Towards the reconstruction of a Christian social order TOtOiX'Tcis M/\^ AbUi^ TOWARDS THE RECONSTRUCTION OF A CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ORDER by John P. Monaghan, Ph. D. ?5S1 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order by Rev. John P. Monaghan, Ph. D., Founder of the Association of Catholic Trade Unionists. Four addresses delivered in the nationwide Catholic Hour produced by the National Council of Catholic Men, in cooperation with the National Broadcasting Company. (On Sundays from June 4 to 25, 1939) Page The Man God Made 3 The World Man Made 12 When Labor Does Not Organize 23 Industry Incorporated 34 OUR SUNDAY VISITOR LIBRARY HUNTINGTON, INDIANA The National Council of Catholic Men Producers of the Catholic Hour 1312 Massachusetts Avenue, N. W. Washington, D. C. Printed and distributed by Our Sunday Visitor Huntington, Indiana Imprimatur: ^ JOHN FRANCIS NOLL, D. D., Bishop of Fort Wayue DMukRRsd THE MAN GOD MADE Address delivered on May 28, 1939 All is not well in this America of ours. A recent thoughtful book presents this picture of the con- temporary scene in our heavy industry. We quote: ‘'I saw ! there it was—^the whole of the smoky semi- circle of Gary and South Chicago. It was a battle zone, with wire fences and search-lights and private policemen and machine guns, and spies nosing around in what should be people’s most private affairs, and employers who declare that they are ready to trust their employees just as far as they would trust a rattlesnake, and working men who have the same kind of hatred for the company they must work for.” Such a local condition would menace the social security of our Nation at any time, but today it is not a local situation; it is sympto- matic of our whole national life. There is almost a state of civil war between workers and employers; violent in the industries, latent everywhere. Over what are we battling? What are the issues involved? The author of this study answers us emphatically and definitely. He says : “The issue is not wages or an open shop or the details of working conditions; the issue is the rightful ends of human life” And he continues : “Unless this fact is recognized, and some- body goes to work to solve the problem on this basis ; the war will go on until one side or another is annihilated—or both, and the social structure of the entire Country is strained dangerously or wrecked.” That the issue between labor and capital is not wages, or hours, or working conditions, may be a surprise to many, including economists and sociolo- 4 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order gists; but the conclusion of Professor Rollo Walter Brown, that the issue is the rightful ends of human life is no surprise to the spiritual leaders of Christendom. Most emphatically for over forty years Leo the XIII and Pius XI in their letters on Labor have insisted that the social problem growing out of our economic life is basically a religious prob- lem. The late Pontiff, in his encyclical on Recon- structing the Social Order, says : “Though economic science and moral discipline are guided each by its own principles in its own sphere, it is false that the two orders are so distinct and alien that the former in no way depends on the latter .... reason itself clearly deduces from the nature of things and from the individual and social character of man, what is the end and object of the whole economic order assigned by God the Creator^’. The Pontiff contin- ues: “The moral law alone which commands us to seek in all our conduct our supreme and final end, and to strive directly in our specific actions for those ends which nature, or rather, the Author of nature, has established for them, duly subordinating the particular to the general.^’ There can be no peace in our economic life until it conforms to the nature of man, and the purpose God had in creating him. In this economic warfare, it is as clear to the Pro- fessor, as to the Pontiff, “That the issue is the right- ful ends of human life.” The present economic order does not operate favorably to the destiny of man. Pius XI observed, “It violates right order whenever capital so employs the working or wage earning classes as to divert business and economic activity entirely to its own arbitrary will and advantage without any regard to the human dignity of the workers, the social char- The Man God Made 5 acter of economic life, social justice and the common good.” To reconstruct a social order fit and safe for man to live in, we must know what a man is and what he is made for. Let us tell the ancient story of his creation as we read it in the book of Genesis. And God said : '‘Let us make man to our image and likeness : and let him have dominion over the fishes of the sea, and the fowls of the air, and the beasts, and the whole earth, and every creeping creature that moveth upon the earth. And God created man to his own image: to the image of God he created him: male and female he created them. And God blessed them, saying : Increase and multiply, and fill the earth, and subdue it, and rule over the fishes of the sea, and the fowls of the air, and all living creatures that move upon the earth. . . And God saw all the things that he had made, and they were very good.” What then is man? He is part of all living things, and needs what all living things need, secur- ity, food, and shelter ; but he needs more than that, for a man is more than plant and animal. Man is a person. Man has a spiritual soul that is made in the image of God ; and from that soul comes the power to understand, the power to control his actions, the power to determine and shape his existence. “Thou has made him a little less than the angels”, the Psalmist wrote. “What a piece of work is a man! How noble in reason! How infinite in faculty! In form and moving how express and admirable! In action how like an angel ! In apprehension how like a God!” God-like man knows and can determine himself. What does he know? He knows that a life on the lowest level—that of production and repro- 6 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order duction, the plant life so many persons are con- strained to live—is not good enough for him; he knows that the life even of a well-cared-for active animal that the great majority of workers can only dream about, that that life is not good enough for him. He knows in his heart's core that nothing in all this world is good enough for him. He knows that that final hunger, still unsatisfied when he has all he needs, is the hunger of his soul for God. ‘Thou has made us for Thyself, and our hearts are restless till they rest in Thee." Man must follow his destiny or perish, and his destiny is God. Man knows and is free to choose. He is able to act intelligently and freely in deciding be- tween right and wrong, and thereby merit everlast- ing happiness. Obviously he couldn't merit anything unless he knew what he was doing, and was free to do it. Thus the powers of thinking and willing are means to an end, namely, happiness after death. Accordingly, the ultimate basis of human dignity is man's eternal destiny. Man is worthwhile because he is worth God's Love, and because he is worth God's Love he is worth a living wage ; worth a social and economic order that will ennoble him and never degrade him. God-like man knows and is free, so he is a person. His worth proceeds from himself; no state, no corporation, no other man gives him his value. His worth proceeds from his own personality. We say, the person is inviolable. These gifts which God has given to man put him above all created things, and it is these gifts of intelligence and free will that are the basis of human dignity. The power to know and will is given to man to merit his destiny, everlasting life with God. Since these powers are powers of the human soul, the ultimate basis of The Man God Made 7 human dignity is the spiritual uniqueness of the human soul. In the plant and animal world of which man is a part, he is preeminent because of his higher des- tiny; he has dominion over them. The earth has been given to man to serve his purpose. But in his own world of men, all men are equal ; every man is made to the image of God; every man shares the Divine Life; every man has a title to the respect of his brethren. Certainly no man or corporation of men may submerge him to the gross existence of mere animal security. It would be a sin crying for vengeance if he were deprived of that sufficiency of material goods which St. Thomas Aquinas holds to be ‘‘Necessary for a virtuous life'’. Plants without nourishment corrupt. Animals without food are dangerous. Men that have not a sufficiency of mater- ial goods are restrained from living a normal human life, so they are corrupting; they are menacing; they are corrosives in the social body. This principle of the intrinsic dignity of man is one of far-reaching importance. On it rests the order and happiness of America. For “The Social Question" is the sum total of the problems produced in a society by men who refuse to grant each man his rights as a person. The dignity of man is in proportion to the pur- pose of his creation. Almost from the beginning, man asked the question: Why did God make me? An almost universal tradition replied, one way or another, the familiar catechism answer : “God made you to know Him, to love Him, to serve Him here, and to be happy with Him hereafter." God revealed the purpose He had in making man in the Old Tes- 8 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order tamentj, but most emphatically through His Son Jesus Christ. There is no reason whatever for man’s existence apart from this revealed purpose. Any lesser reason would violate the traditional consciousness of the human race which holds that man, the noblest of God’s creatures, was made for the noblest of all ends. Design and purpose are manifest in every existing thing. All scientific progress is postulated on the order and purposefulness of every atom. Man is no exception. Man’s purpose is to know and love and worship God ; because this is the loftiest of pur- poses, man is the loftiest, the noblest of created things. It is well for us here to recall the truth affirmed in the second paragraph of our Declaration of In- dependence: “We hold these truths to be self evi- dent, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” This truth, so basic to our democracy, assumes that we believe that every man, woman, and child possesses intrinsic