A HISTORY Containing the Wars, Treaties, Marriages, and other occurrents between England and Scotland, from King William the Conqueror, until the happy Union of them both in our gracious King JAMES.  
With a brief declaration of the first Inhabitants of this Island: And what several Nations have sithence settled themselves therein one after an other:   woodcut of a map of the British Isles surrounded by a serpent swallowing its tail and a bird on its head 
INNOCENTER SAPERE  
Imprinted at London by G. Eld. 1607.   

TO THE PRINCE.  
MOST sweet Prince (give me leave to salute you, 
Pliny in his Preface to his natural history.  reserving the title of Great to your royal Father, as Pliny the world's Historifier saluted ●itus, whom the Senate and People called Orbis amorem, and Delicias humani generis.) This Book at first intended to do you honour, cometh now to beg some honour of you. Intended to do you honour, by reviving and bringing to fresh memory, the many leagues and happy marriages between the two kingdoms of this Island: to work a better conceit of either to other, than I found in most men, for the more easy & hearty receiving (in the fullness of time) of your excellent house, the common blood of both nations, to reign over us: but that we might readily and joyfully embrace that, which many ages had sought, none found, 
Shame and confusion to the ingratis.  and now was gratis offered unto us. But while I was framing this work to this end, the unexpected time prevented my designs: and let me see how far God's wisdom and goodness, exceeds poor men's misty cogitations and devices, filling our souls with comfort, by the general applause of all men, for the most happy issue of so dangerous an alteration in our state. Since which time, my Book hath lain neglected as needless to the world, his end attained, and date expired.  
Yet for as much as some of my friends do censure me for suppressing that which may do some good service (though not the great principally intended) when it is now entering the view of men, it cometh first to beg this honour of you, to grace the frontispiece with your most Gracious name, and shield it with your patronage. And since by your Princely and powerful aspect (without diminution of his supereminent Majesty, whence you derive it) you resemble the Sun in the firmament, which receiveth light from none (the Creator excepted) but giveth light and life to all inferior bodies: vouchsafe the beams of your favour upon it, to illustrate the obscurity of the Author, and the meanness of the work. So shall my heart be more inflamed (if yet that be possible) with your love, and my book more welcome to all men's reading. I rest ever to be commanded by your Highness.  
EDWARD AYSOV.   

To the Reader.  
I Have here (courteous reader) undertaken to set down in a continued discourse, whatsoever hath passed between England & Scotland from the last Conquest, until the decease of our late Sovereign (never to be forgotten) the renowned Elizabeth. My travel consisteth wholly in this, that I have reduced into an entire History, a true report of things passed which all other writers before me (as far as I know) have delivered only by parts and peece-meales: whereby you may with more delight and facility conceive and digest the coherence of the whole, and withal carry the matter the better in memory. The chief & principal reason which moved me to take this task upon me, I shall not need to speak of in this place, having touched it before in my Epistle to the Prince, and made it so apparent throughout my whole Book, as that the reader may decern it running. For though the right and title of King james was pregnant enough, and even palpable to every valgar capacity: Nevertheless what reason the best affected to the same had, to forecast some peril in his majesties access and passage unto it, the sequel hath declared. But it pleased the Lord our good God (the disposer of men's wills and affections so to work in the hearts of our grave and most prudent Senate, as by them he brought that to pass, within the term of very few hours, which (if the adversaries unto our happiness had had their wills) would not in so many months, nay happily years have been attained unto. For, did they not by proclaiming his Majesty in tempore oportuno, without delay prevent the malice of those two raging Bulls (not of Bashan, but of Typical Babylon, 
Revel. 18.  that is to say Rome) whose pestiferous breath might otherwise have poisoned and infected we know not how many malcontents and seditious Romanistes. Against the former King David alone complained, 
Psal. 22.  but of the latter how many Kings & Emperors shall we read of, that have been fronted and foiled, many brought down to their knees, others laid groveling on their faces, some thrust out of their kingdoms, & some gored even unto death. 
Psal. 28.  But (O Lord) save thy people & give thy blessing unto thine inheritance. etc. An other reason aiming at the same end was this. That whereas the Chronicles of both Nations contain matter of reproach and disgrace one against the other: I have had an especial care to carry myself so indifferently between them as I hope neither of both shall have just cause to take offence thereat. So as in that respect if any at all may be admitted (which none I think will oppugn) then shall this of mine have privilege before all other that I know. Since we all now: happily become Subjects unto one most gracious Sovereign, let us value one the others virtues at one and the same price, and setting apart all partiality, detraction, and vain glory, let us divide the true honour and glory attained on both sides indifferently between us. Are we not all (for the most part) the brood and offspring of the same parents, the ancient English Saxons? what pre-eminence then shall we give to the one Nation above the other? Admit the Englishmen have been victorious in more battles, have entered more often and passed further in Hostile manner into the others Countries and dominions, and have gotten greater booties both by Land and Sea: what then? is not this our Nation far more populous and plentiful of all store of provision and compliments pertaining to war? Whereof then shall we boast? These vaunts are therefore full of vanity: Let us now contend who shall give more sincere and acceptable praise and thanks to the Almighty, who in love to both hath now at length made us of two discording Nations one peaceable people under one Prince, not by conquest (the mother of confusion) but by an happy seed and offspring proceeding from the success of marriage, his holy ordinance: Whereby the memory of all forepassed displeasures and unkindness is buried in perpetual oblivion. Many have longed & laboured to work this blessed Union. How many lost their lives in the over vehement pursuit of the intended marriage between King Edward the sixth, and Mary the late Queen of Scots: the success whereof, if it had been effected, was much to be doubted. But the Eternal God in his wisdom reserved this notable work to a more fit season, for the good especially of his Church, having now not only united us under the external and civil government of a terrestrial Monarchy, but also in a sincere obedience and right service of himself under the spiritual reign of his eternal Son our Lord jesus Christ, the Almighty Monarch over Heaven and Earth. What Nation now in the whole world hath generally entertained and submitted itself to the obedience of the written word (delivered of more ancient time by the Prophets of God, and lasty by the Son of God himself and his Apostles) but this our happy Island? These holy books we receive for the only infallible Oracles of God, what is more (concerning our Salvation) we reject as Superstitious and Derogatory to the everlasting word of God: What is less we hold over weak and Imperfect: let Pope and Potentate, the whole power of Antichrist do their worst, the Lord by this Union hath now established that peace to his Church within this Island, that it shall be a sanctuary to all the true professors of his name, even (I doubt not) to the end of the world. To whom therefore be given all honour and praise for ever and ever. And let all true subjects to King james our dread Sovereign say thereto. Amen. Cotham in Lincolnshiere 24. Martii. 1606.  
Thy loving friend Edward Ayscu.   

A BRIEF DECLARAtion, who were first Inhabitants of this Island: and what several Nations have sithence settled themselves therein one after another.  
TO let pass the Fables of Dioclesian his Daughters, and of their successors the Trojans, under the conduct of (I know not what) Brute, coined in some Munkish mint about four hundred years agone, and generally received for currant payment, during the time wherein ignorance prevailed over the face of the earth, like unto the palpable darkness of Egypt: I will begin this my History of our famous Island of Britain, with a short declaration of the first inhabitant of the same, grounded upon such proofs, as by probable conjectures out of the best and most ancient Authors, shall seem to come nearest to the truth.  
Moses' expressly testifieth, that the posterity of ●apheth, the first son of Noah, inhabited the furthest parts of Europe. Ab his separate sunt postea regiones Gentium, etc. Genes. 10. These men speaking of the Sons of japheth) divided amongst them the countries of the Gentiles, which were separated from the jews by the Mediterranean Sea towards the North, as the Prophet Ezechiel expoundeth these words, Chap. 38. Gomerum cum omnibus agminibus suis, domum Togarmi ad latera Aquilonis, etc. Gomere and all his bands, and the house of Togarmah of the North parts, etc. And again in the same Chapter. Postquam veniens è loco suo à lateribus Aquilonis tu & populi tui tecum: that is, coming afterwards (speaking of Gomer) from his abiding place out of the North coasts, thou and thy people with thee.  
Thus than we may assure ourselves, that all the nations of Europe took their beginning from the posterity of japheph. But now if it be demanded, what people of his progeny first settled themselves in this Island? I answer briefly, even they which inhabited that part of the continent, that bordereth nearest upon our coast, where the distance is no greater than that it may be discovered by the eye. For as water being slowly powered upon an even and round table, will naturally from the centre spread itself equally on every way not leaving any part untouched, until by little and little the whole be covered therewith: even so it was in the propagation of mankind. For as people increased, they dispersed themselves towards all the quarters of heaven on every side, where they might have free passage, wherein the providence of the Almighty Creator is worthy due observation, having in such sort disposed and fashioned the Globe, being divided and separated into land and sea, as that no part of the earth is further distanced from some other, but may be discovered by interview. But now it may be demanded, how the people were called that first transported themselves hither? Here-unto josephus and Zonoras' make answer. Qui nunc sunt Galli, Gomari, Gomeraei & Gomeritae, a Gomero vocabantur. The people now called Gauls (say they) were before that named Gomiries or Gomerites of Gomer. These were afterwards by the Latines called Cimbri. For Cicero called those Barbarians whom Marius repulsed: Gauls whom all Historiographers have since called Cimbri. In like manner Appian witnesseth, that they who under the leading of Brennus attempted the spoil of the Temple at Delphos in Greece (whom all writers with one consent hold to be the Gauls) were called Cimbri. Also it appeareth by the Prophet Ezechiell in the place of Scripture before cited, that the Cimbrians were the offspring of Gomer, and so consequently Gauls, for their habitation agreeth with the words of the Prophet, being situated beyond Thrace, about the Lake Meotides, as appeareth by the Cimbrian strait, and the City adjoining, both which took their names of their inhabitant the Cimbrians, whence being driven by the Scythians towards the West, as Herodotus witnesseth, passing thorough the countries of Russia, Lituania, Livonia and Borussia, they attained at length unto the German Ocean, whereupon that part of Denmark took likewise the name of Cimbrica Chersonesus. And afterwards enlarging their dominion on both sides of the Rheene, they settled themselves alongst the coast over-against us, from whence they passed by a short cut, over into this Island.  
And here unto also Caesar and Tacitus agree, both affirming that the Britaines took beginning from their next neighbours the Gauls. Beda (an ancient writer) affirmeth as much in these words. In primis haec insula Britones solum (a quibus nomen accepit) incolas habuit, qui de tractu Armor●●ano (ut fertur) Britanniam advecti australes sibi partes illius vendicarunt. This Island (saith Bede) was first inhabited by the Britain's, of whom it took the name of Britain, who being transported hither from the coast Armorick (whereby he meaneth the coast of France) did challenge unto themselves the South-parts thereof.  
Thus we see in what manner the posterity of Gomer (the Gauls our next neighbours) first entered and possessed this Island, being the uttermost confines of Europe. And herein the providence of God is also to be observed, who by the signification of the name of our first parent in this part of the world, foreshowed his purpose therein. For Gomer in the holy tongue, is by translation into Latin, Finiens, that is, termining and ending, as Melancton noteth.  
It may be further demanded what affinity in pronunciation and sound have these words, Gomerites or Gomeries' with the British language? I answer, not a little. For the Welshmen at this day (who are the remnant of the British blood) call themselves Kumerie or Kumeroe, the women Kumerues, which differ very little in sound from the former.  
How cometh it then to pass, that this Island hath been sometimes called Albion, and more lately Britain, which names can by no means be etimologed, either from Gomerie, Kumerie, or the Gauls, the first inhabitant thereof, as hath been proved? The name Albion no doubt was first given it by the Grecians, whose manner it was (as Master Camden well observeth) to bestow names on all nations of their own invention. As for example, they called the Chusians (who took that name of Chus their first parent,) Aethiopians of their blackness: So it may well be that they called this Island Albion, of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth White (whereof the Alps take their name) because upon the Sea coasts many white Rocks appear to such as pass by the same. And the Welshmen do at this day call this land in their language Iniswen, 
Inis gwyn.  that is, the White Island. Or else they called it Albion, of Albion the son of Neptune, in like manner as they vainly and untruly call Italy Hesperia of Hesperus the son of Atlas, & as they called Gallia, Gallatia of a daughter of Poliphemus of that name. But upon what occasion soever this name was first given, most certain it is, that to distinguish this Island from the rest lying about it, the Grecians first called it Albion.  
As for the other name Britania, I prefer the opinion of Master Camden, who compoundeth the same of the word Brit or Birth, which in the British tongue signifieth Painted, and of Tania a Greek word signifying Region or Country. So as Britania is as much to say, as the country of the painted men. The Latins received the name Britaniae from the Grecians, as they did these other, Mauritenia, that is, the country of the Moors. Lusitaniaes the country of Lusus: and Aquitania ad aquas regio, that is, a country bordering upon the Sea; in manner as the British name Armorica signifieth super mare, that is, upon the Sea. Of this word Birth a Briton is called in the British Histories Brithon. And no doubt the Romans' afterwards called the Britons, Picti, of the custom they had to Paint themselves; — Nec falso nomine Pictos:— Edomuit (saith Claudian the Poet) He tamed the Pictes, not untruly so called of their custom to Paint their bodies. And Isiodore: Non abest genti Pictorum nomen à corpore, etc. The Pictes (saith he) wanted not a denomination of a custom they had to paint themselves. For having with a Needle pricked some part of their bodies, they infused there-into certain colours of herbs and flowers, for an ornament to the better sort amongst them: neither were these Picts any other than the natural Britain's, who refusing to become subject to the Romans', abandoned themselves into the furthest parts of the land Northwards, where living unto themselves, they retained their ancient and barbarous customs, from which the other Britain's were reclaimed by the civil behaviour of the Romans', who thereupon for distinction sake, gave to those Northern Britain's (than become enemies to the other) the name of Picts. But by Dion, Tacitus, and Herodian, they were never otherwise called, then by the common name to the people of this nation, viz. Britain's. Ausonius calleth them the Caledian Britain's, because they inhabited the more hard and barren part of the Island, for Kaledon in the British tongue signifieth as much. Thus we have attained (I take it) the certain knowledge what people first inhabited this our Island, and how it came by the former ancient names.  
Now it followeth, that I should declare what foreign nations have from time to time, come from other parts, and sought habitation here also. It appeareth manifestly by the search of all ancient records, that until the coming of the Romans' this Island was never attempted by invasion, neither is there any memory made of the Britons until that time. But when julius Caesar that valiant and mighty Conqueror had subdued the Gauls even unto the coast over against us, and there beholding a new unknown world, offering itself as it were a prey to his haughty mind, he had not the power to confine his Conquests with the Ocean, but to give the more glory unto his name and his nation, he forthwith addressed himself for the conquest of the same, and having provided all things fit for so valorous an exploit, with much difficulty and small advantage he arrived here in the four and fiftieth year before the incarnation of our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, with which entertainment being much discontented he departed, but returning the next spring better furnished, he prevailed so much against Cassibelan and his Britain's, that the king being unwilling to hazard the loss of the whole land, persuaded his compeers to become tributary to the Roman Monarchy. Caesar here-with satisfied; at the approach of winter departed homeward, having (as Tacitus saith) only showed Britain to his nation, for during the space of twenty years after (as Dion his words import) the Britaines were governed by their own Kings and accustomed laws, without any Roman Lieutenant amongst them. Nevertheless it appeareth by Strabo, that certain British Princes procuring by embassage and dutiful demeanour the amity of the Emperor Augustus (who purposed in person to have come hither) offered in the Capitol to the Roman Gods presents and gifts, and withal submitted themselves unto his Sovereignty & protection, as vassals to the Empire. After this Claudius and Vespasian subduing the Britain's reduced those parts that lie upon the coast of France to the obedience of the Romans', who in process of time overran the best part of the Island governing the same by Lieutenants, so as after an hundred years from their first arrival, julius, Agricola (Domitian being Emperor) conquered the whole, & with his navy first compassed the same, being before unknown, whether it were an Island or part of the continent & firm land. The Romans' reserving to themselves and their subjects the more fertile and commodious part of Land, left unto the barbarous Britain's which would not yield to their subjection, the Northern, cold and less fruitful soil.  
The Britain's continued in their due obedience until the declining estate of the Empire under Theodosius and Valentinian, about five hundred years from their first compact with julius Caesar, at what time the Roman legions being drawn hence for the defence of France, the British nation was left a prey to there bordering enemies the Pictes and Scots, who together assailed them so furiously that they were in the end driven for their defence to call the Saxons over to their aid, as hereafter in place more fit shallbe declared.  
During the Roman Sovereignty the Britons sundry times opposed themselves against the same. Amongst whom Caraticus was first, but after many sharp encounters he was at length discomfited, by Ostorius Scapula and sent Captive to Rome, for which victory the Senate had determined at his return to have received him home with triumph. The strange courage of the Lady Voadicia, the widow of Prasatugus exceeded all other of that sex. For having in revenge of many injuries done unto her by the Romans', assembled an huge army, she therewith prevailed so mightily, that had not Paulinus (the Roman Lieutenant) by advantage of place in a battle subdued her, she had well near restored the Britain's to their ancient liberty; Calgagus likewise made good trial of his valour in a desperate conflict or two against, Agricola. Prince Arviragus, was held very renowned with the Romans themselves, of whom juvenal writeth to Domitian.  

juvenal. Sat. 4.  Omen habes (inquit) magni clarique triumphi:  
Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno excidet Arviragus.  
It is not be doubted but there were many other Britons, who being both at home and abroad continually enured and trained up in martial discipline by the Romans', atcheeved as great estimation in those days as any other people of the world.  
Though this subjection to the Roman Monarchy was many times offensive to the Britons, by reason of the insolency of such unto whom the administration of justice was sometimes committed by the Emperors: nevertheless the people were nurtured and framed to a more civil carriage of themselves in there ordinary behaviour, and also were disciplinated by them in the practise of war and good letters, whereof it came to pass that this nation received in this time (in some measure) the knowledge of God, in the profession of the name and divine nature of the God and man jesus Christ the eternal Son of God, in whom alone the Father is manifested unto the world. For though as yet the Roman Emperors themselves had not embraced Christianity, yet (no doubt) many of those Romans' that lived here and married with the Britons, were professors of Christ, through the preaching and good example of life of those their true pastors and Bishops, who for the space of three hundred years together lived continually in persecution, sealing the certainty and truth of their doctrine, with m●st horrible tortures and torments even unto death The British King, that first together with his people received the badge of Christian profession, was named thereupon Lucius, which cometh of the Latin word Lux, alluding (as I take it) to that place of Esay, cap. 60. vers. 3. where it is said of Christ; And the Gentiles shall walk in the light, and Kings at the brightness of thy rising up: and herewith agreeth Nennius: Lucius rex agnomine Lever Maur, id est, magni splendoris, propter fidem quae in eius tempore venit.  
Last of all, it is to be observed, that during the government of the Romans' here, there was no absolute King over the whole Island, or any kingly succession over any part thereof, as Galfred and his followers would make us believe, who have vainly registered them in order: But diverse Noblemen of good desert amongst the Britain's, such as Edgidunus (of whom Tacitus writeth) and those other which I have before named, were admitted by especial favour of the Roman Emperors, to be sometimes entitled Kings over some part of the Realm, so long as they acknowledged to hold their places under them, as of their head and sovereign Lord, wherein they graced, and gave the more glory to their Imperial Majesty.  
Now it followeth, that I should declare what people the Scots were, who joining themselves with the Picts the Caledonian Britain's, invaded with such violence those other Britain's that were subject to the Roman Empire. First it is held most certain, that before the time of Constantine the great, there was no mention made of them in any writer, whereby it seemeth that till than their name was unknown to the world. Giraldus Cambrensis in his Book of the Institution of a Prince, writeth; That at what time Maximus (who usurped the government over the Britain's) passed over into Gaul with a mighty Army, even the strength of the whole Island, to possess himself of the Imperial Diadem, the two brothers and partners in the government thereof, Gratian and Valentinian sent hither by Sea, certain bands of Goths and Scythians to invade the land, to the end thereby to procure his return, for the defence thereof, and so to prevent his malice intended against them by that his ambitious enterprise. These Barbarians being arrived, took the advantage of the time, seized upon the North parts of the Island, and expulsing the inhabitants, possessed themselves of that country. But as Amianus writeth in his nine and twentieth Book, Maximus at his return subdued those Scythians (whom he calleth Scots) and slew Eugenius their Captain. These being thus expelled, transported themselves into Ireland, where they remained until the reign of the great Oneale, for so writeth the foresaid Girald in his description of Britain, Nello magno Hiberniae monarchiam obtinente, sex filii Muredi regis Vltoniae boreales Britannae parts occuparunt, undè ab his gens propagata: et specificato vocabulo Scotia vocata usque in hodiernum, angulum illum inhabitant, Neale the great (saith he) having obtained the absolute Sovereignty over Ireland, six sons of Murede King of Ulster possessed the North parts of Britain, of whom afterwards sprung a Nation called by a peculiar name Scotland, which unto this day inhabiteth that corner. Thus it appeareth that the name Scotland was then first given unto that angle of Britain to make a difference as it seemeth between the same, and that part of Ireland from whence these people came thither, whereupon it came to pass afterwards, that their former habitation and Country was called the greater Scotland, and the latter, the less Scotland: which alone at this day retaineth that name. But to come more near to the knowledge of the time of this transmigration of these Sons of Murede, we find that while Laigerius the Son of this great Neale succeeded him in Ireland, Pope Celestine sent Patrick thither, Palladius into Scotland, and Germanus to the Britons to root out the Pelagian heresy. This Celestine became Bishop of Rome not above two years before Valentinian the third was admitted by Theodosius the second into fellowship with him in the government of the Empire, and continued bishop not fully ten years: hereby it should seem that these Irish Scots first settled themselves in this Island, about the beginning of the reign of the Emperor Honorius, wherewith agreeth johannes Maior, according to the computation of Functius. The Scots (saith he) returned into Britain, having been banished from thence three and forty years, but he faileth in that his account of the number of years, as Functius well observeth, who maketh the overthrow that Maximus gave Eugenius, to come to pass about the tenth year of Valentinian brother to Gratian, but some twenty years before.  
The Scots having then laid a sure foundation in a corner of this Island, committed the Sovereignty over them unto Fergusius, Nephew to the foresaid Eugenius, in the year of our Lord God (after Functius) four hundred and four, about seven years after their return out of Ireland: in which time they had enlarged there kingdom southward unto the Scottish sea, now called the frith of Scotland. About sixscore years after, as may be gathered out of Beda, the Northumbrian Saxons being at civil dissension amongst themselves, and greatly weakened by the often invasion of the Danes, the Scots taking the advantage, entered further into the Land, and enlarged their dominion over a great part of their Country, which before was extended to the river of Cluide, as by all antiquity is confessed. Hereupon (as Master Camden well observeth) it cometh to pass, that the Scots who now inhabit the East coast, called Low-land-men, are descended from the English-Saxons, and still speak the same language. But the High-land-men Westward are natural Scots, and speak their ancient and peculiar Irish. But for more manifest proof that the Goths which were sent hither by the foresaid Roman Emperors, were the very same people that were afterwards called Scots, it is not to be omitted (as Master Camden also well observeth) that as the Lowe-land-men of Germany call both Goths and Scots by one and the same name Scutten: so the Britaines (as appeareth out of their Histories) called them both I-Scot. King Alfread, who translated Orosius above six hundred years ago, turned the Latin word Scotos into Scittan. And at this day our borderers call them Skitts and Sketts more often than Scots. There are also certain Islands beyond those of Orkney now called Scetlant, which no doubt took that name of their inhabitants the Sketts. Thus it appeareth plainly enough, that the name Scott was first given them by the Pictes their next neighbours and confederates, whereupon the Saxons afterwards called their country Scotlandt, in manner as they called the Isle from whence they came Gotlandt.  
