AN HARBOROWE FOR FAITHFUL AND TRUE SUBJECTS, against the late blown Blast, concerning the Government of Women. wherein be confuted all such reasons as a stranger of late made in that behalf, with a brief exhortation to OBEDIENCE. Anno. M.d.lix PROVERBES. 32. Many daughters there be, that gather riches together: but thou goest above them all. As for favour it is deceitful, and beauty is a vain thing: but A woman that feareth the Lord: she is worthy to be praised. give her of the fruit of her hands, and let her own works praise her in the gate ⁂ ¶ At Strasborowe the .26. of April. ❧ To the right honourable and his singular good Lords, Francis Earl of Bedford one of the queens majesties privy Counsel, and the Lord Robert Duddeley, master of her highness horse, and knight of the honourable order of the Garter. Thauth our wisheth many quiet days, the continual fear of God, and earnest zeal in Christ's quarrel THE most noble and excellent philosopher Plutark reporteth (most honourable) that bulls flesh corrupted and rotten, be engendered Bees, of horse flesh hornets, and of men's serpents. Whereby not only appeareth the great diversity of natures in the diversities of kinds, but also (which is no small wonder) how of that which is most made of, and esteemed, is bred the worst and vilest corruption, of that, which in our eyes is the beautifullest work of nature, springeth forth the foulest fruit, that is, or can be found in nature. No creature in this world is counted more excellent than man: and no monster in sight more ugly, and in nature more hurtful than a serpent, so that we see that of the fairest, cometh the foulest, of the best loved, the most hated, of the most wholesome the most venomous, and to be short, of the sinest in our eyes, the filthiest in our judgement. Whereby God giveth us to understand, that mischievous matter lieth oft hidden in fair vessels, and no little ill, where we think to find most good. If this poisoned venom, be in the body of man, to engender serpents: shall we think that the mind is pure? No certainly. For though it bringeth not fourth (being corrupted and rotten with error) serpents, adders, and snakes: yet be the buds of that tree, either as ill, or much worse. For like as a man inhabiting a stinking, filthy, and unwholesome house, situate in a corrupt and unclean air, can not be but subject to that contagion: so these minds of ours, being lodged in so impure an harborowe, must needs be defiled with the filth. Wherefore the Apostle crieth out, qui in carne sunt, deo placere non possunt, so long as we remain in this flesh, we can not please God. The cause of this corruption, no christian is so unskilful, but he knoweth it to be the dotage of our first parents, conucied into the veins of their minds first, and their bodies next by the venomous breath, of that subtle serpent our ancient enemy. Whom, while they hearkened unto, they became so charmed and bewitched: that they forgot themselves, forsook God, and became of his dear sons, his extreme enemies, of his obedient and loving servants, his wilful and obstinate rebels, and confederates with his sworn enemy the devil. Here we find the cause, and we daily feel th'effect, in that we be in all things by nature repining at the will of God, ready to follow the will of the flesh, winsing and kicking against godliness and truth, and on the other side, ever hunting for fleshliness and lies. Out of this corrupted puddle of mass heart, or rather out of this forge and shop of Satan, where sin is wrought and shapen: breaketh forth among the rest of monsters, (which it bringeth out) the horrible hydras of errors, sects and heresies wherewith the world hath fence the beginning, and to thending shallbe poisoned and infected. Hereof sprung the curious contentions and sundry sects of Ethnic Philosophers, as Academians, Peripateticans, stoics, Epicures, Cyniks, and all that rabble. Here budded or rather flowed forth the horrible and most hurtful heresies, hatched by the devil, in the nest of man's mind, and uttered by the tongue and pen of busy bodies, sealed up to serve Satan in this kind of ministry. Such were in our ancettors days, the Nycolaitans, the Cerinthians, Arrians, Macedonians, Pelagians, Eutychians, Eunomians, Nestorians and such other. And in these our latter days, the old festered sores newly broken out, as the anabaptists, the freewillers, or rather frowardewillers, the justiciaries. etc., and others that be new, as Adiaphorists, Oserianistes, Maroranistes, Papists, with infinite other swarms of gods enemies, by whom our adversari Satan seeketh to disturb the true unity of Christ's church, to choke the good corn of late sown in god's field, and to dim that excellent light, which according to his secret counsel and decree, he determined should shine to the unspeakable comfort of his elect, in these our days. Among these ugly monsters and broods of the devils brotherhood, hath of late krept out (I cannot tell whether by will or ignorance) certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which have called into question among us such things, as good subjects before never doubted of, whether it were lawful for women, inheritors of kingdoms, to govern and guide the same, or no. Although this error may appear, not to touch so near the soul and salvation of man, as some of the forenamed do: yet considering that the quiet of common weals is the nurse of religion and bulwark of good and faithful men: and that the apostle pronounceth against the rebellious utter damnation: We can not think it to be a trifle to disturb the common ordres of policies, to sondre the minds of subjects, by new invented controversies, and briefly to make men to muse, of that they never before mistrusted. Wherefore chancing upon a book, about a year past, entitled the first blast, containing new broached doctrine to disprove the regiment of women: After I had red it, I wished that some notable learned man, would have answered it, that, like as those which be stung of Scorpians use to fetch remedy of the same: so this cause being wounded, or rather a little scratted with some show and appearance of learning: might be again healed with such plasters as through the truth of the matter, true learning ministereth. And for as much as I hoped of this at some men's hands and hard of one, which is now gone to God, that he had taken it upon him: I meant not myself for a time to meddle with it, lest that a good cause by ill handling, should in the judgement of some seem the worse. But when the length of time taught me that he that meant, it was taken from it, and such as could have thoroughly done it, made no haste to it: I thought it better rather by my sclendre handling of it to show mi good will, than by the common silence to seem to wink at it. And so much the rather I took it in hand: because if no man should do it: all our side should seem to bear with it, which I know to be so far of: that none that I know (I speak of the learned) be further guilty in this point, than that by their declaration they have not showed themselves guiltless. I know the credit, the old proverb hath, qui tacet consentire videtur, he that winketh at a matter, seemeth to think the same. And therefore as it was necessary that some on the behalf of all, should utter the minds of the rest, so meant I, though more boldly than wisely, yet not so rashly as necessarily, nor as I trust more rudely than profitably, to let the world understand that this infection is not blown in by the blast to all men's breasts, yea I dare be bold to say that all the best learned be of the same judgement herein that this my simple treatise shall utter me to be of. So that neither our sworn enemies the papists shall have any longer leisure to bely us, nor our half friends which are indifferent to be leave any thing of us, hereafter to mistrust us, nor the high powers themselves in this point to fear us. we have learned and taught, we love and like, we honour and esteem true obedience to the high ministers of God, and on the contrary we can no skill of seditious disturbers of well settled policies, of rash unbridled brekers of wholesome and godly laws. Thus me think I may say in the name of all, because I know the contrary opinion to be in few or none. Wherefore let our enemies leave of thus to charge us, in that we deserve not, & our friends to mistrust us, in that they certainly know not, or else they shall be reproved of loud lying, and these of to unfriendly misjudging. Nolite ante tempus judicare, judge not before the time, for hasty judgement seldom hitteth the truth. Now when I had finished this simple answer: I could find none to whom I might commend these first fruits of my labours, more meet, or worthier than your honours, both for that you be no les careful for the quiet of the state, the safety of our sovereign, and the wealth of the whole realm, than for your own life and preservation, but also, that it hath pleased the giver of all good gifts, to endue you with a sin gulare favour and desire to advance and promote the true doctrine of Christ's cross, which of late thorough the power of darkness, the members of antichrists and Satan's guard, hath not onli been obscured, but clean defaced and was like still to be if God inspired not the heart of our English Helena, and such as be about her, to seek out and dig up his sons cross out of the donghil of the devils doctrine, and to rear up again in the eyes of her subjects, to the unspeakable comfort of all Christ's members and the wondered confusion of th'adversaries. In the doing where of no man doubteth, but that you both with a few other have and willbe earnest, hearty, and faithful labourers. And as this heavenly gift and godly zeal is common to you both: so hath almighty God suffered you both to taste of the bitter cup of affliction and adversity, (though th'one more than tother: yet both sufficiently) thereby teaching you plainly by practice that which is hardly gotten by science, that he is able to throw down and set up, to wound and to cure, to mar and to make, to kill, and to revive, and shortly to do all that he lysteth without us, and we nothing neither to him, ourselves, nor other without him. Afflictio dat intellectum saith David. Affliction bringeth understanding, both how unable we be to creep out, and how ready he is to deliver. In this school have you both been exercised and have attained to like knowledge to understand, add not unlike zeal to maintain, Christ naked on his cross, the true doctrine of salvation, whereof he hath now made you shields of defence. he hath thus joined you in these points and others: I thought good with your favours, to match you in the defence of this little work, which I have for none other respect at this time set out, than to stop the mouths of some to lavase in language, and to quiet the minds of other some, which for lack of skill, have begun to stagger. That it may please you to grant your good will herein, crave not I, but your country, not your country, but the truth, not the truth, but God (whose choice and decree is hear defended) your readiness to receive that is offered, and your authority to shield that is written. Take upon you therefore the defence of this poor treatise, which is the defence of them, by whom we be defended all. Many grave and sore censures I am sure it must abide: but my trust is that such as shall find fault, will either reprehend charitably or set out a better speedily. Thus am I bold to trouble your Lordships both with my long letter, and my simple travail, trusting that you will take in good part that is hear offered you of one that honoureth your virtues, oweth you his service, and daily prayeth to God for you. Who grant you both to be constant in his truth, to continue in his fear, and to increase in much honour to his glory, and your country's commodity. Amen. FAITHFUL SUBJECTS. LIKE as sick or feeble bodies cannot abide any great pangs or fits, or old cracked ships any great waves or winds: so distur bed and maimed commonwealths are soon overturned and cast under foot, by sudden and strange mutations. Seeing therefore that by frowning fortune, and God's wrath, for th'offences of thinabitantes, England is of late both in honour and possessions, not a little maimed, Yea, taking a fall through the negligence of the Nurse half made a cripple: It is necessary for all good men, & the duty of all faithful Subjects, to have an eye to it, that it run not upon the rocks, and make ship wreck. And as in great Cities, great heed is given, that neither by negligence of the citizens, nor malice of evil willers, it be consumed by fire, or hurt by any other casualty: So in common wealths must it be provided, that no fire brands of Sedition be cast into the houses of men's hearts, to impair th'obedience of good Subjects, to kindle the hearts of the froward, and to destroy honest, godly, and comely order. For man's nature being such, as it can hardly be brought to stupe, and easily stirred up to disturb: All occasions must be cut of, whereby the evil may be enco raged to cast of the yoke of obedience, and the simple brought into doubt what they ought to follow. Happening therefore not long agone to read a little book strangely written by a Stranger, to prove that the rule of Women is out of Rule, and not in a common wealth tolerable: And weighing at the first what harm might come of it, and feeling at the last that it hath not a little wounded the conscience of some simple, and almost cracked the duty of true Obedience: I thought it more than necessary to lay before men's eyes the untruth of the argument, the weakness of the proofs, and the absurdity of the whole. In the sifting whereof, I mind to use such modesty: that it shall appear to all indifferent men, that I seek to defend the cause, and not to deface the man, this error rose not of malice but of zeal: and by looking more to the present cruelty, that than was used: then to the inconvenience that after might follow. Wherein surely his doing is somewhat to be pardoned: considering the grief that like a good member of that body which then suffered, he felt to his great sorrow and trouble. For luke as the eye being full of tears, is the more unable to see: So is the mind full of sorrow much the les able to judge. As we see in Euripides Polymnestor being for his mordring of Polidorus extremeli punished of Hecuba and other women (who pricked out his eyes with pins) crieth out not only again them that hurt him, Eurip. in Hecu. but against the whole sex that never came near him. And in Hippolitus who for the fault of his Stepdame Phedra, Idem in Hipp. curseth the whole kind. So this Author seeing the torments of Martyrs, the murdering of goodmen, Thimprissonment of Innocentes, The racking of the guiltless, The banishing of Christ, The receiving of Antechriste, the spoiling of subjects, The maintenance of strangers, The moving of wars, The loss of England's honour, the purchasing of hatred, where we had love, the procuring of trouble where we had peace, The spending of treasure where it was needles, and to be short all out of joint: He could not but mislike that regiment from whence such fruits did spring. Only in this he was not to be excused (unless he allege ignorance) that he swerved from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is from the particular question to the general, as though all the government of the whole Sex were against nature, Reason, Right, and Law: because that the present state then through the fault of the person, and not of the Sex, was unnatural, unreasonable, unjust, and unlawful. If he had kept him in that particular person: he could have said nothing to much, nor in such wise, as could have offended any indifferent man. And this again would have been considered: that if the question were to be handled, yet was it not meet to bring it into doubt at that time, when it could not, nor yet can be, redressed (were it never so evil,) without manifest and violent wrong of them that be in place. For if it were unlawful (as he will have it) that that Sex should govern: yet is it not unlawful that they should inherit, as hereafter we shall prove. And in this point their inheritance is so linked with the empire: that you can not pluck from them th'one without robbing them of tother. This doubt might better have been moved when the Sceptre was or shallbe in the hand of the male. And so if it were found evil (as I am persuaded it shall never be) it might without the wronging of any be reform. But now being stably shed by law, confirmed by custom, and ratified by common consent of all the orders in the Realm: It can be no equity to take it from them, nor any colour of honesty or godliness to move any plea against them. If nature hath given it them by birth: how dare we pull it from them by violence? if God have called them to it either to save or to spille: why should we repine at that which is God's wyland order? are we vizor than he in bestowing it: or so bold to alter that he purpose should come of it? if he able women: shall we unable them? We may not withstand god if he meant not they should ministre: he could have provided other, Therefore the safest way is, to let him do his will, which can do best, which can see plainly that will follow it, where we blindly guess and do but grope at it. Prove. 6. Per me Reges regunt saith wisdom in the person of God, by him reign they and not by us. It is his appointment and not ours, for though we sometime have the election to choose or refuse this person or that (as it is in some common wealths) yet because we be not our own but his: nor have our hearts in our hands to ordain what we list, but must as wax yield to his working: Therefore it is more agreeable to duty, and a great deal less icopardic, to honour his choice, rather than to prefer our own. Placeth he a woman weak in nature, feeble in body, soft in courage, unskilful in practice, not terrible to the enemy, no Shield to the stind, well, Virtus mea (saith he) In infirmitate pficitur. My strength is most perfect when you be most weak, if he join to his strength: 2. Cor. 12. she can not be weak. If he put to his hand she can not be seable, if he be with her who can stand against her? Thou shalt not take with the any great power (saith he to Gedeon) lest you think to overcome your enemies by your own strength, and prows, jud. 17. and not by my wurking and might. It is as easy for him to save by sew as by many, by weak as by strong, by a woman as by a man. jud. 5. Yea his most wonderful works are always wrought in our most weakness, as infinite examples and testimonies do show. Yet mean I not to bar policy: when without breach of God's ordinance it may have place, Policy gods gift. for policy is God's gift either given man immediately of God, or gotten by study, experience, and practise, or won by quickness of wit. But when God chooseth himself by sending to aching, whose succession is ruled by inheritance and lineal descent, no heirs male: It is a plain argument, that for some secret purpose he mindeth the female should reign and govern, God worketh in weakness. if we consider the works of God: we shall find throughout the whole scripture: that where was lest help of man or any worldly means: there wrought he greatest wonders and brought things to a most happy end. Gen. 1. In the making and framing of the heaven the earth and all that in them is contained, who put to his hand to help? what fellow had he to so excellent a work? did he it not himself without any towardness of matter, any help of any means, either of angels or man? And that most beautiful and excellent image of himself man, did he not shape himself of a most unmeet matter, a piece of earth, a thing of nought, how so ever Galene foolishly derideth it, Galen de usu partium saying that nature chose the meetest matter for every work? Preseruid he not mankind, and the state of all other living creatures, by one ship? wherein if a man will search by reason and not by God's omnipotency, Gen. 7.8. how one vessel could hold so many couples of beasts, fowls, worms. etc. And if it could: how so many strange, divers, and contrary natures should agree together pinned up in one corner: it shall appear not only wonderful but also inpossible. What help was in a sort of poor men, compassed about with enemies, mountains, Exod. 14. and seas: to make the water contrary to nature to leave his course, and as it were with a certain choice and judgement to give passage and safety to the stressed, and confusion and destruction to the proud prince and his company? Num. 20. Exod. 17. Psalm. 77.15.104. he forced the hard rock to yield water, as a most plentiful well, at the tycke of a wand. He saved his people by the hand of a woman poor Deborah. He advanced them and overthrew the enemies by a poor shepherd and his sling. jud. 5. He cut of the head of the proud captain Olophernes by the hand of aweake woman. Sam. 17. It was, judith. 13. in reason a poor help to Sampsons' strength, jud. 16. a number of hears growing upon his head, or an Asses jaw bone in his hand, to destroy so many enemies and bring the people to liberty. jud. 15. The breaking of .300. earthen pots, jud. 20. was a slender policy to make so many myriads to flee and one to kill another. And to come to the greatest of all: it seemed to the eye of the world, and the wisdom of the flesh, very unlike: that a poor abject condemned for a traitor hanged among thieves upon a cross most vilely, Math. 24. groaning and morning at the pangs of death: should rob Satan of his kingdom, restore man to the favour of God, win the victory of death, and make a conquest of hell and sin. This considered in itself and not taught by the spirit inwardly: made the jews to count it madness and the Greeks mere foolishness. 1. Cor. 〈◊〉 What should I say of the means, whereby as by conduits this water of liyfe, this doctrine of God's son, was carried about the whole world, against all reason and policy, by idiots to confound the learned, by simplicity all the wisdom of the world, by fishers, the fine Philosophers, the proud Pharisees, the mighty princes and monarch of the earth. And to come to our days when the light of this Gospel was put out, Luther. and Antichrist ruled and revealed in the temple of God (which is men's hearts and conscience) armed and guarded with the power of Emperors, Sledanus. Kings, Princes, and Laws: beyond all men's expectations, contrary to hope, a poor friar, one man, at that time not the best learned, through the mighty hand of God according to his unsearchable decree was able not with sword and armour, not with bands of men and power, not with favour of princes and prelate's, not with any help of man, or favour of the world: to set up the cross of Christ, to pull down the chair of Antechriste, to restore God's word, to banish the devils Sophistry, to make of darkness light, of lies truth, of plain foolishness, true wisdom, and as it were an other Helena to find out the cross of Christ hidden in the dungeon of devilish doctrine, Eccle. hist. li. 10. ca 7. covered with the rotten bones of Romy she Martyrs, sinful Saints, and contersaited Confessores. And as we began with the matter of women so to return thither again with the example of a woman. Queen Anne the instrument of reviving the gospel King Henry. Was not Queen Anne the mother of this blessed woman, the chief, first, and only cause of the beast of Rome, with all his beggarly baggage? was there ever in England a greater feat wrought by any man: then this was by a woman? I take not from king Henry the due praise of broaching it, nor from that lamb of God king Edward, the finishing and perfighting of that was begun, King Edward. though I give her, her due commendation. I know that that blessed martyr of God Thomas Cranmer Bishop of Canterbury, The bishop of Canterbury. did much travail in it, and furthered it: but if God had not given Queen Anne favour in the sight of the king, as he gave to Hester in the sight of Nabucadnezar: Haman and his company, The Cardinal, winchester, More, roche. and other would soon have trised up Mardocheus with all the rest that leaned to that side. Wherefore though many deserved much praise for the helping forward of it: yet the crop and root was the Queen, God worketh oft by contraries. which God had endued with wisdom that she could, and given her the mind that she would do it. Seeing then that in all ages God hath wrought his most wonderful works, by most base means: and showed his strength by weakness, his wisdom by foolishness, and his exceeding greatness by man's exceeding feebleness: What doubt we of his power, when we lack policy, or mistrust his help which hath wrought such wounders? Who is placed above him saith job: job. 36. to teach him what he should do? Or who can say to him, thou hast not done justly? He sendeth a woman by birth, we may not refuse her by violence. He stablissheth her by law, we may not remove her by wrong. He maketh her a head, we may not make her a hand or foot. Nunquid contendere cum deo est eruditio (saith job) is it wisdom to comptrolle Gods doings, or to break that he hath made, job. 39 or to pull down that he hath set up? If we weigh our own wisdom what foolishness it is, and consider our own policy how feeble it is, we shall soon leave this quarrel and yield ourselves to his will. The children of Israel's policy was to have a king, 1 Sam. 8. a jolly fellow to rule them with pomp as other nations had, and not a poor Prophet for that was to base. I doubt not, they had these considerations that our polytikes have. He must be a man of courage that the foreign enemy may fear him, to maintain that we have, and recover that we lost, to be with his soldiers abroad, and sit with his counsel at home: But what followed this their godly policy? Marry, non reiecerunt te sed me dicit dominus. They would not have the Prophet appointed them by God, as these men will not have a woman ordained by nature. Therefore they had aching at their own ask to their own undoing. If an Ape should take upon him to comptrolle a man, Man gods ape. he would not suffer it, though it can somewhat counterfeit men's doing: No more will God be taught or corrected by man, though he have a shadow of his similitude. But lest this author should think that I make to long a flory she before I come to hand strokes with him, as an evil fenced man, that can make a better brag of his cunning, then when need is, use it: I mind before I say any more of this matter, to buckle with him in his arguments, and to try what blows he giveth. Wherein if I follow not the order that he keepeth leaf by leaf, and reason by reason, which I avoid, because he followeth no method: Yet I trust so to it the pith of it, that all such as be indifferent shall think him fully answered, and he himself with the bolting out of the truth not offended. For I have that opinion of the man's honesty and godliness: that he will not disdain to hear better reasons, nor be loath to be taught in any thing he misseth: Man may soon err. Knowing that no man's judgement is so sound, no man's wit so ripe, nor no man's learning so perfect: but he may sumty me miss the quissy on and fall into error. For as it is God's peculiar property never to err: so it is a botch in man's nature seldom to hit the truth, as we see in all the sects of Philosophers, Both philosophers and divines err. Stoics, Academikes, Paripatecians, Epicures, and all other, which lacking neither wit, learning, nor diligence, yet came as near the truth as darkness to light, and error to truth. Yea not only they: but many ancient Fathers, (yea I might say all) not being utterly without God's spirit: Yet were not always without their errors as Augustine who humbly confesseth it. Hierom, Ambrose, and Origene, with the rest who can not deny it Hominis est (sayeth Cicero) errare labi, falli & decipi. No man can warrant himself, Cic. in off. but that he shall some time swerver, and think he seeth when in deed he is blind. 