduced this session to procure for the eldest son a larger share of the paternal property. This was a cherished project with the court and camarilla. The favourite of Charles X., Polignac, had recommended it, writing from the London embassy a year or two previously; History, but M. de Villele, with his usual sagacity, then replied, that the habits and tendencies of the people were against the 1826. measure, and that such success was impossible. But the first minister was now overruled, and the new project was introduced by M. Peyronnet, who gloried in the task of sustaining and advocating unpopular measures. By the existing law a father was obliged to leave his property equally among his children, with the exception of a fourth, which he might dispose of at his pleasure. The project now in¬ troduced ordained that when the father had not made a will the one-fourth should be added to the portion of the eldest son. The law assigning the additional fourth of the property to the eldest son was to be applicable to all who paid 300 francs of direct taxes. While the question was in course of debate the hopelessness of carrying such a project appeared palpable to M. de Villele, and he promised that the operation of the measure should be limited to families paying 1000 francs direct taxes, which it was admitted would affect but 8000 families in the whole kingdom. This pro¬ position put in the shape of an amendment was negatived, and when the principal article of the law was put to the vote it was rejected by 120 votes against 94, and nothing but an article permitting entails for one generation passed. The joy throughout the country at this victory, as it was considered, was immense, and the capital was very gene¬ rally illuminated. Nothing daunted by this defeat, the clergy and the court braved public obloquy and contempt by get¬ ting up splendid religious processions, and a jubilee or re¬ ligious revival. This ceremony was attended by all theTheJubi- royal family, with the exception of the Duke d’Orleans. ^ee* It was strange, and very far from edifying, to see Talley¬ rand and Soult walking in the cortege of a religious proces¬ sion, with wax candles in their hands, clothed as penitents. The war minister, M. de Damas, compelled whole regi¬ ments and divisions to join in this jubilee. Nothing could make the army more hate and despise the Bourbons than such an order proceeding from the war office. We have already mentioned that M. de Montlosier had published a Memoire d Consulter against the Jesuits. Not satisfied with this, he prepared a denunciation of the Jesuits and their establishments to the courts of justice. It was the wish of M. de Peyronnet that the royal court should take no notice of the denunciation, and the procureur pro¬ posed a judgment that there was nothing to deliberate upon. But the court did deliberate, there being only two out of fifty-five judges who were for passing over the accusations. The court passed judgment to the effect that several laws prohibited the re-establishment of the Jesuits, their prin¬ ciples being destructive of the independence of any govern¬ ment, and incompatible with the existence of a constitu¬ tional chamber, and the public law of the country. But notwithstanding tins condemnation of the Jesuits by the first body of lawyers in the kingdom, the ultramontane bishops thundered against the liberal opposition. Among the most intolerant of episcopal missives was that of the Abbe Tharin, Bishop of Strasburg, and the writer of this document was the person selected by Charles X. as pre¬ ceptor to the Duke de Bordeaux. Mr Canning spent the autumn of 1826 in Paris, and was Mr Can- well received by Charles X., who did him the extraordinary ninn in honour of inviting him to the royal table. A rather ami- *>ar's• cable understanding with M. de Villele was one of the re¬ sults of Mr Canning’s journey. This was apparent in De¬ cember 1826, when the state of Portugal called for an armed interference by England. Villele then withdrew his am¬ bassador from Spain on that country slighting his advice in reference to Portugal, a measure which could not fail to be agreeable to England. 1 Annuaire Historique, tom. viii. 2 Lacretelle, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. iv., p. 252. 1826. Revenue. History. The revenue of France in 1826 was 985,000,000 francs Wd9’400,000)’ an( t,le expenditure 981,972,609 francs. Ihe exports for the year 1826 were considerably less than those of 18-5, owing to the monetary crisis in England. The army amounted to 232,000 men, the navy to 45 ships of the line, and 37 frigates. The public debt was 3,373,500,000 francs (L. 135,000,000), including the emigrant indemnity an t le co omsts of St Domingo: 37,000,000 of francs were voted for the expenses of the occupation of Spain.1 Ihe Duke de Riviere was appointed to the place of governor of the Duke de Bordeaux—a place vacant by the demise of the amiable Duke de Montmorency, who expired m church on Goodkriday while assisting at the lon£ cere¬ monies of the Roman Catholic ritual. This nomination inci eased the disgust of all thinking people, and placed beyond doubt the ascendancy of the congre-ationists over the mind of the king. Public opinion pointed to M. de Chateaubriand as the fittest person for this office, but Charles X. had no perception of the propriety of appointing fit men to vacant places. The Debats, in which Chateaubriand then habitually wrote, used the word fatality, in reference to the march of events, and certainly no course could be more mortally de¬ structive to the popularity of the king. “ The names of the men says Lamartine, “ with pregnant brevity, indicated the line, the line indicated the intention, the intention dis¬ closed ruin, overthrow, subversion.”2 Every succeeding day now rendered the monarch more and more unpopular. The attacks of the press galled both the cmnd and the camarilla. The king rashly announced at the beginning of the session of 1827, that, to use the words of Lamartine, “ he would stifle the voice that troubled him. 1 his menace indicated extreme courses, for the stillness required by governments is but the prelude to the tyranny of the people. A not distant struggle between the crown and the nation now appeared imminent. The inevitableness of the encounter redoubled the boldness of the court, the irritation of the popular leaders, the license of the journals, and the underground agitation of the masses. In the bill brought forward by the government against the press it was proposed that all writings of twenty pages and under should be deposited with the censors five days before publication ; if published before the expiration of that period tQoennnc,re ed/Tti0" WaS liable t0 be confiscated, and a fine of 3000 francs (L.12G) to be imposed on the publisher. The proprietors of journals were the parties against whom actions for breaches of the law were to be directed, and no com¬ pany for conducting a journal was to be legal if it consisted ?nnnTcthan ^ ^rsom' Fines varying from 2000 to 20,000 francs might be imposed. The whole public press was vehemently opposed to this project. It was denounced as not merely directed against the press but against all li¬ berty. Men of all ranks, stations, classes, and professions, joined in a diapason of discontent. The academy, with Chateaubriand at its head, placed itself in the foreground of the movement, and Villemain, Lacretelle, and Michaud made common cause with their illustrious friend. M Michaud as reader to the king, was dismissed for his expression of opinion; Villemain lost his place as maitre des requites, and J^acretelle as examiner of dramatic works.3 Yet the inter- erence of these men as academicians and as citizens was most legitimate, for this law of “ love and justice” as it was ridiculously called by that most perverse beino- De Pey- ronnet, the keeper of the seals, threatened not merely the press but authors, publishers, and printers. Precautions as stringent were to be observed in the publication of books nnhl- [he P.ub3'cat,on of newspapers. No book was to be publ.shed for five or ten days after a copy had been left at e offices of the government. Pastoral letters of bishops FRANCE. 193 justice id love. ■Annuaire Historique. VOL. X. were, however, to be excepted. In the debate on the law History, the opposition orators had the vantage ground. Royer Col- lard, so eager was the desire to speak, came at six in the 1826. morning to inscribe his name, when he found that three other members had preceded him. Never did Royer Col- lard make an abler speech than on this occasion. No former law,” he began by observing, “ had ever aimed at more than destroying the licentiousness of the press ; the present law was remarkable as aiming at the de¬ struction of the liberty of the press and printing itself. The idea of the proposers of the law was, that it had been a great imprudence on the day of creation, to allow man to come forth intelligent and free in the midst of the universe. The wisdom of ministers was employed in correcting this error of Providence, in restricting his imprudent liberality, and in bringing back humanity, sagely mutilated, to the happy in¬ nocence and ignorance of brutes. In defending a measure conceived on such principles as these, ministers are obliged to admit that they extinguish the good with the bad °As the press, they say, produces more bad than good, let us destroy it altogether. Apply the same principle to govern¬ ment, to jurisprudence, and you must put the whole country into pnson, regard the population as so many suspected persons, and in fact renew that regime which existed under the I error.” Benjamin Constant also summed, with pungent force, all the harassing, trivial, and tyrannical prodsions of this execrable measure. Casimir Perier too produced a pro¬ found impression when he demanded of ministers whe¬ ther they intended to apply the law to the literature of the country. He asked, were Voltaire, Rousseau, Pas¬ cal s Provincial Letters, and the Tartuffe of Moliere to be proscribed. Villele’s speech failed in answering the weighty and ar¬ gumentative objections urged against the measure. * The bill underwent many mutilations in committee, and ultimately passed in so altered a form that De Peyronnet could scarcely recognise his own legislative bantling. Indeed, so impor¬ tant were the amendments in the Peers that De Peyronnet withdrew his law, whereupon there was a general iliumina- tion in all the great towns. Albeit by the new and much mitigated law further restrictions were placed on the press yet such was the mingled flexibility and force, such the suppleness and strength, of public writers in France at this epoch, that they contrived to arouse and excite the country without enmeshing themselves within the legal nets spread out to catch them. A riot which occurred at the funeral of the Duke de la Rochefoucault, a nobleman of great philan¬ thropy, served still further to render the government unpo¬ pular. M. de Corbiere had deprived this excellent man °f seventeen gratuitous places, because he had disapproved of the centralization oY the authority to control and visit prisons. The engineers and mechanics, for whom the duke had founded a college at Chalons, asked to be allowed to carry the body of their benefactor to the grave, and the family yielded to a request which they considered an honour. But on proceeding from the church to the cemetery the" funeral was stopped by an agent of the police. The sons of the duke declared they wished the procession to pro¬ ceed. The police agent communicated an order to the captain of a company of troops who attended the funeral to support the public force, when a struggle took place, in the midst of which the coffin was thrown on the paving stones and burst asunder. The Chamber of Peers ordered an inquiry into the facts by its grand referendary. On the 29th April the king passed a review of from 20,000 to 30,000 armed citizens of the National Guard in’the Champ de Mars. The king arrived on horseback. There were shouts of Vive la Roi along the first legion, but the Iiamartine, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. viii., p. 55. 3 Lacretelle, tom. iv., p. 215. 2 B 194 FRA History, seventh legion cried Vive la Charte to the exclusion of -v-—^ Vive le Iloi. The king was annoyed, exclaiming, “ I came 1827. to receive homage, and not a lesson.” The whole legion now shouted Vive le Hoi, but the feelings of discontent, re¬ pressed in the presence of the king, broke out on the ap¬ pearance of the Duchesses d’Angouleme and De Berri. These ladies wTere greeted with cries of “ Down with the Jesuits.” As the National Guard were returning home they stopped before the mansions of De Villele and De Pevronnet, crying, “ Down with the ministers! away with Pevronnet!” The king was personally satisfied with the review, and directed Oudinot to draw up his thanks to the National Guard; but the princesses and De Villele, and the Jesuits, were under other impressions. The insult and eastigation which he had received, says Chateaubriand, rendered Villele irascible and Corbiere malevolent. The ministers demanded the suppression of the National Guard, and were abetted by the princesses. Charles X. hesitated, whereupon Villele threatened to re¬ sign. The decree disallowing the National Guard was drawn up and signed. An ordonnance appeared disbanding the National Guard. The imprudence of this measure was great. The disbanded became discontented men with arms in their hands on whom a stigma had been cast. To disband the whole National Guard for the fault of one legion, was an act of not merely imprudence but of gross injustice. Greece. There was no country in which the people had been more alive to the Greek cause than France. But Villele was lukewarm on the subject; Mr Canning had invited the French premier to come forward in conjunction with Eng¬ land, and to extend protection to the struggling Greeks of the Morea. But Villele was embarrassed at home, and he made foreign questions subsidiary to domestic. Mr Can¬ ning therefore sent the Duke of Wellington to Russia to offer co-operation in the emancipation of Greece. The other powers of Europe were invited to join in the convention, and as there would be not only danger but disgrace in hold¬ ing back, Villele became at length a party to arrangements which resulted in the treaty signed at London on the 6th July 1827 between England, France, and Russia. By the preamble of this treaty it was declared that the motives which led the contracting parties to interfere, was “ the necessity of putting an end to the contest which, by delivering up the Greek provinces and the isles of the Ar¬ chipelago to the disorders of anarchy, produces daily fresh impediments to the commerce of the European states.” 1 he object of the treaty was declared to be “ the reconciliation of the Greeks and Turks.” For this purpose, so soon as it was ratified, the mediation of the three powers was to be offered to the sultan, in a joint note signed by all their ministers at Constantinople, but an armistice was to be absolutely in¬ sisted on by both parties as a preliminary to the opening of any negotiation. The terms proposed to the sultan were, that he should still retain a nominal sovereignty over Greece, but receive from them a fixed annual tribute, to be col¬ lected by the Greek authorities, in the nomination of whom the sultan was to have a voice. All the Mussulman pro¬ perty in Greece was to be abandoned upon receiving an indemnity, and the fortresses were to be given up to the Greek troops. If the Porte did not, within a month, de¬ clare his acceptance of these terms, he was to be informed that the state of things which had reigned six years in Greece, and to which the sultan seemed unable, by his own resources, to put an end, made it imperative upon them, for their own security, “ to come to an approximation with the Greeks, which was to consist in establishing commercial relations with Greece, and receiving from them consular agents,” in other words, acknowledging their independence. The sultan declared his determination to reduce his re¬ bellious subjects to submission. It was now evident that N C E. the treaty of July could not remain a dead letter. A Bri- History, tish squadron of four ships under Codrington, a French and Russian of equal force under de Rigny and Heyden, pro- 1327. ceeded to the iEgean Sea. On the 20th October was fought the battle of Navarino, a battle which in no wise con¬ tributed to render the ministry of Villele more stable or popular. During the course of the session a treaty for the sup- Conventiot pression of the slave trade was urged on the French cabinet on slave by the English government. The project of law introducedtrade- on this subject declared the engaging in the slave trade punishable with confiscation of the cargo and banishment to the chiefs of the expedition. It was apparent to Villele before the end of the session, that his position was becoming precarious, and that a dissolution of the Chamber might become indispensable. To add to his difficulties, the revenue had been unprosperous, the months of February and March exhibiting a deficit of 6,755,000 francs, and the majorities were day by day lessening. As a preparatory measure to the dissolution, it was deter¬ mined to establish the censorship by royal ordonnance. The announcement of this measure in the Moniteur was the signal for the establishment of a society to defend the liberty of the press, of which Chateaubriand was made the president. The author of the Genie du Christianisme was only too happy to accept this prominent honour. He de¬ clared in the Chamber of Peers that ministers could not avert their own fall, and that the only doubt was, whether they would not in falling drag down the monarchy with them. A censorship was now established, 76 new peers were Censorship, created to overcome the hostile majority, and the Chamber Creation ol of Deputies was dissolved on the 17th November. Peers. Paris took the lead in voting against ministers. Of 8000 electors 7000 voted for opposition candidates. Dupont de FEure, Laffitte, Perier, Constant de Schonen, Ternaux, and Royer Collat'd were returned for the capital. It was just antecedent to the elections that the society Aide toi et le del t'aidera was established. It was composed of ardent and advanced liberals, and there can be no doubt that it had immense influence on the elections. Illuminations took place in all the great towns, as well as in the capital, to cele¬ brate the electoral triumph over the ministry. In Paris the populace endeavoured to force the occupants of all houses to illuminate, and proceeded to break the windows of such as did not comply. This led to rioting and arrests, and ultimately the military were called out, and barricades erect¬ ed. These scenes led to the first appearance of barricades, which three years later were to be so formidable an engine against authority. There was also an ominous symptom ob¬ servable in these riots. It was, that at the barricades the troops of the line first hesitated to act against the people. It was now evident that the position of M. de Villele was most precarious, and that a change in the cabinet had be¬ come indispensable. M. de Villele had too much shrewd¬ ness and sagacity not to perceive his perilous position. He announced to the king the necessity of forming a new minis¬ try, and named Chateaubriand, De la Ferronays, De Fitz- james, and De Labourdonnaye as members of a new cabinet. But the monarch had a personal prejudice against Chateau¬ briand, because of his progress in liberalism, and he was, moreover, obnoxious to the congregation. At length M. de Martignac was fixed on as president of the council, and Villele, now confident that the ministry would not fall into the hands of M. de Polignac, resigned. Villele had no doubt Fall of his faults, but on the whole he was a prudent and sagacious Villele. minister, who carried some good measures, and prevented many evil ones. He softened the prejudices of the king, mitigated his bigotry, held his own party within bounds, and retarded at least for three or four years the fall of his master. F RANG E. 195 History. 