The Emperor Valentinian the younger, being forced through want of o●her means to transport his bands from thence into Gaul for the defence thereof: the wealth of this land was not only thereby wasted, but the strength also much abated, by reason whereof the poor Britain's were left for a prey to their enemies the Pictes & Scots, against whom they were in the end compelled to call in the Saxons for their defence. These strangers crossing the Eastern seas, arrived here in great numbers, and were friendly entertained of Vortigerne (to whom the Britons had committed the sovereignty over them) about the year of our Lord God 449. The enemy being repulsed, and the Realm by their help reduced to a more quiet estate, the Saxons became so far in love and liking with this Land, that they had no good will to return home again. Wherefore being grown to a mighty People (for daily they still flocked hither) under some colourable pretence of quarrel, they became friends (for the time) with the Pictes and Scots, and bend all their force against the Britons. Thus were they brought to a most miserable estate by them in whom they reposed greatest confidence, not foreseeing how dangerous a thing it is for any nation to entertain a foreign aid, over-mighty to be commanded at their pleasure. For after some resistance made by those two Martial British Princes Aurelius Ambrose, and King Arthur, in the end they were expelled out off the more fertile parts into the Western corners of the Island, called thereupon by the Saxons, Britwalsh, and Cornwalsh, now Wales and Cornwall, where through the natural strength by situation, they might the better save themselves from their enemies, who never ceased to pursue them. The Saxon word Walsh signifieth Foreign, accounting the Britain's, aliens and strangers unto them. Wales hath even hitherto retained both the language and lineage of the ancient Britons, but the Cornwalsh Britons, being neither so many nor so well defended by the mountains relief as the other, were in short time forced to transport themselves to their Countrymen the Britain's on the other side of the Sea, who not long before (being carried over by Maximus the Usurper (as is aforesaid) had by force planted themselves in that Province then called Armorica, of the signification thereof, as I have already noted. Of this transmigration, of these first Britons, julius Scaliger thus writeth, 
Vicit Aremoricas animosa Britannia gentes,  
Et dedit imposito, nomina prisca iugo.   
The Saxons being thus settled in this Island, divided the same into seven principalities or little Kingdoms, which continued in that estate till Egbert the seventeenth from Cerdicius the first King of the West Saxons, subduing four of the other Saxon Kings, took upon him the Sovereignty over the whole, ordaining that from thenceforth it shall be called Englandt, about the year of our Lord God, 810. After an hundred and forty years from thence his successors brought under their subjection the two other Provinces. So that in the end the former Heptarchy was reduced to a Monarchy,  
These Saxons were not all one people but consisted of three several Nations. viz. The Angles (who as it appeareth by their possessions here, were the greatest number) the jutes, & the Saxons, but they were all the Inhabitants of some part or other of Denmark. For proof whereof, besides the authority of Bede, Master Camden citeth an ancient Author, Fabius Ethelwardus who writeth thus. Anglia vetus sita est inter saxons & Giotos', habens opidum capitale quod sermone Saxonico Sleswick, secundum vero Danos Haithby. that is, The old England is situate between the Saxons and the jutes, whose chief Town was called by the Saxons Sleswick, but by the Danes Hathbie. And as Master Camden well observeth there is at this day a province in Denmark thereabout called Angel, from whence he supposeth that these Angels or Angles came hither.  
These people were generally addicted to superstitious paganism sacrificing humane flesh to their Idols, among whom Wooden and Fria were of greatest account. To him they dedicated the third day of the week, to her the fift calling them after their names Woodensday & Friday appropriated to the service of them through out the whole year. Besides these they had an other Goddess named Eoster in the honour of whom they did yearly offer sacrifice in the month of April whereupon the feast of the Paschal coming always in or near that month, was & is still called Easter. The word (I take it) cometh from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whom the Latins called Aurora, which is the first appearance of the Sun in the East, which the Germans call host, whereupon I gather that their Eoster, was the divine worship which these Pagans gave the Sun at his rising in that month, rejoicing at the approach of Summer. In imitation of whom the Christians have since used in time of prayer to turn their faces towards the East, according to the manner of the standing of our Church's East & West. Hereby it appeareth that by the coming of the Saxons the profession of Christ, which before had taken some little root, was now exterpate & plucked up. But after 150. years from their first arrival it pleased the Lord to enlighten their understanding by the reading of his word, with some knowledge of him, amongst whom Ethelbert of Kent was the first King that together with his subjects received Baptism (the badge of our profession) at the hands of Augustin, whom Gregory Bishop of Rome sent hither to preach the Gospel. But the Religion of Rome was even then so blemished with humane traditions & superstitious ceremonies (the invention of man's brain) that the same consisted more in outward appearance and show, then in substance of sound Doctrine, out off the pure word of God, the writings of the Prophets and Apostles.  
Egbert having resumed the title of absolute King over the whole Land, and promising unto himself and his posterity, the sole Sovereignty over the same: the height of his conceived happiness was suddenly shaken by a mighty tempest out off the East again. For the Danes arriving here in his time, did afterwards so much prevail against the Englishmen, as that within the space of two hundred years, Swain King of Denmark, having attained the possession of the whole Realm, left the same unto Canutus his son, who together with his two sons did successively reign one after another about twenty years. After the death of the two brothers the government of the Land returned to the English blood in the person of King Edward surnamed the Confessor, in whom also it ended for a season. This servitude under the Danes was more grievous than any other before or after it, as Hollinshead well observeth. For the Romans' used all kind of courtesy to those Britons which continued in dutiful obedience, always defending them from their enemy's malice, & admitting them kings and rulers of their own nation. The Saxons, and the Normans having in short time attained the Sovereignty, gave speedy end to the miseries and mischiefs incident to a conquest. But the Danes a long time molesting the land by their several invasions, did not so much desire to become conquerors, as to make a continual spoil and prey of the inhabitants, whereby the Land was most extremely vexed and impoverished.  
These Danes were a people, that long after the arrival of the Saxons here, succeeded them in their former habitations, being transported thither out of the eastern Countries, from some part of Scandia, of whom these peninsule or Ile-like provinces first took the name of Dane-marshe, because they lie low, subject to the over flowing of the sea, according to the nature of marish ground. Now the Country by corruption of speech is called Denmark.  
The fourth and last conquest over this land was made by the Normans. The manner whereof Master Camden (now Clarentiaulx king at arms) hath very compendiously delivered in the Latin tongue, wherefore it shallbe sufficient for me in this place to follow him word by word in as good English as I can make him speak, as as for the most part I have done hitherto.  
Edward the confessor being dead without issue, the nobles and commons were at there wits end, how to resolve about the admittance of a new King. Edgar (surnamed Atheling) grandchild to Edmond Ironside by his Father was the only issue male of the Saxon blood, to whom the crown by right of inheritance pertained. But he being thought unfit to govern by reason of his minority, and having been also bred and brought up in Pannonia, by his Mother Agathe Daughter to the Emperor Henry the third, was not so gracious in the eyes of the Englishmen, who regarded nothing more, then to have one to reign over them of their own nation. Therefore both the eyes and hearts well near of all men were wholly fixed and settled in affection upon Harold the Son of Godwine highly honoured and renowned for his singular dexterity in managing the affairs of estate, as well in time of war as of peace. For although he had no cause to boast of Nobility, receiving that only of his Mother's side, and that his Father had stained himself with a perpetual note of infamy. Nevertheless by his courteous carriage towards all men, his liberality, and manly courage, he was generally exceedingly favoured. Neither was their any other in whom was found more boldness to encounter an intended mischief, or of better foresight how to avoid it. His late victory over the Welshmen was so glorious in the judgement of the people, that he seemed to want no good accomplishment, requisite in a great Commander as though he had purposely been borne to restore and uphold the English Empire.  
As for the Danes who were then the greatest terror to this nation, It was hoped he should find them favourable enough because Edithe his mother was sister to Swain then King of Denmark. If any other resistance should arise either at home or elsewhere, he seemed to be sufficiently guarded not only by the hands and hearts of the communality, but also by his affinity in blood, & alliance with the nobility, for his wife was sister to the two brothers Morkar and Edwine the greatest men in the Land, and Edrick surnamed the forester (a man of an aspiring mind and in high authority) was also nearly allied unto him. Withal it fell out fortunately for him that the Danish King was then set on work at home by his enemy the Sweaden. And Philip of France was nothing gracious to the Normaine Duke, because he much misliked that Edward the confessor had in the time of his banishment and abode in Normandy, covenanted to make the Duke his heir to the Crown of England after him, if he should decease without issue of his body. For the performance whereof Harold had offered to become his surety and assurance, and further had thereunto bound himsselfe unto the Duke by oath, while he also remained Captive with him, promising withal to marry his daughter. For this cause many thought it the best course to make the Duke their king, the rather by keeping promise with him, not only for that they war otherwise threatened, & the miseries commonly in flicted for the punishment of perjury might thereby be avoided, but also for that by the addition of Normandy unto the crown of England, under so mighty a Prince, the realm should be much strengthened and the commonwealth enriched. But Harold preventing further consultation, even upon the same day on which the deceased King was put into his grave, he forthwith put the Crown on his head without further solemnity. This act did not a little offend the Clergy, as being a breach of the Church her holy ordinance. Wherefore to salve that sore (being not ignorant how hard a thing it is for a Prince newly advanced, to hold his authority without the opinion at least of virtue and piety) & the better to confirm the same, he left nothing undone that might advance & pleasure the ecclesiastical estate either for matter of profit or ornament. Further he entertained the noble men with all kind of curtisies, especially Edgar Atheling whom he created Earl of Oxford. As for the communality they were well cased in their accustomed taxation & payments. And on those that lived in want he bestowed liberal maintenance. To conclude his affability & courteous speech, his readiness to hear others speak, his indifferency and upright carriage between party and party in matter of controversy, made him both beloved & feared: the best supporters of authority. When the Duke of Normandy had intelligence of the death of the King, & what had followed thereupon in England, he seemed not so much troubled with the loss of his Kinsman, as to think that therewith he should lose a Kingdom, whereof his confident hopes had already taken full possession. Wherefore he presently sent over some of his Counsel, on embassage to Harold, to put him in mind of his former promise, and accordingly to demand the Crown as of right it appertained to him. Whereunto after some deliberation they received answer. viz. First, for the promise made by the late deceased King, it was of no force seeing it rested not in his power alone, to dispose of the Kingdom of England at his pleasure, neither though the King might have done it, was he bound to yield thereunto because he came to the Crown not by right of succession, but by free election. And as concerning his own promise and oath, he was unwillingly in the time of captivity drawn thereunto by force, fraud, and fear of perpetual imprisonment, made to the prejudice or the Realm, and the authority of the three estates of the same, and therefore they were to be reputed void and of no validity, which he neither aught to perform, neither (though he would) had he any warrant thereto, seeing the deceased King was not acquainted therewith, nor yet had his subjects consent unto it. Finally that the Duke had no reason to make claim to the Crown of England considering he was a stranger to the Saxon blood and lineage, he himself being now by general consent and applause of the whole Nation lawfully established in that Throne. The Duke was not a little displeased with this answer, esteeming it a bare and bad excuse wherewith to colour his perjury. Therefore he forthwith sent over again other Ambassadors more seriously to admonish him, what conscience he ought to make of an oath, how odious the breach thereof was both to God and man, not only deserving punishment in this life, dishonour & endless infamy, but withal destruction of body and soul in the world to come. Harold now understanding that the Duke's daughter was dead, who before was affianced unto him upon his former promise and oath, and was the very foundation and groundwork for the same: these men were entertained with less courtesy than the former, neither could they get other answer of him, than before he had made. Now did all things tend to open war. The Navy was forthwith furnished of all compliments pertaining thereto: Soldiers were mustered, watch and ward set alongst the sea-coast, especially in places of most advantage for the enemies landing, and whatsoever else was thought commodious either for defence or offence was with all speed put in readiness. First of all, Tosty the King's brother (besides all men's expectation) gave the onset. This Man being ambitiously minded, sometimes governed in great authority over the Northumbrians, but abusing his place by too much severity over his inferiors, extreme arrogancy and pride towards his sovereign, and malice and envy at the advancement of his own Brothers, he was deservedly banished by King Edward, and lived afterwards in France. Tostie, at the instigation of Baldwin Earl of Flanders, and of the Duke of Normandy, as it was thought (both having married Baldwines daughters) began now to pursue his Brother with open war, whom long before he had deadly hated in his heart. His Navy consisted of some threescore sail, and loased from the Coast of Flanders wherewith arriving at the Wight, he ouer-ran and wasted the Isle, passing from thence he annoyed the Kentish Coast, but being terrified with the approach of the King's Navy, leaving those parts, he directed his course to the Coast of Lincolne-shire, where at his landing he was repulsed by Edwine and Morcar, and forced to retire into Scotland, there to repair & augment his forces. Hereupon it was doubted, that the Realm should be assailed on that side from thence, and on the other out off Normandy. The terror hereof made the deeper impression, by reason of a Comet which appearing in fearful manner, for the space of little less than a week together, disposed men's minds (as in so troublesome a time it cometh often to pass) to an opinion and expectation of some grievous event portended thereby. But Harold having a vigilant eye to his business on every side, strengthened the coasts all along the North parts with sufficient defence, though not much doubting any invasion that way, because Malcolme King of Scots had his hands full at home through the sedition of his own subjects. In the mean time the Duke of Normandy set all his wits on work which way he might best effect his endeavours. Often he debated the matter with his best experienced Captains whom he found always very forward in the enterprise for England.  
The only difficulty rested, by what means money might be gotten sufficient for discharge of so costly a journey. For when at a public assembly of the States called together for that purpose, a subsidy was demanded, answer was made, that the country was so much inpoverished by the last war with France, that if a new should arise, it would be hardly provided to make defence for itself, for the which, it stood them upon much more to make provision, then neglecting the same, to hazard all for the getting of that, which if they got at all, they looked to come by at so dear a rate. And though the quarrel were just, yet the war was not so necessary as dangerous. Finally that the Normans were not bound to follow their Duke into any foreign service. Thus by no means could they be now persuaded to part with any thing, although William Fitzosbert (a man highly esteemed both of Prince and people) laboured the matter as much as possibly he could, and thereby to draw on others by his example, he frankly offered at his own charge to furnish out forty ships towards this enterprise. The Duke seeing he could not prevail this way, tried what might be gotten by private entreaty, for the richest men in all the country being come before him, he called each one a part from the rest, and so much prevailed by his fair words & courteous behaviour, that as if they had contended who should give most, every one offered very liberally, so that after the particular Items were cast up, & accounted, the total sum far exceeded the Duke's expectation. Having thus obtained so large a contribution of his own subjects, he further attempted what aid might be gotten of the Princes his allies & neighbours, the Earls of Anjou, Poictou, Le-Main, and Bollogne, to whom he promised upon his good success great preferments in England. Also he solicited Philip the French king offering, that if he would assist him in the conquest of this Land, to bind himself by oath, to hold the crown of him, as of his Sovereign Lord & master. But because it seemed nothing commodious to France that the Dukedom of Normandy, which then stood but in slender awe of the king, should be strengthened by the addition of England (for the over great power of a neighbour nation is held amongst Princes a dangerous point) Philip was so far off from yielding him any aid therein, as that he did what he could to dissuade him from it. Nevertheless the Duke would not by any means be removed from that he had already so far forth undertaken, but was the more forward being now also backed & encouraged by the enterposed authority of Alexander Bishop of Rome, who now first began to usurp a Sovereignty and command over Princes. For his Holiness ratifying the Duke's interest, presented him with a hallowed banner, as an assured token of happy success, wherefore having gathered his whole power in readiness at S. Valeries (a little town scituat at the entry of the river Some) the Navy attended a fair wind, which because they could not have so soon as they would, the Normans wearied the poor Saint (Patron of that place) with the multitude of vows and did overload him with their continual offerings. Harold, who had all this while, with his people waited in vain on the enemies landing, determined with himself to dismiss his army, and to dissolve his navy for that time, as well because his provision of corn failed, as also having received letters from the Earl of Flanders, signifying that the duke purposed to stir no further that year, which he the rather believed, because winter approaching (for the sun was returned to his latter equinoctial period) the season was unfit for navigation.  