〈◊〉 is man therefore I doubt not will patiently hear, what may truly be said against him, Specially seeing that this attempt is not so much to reprove him, as to prove the matter, and to satisfy tender minds, which by probable reasons are soon wounded, and unless they hear the contrary not so soon healed. I shall in this treatise pass over all buy matters as of Wyatt, the Duke of Suffolk, the tyranny of such as then governed, the decay of the Realm, and all such other appendices which were rather ornaments to deck then reasons to prove the cause: and will only turn the arguments out of their clouts and consider them as they be in themselves, A similitude. and not as they be set out with colours. For like as a man that would buy an house, will not so much weigh the gay painting, as the sure building: So who will judge of any matter truly: must lay it before his eyes nakedly. 1 The arguments as I remember, be these, The arguments. not many in number, but handsomely amplified. first that what so ever is against nature the same in a common wealth is not tolerable, but the government of a woman is against nature. Ergo it is not tolerable. The second, what so ever is forbidden by scripture is not lawful. But a woman to rule is forbidden by scripture. Ergo it is not lawful. The third, if a woman may not speak in the congregation: much less she may rule. But she may not speak in the congregation, ergo she may not rule. The fourth, what the civil law forbiddeth, that is not lawful: but the rule of a woman the Civil la forbiddeth, ergo it is not lawful. The fift, seeing therfoloweth more inconvenience of the rule of women then of men's government: therefore it is not to be borne in a common wealth. The last, the Doctors and canonists forbid it, ergo it can not be good. These (as I remember) be the Props that hold up this matter, or rather the pikaxes to under mind the state. This is the cannon shot to batter the walls of thimperial seat, and to beat the crown of the true heirs head. The blast was blown out of season. It is a sore enterprise to alter so ancient an order, and to change laws of such antiquity, specially at such time as the realm is full of trouble, men's minds otherwise disquieted, and the foreign enemies gaping for occasion to invade and overrun us: Zalencus counsel was, Zalencus law. that who so ever would attempt to persuade the people to break old laws and make new: should stand with his neck in the halter, that if he proved it not necessary: he might be knit up by and by. And if he could prove them: he should be set at liberty. And the Garamants in like manner appointed it death, to alter any one of those laws, The Gara mantes. that were made. This they appointed in their common wealths because they considered that the breach of good laws, was the breakeneck of the country. And shall we think it a light matter to alter a state, to pluck the chief magistrate out of her throne, and give scope to light heads, to descant upon their duty, according to their fancy? I would have wished that it had been undone, or now it is done: that the doer would for the quyetinge of weak minds acknowledge his error. But whether he doth or no, I doubt not by that time we have unfolded his arguments, seen through his whole shop, and perused his wares, the good subjects shall both think them not saleable, and be satisfied, and the mouths of busy bodies stopped. And as this is done upon good conscience, and not to curry favour: so I pray God to give it foisen in the hearts of true subjects. Well, now to the first argument: To the first argument. You say in your minor that the rule of a woman is against nature, because the woman is by nature weak, unskilful, and subject to the man. etc. Well, before I answer to these, we must see what is meant by this word nature, What is nature. how far it stretcheth, how it must be taken in this proposition, and then how the rule of a woman may agree or not agree with it. Nature is nothing else but a general disposition engrafted of God in all creatures, for the preservation of the whole, and of ever ikind, or as Seneca saith. Sen. de benef. Quid aliud est natura quam deus et divina ratio toti mundo universisque eius partibus inferta. Nature is nothing else but God himself, or a divine order spread throughout the whole world, and ingraft in every part of it, as in all fire to be hot, all water moist, all heavy things to move downward, all light things up ward. The son and the moon to run their course, motu circulari. etc. which are so set orders in the substance of every creature: as it must needs follow that natural disposition, unless it pleaseth the creator (who is the Lord of all) to alter those properties which he hath given them by nature, as when he made of the moving water a standing wall, and the fire so to lose his operation: that it consumed not the bodies of the three young men that were cast into it, and such like, Ex. 14. Dani. 3. all which deeds be wonders and miracles, and not the work, but the impediment of nature. Now if this hath so been engrafted in the nature of all men, that no woman should govern, but all women should be subjects: then were there no more to be said, the matter were ended. But because we see by many examples, that by the whole consent of nations, by the ordinance of God, and order of law, women have reigned and those not a few, and as it was thought not against nature: Therefore it can not be said, that by a general disposition of nature, it hath been, and is denied them to rule. But let us here consider, whether it be in a woman against nature to rule, as it is in a stone to move upward, or in the fire not to consume. In the stone or in the fire is no manner of aptness, either for the one to go upward, or the other to preserve and not destroy; and neither can be done in either, without violence and outward force: But in a woman is wit, understanding, and as Aristotle saith the same virtues that be in a man, 3. Polit. saving that they differ. Secundum maius et minus, that is, moor in the man then in the woman. There is the same shape, the same language, and sometime more gifts in them, Artemisia just. li. 2. then in the man, as was in Artemisia (as justine reporteth) more prows and wit to rule the army, then in the great Monarch Xerxes. Only we can pull from them that they be not strong of body, or commonly so courageous in mind, grant that it is so: must they therefore be utterly unmeet to rule: nay if you said unmeter, than men: we would not much wrestle with you. For as Aristotle saith the man's rule is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is more meet to rule. But to reason thus women be not so meet as men, Ergo, it is against nature: is an evil consequent. King Edward for his years and tenderness of age was not so meet to rule, as was his father King Henrye: yet was it not against nature, unless you pronounce of him as Story both unlearnedlye and impudently said We terrae illi cuius puer rex est. Story. Unhappy is the realm that hath a child to their King, as though this word child were not there a Metaphor, but take an elder. Cambyses was not so meet to rule as his father. Cyrus: for he was a drunkard and cruel. Ergo his rule was unnatural. It is a fallax a vitio consequentis. If it were unnatural for a woman to rule, because she lacketh a man's strength. Then old Kings which be most meet to rule for wit and experience, because they lack strength, should be unmeet for the feebleness of the body. Yea say you, God hath appointed her to be subject to her husband. Ad virum erit conversio tua, therefore she may not be the head. 〈◊〉 3. I grant that, so far as pertaineth to the bands of marriage, and the office of a wife, she must be a subject: but as a Magistrate she may be her husband's head. For the Scripture saith not. Thine eye must be to the man, but ad virum tuum to thy husband. Neither oweth every woman obedience to every man, but to her own husband. Well, if she be her husbands subject she can be no ruler. That followeth not, for the child is the father's subject, and the Father the child's ruler, and as Aristotle saith (whom you so much urge) his rule is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is kynglike over his child. But the husbands is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is civil, then if the child by nature a subject, may be by law a head, yea the head of his father, and his father his subject: Why may not the woman be the husbands inferior in matters of wedlock, and his head in the guiding of the common wealth. Livy reporteth how Quintus fabius Max: coming from Rome to his Son in the war, Liu. li. 4.3 dec. came riding thorough all the Sergeants and officers, which for the reverence they bore to him, both for his honour and age, and that he was the consul's father: gave him room, till at the last his Son the consul bad thofficer stay him, whereat the old man alighted, and doing his duty to his son, say de: I meant to try son, whether you knew what belonged to the maiesti of your office, wherbi we'll that the father, which by nature was the sons head, is now by order of policy his subiectt, and yet is not this rule in the son unnatural. Object. But you will say there is an aptness in the son to rule, but the woman is ordained to obey, and clean exempt from superiority. That I deny. Answer. For both nature and God's word giveth her a kind of superiority by express words, not only over beasts, and all creatures jointly with Adam: Gen. 2. but also over men and reasonable creatures. 1. Tim. 3. Saint Paul speaking of young why doves saith let them marry, tend their business, and rule the house 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. No man I am sure, will deny but that the government in the house is a kind of superiority and that over men: Unless you will as the Buoi did, that the men shall rule the men, and the wives the women, or you will appoint them such families as shall have no men in them. If then they may govern men in the house by saint Paul's commission, and an household is a little common wealth, as Socrates in Xenophon saith. Then I can not see how you can debar them of all rule, Xenophon in dict. & fact. or conclude that to be heads of men is against nature. Which if you grant, is enough for the disproving of your minor. If you put to and say in a common wealth: yet it will not screw, for the proof of that is, by cause (say you) she is the man's subject. I have showed how, in that she is his wise, not in that she is a woman. For as you see, she may be some man's head as in her household. But while you take this word nature to largely, you deceive yourself wittingly. thinking that because it is not so convenient, so profitable, or meet, therefore it is unnatural. But that is to large a Scope. Against nature diversly understand. Wherefore that we may understand how far you stretch this word nature. I will axe you whether you take it, as it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, for the most part: or all together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is universal. If you take it as it is in the order of nature, for the most part: As it is natural for an old man to have white hairs in his age, or for a woman to bring forth one child at a burden: and then reason, it is against nature for an old man to have black heres, or a 'gainst nature for a woman to bring forth two children or three at a burden: no man would allow your reasoning. For though the one be according to nature, as it is for the most part: yet is not the other, that happeneth some time, utterly against nature. In like manner, though it be for the most part seen, that men and not women do rule common wealths: Yet when it happeneth some time by the ordinance of God, and course of inheritance, that they bear rule: it is not to be concluded, that it repungneth against nature: no more than the old man's black hairs, or the woman's two twins. So that you see, that in this acception of nature, their rule can not be against nature. On the other side, if you take it in a generalite, as when so ever the stone moveth upward, it is violent, and against nature: or when so ever the fire consumeth not the matter that is put to it: then are you further wide. For it chanceth not seldom but oft, not in one country, but in many, not among the barbarous, but in the chiefest Empires, and Monarchies, and not only in them, but in the common wealth of the jews, more than once or twice, that women being inheritors, have ruled after their parents, wives after their husbands: and Sisters after their brethren, as I shall at large declare. But before I come to that point, I must wade a little further with him in his argument of nature. Wherefore, I reason against him thus: To preserve common wealths is not aghasted nature. what so ever preserveth commonwealths, and destroyeth them not: is not against nature, but the rule of women hath press rued commonwealths, ergo, it is not against nature. The mayor is plain, for it is most natural to preserve and maintain the society of men, seeing man and cities, which consist upon the company of men, be the chiefest work of God by nature, for all other things, be prepared for that, as the chief end: That men living together in a civil company, may peaceably, and quietly honour GOD the author, and preserver of that society: So that there is no doubt of the mayor. For the minor, which is that the rule of women preserveth commonwealths, it must be proved by histories. Which I trust to make so manifest, that not only the matter shallbe out of controversy: But also that men of indifferent judgement shall see plainly, that this man fell chief into this error, either by cause he read not, or conferred not thancient histories, which record this matter: I shall therefore not only out of the Histories of the people of GOD the jews, but also out of the ethnics and Christian Stories prove, that in alages, in many countries, and under every monarch, women have not only ruled, Many countries have been well governed by women but happily and well: yea (which is a great matter) cmong those that in that sex bare rule, you shall find none or very few, in whose reign their country was the worse for their government, but much the better. Where of the contrary, how many misfortunes, overthrows, changes, and translations of monarchies, have happened under the regiment of men: it is hard to number, and impossible to declare. But hereby I mean not either to prefer or match this sex's government with the man's. (For I count it in deed the more convenient) only my meaning is to show that such kind of regiment, is not so heinous, and intolerable, or in any wise evil, as this man maketh it. Deborah shall march in the first rank and have the first place both for thantiquity of the time, Deborah. the authority of the story, and the happy success of her reign. Deborah (saith the scripture) judged the people of Israel, jud. 5. and the people resorteth unto her, she delivered them out of thraldom, and set them at liberty. In this woman's doings is plainly set out that she both governed in peace and in war, and so did consequently all that any ruler by civil authority might, or is want to do. She judged saith the scripture and she sent Barake to the war, who being of less courage or less zeal than she was, refused to go unless she went with him. And when they came to encounter with their enemies, if she had not been: both Barake, and all his soldiers, like wite livered warriors had given back and marred all. This woman is counted of some of the hebrews to be Barakes wife, and yet sent she him to the war, gave him his commission and made him the general, whereby appeareth that to be true, which we said before: that a woman as a wife must be at commandment, but a woman as a magistrate may lawfully command, but this example the blast bloweth away as a peculiar example, and extraordynarie, because we find no more the like in the Scripture, but that is no sound reason, it is but once in the Bible: Ergo it is no sufficient example? we read not in the scripture more than once or twice that a child reigned, therefore shall it follow that a child's reign is not by that example established? We find not in the scripture that the Apostles were baptised, and yet we think they were. We read but once in the scripture, that Peter checked a Magistrate, and yet some there be that dare affirm, and write books of it, that it is not only lawful to check, but to kill an evil Magistrate. But that you may see that women reigned in judah ofter, them at one time, though it be not contained in the Bible: I shall prove out of josephus a jew born, writing the jewish history, that divers beside this woman, governed. johannes, ruler of the jews. 470. years, after the captivity of Babylon, at his death left his wife Queen and governs, who ruled as it appeareth rightwell, until th'ambition of her son contrary to his father's order, troubled her government: for at the last as a wicked graft, josep. li. 1. de capt. he conspired against her, and pined her in prison unto death. Not long after, joseph li. pri. Egesip. lib pri. cap. 12 Aristobulus being ruler of jewrye at his death, left his wife Queen, to govern in his place: under whose government, the land was in quiet. And after, she crowned Alexander her husbands brother, (whom Aristobulus had imprisoned) and gave over her title to him. Whereby it do the appear, that she did not only govern, but had also authority to place a King. This Alexander, dying left Alexandra his wife, Alexandra. Queen of the Country: who used such mercy and modesty toward her people, that she kept them in peace, and wan their good will, which her husband through his cruelty, rigour, and unmercifulness, had utterly lost. She is much commended in the stories, for her good and politic government, not only in keeping that was left her, but also for increasing it, until the church men, the pharisees, and Priests abusing her pity, and devout mind, got authority to imprison, murder, and kill whom they listed. Not much unlike in this point to the late Queen Mary, who bearing, and wearing, Queen Mary. a woman's heart, could not (I think) have used such rigour and extremity, in, banishing, racking, hanging, drawing, hedding, burning, flesinge, and fleainge withal manner of extremity, not sparing her own blood, no not her natural sister: Unless she had been so bewitched, and endoted by her Cardinal, Bishops, and Churchmen, of whom, some be gone before her, to taste of those rewards which she and they by such extremity deserved: And those that remain must follow, unless they wash away the spots of blood that hang upon their Rachets, with floods of tears of repentance. Oh they may thank God, The Prelates have time of repentance. that they have this time to breath them, and bethink them of their naughty, and hellish cruelty, and to call daily, and hourly, for pardon, and forgiveness, for let them think that if they be not punished in this life: nor repent: God accounteth their deeds so vile, and the faults so heinous: that no temporal pains be enough, for such offences, and therefore reserveth them to eternal damnation. Oh howld and wail you priests and prelates, not for the danger you stand in, of losing your bishoprics and benefices, Note you Prelates. your pomp and your pride: your dignities and honours, your riches and wealth: but for that hell hath opened his mouth wide, and gapeth to swallow you, for the shedding of so much innocent blood, for the murdering of so many martyrs, and spoiling Christ's church, of so many glistering, and glorious ornaments, commended of all men for learning, and discommended of none for their living. But to return to my story, The Queen deceived by her church men. this Queen Alexandra was so inveigled of the church men: that (as josephus saith) she ruled other, and the pharisees her. It is an easy matter for them that be of devout minds, and godly dispositions, to be brought into error by those, whom they think to be godly. And therefore that common wealth is happy (saith Plato) whose governor is a philosopher, or a Philosopher their governor, when princes be learned themselves: Learning in princes. they shall not hang alone upon the mouths of the prelate's, but judge themselves how true it is they teach, that they may say with the Samaritans: woman, we do not believe it, because thou say est it, but because we have seen ourselves. joh. 4. What should we say of the Queen of Saba, whom Christ with his own mouth commendeth for her desire to hear salomon's wisdom, and calleth her by the name of Queen. 1. Reg. 10. Luc. 11. If she had unlawfully, and against nature usurped that authority: surely he would as well have found fault with her unlawful rule, as he commended her diligent travail. But Christ knowing the bounds of his office, would not meddle with extern policies, translating of realms, Luc. 12. and depriving of true inheritors: No, when he was desired to be arbiter betwixt two brethren he axed not how the pleastode, but who made him an officer. Divines (me think) should by this example not give themselves to much the bridle, Spiritual men should not meddle with policies. and to large a Scope, to meddle to far with matters of policy, as this is, whereupon dependeth either the welfare or ilfare of the whole realm. If those. two. offices, I mean Ecclesiastical and Civil, be so jumbled together, as it may be lawful for both parties to meddle in both functions: there can be no quiet, nor any well ordered common wealth. But because this argument requireth a long treatise, I leave it and go forward with my matter. I pass over here the sister of Antigonus and Salome, The sister of Antigonus. Salome. the sister of Herode, of the which one was Queen of Hyrcania, and though there appointed by Augustus Cesar to rule over jammam, Azotum, Phasalidem, and Astaloniam, and the same regiments she after left to julia Tiberius' motherand Augustus' wife. Ioseph. 