value and is sacred; and that each carries within himself the purpose of his being. “Everybody must count for one and nobody for more than one.” The only guarantee of order and happiness in our society is the unqualified acceptance of the prin- ciple that every human being is a person, that he possesses human dignity and has a noble end. When we violate the ends of human life we sin, and the harvest of sin is death—death indeed of our own life in God but death, too, to the economic and social life that ministers to the life of man in God. We speak of an economic war. “Every war is basically a The Man God Made 9 religious war.” Our pit heads, shops, factories, and fields have become, as they were described in Gary and South Chicago, war zones in which the basic issue is indeed ‘the ends of human life’. The moral issue is, shall profits determine the value of the person, or shall the common good determine the value of the profits ? Hardly anyone would maintain that profits are more important than people. Yet nearly every business enterprise assumes that prin- ciple, though it has almost ruined business. To restore harmony to our society, to give secur- ity to invested money and, what is more important, to invested labor, we must restore the unit of so- ciety, we must restore man to his natural human dig- nity, repossess him of human personality. He can only be restored in Christ of whose Mystical Body we are all members. Christ alone is the Way and the Life—the only way, the fullest life. Man’s per- sonality has been debased by sin. It has been cor- roded by the social hates generated by competition for his daily bread. Pius XI in his Encyclical Re- constructing the Social Order said : “The conditions of social and economic life are such that vast mul- titudes of men can only with great difficulty pay attention to that one thing necessary, namely their eternal salvation.” Again in the same Encyclical he says : “How universally has the true Christian spirit become impaired. . . In its stead, man’s one solicitude is to obtain his daily bread in any way he can. And so bodily labor, which was decreed by Providence for the good of man’s body and soul even after original sin, has everywhere been changed into an instrument of strange perversion; for dead matter leaves the factory ennobled and transformed where men are corrupted and degraded.” 10 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order Will the world of tomorrow continue to measure progress only by diminished time and matter in- creased at man’s expense? The man God made and gave dominion to is crowded in slums, degraded and dehumanized by labor that God intended to ennoble and personalize him. Aged more by worry than work, his mind rises no higher than his day’s need. The American Worker is still the ''man with the hoe”. Is this the Thing the Lord God made and gave To have dominion over sea and land? To trace the stars and search the heavens for power ; To feel the passion for Eternity? There is no shape more terrible than this — More tongued with censure of the world’s blind greed More filled with signs and portents for the soul — More fraught with menace to the Universe. Pope Pius XI declared: "This longed for social reconstruction must be preceded by a profound re- newal of the Christian spirit, from which multitudes engaged in industry in every country have unhappily departed. Otherwise, all our endeavors will be futile . . .” To restore the Christian Social Order in conformity with the dignity of man, the ends of human life, we must be Christian. To be a Christian is to accept Christ literally as your brother and His brethren with Him. His brethren—there’s the rub. It’s easy enough to accept Christ. Time has made the Carpenter of Nazareth respectable, but His breth- ren we know: carpenters, miners, factory workers, domestic servants, office workers. They are often crude, often vulgar, very, very common, just as The Man God Made 11 common as the man who kept a shop on a side street of Nazareth. These are His brethren—and He is most jealous of them. “As long as you did it to one of these my least brethren, you did it to me''. “Be- hold the man" said Pilate, as he showed Him to the multitude. He wasn't much of a Man to look at; bloody and hungry and belittled. Yet we would like to think had we been there, we would have done all we could for Him. Certainly we wouldn't think anyone had done much for Him if, in the hour of His great need, Christ was offered a pamphlet, or a theory, or advice. And His brethren, the 11,000,000 American unemployed, who are as belittled now as Christ was then, they think so too ! THE WORLD MAN MADE Address delivered on June 4, 1939 The first chapter of Genesis concludes this way: '‘And God saw all the things that he had made, and they were very good/’ Why were they very good? They were very good because God was the creative, integrating principle behind everything, nothing remained out of relation to Him and nothing remain- ed out of relation to everything else. God’s world was one. Literally His world was wholesome be- cause it was a whole, entire like a healthy body, in which the life of every cell is alive with the life of the whole body. When man sinned he introduced into the wholesome world of God a principle of dis- integration. “Every one for himself.” Sin was, and is, a wilful and deliberate act of separatism in which a part asserts its supremacy against the whole. The present corroding national misery which we speak of under the very pleasant name “Social Problem” is man made. It is the harvest of sin. It is the world man made for himself. The world of me and mine. God made the world good, what is bad in it is man made. It is well for us to keep this in our mind, for we tend to think of unemployment and want as phenomena like the seasons of the year, continually recurring and inevitable to life. Man made misery, and our present economic misery man made accord- ing to a pattern called Capitalism. The social problem of today is difficult to present simply. It touches as many sides of life that are unseen as those that are evident. That’s why so many see so little wrong with poverty; they see so little of it. The cruelty of the social problem is felt The World Man Made 13 by the great majority of all our workers who even in the years of so-oalled prosperity did not receive a de- cent living wage. Who can adequately express the loss of self-respect, the loss of self-reliance, the cor- roding sense of uselessness, which eleven millions of our unemployed fellow-citizens feel this evening in this, the richest country in the world? Its ruthless- ness is felt by the hundreds of thousands who have lost home or business, or even both, in the tragedy of this great depression. The hardness of Capitalism is felt by those who manage industry, business, or finance because they can only maintain themselves by a competition in which there is no ethic and hardly even a sporting chance. The present modern system of economy is almost entirely dominated by the profit motive and so it caters more to man’s wants than to his needs, be- cause wants are always more profitable to cater to. At the present time the world has more power than any previous age, but it has used its new power for destruction as much as for life. It has more wealth, yet we are in the throes of a vast economic crisis. It has more knowledge, yet all our knowledge seems powerless to help us. The modern form of this social question of ours is the result of the industrial revolution which occur- red during the eighteenth century. Machine in- dustry needed workers and the poorer population of the land crowded into urban industrial centers and changed that population from a condition of com- parative economic independence into a propertyless wage earning proletariat. The condition of these workers in mines and factories became one of abject misery in many instances. Women, and even little children, were compelled to share the burden of 14 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order family maintenance. Gradually this condition aroused the interest of right minded men. Forty- eight years ago, Pope Leo XIII issued his famous encyclical which bore the significant title: On the Condition of Labor. The purpose of this document was to lay down rules for the solution of the difficult problem between capital and labor, known as the ‘'Social Question.” The Pontiff in that famous letter counselled legis- lation to safeguard the rights of workmen, to regu- late hours and conditions of work, the labor of women and children, and to assure the laborer of a just wage, to enable him not only to get food and clothing and shelter for himself and his dependents, but also to acquire that minimum of property neces- sary for a reasonably secure existence. The Pope defended and urged the promotion of workmen's associations and especially of organizations such as the Association of Catholic Trade Unionists, so that the rights of labor might be defended by concerted action and so that the laborer might be educated for leadership through a knowledge of the right prin- ciples and ideals proper to the solution of the social problem. This encyclical On the Condition of Labor condemned the separatism, or, as we would call it, the rugged individualism which had brought about the social question, and, at the same time, condemned the Marxian Socialists who demanded that the social problem be solved by the abolition of private prop- erty and the public ownership of the means of pro- duction. Had the advice given by Pope Leo XIII been heeded forty-eight years ago we would not now be suffering from the world-wide economic misery that lies like a blight upon our contemporary civiliza- The World Man Made 15 tion. We must not forget that there were some employers, pitiably few, who did what they could through social legislation to remedy the inhuman conditions of labor; some too gave a splendid ex- ample of understanding and cooperating with or- ganized labor. But in spite of this good will towards the worker by a few enlightened groups we may say that the same causes which had brought about the miserable lot of the laboring classes in the last cen- tury continued to work on into the present century until almost the whole machinery of rugged indi- vidualistic capitalism is brought to a standstill in our own time. The ruthless competition of the past was re- placed, step by step, in the interests of the self- preservation of business by an even more