But his army was no sooner dismissed, but he was constrained, by an unexpected occasion, to gather together his dispersed forces. For Harold Harfager King of Norway, playing the Pirate alongst the Northern coasts, had already seized on the isles of Orkney, enticed thereunto by Tosty, who had put him in hope of attaining the Crown, and were together entered the river of Tine with some few less than five hundred small vessels. There forces thus united, they took spoil of the Countries adjoining, passing from thence alongst the coast of Yorkshire, till they entered the River of Humber, making what spoil they could on either side. In the mean time the two Earls Edwine and Morcar gathering up certain disordered troops, such as the Country upon a sudden could afford, made head against them, but being repulsed by the Norwegians, many of them together with there captains saved themselves by flight, but the greater number unadvisedly rushing into the River of Ouse (thereby hoping to have escaped) perished in the water. After this blow, they prepared to besiedg York, whether being come sooner then was looked, the City was surrendered and hostages delivered on both sides. Within few days, Harold of England having in his passage gathered what forces he could cometh to York, from whence pursuing the Norwegians, he found them very strongly encamped, having on their backs the main Ocean, on their left hand the river of Humber, where their ships lay at Ancre, and upon the right hand and a front they were prettily defended by the river Derwine. All this notwithstanding Harold assailed them very courageously. The fight began upon the bridge whereon, it is said, that a Noruegian alone, a long time kept back the whole army of the Englishmen from passing over, until he was strooken thorough with a Dart. The armies being joined, the fight continued a good while, with doubtful victory on either side, but in the end the Noruegian host was wholly defeated, of whom the greater number together with their King and his partaker Tostie, were slain in the battle. This victory brought also with it a rich booty, for besides much treasure, they left behind them all their ships, saving some twenty of the worst, which were bestowed on Paul Earl of the Isles of Orkney, and on Olive son to the Noruegian King, therein to carry home their maimed soldiers, having first taken an oath that from thence forth they should never molest this land again. Fortune thus smiling on our Harold, made him esteem very highly of himself: for thinking that the Normans would now stand in fear of his mightiness, he began to make less account of his soldiers, not respecting how slenderly he rewarded them for their late good service, but reserving to himself, and some few of his favourites, the whole wealth attained by this victory, he became odious to his own subjects. The North parts being thus distempered by this invasion from Norway, he wholly applied himself to set all things there in good order and safety again. In the mean time the Duke of Normandy taking the offered opportunity, about the end of September hoist up his sails and with a favourable wind landed his whole army at 
* Pemsey.  Pevensie in Sussex, causing his ships to be set on fire, thereby taking from his soldiers all hope of saving themselves by flight. Having builded here some fortifications, he marched from thence alongst the sea coast to Hastings, where also he raised an other fortress, and furnished them both with sufficient strength for their defence. Here be published the causes moving him to undertake this enterprise, namely, to be revenged on the outrage committed upon his Cousin Alfred, whom together with diverse Normans, Godwine, Father to Harold had wickedly murdered. To take revenge on Harold himself as well for causing Robert the Archbishop of Canterbury to be banished the Realm in the days of King Edward, as also for unjustly detaining from him the kingdom of England, contrary to his faithful promise and oath. But in any case he strictly forebadde his Soldiers to inflict any outrageous calamities upon the country people: knowledge hereof was presently brought to king Harold, who thereupon without further deliberation, to the end he might the more speedily encounter the Normans, dispatched his posts into all the parts of the Realm, entreating his subjects to persever in their loyalty and dutiful obedience unto him, and having gathered what power by all possible means he could, by long journeys he came in few days to London. Hither the Duke sent his ambassador, who demanding resignation of the kingdom unto his master, very hardly escaped with life, so much was Harold enraged against him. For by his late victory over the Norwegians he was so encouraged, that nothing could now appall & daunt him. He returned the Duke answer, that unless he would forthwith draw homewards, it should be worse for him. But the Duke in modesty replied, and in courteous manner dismissed the messenger. Harold in the mean season mustering his men at London, found that since the late conflict with the Norwegians, his forces were shrewdly weakened, nevertheless by reason of the repair of the Nobility and others (whom the love of their country brought thither to the defence of the same, against a danger of like prejudice to them all) a great army was from thence speedily conducted by himself into Sussex, whatsoever persuasion, his Mother could use to the contrary notwithstanding and with an invincible corrag he encamped his host in a fair plain with in less than seven miles of the enemy. The Duke approaching sent forth his espiales as the other did, to give intelligence one of the others demeanour. They of the English part (either of ignorance or of purpose to terrify their king) exceedingly extolled & preferred the Duke's army, both for number, furniture, orderly disposition, and conduction of the same. In so much as Githe the King's brother (an expert warrior) holding it not convenient to hazard the losing of all upon the success of one battle, advised the King not to be over forward, showing him how unconstant fortune useth to show herself in martial adventures, favouring those for the more part that are of least desert. That an advised delay was reputed a principal point of military discipline. That if he had promised to reserve the Crown to the use and behoof of the Duke (as it was justified) he then held it fit, he should retire his person, considering that without a good conscience no force or power whatsoever should stand him in steed. That God himself would take revenge upon faith-breakers. That nothing would more dismay the enemy, then to be set upon still afresh with new supply, offering that if he would commit to him the adventure of that battle, he would not fail to perform the part both of a faithful brother, and of a resolute Captain. That he maintaining his quarrel upon warrant of a good conscience (as far as he knew) should have more happy success against the Normans, or not unhappily give his life for the love he bore to his King & Country. Harold was much offended hereat, as esteeming it a speech overmuch savouring of disgrace and reproach to his person. For as he would take in good part whatsoever event followed the battle, so could he not endure in any sort to be taxed of want of courage. Wherefore as touching the commendation given to the behaviour of his adversaries, he lightly regarded that report, neither (as he took it) could it be without great dishonour to his former renown, that being come to the repulse of the last danger which he was like to fall into, he should now shrink and fearfully withdraw himself. In this manner doth fatal destinies bewitch their senses, whom they mean to bring to destruction. While these things were thus debated, Duke William preferring the care he had to avoid the effusion of much Christian blood, (which in that quarrel was likely to be shed) before any particular respect of advantage to himself, sent a Monk to Harold with this message: Either to surrender unto him the Crown and Sceptre of England, or else to acknowledge thenceforth to hold them under him, as in his right. But if the title must of necessity be tried by Arms, then to have it determined by single Combat between themselves. If none of these offers would be accepted, then to commit the cause to the hearing and determination of the Bishop of Rome, as an indifferent judge and umpire between them. Harold answered that it was not in his power to yield to any of these offers, but he referred the disciding of this weighty controversy to the final sentence and decree of the supreme and celestial judge, and moderator of all humane actions. That on the next morning, being the fourteenth day of October, he would not fail to give him battle, vainly imagining to have the better success because it was his birthday. The Englishmen spent all the next night in excessive riot, but the Normans contrariwise passing the same without any misdemeanour gave themselves wholly to wholesome meditations and exercises of devotion. At the appearance of day, every man prepared himself to the fight. On the English part, the Kentishmen were placed in the front of the battle (to whom that place pertained by an ancient custom) with their Halberds in their hands. Harold with his Brother, the Londoners, and the rest of his army made up the whole Battle. On the other side Roger Mongomery & William Fitzosbert, had the leading of the Vanguard which consisted of horsemen of Anjou, & of the countries of Perch, Le-Maine and Britain, of whom a great number served under the Britain Fergent. The middle battle (who were Germans & Pictoines was conducted by Galfred Martell, & a German. The Duke himself managed the rearward, wherein was placed the strength of his nation & the flower of his Nobility. These three battles were thorough out enter●ined with the Norman Archers. The Normans being thus marshaled; sounding the alarun without any confused noise, advanced themselves forward, & withal from every rank mounting their Arrows in the air, they fell on the Englishmen as thick as hailstones, whereat they were not a little dismayed having never before been acquainted with such kind of weapons, from whose annoyance no man was free, even in the midst of their own forces. This storm (unlooked for) being blown over, the Normans forthwith ran fiercely upon the forward of the English Army, who resolving rather to die where they stood than to give ground, keeping themselves close together, repulsed the enemy with no small loss and disadvantage unto him. Nevertheless he forthwith gave a fresh assault, whereat, with terrible outcries both armies rushed one upon the other. Being now coped together at hand blows, the fight continued very hotly for a good season, but the Englishmen still keeping their array (as if they had been linked one to another) resisted the others malice. The Normans having received many wounds were withal ready to give back, had not the Duke (playing the part no less of a Soldier then of a vigilant Captain) as much by example as by direction encouraged them to stand to it manfully. The fight thus still maintained on either side, the Norman horsemen, with all possible force charged upon them, and withal pouring out, a new tempest of their airy weapons, with the violent fall of their arrows, did seem even to beat them down to the ground. But the Englishmen without any disorder abide this brunt also. For Harold performing the part of a most valiant Captain, was still at hand, where occasion required to encourage his men. Neither came the Duke behind him in that respect, who having now had his horse twice slain under him, and perceiving that by the only virtue of his power he should not prevail; assayed what might be done by slight & policy. Wherefore causing the trumpets to sound a retreat, the Normans without breaking their array, did retire and give back. The Englishmen mistaking their meaning, thought the victory now their own, and withal, (no respect had of keeping order) they pursued them more egarlie then warily, which the enemy perceiving, & taking the expected advantage, upon a sudden turned again, and readily reducing his troops into good order, set upon them a fresh & made a great slaughter of them. Many were beaten down while they were thinking whether it were better to fight or to fly. But the greater number keeping their stand close together on the height of a hill, and encouraging one the other not to shrink, manfully fought it out a long time, as though they had purposely chosen that place to give the more honour unto their deaths. In the end Harold being shot into the head with an arrow, together with Githe his brother, yielded up their fainting spirits. Edwine and Morcar with some few more escaping by flight, gave place to time & the divine providence, after the fight had continued from the first appearance of daylight unto the shutting up of the same. In this battle were slain of Normans few less than six thousand, but of the Englishmen a far greater number. The Duke having obtained this notable victory had no small cause to rejoice thereat: nevertheless he attrbuted the honour and glory thereof to the giver of all happiness, and by public thanksgiving acknowledged the same. He lodged that night in the field, his pavilion being set up in the midst of the dead bodies. The next day taking order for the burial of the dead on both sides, he returned to Hastings, as well to consult in what sort to prosecute his late victory, as also to give some refreshing to his wearied army. But when the woeful relation of this overthrow was brought to the City of London, and to other parts further of, the whole realm was greatly perplexed therewith, as being then men utterly forlorn. Githe (the mother of Harold) after the manner of women, gave over herself wholly to grievous lamentations, and with most humble petition obtaining of the Duke the dead bodies of her two sons, she caused them to be buried in the monastery of Waltham. Earl Edwine sent Algithe (the Queen's sister) into the furthest parts of the realm, advising both the Noblemen and commons to awaken their heavy spirits, and to consult betimes upon some good course for the present relief of their distressed & languishing estate. The Archbishop of York, the Londoners and officers of the Navy, thought it best to make Edgar Atheling their King, and to gather new forces out of hand to encounter the Duke. The two Earls Edwine and Morcar secretly practised how to set the crown upon one of their heads. But the Bishops and Prelates, and such other as stood in fear of the Pope's thunder-botls, and damning exsecrations, held it best to submit themselves to the Duke, and no further to provoke the Conquerors haughty mind by taking arms afresh against him, the success whereof was doubtful. Neither would it avail them any thing, to contend with the divine providence, which for their outrageous sins had given them into the hands of their enemies the Normans. The Duke in the mean time leaving a garrison behind him at Hastings, determined to go to London, but to strike the more terror into the Englishmen hearts, and to make all safe at his back, he divided his forces into several companies, who ranging thorough some part of Kent, Sussex, Surrie, Hamshire, and Berkshire, wasted and burned all the towns and villages that stood in their way, carrying with them whatsoever they found worth the taking. Then passing over Themes at Wallingford, they filled every place with horror & trembling. The great men were so possessed with inward distrust and envy one at another, that they wholly neglected the care they should have taken for the good of the commonweal. For to avoid the ecclesiastical censure & threats of the Bishop of Rome (who now began to tyrannize not only over the vulgar and inferior sort: but also over mighty Kings and kingdoms) the realm being false into a most desperate estate, they so firmly resolved to yield themselves, that thereupon many providing in time for their best safety left the City to all adventures. Alfread Archbishop of York, Wolstaine Bishop of Worcester, & divers other great Prelates, together with Edgar Atheling, Edwine and Morcar, met the Duke at Barkhamsteed, & giving pledges for the assurance of their fidelity, submitted themselves unto him. Then posting presently to London, he was with great joy and solemn acclamation entertained, and saluted with Vive le Roy. The Duke forthwith prepared all things fit for his coronation, which by his appointment was solemnized the Christmas following. In the mean time he wholly busied himself, how to order every thing for the more firm establishment of his newly achieved & conquere● kingdom.  
Here ended the government of the Saxon Kings over this land, having continued 600. years. Some did attribute this notorious alteration and change, ●o the corruption in the magistrates, and the superstitious cowardliness of the Clergy, others to the influence of a Co●et: others immediately referred the cause thereof to the divine providence, that disposeth of Kingdoms by an unknown, but never unjust sentence and decree. But they that more strictly examined that point, and looked into the next appearing cause cast the blame chiefly upon King Edward, who through a vain glorious show of religious chastity, took no more care to raise up seed unto himself, for want whereof his Kingdom after his death was left a prey to the ambition of man.  
These normans were a mixed people of Norwegians, Suevians and Danes, who in the time of Charles the great exercised piracy upon these Coasts. At length by strong hand they seated themselves in that part of France which they hold till this day, about the mouth of the River of Sene. That province was then called Neustria and now Normandy of the name Norman, given unto them because they came out off the North parts. These people so much prevailed afterwards against Charles of France (surnamed the Simple) that he was constrained to make peace with them, by giving his Daughter in marriage to Rollo their Prince, together with that whole Province for her Dowry, whereof he created him Duke, from whom this Duke William was the fift in lineal descent that succeeded after him.  
Having thus far proceeded, and brought this our most noble and flourishing Island of Britain under the several governments of the two absolute Kings of England and Scotland; my purpose is as briefly as I can to prosecute the joinct History of these two Nations, only so far forth, as the matter shall concern them both, whether it tendeth to war and variance, or to peace and amity.   

William the Conqueror King of England.  
Duke William having by force of arms in manner aforesaid obtained the Sovereignty over this land, 
1066.  was with much solemnity crowned King of England on Christmas day, in the year of our redemption 1066. who taking upon him the part of a Conqueror, performed the same in his right kind: for abrogating the ancient laws and customs of the land, he established others, such as either he had brought out of Normandy, or that he thought more fit for the present government of the English nation. And further, taking from the Englishmen their lands and possessions, he bestowed them on his followers and partakers in his conquest, at his own will and pleasure. Hereupon (as also by many other extremities daily offered more and more, to all degrees and estates,) the great men especially, who (thorough the greatness of their minds) could worst endure so many indignities, conveyed themselves out of the realm, some into one country, some into another, hoping to find such favour with foreign Princes, as with their help they might happily one day find means to be restored again to their former estates and dignities in their native Country.  
Amongst these Edgar Atheling (whom this business concerned more than any of the rest) purposing to have sailed into Germany to his friends and alliance there, together with his mother and two sisters, was by contrary winds (as the Lord would have it) driven into Scotland, where they were courteously entertained of Malcolme (surnamed Cammore) the King of that Country, the rather because they were of the blood and lineage of King Edward the Confessor, by whose especial means he had been established in his Kingdom. Shortly after in respect (no doubt) of the possibility wherein she stood to come by the Crown of England after her brother, King Malcolme took to wife the Lady Marguerit, the elder sister. This marriage was solemnized about Easter next following, in the year 1067. King William hearing what had passed in Scotland, and fearing lest this alliance might work him some displeasure (for Edgar had many well-willers in England) forthwith sent an Harold of Arms to King Malcolme for the delivery of him, which if it would not be granted, than he should denounce open war against him. Answer was here-unto made, that he held it a very unjust thing, yea a very wicked part for him to deliver Edgar into his hands, that only for fear of the loss of his life was forced to fly out off England, being of that innocent carriage and demeanour towards the King his Master, that even his greatest adversaries could no way touch him with the least suspicion of disloyalty. Further that he was now bound (besides the respect of ordinary humanity in this case) by more strait bands of near alliance, to tender his estate. So as King Malcome was no whit terrified with these threats, still entertaining Edgar his friends, that daily repaired into Scotland, by whom King Malcome being encouraged, took the opportunity that was offered. For whilst King William was occupied in pursuing the English Rebels, he with his army entered into England, wasting and spoiling the countries of Theisdale and Cleveland, and the lands of Saint Cuthbert, with divers other in those parts. For the suppressing of whom, King William sent Gospatrike, whom he had lately before made Earl of Northumberland, in the place of Syward, that took part against him with the Scots and Englishmen their adherents. Entering into those parts, he made the like spoil, as was before made by the Scots, so as those countries were grievously afflicted on both sides. But yet their miseries had no end, for Gospatricke was no sooner returned, but the Scots entering those countries again, exceeding their former cruelty upon the poor inhabitant. King William to give end to these extremities, having assembled a mighty army, in his own person, entered into Scotland about the midst of August, pursuing the English rebels and their partakers into Galloway, but they being not disposed to abide his approach, fled unto the Mountains; wherefore giving them over, he turned his forces into Lothiane, where he understood that king Malcome was encamped with all his whole power, purposing to make a conquest of Scotland also. But when these two puissant armies were even ready to assail one the other, the Scottish king distrusting his strength, and fearing the fortune of the Conqueror, sent an Herald of Arms to enter into treaty of a firm peace between the two Nations, whereunto king William was drawn at the length, on these conditions. First that king Malcome should do homage unto the king of England for the realm of Scotland. On the other side that king William should pardon all those Englishmen which then took part with Malcome against him. Further to avoid all occasion of quarrel that happily might afterwards arise about the limits & bounds of the two kingdoms, it was agreed upon, that a cross of stone should be erected in Steenmore (which took that name of the nature of the soil, which was very stony) bearing the Arms and Image of the king of England, on the Southside thereof, and on the contrary-side the arms and Image likewise of the king of Scotland, which while it stood for many years after was called the cross of the kings. Thus were they accorded, and thenceforth continued in friendship while they lived together. King William in his return took the Earldom of Northumberland from Gospatricke (on whom he had lately bestowed the same) and gave it to Waltheof the son of Siward deceased, that held it in the right of Alfred his wife, the daughter & heir of Aldread sometime Earl of that Province. Waltheof was in that favour with the king, that shortly after he gave him to wife the lady judith his niece, daughter to Lambert Earl of Leux, with all the lands belonging to the honour of Huntingdon, whereby he became Earl of Northumberland & Huntingdon. Notwithstanding these especial favours, Waltheof not long after entered into a conspiracy against the king, which although he disclosed before it broke out into open war, king William was so highly offended thereat, that he caused him to be beheaded, not without some note of cruelty, having revealed the whole practice, and submitted himself to the king's mercy. Edgar Atheling returning out of Scotland, obtained the king's favour, & was highly advanced, but to avoid further danger (in which case a Prince cannot be too circumspect) he was not admitted without leave to departed the Court while he lived.  
King William the Conqueror being deceased in the 20. 
1087.  year of his reign, about 14. years after the former conclusion of peace, whether it was to revenge the death of Earl Waltheof his cousin germane, executed as before you have heard, or whether he was drawn on by an ambitious humour to enlarge his dominions, or (as some have rather thought) provoked thereunto by some unkindness offered by K. William Rufus, who succeeded his father here: whatsoever the cause was, King Malcolme taking the opportunity, while the King and his elder brother Robert Duke of Normandy were at some variance about the Crown, entered with his Army into Northumberland, preying upon the inhabitants as far as Chester, in the street. The King of England sent such forces against him, as that entering into Scotland, they took the Castle of Anwicke, putting all to the sword that made resistance, where leaving a garrison for the defence thereof, the army returned home. And for the better restraint of further molestation on that side, the King caused the City and Castle of Carlisle, (which had been ruinated by the Danes about 200. years before) to be re-edified and peopled again, granting many privileges to the inhabitants, which they enjoy to this day. King Malcolme being not a little discontented with the loss of Anwicke, shortly after gathered a new power & laid siege to the town, whereat both he himself, and Prince Edward his eldest son, by one misfortune or other (for the writers agree not on that point) lost their lives, & the whole army put to flight. This came to pass in the 36. year of King Malcolme his reign, and in the sixth of King William Rufus: 
1093.  Anno. 1093. Though this Malcome had in his time much disturbed the English nation by sundry harmful invasions, nevertheless by the means of his foresaid marriage with the sister of Edgar Atheling, the realm of England became of an open and professed enemy, an assured friend, yea even a very sanctuary to his poor Orphaine children: for their uncle Edgar (a man of great sanctimony and fidelity) wisely foreseeing, and warily preventing the danger wherein those babes stood, under the usurped government of Donald their father's brother, sent presently for them into England. The three sons Edgar, Alexander, and David, succeeded one the other in their Father's kingdom: Mawde the eldest Daughter (surnamed the Good) was afterwards married to the first Henry King of England. Mary the other daughter, to Eustace Earl of Bulloine the base, whose daughter (named after her Mother) was married to Stephen King of England. This happy progeny (the more happy for the virtues of their deceased Mother and living Uncle) were not only educated at his charge, and instructed in all good nurture beseeming their birth and lineage: but also when the young Prince Edgar was come to ripe age, Edgar his Uncle obtained of king William Rufus a competent power, wherewith now the second time (for once before he had with the like help expulsed Donald, and crowned Duncam, king Malcomes base Son in his place) he utterly expelled Donald, and set Prince Edgar in full and peaceable possession of the Crown of Scotland, which he enjoyed during his life.  
King William shortly after deceasing without issue, his brother Henry (the Conqueror's youngest son) was admitted king of England by the general consent of the whole nation, Anno 1100. King Edgar not only renewed the league with him, which before was continued with Rufus, but for the more strengthening of the same, he gave the Lady Mawde (his eldest sister) unto him in marriage, (as is aforesaid) by whom he had issue that lived, Mawde the Empress, Mother to Henry the second, afterwards king of England. The mutual amity that by this marriage was nourished between these two nations during the life of this Henry, and the Queen's brothers (Edgar and Alexander,) was confirmed by the marriage also of David her youngest brother, with an other Mawde, the Daughter and heir of Waltheoff late Earl of Northumberland & Huntingdon, as before you have heard, by which marriage, that Earldom, with a great part of Northumberland and Westmoreland, were annexed to the Crown of Scotland, as afterwards shall better appear.  
Henry the first, departing out of this life, in the six and thirtieth year of his reign, left to succeed him only a Daughter: for his sons were both drowned in their passage hither out of Normandy. This Lady was first married to the Emperor Henry the 4. who dying without issue, she was married again to Geoffrey Plantagenet Earl of Anjou, by whom she had issue while her father lived, Henry the 2. afterwards king of England. Notwithstanding that Stephen Earl of Boulogne, nephew to the last deceased king (for Adela his mother was one of the daughters of William the Conqueror) had together with the rest of the nobility sworn unto King Henry, to admit his daughter the Empress, to succeed him as lawful heir to the Crown of England: he nothing regarding his oath, made no scruple to intrude himself into the royal throne. Immediately whereupon he sent an embassage unto K. David of Scotland, demanding homage as well for that realm, as for all other the lands & signories which he held of him within England: whereunto K. David answered; that both Stephen, he himself, with all the nobility of England, were all severally bound by oath to the obedience of the Empress his niece, as the only lawful and lineal heir to King Henry her father, whereof he for his part made that conscience, as that during her life he would never acknowledge any other true inheritor to the crown of England. King Stephen not a little displeased with this his resolute answer, invaded the territories of Scotland, whereupon much trouble arose to both nations. But after the war had continued 2. or 3. years, with equal loss on both sides, in the end, through the mediation especially of the Queen of England (who was also Niece to K. David by his other Sister Mary Countess of Boulogne, as hath been aforesaid) a peace was concluded on these conditions. That the Counties of Northmuberland and Huntingdon should remain in the possession of Prince Henry of Scotland as heir unto them in the right of his Mother, but Cumberland should be thenceforth held and reputed the lawful inheritance of king David, that both Father and Son should acknowledge and yield to king Stephen and his successors for the time, being for these signories the accustomed services due for the same. King Stephen was the more willing to yield hereunto, by reason of his infinite troubles, which daily more and more increased by the plots and practices of the friends of the Empress, never ceasing to work him all the displeasure that possibly they could devise, the victory falling sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other. Such was the estate of this Land, during his whole reign for the space of eighteen years. In the mean season though king David preferred the just title of the Empress before the colourable pretext of Stephen, yet he so much regarded the word of a king, that although he was (no doubt) greatly solicited by the Empress, to break of with her adversary, yet would he not be drawn at any time thereunto, although that troublesome season, offered him fit opportunity for his own advantage, which commendable and Christian resolution well appeared in him when as afterward he entertained Prince Henry Son to the Empress at Carliele, who being come thither accompanied with the Earls of Chester and Hereford, and diverse other noblemen and gentlemen of good account both of England and Normandy, of purpose (as it seemed) to draw the king to their part (whose assistance only wanted to the expelling of the usurper) he would by no means break his faith with England, but resting quiet at home, nothing was at that time further attempted, whereof king Stephen was much afraid. At this meeting the young Prince together with some other of like age his companions in this journey, received the order of knighthood at the hands of king David, within four years after, these two kings deceased near together, the one having reigned over Scotland thirty years in great tranquillity, the other hardly twenty over England with continual vexation and infelicity, and as they ended, so their successors began to reign together, Henry the Empress her Son over this nation, about the age of twenty years, & his Cousin Malcolme king David's grandchild (for Prince Henry died before his Father) over the other about 13. years old. In the person of this Henry the crown of England was restored to the Saxon blood by the Mother side, having continued in the Conqueror and his two Sons about 68 years, & now by marriage transferred to the house of Plantagenet, an other family of France.  
Hereof had Lewis the French king no good liking, being unwilling that so mighty a Prince, and so near a neighbour should have such foothold with in his dominions; for in the right of his wife Queen Elioner (who had been before divorced from Lewis) he had attained the possession of the Duchy of Aquitane and the Earldom of Poitou, by his mother the Empress he enjoyed the Duchy of Normandy, & in his Father's right he seized (not without some hard measure, towards his brother Geffrey unto whom their Father by his last Testament had given the same) upon the Earldoms of Anjou, Touraigne, and Maine. Nevertheless he subtly covered his malice under pretext of dissembled alliance, lest otherwise he should have had less advantage of him. But King Henry perceiving the deceit, was too wise to be caught by such a Train, and therefore upon the first occasion that was offered he opposed his open force against the others secret practices, but first, as well to keep all safe at home on that side: as also for the better training of the young Prince in feats of Arms and Martial discipline, under pretence of the performance of the services due for the Lands he held of him, within the Realm of England, he procured King Malcolme to accompany him over into Normandy, where having spent some time (not a little to the loss of King Lewis) and requited the courtesy of King David, by bestowing the like honour on him, as before he had received, they returned together hither again, and then taking his leave of King Henry he was honourably attended home into Scotland. His Nobility repairing unto the Court, King Malcolme made relation of all that had happened in this his journey, whereat they seemed much discontented: attributing unto him want of discretion, that he would be induced (or rather so much seduced) as to bear Arms in the quarrel, of an undoubted enemy, against the French King and his subjects their ancient and assured friend and Ally, that he little considered the drift of King Henry, who sought nothing more than by some means to bring him into distrust and disgrace with King Lewis, to the end he might the more safely offer him whatsoever hard measure he did mean towards him. With these and such like speeches tending wholly to withdraw their King's affection from King Henry (he wanting years and thereby judgement, to sound the depth of this devise) was too easily drawn into the French faction: for by taking part with France against England, their maintenance hath been always much amended. When King Henry had knowledge hereof, to the end he might in due time provide a remedy for this growing on malady, he caused King Malcolme to be summoned to make his personal appearance, at his high Court of Parliament holden at York, whether being come at the appointed time, he was charged to have so grievously offended, that thereupon by authority of the same Court he was finally adjudged to have forfeited all those lands and Seignories which he held within England, but in the end by mediation (no doubt) of the Empress, the king her son was entreated to restore his cousin to his possessions in Cumberland & the County of Huntingdon, only reserving Northumberland wholly on condition that doing homage unto Prince Henry the king's son, (in manner as all the Nobility of England had also done) he should further deliver into his hands his younger brother David, and certain other the sons of the Lords of Scotland, as pledges for the assurance of an inviolable peace between the two Nations. All which were performed, and peace a long time continued. Within three years after, king Malcolme deceased, having lived five and twenty years, and reigned not much above twelve, whom William his second brother succeeded in the year of our Redemption 1165. Shortly after his Coronation he repaired to London & did homage to king Henry in manner as before his brother had done, requesting the king to restore unto him Northumberland, which he challenged as his proper right. The other answered, that it rested not in his power to dispose thereof, without the consent of his subjects, that as by Parliament the same was taken from his brother, he would so far yield unto his demand as to the like assembly should seem reasonable; which the King afterwards performed accordingly, rendering so much of Northumberland, as King Malcolme his great Grandfather was seized of at the time of the Composition made with the Conqueror, for the space of eight or nine years following these two Kings lived peaceably together, and one to the other showed great kindness so as King William at one journey accompanied the other into Normandy, and sundry times afterwards repaired to the English Court, where he was ever joyfully and royally entertained. David his brother was also lovingly entreated during his abode in England, and at Windsor honoured by King Henry with the order of Knighthood. Thenceforth he followed the King of England in his wars in France although he was sundry ways attempted to have been drawn to the adverse part. But in process of time, which worketh alteration in all estates, through the instigation especially of Lewis the French King (who had now set the two Henry's, the Father and the son, one against the other) Amongst diverse other as well of the Nobility of England as of foreign Princes. King William was likewise won to take part with the young King (for his Father had caused him to be crowned) in that unnatural strife & contention. So as while king Henry the Father was set on work on the other side of the Sea by his seditious sons (for the rest took part with their eldest brother) & the realm much disquieted with in itself, by the Earls of Leicester, Chester, Lincoln Norfolk, and divers other domestical complices of this dangerous conspiracy: the Scotish king having gathered a mighty army, entered therewith into the Marches of England: took the Castles of Browgh & Applebie with some other, sent part of his Army into Kendale, wasting the country where it pa●●● most hostile manner. For the suppressing 〈◊〉 these insolencies certain of the king's friends assembled themselves to the number of 400. horsemen under the leading of Robert de Stouteville, Ralph glanvil, William Vescie, Barnard Balliol and Odonette de Humfreville, who coming to Anwick (from the siege whereof king William was departed the same day) took consultation what was best to be done. Very early the next morning they followed the Scots, who little looking for any resistance then in readiness, left their king but slenderly attended and dispersed themselves abroad to waste and forage the country. This being made known to the Englishmen, they pursued the advantage with so good success, that with the loss of very little blood on either side, they took king William prisoner in the midst of his strength, but yet not so near as thereby he could be rescued.  