1. li. ca 13. These are evident arguments that while the Romans, at that time the monarch of the world, did so bestow kingdoms upon women: they thought it not to be against nature, for that sex to govern. Many other examples of such regiments there be in the histories of the jews, which I might allege for this matter, if I thought not these sufficient, but that it may appear, that not only it was in use, and practise in that nation, to be ruled by that sex, but also among the gentiles, which were rather led by the law of nature, then hedged in with god's policy: I will shortly run over, some of their profane histories. Berosus, a Babylonian borne, Lib. 5. and for the truth of his story preferred before all the Greeks, and worthily (for he followed no fables, as they commonly did, but the records of the Chaldees) saith, that Noah which was called janus (for iain signifieth wine, which he invented) made his daughter Cranan queen and governs of Italy, Crana Noah's daughter. which thing being true (as it is most like) how dare men say that their regiment is against nature. Which that worthy father, whom God thought amids his unspeakable wrath, against the whole world, not only to save and preserve, but also to make him the author of the new world: did not only suffer, as a thing tolerable, but appointed as an order most honest. If we condemn his deed: we must also condemn God's choice, who could not find, or pick out a worthier or wuser man, to be the restorer of mankind, then him: that should so shamefully err, as they say against nature. In the monarch of the babylonians, Hero. li. 1. were very notable Semiramis, and Nicocris, both for their wisdom and selicite in governing, & also for the notable monuments they lest behind them. Semiramis, Semiramis. after the death of her husband Ninus, fearing lest the late conquests and countries would not be kept in awe by her son, yet young of years, unskilful in government, and not of courage enough to play the king: in the person of her son, for the time of his nonage ruled so (as Berosus saith of her) that she pass in seats of war, in triumphs, conquests, and wealth, all that were then living, or before her. She builded Babylon, she conquered Ethiopia, she invaded India, whether never king nor Emperor came. just. lib. 1. but Alexander the great. Thother Nicocris (as Herod. reporteth) wiser than the former, Hero. li. 1. desendid her empire against the Medes, who then sought the monarchy of the world. She wrought such a wonder in the great flood Euphrates, as all men, than were amazed at it, and yet, think it almost incredible, for she made it contrary to all men's expectation, to leave thold course, and to follow her devise to, & fro, to serve the city most commodiously. So that she did not only pass all men in wit: but overcame the elements with power. When she died, she caused to be engraved in her sepulchre these words. If any king of Babylon stand innede of treasure, let him search my tomb. Nicocris bill in her tomb. But not unless he be in need. This sepulchre was never touched, till Darius won Babylon, who digging up her grave, found nothing but a writing to this effect. If thou weert not an unsatiable ravener, thou wouldst not scrape for riches among dead men's bones. I think that some fault willbe found in these, & specially in Simiramis, by cause she attired herself like her son: and that shallbe thought a sufficient refutation For it is the manner of the world to blot out many good and honest deeds, with objecting of one evil. But that can not hurt my matter, nor help his. For so that I win at his hand that these women reigned, and kept their countries in as good order, or better than any men did: it is a great likelihood, that this sex is not so unapt to rule, as he maketh them. Among the Masagits reigned Thomirꝭ Thomiris a woman of such fame for her wisdom, and power: Hero. li. 1. that Cirus that noble Persian and first monarch after the Medes, sent to her for marriage, to whom she made answer, Thomiris answer. that she knew his meaning was to marry her kingdom, and not her: which answer, if Queen Mary had given to Philip: cales, Hams, and Guisnes, had not been lost, nor this good lady her sister, and our sovereign, so left in the briars, beset about on every side almost, with mighty enemies, impoverished, and rob of her common treasure, and her subjects so flesed, that they must scrape near the bones that will get any more. This Thomiris with this answer kindled Cirus wrath so much: kings can not bear repulses. that (no remedy) he must upon her and have her by force, whom he could not get by fair means. And had at the first so good luck against her: that he killed her son, and the most part of his army. But this noble Queen, let it not long go unrevenged, for coming to the field herself, and pitching a battle against him: overcame him that had before overcome all other, cut of his head and thrust it into a vesselful of blood saying: drink thy fill, which hast ever so thirsted blood. In this story, by the way is to be noted, that if kings be wowers and no speders: there can be small hope that they will be faithful friends after. For great men, can not bear great repulses, specially when their power is such as they can when they will revenge it. And a mind, or heart, where love hath dwelled, if it begin ones to hate: is like a sponge which sucketh up as much water of malice, as it had before honey. Mother unto this great monarch Cirus was Mandane, Mandane. daughter unto Astyages king of Media: who having no more children but her, because he dreamed that out of his daughters womb, sprung a tree which shadowed all Asia: thought by destroying her child begotten of Cambyses a Persian, Hero. li. 1. he should avoid the destiny. And therefore assoon as the child was borne, delivered it, to one Harpagus a trusty man of his, just. lib. 1. to be made away, and destroyed. But Harpagus, forecasting like a wise politic selowe, that if he killed the child: the mother enheriting after her father, would be on his bones for it, and call him to account: found the means that it was saved. This man's foresight, was not much unlike the policy of some by sshops in England, Harpagis in England in the late queens days, who being more wise, and less furious than the rest: though they served at an inch in their calling, in ambassages, to fetch in the holy father, to minister ungracious counsel, and do all that was commanded: yet would they not appear, to be any of the broylers of the mild martyrs, or the common hang men, as the rest were, lest the day might come, that Mandane, might axe account of these Harpagis, for her children and servants, but the rest as desperate dicks, went forward in their business, Desperate dicks, good Bishops in England. spared none, dread no peril, looked no further than their foot, but with to the and nail cried down with the side, hang some, rack some, behead some, banish some, broil some, fetch them up with numbers of harnessed men, into the Tower with them, spare neither kithe, nor kin, sister nor other, it made no matter, so they might show themselves obedient subjects to the Queen, and disobedient traitors unto God, and the realm. Harpagis signifieth raveners. These were Harpagis in deed and furi, but not in wit and foresight. Now to mi purpose, if it had not been an order in Media that the daughter should succeed the father: yea in the whole Monarchy of Asia: what needed Harpagus to have mistrusted Mandanes revenge. So that it is more than evident, that women might not only inherit after their fathers, in provinces, and small kingdoms: but in great Monarchies, and Empires, which should not have been so permitted in all places: if it had been so much against gods forbidden. If I should here tarry in the setting out of Artemisias noble courage, Artemisia excellent wisdom, and felicity in Government, of whom Herod maketh mention: I should easily find, Hero. li. 8 how to begin: but hardly, how to end, wherefore I say onli of her, as Herod. Just. and all other writers do: just. li. 2. that she was more meet to have governed that heuge army of Xerxes, which for the greatness drank dry all the rivers it came to, than he himself was. For when he invaded Grecia, and by the subtlety of Themisto cles was discomfited at Salamine, and like a coward was glad to take his feet: She not only encouraged her soldiers, so as they passed all other in the conflict: but also gave the king such counsel, as if he had followed it: all Gretia had smarted for it: and he undoubtedly have been the conqueror. But he like a brainsick beast, thinking as many do, that it had been a shame, to be well counseled or ruled by a woman: had rather follow his own fancy, to his utter undoing: In counsel look not to the person, but to the reason. then her wisdom to save his country and army. And therefore he went home not like a king, but like a coxcomb, not like a conqueror, but like a coward, not like a man, but like a mouse, in a fisher's boot, with one or two with him: which brought out so many as it is almost at these days incredible. If he could have been as wise, as God might have made him: or as the counsel of Bethulia at the coming in of Olophernes were: he had been the greatest that ever was upon the earth. judith. cap. 8. These Bethulians when they were besieged of Olophernes: were content all the hole Senate to come to judith's house, a mean widow, but a wise, and godly woman, and to hear her, follow her counsel, and obey her. For when they were all at their wit's end, ready to give over the city like milk sops, and venture religion, wife, and children, goods and lives, in thenemies hands: She endued with god's spirit and heavenvly wisdom, found the way through wit, prayer, and the help of God, not only to deliver them: but to revenge them, not only to save their polls, but to cut of thenemies. where was then this saying, which is so much urged: a woman may not open her lips in the congregation? A woman may be no judge? she opened her mouth, and uttered her wisdom, when they all were graveled, and not only that, but took the sword in her tender hand, and did execution like a magistrate upon gods enemi. But of that place of Paul I shall speak of at another time at large, I may not tarry in the opening of all the profane histories, which screw to this purpose, lest I should seem to write an history, and not a confutation. wherefore the reader being instructed with these shall not need but only to be put in mind of the rest that remain. Isis. Beros. li. 5 Isis (after the death of her husband Osiris) reigned over all Egypt with so much provision for the wealth of the realm: that she was after her death counted of them a goddess. For as Tully saith, Cic. de na. deorum. the foolish antiquity, honoured men as gods after their deaths, which either exceeded in power, or were great by birth, or had done some notable pleasure to their country. Lavinia after the death of Aeneas reigned in Latio: Dido in Carthage: livi. li. 1. det 1. Beros. li. 5, polyb. just. li. 14. Olimpias (Pirrhus daughter) in Epire: Aramea, in Scythia, Cleopatra, in Egypt in the time of Augustus: and a Queen in Illiria, who durst venture to withstand the Romans, when they were greatest. Olimpias (after the death of great Alexander) in Macedonia: and infinite more, which they that be expert in histories, know. It is a wonder, that men unskilled in the diversities of times, and historis, dare thus ventre in so great matters: which, because they be somewhat obscure in the Bible, therefore they think can no where else be found. Not much unlike the common sort of Germans, which travailing no further than they may see the smoke of the stouf: think that in their country is the paradise of the world, and that in it is all things and in all other nothing, and like to a certain. Sir John which said, by my priesthood if the Trinity were not in my portase, I would not believe it. I make not this comparison, as though I thought not the Bible to be a paradise. wherein are to be found all the best herbs and fruits that be: but meaning that all antiquity of time, all histories and monuments, can not be contained in so little roameth. Wherefore, The knowledge of Instories is a great piece of learning. if men will decide weighty matters, hanging upon antiquity: they must not only counsel with the Bible, but excercise themself in ancient stories. And therefore, Philippe Melanthon (one of the Princes of learning, at this day) travaileth more in these his last years, in the reading, gathering, and setting forth of histories: then of any other kind of learning, and not without reason. For histories (saith Tully) be the witness of times, Cic. de orat. li. 2. the candle of truth, the life of memory, the Lady of life, and the register of antiquity. Wherefore, let no man disdain histories, or find fault with us, though we travail in histories about this controversy, for nothing better openeth it, nothing more confirmeth it, nor nothing sooner bringeth out of doubt, that is now brought into question. Now thou seest (good Reader) how this matter stood among the jews, and gentiles, how neither of them debarred the heirs female, of their right, and title of inheritance, when so ever it fell to their lot to succeed their parents, as though it had been unlawful, ungodly, and unnatural for that sex to govern. There remaineth, that we run over a few records in like manner among the christians: lest the contrary side might have their refuge and starting hole there. Wherefore, disdain not to hear a few more, and so will I end with this argument. Regist. an nali. mag. Theodora (otherwise called Helena) reigned after the death of Leo Themperor, in Constantinople over all Asia, as lady and Empress, and saving that she was superstitious, and wilful (through the lewd persuasions of her clattering Clergy, in the defence of Images) there was no great, fault to be found in her government. In this point in deed she was more than mad. For she digged up the bones of Constantinus her father in law and burned them for an heretic. As the late queen did doctor Busars' and others. Bulling de orig. erro. I can not tell whether she did it with the like solempnite, or more spite, than this was done in England. But it is like that she had her by sshops, and jolly Clergy to set it forward. I read not that there was any Cardinal of counsel in it, as was of late (by report) in the devising to burn king Henry theights bones. If the spiritual spiders meant it without commission: it was to shameful: if they had commission surely it was to unnatural. But Prince and Prelates deal it betwixt them: But for the matter she governed by the consent both of the spirituality, and temporalty, and as it was thought lawfully, which is enough for my purpose. For if it were thought lawful for a woman to be an empress, to whom belonged the managing of the greatest part of the world: It can not be then unlawful for a woman to rule one little realm: and as for her faults what so ever they were, that can not wipe away her right: Quintus Curtius. Herod. sabel. no more than the cruelty in Nero, and Do mitian, drunkenness in Alexander, and Cambyses, & other faults in other rulers, made them unlawful governors. Elias said to Achab, it is thou, and thy father's house, that troubleth all Israel: 1. Reg. 8. but he inferred not therefore that he was an unlawful king. Saul was rejected of God for his wickedness: 1. Sam. and yet David so long as he lived called him the lords anointed. Christ called Herode fox, Luc. 13. Math. 23. Marc. 12. Luc. 11. and the Scribes and pharisees hypocrites: yet did he not impugn their authority, or deface their title. Wherefore, though there be some faults to be found in this Theodora, and other: yet proveth it not that they may not reign, for it is a fallax ab accident to say, she was nought: ergo, she might not rule: A fallax is a deceitful argument in Logic for that hangeth not upon the rule, that she was nought, but upon the person. As if you should say, my L. lubber of London is a tyrant: ergo he is no by sshop. I warrant you, though he granted you the antecedent which he can hardly deny: yet he would deny the consequent, or else he would call for wily Watson to help him: In France, till of late years women enherited the crown as in England, and scotland, until that they meant by the law salique, rather to defeat us of our title, then to condemn the succession as unlawful, as you may now see by the French king. He neither thinketh it unlawful or unnatural to be lord of your country by that woman's title. I would you could persuade either him or your country men, to think that the queens title by cause she is a woman is unlawful, and so do your own country good first, and let us alone with ours. And as you speed there, you might perchance encourage us to follow when it may be done lawfully. Tully saith, ne sis curiosus in aliena rep. Li. 1. off. The voice of a stranger, is to be hard in the pulpit so long as he speaketh God's word: But a strangers voice is not allowed in foro, in the parliament about policy, by cause he is not a citizen. This I say not to philip you, as though you meant evil to us (for I am persuaded that you love England aswell as your own country) but I mean to monish you, that being a stranger you disturb not our state: lest you give occasion to them that know you not, of suspicion. It is a great enterprise (and as they say no ball play) to pull a queens crown of her head: and specially such a ones, as many ages have not seen, nor many countries enjoyed, or many histories recorded the like. I would not be wounded in conscience, with any attempt against her: if I might be lord of all, that Philippe, & the french king have. Well, I must leave her for this time, lest the remembrance of her virtues make me to forget my matter. And that we may make an end of our recount of histories, we will go forward: Munste. Duke of Swevia. Henry Duke of Suevia, son of Fredericus the first, called Barbarossa, married the heir of Scicilia, and so became king thereof & emperor of Rome. Conradꝰ Palatinus, Conr. Pala. left behind him one only daughter Agnes, which was Palatinesse, and after being married to Henry the duke of Saxon, made him Palsgrave: who in like manner died and left a daughter called Gertrude palatinesse, whom Otto duke of Bavaria married & became palsgrave & the same order of descent & succession remaineth yet in the most part of Thempire. Here I might number a great sort in Spain, who succeeded & ruled in the realm But I shallbe content with such as be of late memory, as joanna the mother of Charles the fift, joanna the mother of Charies. who reigned and governed the country not ill, as the Story's report. Marry (the daughter of Charles called Bellator) the warrior and wife to Maximilian, Marie. succeeded her father in the Duckdom of Burgundy, and the county of Flaunders. I let pas Mary, Charles sister who ruled in Flanders in our time, tilius. And Frances the french kings mother, who during the term of her sons captivity in Spain after he had danced his pavino at Pavia, ruled the whole dominion: whereby the french though they will have no heirs females: yet show that they condemn not the regiment of women. Other there have been, and that not a few, which have governed and enherited in divers countries of Christendom, with much commendation. As Amalasinta the mother of Athalaricus, tilius in Chronog. Amalasinta. when she saw that the French men, contrary to all right would deprive her son of Province, which was his inheritance: delivered it up to Theodoberto, king of the Mediomatrices, which kept it to those of her son, Thus was the mother constrained by the purposed wrong of the subjects, to seek remedy for her sons right, and was a better governs to him then he to himself. An. 1552. tilius. Leonora daughter to the king of Aquitania, was married to Henry Duke of Gaunt, and in spite of the French kings teeth, brought her husband Aquitanie and Poiteaux. Adela mother to the king of France, was made Regent of the country in th'absence of her son, while he was in the war against the Saracens, and governed well. This her son (for his goodness and wisdom) was called Philippus a deo datus sent of God, and yet thought it not amiss, to put his mother a wise woman in trust with the whole realm. And according to his expectation, he took no hurt nor los by it. tilius. 1227. In like manner Blanch mother unto ludovicus for his virtue named divus holy, was twice made regent of France, while he was away in the same war. And after his death, she had the governing of her son and the realm. It is like that if her government had not been good at the first: the nobles and people would have been loath to have had her again the second time. Not long after that time, governed a woman in Flaunders, named countess Margarite. An. domini. 1247. joanna the sneeze of divus Ludovicus was Queen of Navarre, tilius. 1245. and marrying with Philip named Pulcher: made him king of Navarre, by which means, that country came to be under the French King. And anno. 1415. was a woman governess and Queen of Naples, called joanna. Not only in France, Italy, Spain, and Germany: but also in th'empire have women ruled, which is more strange, Paul. Emi li. Valer. Ansel. because the Emperor is chosen by election, and cometh not to it by inheritance. As anno. 1301. after the death of Henrye the third. Hagne his wife for the honour named Augusta, governed both her son in his nonage and th'empire, keeping it in good order, Bishop's busy bodies in policies. until the bishop of Colen (as those men willbe busy in policies) by certain conspiracies, pulled the young Emperor Henry the .4. from her, after what time grew much trouble in th'empire. Hereby we see, that in no common wealth, they thought it a monstrous Reign, or against nature, for a woman to govern: which error bringing our ancestors in the reign of Sthephen to be wicked perjures caused them ro conspire with the said usurper to keep Mathilda the daughter of Henry the first from the title, Poly. A. li. 19 right, and crown of this realm, but God not suffering such an extreme wrong, so tossed him in wars, both extern and civil, to the utter undoing of the realm: that they were glad to grow to agreement, and suffer her son to have his right, and the usurper had not only never a good day, so long as he reigned: but also by the just judgement of God, first was imprisoned, and next lost his son Eustachius, in whom was all his glory, thinking, he should have reigned after him: what should we say? God hath not only showed his displeasure and wrath, against such as have sought, under this pretence to defeat true heirs: but also hath in this our realm, raised up great houses by their means, as the house of York by Philippe and Anna, which by marriage, brought the title into the house of the Morty mares. And King Henry the .7. and all that line, Poly. cold not claim but by the woman, which was daughter to Henry the .6, and mother to Richard Duke of Richmond. Charles the .8. refused Maximilians daughter, to whom he was betrothed, and married the heir of Britain called Anna, despoused to Maximilian, but seduced by certain noble women, bribed of the french King, and by that marriage, became Lord of the country, against the wills of all the nobles. For they thought it better to marry one, which might be their several Lord, then to ioign Britain with such a realm, as should drown the name of it, and bring them (as they be) to slavery: Amias was defended by a woman, against th'army of Maximilian, Arnoldus it had been else lost, as all the french men confessed, her name was Catherina licia. A maid defended Orliance, A woman noble and happy in wars. in armour, against the duke of Burgundy and the English army, and after with the same her army led the young king Charles the .7. to Rome, and there crowned him. Before this maid's time, the English ever prospered, and the french were even at the last cast, giving up the ghost, but she brought them into that condition, that afterward, they grew: and we appaired. The first help of the french a woman Helena the Queen of the Adiabenits, ruled so wisely and godly: that after her death, the jews erected a monument for her remembrance at the gates of jerusalem: She ministered to the need of the poor liberally, in the great dearth that than was in Iury. Euseb. li. 2. cap. 10. Thus thou seest (good Reader) that if this man take nature so generally, as it may stretch to all conntries, all times and all common wealths, and then say, it is against nature for a woman to rule: That is against the general confente and order, engrafte by nature, in all peoples and men's minds: that then it is most untrue. For I have proved, that neither the jews, nor the Gentiles, nor yet the christians, had that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that common opinion planted by nature in their hearts that it stood not with good order of nature that one of that sex should rule. But shortly I reason thus with him, whatsoever is natural, the same is universal. But that women should not rule is not universal, Ergo, it is not natural. If to rule in women be unnatural: than not to rule, is natural. But not to rule is not universal. Ergo it is not natural. That it is not universal we have proved by a great number of histories which testify that women in all ages, and all countries, have governed. Again what so ever is natural hath in the mind of man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as that there is a God, all men have it in their minds engrafted by nature, that all societies must be ruled and ordered by magistrates and laws: that murder is wicked and against nature. etc. which be common opinions in the table of man's mind, written by the finger of God, with the pen of nature: but of this (that only men must rule and not women when it pleaseth God) there is no such principle universal in men's minds. For you see that a number of countries, decree the contrary, wherefore it can not be said, that it fighteth with nature: But you will reply upon me thus peradventure: Nature hath made her a subject, Ergo, she can not rule. I deny your argument, for nature hath made the child and the servant subjects. And yet they may rule as Fabius' son: and the kings servant may be my master, wherefore you must understand the argument thus, that if nature have made her a subject: in that state she is a subject, and in respect of them to whom she is subject: she can not be their ruler. As a thilde in the duty of a child toward his father, is his father's subject And a servant in respect of his master and the duty of a servant, can not be his master's head. But in respect of Civil policy, the son bearing office, may be in that function his father's head, and the king's servant an other man's master, Gen. 39 as joseph was in the house of Putiphar. So the woman being either as a child to her father, or a servant to her master, or a wife to her husband, respecting these persons: can not be head over them in those offices: that is in the office of a father, a master, or a husband. But in the office of a ruler and a magistrate she may be this man's wife, that is his subject, and his head, that is his magistrate. So that this argument by distinction is nothing, for it is a Fallax, called ignoratio elenchi, as resolve it, and you shall see the fault. Who so ever is one man's subject, can not be another man's ruler, or the same man's ruler in an other respect. But awyfe is her husbands subject: ergo she can be none other manshead, nor his in an other respect. This is false, for the contradictory is true: That a wife may be this man's wife, and that man's masters, and this man's subject in the duty of matrimony, and the same man's head in thauct horite of office. Thus we see that all reasons well set out, are like a well kempt buss he where never a here lieth amiss, so long as he hath a house to cover him. But when he cometh into the wind it is soon ruffled. Or like a painted madams face, which so long as no man bloweth upon it nor sweat riseth in it: is gay glistering, but any of these means make the wrinkles soon to appear. So a false argument decked with fair words, seemeth good: but turn it naked and you shall soon see the botches. The second Argument is this that the scripture forbiddeth that a woman should rule, The second Argument. and therefore it is not tolerable, the prouses be out of th'old testament. Gen. 2. isaiah. 3. First that after the false of Adam through the woman's intrcement it was enjoined her, and her posterity as a penance, to be at the beck and commandment of the man. 2 That isaiah pronouceth as a curse that the rulers for the people's unruliness shall be children and women. 1. Cor. 14. 1. Tim. 2. 