fatal con- centration, centralization of economic and financial control in the hands of the directors of joint stock corporations. The most important of these corporations, num- bering in this country about two hundred, are vir- tual monopolies which influence the daily press, run strong governmental lobbies, determine certain com- modity prices to their advantage, close down fac- tories, change the purchasing power of money to some extent, block the free exchange of money and credit, and actually own eighty percent of any pro- ductive industrial property. Pope Pius XI says : ‘‘Not alone is wealth accumulated, but immense power and despotic eco- nomic domination is concentrated in the hands of a few.” Moreover, he continues, those few who hold the despotic economic domination “are frequently not the owners, but only the trustees and directors of 16 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order invested funds, 'who administer them at their good pleasure/^ They are directors and officers who need own but little of what they dominate. These indus- trial corporations are said to be run by their execu- tives who somehow have taken power without ownership. The executives know differently; for they rule usually at the sufferance of the banks. It is reported on good authority, for example, that eight New York banks have 287 insurance directorships; 301 other banking directorships; 521 public utility directorships; 526 railroad, steamship and airplane transportation directorships, and 846 manufactur- ing directorships. In 1929, before the depression, seventy percent of our American families had incomes ranging from next to nothing to a maximum of $2,500 a year. Let us see how matters stand today. According to a dis- tinguished authority in the New York Department of Welfare : “Approximately 1,300,000 men, women and children are dependent upon some form of public relief in New York City;^’ that is, one out of every six residents of this, the wealthiest city in the world, are dangerously impoverished. The future seems no brighter, for according to the same author- ity: “We must face the fact that public aid is not temporary, but a permanent responsibility of gov- ernment, for it is evident to all by this time that we haven’t the economic possibilities of providing jobs for all who need work.” With greater pity than in the olden days Christ says: “I have compassion on the multitude,” for in the midst of His plenty, still, they have not enough to eat. A leather medal should go to the gentleman who told a learned society in Washington the other day: “Mercy killings of the aged, criminally insane and The World Man Made 17 other hopeless misfits, young and old, might provide the answer to the question: ‘How shall we cut the cost of relief?' " Probably he represents the state of mind of a large number of well placed people who feel that the social problem could be eliminated by the elimination of people. Indeed, the advocates of birth control do say that, but, being well-mannered people, they don't say it that way. Economic insecurity, which was formerly con- fined to the industrial wage earner, the man without property, menaces now every other group in our society : The white collar class, the office worker, the great majority of the farm population, and even the professions. Consequently the whole social order has become unstable. The trend is running towards the formation of an American proletariat, a property- less wage earning class. Way must be found to give the ordinary industrious American a real stake in America. This means more than a living wage. It means an opportunity for the worker to secure ownership proportionate to his ability and willing- ness to acquire in a fair way. One does not have to be very wise to appreciate this observation of a con- temporary writer: “Political freedom without eco- nomic freedom is almost worthless ; it is because the modern proletariat has the one kind of freedom without the other that its rebellion is now threaten- ing the very structure of the modern world." To remedy the situation merely by social legisla- tion has now become clearly insufficient. We must look to further means. Americans in increasing numbers have lost their rugged individualistic be- lief that social and economic laws, if left to them- selves, will regulate harmoniously the interests of workers, capitalists, and consumers. We are coming 18 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order to the conviction that a social and economic order can be established in ’which the common good and individual enterprise can function without conflict. The question now is in what direction and by what means can this organization be brought about. One thing seems certain. The old notion—no interfer- ence by the State in private business—no longer holds good. On this subject Pope Pius XI, in Recon- structing the Social Order, had this to say: ^Tro- vided that the natural and divine law be observed, the public authority, in view of the common good, may specify more accurately what is licit and what is illicit for property owners in the use of their pos- sessions. . . The State may not discharge this duty in an arbitrary manner . . . However, when civil authority adjusts ownership to meet the needs of the public good it acts not as an enemy, but as the friend of private owners; for thus it effectively prevents the possession of private property, intended by Nature^s Author in His Wisdom for the sustaining of human life, from creating intolerable burdens and so rushing to its own destruction.” 'Tree compe- tition and still more economic domination must be kept within just and definite limits . . . under the effective control of the public authority in matters appertaining to this latter’s competence.” The State must assume a nobler function than that of being a mere policeman in the traffic ways of business. Nevertheless we cannot assume that the State alone is in a position to set in motion the wheels of eco- nomic life again. This idea of government planning and government direction of industry dominates the life of Soviet Russia, Italy, and Germany. While big business men are heard very thoughtlessly and reck- lessly calling for a strong hand in Government, I am The World Man Made 19 sure they realize that any strong hand in Govern- ment would not be a glad hand for business, for a strong government hand is far more inimical to in- vested capital than to invested labor. As Americans, and particularly as Christian Americans, if we wish to preserve and maintain our traditions, we must stop, look, and listen; we must examine this social question in the light of basic moral principles to determine the area and extent of the errors in it. We must ^determine then, concretely and practi- cally, where the reformation and reorganization must begin. As Archbishop Mooney says : ‘'We must either talk out our difficulties or fight them out. Who can doubt which of these two is the American way to settle differences. Who that loves America, and all that America stands for, can fail to be deeply dis- turbed at the sight of preparations to fight our dif- ferences, rather than to talk them, out. Who can fail to see that the outlook in America today would be far more hopeful if the amount of thought and money which is being expended on industrial strife were to be spent on developing agencies for indus- trial discussion and conciliation.” Popes Leo XIII and Pius XI characterized the present economic order as that in which capital is provided by one group and labor by another. Neither of the Popes has condemned outright this arrange- ment. Pope Pius XI in Quadragesimo Anno says: “This system itself is not to be condemned and surely it is not vicious of its very nature, but it vio- lates right order whenever capital so employs the working or wage earning classes as to divert busi- ness and economic activity entirely to its own arbi- trary will and advantage without any regard to the human dignity of the workers, the social character 20 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order of economic life, social justice and the common good.” As a means of realizing the law of social justice between those who provide capital and those who furnish labor necessary for production, the Supreme Pontiff (proposes) and (strongly urges) the for- mation of vocational gi*oups which shall bind men together, not according to their position in the labor market, but according to the functions which they exercise in society'. The encyclical further counsels the modification of the wage contract by a contract of paitnership which shall permit wage earners to become sharers in the ownership, management, and profits of an enterprise. This pronouncement is directed against the current false assumption that exclusive control and the largest share of profits should belong to those who provide and administer capital. That form of capitalism is as basically anti- Christian as any communism. Indeed, it might be well for some of our highly specialized reformers to direct more of their attention to anti-Christian capi- talism which they live under rather than to anti- Christian communism which they have only read about; then, perhaps it’s safer to talk about com- munists who can’t kick you than about capitalists who certainly can. We mustn’t forget that the worker in any busi- ness enterprise is an investor as well as the man who contributes his wealth. The worker invests in the enterprise something more precious than anything; namely, himself, and so even from the point of view of values, the man who has invested his personality in an enterprise is entitled proportionately to a greater consideration than the investor who has con- tributed only things. The plan of Pope Pius XI aims The World Man Made 21 at the decentralization and distribution not only of the ownership of capital but of the direction and con- trol of capital. Neither our present rugged indi- vidualism with its sinful disregard for the common good, its separatism from the common life and its disregard of personal rights, nor communism with its de-humanized collectivist machinery of produc- tion and distribution of wealth provides an accept- able solution of the social question. Neither of these can end otherwise than in disaster, for neither of them rightfully regards the ends of human life. The task of reconstructing the social order be- longs to the occupational groups who make up the social body. As a matter of fact, we have passed out of an individualistic structure of society: We have corporations of finance and public utilities, guilds of the professions, industrial cartels, chambers of com- merce, bankers and manufacturing associations. The trade union and labor union and consumer groups very ineffectively as yet represent the worker and the consumer, who are in the majority. All the existing groups must be made to realize the limits of their rights and the extent of their mutual duties within the social body. They must be made to see, if necessary by legislation and appropriate sanctions, that the common good of all is the highest norm of economic and social activity. To do this we must begin now. It is later than we think. Each must begin with himself. A sick body begins its cure from a healthy cell. Each of us is a unit in the social body of our sick nation. Its cancerous selfishness shall be made healthy by health flowing out of healthy cells. Cells that live the Christ-life shall renew the sin-sick body of our be- loved nation. 