This happened on the seventh of july in the year 1174. king Henry at the same time was newly returned out off Normandy, to whom the Scotish king was shortly after presented at Northampton, and David his Brother was licenced forthwith to repair into Scotland, to contain the same in their due obedience, whilst the King's pleasure should be further known, concerning the delivery of the King his prisoner. In the mean season the French king being wearied with the charge of this War in the behalf of his son in law King Henry the younger (for he had now married the Lady Margeret his Daughter) offered himself to become a mean to make an accord between the two Henry's, whereupon the war ceased, and after a meeting or two for that purpose, in the end this unnatural dissension between king Henry and his Sons (which had continued well near two years to the great discomfort of the Father, and vexation of the whole Realm) was well appeased. hereupon the Scotish king, who remained prisoner at Faleise in Normandy, amongst other of the same faction, to the number well near of a thousand persons of especial quality (that at one time or other during these wars, were also taken prisoners) were by king Henry, according to the Articles of agreement, set at liberty, in manner as were all they, that by the adverse part, had been likewise taken prisoners in the King of England's service. Now again was amity and concord embraced and cherished on all sides. For the Scotish King having left behind him sufficient pledge for the performance of covenants, was permitted to return into Scotland, where having spent some six or seven months, he together with David his Brother, and a great number of the Nobility and Clergy of that Realm, repaired to York about the twentieth of August, where they did homage to the King of England in S. Peter's Church, and in token thereof King William offered up his Saddle and hat on the Altar of S. Peter, which remained there along time after. Finally it was concluded that the Scotish king should become and acknowledge himself to be the king of England's Liegman against all men for the Realm of Scotland and his other Lands within England, and for them should do fealty to the King of England as to his sovereign Lord in manner as other his liege people accustomed to do. And further that he should also do fealty to the Lord Henry the King of England's son (saving always the faith which he ought to the King his Father) Also that all the Prelates of Scotland, and their successors should acknowledge their accustomed subjection to the Church of England, and do fealty to the king of England, so many of them as he should appoint. And likewise that the Earls and Barons of Scotland, and their heirs for their part should do homage and fealty unto the King of England and to the Lord Henry his Son, so many of them as thereto should be called, as in the Charter following, then openly read in Saint Peter's Church, more at large appeareth.  
Wilhelmus Rex Scotiae devenit homo ligius Domini regis Angliae contra omnes homines, de Scotia & de alijs terris suis, & fidelitatem ei fecit ut ligio domino suo, sicut alij homines sui ipsi facere solent. Similiter fecit homagium Henrico filio regis (salva fide Domini regis Patris sui) omnes vero Episcopi, Abbates, & Clerus terrae Scotiae, & successores sui facient Domino regi sicut ligio Domino fidelitatem, de quibus habere volverit, sicut alij Episcopi sui ipsi facere solent, & Henrico filio suo & heredibus eorum. Concessit autem rex Scotiae & David frater eius, & Barones, & alij homines sui Domino Regi. Quod Ecclesia Scotiae talem subiectionem amodò faciet Ecclesiae Angliae, qualem facere debet & solebat tempore regum Angliae praedecessorum suorum. Similiter Richardus Episcopus Sancti Andreae, & Richardus Episcopus Dunkelden, & Gaufridus Abbas de Dunfermlyn, & Herbertus Prior de Coldingham concesseriunt, ut ecclesia Anglicana illud habeat ius in ecclesia Scotiae, quod de iure debet habere: & quod ipsi non erint contra ius Anglicanae ecclesiae. Et de hac concessione, sicut quando ligiam fidelitatem domino regi, & domino Henrico filio suo fecerint, ita eos indè assecuraverint Hoc idem facient alij episcopi & clerus Scotiae, per conventionem inter Dominum regem Scotiae & David fratrem suum & barons suos factam. Comites & Barones & alij homines de terra regis Scotiae (de quibus dominus rex. habere volverit) facient ei homagium contra omnem hominem & fidelitatem ut ligio domino suo, sicut alij homines sui facere ei solent. Et Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis, (salva fide domini regis patris sui.) Similiter Heredes regis Scotiae & Baronum & hominum suorum homagium & ligiantiam facient haeredibus Domini regis contra omnem hominem. Praeteria rex Scotiae & homines sui nullum amodò fugitiwm de terra domini regis pro felonia receptabunt, vel in alia terra sua, nisi volverit venire ad rectum in curia domini regis, & stare iuditio Curiae. Sed rex Scotiae et homines sui quam citius poterunt eum capient & domino regi reddent, vel justiciarijs suis aut ballivis suis in Anglia. Si autem de terra regis Scotiae aliquis fugitiws fuerit pro felonia in Anglia, nisi volverit venire ad rectum in curià domini regis Scotiae & stare judicio curiae, non receptabitur in terra regis, sed liberabitur hominibus regis Scotiae, per ballivos domini regis ubi inventus fuerit. Praetereà homines domini regis habebunt terras suas quas habebant, & habere debent de domino rege & hominibus suis, & de rege Scotiae & hominibus suis. Et homines regis Scotiae habebunt terras suas quas habebant & habere debent de domino rege & hominibus suis. Pro ista verò conventione & fine firmiter obseruando domino regi & Henrico filio suo, & haeredibus suis, à rege Scotiae & haeredibus suis, liberavit rex Scotiae domino Regi castellum de Rockesburgh & castellum Puellarum, & castellum de Strivelinge in manu domini Regis, & ad custodienda castella assignabit rex Scotiae de redditu suo mensurabiliter ad voluntatem domini Regis. Praeteria pro praedicta conventione & fine exequendo, liberabit rex Scotiae domino Regi David fratrem suum in obsidem & comitem Duncanum, & comitem Waldenum, similiter alios comites & Barones cum alijs viris potentibus, quorum numerus octo-decem. Et quando Castella reddita fuerint illis, Rex Scotiae & David frater eius liberabuntur. Comites quidem & Barones praenominati unusquisque postquam liberaverit obsidem suum, scilicet filium legitimum, (qui habuerit) & alij, nepotes suos, vel propinquiores sibi haeredes, & castellis (ut dictum est) redditis, liberabuntur. Praetereà Rex Scotiae & Barones sui praenominati assecuraverint, quod ipsi bona fide, & sine malo ingenio, & sine occasione facient, ut Episcopi & Barones & caeteri homines terrae suae, qui non affuerunt, quando rex Scotiae cum domino Rege finivit, eandem ligiantiam & fidelitatem domino Regi & Henrico filio suo quum ipsi fecerunt: et ut Barones & homines qui affuerunt, obsides liberabunt domino Regi, de quibus habere volverit. Praetereà Episcopi, Comites, & Barones conventionaverunt domino Regi et Henrico filio suo: Quod si Rex Scotiae aliquo casu, a fidelitate domini regis & filii, & a conventione praedicta recederit: ipsicum Domino Rege tenebunt, sicut cum ligio domino suo, contrà regem Scotiae, & contrà omnes homines ei inimicantes. Et episcopi sub interdicto ponent terram regis Scotiae donec ipse ad fidelitatem Domini Regis redeat. Praedictan itaque conventionem firmitèr obseruandum bone fide, & sine malo ingenio, Domino Regi & Henrico filio suo, & haeredibus suis, à Wilhelmo Rege Scotiae & David fratre suo, & Baronibus suis praedictis & haeredibus eorum, assecuravit ipse Rex Scotiae, & David frater eius, & omnes Barones sui praenominati sicut ligij homines domini Regis contrà omnem hominem, & Henrici filii Regis, (salva fidelitate patris sui) hijs testibus. Richardo episcopo Abrincensi, johann Salisburiae Decano, Roberto Abbate Malmesburiae, Radulpho Abbate Mundesburg, nec non alijs abbatibus, comittibus, & baronibus, & duobus filijs suis, scilicet Richardo & Galfrido. ex Rog. Hoveden.  
Besides the delivery of the three Castles expressed in the former Charter, the Scotish King did absolutely departed with all and surrender unto King Henry and to his Heir for ever, the Town and Castle of Berwicke, which forthwith was committed to the custody of Sir Geffrey Nevil, The Castles of Edenbrough and Rockesbrugh were likewise kept by the king's appointment, by Sir Roger and Sir William de Stutuille.  
This meeting at York was in the year 1175. where this business being dispatched the two Kings departed in kindness, the one into Scotland, the other towards London. Not long after, king William upon his summons repaired to Northampton, where King Henry had called a Parliament. diverse Bishops and Abbots of Scotland attended their king thither to acknowledge their subjection to the Church of England according to the Articles comprised in the former Charter, and their ancient custom in former times, but by no means they would yield thereunto, notwithstanding that the Archbishop of York showed sufficient proves and privileges granted by sundry Bishops of Rome, justifying the right he pretended to the primacy over all the Scotish Clergy. But because the Archbishop of Canterbury hoped to bring them under his jurisdiction, or else envying that his inferior should be axalted so far above him, he so wrought with the king his Master, as that for the present there was no subjection acknowledged either to the one or other. These two kings lived together in all love and kindness in so much as the king of England employed king William in his absence, in his more weighty affairs in Normandy. Also he gave unto him to wife his cousin the Lady Ermengard, Daughter to Richard Viscount Beaumonte that was son to a Daughter of king William the Conqueror. The marriage was solemnized at Woodstock at the charge of the King, who withal resigned to the Bridegroom his whole interest in the Castle of Edenbrough, which King William forthwith bestowed upon his new Wife, as a portion of her dowry, augmenting the same with an hundred pounds' land by the year, and forty knights fees. Not long before this marriage, David king William's Brother had married also an English woman named Mawde, one of the Daughters of Hugh Bohun Earl of Chester, otherwise called Kevelocke, by which marriage he was strongly allied with the Nobility of England: for his wives three Sisters, Mabell, Agnes, and Havise, were married to Daubigne Earl of Arundel, Ferrer Earl of Darbye, and to Quincie Earl of Lincoln. These marriages were means of good agreement between these two nations for a long time after. Within two or three years after the marriage of king William, king Henry deceased, in the five and thirtieth year of his reign, whom his two Sons Richard and john succeeded one after the other. During the reign of the former, no occasion of quarrel was offered on either side, but the two kings lived together in all familiarity and perfect friendship: for immediately after the coronation of king Richard, the Scotish king being honourably attended with the Archbishop of York (the king's base Brother) and with diverse Barons and others of England, passed through the realm to Canterbury, where king Richard had assembled in counsel his Lords spiritual and temporal.  
At this meeting, king William and David his Brother, together, with the English Lords, took an oath to continue true to the king of England, and to abide in due obedience under him and his laws, being now to leave them for a season: for he was so far passed on his journey towards the Holy-land, as it was then called. And the more firmly to bind the Scotish king by his liberality to the observance of this oath, he there restored unto him all the other three Castles at Berwicke, Rockesbrough and sterling, and withal that part of Northumberland, which king Henry his Father had taken from him when he was his prisoner. Further king Richard resigned unto him the counties of Cumberland and Huntingdon, but with this condition, that all the Castles should still abide in the custody of such as king Richard should place in them.  
Lastly he released him of all further payments and sums of money due for his ransom, excepting ten thousand marks, which king Richard presently received towards the charge of his journey. King William to gratify the king of England's liberality, furnished his brother David (on whom he then bestowed the Earldom of Huntingdon) with five hundred Scotishmen to attend and serve him in that enterprise against the Sarazens. Thus parted these two Kings in most loving manner, with so faithful a farewell, as that when john (the King's brother) hearing of his imprisonment in his return, would have drawn the Scotish King to have taken his part in the attaining of the Crown in his brother's absence (being set on work by the French King) he utterly refused to join therein with john, which was the break-neck of that unnatural attempt. But when King William understood of the King of England his return home, he together with Earl David his brother (who a little before was returned into Scotland) presently repaired to the English Court, where being entertained with all kind of courtesies, in token of the joy that he had unfeignedly conceived for the King of England his safe return thorough so many great dangers, he presented him with two thousand marks, towards the redeeming of his liberty. To gratify this his kindness, King Richard granted to him by special Charter, and to his heirs kings of Scotland for ever, that when-so-ever he or any of them should by summons repair into England unto the Court, the Bishop of Durham and the sheriff of Northumberland, for the time being, should receive him at the water of Tweed, and safely conduct him to the water of These, where the Archbishop of York, and the Sheriff of the Shire should receive him of them, and from thence to attend him to the border of the next shire, and in this manner to be attended from shire to shire, by Prelates and Sheriffs, until he came to the Court, and an honourable allowance was made him, wherewith to defray such expenses, as he and his train were put unto, during their abode in England.  
While king William remained at the Court, king Richard (thereby to put away as it were the reproach of his late captivity) caused himself to be crowned again, whereat (for the more honour of that solemnity) it pleased king William to carry one of the three Swords of estate before the King, accompanied on his right hand with Hamling Earl of Warwick, and on the other with ranulph Earl of Chester, in manner as his Brother Earl David had done before, at the King's first Coronation, save that the first place was then given to Earl john his Brother. This feast was kept at Winchester on the seventeenth day of April, Anno 1194. king William being now at the point to departed homewards offered the king fifteen thousand marks for the whole country of Northumberland, in manner as Prince Henry his father (who never came to the crown) held the same.  
The king yielded here unto, so as the Castles were excepted, but still he importuned him for them also. The King answered, that at his return again (for now he was ready to pass into Normandy) he should find him willing to satisfy him in any reasonable sort. But it was king Richard's hap after many victories over the French Nation during his abode on that side the Sea for the space of four years, in the end to die of a wound which he received at the siege of the Castle of Chalme by an envenomed Dart, as he was viewing where he might best undermine the same. Thus ended king Richard, after he had reigned nine years and as many months: whereupon john Earl of Mortaigne his Brother being then also on that side the Sea, through the industry of the Queen his Mother, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other his favourites in England, was forthwith proclaimed king. And to make all the more sure on their side (for they were very jealous over his Nephew young Arthure Duke of Britain, whose right to the Crown was by many, especially the Frenchmen, preferred before the others) they promised king William of Scotland to obtain of king john at his return over, whatsoever he pretended title unto, within the English Dominions.  
The Scotish king being thus put in hope to attain unto his desire, in token of his good liking and allowance of their proceed in the behalf of king john, sent the Bishop of Saint Andrew's to his coronation, with commission and instructions to move and prosecute his demand of restitution of those Lands he claimed, promising withal to abstain from all forcible invasion for the space of forty days, so as within that term he might have a resolute answer from the king concerning the same. Here unto King john made answer, that if his cousin the king of Scots would come unto him, he should have at his hands whatsoever in reason he could demand. For the place of their meeting, Nottingham was first appointed, afterwards York, but king William upon some occasion, failing to come to either of these two places, king john passed over into Normandy, where having appeased some broils stirred up by the French king in the behalf of young Arthure, at his return he sent an honourable embassage into Scotland, to safe conduct king William into England.  
The two kings met at Lincoln on the one and twentieth day of November in the second year of the reign of king john, to whom the Scotish king did there homage and fealty: which services being performed king William required restitution of Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmoreland, which he claimed as his right and lawful inheritance; after much parlance there about; king john craved respite to consider further of the matter till the Feast of Penticost next following, whereunto the Scotish king consenting, the Assembly brak up, and king William was attended back again into Scotland, by those that brought him thither.  
But king john, either being not disposed, or not at leisure to hold the appointed time, sent Ambassadors into Scotland to entreat king William to give him further day, to return him answer touching his former demand. Whereunto the other yielding, gave him Michelmasse next according to his desire. All this notwithstanding I do not find in the History of either Nation, that king john did at any time after enlarge his possessions within the Realm of England. After this some unkindness arose between them about the raising of a fortification, which the king of England had built over against Berwicke, upon which occasion, as also by reason that while the Realm stood in the damnable estate, as the world then believed, of the Pope's terrible curse, diverse of the English Nobility and others forsook their natural king, and for conscience sake fled into Scotland (such power had the Papacy over men's consciences in those days.)  
King john not contented therewith, having gathered an Army, and therewith approaching the borders of Scotland, he was encountered at Norham with Ambassadors from King William, (who then being about the age of threescore & ten years, was unfit to fight. At this meeting by mediation of friends a final peace was made between them, and for the more assurance thereof the Scotish King delivered his two Daughters Isabella and Margaret into the custody of king john to be bestowed in marriage, when they came to ripe age upon his two Sons. Buchanan saith that it was agreed upon at this time, that thenceforth the kings of Scotland should no more in their own persons do homage to the Kings of England, but those services should only be performed by their eldest sons, & for no other than for those lands and possessions which they held within the Realm of England. But hereof appeareth nothing amongst our own writers. About four or five years after this agreement king William departed out off this life, whom Alexander his son by the Lady Ermengard aforesaid, succeeded, being sixteen years of age, answerable to the term that king john had then reigned, of whom in the mean season Prince Alexander received the Order of knighthood at London.  
At the same time, upon complaint made by the young Prince (which title he had newly received by creation of his Father) that diverse rebellious persons had presumed upon the impotency of the Father and Son, by reason of the over old age of the one, and unripe age of the other, to oppose themselves against their government, under the leading of one Gothred. King john either in person (as some writ) or rather in power, (as I take it) accompanying the young Prince, did not only safe conduct him home, but forthwith joining with certain forces of Scotland, they together encountered the enemies in a set battle, gave them the overthrow, took their chief Captain prisoner, and according to his deserts made him shorter by the head. Notwithstanding all this kindness yet so fresh in memory that it could not be forgotten, immediately upon Prince Alexander his coming to the Crown in the year of our Lord 1214 his youth easily neglected the due regard he should have had of king john his deserts. Thus it fell out: amongst others then in favour with this young king, none was so much accounted of as a Nobleman of England, (yet by birth a Scotishman) one Eustace de vescie, that had married one of his sisters. This Gentleman together with Robert Fitzwalter, and Stephen Ridell had a little before conspired the death of King john, who having knowledge thereof sought underhand to apprehend them, but they distrusting the matter were glad to fly the Realm, Eustace into Scotland, and the other two into France. These men did afterwards so labour the two Kings of those Nations, that King Alexander (notwithstanding the Pope was then appeased) was persuaded to take part with Lewis the Dauphin, to whom the Barons of England had disloyally bound themselves by oath to receive and serve him, as their lawfully elected Prince and Sovereign, rejecting their due allegiance to king john their Liege and natural king.  
The Scotishmen having entered into England with a great Army, took the Castle of Norham, wasted and harrowed the country with all extremity. King john made haste with his army to repel the insolency of the Scots, but they would not tarry his coming. The king pursuing them to Dunbar wasted the country of Lothian, without resistance, and in his return burned the abbey of Coldingham, from whence passing along the Sea coast, not without much damage to the Inhabitants, at last he took by force the town and Castle of Berwicke, committing it to the custody of Hugh de Ballioll and Philip de Hulcootes, together with all the Country bordering on Scotland beyond the River of These. King john was hardly returned into the south parts of the Realm, before the French king had sent over a strong army to the aid of the Barons against their king, whom Lewis within few months after followed with a new supply, unto whose obedience all the Castles, Towns and Fortresses in the South-parts of the realm were subdued, (the Castles of Dover and Windsor only excepted. Neither was the North part of the realm free from these troubles: for Robert de Rosse, Peter de Brocis, & Richard Percy had brought the City of York, with all that County, under subjection to the Frenchmen, in manner as Gilbert de Gaunt (whom the Dolphin had lately made Earl of Lincoln) had done there also, where the Castle only held out. Thus was the passage prepared for the Scotish army, which advancing itself forwards in August, about two months after the arrival of the Dolphin, first seized upon Northumberland wholly, (the Castles excepted, which were so well defended by the King's party, that the Scotishmen thought it lost labour further to assail them at that time,) but keeping their course Southward, they came to London without any resistance or loss, saving that Eustace de Vescie (a principal leader amongst them) was slain with an Arrow, as he road in the Scotish Kings company to view, where to make an assault to the Castle of Barnard in the County of Haleewarkefolke, which belonged to Balliol. Lewis was lately departed from London, before the Scotish army came thither, towards the siege of Dover Castle, whither King Alexander with his whole power posted with all speed. But that strong Castle was so manfully defended by Hugh de Borowgh and Gerrard de Scotegame (the principal men therein) that all the power and policy of those two Princes would not suffice to win the same, for that was a point of such importance, as that the French king had a little before written to his Son, that the taking of it was of more avail unto his Enterprise, than all that he had gotten in England beside; which caused the young Prince to reinforce his whole endeavour for the accomplishment of his earnest desire. Here king Alexander did homage to Lewis in manner as he had done before to king john, acknowledging to hold of him as of the lawful king of England, which done he took his leave of Lewis and departed homewards, but not so quietly as he came thither. For the true hearted Englishmen observing the behaviour of the Scots, and watching every fit opportunity, took them at such an advantage as thereby King Alexander lost a great part of his Army, hardly escaping an utter overthrow, had not king john died at that instant which gave them a more happy return into Scotland than they looked for lately before.  