3. that S. Paul forbiddeth them to speak in the congregation. Before that I answer particularly I must say this to them all in general, that the scripture meddleth with no civil policy further than to teach obedience. And therefore what so ever is brought out of the scripture concerning any kind of regiment, is without the book, pulled into the game place by the ears to wrestle whether it will or no. For Christ faith: Luc. 12. Quis mo constituit inter vos judicem. Who hath made me be betwixt you a judge, as though he should say, mine office is not to determine matters of policy, of succession, and inheritance, for that belongeth to the civil magistrates. If he had thought that it had been within the compass of his function: why and with what conscience refused he to set them at one, which were at strife, and to put that out of doubt which was in suit. If he ought to do it, and would not: he lacked charity, and did not his duty: if it belonged not to him, how belonged it to any of his Apostles, disciples, or successors? Had not he as large commission as he gave? or could he give that he had not? But he knowing his office, as the prophet isaiah had forspoken of him to be, to preach the Gospel, to heal the broken. etc. would do nothing without warrant, & therefore being axed if he were a king: he answered simply by a plain negative. Regnum meum. etc. Math. 27. Marc 15. joh. 18. my kingdom is not of this world. If his kingdom were not here: neither the ordering of policies was his, for removing from his function the whole: he must needs remove the part, policy is a part of a worldly kingdom, yea when they would have taken him up to make him a king, joh. 16. as one that refused that belonged not to him, he conveyed himself from among them. If temporal jurisdiction belonged to him: why refused he his calling? If it did not, where had Paul, Peter, or any other, any authority to meddle with that he refused? he said. Sicut misit me vivens pater, joh. 22. ita et ego mit to vos. He gave them no more scope than he had himself: wherefore it is not like that Paul, or any other, would usurp a further authority, than he had received of his father, or they of him, and therefore Paul, showeth how far he willbe followed: Saying. Imitatores mei essote sicut ego Christi: Follow me, and hearken to me in those things that I follow, and hearken to my master in, he teacheth in effect, this part of policy which he had learned of his Lord. Date Caesari quae sunt Caesaris, Mar. 12. Math. 22. obey the magistrates and those that be in authority, not only for fear, but for conscience, he limiteth no magistrates, Rom. 13. he altereth no policy, he meddleth neither with Democraties, Aristocraties, nor monarchies, nor pscribeth when their old or young, rich or poor, learned or unlearned, man or woman, should reign. But as he findeth them, so he leaveth them, empaireth none, altereth none, disturbeth none: knowing as Christ said. Math. 20. Luc. 23. Principes gentium domina buntur eyes, vos aunt non sic. It falleth not into a disciples, an apostles, or church man's office, to meddle with such matters: they have their princes, guides, and governors the church men be no such: 2. Tim. 2. For Nemo militans deo implicat se mundanis negotijs. It is enough for them to wait upon one office, Priests of fice is over the soul. to attend as soul priests, & not errant bay lives: Thus far to the whole in general now to each reason in special where it is said: Et ad virum erit conversio vel desiderium tuum. I might answer it with the common interpretation which is. Though both in conceiving and bringing forth thy child, thou shalt feel throws and exceeding pangues: yet shalt thou not be able to withdraw the from thy husband, but shalt give occasion to have more. The pain of the former shall not make the to avoid the next. This is no evil interpretation, for it answereth in the manner of the pain, the quality of the offence. As who should say, thou hast enticed thy husband to turn to thy folly: I shall therefore make the to turn to him, to thine own smart. This place thus interpreted maketh no more for this matter than Gloria in exelsis doth prove that S. Peter say the mass: But by cause some reject this interpretation: and we seek not to cavil, but to find the truth: therefore I will admit the other, that it maketh for the wives obedience toward her husband, that she must hang upon him as upon her guide, follow his will as the wiser, obey his commandment as her superior, and to be short, to know him for her head, and herself for his subject. What? Grant you this? that is enough. yea I must needs do so for the truth else, and mine own conscience, would reprove me. How than answer you? forsooth as I did before that she must do all this and more, but usque ad arras. So far forth as he commandeth like a husband, like a christian, and like her head. But if he pass his commission, as if he command that is ungodly: then she may answer him, as. S. Aug. doth the ruler. Da veniam imperator Tu minaris carcerem, sed deus gehennam. Aug. & habetur. 11 q. 4. cap. ita corporis qui resistit. Thou wilt have me obey thy will for fear of thy prison and sword: but I must obey gods will, for fear of his eternal fire and damnation: if her husband will command her in the public weal, she being the magistrate, and not he: she may say to him as the consul said to Fabius. siste lictor. Limidec. 3 Law make my husband to obey, for hear he is not my head, but my subject, yea if he break any law, if it were capital, she might strike with the sword, A woman may rule as a magistrate, and yet obey as a wife. and yet be a wife good enough for the duty that she oweth to him, is not omitted in that she observeth, that she oweth to the common weal, wherein he is as a member contained. But if for her wedlock duty to him, she will neglect the common wealth: Then is she a loving wife to him, and an evil head to the country. The, two. reason. The ii reason out of Esay maketh as much as for debarring of young Prince's rule, as joas, josias and our sweet king Edward (as his sister mary held) as it doth against women, for they be joined together, but in deed it maketh against neither. Esay the hebrews Demosth. For Isaiah being worthily called the Demosth: of the hebrews, useth such goodly figures of speaking, as all the scripture hath not beside, as in this place, I will take from you your honerable Senators, and your wise counsellors, and I will give you boys and women, isaiah. or effeminate persons to reign over you, not boys in age, but in manners (as Aristotle saith of young men, Eth. 1. that to hear Philosophy it maketh no matter for their years, but for their manners) not women in sex, but in feebleness of wit, and not such as some women be, wiser, better learned, discreater, constanter, than a number of men: but such as women be of the worst sort, fond, foolish, wanton, flibbergibbes, tattler, triflers, wavering, witless, without counsel, feeble, careless, rash, proud, dainty, nice, tale bearers, eavesdroppers, ruinor raisers, evil tongued, worse minded, and in every wise, doltefied with the dregs of the devils dung hill, as these minions be: such shall your senators and rulers be, that shall be neither able to rule themselves nor you. No Deborahes, no Judith's no hester's, no Ely zabethes. For sure where such be: there is no token of God's wrath, which the Prophet threateneth here: but of god's favour, whereof we may be assured. Therefore this argument riseth of wrong understanding, as the Vicar of Trumpenton understood Eli, Eli, lamah zabatani, when he read the Paslion upon Palm Sunday, when he came to that place he stopped, and calleing the Churchwardens said. Neighbours this gear must be amended, hear is Elitwise in the book, I assure you if my L. of Elie come this way and see it, he will have the book. Therefore by mine advise we shall scrape it out, and put in our own towns name, Trumpington, Trumpington lamah zabactani, they consented, and he did so, because he understood no grew. So they that use this place for a weapon against this matter, they fault in homonymia, not considering that words have proper significations and translations. The iii reason of this argument is out of Saint Paul, whereby, The iii reason. women be forbidden to speak in the congregation, for it is an unseemly thing for them to speak. This is marvelously amplefied and urged, as though it were so sound as no fault, nor crack could be found in it. This is the Hercules club that beateth all down before it. These be Sampsons' locks, that make him so strong, wherefore there must be taken some pains in the confuting of it: first therefore, I lay this foundacy on which I laid before, that Saint Paul, nor none of the rest of Christ's guard, meddle not with civil policy, no further then to teach obedience, nor have no commission thereunto in all the whole scripture. And this being a great matter of policy, yea the greatest (for it conteigneth the whole) it can not be within the compass of Paul's commission, and so followeth it, that Paul either in this place meant no such matter as they gather: or if he did: he did it without the compass of his commission, but that is unlike. For as he said in one thing, so surely did he in all. Quod accepi a domino id tradidi vobis Et unitatores hier estote sicut ego Christi. Well what then meant he. 1. Cor. 11. 1. Cor. 4. This he meant. That though he ordained that every man in the assembly ecclesiastical about the word of God and prayer, should have leave, orderly and in his course, to speak and utter, for th'interpretation of the scripture, all that was revealed him by the spirit of God, yet women (because they be not meet, 1. Cor. 14 neither by nature nor study to preach and interpret scriptures) he would not have to meddle with it there. Primas. in 1. Cor 14 Theoph. And as Primasius and Theophi: saith the chiefest cause that moved Paul to take this order, was the common fault that then was in that sex. For being somewhat instructed, by the hearing of th'apostles in the misteri of salvation, in the cross of Christ, they began to think something of themselves, and turned that was taught to edify with, to a jangling and tatlinge in the church when they met, so that the congregation was thereby disturbed. For the avoiding whereof, Paul mente to bridle them: as without doubt, he would have done the men also, if they had prophesied unorderly, or made it a matter of discord: as it hath been of late in some congregations, where it hath been revived. And not only he debarred the women from prophesying: but also from any public function in the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. What is required in a pulpit man. For in such as shall occupy the pulpit, is required these things, that they be meet to teach, to reprove, and convince. In teaching is required gravity, learning, and eloquence. In reproving courage and sound judgement, and in convincing Arts, memory and much science. And because the bringing up of women, is commonly such, as they can not have these things (for they be not brought up in learning in Schools, nor trained in disputations. Or if they were yet because nature hath made them softer and milder than men. Yet be they not such as are as are meet for that function.) Therefore be they unmeet for this calling. For those that be preachers, must be no milk sops, Preachers must be nomilck sops. no white livered gentlemen, that for the frowning and cloudy countenance of every man in authority, will leave his tackle and cry Peccavi. They must be of such nature, as the Poet saith of Crito, in vultu gravitas, in verbis sides. Terent. They may not be afraid to rebuke the proudest, no not kings and queens so far forth as the two tables reacheth. As we see in Samuel, Nathan, Elie, John Babtist, and many other. They may not stoop to every man's beck, and study to please man more than God. If heresies arise, they must have their tools ready to meet with thadversary and to overthrow him: which he can not have, unless he have travailed led in many sciences, hard and red much, which things because they be housewives) women can not have commonly, and therefore they be unmeet hereunto. Yea God knoweth so be many men to: for it is not enough for a man to tell a fair tale in the pulpit, and when he cometh down is not able to defend it. If preathers and spiritual ministers be such: where be we when we come to handgripes, (They must not only flourish, but they must know their quarter strokes, and the way how to defend their head, their head Christ I say, and his cross. And specially in these days, wherein Satan spiting the happy grouthe and grenes of God's field, soweth tars and fitches of heresies and sects continually, to choke or to impair the good corn if it may be. What enemies have we of the Papists? unlearned think you? nay, who so encountereth with them, had need have his harness well bucked to him, or he may chance to take a wipe: I would they were aswell minded, as they be learned. What say you now to the Arrians? which sure, are like to infect the best heads in Europe (I mean the italians) if God provide not remedy. Shall it be easy think you for every man to join with them? I can not tell how simple they be. But one man of that sect so distourbed a whole university in Germany, that all the learned men there, and the Prince himself, Tubinga in Suevia. was not able to scrape out that he had wickedly graven. The Swingfieldians, the Maioranes, the Pelagians, the froward free-will men, the Adiaphorists, the Osdrianistes, thenewe Marcionistes, the anabaptists, with infinite other swarms of Satanistes, do you think that every pulpit man will be able to answer them. I pray God there be many that can. I say therefore because there is so much required in a spiritual minister: that all men be not meet for the office. And therefore that with good reason women be debarred from it. Albeit, at some times it pleaseth God to use their ministry even in this point, joh. 4. as the woman of Samaria, which was the first preacher to her citizens of the Messiah, and the women, Math. 28. Marc. 16. joh. 20. Ruff. li. 10 cap. 10. Theo li. 1. cap. 23. the first Apostles and messengers of the resurrection. And as we read in the Ecclesiastical history, A certain woman under Const. Mag. was the Apostle of the Iberians, which turned first the King and Queen, and then the whole country to the faith of Christ. This could not be done without some talk in thassembliesassemblies, nor without a kind of preaching. Yea, Theodoretus sayeth, that she did preach to them: wherefore me think even in this point we must use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a certain moderation, not absolutely and in every wise to debar them, herein (as it shall please GOD) to serve Christ. Are there not in England women think you, that for their learning and wisdom, could tell their household and neighbours, as good a tale as the best Sir John there? And what if by occasion, not by common office, they should sometime make their neighbour's partakers of their gifts: were it so heinous a matter? 1. Tim. 2. I pray you what more vehemency useth Paul, in the forbidding of women to preach, then inforbydding them to uncover their heads. He sayeth of the one, 1. Cor. 11. it is evil favoured, and of the other: that it is against nature. As women be forbidden to preach, so be they to go bare headed. And yet you know that in the best reformed churches of all Germany: all the maids be bare headed, which the preachers and learned men, make no great account of. This I say, not because I allow either (for I assure you I do not.) But that we should not in such points, grate upon the words to sore, as though in no respect a woman may open her mouth to edify. But if this be utterly taken from them in this place: what maketh it against their government in a politic weal, where neither the woman nor the man ruleth. If there be no tyrants, but the laws. For as Plato saith. Plato de leg. lib. Illi civitatiparatum est exitium ubi magistratus legibus inperat, et non leges magistratui That city is at the pits brink, wherein the magistrate ruleth the laws, and not the laws, the magistrate: What could any king in Israel do in that common wealth, besides the policy appointed by Moses? They be but ministers, obeyed for the laws sake, and not for their own. Now what unableness is in a woman for the ministering of laws? She knoweth not the laws, no more doth your king. She sitteth not in judgement, how oft doth your king? Unless you call determining matters in his privy chamber, judging. She is not meet to go to the wars, she hath that be meet, tilius Arnoldus just. Herodot. and some women have gone and sped well. She is not of so sound judgement, peradventure better, & of more learning than your king, as it happeneth at this time, that you can never show in all England since the conquest, so learned a king, as we have now a Queen. Men will not stand in aweso much of a woman as of a man: that is their fault and not hers. No more will they of a child, and yet be they traitors that do disobey him. Solin. 43. cap. Solinus writeth that the neighbours of Sambri have a dog to their king, and by his becks and fawnings they guess what they must do. But they were fools in obeying a brute beast, and you be Traitors in not obeying a reasonable creature. It is less danger to be governed in England by a woman then any where else They are to obedient (a shrewd fault) and you to disobedient, that is no fault. Well a woman may not reign in England. Better in England, then any where, as it shall well appear to him that without affection; will consider the kind of regiment. while I confer ours with other as it is in itself, and not maimed by usurpation: I can find none either so good or so indifferent. The regiment of England is not a mere Monarchy, as some for lack of consideration think, nor a mere oligarchy, nor Democraty, The kind of government in England. Amonarchie is where one alone rule An Obligarchie where a few rule. A Democraty where the people rule. Architas de leg. & justit. but a rule mixed of all these, wherein each one of these have or should have like authority. Thimage whereof, and not the image, but the thing in deed, is to be seen in the parliament house, wherein you shall find these .3. estates. The King or Queen, which representeth the Monarch. The noble men, which be the aristocraty. And the Burgesses and Knights the Democraty. The very same had Lacedemonia the noblest and best city governed that ever was, they had their kings, their senate and Hippagretes, which were for the people. As in Lacedemonia none of these could make or break laws, order for war or peace, or do any thing without tother, the king nothing without the Senate and commons, nor either of them or both without the king (Albeit the Senate and the Ephori had greater authority than the King had) In like manner, if the parliament use their privileges: the King can ordain nothing without them. If he do. it is his fault in usurping it, and their folly in permitting it: wherefore in my judgement those that in King Henry the viii days, The Parliament in King Henry .8. day. would not grant him, that his proclamations should have the force of a statute, were good fathers of the countri, and worthy commendation in defending their liberty. Would God that that court of late days, had feared no more the fierceness of a woman, than they did the displeasure of such a man. Then should they not have stooped contrary to their oaths and alledgiaunce to the crown, against the privilege of that house, upon their mary bones to receive the Devils blessing, The receiving of the Pope's absolution in the Parliament. brought unto them by satins Apostle the Cardinal, God forgive him for the doing, and them for obeying. But to what purpose is all this? To declare, that it is not in England so dangerous a matter, to have a woman ruler, as men take it to be. For first it is not she that ruleth but the laws, the executors whereof be her judges, appointed by her, her justices of peace and such other officers: but she may err in choosing such: so may a King: and therefore they have their counsel at their elbow, which by travail abroad, know men how fit or unfit they be for such offices. 2. she maketh no statutes or laws, but the honerable court of Parliament: she breaketh none, but it must be she and they together or else not. 3. If she should judge in capital crimes: what danger were there in her womanish nature? none at all. For the veredict is the 12. men's, which pass upon life and death, and not hers: Only this belongeth to her ministry, that when they have found treason, murder, or felony, she utter the pain limited in the law for that kind of trespass. Yea but this she can not do because a woman is not learned in the laws, No more is your king, and therefore have they their ministers, which can skill if they be cruel, wicked, handmakers, and bribers, it is their fault, and not the Princes, unless he know them to be such and wink at it. What may she do alone wherein is peril? She may grant pardon to an offender, that is her prerogative, wherein if she err: it is a tolerable and pitiful error to save life. She may misspend the revenues of the crown wantonly, so can kings do to, Where mistreies' be, women's government cannot be dangerus. and commonly do, and yet may they be kings: if on tother part, the regiment were such, as all hanged upon the Kings or queens will, and not upon the laws written: if she might decree and make laws alone, without her senate. If she judged offences according to her wisdom, and not by limitation of statutes and laws: if she might dispose alone of war and peace: if to be short she were a mere monarch, and not a mixed ruler, you might peraduentute make me to fear the matter the more, and the less to defend the cause. But the state being as it is or aught to be (if men were worth their ears) I can see no cause of fear, nor good reason why Saint Paul forbidding her to preach, should be thought to forbid her to rule, neither Saint Chrisost. Amb. li. q vet & no. test. & hentr. 33. q. ●. Amb. Theoph. or Primassius writing upon that place gather any such thing as you strain out of it. I know very well that Ambrose saith, they may not teach, be witnesses nor judge, and Aug. in li. 2. gen: et hab. 23. q. s. Est ordo saith he. It is a natural order in men that the women should obey their husbands, and children their parents. Saint Hierom thought them unmeet to judge alone by their discretion, Ergo, to bear rule and conserre in politic matters with other. Nay it is a fallax adicto secundum quid ad simpliciter: for he forbiddeth them to judge in a respect, neither having rule by inheritance nor judging and conferring with other, and you therefore gather that simply they are forbidden Deborah judged and that lawfully, which came not to it by inheritance, but by extraordinary calling. Much more may she that to God's calling hath joined thordinary means of inheritance, her commons consent, Answer to the fathers. and confirmation of laws. To Saint Austen and all the rest, which would have women in the subjection of their husbands, is to be answered as before: that their meaning and speaking was, of every private woman in the bonds of marriage: And not of those which God by birth hath called to the governments of realms. Neither is it to be thought that any of thold fathers would be so injurious to any heirs female: as to take from them their father's patrimony, or that would that all other men's daughters should have and enjoy their right: and kings daughters should be put from their right. Either so sever th'inheritance from the dominion, Woman's inheritance linked with the dominion. Nu. 27. that they may have th'one without the other, (which willbe hard for you to do) or else grant them both as you ought to do. The daughters of Silphad by the judgement of God and not of man were enabled to their inheritance: And shall we take upon us to judge in our policy otherwise then God did in his? Again, Saint Augustine, Jerome, the Cannon law, and Arist: meddle not with those rules and governments, which come by lineal discentes, coincident and linked with the inheritance: but with such as stand in election. Wherefore it is to be noted, Thediver sities of Magistrates. that there be iii manner of Magistrates. One chosen by lot, as was the house of Saul. Another by Suffrages and election, as in Venice, Polonia, the free Cities of Germany, and th'empire. And the third provided of God by lineal succession, as in France, England, and other Kingdons'. if any were to be chosen by lot, or suffrage: I would not in deed that any woman should stand in the election, but men only: for I say with Aristotle, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the male is by all likelihood metre to rule, than the woman in many respects. And undoubtedly in the whole number of men, might be found some one that should in all respects, pass the best among women in wisdom, gravity, learning, understanding, sobriety, temperancy, ableness to take pains, warly keen, justice, fortitude. etc. But when it standeth in no man's election, but in his hand that shapeth male or female, in the womb of the mother, at his pleasure: In England God hath all the voices in his own hand. Then hath man's voice no authority, by cause he hath given over his right in choosing, by common consent unto God. That he according to his inscrutable wisdom, may choose and dispose, as he pleaseth. This being done, shall man pull back his grant, or call God to account and say, Nay when we agreed, the matter should be referred to your judgement: we meant not that you should send us a woman to rule over us: or we had forgotten to put that in the conditions, and therfote you must give us leave to revoke our grant, for we can provide better than thus, ourselves. Were not this a folly she plea (think you) and a mad enterprise? would he not soon answer us. Oh you presumptuous fools, God's answer to men's solely that have such opinion of your own wit: who made empires and kingdoms, dominions and rules? who preserveth and maintaineth them? whose be they? yours or mine? must you have the ordering or I? If they be mine: why let you me not alone with them? If they be yours: show your evidence how you came by them: Math. 20. shall not I do with mine what I list? Is therefore your eye ill because I am good? Murmur ye at mine anointed, because she is a woman? who made man and woman, you, or I? if I made her to live: may I not make her to reign? If I appoint her to the office? can I not adorn her, and make her able to discharge it? Why then (you of little faith) either fear you my good will: or mistrust you my power? you are much worse than Saul in this point, whom I reiectyd for disobedience. For when I sent my servant David, 1. Samu. young of age, and no Gyante instature, with his sheep hook and his sling: Saul would have armed him with his own armour? But when David threw it of and went his way naked against his enemy, a great high monster, in comparison of him: Saul mistrusted not as you do: murmured not as you do, saying, ah this poor boy is not able to be our champion, and to defend our liberty: but he prayed for him, and wished him well in the name of jehovah the lord of hosts. It is I tell you all one to me, to save with many or few, with armour or without, by a woman or by a man. The majesty of god represented by a woman no less then by a man. What letteth, that she may not as well represent my majesty, as any of you all? If I be best represented by the shining ornaments of the mind, and not the outward sturdines of the body: why may not she have at my hand that any of you have? wisdom to govern, justice to punish, clemency to pardon, Dansel. 