1827. Martignac ministry. M. de Martignac had for colleagues M. Portalis as keeper of the seals, M. de Caux as minister of war, M. de la Fer- ronays as minister for foreign affairs, M. de Vatismenil as minister of the interior, M. Hyde de Neuville of the marine, and M. Feutrier as minister of justice. The king chose M. de Martignac as a sort of concession which he was ob¬ liged to make to the liberal party. Had the monarch fol¬ lowed his own inclinations, his selection would have been M. de Polignac. Than M. Martignac, however, no choice could be made more likely to conciliate men of all parties. Persuasive, polished, gentle, accomplished, moderate, firm, yet not retrograde in his views and opinions, he possessed most of the qualities that constitute a popular and parlia¬ mentary favourite. No man was so likely as he to fashion the ancient fabric of the monarchy to the needs of the time, or to adapt to modern usages its wants and requirements. But Martignac wanted the hearty co-operation and concur¬ rence of the sovereign. He was only endured as a hard necessity till the man after the monarch’s own heart could be openly called in. Martignac did a politic thing in offer¬ ing a seat in the cabinet to Chateaubriand as minister of public instruction, but his friends and fellow-labourers of the Debats induced the author of the Martyrs to reject the proposal, insisting that he should only accept the minis¬ try of foreign affairs. When the Chambers met, it was evident from the attitude of parties that a coalition had been formed against the government. The speech of the king was conciliating, but the address in answer to it evinced the hostility of the majority to the late ministry. “ The re¬ monstrances of France,” said this document, “ have put an end to the deplorable system which had rendered illusory all the promises of your Majesty.” The question that these strong expressions should be maintained was carried by a majority of 33, and Chateaubriand’s party voted in the ma¬ jority. The answer of the king, though he was deeply wounded, was dignified. The influence of the crown, it had been complained, was increasing, and a law was introduced to exclude from the suffrage all persons employed under government. The law passed in the Deputies by a majority of 151, but in the Chamber of Peers several amendments were proposed by Villele’s adherents, and sustained by the 76 peers of his creation. The law, however, ultimately passed by a ma¬ jority of 83. A vote of credit for 80,000,000 francs (L.3,200,000) was asked for and granted to the ministers by a large majority, to carry into effect the treaty of the 6th July on the affairs of Greece. A measure which gave great satisfaction was the appointment of a commission to examine into the ex¬ istence and influence of the Jesuits. When the ministers first broached the subject in council to the king, his ma¬ jesty said, “ This is a serious matter, I must consult my council.” The council was unanimous on the subject, and the Duke d’Angouleme, the Bishop of Beauvais, Feutrier, and the king’s own confessor, advised his Majesty to append his signature to a series of ordinances, the first of which prohibited any ecclesiastic belonging to a congregation forbidden by the laws to engage in teaching. This signa¬ ture caused the king many a pang. “ Do you not think we are doing wrong,” said his Majesty to the Bishop of Beauvais. “ No, Sire,” responded the bishop, “ your Majesty is saving religion from ruin.1 The bishops of France and the clerical party protested against this ordonnance, and 100,000 copies of their protest was circulated among the faithful. The Archbishop of Toulouse, the firebrand Clermont de Tonnere, refused to obey the ordinance, and the Bishop of Chartres proclaimed the ruin of the dynasty. The pope, however, approved of the ordonnance in a communication to Cardinal Latil, the king’s confessor, as a measure of state, and the Jesuits retired to Switzerland. Meanwhile, M. Chateau- History, briand, who had refused the ministry of public instruction, accepted the embassy to Rome, “a kind of opulent and ne- 1828. cessary exile,” to use the words of Lamartine. His friends stipulated that the king should pay the debts with which the poet and orator was burdened. No measure of M. Martignac was received with greater favour than the abolition of the Cabinet Noir, a band of 20 persons charged with the secret examination of letters at the post-office. The new law introduced by the minister for the regulation of the press also gave satisfaction. It was proposed to allow any one to set up a journal, but it wras a provision of the law that security should be given by lodg¬ ing a sum of money producing a certain yearly interest. Offences of the press were to be mulcted with heavy fines, which might amount to the whole of the security, and the trial and judgment of offences would be given to a royal court without a jury. Prosecutions for tendency were abolished. M. de Martignac made many changes in the French di¬ plomatic service, and also in various branches of the ad¬ ministrative service, but as to almost each of these changes he had a struggle with the king, who was guided by a secret and confidential committee, directed by M. Franchet, a di¬ rector of the police under Villele.2 While the minister was under this species of royal ban, he addressed to his sovereign a confidential memoir on the state of affairs, on the neces¬ sity of conciliating the Chamber, and seeking by more con¬ stitutional measures a reconciliation with the men of the left centre, rendered indispensable to the crown by the obstinacy of the right. The minister was aware that the king was counselled to the rash act of a dissolution, and he endeavoured to dissuade the sovereign from so fatal a course. M. Martignac counselled the king to replace M. de la Fer- ronays,who wished to retire, by M. Pasquier, while M. Hyde de N euville suggested M. de Chateaubriand. The king always thinking of M. de Polignac, declined to accede to either re¬ quest. His Majesty, determining to judge for himself of the Journey of state of parties, set out for Alsace, and M. de Martignac accom- panied him. The journey was a complete ovation. The liberals, desirous to attract the king towards their party, re¬ ceived him well. Benjamin Constant, Casimir Perier, and several of the great manufacturers, showed themselves during the royal progress, and Perier was decorated by the royal hand. But all this while Charles X. kept up a secret corre¬ spondence with M. de Polignac; and M. de Portalis, who filled by interim the office of minister for foreign affairs, was re¬ quested to summon the prince from London. Polignac quickly arrived; but the ministers fearing that it was intended to introduce him into the cabinet, declared to the king that if such a measure were in contemplation they would resign in a body. The king feeling that he had proceeded too far, postponed without abandoning his favourite project. But M. de Polignac, under the rose, made tentative efforts at a cabinet, and offered himself to MM. Pasquier and Laine. Pasquier listened and refused, and Laine, whose name was a host, exhibited the most philosophical indifference for office. M. Martignac had now pretty well wrung from the monarch all the concessions he would make to liberalism— a quasi freedom of the press, a quasi purity of election, and the expulsion of the Jesuits. How then was he with¬ out new popular measures to satisfy the chamber or the country? The session of 1829 still saw him at the head 1829- of the government. The Chambers opened on the 11th January, and the king, in a speech penned by M. de Mar- Hoyal tignac, explicitly denied all retrograde measures. Alter speech on drawing a glowing picture of the prosperity of the country, his Majesty said, “ France knows, as you do, on what basis its prosperity rests, and those who seek it elsewhere than in the sincere union of the royal authority and the liberties 1 Lamartine, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. viii., p. 114. 2 Ibid., tom. viii., p. 112, 196 FRA History, consecrated by the charter, will find themselves speedily disavowed by it.” In the discussion on the address in the 1829. Peers M. de Polignac made a remarkable speech. “ Our institutions,” said he in a solemn tone, “ appear to reconcile all that can be required on the one side by the power and dignity of the throne; on the other by the just independ¬ ence of the nation. It is in obedience to my conscience and my conviction that I have taken the engagement to maintain them. What right has any one to say I will re¬ cede. My accusers bent the knee before idols, when, more independent than they, I braved them in chains, danger, and death.” This speech, from a man known to be the favourite and the adopted of the king, produced astonishment and emotion in the country. On M. Martignac, to use the words of Lamartine, it fell like a thunderbolt. The accom¬ plished and amiable premier was clear-sighted enough to see that the king was preparing a successor for him, mo¬ delled after his Majesty’s own heart. Nor was he slow to discern that the loss of authority in the Chambers would speedily follow his loss of credit and confidence with the king. This the very first votes of the Chamber sufficiently indicated. For the office of president M. Royer Collard had the majority, Casimir Perier obtained 155 votes, and M. de Labourdonnaye, the ministerial candidate, only 90. Here it was evident that it would be impossible for the government to withstand any coalition that might be formed against it. The centre belonged more to M. de Villele than to M. de Martignac, and the left was not to be relied on. The government brought forward a law which tended to increase the popular influence in the municipal councils, and which was expected to unite the voices of both royalists and liberals. But the measure pleased neither party, and a coalition was formed against it, which proved fatal, not only to the law, but to the administration. One part of the law had relation to municipal government, the other to councils of arrondissement; and that part by which it was intended to establish more popular assemblies, in lieu of the old can¬ tons of arrondissement, was defeated by a coalition of the left, and the left centre by a majority of 21. When MM. Martignac and Portalis announced to the king the hostile vote, his Majesty said,-—“ You see whither you have been dragged by your system of concessions. You see whither they would drag me. Return and announce to the Cham¬ ber that I withdraw my laws.” The ministry were taken aback with this declaration, which denoted a long-cherished resolve, and the Chamber was equally amazed and grieved. Parties agreed to vote the budget almost without discussion. It was too evident that a crisis was approaching. M. Martignac, however, still re¬ mained in his place, though it was evident to all that his downfall must be immediate. The expenses of the army at this period excited a good deal of discussion, and one even¬ ing when M. de Caux, the minister of war, entered the king’s cabinet, his Majesty said to him, “ Am I sure of the army ?” “ Sire,” said the minister, “ you must first tell me in what cause.” “ Unconditionally,” rejoined the king. 1 he army,” said the minister, “ will not fail the king in defence of the throne and charter, but if there be an idea ot re-establishing the ancient system” Here the king interrupted him, saying, impatiently, “ The charter—the charter—who is for violating it? Though it is an imperfect work I shall respect it; but what has the army to do with the charter?” “ Sire,” said M. de Caux, “ out of 20,000 officers, there are not a thousand who possess 600 francs a- year.” I his reply, though short, was pregnant, for it proved that the officers were of the bourgeois class, and sympa¬ thized with the class from which they had sprung. The full import and meaning of the words were lost on the king, w'ho gave himself entirely up to ultras, the camarilla, and favourites. Secret conclaves were nightly held in the 1 uileries, to which the most vehement royalists, such as N C E. Labourdonnaye, were admitted in plain dress through the History, valet de chambre’s apartments. At these conferences M. Montbel, afterwards minister of public instruction in Po- 1829 lignac’s cabinet, assisted, and Polignac himself was recalled from London to inspire the camarilla with his most cala¬ mitous counsel, by a letter in the king’s own hand. All these proceedings and intrigues were concealed from M. Martig¬ nac, nor was it till the 6th August, that the king suddenly called M. Portalis to St Cloud, to inform him that the minis¬ try was dismissed. The whole of the Martignac cabinet soon after repaired to St Cloud, and placed their portfolios in the hands of his Majesty, The king requested M. Roy, the finance minister, to remain; a request which that states¬ man declined to comply with. The new ministry consisted of M, de Polignac, minister of foreign affairs, in reality the Polignac premier; of M. de Labourdonnaye, minister of the interior; ministry. M. de Bourmont, of war; M. de Montbel, minister of public instruction ; M, de Courvoiser, of justice; M. de Chabrot, of finance; and M. d’Haussez, of marine, an office which Ad¬ miral de Rigny had declined to accept. The very names, and more especially the names of Polignac, Bourmont, and Labourdonnaye, was an insolent defiance to the country. As such, both people and press considered it. The day after the appointments w'ere gazetted, the liberal press teemed with vehement and burning invective. It is Cob- lentz and Waterloo, said the Debats,—we have the emigra¬ tion in Polignac,—desertion to the enemy in De Bourmont, —the fury of proscription in M. de Labourdonnaye. Such are the leading principles in the three leading persons. No¬ thing but misfortune and danger will drive this government from pow'er. Unhappy France ! unhappy King ! M. Guizot and M. Thiers, both since become so famous—the one in the Temps, the other in the National—fulminated against what they properly called the insanity the king. Writers still more popular, felicitated their readers that the veil which thinly disguised the conspiracy of six years was at length rent asunder. Lafayette and the directing committee at this moment gave the word of order to the secret societies, and MM. de Broglie and Guizot prepared the society of Aide toi et le ciel faidera either for attack or for resistance. A general correspondence was established to organize a system of resistance to taxes, and subscriptions were opened to defray the necessary expenses. To increase the ferment, Lafayette made a journey to the south. At Grenoble, he Reception was escorted by a cavalcade; at Vizille he was presented °f La- with a silver crown, at Lyons his reception was still more ^ayette* enthusiastic. To counteract these popular demonstrations, it was proposed the king should go into Normaudy, but the project was abandoned as dangerous. M. de Labourdon¬ naye had been scarcely twro months in office ere a species ot rivalry broke out between him and Polignac, both aspir¬ ing to the presidency of the council. Labourdonnaye find¬ ing that Polignac was not likely to give way, and that he was himself under the ban of the pope’s nuncio and the priest party, resigned his office. He was raised to the peerage, and, happily for himself and his family, became ex¬ tinct as a public man. Labourdonnaye was succeeded by a young magistrate, M. Guernon Ranville, who had distin¬ guished himself as procureur-general at Limoges, Grenoble, and Lyons. “ To accept office under the circumstances,” says Lamartine, “ was an act of devotedness ; to refuse might appear an act of cowardice.” Guernon Ranville accepted. Hie Chambers met on the 2d March 1830. The depu- 1830. ties arrived in immense numbers, for every one saw that a Opening of struggle was imminent. Indeed, the certainty of a conflicttlie Cham- was daily proclaimed by the four liberal journals, the Consti- bers‘ tutronnel, the Debats, the Courrier Frangais, and the Temps; the circulation of the first named of which nearly doubled that of the Gazette de France, the most popular of the ultra-royalist journals. The king, in the last speech which he was to deliver, remarked, that France maintained ami- FRANCE. History, cable relations with all foreign powers, save Algiers, which had offered an insult to the French flag. He next touched 1830. on die prosperous state of the finances, whose condition would enable him to alleviate the public burdens. “ The first wish of my heart,” he said, “ is to see France happy and respected. The charter has placed the public liberties under the safeguard of the rights of the crown ; these rights are sacred, and my duty is to transmit them uninjured to my successors.” The strength of the opposition appeared on the first di¬ vision for the election of a president The candidates of the ministry, MM. de Berbes and Delalot had only 131 and 125 votes, while Royer Collard had 225, Casimir Perier 190, and General Sebastiani 177. The king selected M. Collard for president. The address in reply to the king’s speech was drawn up by the practised pen of M. Etienne, the principal editor of the Constitutionnel, and long a writer in the Minerve. It was artfully worded. There was a seeming respect for the person of the sovereign, but with all this apparent deference, every other sentence contained a sharp-pointed reproof. Since, said this able state paper, our loyalty, our devotion, compel us to say that concurrence between the political views of your government and the wishes of your people does not exist, an unjust distrust of the feelings and reason of the French is at present the fundamental thought of your administration. Your people are afflicted at it because it is unjust towards themselves ; they are disquieted at it because it is menacing to their liberties. These words brought the real question out prominently, that is, whether the Chamber was to have a negative on the appointment of ministers. That the Chamber should reject a minister named by the king appeared to Charles X. little less than treason to his prerogative. The debate was long and able, and on this occasion two men made their parliamentary debut, who have since risen to the highest summits of parliamentary elo¬ quence—we mean MM. Berryer and Guizot. M. Berryer spoke against the address, and M. Guizot in favour of it. The original address was carried by a majority of 40—the numbers being 221 to 181—and the amendment intended to modify it was consequently lost. The majority was pro¬ duced by the defection of the left centre, headed by M. Agier. The cabinet immediately dismissed all who had taken part in the hostile vote, and among others M. Cal- mon, director-general of domains. The vacant place was offered to and declined by Berryer. When it became known that the government was determined to put itself in anta¬ gonism with the Chamber, several high functionaries re¬ signed their employments. Hesigna- Among others, M. Chateaubriand placed his situation as non °f ambassador at Rome at the disposal of ministers. M. Mar- briandU' celllls refused to accept the situation of under-secretary of state to M. de Polignac, and M. de Lamartine, as he him¬ self tells us, declined the confidential post of la direction des affaires des etrangeres, fearing that something was me¬ ditated against the charter.1 The author of the Meditations and the Girardins, in alluding to the circumstance, depicts Polignac, we have no doubt truly, as an amiable yet vehe¬ ment enthusiast, whose idea was not to establish absolute power, but a kind of episcopal aristocracy, formed to be the conservator of that religion which Polignac believed him¬ self born to restore. If any one thing could more than another prove how unfit this man was to govern France, it was his hallucination on this point. The king received the address of the Chamber, which was read in a tremulous voice by M. Royer Collard, who was saddened by an apprehension of the coming crisis. His Majesty stated that his heart was grieved that he was not to look to the Chamber for a concurrence, that his resolu- 197 tion was immovable, and that his ministers would make History, known his intentions. On the day following the minister ^ of the interior handed to the president a royal ordonnance 1830. which prorogued the Chamber till the 1st September. It should be stated that the ministers proposed to the king to yield to the Chamber. “ No,” said Charles X., “ that would be a degradation of the crown, and an abdication of my functions and prerogative. M. Guernon Ranville intimated that it might be possible to come to an accommodation, and to get a majority. “ A majority,” replied Charles X.; “I should be sorry to have one, and would not know what to do with it.” It must be said that never did a monarch choose a more unfitting or less opportune time to proclaim these high no¬ tions of prerogative. Freedom of discussion and of the press, and increased means of education and intercommunication, had opened the eyes of men, and made them alive to and jealous of their rights. The press, too, at this epoch w^as worthy of a great and civilized people, such as the French were in 1830. There was the Debats with Chateaubriand, Sal van dy, theBertins, and De Sacy; dooNational with Mignet, Thiers, and Carrell; the Temps with Guizot, Dupin, Passy, and others ; and the Globe, numbering among its writers De Remusat, Montalivet, Duvergier, D’Hauraune, &c. &c. Such w^as the time chosen to commence a general crusade against newspapers, beginning with the Debats, whose prin¬ cipal editor and proprietor, M. Bertin de Vaux, had com¬ bated and suffered for royalty, had accompanied Louis XVIII. to Ghent, where he founded the official journal called the Moniteur de Gand. M. Bertin defended himself and was acquitted. The National, the Globe, the Nouveau Journal de Paris, the Journal du Commerce, were convicted, and severe sen¬ tences passed on the managers. On the 15th May the finance minister made a report, to which reference will be made in another part of this article (see Statistics). From Progress of this document it was apparent that the country had greatly France, prospered under the government of the Restoration. In the period between 1814 and 1822 the imports and exports of France had increased 50, and the tonnage of shipping 25 per cent. The annual value of agricultural produce had also enormously risen. But though there was much mate¬ rial prosperity there was also much just discontent. No amount of physical well-being could, in 1830, have recon¬ ciled the high-spirited and intellectual French nation to be governed by a camarilla of priests and courtiers, or by such a silly reactionist as M. de Polignac. Some such thought seems to have come across the mind of Polignac himselfj for he burned for a pretext to draw at¬ tention from his domestic mismanagement by some brilliant exploit. The rupture with Algiers afforded the pretext. A sum of 2,000,000 francs was due by the Dey to French merchants, and when reminded of this debt by the French consul his highness gave the consul a slight blow with his fan in the presence of the other European functionaries. An expedition on a large scale was determined on. The Expedi- land forces consisted of 37,500 men, with 180 pieces of tion to artillery; the naval of 11 sail of the line, 23 frigates, 70^1Siers- smaller vessels, 377 transports, and 230 boats for landing the troops. The command of this expedition was solicited by Marmont Duke of Ragusa, but M. de Polignac gave it to the minister at war, Bourmont. The embarkation was completed on the 11th May, and the Duke d’Angouleme, who superintended the armament and sailing in person, de¬ clared on his return to Paris that all was triumphant, the army being animated with the best spirit. The disembarkation was effected on June 14th at Sidi- Battle Feruch, within five leagues of Algiers, and on the 19th the of Sidi* Mussulmans advanced towards the invaders’ lines. The 1 Lamartine, Hist, de la Restauration, tom. viii., p. 159, 198 FRANCE. Dissolution of the Chambers. New eleefeLonss. First Cabinet discussion as to coup- d’etat. French had placed stakes in the ground to break the vio¬ lence of the enemy, but such was the vigour and fury of the Bedouins that they broke through stakes and lines. The conflict wras doubtful, when Bourmont brought forward his reserve and charged the assailants in flank, while the French infantry reforming in the rear advanced against the Turks engaged with their assailants in flank. This was decisive. The enemy