This sudden death of the king (which happened in the year 1216) wrought as sudden an alteration in the state of the present affairs. For now the barons began better to consider of the matter, having found out both by experience (the fools instructor) and by secret intilligence what little good was to be hoped for at the hands of their French Champion, if he prevailed in his enterprise. Wherefore diverse of the English Nobility that before had followed that faction, when they understood that young Prince Henry the king's son was proclaimed lawful inheritor and heir apparent to the Crown of England by William Marshal Earl of Pembroke, Ranulph Earl of Chester, & divers other of the partakers of the deceased King, they began one after an other to revolt from Lewis, and to submit themselves to their young King, not above nine years old. Whereupon after some few bicker and encounters by land & sea, between the one party and the other, wherein the French came still by the worse, Prince Lewis was willing to hearken to peace, which being readily concluded, he bid farewell to all former his goodly hopes, was honourably conducted to his ships, and transported into France about a year and a half from his first arrival in England. Thus in short time by the providence of God, and the industry and loyalty of some principal men of the Nobility this nation was delivered from one of the greatest dangers that ever it was like to fall into. The young king having reigned under protection about four years, and even then purposing with himself, after he should come to man's state (whereunto his notable and rare towardness did hasten him on) to recover that which his Father had lost on the other side of the sea, and withal knowing that the Scotish nation was of old, too much affected to France: that he might therefore in time prevent all occasion of trouble on that side, it was brought to pass at York, (where the two kings met by appointment) that king Alexander should take to wife the Lady jone sister to king Henry, and further that Margaret the Scotish kings sister should be given in marriage to Hubert de Borowgh, a man in exceeding great favour for many worthy parts in him; whereof both his Father and he himself had good trial, and for those his deserts king Henry afterwards created him Earl of Kent. The other sister returned again into Scotland unmarried: these two Ladies (as you have heard before) were committed by their Father to the custody of king john. These marriages were solemnized at York about Midsummer Anno. 1219. diverse covenants were then signed and sealed by either party for the more assurance of perfect amity between the two Nations, which continued accordingly during the lives of the two kings together, though there were some that practised what they could (for their own advantage) to set debate between them, amongst whom David the petty king of Wales having received an overthrow of the Englishmen, and thereupon flying into Scotland did his best endeavour to move king Alexander to rise in Arms against England, and by such persuasions as he used, so much prevailed that forthwith he made preparation to invade the Realm. This was the more easily compassed by reason that king Alexander had then buried his wife the King of England's sister, and not having had any issue by her, was again married to the Lady Marie, daughter to jugelram Lord of Coucie, a Frenchman, so that his former love and liking towards England was now happily abated and buried together with his late deceased wife Queen jone. Yet had there then been an other marriage concluded between the Lord Alexander the Scotish king's eldest Son, and the Lady Margeret daughter to king Henry which took effect as after shall appear.  
The Scotish Writers report, that king Henry had then begun to build a Castle over against Berwicke, in the same place where his father had before laid the foundation. But whatsoever was the true cause that moved king Alexander to invade the Realm, although king Henry was as ready to make resistance as the other was to offer injury, nevertheless by mediation of friends of either part, the quarrel was taken up, and the two kings reconciled one to the other, and for testimony thereof to all posterity, a public writing was drawn, signed and sealed by king Alexander and diverse of the Nobility of Scotland, acknowledging their allegiance to the King of England, as their supeor Lord, as followeth.  
Alexander Dei gratia Rex Scotiae. Omnibus Christi fidelibus hoc scriptum visuris vel audituris salutem. Ad vestram volumus venire notitiam, nos pro nobis & haeredibus nostris concessisse & fidelitèr promississe charissimo & ligio Domino nostro Henrico tertio Dei gratia Regi Angliae, illustri Domino Hiberniae, Duci Normandiae, & Aquitaniae, & Comiti Andegaviae, & eius haeredibus, quod in perpetuum bonam fidem, ei seruabimus, paritèr & amorem. Et quod nuncquam aliquod faedus iniemus per nos vel per aliquos alios ex part nostra, cum inimicis Domini Regis Angliae vel Haeredum suorum, ad bellum procurandum vel faciendum unde damnum eis vel regnis suis Angliae & Hiberniae, aut caeteris terris suis eveniat, vel possit alequatenùs evenire, nisi no iniustè gravent. Stantibus in suo robore conventionibus inter nos & dictum Dominum regem Angliae initis ultimò apud Eboracum, in praesentia Domini Othonis tituli S. Nicholai in carcere Tulliano, Diaconi Cardinalis, tunc Apostolicae sedis Legati in Anglia. Et saluis convectionibus super matrimonio contrahendo inter filium nostrum & filiam dicti Domini regis Angliae. Et ut haec nostra concessio & promissio pro nobis & haeredibus nostris perpetuae firmitatis robur obteniunt, fecimus jurare in animum nostrum Alanum Ostiarum, Henricum de Balliol, David de Lindesey, Wilhelmum Gifford, quod omnia predicta bona fide firmitèr & fidelitèr obseruabimus. Et similitèr iurari fecimus venerabiles patres, David, Wilhelmum, Galfridum & Clementem, sancti Andreae, Glasconiensem, Dunkeldensem, Dublinensem Episcopos. Et praeteria Malcolmum comitem de Fif, fideles nostros, Patricium, comitem de Dunbar, Malisium comitem de Strathern, Walterum Cumin comitem de Monteth, Wilhelmum comitem de Mar, Alexandrun comitem de Buchquhan, David de Hastings comitem de Athol, Robertum de Bruis Alanum Ostiarium, Henricum de Bailiol, Rogerum de Mounbray, Larentium de Abirnetha, Richardum Cumin, David de Lindesey, Richardun Siward, Wilhelmum de Lindesey, Walterum de Moravia, Wilhelmum Gifford, Nicholaun de Sully, Wilhelmum de veteri ponte, Wilhelmum de Brewer, Anselmun de Mesue, David de Graham, & Stephanun de Suningham. Quod si nos vel haeredes nostri, contra concessionem & promissionem praedictum (quod absit) venerimus, ipsi, & haeredes eorum nobis & haeredibus nostris, nullum, contrà concessionem & promissionem praedictam, auxilium, vel consilium impendent, aut ab alijs proposse suo impendi permittent. Imò bona fide laborabunt erga nos & haeredes nostros, ipsi et haeredes eorum, quòd omnia praedicta a nobis et haeredibus nostris, nec non ab ipsis et eorum haeredibus firmitèr et fidelitèr obseruentur in perpetuum. In cuius rei testimontum, tu, nos, quam praedicti Prelati, Comites & Barones nostri praesens scriptum sigillorum suorum appositione roboravimus. Testibus Praelatis, Comitibus & Baronibus superius nominatis. Ann. regni nostri. etc.  
This instrument being first signed and sealed by king Alexander himself, and afterwards by his Nobility, was sent to the King of England at Christmas following by the Prior of Tinmouth, who had traveled diligently and faithfully in this business to the honour and good liking of both parties. And for further confirmation thereof, another writing was sent to Rome, to the end that this agreement & accord might receive the more strength from his Holiness. This solemn league was established in the year of our Lord 1244. Whereupon Berwick was restored to the king of Scotland, & Carliele (which had been taken by the Scots in the reign of king john) was likewise restored to king Henry, & the ancient limits of the two kingdoms were bounded out by the King's cross in Steanmore, as before at the agreement made with the Conqueror. The often intermariages of the one nation with the other (which is the surest band of friendship) caused this good agreement so long between them; for when at any time occasion of unkindness was offered by either of the two kings, the Nobility of both sides were so linked one with the other, in such an indissoluble union, that they would not suffer the same to break out into any hostility. But to consummate and perfect (as it were) this Gordian knot, within two years after the death of king Alexander the father (which happened in the year 1249. his son Alexander that succeeded (about eight years old when his father deceased,) was within two years after brought to York, where King Henry on Christmas day honoured him with the order of Knighthood, and the day following, he gave him in marriage his Daughter, the Lady Margaret, according to the former agreement. At this meeting the young King did homage, in manner as before his father had done, and the League was renewed between the two Nations, which continued without any taint many years after. In the mean time, at sundry meetings of the two kings and their Queens, much kindness and friendly demeanour passed between them, to the great rejoicing of their subjects on both sides. And as occasion required, the one would aid and assist the other. For during the troubles between King Henry and his Barons, king Alexander did send unto his aid five thousand Scots, under the leading of Alexander Cumine and Robert Bruis, of whom the greater number was slain in the quarrel of the Father and Son against their rebellious subjects. King Henry deceasing in the seven and fifty year of his reign, Anno 1272. the Scotish king and Queen came into England to the Coronation of king Edward his brother in law, where having passed the time in great jollity, and acknowledged his allegiance, he was honourably attended into Scotland. Shortly after his return thither, Queen Margaret his wife deceased, and (not long after her death) their two sons David and Alexander died also, the elder brother having lately married the daughter of the Earl of Flanders, but left no issue behind them. The heavy hand of the Lord ceased not here, but finally inflicted well near an utter ruin and desolation on that kingdom, by taking out of this world (about twelve years after) the king himself and his whole progeny, if it be true that is reported in the History of Scotland, this calamity may seem to be prefigured in a prodigious apparition, at the second marriage of king Alexander: for as he was leading the Queen his Bride in a dance (according to the manner of such solemnities) there appeared to the whole assembly the similitude of an humane Anatomy, following and closing up the train of the Lords & Ladies that accompanied them. The same year viz. Ann. 1285. king Alexander was thrown from off his horse, and in the fall broke his neck: At his death none remained living of his line save only one infant, the daughter of his daughter Margaret Queen of Norway. King Edward understanding what had happened in Scotland, began to think with himself, how exceeding beneficial it would be to both nations, if by any good means they might be united and made one monarchy, whereupon forthwith he dispatched Ambassadors thither, to make offer of marriage between the young Lady the heir of Scotland, & his son Prince Edward heir apparent to the Crown of England. This was no sooner moved to the lords, but forthwith every man gave free consent, esteeming it so happy a thing for that kingdom, as nothing could be wished more. The marriage was therefore readily concluded upon these conditions. That the Scotishmen should be governed by their own Lords and laws, until the issue proceeding of them should be of age to take the government upon them. And if it happened that no issue should thereof spring, or should die before ripe age to govern: then the kingdom of Scotland should descend to the next in blood to the King last deceased. Hereupon certain Noblemen of Scotland were presently sent into Norway for the safe conduct of the young Lady, but it pleased not God at that time to give so great a blessing to this Island, for at their return home they brought heavy news of her death also. The posterity of king William of Scotland, grandfather to the last King, being now extinguished, great dissension arose about the title & claim to the crown. The realm by this occasion being divided into sundry factions, was in great danger of an utter subversion. This controversy having depended a long time, it was thought fit (sithence there was none amongst themselves of power & authority to decide a matter of so great importance) to refer the same to the hearing and award of the king of England, generally reputed of all the competitors a fit judge to determine thereof, according as law and equity should direct him. K. Edward being willing to bestow his travel to so good purpose, and holding himself in a sort bound thereunto, in regard of his right of superiority over that nation, easily consented to their petitions, appointing time & place for the performance of his best indevore to effect their desire. In the mean time, to the end it might appear to the world, that he took not this office in hand upon warrant only of the competitors entreaty, he caused all the ancient Chronicles & records that could be found either in England or Scotland, to be perused, that (if any question thereof should arise) his pretended interest in this action might be sufficiently approved. But although this was made so manifest out of Marianus the Scot, William of Malmesbury, Roger Hoveden, Henry Huntingdon, Ralph de Diceto & others, as none then living could gainsay it: nevertheless the Scotish writers have since that time much depraved the credit thereof by their bare surmises. And therefore it shall not be impertinent, for the better cleared of this point, before I proceed any further in declaration of the matter in hand, to examine how truly one of the best learned amongst them hath not long since peremptorily affirmed, that there is nothing to show for the proof of this pretended Superiority over the Kings of Scotland▪ praeter (to use his own words) veteres fabulas & recentes iniurias, besides old farlies & late injuries. I will not stand upon the testimonies fetched from beyond the Danish, and some of the Saxon Kings, because happily they may seem not much to the purpose, being without the compass of the last conquerors title, under which the succeeding kings of England must make their claim; but let us see what interest they can derive from and under him. It is granted that all the kings of Scotland from the conquest till that time, have done homage one after other to the kings of England, but not for the Realm of Scotland (say they) for what then? forsooth for those lands and signories which they held of the kings of England with in England. I would then gladly know when in the sixth year or thereabout, of the Conqueror's reign, upon the conclusion of peace between him and king Malcolme of Scotland, for the avoiding of further controversy in time to come, the two kingdoms were severed and divided by marks and bounds, in so memorable manner as is before declared: what lands and possessions did king Malcolme then hold pertaining to the Crown of England? Cumberland, (saith Buchanane) that part of Northumberland (saith an other) that lieth between the river of Tweed, Cumberland, and Staenmore. well; but whatsoever they were, were they not included and contained within those limits and bounds then erected? If not? to what purpose served that notorious division of the two kingdoms? either than have the Sootish writers erred in the approbation of that most solemn partition, or else must king Malcome then do homage to the Conqueror for his kingdom of Scotland: which being granted, then let it be showed, how and when his heirs after him were discharged of that service. Again how came it to pass, that in the said sixth year of the reign of the Conqueror, Michael the elect Bishop of Glascoe received consecration at the hands of Thomas then the Atchbishop of York, as of the primate of Scotland, binding himself by oath to the obedience of that Sea? Tothade the Bishop of Saint Androwes did the like, at the commandment of Malcome the third, king of Scotland. If then a Bishop of England had right to this supremacy over the clergy of Scotland, why should then the like pre-eminence be denied to the kings of England at that time, over the secular state of the same kingdom? Further what moved King William of Scotland, together with Earl David his brother, and the Scotish Lords then present, both temporal and spiritual, to acknowledge and swear fealty to King Henry the second: forsooth, because his subjects loved him so well, that for his redemption they would have yielded to any conditions whatsoever. As though king Henry was so unreasonable, that contrary to the custom of all nations, he would not accept of any other submission, but that he should be the first king of Scotland that became his vassal, when was it ever heard before that kings have so dealt one with another? as though an usual ransom, yea a very small sum, (seeing he was taken with the loss of little blood or none at all) would have been refused for his liberty? I doubt much whether the Lords of Scotland would ever have yielded to an exacted subjection for the love only of their king, especially having then amongst them the Lord David, a man of so worthy parts, as he was no way inferior to his brother. Lastly, what moved king Alexander the third, and his Lords to acknowledge the like allegiance to King Henry the third, the two kingdoms being separated, in manner as at the agreement between the Conqueror and Malcolm Cammoir? Therefore these are frivolous shifts, because they will not seem altogether mute in a matter so much importing (as they take it) the glory of their Nation. But howsoever, some others amongst them have been overcome with over vehement an affection towards their native country, whereby many times they have suppressed the truth, when it sounded somewhat too harsh for their hearing: yet I cannot but marvel at Buchanan (a man well learned and judicious (how he could be drawn into so perverse a conceit of King Edward's demeanour in this action. whereunto it is now time to return, hoping a time will come, when as this difference shall not be offensive any more. The King of England about Easter next, according to his appointment, repaired in●o the North-parts, and being come to Norham, he caused all the Prelates and Barons of Scotland, to be called before him: to whom he declared his readiness to under-take the deciding of this great controversy, concerning a title to a kingdom. That in requiring his assistance, and making offer to stand to his final sentence therein, they had done no more, then by the duty of their allegiance they were bound unto; whereof if any amongst them doubted, they might be thoroughly satisfied, by taking a view of such records and observations as he caused faithfully to be gathered out of the best Historiographers of both Nations, which then were openly read amongst them, which being so fresh in memory, no man made further question thereof. Whereupon King Ed●ard was acknowledged Superior Lord of Scotland, of all the competitors, and a writing was drawn, subscribed, and confirmed with their hands and feales, testifying this their voluntary recognition in these words.  
A toux iceulx qui ceste present lettre verrunt ou orrunt, etc. To all them that this present writing shall see or hear. Florence Earl of Holland, Robert le Bruce Lord of Awandale, john Cumine Lord of Badenowe, Patrick de Dunbarre Earl of March, john de Balliol Lord of Galloway, john Hastings Lord of Abergevennie, john de Vescie instead of his Father, Nicholas de Sules, and Walter Rosse, send greeting in our Lord. Whereas all we pretend to have right to the kingdom of Scotland, and intent to declare, challenge, and prove the fame before him that hath the best authority, jurisdiction and reason, to examine our right, and that the noble Prince the Lord Edward, by the grace of God King of England, by good and sufficient reasons, hath informed us, that the superior domination of Scotland, belongeth to him, and that he ought to have the knowledge, hearing, examining, and defining of our right: we of our free-willes, without all violence and constraint, do will, consent, and grant to receive our right before him, as the superior Lord of our land. We will also and promise, that we shall have and hold his deed for firm and stable, and that he shall have the kingdom, unto whom before him best right shall give the same. In witness whereof we have to these letters put our seals. Yeven at Norham the Tuesday next after the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, in the year 1291. for the more strong ratification hereof, the King further demanded full possession and seizure of the realm of Scotland, as also for the better strengthening of his estate, to whom the same kingdom should be by him adjudged, whereunto they all agreed by writing also, under their several hands and seals, as followeth.  
A toux iceulx, etc. To all those which this present writing shall see or hear. Florence Earl of Holland, Robert de Bruce Lord of Annandale, john de Balliol Lord of Galloway, john de Hastings Lord of Abergevennie, john Cumin Lord of Badenawe, Patrick de Dunbarre Earl of March, john de Vescie instead of his Father, Nicholas de Sules, and William de Ros, send greeting in our Lord. Because that of our own wills and common consents, without all constraint, we do consent and grant unto the noble Prince, the Lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, that he as superior Lord of Scotland, may hear, examine, define & determine our claims, challenges & petitions, which we intent to show and prove for our right, to be received before him as superior Lord of the land, promising moreover, that we shall take his deed for firm and stable, and that he shall enjoy the kingdom of Scotland, whose right by declaration shall best appear before him: whereas then the said king of England cannot in this manner take knowledge, nor fulfil our meanings without judgement, nor judgement ought to be without execution, nor execution may in due form be done without possession and seisme of the said lands and castles of the same. We do will, consent and grant, that he as Superior Lord to perform the premises, may have the seizure of all the land and Castles of the same, till they that pretend title to the crown be satisfied in the suit: so that before he be put into possession and seizure, he find sufficient surety to us that pretend title, & to the wardens, and to all the commonalty of the kingdom of Scotland, that he shall restore the same kingdom with all the royalty, dignity, signory, liberties, customs, rights, laws, usages, possessions, and all and whatsoever the appurtinances in the same state, wherein they were before the seisme to him delivered: unto him to whom by right it is due, according to the judgement of his Majesty, saving to him the homage of that person that shall be king. And this restitution to be made within two months after the day, in which the right shall be discussed and established: the issues of the same land in the mean time shall be received, laid up, & put in safe keeping, in the hands of the Chamberlain of Scotland that now is, & of him, whom the King of England shall to him join and assotiate, and this under their seals, reserving and allowing the reasonable charges for the sustentation of the land, the Castles and officers of the kingdom. In witness of all the which premises, we have unto these set our seals: given at Norham the wednesday next after the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, in the year 1291. Besides these two former deeds from the competitors themselves, he received the like assurance from all the principal officers and Magistrates of that realm. So as by a free and general consent, he was acknowledged their supreme Lord, and was accordingly entitled in sundry Proclamations and public Edicts, directed forth in his name.  
King Edward having received at their hands these instruments of allegiance, as their proper and voluntary deeds, and also their several homages, either in his own person, or by his deputies, according to the order given in that behalf: he was finally put in full possession of the realm of Scotland, and having occasion to return presently into England to solemnize the exequys of his Mother, he committed the government and custody of the realm in his absence, to the Bishops of Saint andrew's and Glascoe, and to the Lords john Cumin and james Steward, who before had given the King possession. At his return out of England, at Midsummer following, he sent out summons to all those that made claim to the Crown of Scotland, to repair unto him, and having heard what each one could say for himself, he perceived that the question rested only between john Balliol and Robert Bruce, so as that all the rest were thenceforth utterly excluded and barred from all further title or claim. These two derived their titles from David Earl of Huntingdon, brother to William late King of Scots in this manner. This David had issue by Mawde his wife, one of the daughters of Hugh Bohune Earl of Chester (as is aforesaid) three daughters: Margaret the eldest was married to Alaine Lord of Galloway, who had issue together, three daughters also, of whom the eldest (named Dernagil) was married to john Balliol, the parents of this john Balliol, one of the two competitors. Isabella the second daughter of the foresaid David, was married to Robert Bruce, between whom was begotten this Robert Bruce the other competitor. He claimed the Crown, as next heir male: the other made claim in the right of his mother, who was the next heir in blood, and (as we say in England) heir at the common-law. Bruce alleged, that he was to be preferred before the Mother of Balliol, because the heir male must carry away the inheritance of a kingdom from the heir female, meeting in the self same degree of blood, as in this case it stood between him and Dernagill. To this end he alleged a late precedent in the like controversy about the Duchy of Burgundy, which the Earl of Nevers claimed in the right of his wife, grandchild to the last Duke by his eldest son, which notwithstanding, the brother's inheritance was adjudged to the Duke's younger son. King Edward having heard the allegations and answers of both parties, caused then to be enrolled, but because the matter was of the greatest importance (life only excepted) and therefore required good deliberation, he referred the further proceeding therein till Michaelmas following, and returned into England. In the mean time, for his better instruction, he acquainted the most learned Lawyers as well of France as of this nation, with the whole state of the cause, and received their general resolution therein. At the time prefixed he repaired again into the North-parts, and coming to Berwicke, he called thither the two competitors, together with the greater number of the Lords of Scotland, to receive there a final end of this controversy. Out of this great assembly of the most grave and best experienced personages of both Nations, he made choice of a certain number, as well English as Scottish, to whom (as to a jury royal, sworn and admonished to deal uprightly) the King gave full authority, to name him, that unto them appeared, upon the examination of their several titles, and the resolution of the Lawyers thereupon (which was delivered unto them) to have the better right unto the crown of Scotland. These men being put a part by themselves, and having examined, considered, and sufficiently debated, the proves, allegations, and whatsoever could be said on either side, they all with one full consent and voice, pronounced john Balliol the true and undoubted heir to the Crown of Scotland. King Edward allowing their verdict, gave sentence accordingly. Whereupon he was forthwith proclaimed king of Scotland, on condition, that if he did not govern his kingdom with equity & justice, then upon just complaint thereof the king of England might put to his helping hand, by some good means to procure reformation, as he was bound thereunto by his right of Superiority, which in him was anciently invested. Further he awarded out his writs of delivery of seisme at the suit of Balliol, unto the Bishop's aforesaid, and to john Lord Cumin, james Lord Steward, and Brian Fitz-alline wardens of Scotland, commanding them to deliver unto john Balliol, the full seisme and possession of that land, saving the relieves and other payments due to him of the issues and profits of the same, unto the day of the date of that writ, being the nineteen. of November, in the twentieth year of the reign of King Edward, Anno Domi. 1291. also an other writ was likewise directed the same day, to such as had the keeping of the Castles, in form following.  
Edwardus dei gratia Rex Angliae, etc. Edward by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, and Superior Lord of the realm of Scotland. To his well-beloved and faithful servant Peter Burdet Constable of the Castle of Berwicke, sendeth greeting.  