13. Num. 22. discretion to judge. I that could make Daniel a sucking babe, to judge better than the wisest of the lawyers: A brute beast to reprehend the folly of a Prophet: and poor fishers, to confound the great clerks of the world: can not I make a woman to be a good ruler over you, and a meet minister for me? What unlikelihood see you in her? are your eyes so dull? or your minds so malicious? that you cannot or will not see those jewels, wherewith I have decked her? is that rare learning, that singular modesty, that heavenly clemency, that Christian constancy, that love of religion, that excellent wisdom with many more of my graces, nothing in your sight? I showed you the like toward in a man of late: but for your own unworthiness, I took him from you: And will you now, I have given you this: make yourselves unworthy to enjoy her? Leave of, leave of, your own policy, which is but folly, and embrace my ordinance, as it is your duty. For I pull down whom I will, and set up whom I wil Though God speaketh not thus to us audibely: yet sure, he needs must thus speak in our conscience inwardly. Wherefore let us leave of to dispute, and begin to pray, We must pray for the queens estate and not dispute of her right. that it may please him to stably she her seat among us, and to send her long life and quiet reign, to defend her and us from invasions abroad and conspiracies at home, to give her grace to seek his honour, and maintain the truth, to guide her heart in the choice of her husband, and to make her fruitful, and the mother of many children, that this Realm may have the grafts of so goodly a tree, That our children and posterity may see hers occupying her throne, with honour, joy, & quietness. The remembrance of her virtues carrieth me away from my matter: wherefore I return. And because Ari. is thought to be of such authority in this matter, Answer to Aristo. let us a little examine his words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the male is moor meet to rule then the female, well, what infer you? ergo the woman unmeet. I deny that argument, you should rather say the woman is not so meet, that we could grant you, and not a whit hurt our cause: for otherwise no man will reason, as to say this man is better learned than the other: ergo tother is unlearned. Chalk is whiter then cheese: ergo cheese is black. No man that knoweth what comparison is, will bring two contraries in one comparison, as to say pitch is blacker than snow, or fire is hotter than water. But if they compare two things together they must be such as they have in one quality or property maius et minus. As I say right. A man is more meet to rule then a child. That is not by affirmation and negation, as because th'one is apt, therefore tother is not, and even so of a man and a woman, he is more meet: therefore it followeth not that she is utterly unmeet. And therefore Plato Arist. master not a whit worse learned than his scholar, Plat. in Timeo. saith: Magistratus utriusque Sexus preficimus nuptijs, our manner is to make officers of both sexes to order marriage. And saint Paul as we have declared, giveth them a kind of government 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to govern the house. And likewise Aristo, Arist. in Eth. lib. 8. Cap. 10. himself in the ethics. So that neither Philosopher, nor Apostle, dealeth with them so hardly as you do. But Arist. 3. polit: saith, that cities be evil governed by women. What, by all or by some? if he say by all, we can reprove him by many instances: if he say by some: we can say the same of men. So that you see: that these be no oracles which you bring in out of Aristotle, whereby (if you have no better authority than this) you can not put them out of possession. In this point I can not but think you much blame worthy, not that maliciously (as many do) you pervert the sayings of the authors: But for that negligently, you pass them over without weighing and understanding their sayings, without conferring and matching place with place, and saying with saying. For if in the citing of Aristotle you had joined the ethics with the politics, I surely believe, that you would have made him none of your jury in this matter. Lib. 8. ca 10. supra. For in the ethics handling the kinds of rule, what is a Monarchy, what an aristocraty, and what a Democraty, saith of the rule of the man and the wife thus: Viro cum uxore ius id intercedit, quod est in optimorum potestate. Nam pro dignitate ijs in rebus imperat, quae dignae sunt viro. Quae autem feminam decent: eas ei tribuit. Qu odd si in omnibus presit vir ac dominetur: in paucorum potestatem fit mutatio, quoniam contra dignitatem facit, non qui est praestantior. Interdum etiam mulieres praesunt cum amplun patrimonium consecutae sunt. The rule and kind of government betwixt the man and the wife saith Arist: A Senate where many rule together. is like the government of the chief, or of a Senate. For the man according to his wurthines, ruleth in such things as becometh him, and the wife in such as is meet for her. If so be the man will rule and bear the sway in all: Then is the rule changed into an oligarchy, that is, where a few bear the stroke, An oligarchy is where a sew bear the stroke and herein he doth otherwise then becometh him. Sometime women also having great and large patrimony bear the sway. In the which words I noote first, that the Philosopher leaveth a kind of rule to the woman, which is hers so much by nature, as the husband pulling it from her, entereth into a kind of tyranny and violateth the most natural and best order. As those do which turn an aristocraty to an oligarchy that is the better into the worse. Secondly if I would grate upon the words, and take the advantage of the comparison: I might near gather an equal authority betwixt the wife and the husband. For every man knoweth that in the rule of the chief, which is called aristocraty (whereunro he likeneth that in Marriage) there is equality and none usurpeth upon an other. But I will not so follow the advantage of mine argument: that I will confound god's appointment. thirdly it appeareth plain by this place of Aristotle: that in his time it was a common order that women enheritoures, should rule their lands, houses, and possessions (Which is our case) and yet not be thought to do again nature in so doing: These things considered, you must needs not only be thought to deal to straightly with this sex by plucking from them all, when your Philosopher giveth them some, but also to be much overseen in overseeing and perusing your authors. But least Aristotle should keep us to long from matter of more weight and authority, I will return again from the Philosopher to the Apostle. If you reason in this place of S. Paul. 1. Cor. 14. Non permitto mulieri loqui. I suffer not a woman to speak in the congregation. Ergo, not to rule, thinking that it is formal, a minore ad maius from the less to the more: your logic and divinity both do fail you. For it is not to be taken thus, Paul forbiddeth her the les for her unaptness, Ergo, he debarreth her of the greater. But in deed it is contrary wise, he forbiddeth her the greater and more chargeable function which is the spiritual ministery and preaching: therefore it followeth not that he shutteth her from the less, which is extern policy. No man I think doubteth but that the Ecclesiastical function is greater and more chargeable than the other, The church man's office of more charge than the temporal rulers. for th'one concerneth the body, and the other the soul. The one reacheth no further than outward acts, but the other pierceth to the heart and thoughts That binedeth in earth the body, this fettereth both in heaven and in earth, the soul: The one as Saint August: saith, threateneth prisons, the other eternal damnacy on. Aug. & hem tr. n.q. ca ita corp. The one may be executed by deputies: the other must execute himself de manu tua. etc. To the one is required justice and no great learning: tother can not be without great learning and knowledge. Ezech. 3. &. 33. th'one treateth of the world, tother of heaven, th'one of things temporal, tother of things eternal, and to be short, the one belongeth to this life, and the other to life everlasting. Wherefore what will serve the one: will not serve the other. For they be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A good churchman might be a good ruler as Samuel was: but every good ruler ran not be a good churchman. Thus we see that Saint Paul thrusting that Sex from the greater function and office: doth not also disable it to execute the other which is less. But you will say in England she must have both. How can she discharge both, if you make th'one so hard? I answer that in deed both belong to her but not in one manner. For in th'one (as policy) she hath a function, How the Queen may oversee the church, and yet be no priest. Exod. 32. that is she must be a doer: in the other she hath th'authority and oversight but not the function and practice as we see in the common wealth of the jews. First betwixt Aaron and Moses. Moses controlled Aaron, but yet he executed not araon's office, he offered no incense nor sacrifice ordinarily, he meddled not with tharke, nor any such thing as belonged to the priesthood, he ware not the garments, he ministered not the sacraments, and yet had he authority to redress his faults, as it appeareth in the matter about the calf, Exod. 4. and by the commission which he received at God's hand Tu eris illi in deum & ille erit os tuum. Thou shalt be his God and he thy speech man. Well but Moses authority (say some) was not over the priests, because he was a prince, but in that he was a priest, and so was it lawful for him to meddle with church matters, because he was a church man. This hold they, that would have priests to be kings: and not kings overscers of priests. There grounds to prove him a priest: be these. First that the psalm calleth him so. Psalm. 98. Moses & Aaron inter sacerdotes eius. etc. Moses and Aaron among his priests. secondarily, that saint August. upon the same psalm saith so. And .3. that to the Hebrews, and in Exodus he is said to sprinkle blood upon the altar. Last of all, that a prince can not give to an other, that he hath not himself: and therefore if he be not a priest he can not elect, nominate, ordain, or correct priests. To these I answer shortly, and first to the first. In the Psalm how so ever the old interpreters gave it, we read in the Hebrew Cohanim, which is a word indifferent to the chief priests, or thechief princes, wherefore such as do best understand that tongue, give it thus. Moses & Aaron inter ministros eius. Moses and Aaron among his ministers, and to prove that it may be so, the scripture calleth David his sons Cohanim. ministers. For no man is so fond to say, 2. Sam. 8. that a kings sons were priests. Yea the best among the Hebrews interpreting this word, give it in Chorei sheino. Moses & Aaron inter eos qui invocant nomen eius. Moses and Aaron among those, that called upon his name. Thus we see that this place truly understand maketh no whit to prove Moses priesthood. To the exposition of S. Aug. whose words be these. apart enim in illis literis Aaron nominatur sacerdos: de Moise non ibi dicitur quod sacerdoserat, sed si hoc non erat quid erat? Nunquid sacerdote maior esse poterat? Exproprat Psalmus quia et ipse sacerdos erat. Moses et Aaron etc. In that place Aaron is plainly called a priest: but of Moses it is not said that he was a priest. If he were not that, what was he than? Can he be greater than a priest. The Psalm doth utter it that he was a priest. To this exposition, I say mine answer, is that saint August. Not understanding the Hebrew, was easily deceived, and being wrapped in these two places of scriptures, wherein there seemed contradiction, leaveth them at a jar as he found them, the one to say he was: and the other he was not: which manner of interpretation, & reconciliation of scriptures, how it is to be liked: I leave to the learned reader to judge. 24. Exod. Heb. 9 3. That which Moses is reported in Exodus, and the Hebrews to have done as a priest, it hurteth us nothing. For he might do sometimes that extaordinarily, which be longed to the priest, as we read that kings read the book of the law, and yet were no priests. Yea, all the children of Israel, at their coming out of Egypt, did as much as this came to, for every one sprinkled blood upon theit door posts in the passover, and yet they could not all be pristes. And this sprinkling of blood upon the altar, was but a solemn ceremony, for the time done, and not such a function, as than was properly appointed to the priests. But to put the matter out of doubt. If Moses were a priest, than were there two high priests at ones, which could not be, by the law, and also Moses must needs be in feriour to Aaron, because Aaron, and not he: is there called the high priest. Thus we see how lightly, light arguments may be answered, and I would wish, that as easily, obstinate men could be satisfied. The last is of as little force as the rest, and therefore I say to it shortly, that it is grounded upon a false principle, or maxima, which is that none can give to another that it hath not itself. We see that as the physicians say, the brain being the origine of the sinews: giveth to the whole body, sensum & motum, sense and moving, and yet by their opinion lacketh itself. Again, the earth giveth to all fruits, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Arist. saith: is spens motus, that is, that they should grow and move to a greater quantity, and yet the earth itself, neither moveth toward bigness nor increaseth one way nor other. And if a prince may give to a lawyer, authority to plead law, though he can not plead himself and prescribe a Tanner how he shall tan, though he tan not himself, being neither a lawyer nor a tanner, why may he not I pray you in like manner, constitute, appoint, correct, and oversee the church men, though he be no church man himself. But the meaning of these men, is to drive princes from overseeing them, that they might in the mean time live out of subjection. And now the name being odious, because their dissolute life, hath purchased them an evil name, they think (when no shift else will serve) that princes will not meddle with the authority, les they should be cumbered with the priests infamy. What the Prince's authority was over the bishops and priests appeareth in the .2. of the kings, 2. Re. ca 12 where joas checketh the bishop and priests for not bestowing the offerings upon the reparation of the the temple, and enjoineth them to do it. If the prince had not this authority over his bishops and priests, why should S. Paul have said omnis anima. Let every soul be subject to the higher power: Rom. 13. he saith not all temporal souls, or all save priests: This authority kept the princes & emperors after Christ's time, until the beast of Rome made them worse than beasts: as appeareth by Constantinus Magnus, who was the moderator of the great counsel of Niece. And by Justinian which writeth to Peter the master of his chapel matters, Neceph. lib 8. Tripart. hist. cap. 5 where he saith Iuuemus, we command that all bishops and Priests do not from henceforth whisper their Service, but so pronounce it with an audible voice, that the people may hear & understand them. etc. In novel consti 123. This Emperor, even in matters of the church, took upon him th'authority to appoint them an order in their Service, how dare then our proud prelate's (very fools in deed to them that were then) wrestle with the Prince in this matter? But to our matter we see by these examples, that the Princes had authority in spiritualties to oversee them and order them: but meddled not with the function in executing, for that belonged only to the Priests: Lo, I trust you now perceive, how the functions do differ. But th'authority over both may lawfully be in one. And that maketh not the Prince being a woman, utterly unmeet to govern, because she hath in some respect to do in both. This I have said by the way lest our adversaries the Papists, should snatch this at my hand while I thus sever thoffices that I mean (as they do) to pull from the Prince the oversight and government of the church. I may not tarry longer in that matter at this time. A time shall come peradventure when it shall be more largely handled. In the mean time, I return to my purposed argument: Furthermore where it is said thou shalt choose a King among thy brethren, and not among thy sisters. Deut. 17. And thereupon is inferred, that we may have no Queen. It is the like reason as if a man should say. Mar. 2. Christ said Veni ad vocandum peccatores ad penitentiam, that is I am come to call men sinners, and not women sinners. Therefore, either women be no sinners: or if they be, they shall not be saved: or as one resoned examinet se ipsum homo, let a man examine himself: and then communicate, ergo, 1. Cor. 11. women may not. And Christ shall at the latter day say, Venite benedict and not benedict. Therefore the women shall not come in heaven, or nearer to this our purpose, Math. 18 Luk. 18 si peccaverit in te frater tuus. If thy brother offend the never so oft. forgive him: hereupon I gather, that I need not to forgive mi sister. In all tongues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath a singular good grace, and specially in the Hebrew tongue where Ache which signifieth a brother doth not only comprehend also a sister but a nephew to. Ach. signifieth, brother, sister and Nephew. And through out the whole scripture the masculine comprehendeth the feminin, or else sure we must say with the phrenitik postellus: that women be not yet redeemed, but men and that they must have a woman to die for them, aswell as men had Christ. Postellus frenzy. That place of Scripture, which commandeth a brother to be a king among the jews, had no relation to a sister, as these men make it, but to strangers. For it followeth non constituus regem alterius gentis. Thou shalt not make the a king of a strange nation. For the people of God, having no neighbours that worshipped the true God as they did: could not have chosen any stranger to be their king, but they should have been in danger of swerving from God, and falling to Idolatry. And therefore was it necessary, to appoint great coat to England, no more than you would appoint the English law, which is the little cote to Rome our law must direct us, because it best agreeth with our country, we have no further to do with the civil law then in arch matters, that is for testaments, marriages and such other, as for lands, and inheritance, pains for offences and many other points touching the law: ours doth marvelously jar with the civil law, as we shall in some points declare. Wherefore to burden us with the civil law? is as much as if you should persuade the Scots to use the Garamantes law, to kill men at .50. and women at .40. because the country being somewhat barren, can not well nourish such, as by their age can do no great good. But that you may see, that the civil law, and ours, agreeth like harp and harrow: we will confer them in a few points. And because this matter whereof we treat, concerneth inheritance: we will first speak of inheritance. In England the Eldest son inheriteth, the sathers' lands only, saving in Gavel kind. And in mi opinion it is good policy, for the continuance of houses. For nothing sooner destroyeth great houses, than the division of then heritance, as it appeareth in Germany, The division of inheritance, destroyeth noble houses. and will more hereafter to our posterity, when the young brothern shall not be made abbots bishops, and cardinals as they have hitherto been. In the Civil law, the children succeed indifferently in their father's patrimony, in fendis the sons, and in other both sons and daughters l. max. vit. ff. sancimus C. de lib. praet. Item in Autent. de hered. ab intest in princ. et in. ff. 〈◊〉. et ff. cum filius. just. de hered. Where you see not only our law far to disagree with this: But also that the civil law granteth inheritance to the females, which, you would pluck away. The civil law, giveth the father power over his child in lice and death, specially, that which is called Ius vetus, as it appeareth Le. 2. C. de par. qui fill dict et le. in suis Edelib. et posth. C. de pat: ptatem. But in England if any father should kill his son: he should be try said up for his labour. The civil law maketh the children of traitors, Infames, but committeth them not to perpetual prison, as they do in England. In the civil law, the king, or lord of the soil, 'tis de legtute. ff & lo. & Ti. just. de le. app. tut. hath nothing to do with wards or tutorshippes, but the next of kin, if the father in his life time appoint none: but in our law, the king hath the wardeship of all that hold of him in capite or knights service. And as it was granted to the crown, upon a necessary respect: So must it not be pulled away, Wardeships are not rashly to be pulled from the prince so long as the same cause remaineth. It was given him at the first, in consideration of the great charges in war, and the small revenues that belonged to the crown. And though such orders seem hard, through thabusing of them, by some greedy guts: Yet the realm, having always, almost continual wars, with the French, or Scots, or both: who so ever goeth about to pull from the crown such helps: unwittingly, maketh a breach for the enemy to invade us. Wherefore I would wish, that such as out of god's book will control the kings exchequer, should well understand the matter, before he brought it into the pulpit. In the civil law, Const. just. l. fin. C. qund tut. velcur esse desinunt. the tutorshippe endeth in the males at .14. years of age, and in the females, at. 12. But our law keepeth him in nonage until. 21. years. The civil law by ndeth not him to marry, by the force of his wardship, where his Tutor will: L●nec sil. Cde nup. I sisil. famile si puel tut l. in con uict. C de nup. C. de nup. Marriage must be free and in his own choice, and may not be compelled by his father, much less by this tutor. But in England, he tutor hath his marriage, or maketh him to pay tor his liberty, how that cometh to pass, and how in different it is, let the lawyer's answer. I meddle no surher, but to she we that it is so. The civil law so savoureth life: that it granteth a traitor his advocate to defend his innocency, L. servum ff publ. vi castr. nu. 5 Bart. but in our law he can have none to speak for him, but himself. For the fault is counted (and that justly) so heinous, that it taketh from him, all manner of help, to put other in fear. Again, the civil law condemneth no man, unless he either confess the fault, or be openly convict by witness sufficient. But our law committeth it to the veredict of 12. men, indwellers in the country, where the trespass is committed, The trial of capital crimes by 12. men. who pronounceth guilty if they think so, whether he confesseth it or no, and oft times rather upon their own conscience, than any great witness or other evidence. This order as it was in itself at the first without corruption: was marvelous concionable and godly, and in my judgement much better than the civil order. For they to wring out the confession of the fault committed, are driven to use torments, and to puny she before they have tried the fault, wherein they are oft times deceived, by racking those which have not offended, and driving them for pains of torments to say that they never did, as I have hard, happened at Tubinga, in the wirtenberg land, Against racking. that a man was broken upon the wheel for murdering an other, which after was found alive, the smarts of the torments made him to confess it, and lie of himself. In monument whereof his image standeth yet in a glass window of the church, even as he was upon the wheel. Again there was in England, an Italian, not long ago, who (as they say) passed thorough all the torments in Venice, and escaped without confessing the fault, which in deed he had committed. On the other side our. The quest mongers. 