were driven back in confusion, and the French succeeded in entering the Osmanli camp, making them¬ selves masters of cannon, ammunition, and baggage. The loss of the Turks was above 3000, while that of-the French did not exceed 500. For four or five days after the victory of Sidi-Feruch, Bourmont continued to strengthen his position, disembark¬ ing his heavy artillery. On the 24th, however, 20,000 Mussulmans advanced with loud shouts to attack the French. But the French divisions of Loverdoand Berthezene moved out of the trenches to attack them, and w ith a terrible fire of grape threw the enemy into disorder, pursuing them two leagues with great loss. In this affair Amedee Bourmont, the son of the commander, fell gloriously. The advance of the French to Algiers was still impeded by the light troops of the Arabs, but on the 30th June ground was opened be¬ fore the town. The attack against the emperor’s fort was opened on the 4th July. The French ships kept up an incessant fire on the sea defences, while the land batteries, armed with 100 guns, directed their fire on the emperor’s fort. The superior fire of the besiegers soon made itself felt, the walls fell with a terrific explosion, and the French grenadiers rushing to the assault were soon in possession. The Dey attempted to obtain concessions, preserving his independence, but Bourmont would not listen to mediation, and on the 5th July the gates were surrendered. In the treasury were found gold and silver to the amount of 48,500,000 fi-ancs, and 1542 pieces of artillery. The value of the entire booty was 55,684,000 francs. The total loss of the victors was 2300 men, of whom 600 were killed. Five days after the expedition, whose success we have chronicled, sailed from Toulon, and immediately after the arrival of the Duke d’Angouleme, who brought tidings of the favourable disposition of the army, a dissolution of the Chamber was resolved upon. The determination to dissolve produced the resignation of two ministers, Courvoisier and Chabrol. Courvoisier was succeeded as keeper of the seals by Chantelauze, and Cha¬ brol as minister of finance by M. de Montbel. The violent Peyronnet succeeded Montbel as minister of the interior. The new elections were all in favour of the opposition; 202 members who had voted with M. Agier in favour of the ad¬ dress were returned. The opposition, it was calculated, numbered 270 votes, while the ministry had but 145, some of which were uncertain. It was thus evident that a ma¬ jority was out of the question. A memorial was addressed to the king by the cabinet on the state of affairs, and bis Majesty, after anxious deliberation, consulted M. Royer Col- lard, who answered, “ that possibly the Chamber might not reject the budget, but that the discussions on the finances would shake the monarchy to its very foundation.” The king now expressed an opinion that a coup d'etat had be¬ come inevitable. “ My resolution,” said he to his ministers, “ is to maintain the charter; I will not depart from that charter on any point, nor will I permit others to do so.” It was on the 29th June that the question of a.coup-d’etat was discussed in the cabinet, and on the 7th July it was finally agreed under the seal of the most solemn secrecy that the blow should be struck. M. de Chantelauze, the orator of the cabinet, and the man who possessed the con¬ fidence of the Duke d’Angouleme, proposed to suspend the constitution to govern in an arbitrary manner, or to de¬ clare void the elections of those deputies with various other measures, one of which was the placing of Paris, Lyons, Bordeaux, and Rouen in a state of siege. At length it was History, agreed to invoke the fourteenth article of the charter which vv conferred plenary powers on the king in extreme cases, and igSO. to suspend the liberty of the press, to dissolve the Chamber, and to establish a new electoral system. The project met with the warm approbation of the king. A report on the ordonnances intended to be issued was presented by M. Chantelauze to the sovereign on the 24th July. There were some truths in this document, for there can be no doubt that journalism had become an immense power in the state, that it had somewhat abused its influence, and that public opinion was in a degree overcharged and over¬ excited. But this is no justification for the king or for his ministers. There were laws to which the press was amen¬ able, and which might have curbed and amerced its writers. But the cabinet appealed not to these laws but to ordon¬ nances beyond the law—not to the legislature or courts of law, but to the will of the king. The first of these ordonnances suspended the liberty of the press, and pro¬ hibited the publication of journals not authorized by the government. The second dissolved the new Chamber on the pretence that the electors had been deceived as to the real intentions of the government. The third reduced the number of deputies to 258. The electoral franchise was reduced to the possession of property paying the requi¬ site amount of direct taxes, by the exclusion of the suffrage founded on patents. The prefects were re-invested with the authority which they had antecedent to 1828, that is to say, they were to have absolute power in the preparation of the electoral lists. The fatal ordonnances were signed on the 25th July. Signing of Polignac on that day presented them to the king. Histhe or(lon- Majesty hesitated for some time, and at length exclaimed, nances> passing his hands over his brow, “ The more I think, the more I am convinced that it is impossible to act otherwise.” M. de Vitrolles, who had been so mixed up with Charles X. as Count d’Artois, went to St Cloud on the morning of the day the ordonnances were signed, to warn the ministers that the aspect of Paris was dangerous, and that what might have been attempted seven or eight months previously could not be then attempted. But M. Guernon Ranville, to whom these fears were expressed, on consulting with M. Pey¬ ronnet, the home minister, and Mangin, the prefect of po¬ lice, was informed that Paris was tranquil, and would not stir. The first person to whom the ordonnances were com¬ municated was M. Sauvo of the Moniteur, an old and ex¬ perienced publicist. When he received them from MM. Chantelauze and Montbel, he could not believe the evidence of his senses, and ejaculated, “God save France and the king!” Though the ministers had thus drawn the sword and thrown away the scabbard, there was a total want of preparation. Polignac, in the absence of Bourmont, was war minister as well as prime minister, and he assured his colleagues he had sufficient force to crush any rebellion. Yet there were but 12,000 men of the regular army in Paris, and of these not more than 5000 could be thoroughly de¬ pended on. This force had but twelve piecesof cannon, with six rounds of grape shot to each gun. The ordonnances were affixed to the walls of Paris on the 26th. They excited at first rather surprise than indignation. The fact is, the leaders were not yet prepared. The chief journalists, indeed, had consulted M. Dupin, who said, “ that though his legal opi¬ nion was at their service he could not join in a political con¬ sultation.” They remarked, “ they came to him as a de¬ puty.” “ I am no longer a deputy,” was his reply. Half- a-dozen deputies had met at Casimir Perier’s, but almost all were more anxious to escape than to meet the difficulty. Of the half dozen was Alex, de la Borde, who proceeded to the office of the National. There he found the chief jour¬ nalists of Paris in the act of drawing up a declaration of re- FRANCE. 199 History, sistance. This protest was written by Thiers, and signed ^ by forty-five journalists, among whom were Thiers himself, 1830. Carrel Coste of the Temps, and Baude. It is impossible to deny that these men hazarded their lives in resistance to what they deemed the illegal acts of the government. The ultra¬ royalist journals, and some of the royalist and liberal, had obeyed the ordonnances in taking out the licenses required. But the National and the Temps appeared without licenses, and this defiance of the government was followed by an order to seize the journals, and to close their printing offices. The editors and proprietors opposed a resolute resistance, locksmiths and blacksmiths refused to act in obedience to the police. The public mind was excited to frenzy when the tribunal of commerce directed a printer, who refused to print the Courrier Frangaise, to do so within twenty-four hours on pain of imprisonment. The king was not awakened from his delusion on the 27th. On the morning of that day his Majesty proceeded to a hunting party to Rambouillet. It was not till the morning of the 27th that Marshal Marmont (who had not been informed till the last moment of the onerous duties that were about to devolve on him) was in¬ vested with the command of the garrison of Paris. Before his orders could reach the troops everything had assumed a serious aspect, and it was evident that a conflict was inevitable. Yet, though the people were arming and menacing, no additional troops were brought into Paris, though 18,000 of the Royal Guard were quartered in the vicinity. No arrangement was made by M. de Polignac, in charge of the war office, to provision the troops, or to furnish them with ammunition. It is a fact, that during the heat and fierce struggle of the three days the army re¬ mained without supplies, and was indebted for food to the citizens of Paris. On the morning of the 28th the people had in masses descended into the streets crying, “ Vive la chartre! a bas les ministres!” There were also general cries of “Vive la ligne! vivent les peres et les enfants du peuple !” The line soon showed their sympathy by allowing the people to pass through their ranks. The inhabitants of the Fau¬ bourgs St Antoine and St Marceau now appeared in great numbers armed with all sorts of weapons. The streets were unpaved, trees were felled, omnibuses and carriages over¬ turned, and barricades erected. The arsenal, the powder manufactory, the depot of artillery were broken into, and the contents distributed. Forty thousand muskets of the Na¬ tional Guard were put into hands capable of using them, and many of their uniforms were rendered serviceable. The Taking of people surrounded the Hotel de Ville, and it soon fell into the Hotel their hands. A huge tricolor flag was instantly displayed de Ville. from the an(j excited enthusiasm. The gates of Notre Dame were soon after broken open, and another tricolor flag was hoisted from its summit, while its enormous bell, the bourdon, sounded the tocsin. The tricolor flag was at this time displayed from a score of churches—barricades were erected in all the principal quarters—and the best part of Paris might be said to be in the hands of the insurgents. It was at this period that Marmont concentrated the few troops at his disposal around the Tuilleries. But the eight guns at his command had only four rounds of grape shot. It is true, that at 11 o’clock 500 men had arrived from Vincennes, and three squadrons of grenadiers d cheval from Versailles, which made the force defending the centre of Paris 3000 infantry and 600 horse of the guard. But the infantry had only twenty rounds of ball cartridge each, without provisions or water, under a scorching sun and Af¬ rican temperature. Notwithstanding these discouraging circumstances, Mar¬ mont resolved on offensive operations. He ordered two columns to march, the one along the Boulevards, the other along the quays, whilst a third was to occupy the great cen¬ tral market, called Des Innocens, from which the Rue St History. Denis emerges on one side to the Boulevards, and leads on ^ the other to the Hotel de Ville. These columns were each 1830. of them far too weak for the service demanded of them. That which advanced along the quays consisted of but one battalion of the guard, the others had each two battalions. Each brought with it two guns. Marmont employed no troops but the regiments of the guard on that service, for he already doubted, and would not put to trial the fidelity of the line. The column which was to proceed along the quays to the Hotel de Ville was to be supported by the 15th Light Infantry, which held the Palais de Justice and the Pont Neuf. It advanced without difficulty to the Pont Neuf. Then the commander, General Talon, instead of taking the 15th Light Infantry with him, ordered them to line the opposite quays, and to fire on the crowd which barred the approaches to the Hotel de Ville. The 15th took up the position ordered, but refused to fire upon the people, unless they were first attacked. Talon, with the guards, advanced with one division along the quays of the cite, the other on the opposite side of the river. Both met deter¬ mined resistance. Every window of the Hotel de Ville, and of the houses opposite, was filled with marksmen, and a body of students did not fear to stand before the military. But the two guns with their discharges of grape swept away popular resistance wherever encountered, and the battalion took possession of the Hotel de Ville, and pulled down the tricolor. General Talon found it still difficult to maintain possession of the square, and to keep the insurgents at bay on the other side of the bridge, as well as up the narrow streets all around. Hearing probably of the conduct of the 15th regiment, the commander-in-chief sent a Swiss bat¬ talion to reinforce it. The column met with no obstacle along their road except a barricade, attempted near the Porte St Martin, which was entirely destroyed. No per¬ manent obstacle presented itself till tbe Place de la Bastille was reached. The soldiers could not make their way from hence to join their comrades at the Hotel de Ville, so strong were the barricades, so formidable the fire and discharge of missiles from the windows of the Rue St Antoine. The most painful and dangerous service was to clear the Marche des Innocens and the Rue St Denis intrusted to the re¬ maining column. That portion of it which attempted the street was crushed with paving-stones, thrown upon them from the tops of the upper windows. The narrowness of the street and its windings left no play to cannon, and the enemies were above. The attack of a street of which the barriers are all occupied by insurgents, requires a large force prepared for destruction. The Royal Guards were neither in numbers nor in preparation fit for such a struggle. They were, as we have before stated, without provisions, and no preparation whatever for the supply of such an assemblage of troops had been made. The folly of intrusting the war department to M. de Polignac in the absence of Bourmont was even greater than the intrusting to him the political administration of the country. While these sanguinary, and, for the royal cause, unsuc- Provisional cessful combats were taking place in the streets, a provi- govern- sional government was established by the successful insur- m®nt esta- gents. Generals Lafayette, Gerard, and the Duke de Choi- Wlshed- seul, were named as members of it, and a proclamation, signed in their names, was, without their authority, placarded on the walls of Paris. Ultimately thirty deputies, with a view to constitute a go¬ vernment, met atM. Audry de Puyraveau’s. M. Mauguin, the advocate, was the first to address his brothers of the Cham¬ bers, and to tell them that to lead such a movement they must comprehend it. He urged that they should choose at once between the people and the royal guards, by naming a provisional government. But the constitutionalists of the left centre thought this proposition premature, and proposed 200 PRANCE. History. a deputation to Marmont to stop the effusion of blood. The deputation was received by the Marshal, who represented 1830. the circumstance to his sovereign in a respectful letter, but this communication made no impression on Charles X. The deputation sought to have an interview with Polignac, but that self-willed minister answered, that an interview could lead to no good result The afternoon of the 28th found the insurgents tri¬ umphant, and the king’s party disheartened with their losses. Efforts were made by the Baron de Vitrolles and General Alexandre Girardin, late in the day, to convince the kino- of the perilousness of his position, but in vain. When a despatch arrived from Marmont, announcing his real posi¬ tion, the king sent orders to the Marshal to concentrate his troops and act in masses. In the evening the Marshal in¬ formed M. de Polignac that the troops of the line had passed over to the people and that the Guard alone was to be relied on, on which the minister replied, “ Well, if the troops have gone over to the insurgents, we must fire on the troops.” On the morning of the 29th, 1500 infantry and 600 cavalry of the Guard arrived at Paris, but what were these against probably 100,000 armed citizens. Against such an host as this Marmont had not much more than 5000 men and eight guns. Besides, at six in the morning of this day, it was proposed by the deputies assembled at the man¬ sion of M. Laffitte, to declare the king and his ministers public enemies. General Sebastian! alone protested against this resolution, whilst M. Guizot remained silent. After Lafayette arrived at Laffitte’s, a deputation from the repub¬ licans came to offer him, conjointly with General Gerard, the military command of Paris. Lafayette accepted the offer with eagerness, while Gerard avoided committing him¬ self either by refusal or acceptance. On this day the Louvre was carried by the insurgents, the whole of the left bank of the Seine being in their hands. Dense masses of the people, led by pupils of the Polytechnic School, came into contact with the artillery of the Guard in the Rue St Honore, oppo¬ site the Louvre, and a parley had taken place between them. The officer in command, whose pieces were charged with grape, sent to ask Marmont if he should fire. The Marshal forbade him to do so, and the guns immediately fell into the hands of the insurgents. The regiment of the Seine opened its ranks to the crowd to let them into the Tuileries. Marmont, informed of this, ordered M. de Salis, who com¬ manded two battalions of the Swiss Guard, to send one of them to occupy the Place Vendome, to cut off the great en¬ trance by the Rue de la Paix, from the Boulevards crowded with insurgents. De Salis, desirous to relieve the battalions which had combated since dawn in the colonnade of the Louvre, with the insurgents in the church of St Germains 1’Auxerrois gave orders for them to retire. While the move¬ ment was taking place, the fire ceased for a few moments, and the insurgents thinking that the troops retreated, rushed across the Place St Germains 1’Auxerrois, and stormed the Louvre. The windows were broken through, the gates forced open, and the inner court of the Louvre carried. Numbers of the insurgents forced their way into the gallery of the museum, from the windows of which they kept a fire on the Swiss in the Place du Carrousel. Assailed both in front and in flank, a panic seized the troops, and they fled in disorder into the garden of the Tuileries. Marmont, by his calm courage, restored order and withdrew his troops into the Champs Elysees. He covered with his own body the last soldier of his army, and was the latest to leave the garden. 