Whereas john Balliol in Parliament lately holden at Berwick upon Tweed, came before us, and demanded the said realm of Scotland to be adjudged to him by us, and seisme of the same to be to him delivered, as next heir to Margaret Daughter to the King of Norway, Lady of Scotland by right of succession: we having heard and understood the same petitions and reasons, being diligently weighed and examined, we find the said john Balliol to be next heir to the Crown of Scotland. whereupon we have delivered unto him seisme and possession thereof. We therefore command you, that you deliver up unto the said john Balliol, or to his Attorneys, that shall bring with them these our Letters, the seisme of the said Castle of Berwicke, with all the appurtenances, together with all other things to you delivered by Indenture, in manner as you received the same, with the custody of the said Castle to you committed, and this without delay.  
Witness ourself at Berwicke upon Tweed the nineteenth day of November, in the 20. year of our reign.  
In the same form were writs directed to all the keepers of the other Castles and manors belonging to the crown of Scotland, and being then in their custody to whom K. Edward had before granted the same. Then also in the presence of the new king and the nobles of Scotland; the new seal which had been before committed by King Edward to the governors of the realm of Scotland, during the time of vacancy was broken, and put up to be reserved in the treasury of the King of England in token of his superiority, and the trust committed unto him for the ending of this controversy. The next day the Scotish king did fealty in the Castle of Norham, unto king Edward for his kingdom in manner following.  
This hear you, my Lord Edward, King of England, Sovereign Lord of the Realm of Scotland. That I john Balliol king of Scotland (which I hold and claim to hold of you) shall be faithful and loyal, and own faith and loyalty, unto you; I shall bear of life and member, and of earthly honour against all people, and lawfully I shall acknowledge, and do the services, which I ought to do to you for the Realm of Scotland aforesaid. So God me help. And for more testimony hereof he caused letters patents to be sealed & delivered to King Edward in the presence of the Bishops of S. Andrew's and Glasco, and of divers others of the Nobility of both Nations. This done King Edward appointed the bishop of Durham, and the Lord john S, john, to attend Balliol into Scotland and to put him into the corporal possession of the Land, which was performed accordingly. For on S. Andrew's day following he was crowned at Scone in the Marble chair in the Abbey, the solemnities ended he returned back to Newcastle upon Tine, where king Edward kept his Christmas that year, and there upon Saint Stephen's day the Scotish king did homage to king Edward in manner following.  
My Lord, Lord Edward king of England, Superior Lord of Scotland. I john de Balliol king of Scotland do acknowledge me to be your Liegeman of the Realm of Scotland with all the apurtenances and whatsoever belongeth thereto. The which kingdom I hold, and aught of right to claim to hold by inheritance of you and your heirs kings of England: And I shall bear faith and loyalty to you and to your heirs kings of England of life, of member and earthly honour against all men which may live and die.  
The two kings having spent some time there together, with much joy and revel, took their leaves one of the other, and parted in great kindness. Thus was this controversy decided and taken up, which had continued from the death of Alexander the last king before him, unto this man's coronation six years and eight months, & now within that term of months, ended by king Edward to the exceeding great benefit of that nation, had not their inconstancy immediately afterwards bereaved them thereof, and turned the good which they might have gained thereby, well near to their utter confusion, as in the History following shall appear.  
The next year after that king Balliol was thus established in his kingdom, a controversy arose concerning title of Land between macduff Earl of Fife (who in the time of the interraigne was one of the six, to whom the government of the Realm was committed) and the family of the Abernethes (men of good place also) one of these killed the Earl, whose brother making complaint thereof to his king, was not only little regarded therein, but upon the hearing of the matter in controversy, he gave judgement against him. Macduffes brother having lost both his land, and found the King over-slow in taking revenge for the injury offered his family, appealed to the king of England, whereupon king Balliol was called to London to answer to the others accusation. The two kings sitting together in Parliament, the Plaintiff propounded his complaint. The Scotish king being the party defendant, was entreated to remove (according to the order observed in such cases) into an inferior place, to answer and to plead for himself (for it is not the manner of that most honourable assembly to admit counsel on either side) This disgrace (saith Buchanan) first moved king Balliol to break off friendship with England: for the war being even then in that Parliament renewed with France, he was thereby the more easily drawn to enter into league and alliance with that Nation.  
King Edward having had secret intelligence of the Scotish kings inclination to revolt (being then returned into Scotland, to the end he might sound out the truth, he required his aid and assistance in his intended war with France, whereunto he received so doubtful an answer, as that he was thereby brought into more distrust with the king of England, and therefore sending again into Scotland, he required to have the custody of the Castles of Berwicke, Edenbrugh and Rockesbrugh delivered unto him, for the better assurance of his loyalty, during the continuance of the war with France.  
Hereunto the Lords of Scotland took upon them to answer (for their king would not yet openly oppose himself) that they were Freemen borne, and therefore would never yield to that servitude, whereunto their king had unadvisedly subjecteth himself: that his private act (how voluntary soever) could not bind his subjects, because without the general consent of the States of the whole Realm, nothing could be established, which concerned the whole body of the Commonweal. That the League now renewed with France was of five hundred years continuance, which for the conveniency and necessity thereof, was to be preferred before the late and less profitable amity and alliance with England. And to approve these words with their deeds, the Townsmen of Berwicke made an assault upon certain English Merchants that were at Anchor in the Haven, of whom many were wounded, some slain, and the residue forced to fly, who at their return home informed the king thereof. He now perceiving the affection of that Nation towards him, purposed forthwith to invade that realm. But in the mean time (thereby to conceal his resolution,) he sent a solemn embassage thither, summoning king john to make his appearance at Newcastle within certain days, there to show cause, why (contrary to his faithful promise) he had entered into league with his enemy the French King, of whom he could not receive so much good, as he was likely to sustain harm thereby from him, and further, that it was not possible to serve two masters of so contrary disposition, without offence to the one or other. But King john holding himself much injured by king Edward, returned unto him letters of complaint, which was all the answer he would afford him. The Army being assembled, and king Edward therewith approaching Work Castle, seven Earls of Scotland, namely Bouchan, Menteth, Stratherne, Lennox Ro●, Athol and Marre, with john Cumin the master of Badenaw, having gathered together five hundred horsemen, and ten thousand footmen in Amandale, on Monday in Easter week entered into England, on that side, and passing towards Carlisle put all to fire and sword, that stood in their way, but the town was so well defended, as that they gave over the siege on Thursday following, and returned again into Scotland. The same day king Edward with his army passed over the River Tweed, and summoned Berwick, offering peace upon certain conditions: which being refused he approached and lodged in the monastery of Caldestrenie, his army consisting of four thousand horse, and thirty thousand footmen. He had appointed certain ships to the number of four and twenty to scour the Coast thereabout, to cut off access to the Town by sea, who upon some sign given them from the army, placed on a plain in battle array within their view, entered the Haven, and offering to land were assailed by the Townsmen. While the fray continued not without some more loss on the English party, the king with his Army having in the mean time passed over a ditch, cast upon purpose to have hindered his approach on that side, entered the town without losing any man of name, save only Sir Richard Cornwall. But the Scotish writers report otherwise of this exploit. That the King despairing to take the town by force, devised what might be wrought by policy, and therefore feigning to departed raised the siege, causing a rumour to be spread by certain Scots his adherents in heart, that king john was at hand withal his power to relieve the Town. This news being brought to Berwicke by such in whom they reposed trust, forthwith the Gallants and they of the best account, setting open the Gates issued out to meet their king: King Edward watching the expected advantage got between them and home, and so entered without any great resistance. Howsoever it was brought to pass, it seemeth by the exceeding great number of Scots then slain, and the small loss or none at all of Englishmen that there was some cunning used in the taking of the Town. For at the least seven thousand of them were thereat slain, being the very choice men of all Lothian and Fife. This happened on the thirteth of March, in the year of our Lord 1296.  
The King remained there fifteen days: in which time he fortified the Town with a ditch cast about it fourscore foot deep and as much over. While he stayed here he received Letters from king john, wherein he again complained of sundry wrongs offered unto him, in regard whereof he renounced all such homage and fealty by him and his subjects to be any more acknowledged due unto him. The King having heard the letter read commanded his Chancellor to enrol it. In the mean time the Scotish Army, whereof I have spoken before, dividing itself into two several companies, the one part under the leading of the Earl of Buquhan, entered by Cumberland, the other by Riddesdaile, burning the villages & putting all to sword they met withal in most furious manner, and having even glutted themselves with blood, they returned home with all their pillage and booty. The Earl of Dunbar came to Berwicke and submitted himself withal he had unto the King's pleasure, but in the mean season his Castle, by the practice of his wife was rendered unto the Scots, for the recovery whereof the Earls of Warwick and Warren with a great power were forthwith sent thither by the king.  
The Englishmen having besieged the Castle were set upon by the Scots, between whom was fought a most bloody battle: but in the end the Englishmen had the victory, the number of Scots slain in fight and flight (the chase continuing eight miles) were about ten thousand, the Noblemen escaped by recovering the castle: On the next morning (being the eight and twenteeths day of April) at the king of England's coming thither, the Castle was forthwith surrendered unto him, wherein were taken prisoners the Earls of Monteith, Cassills and Ros, six Barons, namely, john Cumin the younger, William Sincler, Richard Siward the elder, john Fitz-geffrey, Alexander. de Mortaigne, Edmond Cumin of Kilbird, besides thirty knights, and above that number of Lairdes and chief Gentlemen.  
All these were sent into England & bestowed in places of safe keeping. From hence the king marched unto the Castle of Roxbrough, which incontinently yielded itself; the lives saved of all within the same. Amongst whom the Lord Steward of Scotland was the principal man. After this the King besieged the strong Castle of Edenbrugh, which after fifteen days was surrendered upon the like condition. The Castle of Striueling, at the kings approach being left desolate, and having the gates set wide open, offered itself unto his entrance. King Edward following his good fortune passed from hence over the forth, and about Midsummer came to the Town S. john, While he remained there, king john now despairing to recover by force his manifold losses, sought by entreaty to be reconciled and received into grace: which at length was granted, so as king john and his Nobility acknowledging their error resigned the kingdom of Scotland into the hands of king Edward in manner following.  
jehan per le grace de Dieu, etc. john by the grace of God, king of Scotland; To all those that these present Letters shall see or hear, sendeth greeting. Because that we through evil counsel and our own simplicity, have grievously offended our Sovereign Lord, Edward by the Grace of God king of England, Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine in many things, that is to say, In that whereas we being and abiding under his faith and homage, have bound ourselves unto the king of France, which then was his enemy & yet is, procuring a marriage with the Daughter of his Brother Charles de valois: And that we might vex our said Lord, and aid the king of France withal our power by war, and other means: we have at length by advise of perverse counsel defied our said Lord, the King of England, and have put ourselves out of his allegiance and homage, and sent our people into England, to burn houses, to take spoils, to commit murder, with many other damages, and also in fortifying the kingdom of Scotland, which is of his fee, putting armed men into towns castles and other places, to keep the Land against him, & defraud him of his fee. For the which transgressions our said sovereign Lord the king entering into the realm of Scotland with his power, hath conquered and taken the same, notwithstanding all that we could do against him, as by right he might do, and as appertained to a Lord over his fee, because that we did render unto him our homage, and yet nevertheless made the foresaid rebellion. We therefore, it being yet in our power, & free-will do surrender unto him the realm of Scotland and all the people of the same with the homages. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters patents to be drawn. Given at Brechin the tenth day of july in the fourth year of our reign sealed with the common seal of the kingdom of Scotland. This done, king Edward having received the Son of Balliol, in pledge of his father's fidelity, passed on further to see the mountain Countries, the Bishop of Durham ever keeping a days journey before him: after he had passed thorough the land of Murrey, and was come to Elghin, perceiving all the Country quiet, he returned to Berwicke, whether he summoned all the Noblemen of Scotland of whom he received their several homages confirming the same under their hands and seals in form following.  
Atouz ceux qui cestes lettres verrent. etc. To all those that these present letters shall see or hear. We john Cumin of Badenaw etc. Do hereby vow and promise for us and our heirs, upon pain of body and goods and of all that we have, that we shall serve the most Noble Prince and our dearest Lord Edward by the grace of God king of England etc. well and truly against all men which may live and die, at all times when we shallbe required or warned by our said Lord the king of England or his heirs. And that we shall not know of any hurt to be done unto them, but the same we shall let and impeach with all our power, and give them warning thereof. And these things to hold and keep, we bind us, our heirs & all our goods. And further do receive an oath thereof upon the holy Evangelists. And after all, we and every one of us have done homage unto our sovereign Lord, the king of England in these words.  
I become your liege man of life, members & earthly honour, against all men which may live and die. And our said sovereign Lord the king, received this homage under this form of words. We receive it for the land of the which you be now seized, the right of us or others saved, & except the lands which john Balliol (sometime king of Scotland) granted unto us after that we did deliver unto him the kingdom of Scotland, if happily he hath given unto you any of those lands. Moreover all we and every one of us by himself have done fealty to our said sovereign Lord the king in these words.  
I as a faithful and liege man shall keep faith and loyalty unto Edward king of England and to his heirs, of life, member and earthly honour against all men which may live and die. And shall never for any person bear armour, or shallbe of counsel, or aid any person against him or his heirs in any case that may chance, but shall faithfully acknowledge and do the service that belongeth to the tenements I claim to hold of him as God me help.  
In witness whereof these letters patents are made and signed with our seals. Given at Work the 24. of March in the year of the reign of our said Lord the king of England five and twentieth.  
King Edward having appointed john Warren Earl of Surrey warden of Scotland, Hugh Cressingham Treasurer, and William Drusbie chief justice, and sent a convenient company to attend and safe conduct john Balliol and some of the principal Lords of that realm into England, he followed soon after himself. Balliol had liberty to take recreation within the circuit of twenty miles about London, the rest were charged on pain of death not to pass out of England till the king had made an end of his war with France, which now he was to undertake and to that end (after his return home about the latter end of summer) having prepared all things fit for that journey, he passed over into Flanders where he remained until the next spring, and then returned back again, by reason of a rebellion (already begun in Scotland a little before his going over) and now by his absence was grown more dangerous, than it was at the first thought it could prove. The chief Captain hereof was one Wallais a Scotishman, whose mean estate had well near worn out the memory of his ancestry, yet nevertheless showed himself, even in his greatest penury, of courage not incident to a vulgar and base spirit. This gallant wearied with his obscure and abject condition of life, having nothing to lose besides it, neither valueing the same at any great price, began to pluck up his benumbed spirits, and to bethink himself, how to make way unto the achievement of some famous and valorous exploit, fortune was so favourable unto him, that he was suddenly advanced beyond all men's expectation (for the extraordinary success of his interprices) to the title and dignity of the viceroy of Scotland. For, having assembled a great number of his Countrymen of like quality unto himself, he set upon the English forces, beating them to their holds, and recovering into his possession, all the places of strength which they held on the further side of the frith of Edenborugh. The report hereof being brought into England, the Earl of Surrie was succoured with new supply of Soldiers from thence, with whom he passed against the enemies then encamped on the further side of the frith. The Earl together with the Lord Hugh Cressingham, being come with their army to Striueling bridge, where they were to pass over unto them, after that the greater number conducted by the Lord Cressingham were on the further side, the bridge (being but of wood) broke asunder, so as the residue of the army could not follow their fellows. Walleis taking the advantage set upon the Englishmen on that side, before they could be brought into any good order of battle, by which means being overpressed also with multitude, they were well-nere all, to the number of six thousand men, together with their Captain slain or drowned in the river. This misfortune happened to the Englishmen about the midst of September, in the year of our Lord God 1297. The Earl bestowing his companies there where was most need, returned into England with all speed. But Wallais following his good fortune, left nothing unattempted that might augment his glory and renown. For immediately thereupon he invaded Northumberland, from whence passing thorough the Forest of Inglewood, Cumberland and Alerdaile, till he came unto Dewent at Cockermouth, wasting and spoiling all in his walk, but coming to Newcastle, the Town was so well defended, that giving over the siege, and having divided the spoil amongst his peogle, they returned home in the Calends of February next following. While the Scots thus ranged at their pleasure in the East Marches, the lord Clifford with the power of Carliele entered into Annandale, committing all to the spoil of their footmen. The Horsemen (being not above an hundred) gave a charge upon the enemy near to Annand Kirke, drove them into a Marish, wherein the English footmen (being not far behind) assailing them, slew about three hundred, and took the rest prisoners, with whom they returned home on Christmas even: About the beginning of the next Spring the Earl of Surrey (lord warden of Scotland) desirous to be revenged on the rebellious Scots, assembled his Army at York, having first summoned the lords of Scotland to meet him there at an appointed day. But they in the mean time joining with Wallais, had besieged the Castle of Roxbrough. The Earl hearing thereof, hasted thither with all speed, but Wallais with his adherents would not abide his approach. Then having relieved that Castle with victuals and other necessaries, he passed forth to Kelsay, and from thence to Berwicke, which the enemy had lately desolated, the Castle only excepted. Hither came letters from the King, showing that he had taken truce with the French King, and commanding the lord warden of Scotland to make no further attempt, then to defend the frontiers of England, until his coming over, which should be very shortly. hereupon a great part of the army was sent home, such only remained, which might suffice for the re-manning of the town and castle. K. Edward at his return home, gave summons to the lords of Scotland, to attend him at York, where he had appointed to hold a Parliament: but because they made default of their appearance at the prefixed day, he forthwith sent out his letters to warn all his subjects, able to bear armour, to be ready furnished at Roxburgh on Midsummer day following, which being come, thither repaired about 3000. men of Arms, mounted on barbed horses, besides 4000 light horsemen, and a great number of footmen, the better part Welshmen & Irishmen. The whole army being come within Scotland to a place called Fonkerke, about four miles from Sterling where the Scots lay, was divided into three battles. The foremost was lead by the Earls, Martial, Hereford and Lincoln. The second by the Bishop of Durham (a martial prelate) The rearward was conducted by the king himself. In like manner the Scotish army was divided into three. The first was lead by john Cumine, the second by joh. Steward. And the third, by the valiant Captain William Wallais, the whole consisted of some thirty thousand men well and strongly appointed. At the first encounter the Scotish horsemen were put to flight, some few only excepted that kept the footmen in order, the second battle being assailed by the Englishmen both before and behind, after some small resistance was also wholly overthrown, few or none escaping with life, Wallais having manfully maintained the fight while he was able to make resistance, and now seeing himself overcharged a front, and Bruce at his back (who served that day on the English part) ready to entrap him, he thought it best to save himself, in as good sort as he could, and therefore retiring with those few that remained, to the further side of the river Carront, he so escaped. After this overthrow he never appeared any more in the field, but grievously complaining of the envy and malice which the Scotish Nobility bare towards him, he renounced all the authority committed unto him and withdrew himself to his accustomed solitariness. About seven years after this, he was betrayed by one of his most familiar friends, sent into England, arraigned and condemned of treason, and for the same executed, his head was set on London bridge, and his four quarters bestowed upon the gates of the chief Cities and towns of England and Scotland. The Scotish writers do hieghly commend the notable courage and resolution of this man, who alone would never be won by fair means or fowl, to yield himself to the enemies (as he took it) of his country's liberty, but still to his power defended the same by all means that possibly he could devise. This bloody battle was fought on Mary Magdalene's day in the year of our redemption 1298. Whereat was slain john Steward brother to the Lord Steward, Macduff Earl of fife, & the valiant knight Saint john Graiham, besides many other of good reckoning, in the whole to the number of 1500. at the least, with very small loss or none at all (to speak of) of the English party. This victory thus atcheiued the English army marched forwards to the town of S. Andrew's, from thence thorough Selkerke forest to the castle of air, but nowhere they found resistance: then coming to the town of Anuan they took the castle of Lochmaben, and so returned into England by the West marches. In this journey diverse of the Scotish Nobility & others, upon humble submission were again received into favour. While king Edward remained at Carliele he called a Parliament, whereat he bestowed lands and possessions within Scotland on the Noblemen of England that attended on him: unto Earls he gave Earldoms, to Baron's Baronies, and to others according to their degrees. About the beginning of the next year he returned to London. He was no sooner out off Scotland with his army, but presently there was a new Viceroy set up, one of the Cumines, who began to raise new stirs there, amongst some other they took the Castle of Striueling. But understanding that king Edward was gathering new forces wherewith to enter into Scotland again, they began to consult what was best to be done, not only for the preventing of his present approach but especially for the recovery of the kingdom, which was now in great danger by conquest to be annexed to the Crown of Engl: In the end they resolved with all speed to procure an abstinence from war, to the intent that in the mean season the might labour Pope Boniface, to take upon him the protection of the realm of Scotland: thereby to avoid & shake off all manner of subjection to the king of England: for the Pope had lately before so far prevailed already with king Edward, as that at his entreaty john Balliol was committed to the custody of the Bishop of Cambray, who undertook in the Pope's behalf, that his liberty should not prejudice the quiet estate of either nation Engl: or Scotland. According to this their resolution, the lords of Scotland: procured Philip de Valois the French king, to effect this their desired truce: which was granted for eleven months, to Whitsuntide following, being the more easily compassed by him, by reason king Edward had lately before married his sister. Hereupon for this time the army was dissolved being even ready to have entered into Scotland. In the mean time the Scotish lords sent Ambassadors to Rome, presenting to the Pope a grievous complaint of the proceed of king Edward. That he was fully bend to make a conquest of their country, unless it would please his Holiness, by the virtue of his prerogative in such cases to compound & order all differences as well amongst themselves, as also between the king of Engl: and them, at his will and pleasure, whereunto they would willingly submit themselves.  