12. men the questmongers, being indwellers in the country, and men of skill, shall learn by the circumstannces, as by the life of the man, the common fame of the people, or their own search in the matter: whether he be such a one or no, and so without racking, wresting, and tormenting, the deed may be found. But in deed at these days it is grown to great corruption, and that thorough one special means, or two which be these. If there be any noble man dwelling in the country either a Duke, a Marquis, an Earl, or Baron: The juries and quests corrupted He shall lightly have in his retinue all the cobs in the country, which be the questmongers, and if any matter be touching him, his man, or his friend, whether it be a crime capital, or Nisi prius, sent down for lands: the case shall weigh as he wil The freeholders reteinours to great men For his deteynors must needs have an eye to my lord, though they should go to the devil for it: and so be some innocentes knit up, and some offenders delivered, some titles of inheritance lost, against all justice and right. Another is, if my lord will not offend the Statute of retinue: then must the high sheriff be his friend: And the under thief (undershrise I should say) his man. He empaneleth the quest either such as dare not displease my lord, or for good will, will not. And so that way betwixt the high these and underthese, my L. and the curstmongers, The corruption of the Sheriffs poor men are out weighed. This corruption if it be not looked to: will not make this order (which was the best that could be) to be the wickedest that can be. But as I said, in itself (me think) it hath much more justice, equity, and indifferency, than the civil or rather cruel rack hath. If I should peruse and compare all points wherein ours differ from the civil: and show that for our country it is much meeter, I should never make an end. Wherefore these shallbe sufficient, to show that you must bring our own weights, to weigh our matters by, and not strangers, or else we must take you for an evil Clerk of the market. Therefore if you will judge well of our municipal matters: you must let us alone with our own coat, and give the great boy his. Now I pass to certain inconveniences which are thought to come of women's rule. The inconveniences that follow woe men's rule. The first. Many inconveniences do commonly follow the rule of women and their enheritinge of kingdoms, as the loss of holds, and ancient possessions as experience teacheth of late days, by the departing from Hams, Guisnes, and Calyce, with all that we had in France, besides the daungeringe of the realm to be governed by strangers, which thing of late was much feared, and not unlike to happen. For the first, it is to true: that in that woman's reign England was put to a sore plunge through her wilfulness: which would move war, when she might have been at peace, upon no just cause, but because (as you would have her) she would show her a loving worm and an obedient wife, rather than a catefull governs. That folly was accident to her person, England hath hitherto taken greater loss by men's rule then by women's. and not proper to her sex. But admit it to be through the fault of a woman: have we not had as great, and greater by men? who lost old Britain to julius and the Romans? men. Who lost it again to the Saxons? men. Of whom won it William conqueror? of men: who lost it to the Danes? men, who lost Normandy, Brytanie, Gascoigne, and Guine, and all our right in France? men, who lost Boulogne, Bullenois and all the rest? a man. Who killed the Scottish King, when Henry. 8. was in France? a woman or at the least her army? who brought in the light of god's word into England? a woman, who lighteth now again the candle after it was put out? a woman, whereby it is evident that we have, not yet so much cause to complain of loss by them, as by men. And in our histories which we have before cited: we may see many common wealths by women enlarged, or at the least well preserved, but few eye there much weakened, or utterly destroyed. Unless you tell me of the destruction of Troy, which notwithstanding, was rather thorough the folly of Paris, than any rule of Helena, and as for this loss we have now, I doubt not, but as the old fathers are wont to say, that as by a woman came death: so by a woman was brought fourth life. In like manner as by a woman's (whether negligence, or misfortune, I wot not we have taken this wound (so by another's diligence and felicity, we shall have it again healed. If every man could persuade himself of as good success by her as I do myself: I doubt not but the French, and the Scots both, should have their hands full, I pray God our unthankfulness make us not to far the worse. The .2. inconvenience. The next and greatest inconvenience and danger to be feared is, that if a woman inherit: the realm by marriage shall be transferred to strangers. A great matter I confess if it so be, yet GOD may do with his own what he list. Scitote (saith the Prophet) quia deus est dominator in regno hominum, et ipsius regnum est, & cuicunque vult dabit illud: if he will translate it, Ecclesi. 10. who can let it? Yea in another King Henry's days. And some translation and ioigning of realms may turn to much good, and the wealth and tranquillity of many. As if we had had a King for your Queen, or you a King for ours, it had been a goodly translation: to have united both realms in dominion, regiment and law, as they be in nature, language, and manners. I suppose a great deal better for your country, than as it is now, thus to be matched, yea subjecteth and slaved to the proudest, untruest and the most tyrannical nation, The heny yokes of the french under the son. I except not the Spaniards, whose dominion the Italians in Milan, Naples, Sicily, and else where: can much better brook and abide, than the light and inconstant French, Caesar. in comment. as Cesar calleth them. If you and we had joined together: it had made no great matter, on which side the king had been, so he had been religious. I grant if all things answer, it is better ioigning at home, then choosing abroad. As if he be no very base or mean person, if he love and fear God, if he be of the same religion, The orna mentes of an honieborie ma. endued with good and commendable qualities of wisdom, justice, Manhood, Temperance, gifts of languages knowledge of Countries, pitiful, merciful, constant, sober, no hearer of flatterers, continent, not prodigal, but liberal, no extortioner, etc. Such a one if God should lot any Queen, were to be preferred, to any abroad. Unless all these, might be found in a stranger, and thereto iouned nobility and ancientness of lineage, and the nation being such, as use not to rule cruelly, but rather fatherly, then lordly. For by such a one could come no great harm, but very much good. As for example, if your Queen, should have found out some German, or some such other, whose Government is not rigorous (as in deed theirs is not) their hearts not ambitious, the same Religion, good bringing up, a man of activity, whose ancestors have been religious, linked with many Princes, either by Consanguinity, Affinity, or sure Society, and league, of whom there could be no doubt of conveying the treasure to any other nation, or bringing in of his own country men to oppress the Subjects (as undoubtedly the spaniards and French would). Such a one I say, if God appointed: I see not why the name of a stranger, should be odious, it is religion and likeness of manners, that join men together, Such as be of the same faith be no strangers. or at the least should so couple them: that agreeing therein, we should not much stick in the rest, In the kingdom of heaven, is neither jew nor gentile man nor woman. A stranger if he be a goodman, is as dear in the fight of God, as he that is born in the midst of Edenbrough. This I speak, not because I shoot at any one, for that were not only malapartnes, but madness. But to answer mi objection, which is, that tealmes be undone by the matching of Queens with strangers. Munsterus in Tab. Scicilia, as the histories report, was quietly and happily governed, so long as the Duke of Suevia marrying the heir, had it in quiet possession. But after a Pope of Rome, as the duke passed thorough Italy, to set order in Sicily, had by conspiracy murdered him, it fell every day more and more to decay. So that it standeth not so much in the choosing of a stranger, as what he is that you choose. He is one of our brethren, if he be a faithful Christian, it is manners, faith, and behaviour, and not nations that make men strangers one to an other. A man in his own country, at home, if he be not of the household of faith: is a stranger. And contrary wise, where there is one faith, one baptisine, and one Christ: there is narrower fraternity then, if they came out of one womb: But to conclude, we must commit all this to God, subjects may wish but not wring Queens to marriage. who hath the hearts of rulers in his hands, as the floods of waters, and will so dispose them as shall be most to their peace, to the realms good, and his honour, let us not meddle with bridelinge of Queens in marriage this way or that wai, we are none of those to whom it shallbe said, who shall give this woman. Now thus thou seest good reader, that all this wind shaketh no corn, that this bold blustering blast, though it puffeth, and bloweth never so much: Yet can it not move, or ones stir the sure grouded rock of verity. And though it be the property of Northern blasts to cool and freeze: yet in the hearts of good christians, faithful subjects, and true, well warmed with natual love, and defended with the walls of wisdom, obedience, and duty: it can do nothing. It may peradventure make a sew weak reeds to wag, which will stir at every little puff of wind: But the strong and hard Ookes sure rooted in loyalty, and grown to a just perfection in the discipline of duty: will never stir a leaf for it, considering that this blast is sent out of Aeolus at the request of dame disobedience, to hindre good Aeneas, sailing to the port and haven of quietness and loyalty. Though thou wert not disposed of thyself, either for opinion of th'author, or for the novelty of the matter, to stand to thy tackle against this storm: yet I doubt not, but now by me rather put in mind of that thou knowest, then taught that thou wart ignorant in: thou wilt soon contemn this gale of wind, A recapitulation. and take it to be nothing, but as it is named very wind indeed. Thou seest it evidently proved, that it standeth well enough with nature and all good order, with justice and equity, with law and reason, with Gods and man's ordinance, with custom and antiquity: that a woman left by her progenitors, true heir of a realm, having the consent of her people, the establishment of law, ancient custom, and Gods calling, to confirm the same: may undoubtedly, succeed her ancestors lawfully reigning, in lawful succession, both to inheritance and regiment. Thou seest no scripture is against it, truly underst and, but rather both in example and practice, and also in express word and meaning, altogether with it. Thou seest no law whereto we be bound, to debar this sex of this right: but in every wise to grant it them, as it shall come to their course. And that the rule being joined to th'inheritance, can no more be plucked from it, saving justice inviolated, than thy soul from thy body, and thou yet alive. Thou seest last of all, that thinconveniences that be feared, be rather bugs to fear babes, than matter to move men and specially christian men, which look not so much to tharme of man, as to the help of God for their safety: which trust not in horse and harness, glaives and guns, and such other worldly means but in invocation and faith, and in the mighty arm of God, Psal. 147. Who delighteth no more in the legs of a goodly made man, then in the lameness of a cripple, Nor in the rugged looks of a desperate marry our: then in the mild countenance of a wise Woman. Wherefore the matter standing so, that whosoever rule, man or child, male or female, God must be our shield, fortress, and bulwark: Let us do our duty by trusting him, We must cast our care upon God. and he will do his, by helping us, and so much the rather, because that now, it is more like the glory shallbe his, if the victory be ours, Then if we had some great Goliath, some lusty champion, to take the matter in hand. For the next way is, to make him shrink from us, to put either our whole trust in any other, or so to part the praise with him: that his majesty shall have one piece, & our policy another. We may not part with god How oft crieth he to the Israelites. Nay, go to now, call upon your gods to help you, let me see what they can do for you. Run to your leaguefellowe the Egyptian and king of Assiria, in whom you have put your trust. Let them shield you, against those evils that shall come upon you. Wherefore let us say with David, Hii in curribus, Hii in equis, nos autem in nomine domini invocabimus. Trust who will in their stout kings: Psal. 19 we call upon our God to help our good Queen. Now thou art persuaded, thou true English heart, that thou mayst and oughtest to take, esteem, and honour one of this Sex appointed of God to rule over thee, for thy natural, and lawful sovereign: it is thy part to know and learn, and after to do and perform all manner of duty to her, which occupieth by most just title, thimperial throne of this Realm. And that thou mayst the rather, the willinglier, and gladlier do it: I mind by God's grace, to treat a little of the duty thou oughest her, of the good hope thou mayst conceive of her, and the fruit of doing or balking thy duty towards her. Which. three things, while I run over: think it not long, for I mind not to make any long discourse. There is no man either of wit so dull, of understanding so ssender, or of malice so obstinate: but will and must confess, that God by nature, have so ordained all things: that mankind should not only rule, and have the dominion over other creatures, which be not of nature so excellent as he is, but also, one man over an other: that some ruling and some obeying, concord and ttanquilite might continued. For if all should rule: there should be none to obey. Or if all should obey: there should be none to rule. Some be made to rule and some to obey. Wherefore, God hath so disposed his creatures in this world: that such as he will deck and beautify, with his singular gifts, should by ruling other, that lack them, be means to aid and help them. For God so careth for the preservation of this godly and comely frame of his, the world: that he will not leave it without means of order, where by it may continue. And though it be his peculiar property, to have dominion and rule, as the only king and monarch: yet because our dullness can not conceive his brightness, nor our infirmity his majesty (as the people of Israel say de to Moses, Exod. 20. let not the Lord speak to us but thou) therefore he communicateth not only his power, Deu. 20. Exod. 22. rule, honour, and majesty to men: but also his own name, calling them Gods: that by their manhood, they might confer with men, as men, and by their name and office, represent a divine majesty as God. Psal. 81. Psal. 28. Ego dixi dij estis, say eth he. I say you be Gods. Again. Deus stetit in sinagoga deorum. God stood among the assemble of Gods, that is magistrates. Thus it pleased God to adorn his anointed with so noble a name: that we which be of nature rebellious, should behold in them not only flesh and blood, which they have common with us, but also a divine and godly majesty, which they have given them of God. So that we should rather fix our eyes upon their office, which is gods: then upon their person which is man's. If this order were not in nature, all things would grow to confusion, while every man, as he were of greater power: so could and would oppress such as were of less, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Theodoret saith) the great fishes eat up the small, and the weaker beasts, be the stronger's prey. Therefore, it is not said without great cause of the apostle: that the Magistrate is for our good. For he defendeth our bodies from the murderers, our goods from the ravenour, and our lands from the oppressor. Seeing then that God by nature, Ro. 13. hath thus placed Magistrates in deed to be watchmen to keep our cities, to preserve our land from th'enemy abroad, and conspirator and oppressor at home: we should be to much ingrate: if we should not love him or her, that careth for us, and to obstinate if we should not obey them that rule not for their own pleasure, but for our commodity. Hereto we be exhorted by many places of scripture, whereunto, if we hearken not: we provoke gods vengeance to gush out against us: out of whose most holy mouth, they come. Let every soul (saith Paul) obey the higher power, as ordained of God: for who resisteth the power, Ro. 13. resisteth God's ordinance. In which words is contained both a precept and a pain. A precept, in that he commandeth all to obey, excepting none, neither priest nor Monk saith Chrisost. Chrys. 10. hom. 23 which must aswell obey, as the laity. A pain, in that he uttreth them to be gods rebels and adversaries, which do resist the power ordained of God. For who violateth the ordinance: violateth the ordainer, which was God. But because almost none doubt of this, that they must obey (unless it be a few dissolute anabaptists) and many be ignorant, wherein they should obey: therefore did Paul himself not omit to teach, that they must be obeyed in honour and payments. Cui vectigal, Obedience consisteth of. two. things. vectigal, cui honour, honorem. For it is not enough to pay them their due, as a man payeth his hireling, or his miller for grinding his corn: but he must also yield him his due honour, which must first come from the heart, and then be uttered in outward humbleness. The Persians thought their kings and rulers to represent such a divine majesty: How the persian, honoured their kings. that they fell flat on their faces before their sovereign. And the same we read to be used among the kings of Iury. The like whereof, the histories do report of the Turks, that they have not only as much honour given them as the kings of Persia had: but also who so ever speaketh to him, at his going from him, How the Turks honour theirking. never turneth his back upon him, but goeth backward so long as he is in the same place with him. Few I think will allow this, yet must they learn hereby, that great honour is due to that estate, and think it no idolatry as some men use to term it, either to bare thy head or bow thy knee to the chiefest minister of God, yea if thou dost it not thou makest an idol of thyself, To kneel to a prince is no Idolatry. while thou liftest up thy baseness to that height, that thou wilt not stoop, where thou oughtest, nor give honour where thou shouldest. What is else to make an Idol of thyself, but to honour thyself, where thou oughtest not, and pull down God's Majesty, where thou shouldest not: Ah we be all Adam's children, yea and the devils to, if we go no further: But Adam's children, be distinct in degrees, Degrees of men. even by the ordinance of God. As we read through out the Bible: Mat. 12. and Christ in the new Testament confirmeth it, saying: give to Cefar that is his. And the apostle: go before one another in honour. Ro. 12. So that they may rightly challenge it, and we be bound to yield it. But this will not be unless we first bow at home in our hearts, and learn to stoop, saying in ourselves. What? thou art a subject not called to honour, Therefore thou must not perch up, before thou beest called: And couldst thou, if thou wert in the same place suffer (if it were not for thine own sake, yet for the dignities and office sake) to be without honour? If we can thus reason with our own proud stomachs: we shall soon leave of to be Adames children, and become Gods and the queens obedient subjects. The heart (I say) must be framed and brought into the circle of obedience: Obedience springeth from the heart. and then will all the rest follow. Thy knee shall bow, thy Cap shall of, thy tongue shall reverently speak of thy sovereign, when and where thou oughtest. For like as the fountain being clear, or troubled the water that goeth from it, must be good or bad: so the heart being in order, the rest can not be out of order. Thy tongue must be dedicated to God, to speak well and reverently of his minister, for else as Solomon saith: he will make the birds of the air to utter thy rebellion. Furthermore, it is thy boundeduti to give her, The .2. part of obedience. Dein. 1. olymth. when she calleth for part of thy goods that as Demosth. saith, by parting with a little: thou mayst keep the whole. Is it not better to help the mother and mistress of thy country, with thy goods and body: then by withholding thy hand, and nigging, to make her not able to keep out thine enemy? hadst thou rather that thy ancient enemy, the proud french man, or untrusty scot, should come to ransack thy coffers, to deflower thy wife, to ravish thy daughters, to beat thy children's brains upon the walls, to fire thy house, to spoil thy goods, drive away thy cattle, enjoy thine inheritance, cut thine own throat, and bring thy country to naught: then that the queens officer should take the .20. part of thy possessions, for thy defence? If thou wilt not have these mischiefs to happen thou must do thy duty in paying with a frank and free heart, without grudging or groaning, specially, seeing thou gatherest all that thou hast, in her peace. shouldest thou that art a husbandman follow thy tillage, reap thy corn, and enjoy it: if thou wart not defended by her diligence? Shouldest thou that art a grazier keep thy fat Bullocks and flocks of sheep, till they were fat: if she were not thy shepherd? Shouldest thou that art a merchant carry out, and fetch home, to thy exceeding gain, thy merchandise: unless she were thine Admiral? Can the Lord or gentleman enjoy his rents, if she defended not the tenants? Could the bishops ruffle in their robes, keep their great houses, and have their thousands yearly, withal the rest of their superfluity: if she were not their bulwark, and took care for them, while they care not for her? And to be short there is none that should enjoy his own: if her protection were not. If thou mistrust the my spending of that thou givest, and she taketh: thou art to foolish. For could she that in all her lice, hath lived upon her own, so humbly without pride, so moderately with out prodigality, so maidenly without pomp: now find in her heart, in unnecessary charges to lash out thine? Wilt thou have a taste, how prodigal or pompous she is? I pray the then mark these two points which I know to be true (although in that Sex they be strange) seven. years after her father's death, The queens sobriety in apparel. she had so proud a stomach, and so much delighted in glistering gases of the world, in gay apparel, rich attire and precious jewels: that in all that time, she never looked upon those that her father left her but ones, and that against her will. And after so gloried in them: that there came never gold nor stone upon her head, till her sister enforced her, to lay of her former soberness, and bear her company in her glistering gains. Yea, and than she so ware it, as every man might see, that her body carried that, which her heart misliked. I am sure, that her maidenly apparel, which she used in King Edward's time, The pomp of english ladies abated by the queens example. made the noble men's daughters and wives, to be ashamed, to be dressed and painted like peacocks, being more moved with her most virtuous example: then with all that ever Paul and Peter wrote, touching that matter. Yea this I know that a great man's daughter, receiving from Lady Marie before she was Queen, goodly apparel of tynsyll, cloth of gold, and velvet, laid on with parchment lace of gold: when she saw it, said, what shall I do with it? marry said a gentle woman wear it. Nay quoth she, that were a shame to follow my lady Mary against God's word, A young ladies answer. and leave my lady Ely zabeth, which followeth God's word. See that good example, is oft times much better, than a great deal of preaching. And this all men know, that when all the ladies hent up thattire of the Scottish skyttes, at the coming in of the Scottish Queen, to go unbridled, and with their hears frownsed and curled and double curled: she altered nothing, but to the shame of them all, kept her old maidenly shamefastness. etc. An other thing to declare, how little she setteth by this worldly pomp, is this. That in all her time, she never meddled with money but against her will, but seemed to set so little by it: that she thought, to touch it, was to defile her pure hands consecrated to turn over good books, to lift up unto God in prayer, and to deal alms to the poor. Are not these arguments sufficient to make the think of her: that she will neither call to the before she hath need, nor misspend it vainly af-after she hath it? An to liberality. Wherefore if thou bearest the heart of a christian: thou wilt ministre to Christ's lieutenant willingly, and gladly. If thou baste the mind of a true subject: thou wilt not see thy sovereign lack. If thou haste the forcaste of a wise man, thou wilt be content with a little, to purchase safety of the whole. If thou hast the stomach of a good english man, thou wilt with body and goods, keep out the foreign enemy, which would be glad, through thy disobedience, to salute thee at thy gate: wherefore be not covetous, where thou shouldest be liberal, nor unkind, where thou shouldest be thankful, nor wayward, where thou shouldest be forward. Take to thee, the stomach of a free palfrey, and not the froward touches of a resty jade. Li. demori It is the property of th'one, saith Seneca, to go forward lustily with the Shadow of a wand, and of the other, to run backward, put you never so much the spurs to him. Now by cause our nature is so dull, that it can not be stirred up without some hope of benefit: Therefore I will briefly show what good hope there is, by all likelihood, of this godly governess. And to the intent, I might appear to say of her for conscience sake, what I think and know, without suspicion of flattery, or hope of benefit: Therefore I have suppressed my name: that my pen might be the freer. Wherefore if thou thinkest that either I speak more than I think, or do that I do for any hope of benefit: thou dost me wrong in misjudging: and her great injury in not believing. If I should rehearse all things which might put us in hope of her good, godly, and virtuous reign: I should peruse her whole life paste: But that were to long and rather pertaineth to the Story to be written of her, The queens bringing up. then to this argument, wherefore I will only touch one or. 2. things to give goodmen good occasion, to guess at the rest. It is known to all men how virtuously and virginly keshe hath been brought up what wise, honest, discrete, sober, and godly women she hath had about her, how she hath been trained in learning, and that not vulgar and common, but the purest and the best which is most commended at these days, as the tongues, arts, and gods word, wherein she so exceedingly profited, as I myself can witness, that. seven. year past, she was not in the best kind of learning inferior to those that all their lice time had been brought up in the universities, and were counted jolly fellows. So that it is like, that now, she is not meanly instructed and armed with good letters. If then learning and the conversation with such as be wise and honest, fashioneth and frameth the mind (as Plato saith) and maketh it tractable as wax, to print in good images of virtues and modest manners: And commonly, well tilled land bringeth forth good fruits: we must needs conceive great hope, yea in a manner be assured: that as she hath passed many of our kings, and alour Queens in these good studies and Sciences: so she must needs exceed them in the