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T h e . b o r i c i Soc<e,V 

| C t A / \ C L S \ é G 

P A M P H L E T No. 29 

T h e World Society 
A Joint Report 

P R I C E 10 CENTS 

T H E CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION FOR 
I N T E R N A T I O N A L PEACE 

1312 Massachusetts Avenue, N. W. 
Washington, D. C. 

1941 • 



P P R E C I A T I O N is expressed to Provi-
dence College, Providence, R. I., for 

sponsoring the publication of this pam-
phlet, thereby helping to promote that con-
dition and aim of peace described by His 
Holiness Pope Pius X I I : 

"The more Christian justice, fraternity 
and charity animate and guide individuals 
and groups, so much more also is estab-
lished among nations, a spiritual atmos-
phere making possible, indeed easy, the 
solution of many problems which today 
appear, or really are insoluble." 

A 



THE WORLD SOCIETY 

A JOINT REPORT 

C H A R L E S O ' D O N N E L L , Editor 

P R I C E 10 C E N T S 

OUR SUNDAY VISITOR LIBRARY 

HUNTINGTON, INDIANA 

T H E C A T H O L I C A S S O C I A T I O N F O R 
I N T E R N A T I O N A L P E A C E 

1312 M a s s a c h u s e t t s A v e n u e , N . W . , W a s h i n g t o n , D . C. 

T H E P A U L I S T P R E S S 
4 0 1 WEST S 9TH: STREET 

N E W YORK 



r i i l l l S is a report of the following Committees, or Sub-
1 Committees thereof, of the Catholic Association for 

International Peace: Ethics, National Attitudes, Economic 
and Social Relations, and International Law and Organiza-
tion, and is issued as a study from these Committees. The 
specific contribution of each Committee or Sub-Committee 
is listed under the chapter headings. The subjects cov-
ered by the report were discussed at the 1936 and 1937 An-
nual Conferences of the Association and reports on the sepa-
rate sections were drawn up on the basis of these discus-
sions by the respective Committee Chairmen. The sections 
were edited and correlated by Charles O'Donnell, a member 
of the International Law and Organization Committee, and 
each section submitted to the full membership of the inter-
ested Committee or Sub-Committees for their co-operation 
in its final form. The report was then submitted to the 
Executive Council which ordered it printed as a publication 
of the above Committees. As the process indicates the re-
port is not a statement from the whole Association. 

C O M M I T T E E S ISSUING R E P O R T 

Ethics 
Chairman, KICKT RKV. MSGH. JOHN A, RYAN 

Rev. Edward P. Angluln, O.S.ll. 
Rev. J. C. Bartley, Q.S.A. 
Rev, Harold Bolton 
Emmanuel Chapman 
Right Rev. Alculn Deutsch, O.S.ll. 
Rev. Cyprian Emanuel, O.F.M. 
Rev. Gregory Felge 
Rev. Adolph D, Frenuy, 0,1',. 
Rev. Leo C. Galnor. O.P, 
Right Rev. Msgr. Michael J. Grupa 
Rev. I.lnus A. Lilly, SJ'. 

Rev. Donald A. MacLean 
Francis E. McMahon 
Very Rev, James H, Moynlhnn 
Kathleen E. Murphy 
Rev. Carroll J, Noonan, S.S, 
Rev. J. A. O'Brien 
Rev. Wilfrid Parsons, S.J, 
Robert Pollock 
Miriam T. Rooney 
Kev, John K, Ryan 
Right Rev, Msgr. Fulton J, Sheen 

National Attitudes 
Chairman, Honor POM,OCK 

Sub-Committee on Nationalism 
Chairman, CABLTON J. H, HAYUS 

Herbert C, F. Bell 
Frances S. Chllds 
Emmanuel Chapman 
Rev. Gregory Felge 
Rev. Francis J. Gllllgan 
Rev. E. P. Graham 
Marie A. Halllnan 
Ellamay Horan 
Rev. John LaFarge, S.J. 

Sara E. Laughlln 
Rev, Sylvester Luby 
Georgiana P. McEntee 
Rev. Bernard Mullahy 
Mrs. Frances Friable O'Donnell 
Rev. T. Lawrason Rlggs 
Rev. Maurice S. Sheehy 
Sister M. Immaculata, I.H.M, 
Sister Mary Vincent 
Sister Miriam Alacoque 

O ô a e W e d 
2 



Sub-Committee on Cultural Relations 
Chairman, KARL HSRIFBLD 

Right Rev. Mlgr, John M. Cooper Richard I'nttcc 
Anno Dill Gamble Catherine Schaefer 
Wllllnm T-T. Gharrlty George N. Shuster 
Madame M, Guerln Sister Angela Elliabeth, S.N.D. 
Rev. Norbert C. Hoff Rev. Edward V, Stanford, O.S.A, 

Moat Rev. J. E. Walsh 

Economics and Social Relations 
Chairman, Ew,Ani5Tii M. LYNBKISY 

Sub-Committee on Economic Life 
Chairman, Ritv. JOHN F, CRONIN, S.S. 

Rev, William Bolger, C . S . C . Frank Lewand Rev, R, A.McGowan 
Most Rev. Robert E, Lucey Conatantlne E, McGuIre Anthony J, Deck 

Mr«, J, W. Bishop 
Linna E, Bresette 
Rev. Edmund Brock 
Rev. Harold V. Campbell 
Rev. Thomas F. Divine, S.J, Edward Keating 
Mary Lee Evan» Frederick P, Kenkel 
James IS, Hagerty Paul Klnlery 
William S. Houck 

Edward S. Lynch 
M. L. Madden 
Clarence J. McCabe 
Rev. Joseph Iiussleln, S.J. 

Austin Murphy 
P. A. O'Connell 
Rev. Joseph V. O'Drlscoll, C.M, 
August Relsweber 
Bernard J, Rothwell 
Sister M, Barbara 
Sister Mary Ignatius, S.N.D, 
Ethel C. Syford 

Rev, Jules A. Balsnee. S.S. 
Elisabeth B. Carey 
Rev. William R. Clark, O.I 
Clarence J. Eniler 
Rev. Joseph B. Konclus 
Rev, John LaFarge, S.J. 
Elisabeth M. Lynskey 

Sub-Committee on Social Welfare 
Chairman, LOUISE MCGUIRK 

Rose J. McHugh 
Arthur Murphy 
Mrs, George L, Reynolds 
Rev. Alphonse Schwltalla, S.J. 
Slater Mary Ambrose, B.V.M, 
Slater Mary Canlsla, S.S.N,D, 
Sister Evangela, B.V.M. 

International Law and Organization 
Chairman, CJIART,K8 G, FKNWICK 

Sub-Committee on International Law 
Chairman, HAROLD J, TORIN 

F, A. Arllnghaus 
Brendan Brown 
Rev, J. L, Burke, S,J, 
Maurice I. Hart 
Mary G. Huichlo 
Jerome G, Korwln 
Richard P. Lydon 
Clarence E. Martin 
Rev. James H, McConnell 

Sub-Committee on 
Chairman, 

Robert H. Connery 
Charles G. Fenwlck 
Minnie Mae Fleming 
Sylvester J. Hemleben 
Alice M. Holden 
Mother Mary Lawrence. S.H.C.J. 
Rev. Geoffrey T. O'Connell 
Rev. James A. Reeves 

Rev. C. N. R. McCoy 
John L, McMahon 
Matthew McMahon 
Charles P, O'Donnell 
Sister Grace, O.S.B, 
Richard L, Sullivan 
Richard M, Tobln 
James T, Vocelle 
Frank P, Weberg 
Walter L, Wllllgan 

International Organization 
MARIE J. CARROLL 

William Ryan 
Mrs. F. J. Sltson 
Sister Fides Shepperson 
Sister Rose de Lima 
Edward S. Skillln, Jr. 
William C. Smith 
Melanlo Staerk 
Rev. Herman I, Storck, S.J, 

3 



T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 5 

I 

T H E M O R A L BASES OF W O R L D SOCIETY . . . . 6 

I I 

N A T I O N A L I S M I N R E L A T I O N TO A W O R L D SOCIETY . . 1 2 

I I I 

E C O N O M I C R E L A T I O N S I N A W O R L D SOCIETY . . . 1 9 

I V 

SOCIAL, C U L T U R A L AND H U M A N I T A R I A N A S P E C T S OF W O R L D 

SOCIETY 2 8 

V 

A W O R L D C O M M O N W E A L T H OF N A T I O N S . . . . 3 4 

V I 

T H E P E A C E S E T T L E M E N T 4 5 

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . 4 7 



The World Society 
I N T R O D U C T I O N 

T H I S study presents a statement of the principles and founda-
tions of a just peace as understood by a group of American Catho-
lics interested in the restoration of law and order for all nations 
and peoples. I t is not a program for a "negotiated" peace. At 
the same time that it proposes realizable counsels of wisdom and 
perfection, it defers to the judgment of prudent men in the matter 
of the time and place appropriate to the undertaking of the plan 
of action suggested in this report. Acknowledging the sharp dif-
ferences of opinion which divide men over the questions of the 
foreign policy of our country, the report takes its stand outside 
the area of controversy about immediate policy. I t hopes to unite 
men on the fundamental issues involved in the constructive prin-
ciples and practical aims that should govern a well-ordered world 
society. 

The present report is a synthesis of the work of five commit-
tees. of the Catholic Association for International Peace which 
have, from one point of view or another, discussed the concrete 
ideals and the workings of world society. The Ethics Committee 
has already issued several studies on the moral principles impli-
cated in the problems of world peace. Sub-Committees of the 
Committee on National Attitudes have surveyed one of the most 
formidable obstacles to peace in our times—the nearly exclusive 
concentration of national states upon their own selfish interests. 
This committee has considered the significance of excessive na-
tionalism and its twin brother imperialism and has studied some 
practical measures designed to re-orientate men toward a sane 
view of the place of nations in a peaceful world order. 

The economic disturbances loosed upon the world by the great 
depression and the political revolutions which that depression 
have occasioned are still so vivid in the contemporary mind that 
men nearly everywhere fear the economic consequences of the 
present war. On the other hand, doubts concerning the benefits 
of individualistic capitalism, as it has operated within national 
states and among the nations, seem to have stimulated experimen-
tation with better organized economic systems in democratic 
countries. The Sub-Committee on Economic Life has examined 
the operations of our world economy and, under the inspiration 
of the encyclicals Rerum Novarum and Quadragesimo Anno, has 

S 



6 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

outlined with the Ethics Committee a scheme for a new inter-
national economic order which deserves attention. 

Of all the labors of the post World W a r I peace effort, few 
may be more praised and hold out more promise for the f u t u r e 
than the work of the League agencies and the non-League groups 
dealing with the international problems of health, morals and 
education. The Social Relations Sub-Committee reports on these 
activities. 

The concluding section of this study was written from state-
ments of the Committee on Law and Organization. The League 
of Nations experience has brought thoughtful men to a convic-
tion that, whatever may have been the mistakes of the past, a 
viable world order calls for some limitations on national sover-
eignty and an effective organization of a Commonwealth of 
Nations. 

C H A P T E R I 

The Moral Bases of World Society 

A R E P O R T O F T H E E T H I C S C O M M I T T E E 1 

Because profound conflict over social and political aims al-
most certainly is • at the bottom of existing world disorder, it 
seems imperative that a Christian political and cultural philoso-
phy of world society should be widely and openly discussed and 
that the ways and means of translating its ideals into durable 
institutional forms be seriously considered. Because means have 
a perverse way of reshaping ends, this study of the Christian ideal 
of world society will examine some concrete and practicable meth-
ods of instrumenting the ideal. Lastly, because world society is 
not a Utopia but an association of men living under known his-
torical conditions, this report deals with the environment and the 
climate of opinion in which a world government of nations may 
be founded. 

International Moral Principles 

The false separation of private and public morality has been 
the source of innumerable misguided ethical and political doc-
trines. For one thing it has misled some men into thinking that 
the moral character of an association of nations differs essentially 
from the morality of separate nations and of the individuals con-

1 The original draft of this report was prepared by the Right Rev. John A. Ryan, 
D.D., Chairman of the Ethics Committee. 