22 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order Wherever two or three shall be gathered together in Christ's name, He shall be in the midst of them. Two or three to study, to pray, and to do in His name. Three, two, even one, with Him, is a great majority. WHEN LABOR DOES NOT ORGANIZE Address delivered on June 11, 1939 In his book, When Labor Organizes, Professor Brooks says: “If political life is to express the needs, attitudes and aspirations of all the economic groups in the society, people must organize around their most important economic interests. Within this economic organization political life takes place and its product, in the form of policies or demands, may then be enforced directly on the economic front or raised to the level of the political life of the whole community.” The national life is like a body. Like the body, it has many organs. Some of these organs have to do with mind-work, other organs produce the energy of Capital, while the workers, as muscle organs, are in the majority. That social body is most healthy in which “mind”, capital, and labor are best organized ; not alone for the health of each separate organ but for the body’s common good. Labor is the second largest economic group in our country, but it is not organized. And so it can only feebly affect the political life of the nation. Labor’s “needs, atti- tudes and aspirations” have no adequate political life, that is, no policy making power, because it is not organized around its most important economic interest; viz., wages or salaries and the conditions of work. Then when Labor does not organize we can say that the political life of the nation is not much affected by Labor’s needs and only the minimum governmental policies are concerned with Labor’s attitudes and aspirations. In other words, when Labor is not organized it is without political power. 24 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order it is not functioning healthily for the national demo- cratic life. Now what happens to a devitalized organ of the human body? When an organ of the human body is without its normal life-power it sickens and finally disease sets in. Unorganized labor in the body of an industrial society such as ours produces a pathology all too familiar under the various names of Communism, Fascism, Socialism. They are the social diseases of an economy in which the energy- giving organ called “Capital” has almost a monopoly of the body^s resources. There are from thirty to forty million people whose economic life blood is wages or salaries. In this group arises the social problem, for they are not organized. They have “needs, attitudes and aspira- tions,” but only about seven million out of the pos- sible forty million are organized into unions. Only about a mere fifteen to eighteen out of every hun- dred are organized to realize their own “needs, atti- tudes and aspirations.” Labor should be one of the most vital organs in a democratic social order, but it is not here ; so that we may say when Labor does not organize in Amer- ica you have that vicious paradox, political democ- racy for the benefit of a financial autocracy. Pius XI, speaking of this situation in his Encyclical Quad- ragesimo Anno says: “Free competition is dead. Economic dictatorship has taken its place.” We have compared Capital with energy-giving organs in the body. In our American social body Capital is well organized into unions called Trade Associations. The directory of the United States Department of Commerce, Selected Trade Associa- tions of the United States, lists the names and addresses of 2,400 Associations of Employers. These When Labor Does Not Organize 25 Associations are efficiently organized for the mutual aid and protection of their members; besides many of them are linked together to ‘ffight labor.” Now, if invested wealth realizes how necessary organization is for its self-preservation in the eco- nomic life of the nation, we must ask ourselves why it is that workers do not join unions, since unions are presumed to be dedicated to the interests of the workers ? The chief reason why America lags behind all other industrial nations in trade unionism is because of the opposition of employers, especially some of the larger corporations. While there is, unquestionably, hostility to trade unionism in the small establish- ments, the greatest opposition to unionism in the United States comes from the powerful organiza- tions employing the largest proportion of workers. These great corporations see in the organization of workers a check to their own power. Only with diffi- culty has American business been made to realize the natural right of the worker to collective bargaining. Other nations have accepted this right as natural, reasonable, and just. American businessmen still be- lieve that it violates their right to do with their own business as they please. The company-domi- nated union, the so-called independent union, labor spies, the discharge and the black-list, are still too frequently the American industrialist's answer to man’s fundamental right to organize. To offset this bias against Labor, the National Labor Relations Act (The Wagner Act) made this moral right to organize, a legal right. The National Labor Rela- tions Act forbids unfair labor practices on the part of the employers. This is the only purpose of the Act; namely, to give labor an opportunity to or- 26 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order ganize. Very few of the objections against this Act have any validity because they accuse it of failing to do what it was never intended to do. It may be said to the credit of a large and increasing number of employers that they are observing the spirit and letter of the Wagner Act in dealing frankly with the chosen representatives of the employees; neverthe- less many powerful employers still persist in their opposition to the law. The Wagner Act is, of course, one-sided, as indeed every social law is that seeks to better a group deficient in some need. Since the law is designed to protect the natural right to organize and since, as Leo XIII insists, “The government must protect natural rights, not destroy them,'’ Catholics should rise to the defense of the law as an essential use of the government power. This brings us to the important question: “Has labor a moral right to organize?" Leo XIII calls the innate impulse urging men to organize for their common good a natural propensity. Leo XIII main- tains that to form voluntary associations is the nat- ural right of man. Consequently to deprive him of it renders him something less than a man. It deprives him of a personal right. Pius XI repeated the teach- ing of Leo XIII and added that to deny or frustrate the natural right to form unions is “criminal injus- tice." In the Encyclical Quadragesimo Anno, Pius XI has fourteen references to workingmen's associa- tions or unions. This, for example, makes sufficient- ly clear the attitude of the Catholic Church to labor unions : “Just as the citizens of the same municipal- ity are wont to form associations with diverse aims, which various individuals are free to join or not, similarly, those who are engaged in the same trade When Labor Does Not Organize 27 or profession will form free associations among themselves, for purposes connected with their occu- pations. Our Predecessor has explained clearly and lucidly the nature of these free associations. We are content, therefore, to emphasize this one point : Not only is man free to institute these unions which are of a private character, but he has the right ‘further to adopt such organization and such rules as may best conduce to the attainment of their respective objects.' The same liberty must be claimed for the founding of associations which extend beyond the limits of a single trade." This stand of the Church is determined on the basic premise that all men are children of a common Father and brothers one to another in Jesus Christ. The Church recognizes that the function of society is to enable man to attain his ultimate end. And to attain that ultimate end in this way of life he needs a minimum economic security. And to attain that economic security he has a right to organize with his fellow workers for their common good. The Church well knows that in modern industry the individual worker and the employer, usually a corporation, cannot bargain freely. The individual worker is bargaining not only with the employer, he is bargaining against his own need. Youth bargains against old age. The young unmarried man bargains against the married man with more responsibility. Invested wealth certainly has the right to bargain collectively through corpora- tions with Labor. For equally good reasons Labor has the same right. The Catholic wage earner, and the salary worker in the United States, should not hesitate to join any of the A. F. of L., C. I. 0., or Railroad Brotherhoods, for in spite of much propaganda to the contrary. 28 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order these three organizations have a splendid record for justice and equity. It is the duty of all wage earners to join the one of these organizations which will best meet his needs, and he must also share the responsi- bility for the development of the honor and healthy functioning of his union. There is another important reason why wage and salary workers should organize. It is the obligation of social justice. Pius XI in his Encyclical Atheistic Communism affirms : ‘‘Now it is the very essence of social justice to demand from each individual all that is necessary for the common good.’’ The most urgent need of our times is the distribution of the goods and services which our present equipment and resources can produce. If all industry in 1929 had operated to capacity, at least one-third more goods than were consumed in that year would have been available for the average family; and by 1937 more than an additional one-half would have been avail- able. How to enable America to consume what America produces is the greatest economic problem facing the Nation. To help establish national welfare, the worker has a responsibility in the community, and the best means he has to discharge that responsibility is to affiliate with a union of his occupation, whether craft or industrial, for unorganized labor means low wages; and low wages means under-buying; and under-buying produces unemployment—and out of unemployment we have our present national depres- sion. On the other hand, through organization he can obtain higher wages. High wages increase his buying power; and increased buying power means employment—and the national well-being is derived from general employment of the worker. It is hard When Labor Does Not Organize 29 for us to realize what a small percentage of the national wealth is accessible to unorganized Labor. According to the National Resources Committee, in 1935 and 1936, fourteen percent of the twenty-nine million families in the Country received less than $500 per year; forty-two percent less than $1,000; sixty-five percent less than $1,500 ; and eighty-seven percent less than $2,500. The workers of the Nation can expect no fairer share of the products of our national resources and services, other than by or- ganizing into unions. By unionism we obtained in the past political security and independence. Only through trade unionism will economic security come to the worker. The question is frequently asked : “Do men who receive fairly good incomes have any obligation to join a union?’’ We might answer either in justice or in charity, “Yes.” They are required to associate themselves with their weaker brethren for the common good and, indeed, for their own continued security; for if they work in an industry which is partly organized, it is more than likely that the good conditions which they enjoy came to them as an effort made by their non-union employer “To keep the union out.” Such non-union employees are there- fore enjoying the fruit of others’ sacrifices. The workers in the union shops probably risked their jobs to have the union recognized and they con- tribute monthly to keep it efficient. In justice then, the non-union employees are bound to carry their share of the common burden of their fellow-workers. Now, a word about company-unionism. Company unions today are usually called “Independent” unions because they are not affiliated with recognized bodies such as the A. F. of L. or the C. I. 0. Actually, the 30 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order so-called independent union is the most dependent of unions and corresponds to the type of unionism that exists in the totalitarian states where govern- ment appoints the workers’ representatives. Of course, the company does not appoint the workers’ representatives, but it essentially and actually con- trols them. This control is evident when you recall that under all company or ‘‘Independent” union arrangements the employee is obliged to confine his choice of representatives to fellow-employees on the company’s payroll and the company is able to dis- charge these representatives if they find them to be too vigorous in representation. It is almost correct to say that under the company union plan the com- pany makes a contract with itself. Company union- ism is in direct opposition both to the letter and the spirit of the encyclical programs. The encyclicals repeat again and again the principle of freedom that, as in political, so in economic life, the right to self- organization is to be jealously guarded: “Not only is man free to institute these unions which are of a private character, but he has the right ‘further to adopt such organization and such rules as may best conduce to the attainment of their respective objects.’ The same liberty must be claimed for the founding of associations which extend beyond the limits of a single trade.” No matter by what pleasant name a company’s union is called, it is still a company’s union. There is a constant and subtle defamation of unionism and all it stands for in the movements that seem to have as their object the “Elimination of racketeers” and a “Greater responsibility in trade unions.” These ends are certainly desirable, but they are hardly the motives that actuate the reforms When Labor Does Not Organize 31 organized by associations of businessmen. Professor Harris of Yale University is responsible for these observations about these “Reforms”: “In the first place, with the exception of the Trucking and Build- ing Trades, Cleaning and Dyeing Services and Wholesale and Retail Food Supply, all of which by their perculiar marketing methods and competitive conditions lend themselves to racketeering, virtually none exists among American unions, or, if it exists, has been so microscopic as to avoid the diligent re- searches of many competent and interested investi- gators. In the second place, existing State and Fed- eral statutes; namely. Criminal Laws and the Fed- eral Anti-Trust Acts, when racketeering has an effect upon inter-State commerce, are more than adequate to safeguard the employer, the public and labor unions against this evil (racketeering). Final- ly, the financial integrity and business sense of the union officials may be favorably compared with their counterparts among business executives. Now, as far as responsibility is concerned, unions which have been able to exist over a few years’ time observe their contracts. In fact, less than one-half of one percent of the contracts between American Unions and their employers have been violated over a period of thirty-six years. With courts constantly crowded with suits between business firms arising from breach of contract, this record of American union- ism’s ninety-nine and one-half percent of fidelity to its pledges is, perhaps, a point to be pondered.” It is useless and hopeless for Capital in the Uni- ted States to fight collective bargaining and at the same time expect loyalty from the workers. No workers will show appreciation for the needs of an industry or be convinced of the integrity of their 32 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order employers if they have to fight for the existence of unions. If unions are treated as outlaw organiza- tions by a large part of American industry it cannot expect that the laborer will meet its demands for confidence with any assurance of conviction. The Papal program for the reconstruction of the social order does not regard unionization relying solely on collective bargaining as adequate machin- ery to effect social justice. It looks forward to a completely organized social and economic life, a life in which there would be a partnership between worker and employer with the government acting as Chairman. All the people, workers and employers in all establishments, in all industries and callings, would be organized, not only for their individual good but for the good of the whole social body. The outlook for this desired end is not too hopeful this evening, since only about one in six of the non-agri- cultural labor force of the country has won the free- dom to organize; and resistance to their further or- ganization is, if anything, increasing. Nevertheless, men of good will must take heart to follow the less dramatic way to solve the social problem that is de- vitalizing an increasing number of our fellow- citizens. Fascism and Communism present to the worker and, indeed, to many capitalists, blueprints of the world of tomorrow. It is certainly a dramatic solution and it certainly is not a Christian or an American solution. The first step in the Christian democratic American way towards social peace is by the way of trade unionism. Our present trade unions need a Christian philosophy to ennoble them and direct them. Christian men will not do much for a trade union by talking at it or down to it. They must come into it and make it move Christ-ways. Chris- When Labor Does Not Organize 33 tian philosophy will enable the trade union to take its first steps towards what our late Holy Father, Pius XI, envisioned in his labor encyclicals, as a cor- porate life of all workers — “mind,” capital, and labor—for the common good and the greater glory of God, our common Father. INDUSTRY INCORPORATED Address delivered on June 18, 1939 Perhaps the most accurate indictment of our present situation has been set forth in the following words: ''How universally has the true Christian spirit become impaired .... In its stead, man’s one solicitude is to obtain his daily bread in any way he can. And so bodily labor, which was decreed by Pro- vidence for the good of man’s body and soul even after original sin, has everywhere been changed into an instrument of strange perversion : for dead matter leaves the factory ennobled and transformed, where men are corrupted and degraded.” These burning words are not the volcanic eruption of an embittered liberal, but the clear judgment of the late Pope Pius XI made eight years ago in his famous encyclical. Reconstructing the Social Order, They present to us vividly and dramatically what has hap- pened to the common man in modern industry. Work, which was decreed by God to ennoble man, has in our modern industrial economy corrupted and de- graded him. Now the most important instrument of our modern industrial economy is the corporation. What is a corporation ? The modern corporation is the product of the policies that flowed out of individualism and the de- mands for mass production. A greater amount of wealth than any one or a small group of individuals could supply was necessary to manufacture and quickly transport goods to rapidly enlarging mar- kets. So the wealth of thousands of individuals was made available for this enterprise by the creation of the industrial corporation. By the authority of the Industry Incorporated 35 sovereign state the corporation became a ‘‘person”. Among other privileges, it has a right to sue and be sued, it enjoys