1 he taking of the Louvre was a decisive measure, even if the defection of the 5th and 53d regiments of the line had not rendered the contest almost hopeless. The treasury, the post-office, and the telegraphic departments were soon in the hands of the insurgents, and the Invalids and barracks of the Rue de Babylonne were the only points History of importance occupied by the royal troops. They were v y‘ both evacuated—the latter, after a severe conflict, in which 1830 numbers of the Swiss perished. A hundred Swiss placed in a house at the corner of the Rue St Honore, had been forgotten in the retreat. They defended themselves des¬ perately, and perished to the last man. With the exception of the sacking of the archbishop’s palace, and the emptyino- of the cellars of the Tuileries, by men exhausted with thirst and fatigue,—there was no plunder. Marmont hastened to communicate to the king at St interview Cloud the disasters of the day. After enumerating the of Mar- events that had occurred, and the panic of the Swiss, he said mont with in conclusion, “ A ball directed at me killed the horse of my the kinS- aide-de-camp at my side. I regret it did not pass through my head, for death were far preferable to the sad spectacle I have witnessed.”1 The king raised his eyes to heaven, and without addressing a single reproach to the marshal, directed him to communicate with the Duke d’Angouleme, whom he appointed generalissimo. The monarch unfolded the dis¬ astrous news communicated by Marmont to his ministers. I he majority of the cabinet were for yielding to a force they had no means of resisting; but though on the evening of the 28th, when victory was undecided, M. Guernon de Ranville advised an arrangement or accommodation, yet now he was not for yielding without a combat. The views of this minis¬ ter were sustained by the dauphin; but the king turning to the majority said, “ Do what you think best.” On this the Ordon- ministers deliberated, and the king signed an ordonnance nances revoking his former ordonnances, dismissing his ministers, revoked; and appointing M. de Mortemart president of the council, ™lnifter® Casimir Eerier minister of the interior, and Gerard minis- dismissed- ter of war. M. de Mortemart accepted the mission with reluctance, but entirely failed of success. Ordonnances of a liberal character were prepared by the new minister, and sent to the Hotel de Ville, but it was replied, it is too late. I he popular party at the Llotel de Ville published a pro¬ clamation, signed by Count Lobau, Audry de Puyraveau, M. Mauguin, and M. de Schonen, stating, that Charles X. had ceased to reign in France. On the 29th and 30th of July, M. de Mortemart made a last effort to open negotiations at the Hotel de Ville through M. Collin de Sussy, and at the Luxembourg, but his pro¬ positions were received with contumely and contempt. So soon as the Duke d’Angouleme was invested with the chief command of the army, he directed Marmont, who received Scenes at the order a,t the Barriere de 1’Etoile to retire with all his St Cloud, troops to St Cloud, where lie proposed to rally the royal guard, and to march afterwards himself with troops from St Omer and Nancy, to the amount of 38,000. It was at St Cloud that the dauphin apostrophized the marshal in vehe¬ ment terms; and in attempting to seize his sword, accusing him of treason—because he had entered into a capitulation for the royal troops, by which hostilities were suspended he wounded his own hand. A scene like this, in such a supreme and fatal moment, was not calculated to reassure the troubled and anxious spirits who surrounded the mo¬ narch. Meanwhile the excited and turbulent spirits of the metropolis were pouring out to St Cloud, and the dauphin, who w-as in command of the royal guard, finding the soldiers of the line not prompt to obey his orders in firing on the insurgents, who had passed the bridge, communicated to his father the disheartening intelligence. It was now resolved to letreat on Rambouillet, where the Court arrived at 12 o clock at night w ith the royal guard, 12,000 strong. On his arrival at Rambouillet, the king was prepared to abdi- Arrival of cate ; and on the morning of the 2d August, he addressed a the king at letter to the Duke d’Orleans in his quality of lieutenant- Kambouil- general of the kingdom (an office conferred on him by the ^et‘ 1 Lamartine, tom. viii., p. 252. FRA History, authorities of the Hotel de Ville, and confirmed by the mo- narch), requiring him to proclaim Henri V. The duke 1830. consulted with M. Dupin as to the answer he should return to this communication. That eminent lawyer advised a categorical answer, which he drew up, separating the cause of the house of Orleans from that of the elder branch. “ The matter is too grave,” said the duke, “ to decide on without consulting the duchess;” and passing into another chamber, he substituted a complying, considerate, affectionate, and obedient letter, in lieu of the harsh missive of Dupin, But instead of acting up to this letter, or to the request of the abdicating sovereign, the duke sent forward a deputation of three commissioners, with an army of 12,000 men, com¬ manded by General Pajol, to impress upon Charles X. the necessity of his departure for England.1 The council which was sitting at the Hotel de Ville had, on Friday the 30th, been much in contact with the people, and there were men among them of republican tendencies. But Casimir Perier, Sebastiani, and a considerable number of influential deputies, were almost to the last moment in favour of an arrangement with Charles X. As a sort of compromise and juste milieu between Carlism on the one hand, and republicanism on the other, the name of the Duke d’Orleans was put forward, and the influential banker Laffitte was prominent in urging the claims of his Royal Highness. The National, one of the principal writers in which was M. Thiers (then patronized by Laflitte), espoused the cause of the duke, and put forth a placard stating, that the republic would expose France to fearful quarrels, and produce a breach with Europe. The Duke d’Orleans, the document stated, was devoted to the revolution, never bore arms against France, was a combatant at Jemappes, had borne the tricolor flag, and would hold his crown from the people. While these efforts were making in favour of the duke in Paris, that personage was at his country house at Neuilly. On Tuesday the 27th, Laflitte had sent a friend to him, when it appeared the duke was undecided. He feared St Cloud—he feared the insurrection—and to escape both, he retired to another country house at Raincey. But during his absence, Thiers had seen the duchess and Ma¬ dame Adelaide the duke’s sister, and after a good deal of reserve and coyness at first, Madame Adelaide stated that she was herself a Parisian—that she would make common cause with the Parisians—that her family were always in opposition—that they might make anything of her brother but an emigrant—and that if the adhesion of the family was necessary to the revolution, it should be given. Madame Adelaide stated her readiness to set out for Paris, only requiring either M. Laffitte or General Sebastiani for an escort. “ Madame,” said M. Thiers, “ you this day se¬ cure the crown to your family.”2 The Duke d’Orleans was immediately informed of what had occurred by M. Ana- lote de Montesquieu, one of the gentlemen of his house¬ hold, who proceeded to Raincey to implore the prince to forestall the republic by accepting the crown. The duke still hesitated, ordered his carriage—then stopped it half way in the avenue, returning to Raincey—then again turned his horses’ heads towards Paris, where he arrived incognito in the dark, and proceeding up stairs to an attic in the Palais Royal, flung himself on the bed of one of his servants. heEiukef arrival °f the Duke d’Orleans in Paris induced i’Orleans ^har^es X. to write him a letter, in which he offered the a Paris. Prince the position of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, with a view to preserve the crown for the Duke de Bor¬ deaux. But the duke declined this offer, alleging to his friends that he would be a constant object of suspicion; that the Duke de Bordeaux could not have a bowel complaint 1 Louis Blanc, I)ix Ans de Regne, tom. i., p. 374. 3 Vaulabelle, tom. vii., p. 490. VOL. X. N C E. 201 without his being accused of having poisoned him. Mean- History, while a meeting of deputies took place at the Hotel Bour- bon, at which Laffitte was chosen president. While the 1830. deputies were assembled M. de Sussy entered with the last ordonnances of Charles X., recalling the obnoxious mea¬ sures which had produced the insurrection, and dismissing the Polignac cabinet. These were not read, but the depu¬ ties present prayed the Duke d’Orleans to come to Paris (he had already arrived incognito) to exercise the functions of lieutenant-general. In the Chamber of Peers at the Luxembourg Chateaubriand made a protest in favour of the ancient monarchy. “ If the question,” said he “ comes to be the salvation of legitimacy, give me a pen and two months, and I will restore the throne.” But these words fell un¬ heeded, and in fact the commission of the Chamber of Depu¬ ties agreed to on the motion of M. Hyde de Neuville, pro¬ posed, on consultation with a commission of the Peers, to give the authority of lieutenant-general of the kingdom to the Duke d’Orleans. The deputies waited on the duke at the Palais Royal, praying him to accept the lieutenancy-general, pointing out to him the dangers of delay. The duke asked for a few minutes longer delay, and retired to his cabinet with Gene¬ ral Sebastiani, whom he despatched to consult M. de Tal¬ leyrand. The ex-bishop and ex-minister advised the duke to accept. He no longer hesitated, and his acquiescence was announced in a proclamation in the Moniteur. Having The lieu. accepted the lieutenancy-general, the duke perfectly com- tenant- prehended that the nomination required the sanction of the general at power installed at the Hotel de Ville. To the Hotel de the Hotel Ville he proceeded on Saturday the 31st July, where he was ^ 1^e‘ received by Lafayette, and the declaration of the Chambers was read to him. When this ceremony was finished, he said,—“ As a Frenchman, I deplore the evils inflicted on the country; as a prince, I am desirous of contributing to the happiness of the nation.” When the prince had uttered these words, an adventurer, clothed in the uniform of a general officer, and calling himself General Dubourg, ad¬ dressed the lieutenant-general, and said,—“ You have en¬ tered, prince, into serious engagements. I trust you will not forget them ; but it is well to forewarn you, that should you do so, we are the men to compel you to keep your word.” This abrupt apostrophe produced a momentary em¬ barrassment. But the duke recovering his sang froid, said, —“ You do not know me, sir, to address such language to me. Know, then, that I am an honest man, whom it is not necessary to remind of his engagements.” Lafayette, placing a tricolored flag in the Duke d’Orleans’ hands, led him to the window. He waved the flag, and embraced Lafayette in the presence of the people, amidst general applause.3 The politic conduct of the Duke d’Orleans at the Hotel de Ville silenced all active opposition. It was on this occa¬ sion that Lafayette said to the prince,—“ What is now ne¬ cessary to the French is a popular throne, surrounded with republican institutions.” “That is just my opinion,” said the prince. In his letter to the electors of Meaux, Lafayette stated that this mutual engagement, which he speedily published, rallied round the monarch men not disposed to monarchy, and men who wished any one but a Bourbon.4 In the meantime Charles X., having abandoned the idea of rallying the troops and retreating upon Tours, dismissed his ministers, and directed them, through M. Capelle, to seek their safety in flight. At Rambouillet, at the request of Marmont, Charles X. received the commis¬ saries sent to see him out of the kingdom, and resigned him¬ self to what he called the will of heaven, reserving the rights of the Duke de Bordeaux. At Maintenon the ex¬ monarch dismissed his army, telling the Guard and the other 2 Chronique de Juillet de 1830, de M. L. Roget. 4 Lettre de Lafayette aux Electeurs de Meaux. 2 c FRANCE. 202 History, regiments to make their submission to the lieutenant-general. He continued with his family his journey to Cherbourg, re- 1830. signed to what he considered the will of God. Arrived Arrival at at Cherbourg on the 14th of August, he bade an affectionate Cherbourg farewell to his body-guard, and, with the Duke and Duchess j1" d’Angouleme and the Duchess de Berri and her two chil- ar a ion. embarked on board the Great Britain for Spithead. The journey of the king from Rambouillet to Cherbourg lasted twelve days, an immense time if the distance only be considered. The period consumed in the journey proves the conside¬ rate patience of the commissaries, who were anxious to con¬ sult the wishes and age of a monarch who had not even yet abandoned all hope of a rising in his favour. On the route the commissaries always led the way, not only to pre¬ pare suitable accommodations, but to calm the fervour of the people. The monarch did not pass through a single city, town, or village in which the national colours were not prominent, and he was sometimes fated to hear the sound of the Marseillaise, or the new song which Casimir Delavigne had consecrated to the Pax-isian victory. Sometimes Charles X. was received with a glacial silence ; sometimes by a crowd more curious than sympathizing. The king was resigned and dignified in his deportment. He daily heard mass, which was celebrated at five or six o’clock in the morning. Character Free from the trammels of kingship, Charles appeared, as of Charles ]ie rea]iy waSj a frank, amiable, dignified gentleman, devout and religious, according to his acceptation of devotion and x’eligion. It was evident he neither understood his age nor his country, and that he grossly miscalculated his power and the temper and feeling of the people over whom he was placed. He thought, to use his own phrase to his minister Polignac, that his cause was that of God, of the throne, and the people. In these views and opinions he was most sin¬ cere, most misjudging, and most mistaken. Reiprn of During the first week of August the Chambers were Louis occupied with the preparation of the constitution. On the Au a deputation from both Chambers waited on the Duke ' d’Orleans, and made him an offer of the thx-one, which he accepted. The acceptance of the constitution by the new sovereign took place in the Chamber of Deputies. “ I ac¬ cept without restriction or reserve,” said the new king, “ the clauses and engagements which the declaration of the Chamber of Deputies contains, and the title of king of the French which it confers upon me, and I am i-eady to swear to observe them.” His Majesty then took the oath, which was in these terms:—“ In the presence of God, I swear to observe faithfully the constitutional charter, with the mo¬ difications contained in the declaration; to govern only by the laws, and according to the laws; to render fair and equal justice to every one according to his right, and to act in everything in no other view but that of the interest, the happiness, and the glory of the French people.” The king took the title of Louis Philippe. The leading articles of the charter of Louis XVIII. were agreed to, with the exception of the 14th clause, on which the authority for the coup d'etat was founded. The age of electors was fixed at twenty-five, and deputies at thirty-one. The nomina¬ tions to the peerage by Charles X. were declared void, but the question of the hei'editary character of the peerage was reserved for future discussion. The legal limit of the Cham¬ ber was fixed at five years, and the annual removal and re¬ newal of a fifth abolished. In the money qualification of voters no change was made. The electoi’al franchise re¬ mained with those who paid 300 fi’ancs, or L.12, of direct taxes. It was also declai’ed that offences committed by the press should be tried by juries; that deputies who accepted office should be subjected to re-election, and that the ex¬ penses of the army should be voted annually; that laws would be presented on pxiblic education and the liberty of instruction, and on municipal and departmental institutions. Eleven peers, MM. de Montmorency, Dambray, Latour, History. Maubourg, La Tour, Dupin, D’Ambray, De Croi, De Cha- teaubriand, De Perignon, De Damas Caux, Auguste de Tal- isso. leyrand, and St Romans, resigned their seats. Some royal¬ ists, as M. de Noailles, Mortemart, Martignac, took the oaths unqualifiedly. The first ministry of Louis Philippe consisted of M. Du- First minis- pont de 1’Eure as keeper of the seals, Gerard of war, Mole try of foreign affairs, Sebastian! of marine, De Broglie of public p®!1.1.3 instruction and president of the council, Louis of finance, 11^^e‘ Guizot of the interiox*, Laffitte, Perier, Dupin, Aine, and Bignon were named ministers without portfolios. Lyons, Bordeaux, Rouen, Marseilles, immediately acknowledged the government of Louis Philippe, and before fourteen days had elapsed all France was under his sway. One of the first measures of Louis Philippe was to despatch Recogni- General Baudrand to England. The Duke of Wellington tion at once informed the envoy of the king of the French that England would acknowledge Louis Philippe. The general by Eng!! was admitted to an audience, and was graciously received land, by William the Fourth. To the emperor of Russia Louis Philippe despatched General Athalin. The despatches of Pozzo di Borgo had prepared the emperor for the accession of the king of the Fi'ench as the least of evils. Under these circumstances the envoy was well received; but in his answer to the diplo¬ matic communication of the new monarch it was plain that Nicholas only acknowledged the king on the condition of his respecting the rights and obligations of treaties, and the territorial ari'angement of Europe, as determined by the congress of Vienna. General Belliard, sent to Vienna, was well received by M. de Metternich, who stated that the emperor Francis could not sanction the breach of faith on the part of Charles X., and the minister added that Austria could feel little sym¬ pathy for that elder bi'anch, which had thrice compromised the peace of Europe. The recognition of the king of the French by the king of Pnxssia was still more prompt and satisfactory. Count Lobau was well received, and all that was stipulated for was the faithful observance of the treaties of 1815. It was evident the statesmen of the cabinets of Vienna and Berlin were fully cognisant of secret negotia¬ tions which had been going on between the courts of the Tuileries and St Petersburg touching the frontier of the Rhine, which Chateaubriand was desirous of obtaining for France. The bait held out to Russia as the price of its acquiescence was Constantinople. The new king was thus speedily recognised by the principal powers of Europe. The fii’st difficulties he had to encounter were intei'nal, not ex¬ ternal. Dissensions soon exhibited themselves, arising from a democratic and a moderate party. The demo¬ cratic party was greatly fomented by deputations from the national guards of the principal towns in France, whilst the moderate party was sustained by the foreign commei’ce and manufacturing and commercial interests. Lafayette, who had been appointed commander-in-chief of the National Guards of Fi’ance, sided with the democratic pary, and by his attitude awakened a good deal of uneasiness. The king, with a view to diminish the influence of the genei’al, and to di’aw attention to himself, had ordei'ed a review of the 60,000 National Guards of Paris, to whom he presented their colours; but notwithstanding some adroit flattery of the general and the troops, it could not be said that the monarch had x-endered himself the more prominent figure. A number of workmen were thi’own oxxt of bread by the revolution, and the genei’al distress aggravated the difficul¬ ties of the new government. The men assembled in great numbers, and it became necessai’y to have recoui-se to the popular authority of Lafayette to induce them to disperse. Some of the first legislative measures of the new govern- FRA History, ment were praiseworthy. The law of the 12th January 1816, with its numerous exceptions to the general amnesty, was 1830. repealed, and also the law of 1825, prescribing .the punish¬ ment of death for the crime of sacrilege or theft in churches. In the division for the choice of president of the Chamber, on the resignation of Casimir Perier, M. Laffitte obtained 245 votes out of 256. The project of the government with regard to the electoral law was carried by an immense ma¬ jority, only twelve members voting against it, the numbers being 234 out of 246. Financial The most pressing question for the government, however, question, was that of finance, for revolutions invariably increase the expenses and diminish the resources of governments. The expedition to Algiers had been attended with an im¬ mense expenditure. Ministers asked and obtained a sup¬ plementary credit of 67,490,000 francs, amounting to L.2,560,000 of our money. The receipts of the year were estimated at 979,787,000 francs, and the expenditure at 1,050,116,000, being an excess of near three millions of our money of expenditure over income. About this period an incident occurred which added considerably to the growing Death of unpopularity of the king. On the morning of the 27th the Duke de August the Duke de Bourbon was found dead in his bed- Bourbon. r0om, strangled by a silk handkerchief. The Baroness de Feucheres was the only person above the rank of a domes¬ tic in the mansion of the duke. There were appearances indicating that the duke had not committed suicide, but Madame de Feucheres strongly maintained that he had. The suspicious complexion of the affair was increased when it was announced that the whole personal property of the deceased, amounting to 4,000,000 of francs, was left to Madame de Feucheres, and his large landed estates to the Duke d’Aumale. The reception of Madame de Feucheres, who was the mistress of the Duke de Bourbon, at the Tuil- eries soon after, gave credit to the most distressing rumours, and did much to lower the monarch in public opinion. The movement and republican parties, too, greatly fostered these sentiments, which were artfully made use of on the 21st September, when a great procession took place in the Place de Greve to commemorate the execution of Bories and the three sergeants of La Rochelle. This assemblage passed off quietly, but a few days later the Society of Les Amis des People was dissolved by force, and the president brought before the tribunals of police Attempts at revolution in Spain, a successful revolution in Belgium, disturbances at Aix-la-Chapelle and Cologne, insurrections in Dresden, Leipsic, and Brunswick, in some of which the finger of France might be traced, all tended to abate the cordial feelings with which the three northern powers at first regarded the accession of Louis Philippe. The first cabinet of Louis Philippe, formed by a coalition of three parties, was soon torn by dissensions, and its dis¬ solution was brought about during the trial of M. de Polig- nac and the other ministers of Charles X., who had been arrested and brought to Vincennes. The immediate cause Pall of the of the fall of the cabinet was a difference of opinion on the propriety of dismissing M. Odillon Barrot, prefect of cabinet. the Seine, in consequence of an address he had issued con¬ demning the address of the Chamber of Deputies, which had appeared in the Moniteur as “ an inopportune step cal¬ culated to interrupt the ordinary course of justice.” This gave rise to an altercation between the king and the keeper of the seals, M. Dupont de 1’Eure, who tendered his resig¬ nation if Barrot was dismissed. The king, fearing a rupture with the republican party, consented to retain him, and the consequence was that six members of the cabinet ten¬ dered their resignations. M. Laffitte was made president of the council, and minister of France, Marshal Maison of foreign affairs, M. Montalivet of the interior, M. Merilhou of public instruc¬ tion, while Dupont de 1’Eure, Sebastiani, and Marshal N C E. 203 Gerard retained their respective offices of justice, marine, History, and war. This took place on the 29th October, but in scarcely 1830. more than a fortnight afterwards an ordonnance appeared, appointing Sebastiani minister for foreign affairs, D’Argout of marine, and Soult of war. Laffitte, as president of the council, concisely explained to the Chamber that the cabinet was unanimously of opinion that liberty should be accom¬ panied by order, and that the inflexible execution of the laws was indispensable. The progress of the trial of the ex-ministers produced Trial of great excitement. The process was long, not to say tedi- t^,e fx' ous, and the ex-ministers were defended with talent and mimsters‘ courage. M. Martignac, who had been himself a president of the council, who was the school-fellow of Polignac, and who had been succeeded, if not supplanted, by him in office, defended his early friend. “ The long brotherhood,” he said, “ which continued undisturbed through so many events, was interrupted for a moment by political