¡3 Sp9dal »] 
T H E W O R L D S O C I E T ^ C 0 Í 8 0 , l 0 n 8 ^ 7 

V j ^ g h ^ ^ — 
stituting the citizenship of these communities. A Christian ethics, 
on the contrary, affirms the universal and elemental oneness of 
moral principles. T h e common citizen, prince, president, nation, 
and world society alike are under the laws of God and of nature. 
When, for example, two or more individuals unite to form a busi-
ness partnership or a corporation, they are bound by the moral 
law in their joint acts just as they are subject to t h a t law as indi-
viduals. If this were not true, men could exempt themselves from 
the moral law by the simple device of formal association. 

The state, too, is a community of human beings as truly con-
trolled by the moral law as are individuals or any private society. 
T h a t the political community is a necessary society does not set 
it free to do as it pleases. I t s acts are the acts of an organized 
group of human beings. I t s international conduct affects other 
humans. While its end is primarily the well-being of its own 
members, it must attain that end with proper regard for the wel-
fare of persons outside its jurisdiction, in much the same way that 
the acts of a family must be consistent with the rights of other 
families. The national state is therefore bound by the precepts 
of justice, charity, and all the other moral rules which govern 
human relations. 

The law which regulates the conduct of nations—international 
law as we know it today—drew upon the principles of Christian 
morality.2 To the doctors of moral and canon law it was clear 
that the same principles hold for sovereigns as hold for indi-
vidual citizens. W h a t distinguishes the morality of nations from 
t h a t of individuals is for a considerable part the circumstances 
in which its fundamental norms are to be applied. International 
law embodies a moral code to which nations are subject because 
they are associations of individuals and families. The state is 
not a super-being beyond good and evil. I t s might creates no 
rights. I t s authority derives from a higher law and power. 

The Existence of World Society 
Self-styled political realists boldly assert that world society 

is a fiction and the ideal of a Commonwealth of Nations Utopian. 
They say that those nations for whom isolation is possible by 
reason of geography, tradition, and economic self-sufficiency, 
should remain aloof from foreign entanglements as they would 
from the devil himself. 

2 This concept of international law has not been held by the so-called pragmatic 
of positivist school which has been influential in the practice of international law for 
the past half-century. 



8 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

Opinions of this sort are so widely entertained that they can-
not be cavalierly dismissed. Nor should the sincerity of many 
proponents of this point of view be suspect. But general ac-
ceptance of a political policy although sincerely held cannot cloak 
its wrongheadedness nor its amoral implications. The fact that 
totalitarian states espouse in the most exaggerated forms the im-
perialist tendencies of doctrinal isolationism should give pause to 
the democratic opponents of a world society. These democrats 
might better acquaint themselves with the company they keep 
and take time out to re-examine their facts and norms. 

An adequate answer to the view that there is no world society 
rests on two sets of facts, one metaphysical, the other historical. 
The basic metaphysical fact upon which a world society is 
grounded is that man is a social animal. The identically fash-
ioned son of identical first parents, formed in the image and like-
ness of the One God, needs the help of every other person if he is 
to get along in this world. The eminent theologian Tapparelli 
has written on this point: " I t is nature itself, that eloquent inter-
preter of the Divine Will, which calls all peoples to form among 
themselves one universal society and at the same time makes it 
their duty to do so. . . . Nature has by divers links united all na-
tions together; at the same time she calls each one of them to 
develop its own comfort and wealth. . . . Thus needs and inter-
ests soon produce, and quite rightly, the desire to form with other 
nations, a real, definite society; thence come the establishment 
and development of international society following upon the nat-
ural, regular progress of each of the component nations. . . . Thus 
society is the outcome of a tendency common to all peoples; and 
unless nature is accidentally and violently frustrated in its proper 
evolution, all the nations cannot fail to come and to take their 
places in this international society." 

Historically speaking, the social character of man, his inner 
need of others, was once expressed in tribal rule, tribal economy, 
and tribal culture. The same social nature drove him on to ever 
wider contacts in his search for the satisfaction of his needs. The 
wars and territorial conquests of primitive man were a perverse 
evidence of his interdependence. 

The progress of civilization brought civil society or the state 
into being so that, as Aristotle says, man might not only live but 
live well. Society became a consciously organized association 
of persons pursuing a common end, and the state a perfected 
form of society aiming at the material, moral, and intellectual 



9 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

well-being of its members. The political community governing a 
defined territory gave men a greater security for life and prop-
erty; when it did its work well, it delimited the spheres of war 
and mitigated some of its barbarities. I t provided men with more 
leisure for the pursuit of cultural things, greater facility for ful-
filling the duties of family life, and a greater freedom to attain 
the peaceful and orderly life becoming to man. 

Nevertheless, even in the modern form of the national state, 
the political community, since it depends primarily upon its own 
resources, can confer but limited benefits on its citizens. The 
national common good may provide in widely varying degrees the 
possibility of security and prosperity but it does so within the 
limits of its natural resources and its cultivated skills. Unless 
enriched by vital contacts with the economy and the culture of 
foreign nations, the isolated national cultural development of a 
people will, in the words of the Belgian Jesuit, Father Muller, 
"harden and become impoverished." 

The insufficiencies of human nature and the limited or scat-
tered abundances of the physical world are such that for the 
fruition of our nature and the development of the world, we must 
stand together. The human race has always been potentially a 
world society. I t has been potentially so because the demands 
of our life drive us to communication on a world basis and 
therefore to organize on a world basis. I t was only potentially a 
world society until the actualities of communication reached the 
point of real and continuous world-wide relationships. The com-
mercial revolution and the industrial revolution have gradually 
closed the frontiers of the world. Transportation and communi-
cations are no longer confined to national boundaries. The in-
dustrial machine and the farms of the world are producing for 
world markets. The contemporary man thinks in terms of world 
geography; has become a world traveler; and if a warrior dreams 
of world empire. World society is as natural and normal to the 
twentieth century as the city state was to the ancient Greeks. 

The supreme example of human interdependence the world 
over, of mutual dependence, of the fact that the human race is 
not only made of like individuals but is a family in which every-
one depends upon every other one, is to be found in religion. In 
our times the diversity of creeds and the disintegration of reli-
gious faith has assisted in the breaking down of the reality of 
world society. The re-orientation of contemporary politics and 
culture to religious faith will revitalize the moral energies which 



10 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

persist in diverse forms throughout world society. Pope Pius X I I 
in his encyclical letter to the Church in the United States invites 
the co-operation of those "whom Mother Church laments as 
separated brethren" to participate in united and harmonious ef-
forts to solve social problems. 

The World Organization of World Society 

A world society must have a world organization which has the 
character of a political community. A national state is a commu-
nity of persons occupying a definite territory, possessing an or-
ganized government and clothed with the prerogatives of sover-
eignty and authority. Sovereignty means formally that quality of 
a state which makes it legally independent of other states in both 
its external and internal relations. Legal independence does not, 
however, imply moral independence. A state may not ethically 
do as it wills, either with regard to its own members or in its deal-
ings with other states. The concept of authority adds to that of 
sovereignty a distinctly ethical note. I t means that the state has 
a moral right to perform its proper functions. I t denies that the 
sovereignty or legal supremacy of the state is unlimited. This 
authority comes from God. 

The tendency to attribute to the national state alone the char-
acter of a perfect society full panoplied with authority needs to 
undergo some modifications. The perfection attainable and re-
quired for the modern state is not to be found solely in national 
communities but most eminently in world society and a Common-
wealth of Nations. At least some of the attributes of sovereignty 
and authority must be transferred to a world organization if the 
world of today is to solve its problems in the most efficacious 
fashion and if the moral ends of the political community are to be 
better approximated. 

Pope Pius X I I in his first encyclical seems to have given sup-
port to this view when he said: " T h e idea which credits the State 
with unlimited authority . . . leads to the violation of others' 
rights." H e then calls for the establishment of a great Common-
wealth of Nations. 

Ethical Norms Directing World Society 

. A realistic moral and political philosophy of world society is 
needed to indicate the principles which must guide and direct a 
world Commonwealth, of Nations. A Christian international 



11 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

ethics, taking its inspiration from the numerous encyclicals of the 
Popes on matters of international relations, may be found in a 
number of the publications of the C. A. I. P. This ethics teaches 
that a world organization must respect the rights of nations, as 
nations must safeguard the rights of families and citizens. A 
Christian ethics which recognizes the dignity of the human per-
son, the need for advancing the freedom of the person, and the 
necessity of protecting the many organized communities of men 
which serve the common good, is as applicable to a Common-
wealth of Nations as it is to the United States of America. 

Monsignor Francis J. Haas has admirably put the moral case 
of our interdependent world society in the following words: "As 
the individual citizen cannot live a normal life without a state to 
which he cedes some of his freedom of action, the state cannot 
function properly without a power to which it cedes some meas-
ure of its autonomy. As the good of the individual is the purpose 
of the state, the good of the state is the purpose of a world asso-
ciation of nations." 

A world society properly organized and governed would go 
far in effecting the proposals made by Pope Benedict XV in his 
Letter to the Belligerent Nations, August 1, 1917. In this letter 
the Pontiff wrote: "First of all, the fundamental point must be 
that the moral force of right be substituted for the material force 
of arms; thence must follow a just agreement of all for the simul-
taneous and reciprocal diminution of armaments . . . in a measure 
sufficient and necessary for the maintenance of public order in 
each state; next as a substitute for armies, the institution of 
arbitration with its high peace making functions, subject to regu-
lations to be agreed on and sanctions to be determined against the 
State which should refuse to submit international questions to 
arbitration or to accept its decisions." 

No more profound or eloquent statement of the moral bases 
for a just peace in our day has been offered than that outlined by 
Pope Pius X I I in his Christmas message of 1939. We close with 
a summary of the five conditions to peace as stated in that mes-
sage: (1) That "the right to life and independence" be guaran-
teed to all nations, large, small, strong or weak; and that where 
this equality of rights has been destroyed or impaired, just repa-
ration be made; (2) that nations "be liberated from the heavy 
slavery of armaments" and the danger of the rule of force; (3) 
that international institutions be established or reconstructed, but 
that past errors be avoided, and juridical bodies be formed to aid 



12 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

in carrying out treaties, and when necessary, to revise them; (4) 
that the needs and just demands of nations, peoples and ethnical 
minorities be met; (S) observance of true Christian principles 
by statesmen and peoples. 

These papal teachings, taken together with the many other 
observations on world society in general and on the international 
economy in particular, constitute the elements of a program for 
the "Peace of Christ in the Reign of Christ." 

C H A P T E R I I 

Nationalism in Relation to a World Society 8 

A R E P O R T O F T H E S U B - C O M M I T T E E S O N N A T I O N A L I S M A N D 
C U L T U R A L R E L A T I O N S O F T H E N A T I O N A L A T T I T U D E S 

C O M M I T T E E 4 

Nationalism is now the chief obstacle to international order 
and peace. I t may be a " m y t h , " but if so, it is an extraordinarily 
potent myth, one in which an increasing rather than a decreasing 
number of men sincerely and ardently believe, one which is 
spreading rather than contracting in our modern world, one which 
inspires widespread popular action quite at variance with the 
ideals of human brotherhood. 

The Rise of Cultural Nationalism 

Cultural nationalism, rather than cultural cosmopolitanism, 
is now in the ascendant. Regardless of the fact of d u t y national 
states concentrate upon national characteristics which they be-
lieve distinguish them from other states, with the result that they 
seek to withdraw themselves from the larger circles of World So-
ciety and to live in a greater or less degree of isolation. 

For long the prevalent tradition of western culture was that 
of cosmopolitanism and universality, as exemplified by ancient 
Greek and Roman civilization and immensely re-enforced through 
the Middle Ages and into modern times by the teachings of Chris-
tianity and by the achievement of the great and expanding cul-
tural community called Christendom. Even with the disruption 

s This section deals with cultural and political nationalism. Economic nationalism 
is discussed in the next chapter. 

4 The original draft of this report was prepared by Carlton J. H . Hayes, Ph.D., 
Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Nationalism. 



13 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

of t h a t community in the sixteenth century and the subsequent 
rise of skepticism about supernatural religion, there was no im-
mediate weakening of the specifically cultural tradition. Almost 
to a man the religious skeptics of the eighteenth century were 
roundly humanitarian. Their successors, the liberals of the last 
century, were correspondingly broadminded and benevolent 
toward the world at large. 

But in the twentieth century, alongside the trend toward a 
unifying world culture, an even more pronounced trend has set 
in toward divisive national cultures. T o this latter phenomenon 
three special developments have contributed. 