The Pope gave ear to their petition, hoping to gain something by the bargain, for with him no penny, no Pater noster. And first he began to quarrel with king Edward, because he would not at his entreaty restore unto Edward Balliol those lands in England which descended upon him, by the death of john Balliol his father now lately deceased. Then he forbade him from thenceforth to make war with the Scots, because they had submitted themselves to the protection of the Sea Apostolical, in whose power it now only rested to dispose of their kingdom, as seemed best to the same. And by way of prevention he further declared, that all such homage & fealty, as the kings of Scotland in former times had done to the kings of England was only for Tividale, Penreth, and such other Lands as they held within England, and not for the realm of Scotland, as he would have it. Lastly, whereas the kings of Scotland had sometimes served the kings of England in their wars both at home and abroad, and had been sundry times present at their coronations, all this proceeded of their voluntary accord, and especial favour towards them, by reason of their nearness in blood, and not (as he took it) of any duty binding them thereto. King Edward in his answer hereunto, proved by evident reasons, that the right of Superiority and command over the realm of Scotland, did justly belong unto him, and that the allegations made to the contrary were vain and frivolous. Besides the king's letters, the Nobility also of the realm being now assembled in Parliament at Lincoln, joined in the framing of an other letter, answering in the name of the three estates unto that point of the Popes pretended right, to intermeddle in the cause, between the king their master, and the Lords of Scotland, & that it was never before known, that the kings of England had answered, or of right aught to answer, for any thing they claimed, before any judge ecclesiastical or secular, yea though the king would thereunto yield yet would they never give their consents unto it seeing it would so much prejudice, his dignity royal and the ancient customs and privileges of the realm. This letter, bare date the twelft of February, in the year of grace 1301. and was signed under the hands and seals of these Noblemen whose names follow. viz.  
john Earl Warren, Thomas Earl of Lancaster, Ralph de Monthermer Earl of Gloucester & Herford, Humphrey de Bohum Earl of Hereford and Essex and Constable of England. Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk Martial of England, Guy Earl of Warwick, Richard Earl of Arundel, Audomar de valence lord of Monterney, Henry de Lancaster Lord of Monmouth, john de Hastings Lord of Bergevenny, Henry de Percy Lord of Topeliffe, Edmond de Mortimer Lord of Wigmor, Robert fitzwater Lord of Woodham, john de Saint john Lord of Hannake, Hugh de veer Lord of Swanestampe, William de Brewse Lord of Gower. Robert de Mounthault Lord of Hewarden. Robert de Tateshal Lord of Wokeham, Reignald de Grey Lord of Ruthin, Henry de Grace Lord of Codnore. Hugh Bardalfe Lord of Wormegaie, Robert de Clifforde Chatellaine of Appleby, Peter de Malow Lord of Mulgreene. Philip Lord of Kine, Robert Fitz Roger Lord of Claveringes, joh. de Mohun Lo. of Dunester, Almerick de S. Amonde Lord of Widehay, William de Ferrer Lo. of Groby, Alaine de Zouche Lo. of Asby, Theobalde de Vernon Lo. of Webbeley, Tho. de Furnivall Lo. of Schefield, Tho. de Moulton Lo. of Egremont: William Latimer, Lo. of Corbie. Tho. Lord Berkeley: Foulke Fitzwarren Lo. of Mitingham: john Lo. Seagrave, Edmond de Enicourt Lo. of Thurgerton: Peter Corbet Lord of Cans, William de Cantelow Lord of Ravensthorpe: john de Beauchampe Lo. of Hacchie, Roger de Mortimere Lo. of Penkethlin: john Fitz Reinald Lord of Blenlevenie: Ralph de Nevell Lord of Rabie, Brian Fitz-Alaine Lo. of Bedale. William Marshal Lord of Heugham: Walter Lo. Huntercombe, William Martin Lo. of Camies: Henry de these Lord of Chilton; Roger de Ware Lo. of Isefield: john de Rivers. Lo. of Augre, john de Lancaster Lo. of Grisedale, Robert Fitz-Paine Lo of Lumnier: Henry Tregoz Lord of Garings: Robert Pipard Lo. of Lomford: Walter Lord Faucomberg: Roger le Strange Lord of Ellesmere, john le Strange Lo. of Cuokin: Tho. de Chances, Lo. of Norton, Water de Beauchampe lor. of Alecester. Rich. Talbot lor. of Eccleswell: john Butetourt lord of Mendesham: john Eugain lor. of Colum; Hugh de Poynes lor. of Cornevalet, Adam lord of Welles, Simond lord Montacute, john lord Sulle: john de Moells lord of Candeburie. Edmond Baron Stafford: john Lovel lord of Hacking: Edmond lor. of Elchimhonocks, Ralph Fitz-William lo. of Grimthope: Robert de Scales lor. of Neusells, William Tuchet lo. of Lewenhales. john Abadan lor. of Deverstone: john de Hattering lor. of Graston. Robert Lewarde lor. of Whitehall: Nicholas de Seagrave lo. of Stowe. Walter de Tey lor. of Stonegrave. john de Lisle lor. of Wodton, Eustace Lord Hacchie, Gilbert de Peche Lord of Corby, William Painell Lord Trachington, Roger de Albo Monasterio, Foulke le Strange Lord of Corsham. Henry de Pinckney Lord of Wedon: john de Hodelestone Lord of Aneys: john de Huntingfield Lord of Bradingham, Hugh Fitz-Henry Lord of Ravenswath: john Daleton Lord of Sporle: Nicholas de Carry Lord of Mulessord: Thomas lord de la Roche: Walter de Muncie Lord of Thorntone: john Fitz-Marmaduke lord of Horden, john lord of Kingston: Robert Hastings the Father, lord of Chebessey: Ralph lord Grendon: William lord Leiborne: john de Greslock lord of Morpeith: Matthew fitz-Iohn lord of Stokenham. Nic: de Nevell lord of Wherlton, and john Paniell lord of Ateley: four score and fourteen Barons.  
The truce expired, the King passed with his army into Scotland about Midsummer following, where he remained all that summer, and the next winter he kept his Christmas at Lithcoe, where he lost many of his great horses, the season not serving to make sufficient provision for the keeping of them there. The Scots in the mean time having laboured the French king to that end, obtained another truce till Hallontide next, whereupon the King returned into England. Neither ceased they still to persuade the Pope to undertake the defence of their country: but he upon the receipt of the former letters out of England, began to wax cold in the matter, and the rather because being now fallen out with the French king, he hoped to procure king Edward to make war upon him, offering to take his part in the quarrel, but neither his holiness nor hypocrisy prevailed therein. When this latter truce was come to an end, the king sent the Lord john Seagrave into Scotland, accompanied with Ralph Comfrey and a competent power to keep the country quiet, & to recover the Castle of Sterling. The English Army entering into Lothian, severed itself into three companies, four miles distant one from the other, to the end they might be the more plentifully served of victuals. The enemy taking the advantage of this manner of marching, suddenly in the morning set upon the foremost company, lead by the Lord Seagrave, and made such slaughter, as few or none escaped with life. When knowledge was brought back to their fellows that followed them next in order, the Lord Nevell that had the leading thereof, with certain horsemen came upon the spurs, and rescued the Lord Seagrave, who otherwise had been taken or slain. Ralph Comfrey after this misfortune, not holding it convenient to attempt any further enterprise at that time (being much overmatched with number and strength) returned with the residue into England: This overthrow was given the Englishmen at Roasting within five miles of Edenborugh the 24. day of February in the year 1302.  
King Edward was not a little moved with the loss of these men, and therefore having gathered a puissant army, about Midsummer following he made his last journey into Scotland, purposing to bring the same wholly to his obedience. At his approach, the enemy being not able to make head against him, gave way on every side, flying to the Mountains, and other places unaccessible, so as the king in manner without any resistance passed thorough the land even unto Cathnesse, the furthest part of Scotland. Many of them perceiving how far unable they were to withstand his forces, submitted themselves, on condition they might enjoy again their possessions, which the King had given to his followers the Lords of England, they redeeming the same of them at some reasonable rate: whereunto the King consented. In his return he caused the Castle of Sterling to be besieged, but he himself lay at Dumfermling the greater part of the next Winter, whether the Queen his Wife (having remained a long time at Tinmouthe) came at length unto him. The siege having continued three months, the Castle was surrendered, the lives of them that kept it only reserved.  
Before his departure, the King caused all the Scottish Nobility to repair to Saint Andrew's Town, where they took a new oath of their allegiance unto him. Such as he held suspected, he carried with him into England, together with divers monuments and antiquities: amongst which, the Marble Stone of Stone Abbay, wherein the Kings of that realm accustomed to sit at the time of their Coronation, was of special account. It remaineth at this day at Westminster, not far from the place where he lieth entombed. This Stone hath such a fatal destiny following it (as the Scots then believed) as that where-so-ever it should be found, over that Country should a Scotish man reign, in how short time this may come to pass no man knoweth. The King at his departure committing the government of Scotland, to the Lord john Sea-grave, returned into England, hoping that now he had made an end of his wars there, and brought the whole realm into a peaceable estate under his obedience: but it did not so fall out. For about this time died Robert Bruse Earl of Carrike, who stood for the crown of Scotland, against Balliol the last King. Whereupon Robert Bruise his son began to cast about, by what means he might now attain the fame. But whether he were set on work by the Lord Cumin, to the end he might be so much the nearer unto it himself, (for he was descended from Mary the other Daughter of Allaine Lord of Gallowaye, and so after the extirpation of the two families of the Balliols' and the Bruises, was next to the Crown,) or whether it proceeded from himself (having so good title thereunto) without acquainting the other with his meaning, he was no sooner entered into the plot, but was discovered by the Lord Cumin: which being made known unto him, he thought himself in no safety in England, and therefore by secret flight passing into Scotland, he set upon Cumin at unawares (who otherwise had been overstrong for him) and so dispatched him out of the way. Then he caused himself forthwith to be crowned King of Scotland, by the Countess of Bougham, in the absence of her brother the Earl of Fife, then in England, at his Manor of Whitwicke in Leicestershire, to whom that office by inheritance appertained. This Lady was afterwards (for her punishment for this offence) put into a Cage of wood, which being placed on the walls of the Castle of Edinburgh, was for a while made a gazing stock to the passengers by it. Immediately upon the news of the coronation of Bruse, the King sent an army into Scotland, under the conduct of the Earl of Pembroke his Lieutenant there, the Lord Henry Percy, and the Lord Robert Clifford, here-with to resist the new attempts of the Scots under their new King. Bruse (in the mean time) knowing against whom he was to contend, sought by all means to make himself as strong as possibly he could: & therefore ranging the coasts up & down he assembled some few small forces, wherewith ●e approached the town S. john's, purposing there first to make trial of his fortunes; but the Earl of Pembroke by chance had first entered the town with some 300. horsemen, besides footmen. Bruse sent him word that he was come thither to fight with him and all his partakers, if he would come forth. The Earl answered, he would rest that day being the Sabaoth, but on the next morning he would accept of his challenge. Bruse hereupon withdrew his army a mile back again from the town, meaning to betake himself and his people that night to their rest, but he was disquieted sooner than he looked; for the Earl issuing out of the town a little before night about the beginning of the Calends of August, assailed them so suddenly, as that he had slain a great numbee, before they could get armour and weapons for their defence, so as after a little resistance the Scots with their new king were put to flight. The Earl following the chase pursued them unto Kenter, and understanding that Bruse was entered a Castle thereabout, he besieged & presently took the same, wherein he found his wife & his brother Nigell with some others, but Bruise himself was fled unto the mountains, these he sent presently to Berwicke. This Lady was the daughter of the Earl of Ulster in Ireland, who had lately before sent over unto K. Edward two of his sons to remain in England for pledges of their father's fidelity, for whose sake she found great favour. Shortly after, was the castle of Lachdore taken by th' Englishmen, & in it Christopher Seton, that had married the sister of Bruse; by birth he was an Englishman, and had before slain a Knight of England in some bad manner, for the which fact especially he was by the king's commandment executed at Dunfries, where the same was committed: the like execution was also made at Berwicke upon Nigell Bruse, and the rest of his companions. But the Earl of Athol (who was also taken about the same time) was removed to London, where he was beheaded and his head set on a pole over London-bridge. Though Bruse in the mean season was put to many hard shifts, wandering in desert places like a forlorn man, notwithstanding he would not give over so good a cause, but after a little breathing, began a fresh to bestir him, so as, what by entreaty & threats, he gathered some few troops of horsemen about him; and whilst he was thus occupied himself in one place, he sent two of his brothers (the one a Knight, the other a priest) into other parts of the country, to procure what aid they could. But as they were thus busied, they were both taken, condemned of treason, and for the same executed. These misfortunes still following, one in the neck of another, little or nothing allayed the thirst of a kingdom, for he knew his cause was just, and that howsoever his sins had deserved, especially the murder he committed at the very entrance into this action, yet should he die (if it came to that) in a good quarrel. Having therefore happily reconciled himself to God, whom 〈◊〉 had therein grievously offended, with 〈…〉 courage he fully resolved to pursue his 〈…〉. Being now some what better strengthened with the aid of the Islanders, he incou●●●● the Earl of Pembroke, and put him to 〈…〉 like hap shortly after he had against the Earl of Gloucester. These small hartnings, did encourage Bruse to attempt greater adventures, so as within short time he recovered divers Castles, but being not able to man them, he cast them down to the ground. King Edward having knowledge of these his proceed in Scotland, by his letters directed into certain country's fittest for that service, gave commandment that as many as were able to use a weapon, should within three weeks after Midsummer, attend him at Carliel. But before the appointed time was come, the king fell sick there, from whence being removed to Brough on the sand, he departed out of this life in the 35. year of his reign, An. 1307.  
By the death of King Edward, the state of the affairs between these two Nations was much altered, for his son and successor king Edward the second being now not about ●●ree and twenty years old, was given (after the manner of youth) more to follow his pleasures, than the cares and travels of 〈…〉. And therefore neglecting his business 〈…〉, gave fit opportunity to his 〈…〉 and little, 〈◊〉 off the 〈…〉 which his father by his valiancy had brought them. So as while this youthful King sought nothing more, then to spend his time in voluptuous pleasure & riotous excess, making such his familiars, and chief minions about him, as best fitted his humour: Bruise on the other side wholly endeavoured by all possible means, how to restore his country to her former liberty and quiet estate, now well near brought to the brink of an unrecoverable downfall. And by his good foresight and singular manhood, he so much prevailed, as that in the space of three or four years, he recovered his kingdom: for having been much enured with hardness & travel, together with his long experience in managing the affairs of state, as well in time of peace as of war, he had no small advantage thereby of the other. The father dying not above a week before his intended journey once again into Scotland, the king his son finding all things in so good readiness, was advised to make trial with these forces that were then come to Carlisle, what entertainment he should find at the Scotishmen hands: Being come to Dumfries, he summoned the Scotish Nobility to repair thither unto him, where divers of them acknowledged their allegiance & homage. But here he could not now tarry, being hasted homewards to make preparation for his journey into France, where shortly after he married the Lady Isabella, daughter to K. Philip surnamed the fair. At his departure he committed the wardenship of Scotland to john de Britain, whom withal he created Earl of Richmond. Amongst all the Scotish Lords that took part with England none was so great an enemy to Bruse as the Lord john Cumin Earl of Buquhan, for the murder committed upon his Ancestor, as before you have heard; now therefore to be revenged, as also to show his forwardness to perform some acceptable service for the King of England, he gathered such forces (English and Scotish) as he could make, and therewith approached his enemy. Bruse (being yet barely recovered of a late sickness) upon a boun-courage encountered him at a strait, and in the end discomfited his army, making great slaughter of his men. This victory did so revive Bruise his feeble and languishing spirits, as that from thence forward he still prevailed in all his enterprises. So as following his good fortune, in short time he reduced the conntries of Anguile and Galloway, under his obedience. King Edward not well brooking these daily losses, raised a mighty power, wherewith about the midst of August in the beginning of the fift year of his reign, he intered into Scotland, accompanied with the greater number of his Nobility, amongst whom Peter Gavestonne (whom he now created Earl of Cornwall) was in greatest favour with him: on whom also he bestowed the signory of the I'll of Man, which within three years after, Bruise recovered from him: King Edward, ranging his people in battle array, passed through the country as far as Reufren, and then returned again with little or no resistance. For Bruse being not yet of sufficient power to encounter his huge Army, kept himself out of his walk, knowing king Edward could not tarry long there, because he had taken such order before, that nothing remained wherewith to relieve so great a number. He was no sooner turned homeward, but the Scots were ready to follow him at his heels, so as entering into Lothian, they did great hurt to the inhabitants, and returned at their pleasure before they could be overtaken by the Englishmen. King Edward coming to Berwicke stayed there all the next winter, and fortified the Town with a strong wall and ditch, somewhat he caused to be done likewise at Roxbrugh and Norham, which two castles he committed to the custody of the Earls of Cornwall and Gloucester, and so the next spring returned into England, and ceasing any further at this time to prosecute his affairs in Scotland, he turned all his malice and fury against his own subjects, amongst whom the Earls of Lancaster, Gloucester and Warwick being not able any longer to endure the outrageous pride and insolency of Gavestone, supported against them by the unmeasurable and doting affection of the king towards him, sought means to have him apprehended, and once again banished; or, if they failed thereof, then to be revenged some other way. The king having knowledge of their intent conveyed him to the Castle of Scarbrugh, not so closely, but that it was made known to the Lords his adversaries, who pursuing him presently thither, they forced him to yield himself into their hands, and in conclusion (without further advisement) Guye Earl of Warwick caused his head to be strooken off. The King (not without cause) took this their unlawful act in such scorn, as that ever after (though for the present he dissembled his displeasure) he fought occasion how to be revenged. By reason of this privy hart-burne between the king and his Nobles, the Scotish affairs were neglected on all parts, so as in the mean season Bruse had brought under his obedience the better part of that kingdom. Wherefore it was now high time to do somewhat, if the king made any reckoning to hold that nation in such state as it was left by the late deceased king his Father. Hereupon he once again assembled a puissant and gallant army, such, as for multitude & gorgeous array, was never seen before in Scotland purposing not only to make a full conquest thereof, but to leave behind him such store of English people, as should be sufficient to inhabit those Countries, which through the long continuance of war were left well near desolate. Bruise understanding of this great preparation forslaked no time to make what resistance he could. And by how much he was over weak in power, to resist his adversary, it behoved him to be so much the more circumspect by art and policy to get what advantage he could against him. Having therefore brought his army, (which consisted of some thirty five thousand such men, as reposed their whole confidence for life, lands and else whatsoever only in the force and courage of their hands and hearts) to the further bank of the River Bannock, there he stayed the coming of the Conqueror. This River runneth into the Forth having very high and steep banks on both sides, and here and there certain strait and narrow passages over it, somewhat also beneath the cliffs before his fall, it lieth flat, but the passage over there was hindered, through certain sunken marish grounds and quagmires, nevertheless at that time of the year passable enough in many places. In these plots he caused deep ditches to be cast, and sharp pointed stakes of wood to be strucken down in them, in such manner as having their tops covered with light turfs, they might easily deceive those that forecast no such peril.  
And where the passage was more firm he caused Caltroppes to be scattered for the annoyance of the horsemen. When every thing was thus disposed and framed to his best advantage, the King of England approaching with his royal Army, set his people in battle array on this side the river over-against the Scots. The first day was spent with certain light skirmishes between the horsemen, not much to the loss or gain of either party. Though the night at that time of the year, was there very short or none at all, being the xxiii. day of june: yet such was the earnest desire on either side, to join in fight, as that unto them both it seemed overlong. Bruse lead the middle battle, having his brother on his right hand, and Randolph on the left. The English Army was marshaled in the same manner, thoroughly interlined with good store of Archers. The men of Arms gave the first onset, and rushing together upon the hidden points of those stakes, that were set for that purpose, they were all overthrown before they could come near the Scots, who watching the expected advantage, and falling upon them readily, made an exceeding bloody slaughter of them. They that escaped, made so confused a retreat, as the main battle of footmen that followed them was not a little thereby disordered. The Scots therewith joined with them hand to hand, and maintained the fight very valiantly, but the English Archers for a time were very troublesome unto them, until certain light horsemen assailing them at their backs, overthrew a great number, and dispersed the rest. But yet the enemies force prevailed not so much, as did his ftaud, here again, for the rascal sort, men, women and boys, that attended their carriages, mounting upon their Cart-iades, and other Draught-cattles, with their sherts above their other garments, and banners and flags made of their sheets and aprons, and such like stuff, fastened to the tops of long poles, showed themselves a far off, descending from the top of an high hill, as if it had been a new Army hasting to the aid of their fellows. This sight struck such a terror in those of the English Army that were nearest unto it, as that forthwith they betook them to their heels. The rest supposing the danger greater than it was, and being therewith much disordered, fled all for fear they knew not whereof, their captains not being able by any means to keep them in Exceeding great slaughter was made of the common soldiers in the chase. King Edward with some fifteen Earls in his company with much difficulty escaped by flight, being received by the Earl of March into his Castle of Dunbar, from whence they were conveyed by sea to Berwicke. Of the Nobility of England were slain Gilbert Earl of Gloucester, Robert Lord Clifford, the Lord Giles Argentine (whose death Bruise much lamented, for the great love that was between them aforetime in England) the Lord Panie Tiptost, the Lord William Martial, the Lord Reginold Damiecourt, the Lord Edmond de Manley (the king's Steward) with other to the number of forty two. Of knights threescore and seven. The Earl of Hereford, the Lord john Seagrave and others to the number of two and twenty men of name were taken prisoners. Of the Scots were slain about four thousand, amongst whom Sir William Weapont, and Sir Walter Ros were the principal men of account. This was the most notable victory, that ever the Scots had over the Englishmen, which came to pass, only by the misguiding and want of experience in their leaders and captains, presuming over much of their advantage in number & furniture of weapons: neither were they so circumspect, as it behoved them to be, in the discovery of advantage or disadvantage, which the plot of ground where the battle was fought, might afford to the one side more than to the other. For they might have conjectured even by Bruse his abiding in the field with so small a power against so great a puissance (being of Englishmen more than two to one Scot) that he relied more upon the success of his hidden deceits, then of his own strength. This battle was fought on Midsummer day in the year 1314.  
hereupon Striueling Castle was rendered up, Bruise his wife was upon exchange sent home, having been in England about eight years. After Bruse had thus fortunately recovered his kingdom, he was by general consent of his subjects confirmed and established in the same. The Crown was entailed upon the heirs Males of his body lawfully begotten, and for want of such issue to remain to his brother Edward Bruse and the Heirs Males of his body, and for default thereof, the same should descend upon the Lady Margery the King's eldest daughter, whom only he begat on his first wife sister to the Earl of Mar. Which Lady by the advice of his Noblemen, was bestowed in marriage on Walter high Steward of Scotland, on whose posterity the Crown shortly after descended, and in the same family continueth till this day, taking that surname of the office which their Ancestors bare, and was first bestowed on Walter the son of Fleance, by King Malcolme Cammore, for his notable service against the Rebels of Galloway. What through the loss of so many men's lives, and the damage which our Nation sustained at this last battle, and the great dearth and death of man and beast, that through the unseasonable state of those times continued, for the space of three years after small resistance or none at all was made against the Scots, who taking the benefit of this advantage, ceased not exceedingly to annoy and trouble the Realm by their continual incursions.  
Hereof Pope john the 22. taking compassion, at the King's suit sent over two Cardinals, Gancellino his Chancellor, and Lucas de Fresco, to mediate a peace between the two Nations.  