rest of her life and govern meant. And that you may understand that there hath not been, nor is in her, learning without nature, and knowledge without towardness, to practise: I will tell you, what I have credebly heard, and assuredly believe of her. For I would wish of God, that all men knew by her as much as I do: that they might conceive of her the same opinion that I have. Her first schoolmaster with whom I was familiar, a man very honest and learned, The queens school masters answer. amongst other talk, which we had of her (for I was curious in questioning and he gentle in answering) told me once, that he learned every day more other, than she of him. It seemed to me a mystery, as in deed it was, but because he would not keep me in doubt, he thus expounded it. I teach her words (quoth he) and she me things. I teach her the tongues to speak: and her modest and maidenly life, teacheth me works to do. For (saith he) I think she is the best inclined and disposed of any in all Europe. It seemed to me a goodly commendation of her, and a witty saying of him, and therefore not to be forgotten: In like manner, an Italian, An Italians saying of the Queen which taught her his tongue (though that nation lightly praise not out of their own country) said once to me that he found in her. two. qualities, which are never lightly yoke fellows in one woman, which were a singular wit, and a marvelous meek stomach, I would have thought that these men had thus commended her, because she was their mistress: but by certain knowledge other ways I understood: that it was true, and that they might have said much more, and not have lied. This disposition and godly towardness being in her then, can not now be but much increased by continuance of study, having about her such as fear God, increasing in years, and taught by affliction, which as (David saith) bringeth understanding, and in another place. Psal. 104. Bonum mihi domine quod humiliasti me It is my great profit Lord that thou hast brought me low, The queens adversity. for hereby I have learned thy law, and of this I think no English man is ignorant: that her affliction hath been far above the condition of a king's daughter. For there was no more behind, to make a very Iphigenia of her, but her offering up, upon the altar of the scaffold. How she behaved her self in those storms and tempests, let them witness, who being her adversaries: had the muing of her. I will say nothing, though I could say much: But this I see, and therefore must say, that than she must needs be in her affliction marvelous patient: which showeth herself now in this prosperity to be utterly without desire of revenge: or else she would have given some token or this day of remembrance, how she was handled. It was no small injury that she suffered in the protector's days, when certain venomous vipers spewed out their poison against her to dymynishe her honour: The queens affliction in the protector's days. But God her father and defender, made her so much the more to enter in to the hearts of good people: how much the earnestlyer they went about to harm her. Was it no wrong think you that she sustained of late days, to be first a prisoner in her own house, and guarded with a sort of cutthroats which ever gaped for the spoil of her house, that they might have been fingering of sum what? Then with great solempniti, The Queen committed to the Tour. with bands of harnessed hangemen (happy was he that might have the carrying of her) to be setched up, as the greatest traitor in the world, hoisted into the tower, there kept not like a kings daughter and a queens sister: but as one that had come out of Turkey to betray England. What assemblies and counsels? What examinations and rackings, of poor men was there, to find out the knife that should cut her throat? what gaping among my Lords of the clergy, to see the day wherein they might wash their goodly white ratchettes in her innocent blood? thinking that then none should be spared, for they saw the blood of the father wash of the Scaffold, the daughter's blood, the husbands, the wife's, the younger brothers, the elders, and so one after an other, till the hangemanne was weary. When they saw that so much wood was spent in Smith field about holy Martyrs sacrificed to the God in the box: that poor folks for lack died for cold in London: when they saw the streets of London so decked and adorned with Gallows, and behanged with gentlemen's carcases: that my L. of London could not have place to go a procession: when they saw all these notable tragedies wherein no respect was had, neither of sex nor kindred, neither of age nor innocency, neither of noble nor unnoble: had not these ratchetters good cause to hope: that this blessed woman should have followed, and so they have been out of fear of this day, which is come upon them? What mente those charitable churchmen think you towards her? when they could not be content, to suffer Sir Thomas Wyatt upon the scaffold (even at the hour of his death, betwixt the axe and the block, when it is like men will not lie) to discharge her, of that was laid against her, and unburden his own conscience of that, he thought at that time he stood guilty in, for hurting her to save himself, when he testified to the people that she was clear. Cried not weston, believe him not, be leave him not? For the rack hath wrung out other manner of matter. Oh tyrants, and rake hells. Was he rather to be believed upon your cruel rack, than now, upon the scaffold. when he feared the tearing of his flesh, then when he might look for hells torments? when it stood upon the loss of his carcase, than when he must danger his soul? Did you not here, utter your mischievous minds, and meanings, that you cared not, though he went to the devil, so you might have been rid of her. These be the comfortable ghostly fathers, which must be at a man's clbowe, when he is ready to die. Whose regard of the Soul is such: as they must needs have their ghostly child, even with the last breath, lash out most shame full lies, to maintain their malice, & murder. These fellows can use Confession to serve their turn, for the destruction of such, as they would have out of the way. If their Confession served not to such purposes, I warrant you, they would not set a blue point by it. Thus had she the whole world against her, with all the spite and malice that could be devised: And yet she is so far offron seeking revenge: that I am surely per swaded, that she prayeth for them. Are not these great tokens thou good subject, of much mercy to follow? Mark her coming in, and compare it with others She cometh in like a lamb, and not like a Lion, like a mother, and not like a stepdame. She rusheth not in at the first chop, to violate and break former laws, to stir her people to change what they list, before order be taken by law. She hangeth no man, she behedeth none. She burneth none, spoileth none. I wiss if my L. Cardinal had known her clemency: he would not have made so much haste in dying so soon to follow his mistress, My L. of London wiser than the Cardinal. and to be out of the danger of this. I like my L. of London better: for though he have deserved a great deal more: yet he neither runneth away, nor hangeth himself, nor nothing, but trusteth to find grace, which never deserved any. But you will say that this Queen hath no such advantage against men, as tother had, and therefore is merciful whether she will or no: you say well but not all, is there no advantage to be taken, think you? I will not affirm, because I am no lawyer. But I will axe this for my learning of the lawyers, whether it be a fault by statute to take away the title or any part of it which belongeth to the king or queens style? as to take from it by no order of law, but by private authority, this part supreme head of the church of England. If it be a fault, of what force were the writs, whereby the Parliament was called, that took away the supremacy, if the writs for lack of words of form, were not good in the law: by what authority did that parliament repeal. K. H. and K E. laws or make any new? by what authority, if they were not sufficiently called, received they the bishop of Rome? And after by his authority, broiled, and murdered so many martyrs? Surely if the first were unlawful, the last can have no warrant, if the lawyers find this to be so: hath then the Queen none advantage against men think you? if it be so: then must you confess, that there is a marvelous mercy and no rigour, an exceeding patience, and no desire of revenge in her. If it be not so: yet might she find good quarrels else to deal more hardly with some than she doth. In Queen Mary's first days the bishops that were married were thrust out of the parliament house before any law, and all married deans and archdeacons out of the convocation, many put out of their livings and other restored without force of law. If that were lawful for her: why is it not lawful for this? Yea some noble men and Gentlemen were deprived of those lands which the king had genen them without tarrying for any law: lest my Lord of Winchester, should have lost his quarters rend. Many churches were changed, many altars set up, many masses said, many dredges sung, before the law was repealed, all was done in post haste. Some for fear peradventure that they should not else have had the blestered mass, whole five years in the worship of the five Gaudees of the blessed virgin Mary. Now we see that things be done with more advisement and less haste, although there be a better warrant for this then for that. For she knoweth that to be true which Seneca sayeth, Velox consilium sequitur penitentia. But the devil is a diligent fellow, he bestirreth him in his matters, for he ever mistrusteth he should come to late. Rom. 2. contrariwise God is longanimus of great patience, and maketh his to be the like, rather to look for amendment: then by and by to seek destruction and revenge. Wherefore she being gods chosen instrument to represent here among us his majesty: walketh wisely in the steps of him that hath called her, and studieth diligently to represent a lively image in her mortality of his incomparable and infinice majesty, by using correction without severity, by seeking the lost with clemency, by governing wisely without fury, with weighing and judging without rashness, with purging ill rumours with deliberation, and to conclude, in doing her duty without affection. Besides forth it is not the token of all to persuade us of her happy and godly procedings, that she piketh out some such couselors to serve her (and I trust will do more) as be neither of common wit nor common experience, of whom some by travail in strange countries, some by learning, some by practice and like authority in other ruler's days, some by affliction either one way or other: for their gists and graces which they have received at God's hand, be men meet to be called to such rooms. And if any man thinks there be inter azimos fermentum let them leave that to God and time, and descant not to far of it. Herein she well putteth in practice that is counseled by Ecclesiasticus, saying consiliarius sit tibi unus de mill. Eccl. 6. Culle out of a thousand a counsellor, for it is no matter of small weight to choose counsellors as it appeareth by the counsel and success of Roboam which was of two sorts. 1. Reg 12. Ancient men & Senators gave him counsel & advise to keep the people in order by love, gentleness, and clemency, tother advised him not to spare but to lay about him to chop of their heads, to tower them, hang them, burn them, away with them, dead men do no harm, and to make his little finger heavier upon his people than was his father's body. These ware lusty lads these were such: as would wine all our lose all. But they found at the last as other that have followed them very Hieroboamites as wrissles, win chesters and some other their scholars yet alive, that as Horatius saith vis consilij expers, Horat. in odd. s. mole ruit sua. fierceness without wisdom, and counsel, cometh to a foolish end. I doubt not but her majesty if she could, would choose her counsel of the nobility, she being herself the head of that order and patroness: but if she shall espy out meaner men of greater experience, farther reach, and more science, than they be: it is not to be feared, but then nobles both for their own safety, and the Queens, would gladly lot to themselves (though she would not require it) such as might put them in mind of things they remember not, either because they have not exercised and beaten their heads about it: or by looking to their lordships have not had leisure to study for policies. But wise men by study and noble men by birth, will make such an harmony in the common wealth: as neither French nor Scotte, shallbe able to interrupt the concord: and it to be hoped that neither the one part in respect of their nobility, will contemn the other for their baseness nor envy than for their wisdom: nor tother part through th'admiration of their own gifts, set light by the honour & auncientnes of the peers. 1. Cor. 12. Learn a similitude saith Paul of the body of man, how each member is not the head, & yet hath his necessary use in the body, wherefore if some be wiser, and some nobler, some richer, and some poorer: I doubt not but like good marmers they will all consider, that they must all travail to bring the ship of the common wealth, the Church of Christ, and the queens realm, to a quiet port, which will not be: if they strive, who shall tend the sail, and who the helm, who shall sound, and who cleanse the Pump, who shall do this, and who shall do that. joseph with King Pharaoh kept by his counsel all the king's people from starving, a mean man and a stranger, pulled out of Prison, where he lay for a great crime. Gen. 41. And Daniel governed Chaldea better than all the Princes there, and his service was more acceptable to the king than all the rest: Mardocheus by the help of Hester, Hester. 8. kept Assuerus from the foulest murdre, that ever was devised. And yet he was but a mean man to be of a kings counsel, being not only a stranger, but also such an abject, as sat at the kings gate without office, dignity, countenance, or any estimation, yea and of such a stomach, as he would not stoop to the proudest of all the rest. M. Haman, who was, domine fac totum, Which had like to have cost him the best joint he carried about. Wherefore if mean men be called to that honour: let no man repine at it. For sometime under a homely coat, lieth hidden much treasure, and pure gold is found among much dross. Pro. 21. A wise man saith Solomon climbeth up into the cities, of the strong and mighty, and destroyeth all the strength that he trusteth to: if I had but. 10. Nestor's, said Agamenon Troy could not stand long. Considering then that aswell in the choice of counsellors as in all other things our most dear sovereign taketh that way: as all godly wise men must needs account the best: and giveth us by these buds and flowers, so great hoop of singular fruit: we may if we be nor stones in sense, and monsters in malice, cheer and feed ourselves with the good success, we hope to have by her. One thing there is that maketh my heart to bleed in my belly for her: That when all her progenitors commonly have found their realm in quiet: She good Lady receiveth it at the hand of her sister entangled (I will not say oppressed) with foreign wars, the french on th'one side, and the scots on tother, which sucking out of their ancestors, poisoned breasts, immortal and deadly hatred against this realm, lie in wait like thieves, to invade and to spoil it. In token whereof the french freke, as it is said after truce was taken: When he hard of. Q. M. death kept still his Germans about him, upon hope that if there had been any stir in England, he might have set in a foot. And for that purpose, had willed the cardinal of lotharing, to confer with our churchmen, to see what might be done, whether he did so or no God knoweth: but it is certain that the cardinal had such commission: but God hath dispatched their devices. And besides that she is thus left: who seeth not the realm not Philipped, but flesed for Philip's sake, by maintaining all the last summer, such a navy on the seas, and an army on the land, besides some tokens of love that passed (I am sure) from the Queen to her spouse, to show that she was a loving wife: Alas what remedy? it is a miserable case: Psal. 10. but this will be the help, first to flee to God, and say on every side. In do, mino confido, quomodo dicitis animae mae transmigra in montem sicut passer. Our trust is in God, though the French and scots, and the devil himself had conspired against our sovereign, which is anima nostra, our life and comfort. Shall not we with God and policy, be able to do as much for the preservation of our country, as Philip of Macedon did with policy alone? Gemistus. Princes of ill beginnings, oft make good endings. who coming to his kingdom in as ill case and worse, than this virtuous Lady doth to hers, having the Illyrians, the Paenyans, the thessalonians, the Boetians and the athenians, in his neck: so used the matter by making peace with some, by leaguinge with other, and by war with the rest, one after another, that within iii years space, he got again that his ancettors had lost, and made all his enemies to stoop, and not long after became themperor of all Grece. 2. Samu. 3. In like manner David entered into his kingdom, when the Philistines had made a marvelous slaughter in Israel, and killed king Saul and his sons in the field, and yet with in a while, he recovered the losses, and had the better of all his enemies round about him: So I doubt not, but God shall send this judith grace and power, to cut of Holophernes head, and this Deborah to save her people, and knock out Siceras brains, come he either out of france, or out of scotland. But so much the sooner: if all men like true subjects, put to their helping hand, knowing that it is their quarrel aswell as hers. Come of you bishops, away with your superfluities, Advise to the bishops. yield up your thousands, be content with hundreds as they be in other reformed Churches, where be as great learned men as you are. Let your portion be priestlike and not princelike. Let the Queen have the rest of your temporalties and other lands to maintain these wars which you procured, bishops lands. and your mistress left her, and with the rest to build and found schools thorough out the realm: that every parish church may have his preacher, every City his superintendant to live honestly and not pompously, which will never be, unless your lands be dispersed and bestowed upon many, which now feedeth and fatteth but one. Remember that Abimeleck, when David in his banishment would have dined with him, 1. Sam. 21 kept such hospitaliti: that he had no bread in his house to give him, but the Show bred. where was all his superfluity to keep your pretenced hospitality? for that is the cause that you allege, why you must have thousands as though you were commanded to keep hospitality, rather with a thousand, then with a hundredth: I would our country man Wicliefes book which he wrote deecclesia, were in print, and there should you see that your wrinches and cavillations, be nothing worth. It was my chance to happen of it in one's hand that brought it out of Bohemia. Lay to your hands, Advise to the noble men. you noble men, and rather sell a piece of your inheritance to help the Queen, then by a little backwardness to ventre all, and to see a proud French man, your heir, or a Scot, the steward of your lands, learn you of ancient senators of Rome, and let your wives, take example by theirs, to set more by your Prince, than your pomp, by your country, then by your curiosity and unfitting superfluity in apparel, diet, and other unnecessaries. livi. 3 de. These Romans of whom I speak being stressed and almost brought to the last cast, by the long and dangerous wars of Hannibal, and the French, did not only like loving fathers to their country, bring in their money and goods, without hinching or pinching, to relief the charges of their common wealth: But also partly by honest persuasion, and partly by their good example, provoked the noble matrons their wives, to bring in their ouches, rings, chains, bracelets, and other jewels, to be bestowed in the necessary defence of their country. Oh you English ladies, learn here rather to wear Roman hearts, than Spanish knacks, Advise to the ladies. rather to help your country, then hinder your husbands, to make your queen rich for your defence then your husbands poor for your garish gayness. If every one of you would but employ your rings and chains, or the price of your superfluous ruffs, furs, fringes, and such other trinkettes, upon the necessary defence of your country: I think you should make the queen much richer, & abler to meet with your enemies, and yourselves much the honester, & readier to withstand Satan which this way goeth about to sift you. leave of your pride & leave a good example as the Roman ladies did to your posterity, of love to your country, loyalty to your queen, To the Gentlemen & honesty towards God and man. Be liberal you Gentlemen & think it not enough to serve the queen with your bodies, but help also with your goods. Suffer not the Gentlemen of France to make you their slaves. Some of you know what natured men they be, beware that the rest feel not. It willbe a shame and to great a villainy for you, which in all ages have been able to hold their nose to the grindstone, now either for sparing of your goods, which is niggardie, or fear of your lives, which is cowardice, to be their pezantes, whose lords your Auncettors were. Look to this gear you. Lawyers, which for a little spending of your breath in chattering in the Chancery, and common place: become the Lords of your countries, and leave your sons so great livelihoods as they be noble men's matches. Some in sport call you drudges and not judges, but I think in god earnest that it is contrary that you make you and your lords and all other drudges. In this your so great gain forget not what you own to your prince, by whose protection you have had leisure to study, & now time to plead. If your country be not kept in peace, your law willbe little worth, neither your copes nor coifs will serve to any use. I would you could all find in your hearts to be as liberal toward your prince as some of you have been of late to the orders of Friars. Be no niggards you merchants of your gains to relieve the queen, To the merchants for if you be: the vengeance of God will come upon your hurdes and banks, the trattling Scot shall knock out your chests bottoms, jacob. 