Language Differences 

T h e first in time and the first in lasting importance has been 
a new emphasis on linguistic differences. There always have been, 
since prehistoric times, a large and bewildering variety of spoken 
languages and dialects. Only in the modern era, however, have 
linguistic differences militated seriously against progress toward a 
world culture. This or t h a t local dialect has been p u t into writ-
ing equipped with a grammar, and endowed with a literature. 
Gradually it has supplanted rival dialects, a t least for literary 
purposes, and has come to be regarded by scholars and statesmen 
as a national language. As such it is employed and prized not 
only b y the masses b u t also by the cultured classes, while an inter-
national language like Latin falls into disuse and is pronounced 
dead. This has been the course in Europe. 

Once a national language clearly emerges, it rapidly gives 
color and currency to the idea of national culture. Language in 
our modern world is the surest badge of nationality. I n most 
countries it is the one thing the respective citizens have in com-
mon I t is the one thing which distinguishes them from other 
persons. Likewise, it is one of the tangible ties between the 
present generation of a nation and preceding generations. Of 
each nationality, therefore, language bespeaks alike solidarity 
and continuity. And national literature, in its many forms of 
poetry and prose, history and names, has done much, and now 
does more, to emphasize what is supposedly peculiar to a given 
nationality rather than what is demonstrably common to man-
kind. , , «... i 

A distinctive language is also emphasized for political reasons. 
The contemporary appeal of governments to the masses can be 



14 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

met most successfully in countries where politicians and the citi-
zen body use a common national language. I t serves to expedite 
commercial intercourse throughout the length and breadth of the 
country where it is spoken and written and at the same time to 
impede intercourse with other countries. 

Religion and Nationalism 
A second and parallel development of cultural nationalism has 

been going on in respect to religion. Man is naturally religious, 
and if he becomes skeptical, as he has about a particular religion, 
he is apt to seek a substitute for his lost faith. In the measure 
that man disbelieves in supernatural, "other-worldly" religion, he 
finds in some "this worldly"-ism an object of religious devotion. 
T h u s humanitarianism became a benevolent if vague faith in a 
purely human city of man. To a large number of persons com-
munism offered the comforts of a fanatical belief in a Utopia 
without God which seemed, at least to its followers, not a t all 
vague. For the largest number of persons, among whom we may 
now include many communists, nationalism is the true faith. 

The modern pagan dogma and cult of nationalism is a par-
tially reasoned and a partially emotional appeal. I t claims to 
be "practical," "modern," "progressive," and "scientific." Yet 
it encourages 4 most fanciful and unscientific attitude toward his-
tory, anthropology, culture and race; and in its extreme form it 
represents a wilful return to " t r i b a l " paganism, the paganism of 
the early Greeks, Romans, or of barbarians whose paganism we 
thought, Christianity had dispelled. 

The love of God Who humbled Himself and died for all men 
is not the corner stone of integral nationalism. The central gos-
pel of this nationalism is "love yourselves and hate your enemies " 
I t s praise is not of humility but of pride. I t s preaching is " a n 
eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth." I t is a spiritual prepara-
tion neither for the brotherhood of man nor for international 
peace but for war and concentration camps. 

Nationalistic Propaganda 
The development of popular nationalist propaganda has been 

a third and most recent major factor in exalting c u l t u r a r na-
tionalism. Every nation now has its school system in which chil-
dren may perhaps learn something of foreign peoples and world 
affairs, but m which all children must be indoctrinated with su-



15 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

preme loyalty to the national culture and the national state. 
Every nation now has a popular press which either from policy or 
from conviction is overwhelmingly nationalist in the news it pre-
sents and in the editorial comments it offers. Every nation has 
cinemas which flick "patriotic" pictures before the public eye, and 
radios which din "patriotic" speeches into the popular ear. I n 
most countries the national state has a monopoly of radio broad-
casting and exercises a close supervision over the cinema and press 
as well as over the schools. Almost everywhere the masses are 
taught or made to think nationally and are stopped from thinking 
internationally. 

The present war has accentuated these pre-war trends. Cen-
sorship and war propaganda are among the milder forms of 
nationalist education. I n N a z i Germany extreme penalties are 
visited on persons listening to foreign broadcasts. Campaigns of 
racial hatred are conducted which spell ruin and death for the 
hated races and which exalt the superiority of a people's govern-
ment which knows how to conquer souls as well as bodies. Each 
side in the conflict arouses popular hatreds against its enemy in 
order to whet the public zeal for war. 

The Development of Political Nationalism 

Capping the cultural nationalism of our day, and giving shape 
and direction to it, is political nationalism. This has attended 
and in turn been magnified by the modern development of na-
tional states. T h a t the world should be divided into separate 
political states is nothing new, b u t it is a modern and indeed a 
comparatively recent phenomenon that the large majority of such 
states should be based on the principle of nationality and in-
spired with a supreme devotion to it. 

The National State 

For a time a f t e r national states had begun clearly to emerge 
in western Europe, and especially in the middle of the nineteenth 
century, when they were crystallizing in central Europe, the new 
political trend was generally hailed as making for a saner and 
more liberal order. I t was commonly believed that there was no 
antithesis and could be no incompatibility between nationalism 
and a peaceful order in Europe. One would lead to the other. 

Yet actually, as the idea of national states has spread and 
been p u t into effect on an ever widening front and as national 



16 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

states have formed and matured, the political nationalism asso-
ciated with them has acquired the character of an ultimate good. 
Indeed a fairly clear distinction can be made between a people 
first striving to achieve political independence and unity and the 
same people seeking to strengthen a national state. The nation-
alism of the former is almost always liberal and humanitarian 
and as such solicits' the sympathy and approbation of the world. 
The nationalism of the latter is apt to be less liberal and more 
self-centered. 

What is still more serious is that politico-cultural nationalism 
fills a people to the brim with a swaggering, conquering spirit 
which readily spills over into a violent and domineering imperi-
alism. T h e German Nazis have taught the world what a factor 
in the world equation a nationalism carried to the nth power can 
be. The myth of nationalism surcharged with the myths of race, 
power, leadership, discipline, sacrifice and hatred will brook no 
opposition. I t s triumphs are evident to the whole world. 

Here then is evidence of the d r i f t from a liberal to' an exultant, 
exclusive and conquering nationalism. This change is a most 
impressive mark of our age, quite a t variance with the predic-
tions of a century ago. Explanations of it are in order, and a 
few of them are suggested here. 

Dependence Upon Arms 
First, there has been a deepening disillusionment about the 

pacific character of nationalism. Liberal nationalism was altru-
istic and pacific in intent and idea. I t s leading exponents, as a 
rule, were internationalist as well as nationalist. B u t from the 
outset nationalist patriots met opposition from emperors, petty 
princes and other nationalists. The patriots turned to war and 
revolution to achieve their purpose and to redraw the map of 
Europe and of the world. Once armed, nationalists were for one 
reason or another unwilling to surrender their armaments. One 
of the most terrible and cataclysmic of nationalistic wars was 
fought on land and sea for four years between 1914-1918. After 
the war the map of Europe was radically recast in approximate 
conformity with the fundamental principles of liberal nationalism. 

Yet this nationalism, in closing upon its goal, suffered a trans-
formation. I t s liberalism waned as its nationalism waxed. T h e 
methods which it employed to erect national states had been pre-
dominantly military, and it had induced a heightened regard for 



17 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

militarism. T h e conquered nations and those disillusioned with 
the fortunes of war came to cherish arms and to rely upon them. 
Their patriots and statesmen convinced themselves t h a t only b y 
the force of arms could they attain their place in the sun. T h e 
victorious peoples too were more and more persuaded t h a t mili-
tary power and alliances were the only solid guarantee of their 
independence. International rivalry in armaments outstripped 
optimistic peace efforts. 

Historically, a chief function of states has always been the 
protection of its citizens against domestic invasion and foreign 
intrusion. Everywhere for centuries armies and police forces 
have consumed the major portion of public revenues. This con-
dition has not been changed by the rise of national states. They 
continue and even fortify the earlier tradition. They merit the 
abiding title of "powers." 

Educational and Charitable Functions 

But the modern national state has assumed functions far be-
yond the merely military and police powers of other and earlier 
states. For one thing it has been the beneficiary of the relative 
decline of religious institutions. Schools, hospitals and asylums 
have been transferred with increasing rapidity and thoroughness 
from ecclesiastical to secular control, from universal church to 
national state, and latterly from private humanitarian agencies to 
public social services. Today, many people look to the state as 
the dispenser of education and charity. 

Economic Control 

Similarly the national state has become the practical agency 
for remedying the abuses of modern industrialism and for pro-
moting the material well-being of the masses. T h e national state 
has been called upon to check an individualism which for a time 
threatened to run riot; and it has responded b y exercising more 
and more drastic regulation of industry and in one degree or an-
other by assuming outright ownership. T h e nationalist state has 
thereby re-enforced its power and enhanced its popularity. 

The national state is now emerging as absolute and totalitarian, 
as an end in itself, a supreme Good. Such an outcome has been 
hastened by the popular nationalism, economic, cultural, and 
religious which the national state supremely inculcates and of 
which it is the final embodiment. 



18 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

World Order and Nationality 

I n the midst of a second world war pessimists predict that the 
f u t u r e may see men living in the worst of all possible worlds. But 
for men of good will there is a settled determination that, before 
nationalism shall round out the circle of selfishness, violence and 
ruin, new forces will supervene recalling the world to sanity, 
reconciling nationality with world order, and renewing the age-
long human aspiration for brotherhood and peace. 

We may remind ourselves, moreover, that the current nation-
alism is not of long duration in the annals of mankind and that 
it is in large part a result of conscious and purposeful education. 
What has been its cause can be utilized for its cure. People can 
be trained in the ways of a world order of society and for peace 
as well as in nationalism and for war. N o t even the present war 
has killed the hopes and ideals of a world society. 

The genuine endeavors of governments and peoples to lav the 
foundations of a Commonwealth of Nations cannot have been in 
vain if human experience and human ideals have any meaning. 
Catholic Christianity stands today, as it has in the past, as a 
bulwark against pagan nationalism. Catholic Christianity teaches 
a positive program of ethical nationalism and a practical ideal 
of a world commonwealth of free men. 

Christian teaching on the relationship between national and 
international duties of citizens makes a just synthesis of both 
obligations. In A Code of International Ethics it is said: "A 
Christian must and can fulfill both duties following the example 
of the Church whose wonderful catholicity includes the salvation 
of individuals and prosperity of nations and the good of humanity 
in its universal solicitude." Devotion to one's country and a 
preference for it which is not an "exclusive passion," continued 
the Code, should make the true patriot sincerely desire his coun-
try's collaboration with others for the good of all nations includ-
ing his own. 

Pope Pius X I I in Summi Pontificatus has referred to the for-
getfulness of "the law of human solidarity and charity" as the 
"first of these pernicious errors widespread today." The perfect 
balance of patriotism and of universal brotherhood set forth as 
the Christian ideal is admirably stated in the same encyclical 
where the Pontiff said: " N o r is there any fear lest the conscious-
ness of universal brotherhood aroused by the teaching of Chris-
tianity, and the spirit which it inspires, be in contrast with love 



19 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

of traditions or the glories of one's fatherland, or impede the 
progress of prosperity or legitimate interests. For that same 
Christianity teaches that in the exercise of Charity we must fol-
low a God-given order, yielding the place of honor in our affec-
tions and good works to those who are bound to us b y special 
ties " 

These are the lessons of the Bishop of Rome who teaches the 
Christian Faithful and all others who will listen. If they are 
learned the world will be re-educated in peace and good will. 

C H A P T E R I I I 

Economic Relations in a World Society 

A R E P O R T O F T H E S U B - C O M M I T T E E O N E C O N O M I C L I F E O F T H E 
C O M M I T T E E O N E C O N O M I C A N D S O C I A L R E L A T I O N S 5 

Besides the ethical errors and immoral practices which lie at 
the roots of international disorder are the historical facts of the 
armaments race, the weaknesses of the League of Nations, and 
the constant upthrust of nationalism in new and more virulent 
forms. But these facts of themselves cannot explain the causes 
of the present war unless the failure to organize the economic life 
of the world is also taken into account. 