perpetuity and a limited liability. Its great advantage is that it can easily accumulate capital, and its stockholders are not personally liable for the debts of their firm, usually they can lose no more than they invested. This corporate kind of business dominates our modern world and, accepting its obvious value to business enterprise, it must accept the responsibility too for the effects produced by its industry in the life of the American worker. About 2-3 of the field of business activity is under the control of corpora- tions. About 90% of mining, manufacturing, trans- portation, and communication and public utilities is corporation owned and directed. But even out of all proportion to this wealth, the corporations exercise an influence upon the political and social life of the people, for these industries in which corporations control about 90% of the field are the key industries of the Nation. Individual producers, like the farm- ers, and the retail merchant, must buy and sell ac- cording to their terms. The millions who are in their service and the millions who consume their products are affected by the slightest change in their policy. It is not an exaggeration to say that the policy of the great corporations has become our national business policy. Indeed we are told again and again that what we need is more business in government and less government in business. Corporate business has become an economic state alongside the political state with which it negotiates on terms of equality and sometimes with condescension. The power of these giant corporations is increas- ing rapidly and the depression has probably speeded 36 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order up the process, for thousands of small corporation units have been eliminated or absorbed in the last five years. We must take stock of this power, for it threatens the National Body. Like an uncontrolled cell in the human body, this organism, good in itself, threatens to become cancerous to the National Body. Its size challenges the power of the sovereign state and its influence reaches into every legislative assembly geographically associated with it. 'VNTien the textile industry moved South, where taxes were low and wages almost as low, all New England suf- fered most seriously. A utility- magnate boasted of “ovming” the Assembly of one of the largest states in the Union. The most generous contributors to political campaigns, often contributing to both sides to show their impartiality", are the directors of these great corporations. The public utility- industry^ has a particularly bad reputation in this respect. Is it merely political apathy-, or is it by- interested indo- lence that we still have twenty-three states without minimum wage legislation; thirty- states without a legal limit of eight hours of labor, even for women; and twenty-six states with a legal weekly limit in excess of forty-eight hours (including eight states with none at all). Commenting on this situation an authority (Miss Perkins) observes: “We have to face the fact that most hours laws fall short of covering all workers and that the various exceptions and omissions are based not so much on the nature of the work as on the pressure of special interest groups” The great corporations have been the most effective opponents of collective bargaining. Even the federal governmenfs strength behind the N.R.A. and the Wagner Act has not been strong enough to Industry Incorporated 37 meet the opposition of particularly powerful cor- porations. War-time equipment of some of the great plants to battle against labor is effective, and nationally scandalous. Capital’s tear gas, riot guns, spies, hired racketeers, these are clenched fists that America needs to fear. ‘‘The Mohawk Valley For- mula” is as insidious to American independence as the Communist Manifesto. Not only is the unorganized worker helpless before these industrial giants, but the great con- suming public is likewise their victim. Mr. and Mrs. Consumer must pay the high, inflexible prices set by the controlling groups, depression or no depression. They must pay a price that will include not only the manufacturer and the ordinary investor, but the promoter and the investment banker and the extravagantly salaried executive. Over this vast or- ganization, enjoying all the privileges of a “person” with a minimum of personal responsibility, neither the average citizen nor the average stockholder nor, indeed, the average state has much control. The great corporations are not incorporated into the national life. Every health organ of the human body is controlled and regulated by the common good ; the life of the lungs and the heart is a part of the common body’s life. When they cease to respond to the body’s common need they become dangerous, with the implication of death. In modern economic life corporations are probably necessary and their necessity is to be gauged by their value not to them- selves but to the community, but they have the seeds of evil in them as long as they operate by the present separation of ownership and control. What does a stockholder own in a corporation and what does he control? Modern Capitalism has many ways and 38 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order particularly many legal devices by which the stock- holder may be deprived of all actual control of his corporation, although continuing to possess his nomi- nal claim to ownership. Dr. Cronin in his excellent recent book, Economics and Society, points out how today ‘‘it frequently happens that large corporations are controlled not by their legal owners but rather by some inner group, with the result that the vast majority of stockholders are virtually disfran- chised.^^ So you see that the dear widows and or- phans and school teachers who are the presumed greatest beneficiaries of corporate trusts play a more dramatic part in corporation literature than in the corporation’s life. Of the various legal devices em- ployed to gain control of the corporation, perhaps the best known is the holding company. Through this and other legal devices 22% of the 200 largest corporations were controlled in 1931. Unfortunate- ly for us, the state legislatures and the courts have established a legal basis for corporate irresponsibil- ity. States compete to give corporation charters so that they may gain the incorporation fees and cor- poration taxes. The courts of these states have very consistently favored the directors of the corpora- tions against the stockholders, so that totaling the result of the legal battles between directors and stockholders we have now “a sharp increase in the power of boards of directors and a more thorough disfranchisement of the stockholders.” Not only are the laborers denied or curtailed the right of collect- ive bargaining by the corporations, but so are the stockholders. Like the laborers, they take what they get and say nothing, lest they should get less. Pius XI did not say all he might have said when he wrote: “The regulations legally enacted for cor- Industry Incorporated 39 porations, with their divided responsibility and limited liability, have given occasion to abominable abuses. Their greatly weakened accountability makes little impression, as is evident, upon the con- science. The worst injustices and frauds take place beneath the obscurity of the common name of a cor- porative firm. Boards of directors proceed in their unconscionable methods even to the violation of their trust in regard to those whose savings they admin- ister.” (On Reconstructing the Social Order). What can be done with this great stomach that seems to be swallowing the National Body ? Now there are two obvious solutions: Reform it surgically, or slowly. Communism, Fascism, and Nazism are sur- gical. Democracy is slow. If we wish to retain the good of the corporations then they must submit their unhealthy growth to the discipline of laws that will regulate them to the good of all the people. Cor- porations now live on the National Body, they must he incorporated into it. They have a place in our modern economy; they must, like lung or heart or any organ, keep their place, which is to function profitably to the good of the laborer, the consumer, and the investor. In that subsidiary place they are less wealthy, but healthier and happier. How is this desirable end to be attained in a de- mocracy? Let us not underestimate the difficulty. The dominant financial power is an oligarchy that possesses illimitable power. Pope Pius XI describes that power accurately and emphatically when he says: ‘Tt is patent that in our days not alone is wealth accumulated, but immense power and des- potic economic domination is concentrated in the hands of a few, and that those few are frequently not the owners, but only the trustees and directors of 40 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order invested funds, who administer them at their good pleasure. ‘This power becomes particularly irresistible when exercised by those who, because they hold and control money, are able also to govern credit and de- termine its allotment, for that reason supplying so to speak, the life-blood to the entire economic body, and grasping, as it were, in their hands the very soul of production, so that no one dare breathe against their will. “This accumulation of power, the characteristic note of the modern economic order, is a natural result of limitless free competition which permits the survival of those only who are the strongest^ which often means those who fight most relentlessly, who pay least heed to the dictates of conscience . . . Free competition is dead; economic dictatorship has taken its place. “Unbridled ambition for domination has suc- ceeded the desire for gain; the whole economic life has become hard, cruel, and relentless in a ghastly measure .... The State .... has become .... a slave, bound over to the service of human passion and greed'' {On Reconstructing the Social Order), Pius XI is not content merely to diagnose the pathology of corporations, he presents to us a plan. Corporations must he balanced by co-operations. Organizations such as labor unions, consumers' leagues, tax payers' associations, and property owners' leagues, should be encouraged to function constructively and serve as active agents associated with the government in the regulation of abuses. The ideal state itself would he democratic co-operative. In it industry would be largely autonomous governed by