dissension. The place in which we are met to-day has sometimes resounded with our debates, not unmixed with bitterness; but of all recol¬ lections that of ancient friendship is alone retained in the Castle of Vincennes.” M. Sauzet, afterwards president of the Chamber of De¬ puties, and who appeared for M. Chantelauze, was particu¬ larly bold in his language. “ The revolution,” said he, “ is a revolution which is due only to hazard, and which has succeeded only by a fortunate accident.” It would not have taken place the day before, and assuredly would not have been successful the day after. The condemnation of the ex-ministers was certain from the commencement of the trial, nor could it have been otherwise, totally irrespective of popular irritation and excitement. The populace and movement party, and a majority of the National Guard of Paris were anxious that the extreme penalty of death should be inflicted, but it is to the honour and credit of the Peers that they did not pronounce the penalty of death, a sentence which would have been extremely painful to the king, and embarrassing to his ministers. M. de Polignac was sen¬ tenced by a majority of 128 to transportation for life, M. de Peyronnet to perpetual imprisonment, and M. de Chante¬ lauze and Guernon de Ranville to the same punishment. During the trial the National Guard, and more especially the artillery, had expressed a most rancorous and turbulent spirit. At the same time Lafayette had also made demands on the government concerning the suffrage and the recon¬ struction of the peerage, which it was impossible to comply with. This led to decision and vigorous action on the part of the government. On the 24th December, ministers de¬ prived M. de Lafayette of the actual command of the Na¬ tional Guard, appointing him at the same time honorary com¬ mander. This step was followed by the resignation of Dupont de 1’Eure as minister of justice. The position of the ministry had been somewhat strengthened by favourable news received from Algiers. Bourmont, who it will be re¬ membered had conquered that dependency for Charles X., and since commanded there, on receiving the announcement of the dethronement of the monarch, published an address announcing the fact to the army. He resigned his command to Clausel, who had been appointed his successor. An expedition under Clausel set out in the middle of Novem¬ ber, and after defeating several bodies of Arabs, reduced the towns of Melideah and Medeah with a considerable terri¬ tory. These conquests, and the great additions the govern¬ ment was obliged to make to the army, enhanced the public expenditure, and the deficit, of which we have before spoken, increased. Between July 1830 and January 1831, the five per cents, had fallen sixteen, and the three’s twenty-two per cent. The clothing, arming, and equipping of 600,000 National Guards now made a large addition to the expendi¬ ture. A great increase of the regular army was also neces- 204 F K A N C E. History. sary jn consequence of the hostile attitude of foreign powers: 148,000 new conscripts were called out, which raised the 1831. infantry to 243,000 men, and the cavalry to 45,000, mak¬ ing a total of 288,000 men. The position of affairs in Europe generally, and more especially in Belgium, war¬ ranted this increase to the French army. The European powers all felt the greatest interest in the question of the disposal of the vacant Belgian crown, and none more than France. The estates of Flanders made a formal tender of the crown to the Duke de Nemours. The throne of Louis Philippe was not yet sufficiently established to permit him to accept an offer which would embroil him with his allies. The monarch had the prudence to decline the offer of the States. The fermentation which existed throughout the greater part of Europe in 1831 did not fail to exhibit itself in Paris. Commerce was at a stand, and industry without employ¬ ment. Vast numbers of unemployed men, with threatening aspect, appeared in the public streets, whom it was impossi¬ ble to succour or to employ. It was at this epoch that Financial the budget disclosed the disastrous financial position of position. France. The floating debt which it was necessary to pro¬ vide for amounted to 1,434,655,000 francs, £58,500,000 of our money, being an increase of nearly 500,000,000 francs, or £20,000,000 on the budget of the restoration. After allowing for all the resources of the country there remained a deficit of 211,655,000 francs (L.8,450,000) to be provided for by loan, or carried forward as a floating debt. The estimate for the army had increased three millions of our money on the estimate of 1829. The 14th of February being the anniversary of the death of the Duke de Berri, some of the partisans of the elder branch prepared to celebrate a funeral service in me¬ mory of the prince. The ceremony was originally intended to take place in the Church of St Roque, in the Rue St Honore, but the minister of the interior applied to the Arch¬ bishop of Paris, and it was prohibited by him as likely to lead to disturbances. But the celebrators proceeded to the Church of St Germain de I’Auxerrois. Here a miniature of the Duke de Bordeaux passed from hand to hand, but though the young man who had exhibited it was arrested, this did not satisfy the crowd, who proceeded to sack the church and the house of the parish priest. The cross at the west end of the church, which had fleurs-de-lis on it, was torn down. The archbishop’s palace at Notre Dame was also sacked on the following day. So speedy was the work of destruction, that not only was the palace sacked before noon, but not a stone of it was left standing. Attacks were also made on obnoxious individuals. M. Dupin owed his life to the courage of one man, who de¬ fended the doorway while he escaped by a back window. When explanations were asked as to these events in the Chamber of Deputies, the minister of the interior, the pre¬ fect of the Seine, and the prefect of police, exchanged mutual recriminations. The feebleness and want of union in the ministry was still further demonstrated by its conduct in regard to foreign affairs. Laffitte and Soult had said in the Chamber that France would not permit the principle of non-intervention to be violated, and M. Dupin had pro¬ nounced a panegyric on this declaration, yet M. Appony shortly afterwards announced to the French cabinet an Austrian intervention in the Duchy of Modena. Laffitte declared in council that only one reply was possible if Aus¬ tria persisted, which was war. The whole cabinet concurred with him, and Sebastiani, the minister for foreign affairs, engaged to write a state paper in this sense. To the ulti¬ matum of Franee, forbidding the entrance of Austrian troops into the Roman States, Austria replied with insulting defi¬ ance. The despatch from Marshal Maison announcing this was received by Sebastiani on the 4th March, but was not known to the president of the council till the 8th, when he first read it in the National. The surprise of Laffitte was great. He asked explanations, but Sebastiani could only History, stammer forth excuses. Laffitte addressed himself to the v-w king, who requested the president of the council to have an 1831. explanation with his colleagues, which took place on the 9th March. But all was already prepared for a change in the cabinet, for Casimir Perier now felt that his hour was come. Laffitte, coldly received by his colleagues, retired Fall of from the presidency of the council. The concealed despatch Laffitte. was the occasion but not the cause of his retreat. Laffitte fell because he could be no longer useful to the dynasty. By a royal ordonnance of the 13th March, Casimir Perier Perier was appointed president of the council and minister of the cabinet, interior in lieu of Laffitte; M. Barthe minister of justice in lieu of M. Merilhou, Baron Louis minister of finance, De Rigny of marine, and D’Argout of public instruction. The ascendancy which Perier immediately assumed over his colleagues was altogether due to his character. He was a man of exceeding firmness, a resolved and tenacious will, and had the art of acquiring and maintaining an in¬ fluence over his colleagues. There were in the cabinet with him official persons connected with the government, in subordinate positions, who had much more intelligence and experience, but there was no man among them of such energy and determination of will. He entered office as a minister “of resistance,” with the declared intention of putting down anarchy, and to a great extent succeeded in his object. On the 18th March he announced his programme. He maintained that insurrection was no prin¬ ciple of the revolution of July, and that it was of order and energy that society had need. With this view, he announced laws to repress violence and sedition. As to external questions, he stated that France wished for peace; but that it would make war if the safety or honour of the nation were in peril. As to the nations of Europe who wished to emancipate themselves, he said their des¬ tinies were in their own hands, and that liberty ought always to be a self-created privilege of home growth. This was giving the Belgians, Poles, Italians, and Spaniards, pretty plainly to understand that they had nothing to ex¬ pect from France, for the minister declared that the blood of France is due to France alone. The principle of the revolution of July is that of resistance to the aggressions of power, respect to sworn faith, regard to established right. The revolution of July has founded a government, but has not established anarchy. This declaration, though it gave satisfaction to foreign governments for a period, augmented domestic difficulties. After a great deal of discussion and many amendments, Change in a change was effected in the electoral law. The electoral electoral qualification was made to consist in a payment of 200 fr. *aw' (L.8) of direct taxes, and for candidates of 750 fr. (L.30), raising the electors from 90,000 to 180,000. A law was brought forward for the banishment of the ex-king, Charles X., his descendants, and their relations, for ever from the French territory. They were to leave the kingdom, and sell their effects within six months, under pain of confiscation. The law was carried somewhat amended, a year being allowed instead of six months for the sale of effects. In the discussions that took place on foreign affairs, and more especially on Poland, Lafayette questioned the foreign minister, Sebastiani, as to whether the French go¬ vernment had not categorically declared that it would never consent to the Austrian troops putting down the Italian in¬ surgents. “ Between not consenting and making war,” said Sebastiani, with embarrassment, “there is a gi'eat difference.” “ And I,” said Lafayette, “ aver that after an official declara¬ tion such special pleading as this is unworthy the dignity and honour of the French people.” Journey of I he king in the latter end of May made a journey into the king to Normandy and Champagne. He was on the whole tole- Normandy rably well received, but at Soissons was reminded by aan(1Cham' J pagne. FRANCE. 205 History, common soldier of the precarious tenure by which he held his power. At Metz he was reminded by a member of the 1831. municipality of the wish of the nation for the abolition of the peerage and the freedom of the Poles, and this senti¬ ment was echoed by a national guard ; whereupon the king remarked to both that it was no part of the duty of the mu¬ nicipality or national guard to consider questions of state policy. Opening of The Chamber of Deputies, which had been prorogued on the session, 20th April, was dissolved on the 3d May. The session was opened on the 23d July. The speech from the throne was distinguished by an elevation and firmness bearing the impress of the president of the council. It was remarked that while the king read the speech, Perier read a manu¬ script which was a transcript of it. The opposition candidate for the presidency of the cham¬ ber was Laffitte, the ministerial Girod de 1’Ain. Perier de¬ clared that the nomination of Laffitte would be the signal for the resignation of the minister ; but notwithstanding, Girod de 1’Ain only obtained a narrow majority of four votes. Casimir Perier, with his colleagues Sebastian!, Louis, and Montalivet, resigned. But on its being announced on the 4th August that the King of Holland had recommenced hostilities against Belgium, the circumstances appeared so grave that ministers determined to resume their portfolios. The discussion on the address commenced on the 9th August. The most remarkable incident of the debates was the amendment proposed by M. Bignon on the subject of Poland. In this document there was this expression—“ the Chamber entertains the certainty, so dear to it, that Polish nationality will not perish.” Ministers contended that the introduction of the word certainty would be a declaration of war, and declared themselves ready to resign if it were adopted. After a stormy debate, M. Bignon consented to substitute the word assurance for certainty. By this species of compromise the ministry avoided a defeat. Some time afterwards a rumour spread in Paris that the Russians had entered Warsaw. This produced a popular riot. On the 17th September groups paraded before the ministry of foreign affairs. A carriage in which were Casimir Perier and Sebastian! left the Hotel. Loud cries were imme¬ diately uttered, whereupon the ministers got out of the car¬ riage. Casimir Perier at once addressed the rioters. “ Do you want the ministers ?” he asked. “ Here are two of us. Pretended friends of liberty, you threaten men charged with the execution of the laws.” Cries of “Poland! Poland!” were now heard. “ Insensate men,” said Perier, “ you compro¬ mise each day the cause of liberty ; but do not think that government will yield to you.” The energy of the man, and his intrepid attitude, produced so powerful an impression on the agitators that they were perfectly paralysed. It would be difficult to conceive the interest which the dis¬ cussion on Poland excited in the Chamber. When Ge¬ neral Lamarque exclaimed “ Let us save Poland!” the whole assembly rose like one man. It was on one of those stormy debates, when Perier shook and quivered with emotion, that General Sebastiani, addressing General Lamarque, said, “ C’est faux, vous en avez menti.” These words led to a hostile meeting, which happily terminated without in¬ jury to either party. It must be admitted that the phrases used by Sebastiani in reference to Poland were most infe¬ licitous. In announcing the fall of Warsaw, he said, “ Lordre regne dans Varsovie; ” and this was uttered in re¬ ference to a city whose fall excited nearly as much grief as the fall of Paris or the battle of Waterloo. But in the midst of this tumult of the public mind the ministry of Perier not only stood its ground but acquired strength. In the Chamber there was a liberal majority, whose niviir Utility to the monarch and government was evinced 'V1 13 • at one and the same time. The civil list, amounting to 18,000,000 francs (L.720,000), excited a violent opposi¬ tion, which was greatly increased by the pungent letters History, written under the name of Timon, by M. de Cormenin. i A law for the banishment of the elder branch of the ig31 Bourbons was brought forward by Colonel Briqueville. He proposed to apply the ninety-first article of the criminal code, with the accompanying penalty of death; but the commission, by its reporter, M. Amilhon, substituted ban¬ ishment. The law relative to the Bonaparte family was modified in the same sense, and the penalty of death sup¬ pressed. The change produced in the Chamber in refer¬ ence to the application of the article of the penal code to the elder branch of the Bourbons was due to a striking speech made by M. de Martignac, the last ever delivered by that eloquent statesman. The foreign policy of Casimir Perier, though not pro- Foreign pagandist, was firm and energetic. Prince Leopold of Saxe- policy of Coburg, elected King of the Belgians, and married to a*>®rier’ daughter of the King of the French, had solicited the inter¬ vention of the King of the French. On the very day on French which the request was made, Marshal Gerard set out to take interven- the command of the French army, and in five days after- tionin wards entered Belgium at the head of 50,000 men. The BelSlum- Duke of Saxe-Weimar threatened Brussels at the head of 6000 troops at the very time that the Dukes of Orleans and Nemours entered that city at the head of two regiments and two batteries, whereupon the retreat of the Dutch troops commenced. The moral effect of this demonstration was of great advantage to the government of July and to the ministry of Perier. By the expedition to Ancona, too, Perier assured France a footing in Italy, and obtained a guarantee for the evacuation of Romagna by the Austrians. But, notwithstanding, a series of plots and street riots kept the government in a continual state of alarm. There was the plot of the Rue des Prouvaires and the revolt of Lyons, occasioned chiefly by distress. Vivre en travaillant, ou mourir en combattant was the device of the insurgents. The Bonaparte party, too, had ramifications which extended from the east to Paris, had partisans in the army, possessed a journal called La Revolution, and was aided by supplies from the ex-queen Hortense. In this party were to be found Italians and Poles, and an agent and emissary of Louis Napoleon, now Emperor of the French, named Mi- randoli. The Society of the Friends of the People had also, by the dissemination of republican publications, kept up the general excitement. Between the months of April and July there were constant disturbances in the streets of Paris, besides violent collisions with the legitimists at Tou¬ louse, Montpellier, Nimes, Marseilles, and Avignon. The principal of the Parisian disturbances arose on the occasion of the acquittal of Godfrey Cavaignac, a captain in the ar¬ tillery of the national guard, President of the Society of the Rights of the People, and brother of the general who in 1848 was President of the Republic. Bands of Chouans and Vendeans traversed the western departments, commit¬ ting all sorts of excesses on the liberals. The vigour of the French government was, however, exhibited at Lisbon. Some French subjects had cause of complaint against the Portuguese government, and it was determined to demand reparation. A dmiral Roussin, who had arrived in the Tagus, Expedi- sent a flag of truce ashore demanding the dismissal of the tiPn t0 captain of the Portuguese frigate which had captured a bwbQii. French packet-boat, a compensation in money for French¬ men who had suffered during the blockade of Terceira, and the dismissal of the magistrates who had violated the privi¬ leges of French subjects. These terms not being complied with, the French squadron entered the Tagus, passed the fort of Belem with scarcely any damage, and continuing their victorious course, anchored abreast of the royal palace. The Portuguese were forced to submit. The conditions as to individuals were complied with, and conditions of a ge¬ neral nature referred to the conference of London. But 206 FRANCE. History. 1831. Abolition of the here ditary peerage. Removal of Louis Philippe to Tuileries. 