Economic Interdependence and Disorganization 

I n the economic sphere each country has become increasingly 
dependent upon every other country. But the disorganization of 
the world economy has in fact permitted individuals and particu-
lar countries to grow in wealth and power at the expense of others. 
I n this interdependent but disordered economic system, social in-
justices arising in part from economic power-politics have both 
caused and produced wars. 

The economic consequences of the peace which will follow 
World W a r I I have been sometimes conceived of as spelling 
a victory either for a totalitarian economic nationalism and im-
perialism or for a competitive world economy (in which a miti-
gated imperialism may be tolerated b u t which is theoretically to 
be eliminated). According to Catholic thinkers these alterna-

5 T h e original draft of this report was prepared by the late Parker Thomas Moon, 
Ph.D., as Chairman of the Committee on Economic Life. 



20 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

tives do not provide the only options for an economic system. If 
nations will listen to the advice of Christian moralists and econo-
mists the principles of both of these plans will be rejected and 
a third set of directives will guide the world to a more stable and 
productive international economy. 

Christian Economic Principles 

Christian normative economic principles differ from those of 
the dictated economies of the totalitarian states and from the 
individualism of the capitalistic states. These Christian prin-
ciples deny that either government or individuals are the absolute 
sovereigns of the economic order. They affirm, as may be seen in 
Quadragesimo Anno, the ethical nature of private property; they 
define its limits and social obligations; they recognize the right of 
government to own "certain forms of property" but not all of the 
means of production; they urge the protection of the poor by so-
cial security laws as well as by private charities, and most par-
ticularly, they command the reorganization of national and inter-
national economies in such a manner as to escape the errors of 
individualistic and of totalitarian economies and to better realize 
the satisfaction of human wants and needs. According to this plan 
employers and workers alike would organize. Each industry 
would organize to direct itself. All industries would federate for 
joint self-direction. Governments would encourage their organi-
zation and would protect them as needed by keeping them from 
doing wrong and by helping them to do right. ' 

Pope Pius X I saw that an ordered economy would be initiated 
and administered within national states but that it could be com-
pleted only by the co-operation of nations acting through inter-
national treaties and the institutions of a world economy. A 
world economic organization would attempt to provide an instru-
ment of co-ordination among functionally organized national 
economies. 

National states whether democratic or totalitarian have in re-
cent years and in diverse fashions torn the fabric of international 
economic life. T h e rupture of established ties has made the world 
economic depression more severe as it has made recovery more 
difficult. T h e present war may augment these evils unless the 
economic troubles besetting the world find a more durable solu-
tion than the one indicated by Versailles. Economic nationalism 
has impaired the well-being of even the most self-sufficient na-



21 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

tions. To countries poor in raw materials, or heavily dependent 
on foreign markets it has been a reminder of their poverty and 
an exciting stimulus to imperialistic conquests. 

Distribution of Raw Materials 
One of the most urgent problems which will confront the 

peacemakers is the equitable distribution of the world's raw mate-
rials, the major portion of which is now held or controlled by a 
few powerful nations. 

The outstanding facts concerning raw materials indicate first, 
t h a t the distribution of raw materials cannot be irrevocably fixed 
for the future. If by some good fortune a fair distribution of 
existing materials could be made, inventions would demand some 
re-distribution tomorrow. Secondly, no nation can hope to be 
entirely self-sufficient in raw materials now or in the very near 
future. Science produced marvels in the way of substitutes and 
of synthetic goods but even a country like the United States is 
still unable to supply itself with a number of raw materials now 
deemed indispensable; poorer nations are vastly more dependent. 
Thirdly, even if self-sufficiency were approximated by some na-
tions and not b y others, this situation would arouse enmities and 
possibly cause wars. Lastly, the economic problem of a better 
distribution of raw materials is not a problem of scarcity or cost; 
it is a question which centers around much needed improvements 
in the organization of trade. Tariffs, quotas, and exchange re-
strictions make the problem of buying nearly insoluble save on 
a barter basis. Maladjustments in domestic economies instantly 
affect the free flow of world commerce. Unemployment, declin-
ing production, inflations and deflations throw the whole delicate 
mechanism of foreign trade so completely out of order that noth-
ing short of heroic measures would seem to meet the require-
ments. . . , , 

Among the proposals to bring about a continuously equitable 
distribution of raw materials, in so far as it is obtainable, are those 
calling for a re-allocation of colonies, a generalization of the 
mandates system, removal of export taxes and restrictions on raw 
materials, restoration of world trade in manufactured materials 
and foodstuffs, international rationing of raw materials and the 
abolition of war. 

The rationing of raw materials by international agreement or 
by some international agency has often been proposed. Within 



22 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

limits it may be feasible. The operations of international em-
ployers cartels, as in rubber, exemplify some of the difficulties 
and dangers of this method. Large scale rationing would require 
international economic planning, production control, and price 
hxing of such drastic proportions that little hope can be expected 
from this direction unless there is a world economic organization 
made up of employer-labor cartels by industries, of a federation 
of like cartels and a politically organized world helping and guid-
ing them. ° 6 

Labor Standards 

The phenomenal invasion of world markets by Japanese cot-
ton goods shows how real is the problem of protecting labor 
against the competition of foreign industries which utilize cheap 
labor and a depreciated currency. Capital and labor in unison 
cry out tor protection against such competition, t h e principal 
protection now given has taken the form of tariff discrimination, 
sometimes reinforced by quota restrictions. A second line of de-
fense has been sought through international labor conventions de-
signed to raise the standard of living in low-cost countries In 
the mam, however the nations with highly paid labor have held 
their own in world markets chiefly by reason of their superior 
technique, machinery, and efficiency. 

Technological Advances 
Against the rise of an industrial power which combines ad-

vanced techniques with cheap labor, international labor conven-
tions are as yet inadequate safeguards. Emergency trade bar-
riers have actually given little protection and have provided much 
ground for complaint. Only a well organized system of world 
economic directives, including price controls, would be adequate 
to cope with such a problem. 

Any practicable economic rules for the improvement of the 
world economic order must take into account the technical eco-
nomic considerations that an increase in the industrial produc-
tivity on the part of any nation is not only inevitable but desir-
able even though it may temporarily displace or reduce the wages 

¡ M R ? t h e , c o m Petitive industries of other countries; and that 
well knit organization of world economic life might assist in mod-
erating the frequency and the violence of major displacements in 
the realm of competitive labor. 



23 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

Financial Regulations 

The control of financial, monetary, and credit institutions, the 
regulation of foreign loans, and the protection of foreign invest-
ments are now functions of the national state. International trade 
and the development of backward countries have been largely 
financed by private enterprisers, often with unofficial and some-
times official encouragement, direction and protection. But there 
have been no international authorities, comparable to the Ameri-
can Securities and Exchange Commission, capable of regulating 
the sudden flights of capital from one country to another, or of 
protecting investors, or of enforcing standards of honesty and 
prudence in international loans. 

International financial operations are conducted in terms of 
money and credit which are backed by gold a n d / o r silver. Both 
of these are international metals b u t are produced by a few coun-
tries and are now held in enormous quantities in the United 
States. T h e steady flow of gold to the United States for safe-
keeping and for other purposes has created a financial problem 
whose solution is impossible without international consultation 
and agreement. 

Although the banking system of each country operates - ac-
cording to national laws, the banks themselves have internation-
alized their operations by opening foreign branches, by making 
foreign affiliates, by carrying deposits abroad, by dealing in for-
eign acceptances, bills of exchange, stocks and bonds. T h e war, 
the depression and banking legislation and securities legislation 
in the United States have changed the conditions under which 
international banking now does business. 

T h e end of reparation and of debt settlements inherited from 
World War I seems to have arrived. If these problems come up 
for resettlement, they will greatly complicate the new and press-
ing international debt questions which are sure to arise a t the 
conclusion of the present war. 

Private foreign investments, amounting in the aggregate to 
many billions of dollars, cover the entire world. A post-war 
economic bankruptcy would involve an unprecedented debacle in 
the investment markets of the world. 

A glimmer of hope for a sane post-war financial order is af-
forded by the good work already done by the League of Nations 
and by the potentialities for international financial co-operative 
action in the Bank for International Settlements. T h e League 



24 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

has been able to give financial aid and technical advice to a num-
ber of countries. T h e Bank for International Settlements, created 
in 1930, handled reparations and war debt payments. 

The Ethics and Economic Committees of the Catholic Asso-
ciation for International Peace have scored the use of the gold 
standard for the selfish interests of some countries and have sug-
gested the use of gold as a monetary standard in such a way as 
to moderate violent fluctuations in prices. Whatever may be the 
most prudent and the fairest standard, nearly everyone is agreed 
that an internationally accepted standard is a first requisite of 
monetary stability. T h e international agreements of 1936 which 
undertook to maintain exchange stability between the dollar 
franc, and sterling are examples of what might be done on a 
more extensive scale, even though the examples might not be 
perfect. 

T h e Ethics , and Economic Committees are also inclined to 
look upon the International Bank of Settlements as a permanent 
supervisor of international financial transactions on the condition 
that it were an agency of an international democratic economic 
organization. T h e Bank along with the international economic 
organization would have to acquire both the financial means of 
discharging their duties and of making their decisions effective 
This would constitute a step toward a world government. 

Foreign Markets 
The problem of foreign markets is not only important in it-

self b u t in a real sense underlies most of the other problems of 
international economic relations. Countries having surpluses 
of raw materials, agricultural and manufactured goods, or 
finance capital want foreign markets for their products Coun-
tries poor in raw materials and farm products b u t rich in manu-
factured articles want foreign markets for their finished goods in 
order to supply their deficiencies. Even more or less self-suffi-
cient countries like the United States are lacking in some goods 
so that they find it necessary to import; they may possess an 
abundance in other commodities which they seek to export I n -
ternational finance exists largely to move goods to and from for-
eign markets. Without foreign trade each nation would attempt, 
as they have, to become self-contained and those farthest removed 
from that rare condition would more likely than not prepare for • 
war, unless they were willing to resign themselves to poverty 



25 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

These conclusions concerning foreign markets seem inescap-
able; that the world needs more international trade for the sake 
of justice, prosperity, and peace; that international trade which 
consists of imports and exports should not be thrown out of bal-
ance by undue restrictions of imports or by political pressures. 

Economic nationalism, whether in the form of capitalistic pro-
tectionism or of totalitarian autarchy, has created chaotic disunity 
in the markets of the world and a fierce competition in which the 
might of the powerful prevails over equity and justice. The 
League of Nations held two economic conferences, but both failed 
to stem the rising flood of national economic conflict, itself a 
cause of war. 

A number of methods have been proposed for the reopening 
of foreign markets and the revival of world trade. Unilateral 
tariff reductions, reciprocity treaties of the Hull type, a few re-
gional agreements have been attempted and some progress has 
been made. World-wide agreements for the reduction of trade 
barriers have been shipwrecked on the shoals of national senti-
ment and of class interest. 

International Economic Order 
From Catholic quarters comes the proposal for a "guided and 

organized economy." Instead of striving simply to remove ex-
change obstacles and to level tariff barriers, which may lead to 
an individualistic freedom of competition contrary to the Catho-
lic conception of ordered justice, the nations should seek to estab-
lish a new international economic order, a world system of feder-
ated economic councils, capable of promoting a healthy exchange 
of goods between international markets. 

Free trade leads to international economic anarchy in the 
sense t h a t it has resulted in virtual monopolies for some countries 
and poverty, tensions, and resentments among others. But what 
is true of free trade might also be true of protected national 
economies. If a federation of national economic councils were 
capable of exercising genuine economic authority in their own 
countries and among the nations of the world, it would still be 
necessary to reconcile their organized national interests with a 
superior international economic common good. 

National economic councils and a world federation of them 
presupposes the termination of individualistic capitalism and of 
totalitarianism. I n place of these misguided economies must come 



26 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

a reformed system, adaptable to many countries, which recog-
nizes private property in its rights and obligations, which makes 
use of multiplying industrial techniques in machinery and man-
agement for increasing production, which takes account of tested 
economic laws, rightly applied, which realizes the need for indus-
trial authority, subject to wider, but non-imperialistic political 
authority and which places power in the members of democratic-
ally organized industries. 