capitalists and labor, by representatives of the consumer, by the re- Industry Incorporated 41 lated industries, and finally by government. Clearly no basic reform such as this can be brought about without the collaboration of the state. In our modern life the infiuence of the state extends throughout so- ciety and the practice and enforcement of social justice depend to a very great extent upon the state. ‘"Indeed in present day conditions the state should be regarded as by far the most important agent and instrument of social justice.’" But good institutions alone are not sufficient ; it is men that must make the institutions work. The in- stitutions will not be created, nor will man be able to use these institutions, unless he be renovated from within. Institutions are the sum total of men. And only Christian men can reconstruct a Christian social order. Therefore, before a man can hope to contribute constructively to the establishment of a Christian society, he must be first of all Christian. The Pontiff observes: “However, if We examine matters diligently and thoroughly We shall perceive clearly that this longed-for social reconstruction must be preceded by a profound renewal of the Christian spirit, from which multitudes engaged in industry in every country have unhappily departed. Otherwise, all our endeavors will be futile, and our social edifice will be built, not upon a rock, but upon shifting sand.” We can not legislate into existence the Christian corporative society, we must live it. In this age of petty revolutions there is no more revo- lutionary idea than to propose to men as their first law that they must love one another. Perhaps more revolutionary and more unusual would be to live that law. Only through such an incorporation can in- dustry be renewed and our hate-scarred social body become a living lovely thing, the very body on Earth 42 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order of Christ Himself. To this end, with hands joined not on our breasts but joined co-operatively to every fellow worker, let us pray: LORD JESUS, Carpenter of Nazareth, You were a worker as I am, give to me and all the workers of the world the privilege to work as You did, so that everything we do may be to the benefit of our fellowmen and the greater glory of God the Father. Thy Kingdom come into the factories and into the shops, into our homes, and into our streets. Give us this day our daily bread. May we receive it without envy or injustice. To us who labor and are heavily burdened, send speedily the refreshment of Thy love. May we never sin against Thee. Show us Thy way to work, and when it is done, may we with all our fellow-workers rest in peace. Amen. CARDINAL HAYES STATES AIMS OF THE CATHOLIC HOUR (Extract from his address at the inaugural program in the studio of the National Broadcasting Company, New York City, March 2, 1930.) Our congratulations and our gratitude are extended to the National Council of Catholic Men and its officials, and to all who, by their financial support, have made it possible to use this offer of the National Broadcasting Company. The heavy expense of managing and financing a weekly program, its musical numbers, its speakers, the subsequent answering of inquiries, must be met. ... This radio hour is for all the people of the United States. To our fellow-citizens, in this word of dedication, we wish to express a cordial greeting and, indeed, congratulations. For this radio hour is one of service to America, which certainly will listen in interestedly, and even sympathetically, I am sure, to the voice of the ancient Church with its historic background of all the centuries of the Christian era, and with its own notable contribution to the discovery, explora- tion, foundation and growth of our glorious country. . . . Thus to voice before a vast public the Catholic Church is no light task. Our prayers will be with those who have that task in hand. We feel certain that it will have both the good will and the good wishes of the great majority of our countrymen. Surely, there is no true lover of our Country who does not eagerly hope for a less worldly, a less material, and a more spiritual standard among our people. With good will, with kindness and with Christ-like sympa- thy for all, this work is inaugurated. So may it continue. So may it be fulfilled. This word of dedication voices, there- fore, the hope that this radio hour may serve to make known, to explain with the charity of Christ, our faith, which we love even as we love Christ Himself. May it serve to make better understood that faith as it really is— a light revealing the pathway to heaven: a strength, and a power divine through Christ; pardoning our sins, elevating, consecrating our common every-day duties and joys, bringing not only justice but gladness and peace to our searching and ques- tioning hearts. CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS Alabama Mobile WALA 1380 kc Arizona Phoenix KTAR. 620 kc Tucson KVOA Arkansas Little Rock KARK, 890 kc California Bakersfield KERN 1370 kc Fresno KMJ, 580 kc Los Angeles KECA, 1430 kc San Francisco KPO, 680 kc Stockton KWG, 1200 kc Colorado Denver KOA, 830 kc Pueblo — KGHF, 1320 kc Connecticut Hartford — WTIC, 1040 kc D. of O. Washington WRC, 960 kc Florida Jacksonville WJAX, 900 kc Miami WIOD, 610 kc Pensacola WCOA Tampa WFLA-WSUN, 620 kc Lakeland WLAK 1310 kc Georgia Atlanta WSB, 740 kc Idaho Boise KIDO, 1350 kc Pocatello KSEI, 900 kc. niinois Chicago WMAQ-WCFL, 670 kc Indiana Fort Wayne WGL, 1370 kc Terre Haute WBOW, 1310 kc Indianapolis WIRE 1400 kc Iowa Des Moines WHO Kentucky Louisville WAVE, 940 kc Louisiana New Orleans WSMB, 1320 kc Shreveport KTBS, 1450 kc Maine Portland WCSH, 940 kc Maryland Baltimore WFBR, 1270 kc Massachusetts Boston WBZ, 990 kc. Springfield WBZA, 990 kc. Worcester WTAG, 680 kc Minnesota Mankota .....KYSM Minneapolis-St. Paul KSTP, 1460 kc St. Cloud KFAM Duluth-Superior WEBC, 1290 kc Mississippi Jackson WJDX, 1270 kc Missouri Kansas- City WDAF. 610 kc Springfield KGBX, 1230 kc Saint Louis KSD, 550 kc Montana Billings KGHL, 780 kc Butte KGIR, 1340 kc Helena KPFA, 1210 kc Nebras'ka Omaha WOW, 590 kc New Mexico Albuquerque KOB, 1180 kc New York Buffalo WBEN, 900 kc New York WEAF, 660 kc Schenectady WGY, 790 kc North Carolina Charlotte WSOC, 1210 kc Raleigh WPTF. 680 kc North Dakota Bismarck KFYR, 550 kc Fargo WDAY, 940 kc Ohio Cincinnati WSAI, 1330 kc Cleveland WTAM, 1070 kc Columbus - WCOL 1210 kc Oklahoma Oklahoma City j WKY Tulsa - KVOO 1140 kc Oregon Medford KMED Pennsylvania Allentown WSAN, 1440 kc Philadelphia KYW, 1020 kc Pittsburgh WCAE, 1220 kc Rhode Island Providence WJAR, 890 kc South Carolina Charleston WCSC, 1360 kc Columbia WIS, 560 kc Greenville WFBC, 1300 kc Tennessee Nashville WSM. 650 kc Texas Amarillo KGNC, 1410 ke Beaumont .....KFDM El Paso .....KTSM, 1310 kc Houston KPRC, 920 kc San Antonio WOAI, 1190 kc Utah Salt Lake City KDYL. 1290 kc Virginia Norfolk WTAR Richmond WMBG, 1350 kc Washington Seattle KOMO, 920 kc Spokane KHQ, 690 kc Wisconsin Madis-on 1280 kc Hawaii Honoluin SHORT WAVE STATION W2XAP Schenectady, N. Y 9.63 meg CATHOLIC HOUR RADIO ADDRESSES IN PAMPHLET FORM OUR SUNDAY VISITOR is the authorized publisher of all CATHOLIC HOUR addresses in pamphlet form. The addresses published to date, all of which are available, are listed below. Others will be published as they are delivered. Quantity Prices Do Not Include Carriage Charge “The Divine Romance,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 80 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid ; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.00 per 100. “The Moral Order” and “Mary, the Mother of Jesus,” by Rev. Dr. Geo. Johnson, 64 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $6.00 per 100. “A Triology on Prayer,” by Rev. Thomas- F. Burke, O.S.P., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. “The Story of the Bible,” by Rev. Dr. Francis L. Keenan. 64 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities-, $6.00 per 100. “Four Religious Founders,” by Rev. Dr. Francis J. Connell, C. SS. R., R-ev. Benedict Bradley, O.S.B., Rev. Thomas M. Schwertner, O.P., Rev. Sigmund Cratz, O.M. Cap., and Rev. M. J. Ahern, S. J., 56 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $6.00 per 100. “The Philosophy of Catholic Education.” by Rev. Dr. Charles L. O’Don- nell, C.S.C., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities-, $5.00 per 100. “Christianity and the Modern Mind,” by Rev. John A. McClorey, S.J., 64 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $6.00 per 100. “The Moral Law,” by Rev. James M. Gillis, C.S.P., 88 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $9.50 per 100. “Christ and His Church,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Joseph M. Corrigan, 88 pages- and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $9.50 per 100. “The Marks of the Church,” by Rev. Dr. John K. Cartwright, 46 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid ; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “The Organization and Government of the Church,” by Rev. Dr. Fran- cis- J. Connell, C.SS.R., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 6 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “Moral Factors in Economic Life,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Francis J. Haas and Rt. Rev. Msgr. John A. Ryan, 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. “Divine Helps for Man.” by Rev. Dr. Edward J. Walsh, C.M., 104 pages and cover. Single copy, 25c postpaid ; 5 or more, 20c each. In quantities, $11.00 per 100. “The Parables,” by Rev. John A. McClorey, S.J., 128 pages and cover. Single copy, 30c postpaid ; 5 or more, 20c each. In quantities, $12.00 per 100 . “Christianity’s Contribution to Civilization,” by Rev. James- M. Gillis, C.S.P., 96 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $10.00 per 100. “Manifestations of Christ,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 123 pages and cover. Single copy, 30c pos-tpaid ; 5 or more, 20c each. In quantities. $12.00 per 100. “The Way of the Cross,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 32 pages and cover (prayer book size). Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more, 5c each. In quantities, $3.00 per 100. “Christ Today,” by Very Rev. Dr. Ignatius Smith, O. P., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. •’The Christian Family,” by Rev. Dr. Edward Lodge Curran, 68 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $7.00 per 100. “The Dublin Eucharistic Congress,” by His Eminence William Car- dinal O’Connell. An address rebroadcast from Dublin, 12 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 5c each. In quantities, $3.75 per 1.00. “Rural Catholic Action,” by Bev. Dr. Edgar Schmiedeler, O.S.B., 24 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more, 5c each. In quan- tities, $3.50 per 100. “Religion and Human Nature,” by Rev. Dr. Joseph A. Daly, 40 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 6 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “The Church and Some Outstanding Problems of the Day,” by Rev. Jones I. Corrigan, S.J., 72 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.00 per 100. “Conflicting Standards,” by Rev. James* M. Gillis, C.S.P., 80 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.00 per 100. “The Hymn of the Conquered,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 128 pages and cover. Single copy, 30c postpaid ; 6 or more, 20c each. In quantities, $12.00 per 100. “The Seven Last Words,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, (prayer book size) 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 5c each. In quantities, $3.00 per 100. “The Church and the Child,” by Rev. Dr. Paul H. Furfey, 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “Love's Veiled Victory and Love’s Laws,” by Rev. Dr. George F. Strohaver, S.J., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more 8c each. In quantities, $5.60 per 100. “Religion and Liturgy,” by Rev. Dr. Francis A. Wal&h, O.S.B., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. “The Lord’s Prayer Today,” by Very Rev. Dr. Ignatius Smith, O.P., 64 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 6 or more, 8c each. In quan- tities, $6.00 per 100. “God, Man and Redemption,” by Rev. Dr. Ignatius W. Cox, S.J., 64 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 6 or more, 8c each. In quan- tities, $6.00 per 100. “This Mysterious Human Nature,” by Rev. James M. Gillis, C.S.P., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, lOo postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “The Eternal Galilean,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 160 pages and cover. Single copy, 35c postpaid ; 5 or more, 25c each. In quantities, $16.00 per 100. “The Queen of Seven Swords,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen (prayer-book size), 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 6 or more, 5c each. In quantities*, $3.00 per 100. “The Catholic Teaching on Our Industrial System,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. John A. Ryan, 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. “The Happiness of Faith,” by Rev. Daniel A. Lord, S.J., 80 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid ; 5 or more, lOic. In quantities. $8.00 per 100. “The Salvation of Human Society,” by Rev. Peter J. Bergen, C.S.P., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 6 or more, 8c each. In quan- tities, $5.50 per 100. “Faith,” by Rev. Vincent F. Kienberger, O. P., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “Catholic Education,” by Rev. Dr. George Johnson, 40 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “The Church and Her Missions,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. William Quinn, 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 6 or more, 8c each. In quantities. $5.00 per 100. “The Church and the Depression,” by Rev. James M. Gillis, C.S.P., 80 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 6 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.(W) per 100. “The Fullness of Christ,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 176 pages and cover. Single copy, 46c postpaid; 5 or more, 30c each. In quantities, $16.50 per 100. “The Church and Modern Thought,” by Rev. James M. Gillis, C.S.P., 80 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.00 per 100. “Misunderstood Truths." by Most Rev. Duane G, Hunt, 48 pagres and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 6 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $6.50 per 100. “The Judgment of God and The Sense of Duty," by Et. Rev. Msgr. William J. Kerby, 16 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 6 or more, 5c each. In quantities*, $3.50 per 100. “Christian Education," by Rev. Dr. James A. Reeves, 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $3.50 per 100. ^ “What Civilization Owes to the Church," by Rt. Rev. Msgr. William Quinn, 64 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $6.00 per 100. "If Not Christianity: What?" by Rev. James M. Gillis-, C.S.P., 96 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $10.00 per 100. "The Prodigal World,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 140 pages and cover. Single copy, 35c postpaid; 5 or more, 25c each. In quanti- ties, $16.00 per 100. "The Coin of Our Tribute," by Very Rev. Thomas F. Conlon, O.P., 40 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities’, $5.50 per 100. "Pope Pius XI," by His Eminence Patrick Cardinal Hayes. An ad- dress in honor of the 79th birth of His Holiness, 16 pages and 4-color cover. Single copy, 10!c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quanti- ties, $5.50 per 100. “Misunderstanding the Church," by Most Rev. Duane G. Hunt, 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities', $5.50 per 100. “The Poetry of Duty," by Rev. Alfred Duffy, C.P., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. "Characteristic Christian Ideals," by Rev. Bonaventure McIntyre, O. F.M., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. "The Catholic Church and Youth," by Rev. John F. O’Hara, C.S.C., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. "The Spirit of the Missions,” by Et. Rev. Msgr. Thomas J. McDonnell, 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 6 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. "The Life of the Soul," by Rev. James M. Gillis, C. S. P., 96 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $10.00 per 100. "Our Wounded World," by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 112 pages, and cover. Single copy, 25c postpaid ; 5 or more, 20c each. In quanti- ties, $11.50 per 100. The first six addresses in this series published separately under the title "Freedom and Democracy: a Study of Their Enemies,” 56 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid ; 6 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $6.00 per 100. “The Banquet of Triumph*" by Very Rev. J. J. McLarney, O. P., 82 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 6 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. “Society and the Social Encyclicals—America's Road Out," by Rev. R. A. McGowan, 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 6 or more. 8c each. In quantities. $5.00 ner 100 "Pius XI, Father and Teacher of the Nations” (On His Eightieth Birthday) by His Excellency, Most Reverend Amleto Giovanni Cicognani, 16 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 5c each. In quantities, $3.00i per 100. "The Eastern Catholic Church," by Rev, John Kallok, 48 pages- and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. "Joy In Religion,” by Rev. John B. Delaunay, O.S.C., 40 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “The ‘Lost* Radiance of the Religion of Jesus," by Rev. Thomas A. Carney, 40 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $6.50 per 100. “Some Spiritual Problems of College Students," by Rev. Dr. Maurice- S. Sheehy, 40 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 6 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “God and Governments," by Rev. Wilfrid Parsons, S.J., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. “Saints vs. Kings," by Rev. James M. Gillis, C.S.P., 96 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $10.00 per 100. “Justice and Charity,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen. Part I'—“The Social Problem and the Church." 96 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $11.00 per 100. Part II—“The Individual Problem and the Cross,” 80 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.00 per 100. “In Defense of Chastity,” by Rev. Felix M. Kirsch, O.M.Cap., 72 pages and cover, including study aids and bibliography. Single copy 15c postpaid ; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.00 per 100. “The Appeal To Reason,” by Most Rev. Duane G. Hunt, D. D., LL. D., 72 pages and cover. Single copy, 15ci postpaid ; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.00 petf 100. “Practical Aspects of Catholic Education,” by Very Rev. Edward V. Stanford, O.S. A., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each ; in quantities, $5.50 per 100. “The Mission of Youth in Contemporary Society,” by Rev. Dr. George Johnson, 40 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each ; in quantities, $5.50 per 100. “The Holy Eucharist,” by Most Rev. Joseph F. Rummel, S. T. D., LL. D., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. “Cardinal Hayes—A Eulogy,” by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen. 1ft pages and cover. Single copy, 15c, postpaid ; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. “The Rosary and the Rights of Man,” by Very Rev. J. J. McLarney, O. P., 56 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100. “Human Life,” by Rev. James M. Gillis, C.S.P. 96 pages- and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $10 per 100. “Pius XI—A Eulogy,*’—By Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen. 24 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $6.00 per hundred. “Freedom,” by Rt. R-ev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen Part I—“Social Freedom." 80 pages and cover. Single copy, 16c postpaid ; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.00 per 100 . Part II—“Personal Freedom.” 96 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid ; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $11.00 per 100. “The Holy Ghost," by Very Rev. J. J. McLarney, O.P., S.T.D., 56 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more 8c each. In quanti- ties $5.00 per 100. “Towards the Reconstruction of a Christian Social Order," by John P. Monaghan, Ph. D., 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.00- per 100. Complete list of 82 pamphlets to one address in U.S. and Canada, $9.00 postpaid. Price to Foreign Countries, $11.00. Address: OUR SUNDAY VISITOR, Huntington, Indiana