1832. the Portuguese fleet was taken to Brest. Notwithstanding these acts of vigour, the government was unpopular at home. The opposition press declaimed against it, always with great vehemence and often with great ability, more especially on the subject of Italy and Poland. The apolo¬ gists of the administration contended that the government had done all it could do for the Poles in offering its own mediation and soliciting that of the other powers. The great question of the session was the abolition of ■ the hereditary peerage. During the progress of the revo¬ lution of 1830 the prejudice against the peerage had greatly increased. The number of deputies pledged to its abolition had been increased by the lowering of the suffrage and by the number of members of republican tendencies returned to the Chamber. The question was discussed on the 27th August, when the government proposed that the hereditary peerage should be abolished. The premier Perier was friendly to an hereditary peerage, but so strong was the public feeling that he was forced to yield to its pressure. Odillon Barrot, Bignon, Lafayette, and M. de Remusat were the principal speakers in support of the measure; they certainly carried with them five-sixths of the as¬ sembly. The views of the small minority were put forward with great ability by MM. Guizot, Thiers, Royer Collard, and Berryer. On the 18th October the Chamber divided, and the result was a majority of 346 against the hereditary chamber, the numbers being 386 to 40. A month elapsed before the question was brought before the upper Chamber. It was ascertained that as the Chamber was constituted there would be a majority against the bill. The question was as to a popular insurrection or a new creation of peers, and the government wisely chose the latter alternative. On the 20th November 1831 a royal ordonnance appeared creating thirty-six persons peers for life. Even after the creation of this number of peers the question was only carried by a majority of 33. Thirteen peers among the oldest fa¬ milies in France now resigned their seats in the upper Chamber. In the month of October 1831 the king left his residence at the Palais Royal to reside in the Tuileries, where repairs and improvements had been effected. This change of resi¬ dence was not without a motive. The riots so constantly taking place in Paris were daily assuming the character of revolt, and it was advisable that the royal family should not be hourly exposed to the vociferations of the mob, who could approach to the very windows of the Palais Royal. In consequence of a change in the distribution and manage¬ ment of the Tuileries gardens, a trench had been dug round the chateau, so as to render popular access more difficult. It was impossible for the crowd in the Tuileries to approach the royal windows. Towards the close of this year the manners of the king became more distant and courtly. In the receptions at the Tuileries visitors came in full dress, and it was soon under¬ stood that this costume was obligatory except for deputies. The Journal des Debats, at the close of 1831, began to talk of the court as a thing that had a real and actual exist¬ ence, and it was not difficult to see that much progress had been made in a courtly sense from the programme of the Hotel de Ville—the throne surrounded with republican institutions. In the latter months of 1831, the intrigues of the legi¬ timist party both in Paris and in the provinces became more active and persevering. The directing committee was composed of twelve persons, among whom were the Count de Florae, the Baron de Riviere, and the Baron de Maistre. The Duke de Belluno was mixed up in these plots, and was said to receive his instructions direct from the Duchess de Berri. Casimir Perier attached but little importance to the manoeuvres of the legitimists. The first months of 1832 opened inauspiciously. Early in February the cholera had appeared in England, and in March the presence of the ma- History, lady was revealed by four fatal cases in Paris. On the 31st March there were 300 cholera patients at the hospital, 1332. among whom there were 86 deaths; on the 5th April there were 300 deaths, and four days later the mortality amounted to 814. On the 18th the highest figure of mortality had been attained, after which it gradually diminished. One of the most deplorable circumstances connected with this scourge was the exhibitions of popular fury and ignorance to which it gave rise. In some quarters of the capital and provinces the effects of the disease were attributed to poison, and popular frenzy was directed against the medical prac¬ titioners. On the 2d of April the Duke d’Orleans, in company with Casimir Perier, visited the cholera patients of the Hotel Dieu ; and on the 6th the minister was attacked by this alarming malady. His constitution, already shattered by the cares of office and the great excitement of debate, had not sufficient stamina to resist the progress of the disease. He died on the 16th of May, leaving in the ministry a blank which it was impossible adequately to fill up. By his courage he resisted the progress of anarchy, and re-esta¬ blished social order on a more solid basis. To his credit also it must be said, that he was the only man who, since 1830, had exhibited the vigour and courage necessary to resist the personal interference of Louis Philippe. He had a system, and a strong will to carry that system into effect. In his ministerial career there was neither vacillation nor irresolution. His desire was to govern by the Chambers, and by the Chambers only, and to disregard all opinion which was not the expression of these assemblies. He felt that in the then position of affairs order was of the fore¬ most necessity. His first wish was accordingly for order, and his second for well-defined liberty, as the handmaid of order. During the illness of Casimir Perier, M. de Montalivet Interim was interim minister at the home office. After the death minister, of that minister he continued to hold the portfolio, and was himself succeeded in the ministry of public instruction by M. Girod de 1’Ain. The place of president of the council remained vacant, and indeed the ministry was thought so weak and insignificant after the demise of Perier that it was considered as a species of ministerial interregnum. This was the first attempt of Louis Philippe to govern by men without political character or talent; for though Marshal Soult, the war minister, was a person of administrative abi¬ lity in his own particular walk, and, as M. Thiers designated him, an epee illustre, yet he was totally without political ca¬ pacity. Events soon revealed the incompetency of the men at the helm of affairs. In the capital the anniversary of the death of Napoleon was the occasion of a hostile demonstra¬ tion. On the 5th May large assemblages took place at the Place Vendome, where the rioters had designedly congre¬ gated. Blood was shed on this occasion before the public force had cleared the Place Vendome of the republicans. Preparations for a legitimate or Carlist insurrection were simultaneously proceeding in the south and west of France. An active correspondence was going on between Toulon and Nimes, and the Duchess de Berri and her partisans. The Duchess at that time was residing in the states of the Duke of Modena, where an expedition was preparing. On the 30th April an armed band at Marseilles obtained possession of the keys of the church of St Lawrence, on which the white flag was hoisted amidst cries of “ Vive Henri V.!” “ Vive la Religion!” “ Vive le Drapeau Blanc !” In the month of May the Duchess de Berri, accompanied by Marshal Bourmont and twelve distinguished personages of the old court, appeared off Marseilles on board the Carlo Alberto steamer, with a view to effect a landing; but find¬ ing the tricolored flag flying from the tower of St Lawrence, the steamer again put out to sea. Many pages might be FRA History, dedicated to the proceedings of this most restless royal per- sonage, whose whole object appeared to be to excite civil 1832. war. Suffice it however to say, that after attempts to in¬ terest the Emperor Nicholas in her favour, and proposals of the strangest nature to Don Miguel, through the ex-gene¬ ral Deutz, the duchess, who had traversed the interior of France, appeared on the 15th May in La Vendee, where M. de Bourmont soon after joined her. As soon as the friends of the duchess in the capital heard of her arrival in La Ven- , dee, they prepared to second her efforts in Paris, where a Carlist insurrection seemed imminent; but early in June, forty of the leaders (among whom were several gardes du corps) were arrested. This prevented the intended out¬ break, and several of the Carhsts now made common cause with the republicans. At this period the famous compte rendu, a manifesto which accused ministers of having broken all their promises, of having sown division among the national guards, and many other political crimes and misdemeanours, was pre¬ pared, and received the signature of 150 deputies. Funeral of Till this time the republicans, though disaffected, had re- Lamarque. frained from overt acts of insurrection ; but on the occasion of the funeral of General Lamarque, who had died of the cholera a few days after his old adversary Casimir Perier, they broke out into insurrection. The funeral procession started from the Hue Faubourg St Honore about ten o’clock in the morning. Notwithstanding the measures of precau¬ tion taken, and the numerous detachments of troops posted about, alarming symptoms were apparent. On the Place de la Bastille funeral orations w'ere delivered. General La Fayette had just concluded his address, recommending the people to be tranquil, when a red flag was unfurled, and some of the populace cut the harness of the hearse, amidst Emeutein loud cries of “ To the Pantheon!” The dragoons posted Pans. aroundwere fired on, stones were flung at, and daggers raised against them. At length they discharged their carbines. The national guards who followed the procession quitted it in disorder: the insurgents raised aery of “ To arms! ” in different quarters, breaking the lamps, and raising barricades. The disturbances continued on the 6th, night having interrupted the military operations, but the national guard united with the troops of the line. The king who had arrived over night from St Cloud visited the different posts. On the 6th, however, the insurgents (who, in less than two hours on the preceding day, occupied the half of Paris) were still masters of certain quarters, of which the church of St Mery was the centre. The troops having secured the Hotel de Ville and the Palais de Justice against the attack of the insurgents, surrounded them. Being too weak to leave their barricades, they remained behind their in- trenchments. At this juncture the king, issuing from the Tuileries at the head of a brilliant staff, gave fresh confi¬ dence to the soldiers, who carried the barricades, and possessed themselves of the church of St Mery. Of the troops, 55 were killed and 240 wounded. The national guard had 18 men killed and 104 wounded, and the insur¬ gents 93 killed and 291 wounded. 3aris A royal ordonnance placed Paris in a state of siege. A ilaced in council of war was also appointed to try the prisoners ar- . state of rested. But the Cour de Cassation declared these proceed¬ ings illegal, and remitted the affair to the Cour d‘Assises, where a few sentences of death were pronounced, com¬ muted however, afterwards, by the royal clemency. It should also be stated, that some of the most eminent men of the bars of Paris, Rouen, and Rennes, pronounced opinions against the Etat de Siege. Some arrests of deputies took place, among whom were Cabet, Gamier Pages, and La- boissiere. Armand Carrel, editor of the National, was also arrested. On the 6th, after the king had traversed Paris, MM. Laffitte, Odillon Barrot, and Arago waited on Louis Philippe to press on his Majesty a change of system, N C E. 207 and to prevent the further effusion of blood. But Louis History. Philippe defended the course taken by the government y-; against their objections. 1832 Among the insurgents were eleven scholars of the Poly¬ technic School. A royal ordonnance disbanded the Poly¬ technic and the school of Alfort. This ordonnance excited much severe comment. But public indignation knew no bounds when an ordonnance of the police required all me¬ dical men to make a declaration as to the names of the wounded on whom they had attended. M. Gisquet, the prefect of police, threw the responsibility of this ordonnance on M. d’Argout. 1 he partisans of the Duchess de Berri were so turbulent Four de¬ in the west, that four departments—viz., Maine and Loire, partmeuts Loire Inferieure, Deux Sevres, and La Vendee—were placedin a.state in a state of siege, which continued till June 1833. Never- of sieSe- theless, the duchess still continued this Chouan war, though few leaders of any mark engaged in it, and although MM. Chateaubriand, hitz-James, and Hyde de Neuville recom¬ mended her to withdraw from the contest and quit France. Towards the end of May M. Berryer was arrested at Nantes ; and on the 15th June Hyde de Neuville, Fitz- James, and Chateaubriand were arrested at Paris. M. Berryer was accused of tampering with the allegiance of I renchmen by seeking to enlist superior officers in the Carlist cause, but he was acquitted of this charge by the Cour d’Assises at Blois in October. In the autumn of Deutz, this year an adventurer of the name of Deutz, a convert the adven- frorn Judaism, and much in favour with the Pope and the turer- Jesuits, was confidentially employed by the Duchess de Berri. He communicated his instructions to M. Monta- livet, minister of the interior, and declared his willingness to aid the government in betraying his employer. The minister, of course, approved of his proposal, and proposed a second interview a few days afterwards. This was in the beginning of October ; but a few days afterwards there was a change of ministry, Marshal Soult becoming president of the council, and M. Thiers succeeding M. Montalivet as home minister. M. Thiers continued the negotiations com¬ menced by his predecessor, and suggested to Deutz that he should remain at Paris. But Deutz explained to the minister that he could render the government more essential service when near the duchess, his still confiding employer, at Nantes. For Nantes the man set out under the name of Gonzagues, and obtained an interview with the princess on the 28th. On the 6th of November he informed the authorities that the duchess was then in the house of the Misses Duguigny. The house was surrounded all day on the 6th, and a minute but ineffectual search was made dur¬ ing the whole of the day and night. The authorities were about to give up the pursuit in despair, when at ten o’clock in the morning of the 7th, Madame la Duchesse was dis¬ covered at the back of the chimney, greatly suffering, as her cries indicated, from the insupportable heat. Her com- Arrest and panions were M. Guibourg, an advocate of Nantes, M. de captivity Mesnard, and Mademoiselle de Kersabiec. The prisoners the were taken into custody, and the duchess was thence im- B“rcr^ess dti mediately placed on board a government vessel, and trans¬ ferred to the citadel of Blaye. Thus ended, after manv strange adventures, the political career of the Duchess de Berri. The ministry of transition which had succeeded that of Ministry Casimir Perier succumbed to the difficulties by which itof 11,th was surrounded, and to cope with which it was manifestly pCtoPfr' unequal. Marshal Soult was now appointed president ofofMarshal the council and minister of war, M. de Broglie was named Soult. minister for foreign affairs, M. Guizot of public instruction, M. Thiers of the interior, and M. Humann of finance. On the 9th November an ordonnance appeared, declaring that a project of law would be presented to the chambers, relative to the Duchess de Berri. The ministry, feeling the neces- 208 PRANCE. Attempt on the king’s life. Expedi¬ tion to Antwerp. 1833. Large credit for public buildings. Pregnancy of Madame la Duchesse de Eerri. sity of decisive measures, resolved on an expedition against the citadel of Antwerp. The Chamber was convoked for the 19th November; and it was on this occasion as the king was proceeding on horseback over the Pont Royal that a pistol was fired at him. The pistol, according to positive testimony, was fired by one Bergeron, who was brought to trial at the assizes in March 1833, but acquitted by the jury. The city of Antwerp, it will be remembered, was in fact Belgian, but the citadel remained in the power of the Dutch. An expedition was therefore resolved on to liberate the town, and to carry into execution the twenty- four articles of the treaty of London, France engaging not to unnecessarily prolong the occupation of Belgian territory. Seventy thousand French crossed the frontier, whilst a re¬ serve of 40,000 was stationed along the Moselle. On the 30th of November all the preparations under General Haxo and Neigre being completed (the breaches being opened on the 29th), Marshal Gerard summoned General Chasse, the governor of Antwerp, to surrender. This request not being complied with, the marshal regularly sat down before the place. On the 3d December the second parallel was already established, notwithstanding frequent sorties of the garrison ; and on the 23d, a breach having being effected, Chasse, after a vigorous and noble defence, offered to give up the citadel, and to retire into Holland with the garrison. Gerard would not accede to this proposition till the forts of Lillo and Liefkenshoek were surrendered; but as these were not under the command of General Chasse, it was necessary to open communciations with the King of Hol¬ land. Meanwhile, however, the French took possession of the citadel, and it was now hoped by the friends and partisans of the government that the defeat of the revolutionary party in June, the pacification of La Vendee by the arrest of the Duchess de Berri, and the taking of Antwerp, would strengthen the position of ministers, and give solidity to the government. The first months of the session of 1833 certainly an¬ nounced greater calm. The labours of the session com¬ menced by a proposition for the abolition of the anniversary of the 21st January. The Chamber of Deputies saw only in the expiatory day an outrage to the nation, whilst the Chamber of Peers recognised a homage to the principle of the inviolability of kings. After a struggle between both chambers, it was agreed that “the law of the 19th January 1816, relative to that melancholy and ever-deplorable day of the 21st January 1793, should be abrogated.” M. Thiers, who had changed the ministry of the interior for the ministry of public works, presented a law for finish¬ ing the public buildings already commenced. A credit of 100,000,000 francs was allocated for this purpose, to the expenditure of which sum we owe the completion of the Madeleine, of the Arc de 1’Etoile, the palace of the Quai d’Orsay, military routes in La Vendee, and other routes in various parts of the kingdom. A law on primary instruc¬ tion, presented by M. Guizot, in offering instruction to those unable to pay for it, acquitted a duty of the state to the la¬ bouring classes. The imprisonment of the Duchess de Berri relieved the state of the embarrassment of a Ven- dean war, but it was still necessary to dispose of her case in some way or other. But an unexpected incident arose which gave a new complexion to the affair. On the night of the 16th or 17th January the Duchess de Berri was seized with violent vomitings, and, in consequence of a telegraphic despatch, the doctors Orfila and Auvity re¬ ceived orders to set out immediately for Blaye. After a a great deal of delicate and proper circumlocution, the pregnancy of the duchess was formally stated to the au¬ thorities, and on the 28th February she herself announced to General Bugeaud a secret marriage. The declaration was officially published in the Moniteur of the 26th. It was a terrible blow to the legitimist party, many of whom History, stoutly maintained (and, among others, a writer in the Quotidienne) that the declaration was counterfeit. On the 1333 8th June the duchess quitted Blaye, and embarked on board VAgathe, a government vessel, which conducted her to Palermo. In the Chamber the budget of the minister of war was sharply criticised. M. Camille Perier stigmatized certain contracts, which amounted to the large sum of 14,000,000 francs, as profligately extravagant. Marshal Soult, like a clever tactician, availed himself of the fortifications of Paris to mask the extravagance of his contracts. The trial of the Tribune newspaper, conducted at this period by Armand Marrast and Godfrey Cavaignac (the brother of the general who subsequently became president of the republic in 1848), for a libel on the Chamber, which it called Chambre prostituee, gave rise to many curious re¬ velations. Marrast (who was subsequently one of the pro¬ visional government of 1848, and president of the Chamber), maintained that 122 functionary deputies annually received in salaries more than two millions of francs for employments the duties of which they did not discharge. Statements of this kind, founded for the most part on fact, produced a bad impression on the public mind relative to public men. The editors of the Tribune called on the minister of finance to pay into the treasury the sum of 3,503,607 francs due by the civil list, alleging that Louis Philippe had on the 6th of August 1830 made a gift of his private fortune to his chil¬ dren with a view to save it from incorporation with the pro¬ perty of the state, whereby the “ droit d’enregistrement” was largely defrauded. It was alleged that while the king thus defrauded the state, the man who had made him was ruined, and certainly a placard posted on the walls of Paris announced that the house of the famous banker was to be disposed of. The knowledge of this produced general re¬ gret. The liberal party and republicans exclaimed, “ The man who has organized a legal resistance to the ordonnances, who has disposed of a crown, is ruined.” Paris from the year 1827 was the focus and centre of Secret secret societies, and there can be no doubt that they exer- societies, cised immense influence from the year 1830 to this time. The club of the Amis du Peuple was now however shut. The society of the Droits de VHomme succeeded to the Amis du Peuple, and counted in Paris alone 3000 Section- naires, with numerous affiliations in the departments. It possessed its government, its administration, its army of martyrs, of clerks, of combatants. It used every means to raise and collect subscriptions in favour of political offenders or journals condemned for liberal opinions. It was an occult and anarchical power within the state. The principal mem¬ bers of the central committee were Voyer d’Argenson, Audry de Puyraveau deputies: Cavaignac, Kersausie, Lebon, Vignerte. The principles of the club were extravagant and extreme to a degree. Nothing discredited it more with sensible steady men, or men who had anything to lose, than its desire to rehabilitate the character of Robespierre. The club also suffered under the imputation, justly or unjustly urged, of desiring an agrarian law, and an equal division of property. The most reasonable members belonging to the association always repudiated these dangerous and dishonest principles, but there were hot-headed zealots who proclaimed them. On the 10th April 1833 a jury con¬ demned the society of “Les Droits de VHomme” and the assize court directed the dissolution of a society whose ille¬ gality had been pronounced. About this period even men of the advanced opinions of Lafayette and Carrel did not go far or fast enough for the more ardent spirits. The republic of the National was not the republic of the Droits de VHomme. The society of the Rights of Man was for imme¬ diate action, whereas Lafayette and Carrel thought the moment inopportune. In truth, an insurrection was pre- FRANCE. History 1833. 1834. ’olitical I* efugees n France. roit de isite. ussian itrigues. pared for the anniversary of the 28th July 1833. As it was the moment when there was a great deal of discussion about the detached forts destined, it was said, to muzzle Paris, it was agreed that there should be cries of A has les bastilles during the review of the national guard. The places at which the insurrectionists should assemble were not indicated till the last moment. A proclamation, how¬ ever, had previously circulated among the soldiers of the garrison to rally them to the insurrection. Arrests were made on the 27th or 28th July of six persons, among whom were four eleves of the Polytechnic School. An immense quantity of balls and cartridges were seized, and the insur¬ rection was in consequence adjourned. The review passed off quietly, and the king received from the national guard the usual reception ; but so grave was the event considered that the government announced in the National that the detached forts would not be proceeded with. The arrests during the months of July and August amounted to 150, among which number were six pupils of the Polytechnic: 27 of the prisoners were tried at the assizes in the month of December, among whom the most remarkable were Ras- pail, Kersausil, &c. They were acquitted by the jury, but the advocates who defended them, Dupont, Michel de Bourges, and Pinart, were suspended from the exercise of their profession, the first for a year, the two others for six months. At the end of the year 1833 the society of the Droits de 1’Homme counted 162 sections of 20 members; it had therefore in round numbers 3000 men at its disposal. 