The renovation of national and international economies de-
mands a new conception of economic authority which is neither 
the anarchical principle of mere contract, nor the socialistic prin-
ciple of an overriding political authority in the state. Marshall 
Dimock in his T. N. E. C. monograph has probably given the 
best descriptive word for the notion of an adequate and compe-
tent economic authority in his phrase "trusteeship." Trustee-
ship as we define it involves more freedom than political freedom 
and less authority than political authority. It is builded on the 
reality of private property which should be re-defined to include 
not only real and personal property, monies, credit, stocks and 
bonds, but also one's job. Property, thus understood, would be 
formidable protection for the individual person. But property 
rights would themselves be subject to general legal regulation in 
terms of a political common good. The legal regulation should 
recognize the realities and the values of property, and should 
above all, seek to fix responsibility for the uses of private prop-
erty. This scheme of things must also permit public ownership 
of some properties, such as natural monopolies. Social legisla-
tion of considerable scope should be encouraged. Capital and 
labor would be organized in relation to one another in diverse 
ways, so that in some cases they may be identical and in other 
cases quite distinct, but in every one of its formal relationships 
capital and labor should constitute a community of property. 
And capital and labor must join together to administer their in-
dustries separately and all of them jointly. 

The complete or nearly complete settlement of the present 
disturbance of the international economic order must wait upon 
the reorganization of national economies. In the interim, world 
markets in raw materials, industrial and agricultural goods, and 
in finance should be as free of restrictions as can reasonably be 
expected and all guidance should be handled by organized indus-
tries. No nation can rehabilitate its economic order so long as 
it is shut out from access to the wealth of the world. This free-



27 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

dom does not mean the wholesale or immediate destruction of 
easting restrictions. But it does mean that international agree-
ments should restore to countries, large and small, the right to 
obtain what they need. I t is quite likely that the international 
economic order is an order in which even more freedom and less 
authority is required than in reconstructed national economies, 
although a world economy surely involves more genuine collab-
oration than exists at present. 

At the close of this section we must summarize some of the 
leading facts and economic principles outlined above. In the 
hrst place the economic and political policies of national states 
today tend, on the whole, toward more nationalism, more self-
sufficiency, and less world unity. On the other hand, the indus-
tries and resources of the world are so unevenly distributed that 
excessive nationalism can only lead to losses for rich countries 
unjust deprivations for co-operating, poor countries, and a dan-
gerous revival of war-like imperialism which would continue to 
threaten world peace and to menace the whole fabric of our eco-
nomy civilization. For these reasons, if no others, excessive na-
tionalism should be combatted and international co-operation 
promoted. 

In principle moreover, Christian justice and charity should 
be of world-wide application and should inspire world-wide co-
operation to establish a better economic order. This principle is 
confirmed by the specific injunction of Pius X I : " I t would be 
well if the various nations in common counsel and endeavor 
strove to promote a healthy economic co-operation by prudent 
pacts and institutions, since in economic matters they are largelv 
dependent one upon another, and need one another's help " 

I t would require undue optimism to see in the powerful in-
ternational unions dealing with world communications, in the 
Economic, Financial, and Labor Organizations of the League and 
in the Bank for International Settlements, as they now stand, a 
sufficient framework for the proper governance of the economic 
world. They provide the scaffoldings and superstructures The 
foundations remain to be laid. For its foundations world society 
needs the solid stones of national economic councils and the 
cement of Christian charity and social justice. 

Upon these, however, can be built and must be built a world 
economic organization working with and under a world govern-
mental organization. In the words of the report of the Committee 
on International Economic Life: "The chaos of an interdepend-



28 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

ent world t h a t is not organized to make the interdependence ef-
fective becomes sooner or later the chaos of w a r " ; and further 
t h a t : "Economic world unity in all its variety and change must 
somehow be thoroughly organized so t h a t every human element 
in it will be represented; and then in a world social-economic or-
der, supplemented b y a world governmental order, work out an 
economic life that will accomplish the economic good of all uni-
versally." 

C H A P T E R IV 

Social, Cultural and Humanitarian Aspects of 
World Society 

A R E P O R T OF T H E S U B - C O M M I T T E E ON SOCIAL W E L F A R E OF T H E 
C O M M I T T E E ON E C O N O M I C AND SOCIAL R E L A T I O N S 6 

The student of world society can be heartened b y the ac-
complishments of international agencies engaged in social and 
cultural activities. Although these organizations have worked so 
quietly that the average man knows nothing of them, men and 
women interested in international peace cannot afford to over-
look their implications for a f u t u r e world order. 

In this section we shall deal with all of those international 
organizations that have sought to improve public health, better 
living conditions, and public morals, and with those t h a t have co-
ordinated and encouraged national activities in the field of edu-
cation. 

Beginning with the latter half of the nineteenth century, a 
number of public international unions were organized to correlate 
the health and morals services of national states and of private 
national associations. Agencies such as the International Sanitary 
Commission, the International Red Cross, and the International 
Opium Commission, tried to meet an urgent need for the pre-
vention of the spread of vice and disease. But they did more 
than that, they created habits of co-operation among nations in 
dealing with other and greater international problems. 

The League of Nations, when it was organized, saw the im-
portance of the services of social, cultural, and humanitarian 
bodies and set up agencies dealing with these problems within the 
League Secretariat or closely attached to it. T h e League's ad-

e The original draft of this report was prepared by Elizabeth M. Lynskey, Ph.D., 
Chairman of the Committee on Economic and Social Relations. 



29 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

ministrative organization provided for sections dealing with 
health, with social and humanitarian work, and with international 
intellectual co-operation. The sections were supplemented by 
parallel organizations, advisory commissions, and special com-
mittees. 

The United States, in spite of its failure to co-operate whole-
heartedly with the political activities of the League of Nations, 
has continuously taken an active and even a leading part in the 
social, cultural, and humanitarian functions of the League. Per-
haps we may expect this collaboration to increase rather than 
to diminish with the transfer of so many of the League's admin-
istrative services to the Western Hemisphere. The new life re-
cently injected into Pan-American co-operation has brought the 
American nations into closer contact in the social and cultural 
spheres as the activities of the American National Committee on 
International Cultural Co-operation and the Conference on Rural 
Hygiene for the Americas would indicate. 

Health 

I n the latter part of the last century, national public health 
authorities found that the growing trade and travel between 
widely separated countries was creating new health problems for 
all of them. Pestilence, famine, and epidemic ignored national 
boundaries. Medical scholars and scientists realized the need 
for co-operative research in stamping out the dreaded human 
scourges of bubonic plague, cholera, and malarial fevers. Public 
health officers saw the urgency of uniform national laws on ship 
sanitation. Labor departments called for uniform regulations 
concerning the health of migrating populations. 

Following private example, seventeen national states estab-
lished an International Institute for Public Health at Paris in 
1907. This body held regular conferences of public health ex-
perts, worked out standardizing treaties, published important 
health information, and maintained a service by which govern-
ments could be rapidly warned of the spread of epidemics. After 
the League of Nations was organized, the Paris Office instituted 
a direct connection with the League. 

The League Health Organization collects, publishes, and dis-
tributes public health information to national health officers; sets 
international standards of health (for example, it has worked out 
a model health law and a uniform system of health statistics); 



30 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

provides health services, mainly, by way of promoting co-opera-
tion in medical research among medical scholars; keeps a watch 
on epidemics, circulates information about them, and assists in 
fighting against them. 

Branches of the Health Section of the League Secretariat have 
been placed in a number of capital cities to speed up its work. 
The Health Organization has sent its experts to advise on sani-
tary regulations for the repatriation of Balkan peoples, and a t 
the request of China has sent medical experts to advise upon the 
reorganization of the Chinese health services. T h e Health Or-
ganization keeps in close touch with private groups. I t main-
tains liaison with the International Labor Office, and with the 
League Committee on Social Questions and its sub-committees on 
child welfare and on traffic in women and children. With the 
Paris Institute it has furnished experts on narcotic drugs to an 
international supervisory body which sets medical standards for 
the control of trade in narcotics. I t has called and co-operated 
with regional medical conferences for the study of African and 
Asiatic health problems. 

American co-operation in the League's health work has been 
extensive and of long standing. M a n y Americans have served as 
staff experts or as regular administrative officers in many of the 
League's health agencies. Former Surgeon-General Hugh S. 
Cummings has been a member of the Health Committee from its 
beginning. 

This record would indicate that national states have dele-
gated some of their power in health matters to international 
bodies, and that they have also acknowledged in these agencies 
some health functions which they have never performed as sepa-
rate states. The urgency of health work by international agencies, 
as well as the considerable benefits already accruing from them, 
assure the future of this work. 

International Morals 
T h e value and the need of a more effective world organization 

is further shown in the matters of morals, of the trade in narcotic 
drugs, of obscene literature, and most of all, in the matter of 
trade in human beings. 

T r a d e in narcotics is an economic question; the medical uses 
of drugs a scientific question; and the socially harmful results in 
the unscientific and unregulated use of the commodities raises 



31 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

questions of political regulation. Each nation determines inter-
nally how and where drugs may be lawfully used, and they seek 
to prevent addiction. These purposes cannot be executed without 
the active co-operation of other states. 

While the health problem is more scientific than moral, and 
the economic gains from good public health seem to be well un-
derstood, the narcotic problem is complicated by politics and the 
desire for economic profit. Some governments, as that of Persia, 
received much revenue from the trade in narcotics. The first 
attempts to control the production and trade in narcotics, which 
were made by China, failed because of the greed of smugglers and 
corrupt enforcement officers, and, to a very large extent, because 
of the interference of foreign governments. 

Several international conferences have sought to work out a 
technique of enforcing national anti-narcotic legislation. A stand-
ard system of import and export certificates for narcotics has at 
last been agreed upon; a model law has been framed to serve as 
a guide to national legislatures; and narcotic trade statistics have 
been standardized. 

The League of Nations Advisory Committee on the Traffic in 
Opium and other Dangerous Drugs, which is made up of non-
governmental experts, gathers and publishes information, and 
advises the League Council on matters of international policy 
with respect to narcotics. A smaller body of experts, nationals 
of countries producing and consuming drugs, and known as the 
Permanent Central Opium Board, requests national states to set 
estimates of their national needs and helps to obtain the quantity 
of drugs required. Information gathered by the Board is used 
to determine leaks in the drug traffic; on finding discrepancies 
the Board is authorized to recommend a narcotic boycott against 
an offending state. The present war and the Far Eastern events 
leading up to it have meant a setback in the international control 
of opium sales. 

Much remains to be done before the international traffic in 
drugs is brought under complete control, but the machinery for 
its regulation has been well built. The most significant thing 
about the Advisory Board and the Central Opium Committee 
may be the precedent they have set for the control of other raw 
materials. Many commentators have compared the problems of 
the drug trade with those of trade in armaments and even with 
those involved in the distribution of the raw material resources 
of the world. 



32 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

International efforts to end traffic in human beings have, on 
the whole, been less successful than the control of drugs. Com-
mittees with special powers of inquiry and investigation have 
been set up for both the traffic in African slaves and the traffic 
in women and children. Advisory committees are in existence 
to make recommendation of future policy, but no agreement has 
been reached as to what should be done about these matters. 
There are those who condone forced labor in Africa on the ground 
of necessity and who condone the traffic in women on the ground 
of consent. The white slave trade is profitable and can be carried 
on with relative ease under lawful appearances. 

Some standardization of terms relating to these practices has 
been agreed upon. Information and statistics on the subjects 
have been gathered. But the only real check on the trade is the 
proper enforcement of national laws. Through the Social Organ-
ization of the League these national statutes are slowly being 
made uniform. 

Education 
The world organization of education has been rather strictly 

limited to promoting intellectual co-operation between scholars 
in the same fields of knowledge and to furthering international 
understanding among peoples. The International Institute of 
Intellectual Co-operation and the International Museum Office 
have worked together with agencies such as the International 
Educational Cinematographic Union. Educational moving pic-
tures have been made more accessible to scholars; students and 
professors have been aided in studying and teaching in for-
eign lands. Now the war has brought a halt to nearly all of these 
activities, save that the United States and Latin America have 
become the havens of exiled intellectuals, and countries of both 
continents have begun to create committees for increasing cul-
tural co-operation. 