5. shall enjoy your machaundize, meet out your velvets and silks, carry away your clothes, burn your fair houses, and rule in your city of London, which the lord forbid: In like manner you Farmers and Franklins, you yeomen and rich Cobs, abroad with your rusty rials & your old Angels, which you hoard up: for the rust of them shallbe to your condemnation, because you covetously keep God's creatures from their true use, wherefore they were made. They are called current & not slepaunt. Help your country with them, let the queen have part of them, that you may peaceably enjoy the rest. wherefore hoard you them up, and for whom? Psal. 38. Thesaurizas nesciens cui congregas. I am sure your meaning is thereby to leave your sons and heirs, lands and possessions, pastures well stored, houses well furnished, and honest soms of money to marrv your daughters. But if thou best not liberal towards the defence of thy country: who shall be thine heir? The pocky french man and the scurvy Scot: thine old gold shallbe carried away into France, thy son and thou shalt be made galley slaves. And where thou thinkest to marry thy daughter richly: thou shalt see both her and her mother defiled before thy face miserably. Thy sons inheritance shallbe chains in the galley, wherewith he shallbe fettered, a whip upon his bare skin, if he row not to the death, and an horse loaf and water for his daily diet. Oh think upon this, think upon it, you hourders and hiders of God's creatures. Let not that muck of the mould, those rusty Royalles be dearer to you, than your country, your Queen, your wife, and children, your own bodies and lives. What a spite were it, that you should be the Treasurers of your mortal foes, that you should keep for them to carry away, To the husbandmen. and hide from your Queen to enrich the robber. And you husband men which have God's plenty, abundance of his blessings. Stick not to help your natural country so much as you can. God is beneficial unto you, be not unthankful to his chief minister. For like as the springs and brooks run into the sea: so must all men's travail turn to the defence of his country. If the springs should withhold their water: at the last the sea should lack So if every one of you hold back your hand: what shall become of your country & next of yourselves? The Philosophers say that the son draweth up the moistness of the water in the sea, and thereof maketh the clouds which after according to the will of God, be carried over all the face of th'earth to water it, & of that water, which cometh from the clouds, riseth the springs and rivers, so that neither the sea can be without the springs, nor the springs with out the clouds, nor the clouds without the sea. Lo what a mutual contribution here is in helping one an other. In like manner if you yield not to the defence of your country, part of your fruits: it shallbe overrun for lack of help with your enemies, and what shall then become of you? If you yield liberally to your head, she shallbe able by God's grace to defend you with her soldiers, so that you may ear in hope, sow in surety, reap with joy, and eat with plenty. Is not this sea of yours, your country and queen, by many means sucked dry think you? Is it a Small charge to maintain a number of ships against the French that they have no leisure to land in England, and invade you? To maintain an army in the borders, to keep the country from burning and spoiling? What say you to the building of block houses by the seas side, the provision of harness, guns, and weapons for the war, to the keeping about her, a great counsel of wisemen to debate for your wealth and safeguard, to the sending ambassadors hither and thither, with a thousand more charges which were to long to reckon: From whence must this come? but from the fruits of the earth, which by quietness you gather: and without her defence you must lose. Oh you count it a great matter, to give. 3. or. 4 shillings in the pound. Oh England, England, thou knowest not thine own wealth: because thou seest not other country's penury. Oh if thou sawest the pezantes of France, how they are scraped to the bones, and what extremities they suffer: thou wouldest think thyself blessed (as in deed thou art) which haste rather fathers and mothers to thy governors, than Kings or Queens. The husbandman in France, all that he hath gotten in his whole life, looseth it upon one day. For when so ever they have war (as they are never without it) the king's soldiers enter into the poor man's house, eateth and drinketh up all that ever he hath, giveth their horse his corn, so long as it lasteth, without paying a farthing, and never departeth so long as there is any thing left in the house. This was the manner: How the french pezantes be handled. but this king hath amended it with the worse, for his soldiers come not thither, but his rakehells th'officers, which pare them even to the bones, the poor man never goeth to the market, to sell any thing: but he payeth a tolle, almost the half of that he selleth: he eateth neither pig, goose, capon, nor hen: but he must pay as much for the tribute of it there, as it might be bought for here: h. Ounhappy and miserable men that live under this yoke. In Italy they say it is not much better, The husbandman's state in Italy. the husband men be there so rich: that the best coat he weareth is sacking, his neither stocks of his hose, be his own skin, his diet and far not very costly, for he cometh to the market with a hen or two in one hand, and a dozen eggs in a net in the other, which being sold and told, he buyeth and carrieth home with him, no Beef or Mutton, Veal or sea fish, as you do: but a quart of oil to make sallettes of herbs, wherewith he liveth all the week following. And in Germany though they be in some better case than tother: The countrymen in Germani. yet eat they more roots than flesh. For what cheer so ever they have beside, they are sure of roots and stinking herbs, which they call crowte. Thus these men live and think themselves happy: if they may have enough of this. Now compare them with thee: and thou shalt see how happy thou art. They eat herbs: and thou Beef and Mutton. They roots: A comparing of the English man with other country men. and thou butter, cheese, and eggs. They drink commonly water: and thou good ale and bear. They go from the market with a salad: and thou with good flesh fill thy wallet. They lightly never see any sea fish: and thou hast thy belly full of it. They pay till their bones rattle in their skin: and thou layest up for thy son and heir. Thou art twice or thrice in thy life time called upon to help thy Country, with a subsidy or contribution: and they daily pay and never cease. Thou livest like a Lord, and they like dogs. God defend us from the feeling of their misery. I am a afraid our grudging and groaning, will make us to taste of this whip, as it must needs come to pass, if thy head have not wherewith to defend thee: these will be the fruits of thy disobedience We live in paradise. England is the paradise and not Italy, as commonly they call it. For they have figs, The fruits of England and Italy. Oranges, Pomegranates, Grapes, Pepons, Oil, and herbs: and we have Sheep, Oxen, Kie, Calves, Coneys, Fish, will, Lead, Cloth, Tin, Leather, and infinite treasures more, which they lack. We have plenty of all things: and they scarcesitie of all things. Oh if thou knewest thou English man in what wealth thou livest, and in how plentiful a Country: Thou wouldst vii times of the day fall flat on thy face before God, and give him thanks, that thou wart born an English man, and not a french peasant, nor an Italy an, nor Almane. What will follow our grudging. If thou beest not thankful to God, and liberal to thy Queen and Country: the poor pezante of France, shall enjoy thy wealth: and feel how happy thou art, and thou shalt taste of his misery to know how unhappy he is. The French shall teach thee to eat roots and Acorns: seeing thou canst not find in thy heart to do thy duty, to them that maintain this thy wealth, Thou must learn to drink water, if thou comest under his yoke, and spare thy Barley and Ootes, for his great horses. The Scots in spite of us, The folly of the Scots. have made him their head: but they shall tell me or it be long, how wisely they have dealt, haver cakes will be good manchet with them within a while. josua. God that defended his children of Israel from the Amalechits the Palestines, the jebusites, the Ammonites, the Moabites, and all the rest of their enemies defend us from the slavery and misery of that proud nacy on, that cruel people, and tyrannous rulers. furthermore for the safeguard of your country, if you be called to the wars, grudge not nor groan not at it: go with good wills and lusty courages, An to manliness in the wars. rather to meet them in the field, them to tarry till they come home to you, and hang you at your own gates. Play not the milk sops in making curtsy, who shall go first: but show yourselves true English men in readiness, courage, and boldness: and be ashamed to be the last, fear neither french, nor Scot For first you have God, and all his army of angels on your side: you have right and troth, God is English. and seek not to do them wrong, but to defend your own right. Think not that God will suffer you to be foiled at their hands, for your fall is his dishonour, if you lose the victory: he must lose the glory. For you fight not only in the quarrel of your country: but also and chiefly in the defence of his true religion, and of his dear son Christ, not against men of the same religion, which might make thevent doubtful, but against his enemies, Antichrist's friends, the Turks confederates, ethnics, Idolaters, and very hellhounds. If there were nothing else to provoke gods fury and extreme vengeance against that turkish Valesius the french tyrant: The french Turk. but that he roigneth himself in league with Christ's sworn enemy the Turk: were it not enough to kindle, yea to inflame the wrath of God against him? is he a king or a devil, a christian or a lucifer, that by his cursed confederacy so encourageth the Turk, that he now dare be bold to venture upon Polonia, a Christian realm, which hath received the gospel. And that way to come into Germany. Oh wicked catise, and firebrand of hell, which for th'increasing of his pomp and vain glory (which he shall not long enjoy) will betray Christ and his cross, The french is Christ's enemy & the Turks Friend. to his mortal enemy. Oh foolish Germains which see not their own undoing. Which conspire not together with the rest of christian Princes, to pull out such a traitor to God and his kingdom by the ears out of France, and hang him against the son a drying: The devil hath none other of his side now, but him to maintain both the spiritual and the temporal Antechriste, the Pope and the Turk: GOD can not long suffer this, though he wink a while at his wretchedness, and suffer him to scourge us and other, until we know ourselves: And after undoubtedly he will pull his feathers, he will cool his courage, as he did Nabucadnezer, and others whose example he followeth: wherefore saying he hath forsaken God like an Apostata, and sold himself to the devil: let us not doubt but God willbe with us against him: when so ever he shall seek to wrong us, and I trust will now in the latter age of the world show his might in cutting of this proud Holophernes head, by the hand of our judith: Oh blessed is that man that loseth his life against such a Termagant: yea more blessed shall they be that spend their lives against him, then against his great master the Turk: for the Turk never understood the cross of Christ, but this julian Apostata, is named a devils name: Christianissimus. And is in the very heart of Christendom: and like a traitorous Saracene is Christ's enemy. The french manhood is not to be feared. secondarily what people be they with whom we shall match: are they Giants, are they conquerors, or monarchs of the world? No good English man they be effeminate Frenchmen: Stout in brag, but nothing in deed. They be such as you have always made to take their heel's. They be your slaves and tributaries: whose Castles, Cities, and towns, you have possessed, whose armies you have not once but .500. times discomfited, whose noble men you have manfully killed, spoiled their country, brent their cities, taken their kings, and crowned your own, in the chiefest city of their dominion, as their own histories do testify. tilius in Chrono. Cuminius de bello Burgund. Pol. Virg. Remember our ancestors victories at Cravantum, at Vernolium, about Amias, in the borders of Normandy, at Cressiacum, at Dagincourt, when some time they killed. 2000 some time. 3000. When they had in the fiielde against us to help them the king of Boheme, the king of Scots, the king of Nauare, the Duke of Lotharinge, the Duke of Flaunders, and 26. strange earls. Till. an. 1339. Yea their histories do confess that we have sorer handled them: then ever the Romans wereable to do. At this day the Germans that come home out of their wars say: That the Fransois are more afraid of the English then of any nation: The englishmen's fault. And it is no marvel, for we have thorough Gods help ever had the better of them: Only this was our fault, which was also Hannibal's, that we could conquer them when we list: but we could not use the victory, in keeping that we had got, which was our negligence and not lack of manhood. In our time what good forune have we had against them? How did King Henry the eight Scourge them? In his youth, wan Turwyne and Turney, and in his age Boulogne, Blackneste, New haven, Thold man, and all that country. When durst these meacockes meet us in the field? or if they did: went they not weeping away? This courage was in our Auncettors, that they thought it a sport to war with the French men: They contemned them as dish clouts: and shall we fear them as conquerors? They invaded them in their own country: and shall we suffer them to brag us at our own gates? They have left us this glory for our inheritance: The common report of the english. and shall not we leave it to our posterity? It hath been always said of Thenglishe and yet is (as of the Ombri) that either they will win or they will die. Oh shall we suffer this honour to be taken from us in our days? Shall not we leave it aswell to our children: as our progenitors left it to us? tush fear neither their horse nor their guns: For when they have the seas at their backs, in stead of their fox holes, wherinto they always creep, and the black bill at their noses, our arrows in their sides, and English men's looks in their eyes: they willbe so perplexed that they can not tell where to wind them. Then remember that for this .110. years our ancestors have scourged them, & kept this noble isle spite of the devil & them. Saving that William of Normandy crept in among us through the civil war of two brethren, He rald and Toston. tilius polyd. And yet what did he? He lest his posterity to reign, which were rather by time turned to be english: then the noble english, to become French, as our tongue and manners at this day declareth, which differeth very little from our Auncettors the valiant saxons. We be the Saxons posterity. We have a few hunting terms and pedlars Erenche in the lousy law, brought in by the normans, yet remaining: But the language and customs be english and Saxonyshe. I can not tell what French blood is left. But if there be any French hearts, I would they had to it the Mall Francois, which is their country men's inheritance: Besides this you have the piddling Scots, which are always French for their lives. So we have had them always, we never had to do with the one, but we had the other busy against us. For they have been and are to us as the Philistines, jebusites, Amalechites. etc. were to God's people pricks and thorns in our sides, to keep us from pride, or as the Samnites, were to the Romans rather to exercise us in wars, then that they were ever able to do us any displeasure: how oft have we invaded them, even to the heart of their country, made notable slaughters, killed their kings, taken their nobles, and did in manner what we list: our victories of late days as Flodom field, Musselborough field, Saint Catherines' day and other, declare that our borders need more to sear the stealing of their cattle: them any invadig of our country. And that where to they trust most: shallbe their greatest confusion, and greatest help, I mean the coming in of the French men into their country. For neither the begerlines of the land, willbe able to feed the fine mouthed french men, nor the nature of the Scots can long suffer their yoke, and so will they together by the ears. Thus have we nothing to dismay us, but all thing to encourage us. God to fight for us, the strength of our land the courage of our men, the goodness of the soil, to give us to maintain war, the weakness of our enemies, over whom we have reigned, and triumphed, the right of the quarrel. And to conclude all likelihood of victory to make us rather to contemn than then fear them. Wherefore, if thou beest a man: shrink not. If thou beest a good Subject, seek no excuses. As one did, when a Noble man mustered his men towards Bolloigne. One, among the rest, which desired to tarry at home, either because they had some disease, or were in some part lame, or had some such impediment seeing that divers were excused, desired that he might tari at home also. Nay saith the noble man, thou art a tall fellow, young and lusty, able to the King set vice, thou must needs go. Alas sir quoth he, I have an impediment, I cannot go. What is that said the noble man. Marry my heart faileth me sir, quoth he. Yea saith the noble man, is that thy impediment, in deed thou canst not have a worse. But I will remedy the of that with an halfpenny halter, if there be no other help. Such white livered milk sops be no true English, for they lack th'old English hearts. ¶ Now therefore, it is all our duties, to be in every wise be obedient to god's lieutenant our sovereign, in forwardness, and helping her both with our goods lands, Our duty of obedience. and bodies, when need is, every man in his calling. If we do not: we first provoke Gods wrath against us, to pour down his vengeance upon us, either by sickness and plagues, or by opening the mouth of the earth, and hell to swallow us, to the dungeon of damnation, Nu. 16. as Corah, Dathan and Abiram, or to send us a tyrant, in stead of a loviug Queen and mother to reign over us: or by turning the heart of the prince through our unkindness, churlishness, & rebellion, from us. That where as she loved us, and trusted us: she must be grieved and suspect us. And what provoketh Princes to be lions, and severe, yea maketh them tyrants? but the frowardness, the churlishness, the kicking and disobedience of the unnatural subjects, as Thucy dides saith of Harmodius, and Aristogeiton, Thueyd. li. 6. which by the coward killing of Hipperchus made Hippias to be a frayed, they would do the like to him. And thereupon got him a guard about him, cut his subjects shorter, gave them less liberty, showed them the less love, joined himself with other kings, to make him strong, made harder laws. Where as before he ruled courteously, broke no old laws, nor vexed them not. The frowardness of the people is a great matter to alienate the prince's mind from them: wherefore, if thou wilt have a good king or Queen: play thou the good subject. And if they be of nature inclined to clemency: provoke them not to fury. If they be not: rather study to win them by obedience, then to exaspetate them by Rebellion. It is for the sins of the people that God suffereth tyrants to reign. For if the people did their duty: God would reward them with mercy. The gain of disobedience. By disobedience to thy head, what gainest thou? but first as I say, God's wrath, next thy ruler's displeasure which as Solomon saith: is death. 3. Trouble of thine own mind, while thou kickest against the prick. Pro. 16 Then the danger of thy country, in that by thy disobedience, thou openest agate, to let in thy common enemy, both to thy countries and thine own undoing. Thou provokest thy prince to hedge the in, with many laws, which is first thy desert, and after thy hurt. For as Arcesilaus said, Arcesilaus where there be many Physicians and Apothecaries: it is a sign there be many diseases: So where be many laws: Then gather what we be in England. it is a token of much disobedience. Last of all, thou art sure, if God punish the not here: yet shalt thou not go scott free in the world to come. Look upon the jews at this day, who for their rebellious and unquiet nature, are scattered abroad in the world, theircities destroyed, joseph de capt. The rebel on of the jews. their country desolate, and their name abhorred. And who readeth josephus shall see, that it could not be otherwise. For there was never under the son such a rebellious people. I grant that the chief cause was, the refusal of Christ, but God punished that sin with another by sending them unbuxom hearts, wherbi they might purchase their own destruction. As it came to pass at the last, to the terror of all rebellious and seditious nations. Thucyd, Polyb. Lin. What made Scicilia that noble isle to be so tossed and turmoiled, as it was? First betwixt the old Atheniences the Lacedæmonians and after that betwixt the Romans and Carthagiens: but discord among themselves, and diobedience to their rulers? Scic lia. what made the romans so soon to overthrow Grece: but that many cities refused to be governed by the athenians and some other by the Macedonians and others by other, Thucyd. so that it was an easy matter to win those countries, that by civil war and disobedience had lost and undone themselves: what made either Dane or Normand to set his foot in this noble realm: England conquered by discord but weariness in the subjects of their own natural rulers, and malicious desire to have innovations? This hath been the undoing of all countries to be loath to obey, and ready to rebel. Contrariwise where good concord, and brotherly unity, where loyalty and obedience is: there must needs Bee a sure state, what preserveth commonwelthes. as Solon being asked what preserved a common wealth, answered when the subjects obey the magistrates, and the magistrates the laws. This hath kept the Venetians common wealth so long, and so many hundredth years in tranquillity and honour, in that they have sought to reverence good laws and obey their maiestrats, not because their aristocraty is the best kind of Government (as by no means it is neither by reason, experience, nor judgement of Philosophers. Let us therefore contend with them, in that preserveth them, which is humble obedience, faithfulness, The calof the sedicicus. and true service to our country, and the head thereof. And think that it is the call of Satan, that moveth us to the contrary, to entangle us like a cunning fouler, using such a voice as we like, in the net of destruction, both of body and soul. If we obey, and do our duty: all the blessings of God shall be poured upon us. We shall live in peace both of body and mind, with leisure and liberty to serve God freely, without fear of th'enemy to encumber us in our possessions, All good things follow obedience. ordrede of Antechriste to vex our conscience. Our land shall have Rain and sun shine in dew season, our corns and fruits shall prosper, our cattle and goods shall increase, our bodies shallbe without diseases, our minds quiet with out crosses, our wives shall not be barren, our children no unthrifts, our servants no loyterours, nor pickers, our neighbours not envious but loving, our counsellors wise and prudent, our men of war courageous, our preachers faithful and not lordlike, our lawyers not covetous, our justices no bribares, our lords and noble men no fools, our officers no handmakers, and our governors no tyrants. For where as God saith else Dabo vobis regem in ira inea. Ose. 13. I will give them a king when I am angry, to anger them: He shall then say to the contrary, Constituam super illos unctum meum qui regnabit inter illos in aeternum. I will appoint them a prince that they shall never be weary of, nor that shall deal with them uncourteously. Do you not hear how lamentably your natural mother your country of England, England's voice to her cluldrens calleth upon you for obediences saying. Oh, remember remember my dear children in what case you stand, your enemies be round about you, like unsatiable raveners to pluck me from you, to cast you out of my lap where I have this. 110 years like a faithful mother nourished you, a time sufficient for me I trow to know you, & you me. I have been and am glad of you, I delight and rejoice in you, above all other peoples. In declaration whereof I have always spewed out & cast from me Danes, French, Norwegians, and Scots. I could brook none of them for the tender love that I bore unto you, of whom I have my name. I never denied to minister to you my singular commodities, which God hath lent me for you, as corn and cattle, land and pasture, wool and cloth, England's liberality toward her children. lead and tin, flesh & fish, gold and silver, and all my other treasures: I have poured them out among you, and enriched you above all your neighbours about you: which make them to envy you, & covet me. Besides this God hath brought forth in me, the greatest and excellentest treasure that he hath, for your comfort and all the worlds. He would that out of my womb should come that servant of his your brother John Wyclefe, who begat hus, who begat Luther, who begat truth. What greater honour could you or I have, Christ's second birth in England. then that it pleased Christ as it were in a second birth to be borne again of me among you? And will you now suffer me, or rather by your disobedience purchase me, to be a mother without my children, and to be made the nurse of a sort of infideles Idolaters and Turks? Can I abide to be with out you, or can you be content to be without me? Oh God grant that I never see the day that the bastardly broad of ambitious french men, eat and enjoy the fruits which I prepare for you my dear children: Let me rather satisfy my thirst with their effeminate blood, than they should pluck from you my motherly breasts: Stick to your mother, as she sticketh to you. Let me keep in quiet and feed as I have done your wives, your children, and your kinsfolks: Obey your mistress and mine which God hath made lady over us, both by nature and law. You can not be my children, if you be not her subjects: I will none of you, if you will none of her. If you love me you can not hate her, as my hope is you do not: if you obey her, honour her, and love her, be you assured that I will not fail you at your need, with any of my good fruits that you can require: I will fill your bosoms and your mouths, your wives, and your children, with plenty. And if your enemies come against you, I will sound so terrible against them, that their hearts shall fail them to come of the Seas and tread upon me. I will not suffer so vile a nation to remain quietly, or to have any fotinge in me: wherefore as a friend I exhort you, and as a mother require you (my dear English children,) to knit yourselves together with brotherly love, and with unfeigned obedience, to defend me and my governess against those your ancient enemies, which ever were in fear of you and yet be. If they attempt any thing against me, play the men, and honour me with the sacrifice of their heads and carcases. Then shall I think that you be no mungrelles but the true posterity of my ancient children the old English men, which by their valiantness made me lady of France, and governess of all their chief cities, follow your father's steps, & delend your mother's honour. Be no slaves where you have been lords, nor subjects, where you have been rulers. ¶ Thus good true hearted English men, speaketh your country unto you, not in word but in deed. Wherefore give no dull ear to her, nor hearken not to any vain blasts or voices which may draw you from the love of your country, from the saving of yourselves, and & the defence of your sovereign. You shall find love for your obedience, faith for your truth, care and study to keep you, for your ready good will to obey her. Let no enchantment bewitch you. Let no spiririte deceive you. Let no stranger make you strangers to yourselves. You see their reasons be trifles & their words but wind, which go about by their blustering blasts to blow you, first from your duty to God, which commandeth you to obey your Rulars, next from your faith which you own to your prince, for that care and love which she beareth toward you. And last of all from your quiet and country: which you can not enjoy, but by doing your duty in obeying. Let us therefore good brethren I bescche you in the tender mercies of God, in the bowels of Christ, stop our ears from hearing, stay our minds from conceiving, and shut up our mouths from uttering any such venom or poison: which these mountebanks bring out of our enemy's land, to insect, poison, and corrupt us, under the pretence of plasters to salve us. ¶ Let us hear God rather than man, which crieth and commandeth upon pain of damnation, to obey his lieutenant and supreme officer: Against whom we can not kick, but we must be God's enemies, false subjects, and Satan's servants. ¶ Let us seek to requite her with thankfulness, which studieth to keep us in quietness. Let us daily call to God with lifted up hearts and hands, for her preservation and long life: that she may many years carry the sword of our defence, and there with cut of the head of that Hydra, the Antichrist of Rome, in such sort, as it never grow again in this realm of England: that God's glory may flory she, good men's conscience may beat rest, this noble Realm in honour, & the queens Majesty in long felicity, which God grawt. Amen ⁂ pseudonymous printer's device of John Day, featuring a hand holding a birch twig emerging from a cloud above a globe or orb (not in McKerrow) Who so knoweth the Lords Will and doth it not shallbe beaten with many stripes Luke XII