1 he spirit animating the body may be judged from some of the names of the sections—Babceuf, Les Gueux, Marat, Couthon, Robespierre, &c. The government felt that the newsmen or public criers of journals were a fertile cause of agitation. In February 1834 a new law on criers was brought forward, which pro¬ vided that no one should exercise the profession of public crier without the permission of the municipal authority. Political refugees were also a standing cause of perturba¬ tion during the years 1833 and 1834. It was calculated that the soil of France at this period afforded a refuge to 6000 Polish, and 4000 German, Italian, and Spanish re¬ fugees, at an expense of three or four millions per annum to the state. A majority of these persons showed themselves little thankful for the hospitality afforded them. They mixed themselves up with factions, and took part in all the troubles of that stormy time. It is not necessary that w^e should enter into any details as to the foreign relations of France during the year 1833. In as far, however, as these relations had a bearing or in¬ fluence on domestic affairs or parties, it is necessary we should shortly advert to them. With England during these years France maintained friendly and intimate relations, and the treaty of the Droit de Visite was arranged—an instru¬ ment of which the movement party did not hesitate to take advantage for party purposes. It was in the year 1833 that the oriental difficulty first arose, or rather that Russia first laid her hand heavily on Constantinople. The battle of Koniah had placed Syria in the power of Ibrahim, who thence threatened the sultan. Mahomet now turned his eyes towards Sebastopol, and implored the help of Russia. The czar hastened to offer the sultan six ships of war and seven frigates, and despatched General Mourvaieff with a view to prepare a Russian intervention. France had no ambassador at the Porte during these occurrences, General Guilleminot having been abruptly recalled in 1831 in con¬ sequence of his having attempted to sustain the influence of his country against Russia. As soon as the facts were known Admiral Roussin was named ambassador; and on his arrival he required that the Russian ships should be countermanded. But Russia took effectual measures not to receive the counter orders in time. On the 20th February, three days after the arrival of Roussin, a Russian squadron of ten ships VOL. x. 209 of war entered the Bosphorus. Admiral Roussin, to pro- History, cure the withdrawal of the Russians, engaged to induce Mahomet to content himself with the three pashalics of 1834. Sidon, 4 ripoli, and Jerusalem. But as the admiral had only the ship of war in which he arrived, and as the consul of fiance at Alexandria encouraged the pasha in his plans of conquest, Mahomet, emboldened by the real weakness of France at Constantinople, and by the difference of opinion between the consul and the ambassador, resisted the higher fimctionary. Another arrangement was concludecf at Kutayah, which assured to the pasha, besides Syria, the pashalic of Adana, thus giving him an entrance into Asia Minor. Ibrahim then prepared to evacuate Asia Minor; and the Russians, having no longer a pretext for interven¬ tion, evacuated Constantinople, having obtained from the sultan the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi. The successes of Don Pedro in Portugal, the destruction of the fleet of Don Miguel by Admiral Napier, the triumph of Maria Christina of Spain over Calomarde, by which the throne of Spain was secured to Isabella, were all circumstances tending to the consolidation of tlie new dynasty in France, and to the more intimate alliance of the two great Western Powers. The Cabinet of the Tuileries at once acknowledged Isabella in Acknow- opposition to the Salic law imported into Spain with the ledgment dynasty of the Bourbons. But Don Carlos was the inve- Isabella terate enemy of the house of Orleans, and this was deci- FrahCe- sive to determine the policy of the Tuileries. At the commencement of 1834 the partisans of the new dynasty hoped that the partial re-establishment of order, and the defeat of parties hostile to the government, would reassure the middle classes, and give a new impetus to com¬ merce and industry. But it was soon apparent that it was merely a truce, not a peace, which prevailed. At the open¬ ing of the session the speech from the throne had alluded to the culpable manoeuvres of the factions, and called on the army, the national guard, and the citizens to put an end to the dangerous illusions of men who, in pretending to defend, really assailed liberty. In the discussion on the address there was unwonted moderation on the part of the opposi¬ tion. M. Bignon delivered a moderate speech on the ques¬ tion of Poland, in which he invoked the sanction of the treaties of 1814—a speech in the letter and spirit of which M. de Broglie fully concurred. But the opposition out of doors was not so moderate. It redoubled in acrimony and violence, and the government resolved to come to close quarters with the democratic press. On the 25th January ministers asked permission of the Chambers to commence proceedings against M. Cabet, deputy, for articles published in the Populaire. On the following day M. de Ludre de¬ nounced the despotic conduct of Marshal Soult, in conse¬ quence of an order of the day addressed to the artillery officers of Strasbourg. General Bugeaud interrupting, ex¬ claimed, “Military men must, above all things, obey;” whereupon M. Dulong rejoined, “ Must they obey even to becomingjailors?” alluding to the equivocal position held by the general at Blaye. From these observations a duel arose in which the unfortunate Dulong, a son of Dupont de 1’Eure, lost his life. This circumstance induced Dupont de 1’Eure to resign his position as deputy. The Cabinet and the Chamber appeared to be now de¬ termined on more aggressive measures. A law on associa- Law on tions was introduced on the 25th February. The debate assoeia- took place on 11th March, and lasted for twelve days. The tions- attitude of the Chamber was angry and impassioned through¬ out. The orator of the government during the debate was M. Persil, Procureur-General The opposition, it must be confessed, was as vehement and as impassioned as the ministerial benches; and in a few days after these an£jry debates the insuilection of Lyons and the Paris insurrec¬ tion of April took place. I he troubles of Lyons of No- Troubles vember 1831 had no political character; but those of 1834, at tyons. 2 D 210 FRA History, it must be confessed, had been prepared by clubs and by v'—journalism. An immense garrison had been sent to Lyons 1834. and the neighbouring towns, the national guard had been disarmed, and the interior of the city had been fortified. In the beginning of 1834 there was the greatest distress among the silk weavers, and the result was that the associa¬ tion of the mutuellistes, a society which never discussed either religious or political questions, but was established solely to defend the rights of the working classes, made common cause with the republicans, and by their influence produced a strike among the manufacturing population. On the 14th February 20,000 workmen of Lyons and the neighbourhood ceased to labour in the manufactories, and before the end of March a majority of these men came to an understanding with the republicans. An active corre¬ spondence was established between Lyons, Paris, St Etienne, Marseilles, and other large towns, and a thorough commu¬ nity of action appeared to exist among the malcontents, whose movements were simultaneous with those of General Ramorino upon Savoy. But the authorities were prepared to strike a blow at Lyons, where they had 20,000 men under arms. On the 9th April every military precaution had been taken, and the troops were posted on all the important points. While M. Jules Favre was pleading a political cause, a shot was heard, and a man mortally wounded was carried into court. He was said to be an insurgent whom a gendarme had shot while in the act of raising a barricade ; but on examination it was found that the dying or dead man wore under his clothes the sash of a police agent. The promulgation of this fact exasperated the workmen to madness. Barricades were erected, and proclamations were issued, declaring that the king was deposed, and that Lucien Bonaparte was named First Consul. The tocsin called the workmen to arms, and the people everywhere obstinately engaged the troops. The struggle lasted six days. The rising of the faubourgs of Vaise, la Guillotiere, of St Claire, and St Just, cut off communication with Paris, with the west, and with the south. Reverchon and La Grange were the chief leaders on the part of the people: 131 of the military were killed, of whom one was a colonel, and 12 officers and 192 men were wounded. On the side of the in¬ surgents 170 were killed and 400 republicans were made pri¬ soners. Insurrectionary movements broke out simulta¬ neously at St Etienne, Grenoble, Vienne, Perpignan, Poitiers, Chalons sur Saone, Arbois, Marseilles. At Lune- ville the sous-qfficiers of three regiments of cuirassiers es¬ sayed to direct their regiments to Nancy with a view to a Troubles march on Paris. The news of the Lyons insurrection gave at Paris, the signal to the revolutionary party in Paris. On Sunday the 13th April, Kersausie, a man of determined courage, reviewed the republican forces on the Boulevards, during the course of which operation he was carried off by the police. His arrest precipitated the insurrectionary move¬ ment. There was an immediate call to arms, and men ran to the barricades. But over this insurrection, called les Journees d’Avril, the government was also successful. 1 he doctrine of “ connexiie” by which (under the article 171 of the code de procedure) it was sought to make the revolts of Lyons, St Etienne, Grenoble, Paris, &c., one and the same revolt, ousted, so to speak, the Cours Hoyoles in different parts of the kingdom of their jurisdiction, and the conse¬ quence was, that the Chamber of Peers became alarmed by the affair. The prisoners amounted to 1500. Of these 800 or 900 were set at large. It should be stated that be¬ fore the hearing the opposition sought not merely to de¬ monstrate the impossibility of trying such a multitude of prisoners, but also the illegality of arraigning them before the Chamber of Peers. The process, which lasted for se¬ veral months before the Chamber of Peers, would fill a volume. We only advert to it here for the purpose of directing the legal reader to the printed reports of a me- N C E. morable trial in which some strange legal doctrines were History, propounded. The monster process of April, whether con- stitutional or otherwise according to French law—whether 1834. legally conducted or not—struck a decisive blow at the republican party; and it must be added that some of the extreme members of the party itself, by their violent and absurd conduct before the court, discredited the cause to which they were attached. The success of the government, over the factions gave it apparent force, but the cabinet was torn by intestine divi¬ sions. The rejection of a project of law relative to a treaty of 25 millions demanded by America had caused the re¬ tirement of the Duke de Broglie. Lafayette, who was ill at the time, sent to the Chamber explanations in favour of the project, but it was nevertheless rejected, and imme¬ diately afterwards M. de Broglie placed his resignation in Resigna- the hands of the king. His retirement produced a partialtion °fM. change in the ministry. MM. Barthe and D’Argout were replaced by MM. Persil and Duchatel, who were appointed flnancial ministers of justice and commerce. M. Thiers became changes, minister of the interior, and M. de Rigny passed from the ministry of marine to the ministry of foreign affairs, the mi¬ nistry of marine being filled by Admiral Jacob. On the 20th May in this year General Lafayette died. At any Death of other epoch his decease would have produced more im- Lafayette, pression, but the recent defeat of the republican party had discouraged and dispirited them. The triple alliance ori- Quadruple ginally concluded between Spain, England, and Don Pedro, alliance, now became the quadruple alliance, M. de Talleyrand hav¬ ing given in his adhesion on the part of France. On the 1st of July of this year Don Carlos secretly with-Don Carlos drew from London, arrived at Paris on the 4th, on the 6th secretly at Bordeaux, on the 8th at Bayonne, and on the 10th had arrive9 in crossed the Spanish frontier without having been discovered faris• by the police of France. So soon as the pretender ap¬ peared on the soil of Spain, Martinez de la Rosa asked for the assistance of England and France. England furnished arms and munitions, and France the foreign legion. The French army of observation quartered on the Pyrenees also received reinforcements. As to domestic affairs, the violence of the factions and the extravagance of the republican party had induced many who were otherwise unfriendly to the government to side with it. When the Chambers were dissolved, and the elections took place in June 1834, the greater number of the de¬ puties professing republican opinions were rejected. Se¬ veral legitimists were returned, who ranged themselves under the banner of Berryer. But notwithstanding these favourable circumstances, there wrere internal dissensions in the cabinet. A struggle had commenced between M. Guizot and Marshal Soult, whose budget had been vi¬ gorously attacked in the Chambers. Soult was under¬ stood to have resigned on the 18th July, and immediately ^esi£”a‘ afterwards Marshal Gerard took the portfolio of war, with the presidency of the council. In the Chamber the tiers yiarshal parti excited a good deal of attention from the apparently Gerard independent position which they assumed—a position hos- president tile to the doctrinaires. The tiers parti wras composed of the of deputies who had sustained government by their votes and speeches in a time of crisis, but who, now that the^arH crisis was over, desired a more clement and liberal policy. Discreet and sensible men saw that the great danger was a want of moderation in the possessors of power, and that men flushed with victory were likely to abuse it. The principal members of the tiers parti were Dupin, Be- renger, Etienne, Passy, Teste de Calmon, and Felix Real. Though these gentlemen had talent, industry, much ac¬ quired information, and a great knowledge of affairs, yet they wanted energy and political courage. The tiers parti showed itself at first favourable to Marshal Gerard, who entered the ministry with an idea of amnesty; but it ap- FRANCE. 1834. fasigna- ;ion of Marshal Jerard. 5uke de iassano jremier. 1835. lecon- truction if the loctrinaire labinet. Marshal Jortier iresident. History, peared that General Jaquemont, as commander of the na¬ tional guard, repudiated all idea of an amnesty, where¬ upon Marshal Gerard resigned on the 29th October, after a short official life of three months. The other ministers also resigned with the exception ofM. Persil, who addressed himself to M. Dupin. Dupin, for himself, refused office, but named the Duke de Bassano as president of the coun¬ cil and minister of the interior, M. Charles Dupin as mi¬ nister of marine, General Bernard as minister of war, M. Passy for the finances, M. Teste for public works, M. Sauzet for public instruction, and M. Bresson for foreign affairs. But this ministry lasted only three days, when the old mi¬ nisters resumed office. Ihe doctrinaire cabinet was reconstructed on the 18th November, under the presidency of Marshal Mortier, who was named minister of war. But never was there less of presidency in fact than that of Marshal Mortier; and at the end of three months, namely on the 20th February 1835, the old soldier resigned, and on the 30th April fol¬ lowing surrendered the seals of war to Marshal Maison. Admiral Duperre had already been called to preside over the navy, and as MM. Thiers and Guizot now understood each other, and had numerous followers in the Cham¬ bers, their union formed a counterpoise to the royal will. From this moment the king sought to divide and sow dissension between these two able men, for the object of the monarch was to find ministers who governed more from the dictation of the royal cabinet than from the assent of the Chambers. These manoeuvres of royalty rather has¬ tened the growth of a parliamentary party, demanding a true and bona fide representative government, and proclaim¬ ing the sound constitutional maxim, “ Le Roi regne et ne gouverne pas” On the other hand, an old Napoleonic counsellor of state, M. Roederer, published a pamphlet exalting the royal prerogative, against which several of the deputies of the hers parti, and among others Piscatory, Jaubert, and Duvergier d’Hauranne, declaimed. Ihe vacancy created in the presidency of the council by the resignation of Marshal Mortier brought on a ministerial crisis, which the king was not desirous to put an end to. It was necessary, however, that certain pecuniary demands of Russia should be brought before the Chamber by the minister of foreign affairs, Admiral de Rigny, who was quite unequal to the task. M. 1 hiers, who had studied the ques¬ tion, undertook the part of M. de Rigny. Guizot and Thiers now wisely agreed to postpone their respective pretensions and to accept the presidency of the Duke de Broglie, who became president of the council and minister for foreign affairs on the 12th March 1835. During the whole month of July sinister rumours of plots pervaded Paris. A plot was hatched against the life of the king at Neuilly, by which he was to be shot on his way from the Tuileries to the country. Information was given to the police of another plot which was to explode from a subter¬ ranean fosse on the Boulevards. But the plot which did really explode was that of Fieschi. On the 28th July the king, accompanied by his sons, by several of his ministers, and a numerous staff, had passed the Porte St Martin and traversed one-half of the Boulevard du Temple, when from a window there was a terrible detonation from an infernal machine, accompanied with a shower of case shot, a portion of which mortally wounded Marshal Mortier. The house was immediately surrounded by the police and an armed force. Fieschi, the perpetrator of the deed, was seized on the roof of a neighbouring house, disfigured by his wounds. Boireau a worker in bronze, Morey a harness-maker, and one Pepin, were also arrested as implicated. On the 5th of August the funeral obsequies of the victims, to the number of fourteen, one of whom was an innocent young girl, and al of ar,other a marshal of France, took place at the Invalides. ;schi. 1 he trial of this plot of Fieschi’s was delegated to the 211 Hnisterial risis. tie Duke i Broglie •esident ' the nmcil. tot of teschi. Chamber of Peers. The proceedings were opened on the History. 30th January 1836. On the 15th February a judgment of the Court of Peers condemned Fieschi to the penalty of a 1835. parricide, Morey and Pepin to the penalty of death, and Execution Boireau to twenty years’ imprisonment. The execution of Eieschi, took place on the 19th. To the credit of France, it must pIorey’& be stated, that the attempt of Fieschi excited a universal ^ ’ sentiment of indignation, and voices were raised from al¬ most every quarter demanding vigorous legislative mea¬ sures for the repression of crime. Ministers did not fail to take advantage of the universal consternation to ask for exceptional laws. I he result was what are called the laws Laws of of September. On the 4th August three projects of law SePtember. were laid before the Chamber of Deputies by M. Persil. One of these, the project of law relative to the press, in¬ creased the security for journals, the corporal punish¬ ment, and the fine. Phis measure defined as a crime any offence to the person of the king, and declared such at¬ tempt punishable with imprisonment and a fine of from 10,000 to 50,000 francs. The bill expressly forbade the in¬ troduction of the name of the king into the discussion of governmental acts ; and forbade the assumption of the title of republican. It was also forbidden to raise subscriptions in favour of journals condemned by the tribunals, and it was proposed to establish a censorship for drawings, engravings, and theatrical pieces, A second project for the regulation of fines reduced from eight to seven the majority necessary for condemnation, and established secret voting by a writ¬ ten ticket instead of orally. A third project relative to assize courts gave to the president the right to remove pri¬ soners who disturbed the court, and to come to a decision on documentary evidence in the absence of the accused. The commission on the law on the press proposed that the security or cautionnement should be 200,000 francs, or L.8000 of our money. The Chamber fixed it at 100,000 francs. Royer Collard, on this occasion, broke the silence which he had maintained since 1831, to find fault with that provision of the law which withdrew from the jury offences of the press. He was seconded by M. de Remusat. The provisions of the law in reference to theatrical repre- Law as to sentations received a general assent, for the dramatic litera- theatrical ture had sunk to the lowest ebb, and was distinguished not representa- merely by triviality but by indecency. tions. The galleys, the jails, the gambling-houses, and tripots, furnished to the stage its favourite episodes. The laws of September at once brought to a close about thirty demagogue legitimist journals, and raised a bitter animosity against those doctrinaire ministers who, within a few years, had lived, moved, and had their being in that press which they now treated with such Draconian severity. For a moment these laws produced a calm, but they rendered the ministry pro¬ foundly unpopular, indeed odious ; so that M, de Broglie in¬ timated to the king, that at no distant date his Majesty would be forced to have recourse to other servants. There was an independence, a frankness, and a sense of self-respect in M. de Broglie which his Majesty did not like, and he was the less agreeable to the king from his determination to go¬ vern only by and through the Chambers. Louis Philippe and his courtiers and personal flatterers also felt that the union of three such men as M. de Broglie and MM. Guizot and Thiers threatened the personal system of the monarch, a system on which he so much prided himself. Every cun¬ ning and courtly art was therefore had recourse to to divide and sow mistrust and jealousy among men whose momen¬ tary union rendered them formidable to royalist ascendancy. These intrigues undermined the cabinet of the 11th Octo¬ ber, and there needed but a decent pretext to dissolve it. This was furnished by the finance minister, M. Plumann, who, in presenting the budget to the Chambers, declared Dfi^olation that the moment was favourable to reduce the interest on the Broglie’s public debt, and to effect the conversion of the five per cents, ministry. FRANCE. 