Public international agencies have also concerned themselves 
with the study of national laws governing copyrights, sale, and 
publication of books with an eye to providing greater security for 
scholars and literary men. This work is being done by national 
committees, appointed by their governments, in co-operation with 
an advisory committee on intellectual co-operation appointed by 
the League Council. The International Institute of Intellectual 
Co-operation ha.s worked with private groups in national states, 
has informed young people about the principles and practices of 



33 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

the League of Nations, and has sponsored periodical international 
conferences for the exchange of views among students of many 
nationalities. 

Before the war broke out the international school at Geneva 
and the summer school in international law at The Hague did 
much to advance interest in and knowledge of international prob-
lems. The International Educational Institute of New York has 
served as a clearing house for exchange scholarships. The Gen-
eral Education Board, the Guggenheim Foundation, the Rocke-
feller fellowships, the Carnegie Endowment scholarships and fel-
lowships have each in their own way contributed to an under-
standing of world society. A Catholic Bureau of Inter-American 
Collaboration in the Education Department of the National Cath-
olic Welfare Conference is working for further exchange of stu-
dents and professors between this country and Latin America. 
International federations of students have long been common and 
have done their share in studying and in creating a public opin-
ion favorable to world peace. A number of Catholic student 
unions, notable among which is Pax Romana, have held significant 
international and regional conferences. 

Scientific, literary, and scholarly international congresses 
have extended the international horizons of learning. If national 
pride has sometimes motivated their meetings and permeated 
their discussions, at least their willingness to come together may 
have established precedents which will make their revival and im-
provement the much more possible. 

We may conclude that the social, cultural, and humanitarian 
interdependence of national states is a certain fact. National 
boundaries have failed to prevent the spread of disease and vice. 
National governments have had to co-operate to a greater or lesser 
degree to protect their own citizens. In the intellectual sphere 
scientists, writers, scholars, and students have recognized the need 
for international co-operation and for the extension of interna-
tional authority. 

International agencies, both inside and outside of the League, 
have managed to prevail upon many national states to yield up 
portions of their sovereignty and to permit some international 
control over matters which they had come to regard as the special 
preserves of donifestic authority. In the economic as well as in 
the social and cultural fields these same international bodies have 
assisted in breaking down the divisive principle of the equality 
of states through the acceptance of majority in place of unani-



34 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

mous decisions. These unions and the League organizations have 
enlarged the scope of common action on the p a r t of national 
states by means of international congresses and by providing ma-
chinery to see to it that covenants, openly arrived at, are enforced. 
The planning and supervisory activities of experts employed by 
these organizations have given increased hope for a better world 
order. 

Such a record of encouragement should not, however, blind us 
to the limitations of these services. Frequently their work has 
been confined to collecting and distributing information or to 
establishing standards. The effective execution of their programs 
when left in the hands of national states has been thwarted by a 
conflict of national interests and the pressures of private interest 
groups. 

The present war has brought a temporary halt to much of the 
activity of international agencies. Yet, for all practical purposes, 
it is the public international unions and the League Secretariat 
which are most likely to survive the war and to provide a . nucleus 
for the new international organizations which must come if a 
world society is to arise from the shambles of war. 

C H A P T E R V 

A World Commonwealth of Nations 

A R E P O R T O F T H E C O M M I T T E E O N L A W A N D O R G A N I Z A T I O N 7 

T h e failure of the League of Nations to provide a workable 
political organization for world society appears to some persons 
to prove the impossibility of an international political authority. 
For many such individuals the demonstrated strength of totali-
tarianism or the gathering power of American economic and po-
litical nationalism suggests more realistic possibilities for the or-
ganization of political power. Large, separate, and self-sufficient 
empires erected on a continental scale would constitute the ideal 
pattern of the "new order." The balance of power principle in 
which continents rather than nations would be the power com-
ponents is envisaged as the stabilizing force of this new world. 
I t would seem almost certain that this grandiose scheme of world 
empires would inevitably involve the world in inter-continental 

7 This report was written from studies by members of the Law and Organization 
Committee under the Chairmanship of Charles G. Fenwick, Ph.D. 



35 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

wars whose massive operations would dwarf all other wars, past 
and present. If this is what we may expect from totalitarianism, 
or from "democratic" isolationism it is reason enough for free 
men to exert all of their efforts to prevent its coming and a t the 
same time to work for a Commonwealth of Nations of just and 
effective authority. 

I n the section of this study which treated of the moral bases 
of world society we have concluded to the moral necessity of an 
organized world order and to the fundamentally ethical or norma-
tive character of that order. Here we are concerned with the 
questions: Is a Commonwealth of Nations practicable; if it is, 
what form should it take; what functions should it perform; how 
shall its authority be instrumented; and how can it enforce its 
commands? 

The practicality of a World Commonwealth of Nations is in-
dicated by the realities of the existing world order and by the 
dictates of the moral law. In spite of international good will and 
organization, brutal wars and international insecurity have fol-
lowed the wake of national upheavals and hatreds; world society 
has been carried away from its moorings by the terrifying dis-
asters of man-made tempests. But the facts of social, cultural, 
and economic interdependence in world society remain; the nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries saw the development of a great 
network of genuine international agencies designed to establish 
order in an interdependent world society. 

Christian morality enjoins all men of good will to exert a 
common endeavor to challenge international anarchy and to work 
unceasingly for a world society in which peace, order and justice 
will hold sway. The politics of power must be displaced by a 
truly humanistic policy of justice and charity and authority. 

Functions of Government * 
If a great Commonwealth of Nations, implemented with a 

practical organization of authority and endowed with powers suf-
ficient to realize the ends of peace and justice, is to be established, 
we might look for guidance to the structures and functions of na-
tional governments. The fundamental principles underlying na-
tional and international political communities are the same. 

National states have developed political organizations and 
codes of law for the maintenance of the peace and order of the 
community. The primary purpose of these laws is to suppress 



36 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

violence among individuals; and unless the state is in a position 
to put down such violence, it will find itself unable to carry out 
successfully its functions of advancing the social, economic, and 
cultural welfare of the political community. The obligation of 
preventing violence, of preserving the peace is an executive func-
tion and in itself goes no farther than that of upholding the 
existing order of property, personal and societal rights. This 
basic function proceeds from the principle that, no matter what 
his claim, the citizen must not be allowed to resort to violence to 
obtain it. He must not "take the law into his own hands." 

Supplementary to the function of restraining violence is the 
function of providing for the settlement of conflicts of claims by 
judicial agencies. No man can be the judge of his own case; it is 
the organized community, acting through its courts, that must 
decide upon his claims. The courts of a state fulfill an executive 
function, in the sense that they are concerned with the applica-
tion of law as they find it, and not with the making of new law. 
They adjudicate controversies upon the basis of the status quo, 
and they do not, generally speaking, inquire into the moral jus-
tice of the legal claims which they undertake to enforce. In a 
strict sense it is not the function of the courts to correct abuses, 
but to apportion to each his due as the existing law prescribes. 

But no state can act as a moral agent or as a practical polit-
ical institution unless it also seeks to promote justice. The legis-
lative duty of advancing social justice is the very heart of po-
litical authority. The principle of rendering to each man his due 
requires the issuance of commands which are in conformity with 
the moral law and which, although they do not arise from the 
facts of existing social and economic conditions, are also adapted 
to social changes. Law making is therefore intimately related 
to social and economic conditions but is essentially determined 
by the moral law. The state is thus, through its appropriate 
governmental agencies, charged with the duty of promoting social 
justice as a condition of law and order. 

The state is society governmentally organized. I t is not iden-
tical with society and does not assimilate society to itself. Apart 
from individual persons, familial society has its separate existence, 
organization, and anterior rights; the economic societies of in-
dustry and the professions should, according to Catholic social 
teaching, have a separate existence, organization and rights. Re-
ligious organizations in a special way have a distinct character, 
functions, and authority. 



37 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

Collective Security 
I n an organized world society, as in national states, the first 

problem is one of defense against disorder. Within a nation de-
fense is a collective function. T h e individual citizen goes un-
armed, b u t he has behind him the protection of the organized 
community. T h e community assumes a collective responsibility 
for the maintenance of order and undertakes to regard an attack 
upon one of its members as an attack upon itself. Each citizen, 
however, has a share in the obligation of contributing what he can 
to the maintenance of order. 

I n a world society some form of collective defense of world 
order is essential. As a previous joint committee of the C. A. 
I. P . has said: " T h e use of national armaments can be justified 
for the defense or restoration of order within that world society, 
an order in which each has rights and corresponding duties." T h e 
alternative is world anarchy and war. Pope Benedict X V de-
clared t h a t : "All states should unite in one sole League or rather 
family of nations both to guarantee their own independence and 
safeguard order in the civil concert of the peoples." 

Is it possible to apply the principle of co-operative defense 
to the relations of world society? Can we, as a practical proposi-
tion, ask a Commonwealth of Nations to accept a collective re-
sponsibility for the maintenance of peace? Can this Common-
wealth work out a system of co-operative defense in which the 
individual state can be assured the adequate protection of its 
rights? Does a system of co-operative defense necessarily re-
quire an international army, navy and air force, or might it be 
possible to co-ordinate separate national forces for the same 
purpose? 

Answers to these questions are not easy. But the ineffectual 
efforts during the last quarter of a century to achieve a reduction 
of armaments would seem to indicate that a Commonwealth of 
Nations m a y have to require the abolition of obligatory military 
service and of conscription, already-urged by Benedict XV. Fresh 
attempts may have to be made to bring about a general reduc-
tion of armaments, and probably also to set up regional and in-
ternational armies of police forces. At the minimum it would 
seem desirable to some to reduce and to internationalize the air 
forces of the world. Given the sad experience of the twenties and 
the thirties, given the need for stronger world organization, a 
system of co-operative defense would seem to be a necessary con-
dition of further disarmament. 



38 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

Economic Sanctions 

Even though considerable progress were made in the direc-
tion of disarmament and of internationalizing military power, 
collective security would require still more implementation.8 
T h e inadequacy of the Paris Peace Pact in outlawing war 
would appear to indicate the practical wisdom of the recom-
mendation of the joint committee of the C. A. I. P. which 
proposed t h a t the United States call a conference of all the 
signatories of the Kellogg P a c t " f o r the purpose of negotiating 
an agreement by all both to consult and to join in an inter-
national boycott against any nation found after consultation to 
have violated its agreement to use only peaceful means to settle 
its disputes." H a d this proposal been implemented and acted 
upon, might not the disastrous course of world events in recent 
years have been averted? Perhaps collective consultation and 
the imposition of economic sanctions would have paved the way 
to a Commonwealth of Nations which now seems absolutely nec-
essary, b u t which is, because of the war, much more difficult to 
achieve. 

The irresolution, doubts, and misgivings concerning economic 
sanctions which were so widely entertained before the present 
war may now be dissolved. A Commonwealth of Nations for our 
world society needs to have the power of imposing both military 
and economic sanctions. T h e right of individual nations to use 
these sanctions must be limited, for the hope that single nations 
might use them in the interest of world peace has proved illusory. 

In the present era of economic and social interdependence it 
may turn out that with an adequate international authority mili-
tary sanctions will be less necessary than they have been. Eco-
nomic sanctions justly applied by an international agency would 
be an admirable substitute for the more cruel means of war. This 
world government would then continue to be a league to enforce 
peace. 

A World Supreme Court 

We have seen that it is the function of national courts to 
pass upon the conflicting claims of individuals and in so doing 

8 T h e course of this implementation is indicated b y Pope Benedict XV in his August 
1, 1917, Message: " I n place of armed force should be substituted the noble and peaceful 
institution of arbitration according to regulations to be made and penalties to be imposed 
upon any State which might refuse either to submit a national question to such a tribunal 
or to accept its decision." 



39 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

to interpret and to apply the law as they find it. In the exercise 
of this function the jurisdiction of the court is obligatory, in the 
sense that the individual citizen has no alternative but to submit 
his case to the court in the event that an agreement cannot be 
reached out of court. 

The report of the Ethics Committee has underlined the sig-
nificance of Pope Benedict XV's peace program which called for 
judicial settlement, the codification of international law, and an 
international tribunal of justice. These are pre-eminently peace-
ful means that should be effective in adjusting any controversy. 

T h e question arises how the jurisdiction of a Supreme Court 
of world society can be made obligatory, if the parties are un-
able to reach an agreement outside of court. As a partial solu-
tion nothing less than membership of nations in a world Com-
monwealth, having genuine political authority over international 
relations, would seem to be indicated. I n this Commonwealth 
the Supreme Court would be organized along the lines of the 
present Permanent Court of International Justice. I t s jurisdic-
tion might be made obligatory on the principles already agreed to 
under the optional clause of the World Court protocol. A Su-
preme Court which would be outside the framework of a world 
Commonwealth would, however, be ineffectual; it might prevent 
the development on the p a r t of the judges of a sense of judicial 
responsibility and might halt the development of international 
law by the establishment of precedents. 

The organization of such a permanent court with supreme 
judicial power should by no means exclude the recourse of na-
tions to methods of mediation, conciliation, and ad hoc arbitra-
tion. Every practical technique for the settlement of interna-
tional disputes should be utilized. Only cases of exceptional 
difficulty need come before the permanent world tribunal. 

A Supreme Law-Making Body 

There can be little doubt but that the most difficult and the 
most important problem involved in the political organization of 
world society is that of making provision for the establishment of 
justice in international relations. We have seen that it is an es-
sential function of national governments to bring about changes in 
the existing social, economic and cultural communities in order, 
on the one hand, to offset the tendency toward the serious in-



40 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

vasion of property, personal and societal rights, and on the other 
hand to promote a common action for the common good. This 
function is legislative in character and is sharply distinguished 
from the executive function of restraining violence, and the judi-
cial function of deciding controversies. 

A Commonwealth of Nations without legislative functions and 
legislative organization would be lacking in the essential quality 
of an international authority. Deprived of legislative powers, it 
could be little more than an advisory body having some feeble 
authority to warn and admonish. 

What legislative functions might be possessed by a Com-
monwealth of Nations in order that it may have competent polit-
ical authority to direct the nations of the world toward an inter-
national common good? In the section on the economics of 
world society we concluded that some international agency 
should have the power to regulate, and even sometimes to con-
trol international markets in raw materials, manufactured and 
agricultural goods and services and the multiple forms of inter-
national finance. Constitutional powers analogous to those given 
to the Congress of the United States over commerce and finance 
might be conferred upon the legislature of the Commonwealth. 
The Constitution of the world Commonwealth might specify the 
extent and limits of these powers as well as define with some 
precision the objects of international trade and finance to which 
the powers extend, i International control over colonial areas 
after the type of the Mandates system seems necessary. Inter-
national legislation could co-ordinate and advance national labor 
laws. 

In addition to an international economic authority the legis-
lative functions of a Commonwealth of Nations might be used to 
encourage, promote, and assist in the enforcement of national 
minorities treaties. National minorities do exist and will proba-
bly continue to exist under the best of peace settlements. The 
well-being of minorities cannot be left to the mercies of national 
states. A network of minority treaties might be supplemented 
by international investigatory powers and a system of sanctions 
for flagrant violations. The same practice might be followed re-
garding an International Bill of Rights. 

A third group of powers which might be conferred upon the 
legislature of the world society would deal with the enforce-
ment of peace. The imposition of economic sanctions, the em-



41 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

ployment of an international police force, and power to reduce 
armaments might be included among the lawmaking functions of 
the world Commonwealth. 

The progress of world communication and transportation as 
well as the promotion of public health, safety, and morals and 
the advancement of intellectual and cultural co-operation depend 
upon the continuance and the fortification of existing agencies 
brought together to work out programs of action. Some of these 
matters are well regulated by bilateral or multilateral treaties; 
others of them require the co-operation of the whole body of 
nations. 

The Organization of a World Commonwealth of 
Nations 

T h e successful nerformance of these political, economic, social 
and cultural functions at the international level calls for the 
elaboration of institutions adapted to these activities. M a n y 
students of international affairs are now convinced that a su-
preme lawmaking body, directing an integrated administrative 
svstem, is called for, so that the multitudinous legislative and 
administrative functions of international bodies might be co-
ordinated and geared to similar functions of regional groups and 
national states. 

We shall consider first the kind of a legislative bodv which 
might be established to exercise the policy making functions of a 
world society. A word of warning concerning this discussion is 
required. I n this matter, as in other questions concerning the 
type of organization desirable for a World Commonwealth, there 
can be no degree of certainty. W h a t is outlined here is tentative 
and open to many reservations. While our conclusions have 
been guided b y past experience and b y the expectations for the 
future, there remains much doubt as to the best form of world 
political organization. A great deal of discretion must be left to 
the constitution makers of a world order, and even they must 
leave many ciuestions to be settled bv future experience and the 
good sense of the men to whom world government may be en-
trusted. 

Perhaps the most feasible form of a legislative organization 
for a Commonwealth of Nations would be a unicameral house 
of representatives selected by national states. T h e represent-



42 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

atives might be chosen on a proportional basis according to the 
size, population, natural resources, etc., of member states. A 
chamber large enough to represent all nations and small enough 
to permit adequate deliberations might come to legislative deci-
sions by a simple majority vote save in the case of the amend-
ment of the Constitution of the Commonwealth. 

A permanent committee co-opted either by the legislature or 
by the national states from the representatives might be selected 
to prepare the agenda for the deliberative sessions of the assem-
bly. This committee could be small and yet include a permanent 
membership of large states and a temporary membership of small-
er powers. This committee might be closely integrated in its per-
sonnel and its responsibilities with the representative body, and 
it might serve as an interim legislative authority during the time 
the assembly is not in session. 

The permanent committee of the representative body might 
select an administrative secretary to act as general manager of 
the administrative agencies provided for by the Constitution or 
authorized by the house of representatives. The administrative 
organization itself might well be modeled after the general lines 
of the League of Nations Secretariat. Where independent inter-
national administrative bodies are to continue their work, they 
can be brought closer to the administrative hierarchy of the 
Commonwealth by means of co-ordinating bodies. 

A constitutional document stating the fundamental law of the 
Commonwealth might be drafted. I t might outline the framework 
of organization and authority of the Commonwealth govern-
ment which would consist of a supreme court, a representative 
assembly, a permanent committee of the assembly, and an ad-
ministrative organization. The constitution might also include 
a declaration of international rights and obligations affirming the 
essential moral and political aims of world society and of the 
Commonwealth of Nations. The constitution should also include 
effective provision for its own amendment. Authority both to 
amend the constitution and to recommend treaty changes might 
be given to the house of representatives of the Commonwealth. 

The idea of a world Commonwealth which would operate im-
mediately upon individual citizens and upon national states alike, 
and the notion of world citizenship, as proposed by Union Now, 
seems overly optimistic. But there can be no doubt that the 



43 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

new Commonwealth might cherish and foster a Christian ideal of 
world citizenship. As D r . Arlinghaus has written in his discus-
sion of "Political Organization in a World Society" this ideal of 
citizenship is a conception that " m a n is a man before he is a n 
American, a German, a Frenchman, an Italian." . 

World Regional Governments 

In view of the practical difficulties presented by the organiza-
tion of the world of states, the question of the advantages of the 
organization of certain groups of states in regional units for the 
administration of interests peculiar to them has been much dis-
cussed in recent years. I t might seem that there is a place for re-
gional federations even in a Commonwealth of Nations much far-
ther advanced than what we may expect of world society in the 
near future. In the western hemisphere there are regional rela-
tionships which may be more readily promoted by a Pan-American 
Union than by a world Commonwealth. The good neighbor pol-
icy, the Havana Conference of 1940, the closer co-operation of 
the United States and Latin America in innumerable other direc-
tions may presage the beginnings of a regional union of American 
nations. 

T h e near fulfillment of the aims of the Commonwealth will 
almost certainly await the betterment of economic and social 
conditions in Europe and Asia. A United States of Europe may 
then seem required, if a realistic approach is to be made to the 
post-war peace settlement which primarily involves European 
problems. 

T h a t the political vision of nations is to some extent regional 
may be observed from the fact that many American problems 
have b y a long tradition come to be regarded as easier of settle-
ment by the regional co-operation of the American governments 
than by a world organization. The Tacna-Arica dispute was 
brought to an end by the United States and not b y the League 
of Nations. By the same token European problems have gen-
erally been solved by Europeans with an all too frequent re-
course to the arbitrament of force. Regional co-operation is in-
deed a more virile tradition than world-wide co-operation. 

I t is to be hoped that the government of the United States 
will appreciate the important role which American Catholics 
may play in consolidating N o r t h and South American interests. 



44 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

World Federation 

There are idealists who talk about a World State which would 
break down national loyalties and hemispheric barriers and would 
give a long suffering world a superpolitical community. T h e cold, 
harsh realities of the world we know does not give prudent men 
leave to dream such things. The obvious strength and the real 
worth of national political authority and the dawning conscious-
ness of continental power are stumbling blocks for Utopians. 

T h a t a Commonwealth of Nations might take the form of a 
federal structure would seem to be indicated by the observations 
of the popes of the twentieth century who have constantly 
pleaded for the recognition of the rights of nations, large and 
small. I n Summi Pontijicatus Pope Pius X I I wrote: "A dispo-
sition in fact of the divinely sanctioned natural order divides 
the human race into social groups, nations or states which are 
mutually independent in organization and in the direction of 
their national life." I t was the same Pope who proposed a Com-
monwealth of Nations as one of the conditions of a lasting peace. 

An organized world society would distribute authority among 
nations, regional federations, and a Commonwealth of Nations. 
T h e world Commonwealth may be vested with t h e powers neces-
sary to enforce peace and to assist in the rehabilitation of the 
world's social, economic, and cultural order. I t may be em-
powered to exercise authority limited to those functions which 
national, and regional governments are incapable or unwilling to 
exercise. I n particular the Commonwealth may liberate nations 
from what Pope Pius X I I has characterized as " t h e heavy slav-
ery of armaments" and the dangers of rule by force. 

National governments must continue to deal with their major 
economic, social, and cultural problems aided by the Common-
wealth and regional governments. I n some instances such as 
colonies and minorities the Commonwealth can legitimately claim 
to make final decisions. I n other cases the world authority might 
be limited to stimulating, advising, admonishing, administering, 
or directing the activities initiated and executed by other gov-
ernmental authorities. Bilateral and multilateral treaties, re-
gional agreements, mediations, conciliation, arbitrations should 
continue to be entered into b y the independent national states. 

Can man shape his destiny according to the demands of the 
natural law and of social and political realities which are formed 
in the pattern of unity in diversity? If he cannot or will not 



45 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

find the way out of his present dilemma, the catastrophe of war 
and dictatorship, of anarchy and of totalitarianism are destined 
to- be his normal condition. All men of good will abhor such a 
world. They will exert every energy and all of their intelli-
gence; they will seek every light human and divine to prevent it 
and to build a human city of peace, order, justice and charity.9 

C H A P T E R VI 

The Peace Settlement 

T h e outline of facts and principles discussed in the previous 
sections of this study can a t best offer only a realizable hope for 
the world order of the future. Should a constitution for a World 
Commonwealth of Nations be drafted by the statesmen of the 
world at the conclusion of the present war, its success will enor-
mously depend on the kind of a peace settlement t h a t accom-
panies it. One of the weaknesses of the League of Nations was 
its link with peace treaties in which too much injustice and not 
enough charity was written. The herculean task of remaking the 
post-war world under intolerable conditions contributed no little 
to the impatience of the sincerest peace endeavors. 

If the world is to be a decent place for men to live in, the 
nations cannot afford to repeat the mistakes, blunders, and mis-
deeds of the last twenty-five years. Perhaps the frightening 
prospects of world chaos and the vivid memory of the horrors 
and the terrible burdens of the present war will stir men to their 
depths. Perhaps, also the realization that we are in the toils of 
world revolution will move the leaders of the nations to an 
understanding t h a t their responsibilities can be fulfilled only to 
the degree that they earnestly search after justice and practice 
charity. , , , . 

The common man, too, has been shaken to the roots ot ms 
soul by the awful times in which he has lived. Men are not 
going to tolerate what appears to them to be stupidity on the 

9 T h e Rev. Patrick J . Higgins, S.J., a member of the Executive Council desires 
to note t h e following diSerences of opinion on points in the above C h a p t e r : ( a ) Eco-
nomic sanctions should never be applied except with the consent of three-fourths of the 
nations of the world; ( b ) T h e suggestion t h a t the government of a world society might 
control ' t h e finances of nations in a manner analogous to the financial powers of the 
United States Congress is not feasible; ( c ) Instead of the suggested proportional basis 
for electing the legislature of the world society, a unit vote for each independent and 
•sovereign nation (excluding parts of empires); ( d ) A three-fourths majority (of all the 
nations) vote to carry a measure in the legislature assembly instead of t h e proposed 
simple majority. 