212 History. M. de Broglie, president of the council, expressed his surprise to find so grave a question mooted without having 1836. been once discussed in the cabinet; and on being questioned four days afterwards on the subject, he declared that the ministry had no idea of converting the fives. M. Gouin thereupon gave notice of a formal motion for the reduction, which he brought forward accordingly. The proposition was supported by M. Passy, and opposed by M. Thiers, who was for delay. Humann, Berryer, Sauzet, and Dufaure supported the original motion, and the motion for adjourn¬ ment was lost by a majority of two. M, de Broglie here¬ upon resigned, and was followed by all his colleagues. It was observed that several of the courtiers and personal friends of Louis Philippe voted against the ministry, and it is certain the king felt pleased at finding the union of three men of ability suddenly rent asunder. Almost simulta¬ neously with the breaking-up of the Duke de Broglie’s cabinet a coolness took place between MM. Guizot and Thiers. Ministry of Just antecedent to the fall of M. de Broglie’s cabinet M. Thiers. tiie self-love of M. Thiers was somewhat piqued by M. Pis¬ catory, a follower of M. Guizot, telling him that it would be impossible for him to form a cabinet without the co¬ operation of the Doctrinaires. This rather stimulated than discouraged the rising politician ; and nothing daunted, M. Thiers aspired to the task, and was named by royal ordon- nance president of the council and minister for foreign af¬ fairs on the 22d February. The first difficulty that met the new minister was the question of the conversion of the five per cents., which M. Thiers evaded by promising to bring forward a proposition for conversion in the ensuing year. A customs law, which had been for some time prepared by M. Thiers, was presented by M. Passy. It slightly modi¬ fied the principle of absolute prohibition. On the 25th June 1836 another attempt was made to assassinate the Attempt of king. A shot was fired at his Majesty as he was leaving Alibaud on the Tuileries, and two balls lodged in the royal carriage the king’s without wounding any one. The author of this new crime was one Alibaud, a young man who had served some time as a sous-officier, and was now in distress. 1 he affair was brought before the Court of Peers on the 8th July, and the evidence adduced proved that Alibaud had no accom¬ plices. On being asked by the president Pasquier how long he had nourished his criminal project, he answered, “From the time the king has placed Paris in a state of siege, and wished not to reign but to govern—since the time that his Majesty has caused citizens to be massacred Execution jn the streets of Lyons and the Cloitre St Mery” On of Alibaud. j.jle jujy Alibaud was condemned to die the death of a parricide, and he was executed on the 11th, The ca¬ binet of M. Thiers, or of the 22d February as it is gene¬ rally called in France, was not perfectly homogeneous; M. de Montalivet was minister of the interior, M. Sauzet of justice, M. Passy of public works, Marshal Maison of war, Admiral Duperre of marine, M. d’Argout of finance, and M. Pelet de la Lozere of public instruction. M. Ihiers, after an intimate union with the politicians composing the ministry of the 11th October 1832, presided over by Mar¬ shal Soult, had separated himself from them, and found a kind of support in the left centre with the tiers parti. Three of M. Thiers colleagues belonged to this party— MM. Passy, Sauzet, and Pelet de la Lozere. M. Passy, a man of sincere and honest convictions, had decided opi nions on certain questions; for instance, he was against colonizing Algiers, and favourable to the conversion of the five per cents., to which M. Thiers was opposed. The ex¬ pression of the king’s secret views and wishes in this cabinet was found in M. Montalivet, the minister of the interior, and this was also the dissolving element. The chief difficul- 0 estion ^es arose ^rorn foreign affairs. There was the question of of Cracow. Cracow, occupied by Austrians, Prussians, and Russians, in flagrant violation of treaty. The intended occupation History, was communicated to M. de Broglie, in the last days of February, when on the point of resigning, and he could 1836. merely formally acknowledge the receipt of the communi¬ cation ; and when M. Thiers entered office on the 22d Fe¬ bruary, he found the king determined to remain passive. The progress of the Carlist insurrection in Spain also made a French intervention desirable in that country, but the king was still less disposed to such an intervention than in 1834. Viscount Palmerston invited an Anglo-French oc¬ cupation of Passages Fuenterabia, and the valley of the Bastan ; but instead of this a species of international inter¬ ference called a co-operation was determined on, and it was proposed to establish a foreign legion, commanded by a Frenchman. While this legion was in course of being re¬ cruited from the corps of General Harispe, the events of Events of La Granja took place, by which Estatuto Real was abo- La Granja. lished, and the constitution of 1812 proclaimed. The king now withdrew the unwilling acquiescence he had given to co-operation. M. Thiers counted on the support of M. Resigna- Mon tali vet in the cabinet, but finding that minister (who M. was known to be possessed of the king’s entire confidence) opposed to him, resigned office on the '25th August. He was succeeded by M. Mole, who, in conjunction with M. Guizot, formed the cabinet of the 6th September. The king’s political man of all work, M. Montalivet, hav- Mole ing overturned the ministry of the 22d February, on the cabinet, or question of a Spanish intervention, a question on which M. n'™®try Mole had always maintained a different opinion from M. geptemtej. Thiers; it appeared a thing quite in course that the chief of the new cabinet should allow the monarch’s favourite to retain the ministry of the interior. But as M. Guizot aspired to have an influence equivalent to that of the president of the council, he required the ministry of the interior for him¬ self, or for one of his friends if he remained minister of public instruction. After a fortnight’s parleying, M. Mole yielded, and the portfolio of the interior was given to M. Gasparin, who, under M. Montalivet, had filled the functions of under-secretary of state. M, Duchatel took the finances, M. Persil justice, General Bernard war, Admiral Rosamel the marine, and M. Martin du Nord commerce, M. Mole assumed office with the intention of proposing an amnesty, but the affair of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte (now Emperor of the French) at Strasbourg, and the attempt on the life of the king by Meunier, not only forced him to abandon his project, but to propose to the Chamber laws of a repressive character. On the Strasbourg affair, in which the principal mover was the present Emperor of the French, it will not be necessary to dwell long. Louis Napoleon had won over to his cause at Baden Colonel Vaudrey, who commanded the 4th regiment of artillery. On the 25th October he quitted Arnenberg, and arrived on the 28th at Strasbourg, where the commandant Parquin awaited him. On the 30th, at five in the morning, the movement began. Colonel Vaudrey presented Louis Napoleon to his regiment, which received him with acclamations. They proceeded in marching order to the residence of General Voiret, who, on refusing to join the movement, was made prisoner. The plot, however, al¬ together failed at the Feukmatt barracks, where Louis Na¬ poleon, Colonel Vaudrey, Commandant Parquin, and some others, were arrested. The Cabinet decided that the author should not be tried. Indeed it appeared difficult to bring him before the Chamber of Peers, which contained among its members a great number of old servants of the empire. On the 9th November he was removed from Strasbourg to Paris, where he was only allowed to remain two hours. He left France on the 21st November, and was removed to the United States on board a ship of war. Ab6ut the same period, namely, on the 6th November, Charles X. died at Goritz, in Illyria, at the age of seventy- nine years. The discrowned monarch bore his misfortunes FRANCE. History, with resignation, and died under the impression that he had fulfilled a great duty. He was a perfectly honest and sin- 1836. cere man, narrow-minded, and entertaining high prerogative notions more fitted for the 15th than the 19th century. A remarkable change took place in the Parisian press this year. Journals were published at less than one-half the price previously demanded. This revolution was brought about by M. Emile Girardin, the proprietor of the Presse. Whatever may be the political effect of cheap journalism, it must be allowed that it has been rather detrimental to solid literature. Armand Carrel attacked the cheap journal¬ ism of Girardin. The result was a duel, in which the emi¬ nent republican publicist received a mortal wound. Car¬ rel was a man of a somewhat capricious temper, but of high honour and lofty spirit. He had a rare talent as a jour¬ nalist, and was master of a style distinguished by perspi¬ cuity and force. He was a person of excellent sense, and saw clearly enough the absurd extremes and exaggerations of opinion to which the democratic party was tending. The previous ministry had left a serious difficulty to their successors in the Sw iss question. The French ambassador, M. de Montebello, had strenuously demanded the expulsion from Switzerland of certain Italian refugees. Out of this question and other misunderstandings arose a rupture of diplomatic relations between Switzerland and France. Swit¬ zerland, thus placed between the difficulty of a retractation and a commercial blockade, replied pusilianimously to the French note. The French government expressed itself satisfied, but deep resentment rankled in the heart of the Swiss. A royal ordonnance of the 6th October opened the gates of Ham to the ministers of Charles X. De Peyronnet and De Chantelauze were authorized to reside on parole, the one at Monferrand and the other in the department of the Loire. On the 23d November the sentence of M. de Po- lignac was commuted for twenty years of banishment. M. de Guernon Ranville was allowed to reside on parole in the department of Calvados. Acts such as these paved the way to an amnesty. A fourth attempt to assassinate the king was made on the 27th December, by a man named Meunier, a wretched being without intelligence, and belonging to the very lowest class of the population. He was condemned to transportation, but pardoned at the end of April 1837. A previous design on the life of the king had been dis¬ covered before this regicide could put his plan into execu¬ tion. The author of the attempt, a working mechanic named Champion, on being arrested, strangled himself in prison. An insurrection had been attempted at Vendome by the sub-officer Bruyant. Two attempts to assassinate the king, the affair of Strasbourg, the disaster of Marshal Clausel at Constantine, the commercial crisis, and the Spanish question, were not favourable circumstances for the ministry. Yet the mere establishment of tranquillity had produced a prosperous condition of trade and manufactures. The ex¬ cess of income over expenditure in 1835 had been 25,000,000. In 1836 it amounted to 43,000,000, and 60,000,000 francs were ordered for public works. In the discussion on the address the principal topic touched on was the affairs of Spain. M. Thiers took his stand on the question of the quadruple alliance, and proceeded to show that in defend¬ ing Spain France sustained the cause of constitutional government. The government, after having expatriated the Prince Louis Napoleon without bringing him to trial, indicted his accomplices at the assizes. But Colonel Vau- drey, Commandant Parquin, M. de Bruc, Laity, De Que- relles, De Gricourt, and Madame Gordon, a singer, were all acquitted, the jury considering that they could not condemn the agents and instruments when the principal was not pun¬ ished. For a considerable time no very good understand¬ ing existed between MM. Mole and Guizot. The latter could ill brook the superior position which the presidency 213 of the council gave to M. Mole ; and when the president in- History, timated to M. Gasparin, who was incompetent to afford ex- planations in the Chamber, the necessity of his retiring, M. 1837. Guizot at once put forward his claims to the ministry of the interior. This produced an open rupture with M. Mole and the dissolution of the ministry. The ministerial crisis lasted a considerable time, and various essays were fruit¬ lessly tried at the construction of a new Cabinet. Marshal Soult required the withdrawal of the law of appanage which had provoked public animadversion. M. Guizot, who had been requested to form a Cabinet, addressed himself to the Duke de Broglie, who consented to accept if M. Thiers were invited to form a portion of the Cabinet, but he refused. Propositions were then made to M. Montalivet, who, after four-and-twenty hours’ reflection, declared he could not accept the presidency of M. Guizot. Ultimately M. Mole succeeded in forming a Cabinet, in which M. de Montalivet resumed the portfolio of the interior, M. Barthe the ministry of justice, and General Bernard the ministry of war. The finances were intrusted to M. Lacave-Laplagne, public instruction to M. de Salvandy, public works to M. Martin (du Nord), and naval affairs to Admiral Rosamel. This was in effect almost the last ministry to the exclusion of the doctrinaire party—MM. Guizot, Duchatel, and Gasparin, being left out of the new combination. The new ministry, of frail and feeble constitution, felt that Ministry of some measure was necessary to conciliate towards it the April, suffrages of a divided Chamber, and M. Mole came forward to announce the marriage of the Prince Royal with the Princess Helena of Mecklenburg-Schwerin,an accomplished personage of an ancient house. The marriage was not ef¬ fected without difficulty. Russia had raised many obstacles, and even in the family there were not wanting those who were ill-disposed to the match. The King of Prussia, how- ver, had exerted his influence to bring about a happy and successful solution. An additional income was asked for the Prince, and as an inducement to the granting of it, it was announced that the appanage for the Duke de Nemours would be postponed. Conciliation was now the order of the day with the ministry, and on the 8th May the ordonnance granting the amnesty appeared. This was the prelude to a series of bills which were called les lois de famille. The marriage settlement of the Prince Royal was raised to two millions, to which was added a million francs for the ex¬ penses of the marriage, and 300,000 for the dowry of the Princess. Rambouillet had been asked as an appan¬ age for the Duke de Nemours. But this request, which had elicited a caustic pamphlet from the pen of M. Cor- menin, was withdraw n. A million was required for the Queen of the Belgians. When this proposition was under discus¬ sion, M. Cormenin remarked that the private domain was 74 millions, and he asked whether, out of such an income, a dowry of a million could not be paid to the Queen of the Belgians. The Duke de Broglie had been named ambassador extraordinary to conduct the Princess Helena to France. She entered the French territory on the 24th May, and on the 29th arrived at Fontainebleau; on the 30th May the high contracting parties were married, and the princess entered Paris on the 4th June. On the 10th the museum of Ver¬ sailles was opened, and turned into a species of Pantheon, with a view to represent the heroes and celebrated men of the nation. On the 17th May, in this year, Talleyrand died at the age of eighty-four. Either from compunction or complaisance to the existing authorities, he wished before death to be re¬ conciled to the church. To this end it was necessary that he should sign a retractation of his errors. The day before his death his grand-niece, who had considerable influence over him, insisted on having the retractation signed at that parti¬ cular moment. Talleyrand replied, “ I have never yet been in a hurry, and yet I have always arrived in time.” The 214 FRA ^History, paper was not signed till five o’clock on the following morn- ing- At eight o’clock the king came in person to visit him. 1837. Talleyrand, faithful to etiquette, and always acting a part, wished to receive his royal visitor standing, and had strength enough to say, “ Sire, this is the greatest honour which my house has ever received.” An hour afterwards the great actor was no more. He was a man of exquisite tact and great talent, but without a moral sense; justice and injustice, good and evil, were distinctions unknown to him. He wor¬ shipped success only. The Chamber successively voted dur¬ ing the remainder of the session a law of departmental or¬ ganization, upon the constitution of the staff of the army, &c. The principle of the conversion of the rentes was also voted by the Deputies, but the bill was thrown out by the Peers. The question of railways occupied a good deal of the attention of the legislature, and it was much debated whether the lines should be undertaken by the state or by COmpanieS' U.ltimatelylt was decided in favour of the latter. A plot against the government was the subject of so¬ lemn inquiry before the Peers in the month of May. The principal conspirator was one Louis Hubert, and he had for accomplice a Swiss mechanic named Steuble. Amongst his accomplices figured Mademoiselle Grou- velle, who was also mixed up in the conspiracy of Alibaud, Pepin, Morey, &c. Hubert was condemned to transporta¬ tion ; Steuble and Mademoiselle Grouvelle to five years’ imprisonment. Mademoiselle Grouvelle lost her reason during her captivity, and Steuble committed suicide by cut¬ ting his throat. About the period when this affair of Hu¬ bert was before the Peers, Marshal Soult was sent over as ambassador extraordinary for the coronation of Her Majesty, and the old warrior was enthusiastically received by the Eng¬ lish people. It was in this month that Louis Napoleon Bo¬ naparte, now Emperor of the French, returned from Ame¬ rica to Arenenberg. The French government summoned Switzerland to expel him, when the grand council of Thur- govia declared he was a citizen of the canton. This resis¬ tance led to the formation of a corps of 20,000 men on the Swiss frontier. In order to put an end to this state of things, Louis Bonaparte left Arenenberg for London on the 20th September. On the 24th August the Duchess d’Or- leans gratified the hopes of her family and the nation by giv¬ ing birth to a young prince, who received the name of the Comte de Paris. The French troops evacuated Ancona on the 15th October. To this measure M. Mole unwillingly consented, as the occupation of Ancona by the French was not merely a guarantee against the Austrians, but in some sort a satisfaction to the inhabitants of Romagna. Negotiations were renewed for imposing on Holland and Belgium the execution of the treaty of the 24 articles. The king of Holland found resistance so onerous that he resigned himself to his fate, and Belgium, after some modi- . fication in the financial conditions, also submitted. iST ° rp^le sess*on °f 1839 opened on the 17th December 1838. The speech from the throne announced the resumption of the conference of London on the affairs of Belgium and Holland, the evacuation of Ancona, and the despatch of fresh naval forces to obtain from the Mexican government the justice and protection which French commerce required. I he speech dwelt on the prosperous state of the finances and the progressive increase of the public revenue. A majority of the commission nominated to draw up the ad¬ dress in answer to the speech, was hostile to the govern¬ ment. 1 his document expressed a regret that Ancona was evacuated without the guarantees which a proper foresight would have provided. Allusions were made to the condition of Spain and of Poland—to the differences with Switzerland and above all to the direct and undue influence of the crown on public affairs. While the dis¬ cussion on the address continued, news arrived of the taking of St Juan de Ulloa by Admiral Baudin, an exploit in which N C E. the Prince de Joinville participated. The address was car- History. ried by a majority of thirteen, 221 having voted for it and - > 208 against it. So small a majority must have ended in a 1339 dissolution of the ministry had not the king sustained the Cabinet and resorted to a dissolution. The parties formerly most hostile to each other united against M. Mole, and with them MM. Guizot and Odillon Barrot co-operated w'ith zeal and energy. Nor w'as the ministry idle. Every Resigna- expedient was resorted to in order to obtain a majority, buttion of without success, and M. Mole and all his colleagues resigned min^s^ry- on the 8th of March 1839. The Mole Cabinet had lasted nearly two years, and deserved praise for an amnesty which was calculated to put an end to the state of warwhich divided the people into two hostile camps. The defect of the Cabinet was its weakness in parliamentary talent. W'ith the excep¬ tion of the chief of the Cabinet, an experienced, grave, and capable man, respected for his moderation and hi