46 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

part of their leaders. The hatred of war among the people is 
more intense than ever before. 

This popular feeling may produce a great impetus towards 
peace, but on the other hand, it may become perverted into an 
unholy wrath which bodes ill for good order. Christians, above 
all, are now obliged to raise their voices in a plea for high moral 
and political leadership among the peacemakers, so that this 
mass sentiment may be marshaled in the support of a wise peace 
settlement and of a lasting world order. 

The people of the United States are called to do great things 
for man. They are in a position to proffer to the warring na-
tions, when the war is over, the principles of acceptable and 
equitable terms of peace. They can propose a plan for a Com-
monwealth of Nations which will work. They can participate in 
this world federation to the ends that the peace treaties will pro-
mote harmony; that the nations will co-operate in a common 
partnership for a common good, and that war may be less fre-
quent and less terrible. 

The statement of the principles of a just peace treaty should 
acknowledge that all nations share in the remote responsibility 
for the war and that, however unequal that share may be, the 
peace of the world depends upon an exceedingly charitable dis-
tribution of the costs of the war. The staggering wastes of this 
war must be shouldered both by those best able to bear its bur-
dens and by those most responsible for it. Pray God that there 
is sufficient sanity and realism left in this world, and that there 
is a superabundance of love. 

The boundaries of the new states, which are almost certain 
to be remade, might be reorganized to serve the following pur-
poses: the satisfaction of legitimate national aspirations; the 
establishment of an increased degree of national self-sufficiency 
(probably best accomplished by the federalization of certain 
continental European regions); the minimization of national 
minorities. 

The government of a Commonwealth of Nations should be 
established as speedily as possible following the signing of the 
peace. The Commonwealth might be given emergency powers 
for a definite period of years to superintend the execution of the 
peace treaties. Armament limitations should be universal and 
immediate, and moderately drastic. The disarmament program 
might be administered by the Commonwealth. The mandates 
system might be greatly extended and its administration given 



47 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

over to the Commonwealth government. The immediate eco-
nomic needs of the populations of Europe should be taken care 
of. International and national pacts dealing with trade and 
finance must come out of the peace deliberations. 

This is the greatest and most difficult task which .man has 
ever had to undertake. Little less than the most piercing realism, 
the highest moral principles, the keenest statesmanship, and the 
greatest abundance of charity of which men are capable can suf-
fice for the right doing of this work. Even though the world's 
leaders are not so admirably fitted for the making of the peace 
settlement as is required, the aspiration to be more than human 
may take our leaders along the path to a tolerable and livable 
world order. 

Among the nations of the world the United States is espe-
cially obliged to make a supreme endeavor to lead the world. 
This country was not endowed with the plenties of nature, peo-
ples, of genius, and of democracy selfishly to feed upon her own 
might. Her moral obligations to her neighbors, to all nations, 
are commensurate with her power which is at once physical, po-
litical, and moral. America is not destined to redress balances 
in the old world or new, but to use her power for the most heroic 
activity of man—the perfection of his fellows. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

I. M O R A L BASES OF W O R L D S O C I E T Y . 
Ethics Committee. International Ethics. CAIP. 1928. 
Ethics and J o i n t Policy Committee. The Obligation oj Catholics to 

Promote Peace, and The Rights of peoples. CAIP. 1940. 
Ethics Committee. The Ethics of War. C A I P . 1932. 
N . C. W . C. Pius XII and Peace, 1939-1940. (A valuable collection of 

statements on peace b y His Holiness.) 
J o h n Eppstein. The Catholic Tradition of the Law of Nations. 

CAIP. 
M o s t Rev. R o b e r t E . Lucey, " T h e P a p a l Peace P r o g r a m , " The Com-

monweal, September 6, 1940. 

I I . N A T I O N A L I S M I N W O R L D S O C I E T Y . 
C. J . H . Hayes, Essays on Nationalism. M'acmillan, New Y o r k . 

1926. 
C. J . H . Hayes, Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism. F a r r a r 

and Rhinehart, New York. 
Committee on National Attitudes. Patriotism, Nationalism and the 

Brotherhood of Man. C A W . 1937. 



48 T H E W O R L D S O C I E T Y 

I I I . T H E E C O N O M I C S O F A W O R L D S O C I E T Y . 
R e v . R . A . M c G o w a n , Toward Social Justice. N . C. W . C., 1934. 
R i g h t R e v . M s g r . J o h n A. R y a n , D r . P a r k e r T . M o o n a n d R e v . R . A . 

M c G o w a n , Ethics and Economics Committees, International Eco-
nomic Life. C A I P , 1934. 

Economic Relations C o m m i t t e e . Tariffs and World Peace. C A I P , 
1933. 

S u b - C o m m i t t e e on Agriculture. Agriculture and International Life. 
C A I P , 1937. 

R e v . Albert J . L e R o y , S.J., Catholics and the International Labor 
Organization. N . C. W . C. 

P o p e P i u s X I . Forty Years After—On Reconstructing the Social 
Order. N . C. W . C., 1931. 

IV. SOCIAL, C U L T U R A L A N D H U M A N I T A R I A N A S P E C T S O F 
W O R L D S O C I E T Y . 

Peace E d u c a t i o n C o m m i t t e e . Peace Education in Catholic Schools. 
C A I P , 1934. 

E u r o p e C o m m i t t e e . Catholic Organization for Peace in Europe. 
C A I P , 1935. 

V. W O R L D S O C I E T Y A N D A C O M M O N W E A L T H O F N A T I O N S . 
J o i n t C o m m i t t e e R e p o r t . America's Peace Aims. C A I P , 1941. 
P o p e P i u s X I I . Summi Pontificatus. N . C. W . C., 1940. 
I n t e r n a t i o n a l L a w a n d Organization C o m m i t t e e . Arbitration and the 

World Court. C A I P , 1937. 
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. A Just and 

Durable Peace. (Contains résumés of m a n y c u r r e n t proposals f o r 
a n e w w o r l d order.) 1941. 

J a c q u e s M a r i t a i n , " E u r o p e a n d the Federal I d e a , " The Commonweal, 
April 19 a n d 26, 1940. 

Mimeographed discussion outlines of this report a n d of c o m p a r a t i v e 
plans f o r p o s t - w a r reconstruction are available f r o m : 

T H E CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION FOR 
I N T E R N A T I O N A L PEACE 

1312 Massachusetts Avenue, N. W. 
Washington, D. C. 



T ^ H E C a t h o l i c A s s o c i a t i o n f o r I n t e r n a t i o n a l P e a c e is a 
m e m b e r s h i p o r g a n i z a t i o n . I t s o b j e c t is t o f u r t h e r , 

in a c c o r d w i t h t h e t e a c h i n g s of t h e C h u r c h , t h e " P e a c e 
of C h r i s t in t h e K i n g d o m of C h r i s t , " t h r o u g h t h e p r e p a -
r a t i o n a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n of s t u d i e s a p p l y i n g C h r i s t i a n 
t e a c h i n g t o i n t e r n a t i o n a l l i f e . 

I t w a s o r g a n i z e d in a s e r i e s of m e e t i n g s d u r i n g 1926 
a n d 1927—the first h e l d j u s t f o l l o w i n g t h e E u c h a r i s t i c 
C o n g r e s s in C h i c a g o , t h e s e c o n d h e l d in C l e v e l a n d t h a t 
f a l l t o f o r m an o r g a n i z i n g c o m m i t t e e , a n d t h e t h i r d in 
E a s t e r w e e k , 1927, in W a s h i n g t o n , w h e n t h e p e r m a n e n t 
o r g a n i z a t i o n w a s e s t a b l i s h e d . 

T h e A s s o c i a t i o n w o r k s t h r o u g h t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of 
c o m m i t t e e r e p o r t s . F o l l o w i n g c a r e f u l p r e p a r a t i o n , t h e s e 
a r e d i s c u s s e d b o t h p u b l i c l y a n d p r i v a t e l y i n o r d e r t o se-
c u r e a b l e r e v i s i o n . T h e y a r e t h e n p u b l i s h e d b y t h e 
o r g a n i z a t i o n . Q u e s t i o n s i n v o l v i n g m o r a l j u d g m e n t s a r e 
s u b m i t t e d t o t h e C o m m i t t e e on E t h i c s . 

T h e A s s o c i a t i o n s o l i c i t s e s p e c i a l l y t h e m e m b e r s h i p 
a n d c o - o p e r a t i o n of t h o s e w h o s e e x p e r i e n c e a n d s t u d i e s 
a r e s u c h t h a t t h e y c a n t a k e p a r t in t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of 
C o m m i t t e e r e p o r t s . 

T h e j u n i o r b r a n c h of t h e A s s o c i a t i o n is c o m p o s e d of 
s t u d e n t s i n I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e l a t i o n s C l u b s in m o r e t h a n 
a h u n d r e d C a t h o l i c c o l l e g e s a n d in C a t h o l i c c l u b s of 
s e c u l a r u n i v e r s i t i e s . T h e s e p a r a t e c l u b s a r e u n i t e d i n 
g e o g r a p h i c a l f e d e r a t i o n s , e. g„ N e w E n g l a n d , L a k e E r i e , 
M i d d l e A t l a n t i c , C a p i t a l , O h i o V a l l e y , M i d - W e s t e r n a n d 
C e n t r a l . T h e y a r e k n o w n a s C a t h o l i c S t u d e n t P e a c e 
F e d e r a t i o n s a n d r e c e i v e t h e c o - o p e r a t i o n a n d a s s i s t a n c e 
of t h e p a r e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n . T h e C a t h o l i c S t u d e n t P e a c e 
F e d e r a t i o n s a r e a u t o n o m o u s a n d f u n c t i o n u n d e r t h e d i -
r e c t i o n of B o a r d s of D i r e c t o r s c o m p o s e d of s i x s t u d e n t 
officers, f o u r f a c u l t y a d v i s e r s a n d o n e r e g i o n a l f a c u l t y 
a d v i s e r . A n a t i o n a l C o - o r d i n a t i n g C o m m i t t e e b r i n g s t o -
g e t h e r t h e r e g i o n a l f e d e r a t i o n s . 



P U B L I C A T I O N S OF T H E C . A . I . P . 

Pamphlet Series—(10c a copy; $1.00 a dozen) 

No. 1—International Ethics.* 
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No. 4 — H a i t i , Past and Present (out of p r i n t ) . 
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tionship. * 
No. 9 — T h e Ethics of War (out of p r i n t ) . 
No. 10—National Attitudes in Children. 
No. 11—Tariffs and World Peace.® 
No. 12—Manchuria—The Problem in the Far East.® 
No. 13—International Economic Life® (out of p r i n t ) . 
No. 1 4 — T h e Church and Peace Efforts. * 
No. 1 5 — W a r and Peace in St. Augustine's "De Civitate Dei." 
No. 16—Peace Education in Catholic Schools. 
No. 17—Peace Action of Benedict X V . 
No. 18—Relations Between France and Italy. 
No. 19—Catholic Organization for Peace in Europe. 
No. 2 0 — T h e United States and the Dominican Republic (out of p r i n t ) . 
No. 2 1 — A n Introduction to Mexico.® 
No. 2 2 — A Papal Peace Mosaic. 
No. 23—Arbitration and the World Court.® 
No. 24—Agriculture and International Life.® 
No. 25—Patriotism, Nationalism, and the Brotherhood of Man.® 
No. 2 6 — T h e Church and the Jews. 
No. 2 7 — T h e Obligation of Catholics to Promote Peace, and The Rights 

of Peoples.® 
No. 28—America's Peace Aims. 
No. 2 9 — T h e World Society.® 

No. 3 0 — T h e Morality of Conscientious Objection to War.® 

MISCELLANEOUS SERIES Appeals for Peace of Pope Benedict X V and Pope Pius X I 10c 
Catholic Primer of Peace 25c 
Permanent Peace Program of Pope Benedict X V 10c 
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Catholic Tradition of the Law of Nations, John Eppstein $2.50 

Monthly News Letter (Issued during school months) $1.00 

N A T I O N A L C A T H O L I C W E L F A R E CONFERENCE 
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Peace Statements of Recent Popes 10c 
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* S t u d y O u t l i n e A p p e n d e d .