But king Robert held it yet out of season, to hearken thereunto, having (as he took it) not sufficiently been satisfied for his former losses and displeasures. Whereupon these jolly Chaplains proceeded against him with all extremity denouncing him and all his fautors accursed, and putting his kingdom (whereof they accounted him but a usurper) under interdiction. But all these bumbaced skarre-crowes nothing abated king Robert's courage, who still following his good hap, while the time best served for it, held on his former course so eager, as that in short time he recovered the Castles and towns of Harbottle, Work, Medford, and Berwicke, which last (it is said) was betrayed by Peter Spalding the Governor, having remained English one and twenty years together. Neither would king Robert limit his kingdom by the ancient bounds but enlarged the same even unto Newcastle upon Tine. At this time also the Scots obtained divers victories in Ireland, through the manhood of Edward Bruse their king's brother, who nevertheless in the end was slain in battle, and above five thousand Scots with him. His head was brought over and presented to king Edward by john Birmingha● for the which good service now and at 〈◊〉 other times in Ireland, the king gave him the Earldom of Lowth, to him & his heirs Males, and the Barony of Athird to him and his heirs generally of his body begotten. The realm of England now being somewhat recovered of the hard estate it stood in the last three years, King Edward was desirous to make trial, if happily he might rub out the blemish of the late blow received of his enemies in Scotland. Having therefore assembled his Army at York (who for the more part were handicrafts men and Artificers) passing from thence he laid siege to Berwicke. The Scots in the mean time (under the conduct of Thomas Randolph) entering England on the other side, put all to fire, and sword, little resistance being made against them, for those countries lay well near desolate since their invasion the year before. The Archbishop of York could not endure the enemies approach so near him (being now come within two or three days march of the City) and therefore assembling such people, as for the present he could get (men that were readiest at his command) he adventured like a bold Champion to encounter the Scots, of whom over-late he learned this lesson, Ne suitor ultra crepidam. For the greater number of these gallants (some two thousand) were knocked down, before they saw their enemies, who by setting certain Haystackes on fire, and taking the wind of them, were upon them, ere they knew what it meant. The Archbishop, and the Bishop of Elye Lord Chancellor, with the Abbot of Selby escaped by flight, but Nicholas Fleming the More of York (that stuck better to it) was slain. This happened on the 12 of October 1319. at a place called Mitton upon Swaile. And because this army consisted most of Surplice men, it was in derision called the white battle, but most of them found it a black day. King Edward feareing lest the Scots intended some further mischief, broke up his siege and returned to York, where understanding that the enemy was withdrawn homeward he likewise took his way towards London. The next year passed over without any stirring on either side, the rather because the two Kings were disquieted at home by their own subjects. In the mean time, at the procurement of King Edward, the Pope sent hither his leaden bulls (which advantaged him their weight in gold for he is the best alchemist in Europe) to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York commanding them, that unless the Scottish king would fourth-with make satisfaction for the wrongs done to the realm, as well concerning the state ecclesiastical as temporal, they should proceed to the denouncing of sentence against him and all his adherentes. But the Scots made no reckoning of the holy Father's threats, whereupon the Bishops published his terrible execrations against them, so as King Robert, james Douglas and Thomas Randolfe with all their partakers were at every mass through out England solemnly accursed three times. Nevertheless the next year the Scots invaded the land again a fresh, so that all this cost and conjuration little or nothing availed. One company under the conduct of the Earl of Murry assailed the Bishopric of Durham. An other was lead by james Douglas, and the Lord Steward of Scotland, who also dividing themselves, the one company wasted the Country towards Hartlepoole and Cleveland, the other intended as much to Richmonde, where the townsmen to redeem their peace departed with a good round some of money paid unto them, as they had done also lately before. While the Scots took their pleasure in this manner in the North parts for the space of fiveteene days, the gentlemen there about repaired to Pomfret to the Earl of Lancaster, offering to join with him against the enemy, but the Earl was not disposed to adventure his life in the quarrel of him, who (as he took it) had done him much wrong. But how true soever that was, most certain it is, that he both wronged himself and highly offended his Sovereign, in taking arms against him shortly after, which cost him no less price, than the loss of his life, as it be fell to diverse others his partakers at the battle at Borowgh-bridge the sixteen day of March 1321. This Earl was the greatest in title and possessions that ever yet was in England, for he was together invested with the Earldoms of Lancaster, Lincoln, Leicester, Derbie and Salisbury. So as if he had continued faithful to his Prince, he might have been a great aid unto him and the realm, but contrariwise (as it hath been often since seen in this land) his greatness made him an enemy both to King and country, as appeared by diverse letters out of Scotland, intercepted in their carriage hither to the Lords of his confederacy, which were openly read and published afterwards in London, During these troubles, the Scots and Frenchmen ceased not to molest the realm on both sides: for King Robert about Midsummer following, entered by the West Marches as far as Kendal, and from thence thorough Lancashire to Prestone in Andernesse, burning and wasting all that stood in their way fourscore miles within the land, and having taken their pleasure for the space of three weeks, returned home without battle. The King of England being thus molested by their continual incursions (having also sent his Brother Edmond Earl of Kent, over into G●yenne for the defence thereof against the Frenchmen) passed yet once again into Scotland. King Robert understanding what great preparation was made and in readiness for to come against him, thought it not fit to hazard his estate, being now brought to the height of his desires, upon the tickle success of a battle or two, and therefore he caused all the Cattle and Sheep in the country, to be driven up to the Mountains, and whatsoever else might serve the Englishmen to any good use, was either bestowed in some place of strength, or else made unfit for any purpose. He with his horsemen withdrew themselves further into the land, then that it should stand with the safety of his enemies to approach them. Hereby it came to pass, that when King Edward was come to Edinburgh, he was forced for want of victuals and other necessaries, which bred many diseases amongst his people, within fifteen days after his entry into Scotland, to return homewards, having only by assault taken Norham Castle. King Robert understanding how much the English Army was weakened by the great mortality of the common soldiers, overpassed not so fit an opportunity, but with all speed pursued the Englishmen, wasting and spoiling the land, even as far as York, and having gotten knowledge that king Edward was then at the Abbey of Beighland, he so covertly conducted his Army thither, as that setting on his enemies at unawares, he put them all to flight, the king himself hardly escaping their hands. In this conflict (for some small resistance was made, such as their short warning would afford) The Lord john Britain Earl of Richmonde was taken prisoner, besides divers other of the inferior sort. The king's treasure and furniture with all the provision and preparation pertaining to the host was either spoiled or carried away. This happened about the twelft of October anno. 1322. After this defeature the Scots passed further into the land, coming to Beverley, the townsmen gave them a sum of money wherewith they bought their peace; having now remained in England a month & four days they returned from thence homeward. King Edward now despairing of any better success in time to come, and withal foreseeing what trouble was likely to arise within his own realm, (as afterwards came to pass) sought means to obtain peace with Scotland, which in the end was yielded unto, and the same to endure for thirteen years, & about the tenth of july in the year following it was proclaimed in the chief cities & towns of both Nations. The Scots were also now content to be reconciled to the Pope, having first recovered & obtained in England whatsoever they well-nere desired. At the same time the league was renewed with Charles the French King, lately then come to his Crown, with an addition to the former articles, viz: that if at any time after, controversy should arise about the succession and right to the Crown of Scotland, the same should be heard and determined by the Nobility and peers of those two Nations only. King Edward having obtained peace with Scotland, the French King began to quarrel with him for default of his personal appearance, being summoned thereunto to acknowledge his homage for the duchy of Aquitaine, and the country of Poytou, upon which occasion the Queen his wife and the Prince of Walls were sent into France to treat with the king her brother of an agreement between him & her husband, which she effected. Nevertheless whether she was stayed their against her will upon some complaint made of her husband, or that she could not happily endure the two Spencers, who were then in greatest estimation with him; it seemed she had no great desire to return into England, which being perceived, or rather plotted by divers of the Nobility and others favouring her part more than the kings, they daily passed over unto her, by whom being brought into England, the greater number forsook the King, and joined themselves with the Queen and her Son, into whose hands he was thereby forced in the end to resign his Crown and Sceptre, and shortly after to yield his body to the violence of his cruel tormentors, who beereaved him of life, as the others did of liberty, having reigned near twenty years. Such was the end of this unfortunate King, by whose misgovernment the Realm was greatly impoverished and weakened, having been the destruction of so many noble personages and others of good account. For besides those that were slain in the wars will 〈…〉 with near thirty Noblemen and Knights at one time or other were by order of law beheaded and executed. This king Edward being thus unnaturally deposed, his Son of the same name, about the age of fourteen years began his reign in januarie in the year 1326. The night following, the Scots purposing to have given the young King a cooling card now in the beginning of his jollity, attempted by treason to have taken the Castle of Norham. But Robert Manors the Captain thereof, being made aforehand acquainted with the practice by 〈◊〉 one of his own soldiers, so handled the matter, that when some 16. of them had mounted the walls, he suddenly fell upon them, slew nine or ten and took the rest prisoners.  
The Scots deemed this unfortunate beginning a presagement of the like success through his whole reign, which came to pass accordingly. For he was the greatest scourge to that nation of any king of England either before or after him, as in the process of the history shall appear. Notwithstanding this hard beginning, king Robert thought it not good to let this land continued quiet, but rather while the king was young, unfit to manage the affairs of war in his own person, to get what advantage he could thereby, & so to be still aforehand. And if that ●ourse should hap not to fall out according to his expectation, he hoped by the help of his faithful ally the French king, so to work with the king's mother (who governed and disposed of all things at her pleasure, during his minority) that at any time he might obtain peace with England at his own liking. About the beginning therefore of july following king Robert committed his army (being now not well able, through the infirmities of age to undertake that charge himself) to three Captains of especial trust & approved valiancy, namely Thomas Randolfe Earl of Murrey, james Lord Douglas, & the Earl of Mar his brother in law, consisting of above twenty thousand horsemen well furnished at all points. King Edward being advertised hereof, prepared to make resistance, & having assembled his forces at York, he stayed there the longer by reason of a treaty of peace, solicited by the Scotish Ambassadors, but when the king perceived he lost time there to no purpose, departing thence he approached his enemies, that were lodged in the Woods in Stanop Park, so as it was thought he had them at a great advantage.  
But through the Treachery (as it was said) of the Lord Roger Mortimer, after they had been penned up and well near famished, they did not only find a way out, but some two hundred of them under the leading of the Lord Douglas in the night season, desperately assailed that part of the English camp, where the king himself was ●udged, missing not much of either taking or slaying of him, but fearing lest they should have been enclosed, being now in the midst of their enemies, they made the more haste to be gone, having done as much harm as the time would suffer them. For (as it was said) they slew two or three hundred of the common soldiers. The Earl of Lancaster and the Lord john Beumont of Heynault (who with twelve hundred men of his country served the King in this journey) would willingly have pursued the Scots over the water of wire, but that through the frowardness of Mortimer, pretending a right to the leading of the forward, and giving the first onset, (though happily he had no such meaning) they could not be suffered to proceed. Wheresoever the fault was, nothing was further attempted at this time, wherewith the King was much displeased. The Scots being glad they had escaped that danger, made as much haste home as they could. The next winter they besieged the castles of Norham and Anwicke, but to their loss, for at the assault of Anwicke diverse of them were slain, amongst whom William de Mounthault, john Clappam and Malicius de Dumbarre were of best account.  
The next Summer above Pentecoste, King Edward at a Parliament held at Northampton, through the working of Mortimer & the Queen, agreed to a dishonourable peace with the Scots, whereby the King of Scotland received into his hands all those ancient writings, whereby his predecessors the kings of Scotland, and the Nobility had aforetime, under their hands & seals, acknowledged homage and fealty to the Kings of England; amongst the rest one of principal account called Ragman, together with a black Crosier or Rood, besides diverse other jewels sometime belonging to the kings of Scotland, & carried from thence into England. Further King Edward hereat resigned all his right & title to the crown of Scotland, and that no Englishmen should from thenceforth hold and enjoy any lands or possessions their, except such as would remain their altogether, and become subjects to the Kings of Scotland. Finally it was agreed, that Northumberland should thenceforth be reputed the Marches of Scotland, on the eastside, and Cumberland on the Westside. In consideration of the premises, as also for the great damage done to this Realm by the Scots, during the reign of the late King, King Robert covenanted to give to the King of England thirty thousand marks sterling. For the more assurance and full ratification of this final agreement of peace between the two nations, a marriage was then concluded, and afterward solemnized between the Lady jane King Edward's Sister, and Prince David of Scotland. When King Robert had thus politicly brought to pass a firm peace with England, even to his own liking and hearts desire, he betook himself to a private life, and by reason of his great age, he committed the government of his kingdom (as before in some sort he had done) to the Earl of Murrey, and the Lord Douglas; and then having worn out one year more, he died in the year of our salvation, 1329. leaving his kingdom to his son, a child about eight years old, by reason whereof both the one and the other, by general consent was committed to the protection and direction of the Earl of Murrey. Here it is requisite, I should answer a notorious untruth, wherewith the Scotish writers do most unjustly charge the King of England, viz: That he should s●●d a Monk into Scotland, under the colour of ministering physic, to poison the Governor, and because he had not dispatched his business in so short time as he promised, therefore King Edward caused him to be burned alive. All this should be done (they writ) in the year 1331. two years after the death of King Robert, in which the governor also deceased, on the 20. day of july. I would first know what should move the King of England to seek the destruction of him, more than of any man else in that Realm? because (forsooth) he alone was the confounder of all the hope, which the king conceived, to be sometimes able to achieve any fortunate enterprise against the Scots. As though all that nation could not afford his fellow. That he was the very Atlas and supporter of their happy estate. True it is, that the deceased king had reason to commit more trust to him, then to any other of whose loyalty and sufficiency he had not the like trial. But it followeth not thereof, that if king Edward could dispatch him out off the way, there had been none left to have resisted his attempts against that nation.  
But admit he was the man they make him, it is well known that King Edward (being then not much above eighteen years old) was not only over young to contrive such a practice, but was then still directed by his Mother Queen Isabel, & so consequently by Mortimer Earl of March her chief Counsellor, both so great favourers and maintainers of the peace with Scotland, as that he lost his life shortly after for the same. It is further affirmed, That this Monk stealing secretly out off Scotland assured the King, that the Governor could not possibly live beyond a prefixed day, in which time, the poison was to work his effect, and that King Edward presuming thereof, gathered a mighty and puissant army, wherewith coming to the borders, he purposed to invade Scotland, had he not known when he came thither, that the governor was not only living, but ready in arms to have resisted his approach. Now of all this preparation and journey, there is not one word to be found amongst all our Chroniclers. But to the contrary it appeareth, that (besidens the confirmation of the former peace, upon the admittance of this Earl to the Regency) the summer next before his death, was so unseasonable, as that it caused a great dearth in England all the year following: so as it was impossible to make provision for such an army, neither could those more Northern parts afford it of their own store. For (it is said) that in some places of the realm, especially North-wards (by reason of the coldness of that climate) wheat was not gathered into the barn till hallontide, nor pease until the end of November. Moreover King Edward w●s in France well near all the month of April next before the governors death, and after his return thence he had so little meaning to make preparation of war, as that he held solemn jousts and tourney at Dert-forde, which exercises he renewed again at London in September following. How can all this agree with the surmised preparation of war with Scotland, at that time? Now to the last point touching the burning of this Monk, (whereof some of them for the unlike-lihood-have not spoken) it is incredible, that a religious man, a devout Monk (as they were then accounted) should be either murdered or executed, for not keeping promise, in the performance of an unlawful and unchristian act. But where, when, on whom, or by whom was this unusual execution made? to no one of these interrogatories doth any man answer, save that he was a Monk or begging Friar. For they will not vouchsafe to give him other name, though he had been a long time very familiar in the governors house. These be therefore great slanders, far unbeseeming the reputation of him, that not long sense hath made no conscience to report the most part of this fable for a truth.  
This year Roger Mortimer Earl of March was attainted of high treason, and executed for the same on Saint Andrew's even. Amongst other matters wherewith he was charged, he was found guilty of secret practice with the Scots at Stanhope-parke whereby they escaped as is aforesaid, and that he received there of the Lord james Dowglas, a great sum of money for the good service done by him at that time, and to be still continued towards that Nation whilst his authority should stand them instead. Hereby also afterwards he brought to pass that unadvised peace with the Scots at Northampton, as is before declared.  
About this time Edward Balliol, through the persuasion of Laurence Twine (a Scotish fugitive) came over out off France, where he had always lived before, to entreat the King of England to assist him in the recovery of his right to the Crown of Scotland, which was given by a ward unto john Balliol by king Edward the first, promising withal, that if it were his good hap to attain it, he would acknowledge to hold the same in manner as his Grandfather held it of the others Grandfather.  
But before this motion was made to the king of England: Balliol sought the favour of the Lord Henry Beumont (a Frenchman borne) that had married the daughter and heir of the Earl Buquhan and likewise of the Lord William Cumine, the lord David of Strabovee Earl of Athol, and the lord Geffrey de Mowbraie. These and some others that were banished the Realm of Scotland by the late King Robert le Bruse, & now lived in England, having in hope of preferment joined hearts & hands with Balliol in this quarrel, obtained this favour of king Edward, that as many of his subjects, as of themselves were willing to assist them in this enterprise should have good leave to follow them therein. For though the young king of Scots had been affianced unto king Edward's sister, who in respect of that alliance should not have been easily drawn into this action: nevertheless he held himself so m●ch disgraced and absued in his minority by the deceitful practice of Mortimer, that nothing now pleased him, that (together with that marriage) was then yielded unto, at that dishonourable composition made with the Scottish king at Northampton as before you have heard. Neither was that contract of marriage so firm, but if either party misliked thereof when they should come to lawful age of consent, the same might safely be dissolved. Edward Balliol having now assembled (by the help of the other two Scottish Lords his confederates) some four hundred horse, and about two thousand Archers and other footmen, took shipping at Raven-spurne in holderness, from thence directing his course Northward he entered into the Scottish fourth, and arrived near to the town Kingorne on the first day of August, where being encountered by Alexander Seaton he slew him in the field, together with the greater number of his people, and put the residue to flight. This good beeginning put such courage into these venturous companions in arms (fight for no less than a kingdom) that with in some few days after (their forces being now increased to the number of about ten thousand one and other) they attempted to assail the Earl of Muerry (than Regent of Scotland) by night, where he lay encamped in the midst of his army, the same being over great otherwise to be dealt withal, and took him on such a sudden that they put him to flight, making great slaughter upon his people. The next day the fight was renewed on both sides, but in the end the victory fell to Balliol. This battle was fought at Dueplin on the thirteenth day of the same month, wherein was slain (now and the night before) besides the Regent himself, Robert Bruse Earl of Carrack, William Hay Constable, and Robert Keithe Marshal of Scotland with diverse other Lords and Leardes of good account: in the whole to the number of above five thousand.  
Hereupon (diverse of the Scottish Nobility submitting themselves to Balliol) he was forthwith proclaimed, and on the 25. day of this present month of August, crowned King of Scotland, in the year of our Lord GOD 1332. This his fortunate success (having within less than a month attained a Kingdom) greatly daunted the adverse party, who presently thereupon conveyed the young king together with his wife, for their more safety into France, hoping that by the help of Philip the French king, (his father's especial friend while he lived) he should one day enjoy his kingdom, which for the present was thus usurped by his adversary. To which end his favoreres in the mean time never ceased to oppose themselves against Balliol, in so much as in December following they drove him out of Scotland, forcing him to withdraw himself into Westmoreland, where he was honourably entertained of the Lord Clifford: in requital whereof he promised, that when he was once established in his Kingdom, he would give him Dowglasse-daile, in as ample manner as his Ancestor had the same of the gift of King Edward the first, which afterwards he performed accordingly. Balliol having renewed his forces in England, about the beginning of the next year, (though King Edward would not openly show himself a party therein) laid siege to the town of Berwick, at which time the Brusian Scots entered into Gelsland by the West Marches, wasting the Country where they passed along.  
The King of England being advertised therof-thought himself sufficiently discharged there, by of his promise passed aforetime to young Bruse (but he might better have pleaded his nonage at the making thereof) and therefore took it to be now lawful enough openly to aid his Cousin Balliol in the recovery of his pretended title to the Crown of Scotland. It is not to be doubted but King Edward would not in this case have preferred Balliol before Bruse (who besides that he had married his Sister, was also in blood nearer unto him then the other) had he not hoped (as it came, to pass) to take up the controversy between them to his own advantage. Having therefore assembled a strong army, he came therewith to the siege of Berwicke, together with his brother john of Eltham Earl of Cornwall and gave assault to the same both by Land and sea. The town after it had been besieged about three months, was not able longer to hold out, which being well known to Archibald Douglas (the new elected governor and head of the Brusian faction) he approached the assailants with all the power he could make, (resolving with himself (against the advice of the better experienced) to try it out by dint of sword with out any more stay. Being come within the view both of his friends and foes, he imbattayled his army in three companies on a hill directly over against the English host, which had the like advantage of ground also. After some pause the armies on both sides descended one towards the other.  
At the first encounter the Englishmen of purpose giving ground, the Scots pursued them so egarlie, as that by recovering their former advantage they did beat them downright before them, so that what in fight and slight the slaughter was very great. For besides their general, three valiant Gentlemen the Sons of Walter Steward (Uncles to him that succeeded the Brusian lineage in Scotland) the Earls of Rosse, Southerland, and Carrike, Andrew, james, and Simon Frasier, all well near of the better sort, to the number of above four hundred, were slain in the battle, but of the common soldiers not so few as fourteen thousand. This bloody battle was fought at Halidon hill besides Berwick on Mary Magdalines' day in the year of our Lord 1333. Immediately upon this overthrow, Alexander Seaton and Patrick Dumbar despairing of any succour, yielded up the town and Castle to king Edward, life and goods only reserved, and binding themselves by oath thenceforth to become his true subjects. Patrick Dumbar was further enjoined to re-edify the Castle of Dumbar at his own charge, having lately before thrown it down, because he was unable to defend it against the Englishmen ready to assault the same. What credit is here to be given to Hector Boetius, charging King Edward to have unjustly executed two Sons of Sir Alexander seaton's, the one a pledge, the other a prisoner, because he would not yield up the town at the approach of the governor? I leave it to the consideration of the indifferent reader. For mine own part I cannot but hold him much suspected, his report alone carrying so little show of truth, for as it seemeth by the Scottish Chronicle, Patrick Dumbar had as great a command in Berwick as the other, whose consent alone could not have effected King Edward's desire, so as he might have laid the fault upon his companion and fellow Comissioner in the government of the town, and thereby have justly excused himself, neither surely would he have brooked so great an injury at the king's hands, much less ever have acknowledged, and continued his sworn allegiance unto him, if he had had the least spark of that spirit, wherewith Buchanan feigneth his wife to be possessed upon that occasion. The King of England after this his first and fortunate battle in Scotland, leaving sufficient forces behind him with the Lord Richard Tailbote, wherewith to aid Balliol in the pursuit of this war, returned homeward. Balliol being thus strengthened, passed at his pleasure through Scotland, placing Englishmen and others his partakers, in garrison in the greater number of the castles & fortresses of that Realm, and in a Parliament called at Perthe in September following, he was further confirmed King of Scotland: diverse of the Scottish Nobility there assembled binding themselves by oaths to continue his loyal and faithful subjects. Hereat he repealed all such acts and grants, which Robert Bruise late King of Scotland had ratified, for the disposing of the Lands, and possessions of sundry Scottish Lords at his pleasure, which were now restored to their former possessors, acknowledging their allegiance and homages unto him for the same.  
After the purification of the Virgin Mary King Edward repaired to York, where Balliol by appointment should have met him to have done homage and fealty unto him, but because he feared to be surprised in his passage by his adversaries, he sent his excuse by the Lord Henry Beumont, and the Lord William de Montaigne. The king therefore passing further Northwards, held his Whitsuntide at Newcastle upon Tine with great royalty, whether the Scottish king repaired, and there did homage unto king Edward for the Realm of Scotland, and also swear fealty unto him, as to the superior Lord over the same, acknowledging to hold that Realm of him, his heirs and successors for ever. At this meeting Balliol freely gave to king Edward the castles and towns of Berwick, Roxbrugh, Peplies, Dunfries, Hadingtone and Gedworthe, with the forests of Silkerke and Etherike, so as all the premises should be thenceforth clearly separated from the Crown of Scotland, and annexed to the Crown of England: all this was then firmly ratified and assured by oath, writing, and witness in the year. 1334. King Edward being departed homewards, Balliol was still set on work by them of the Brusian faction, in whose hands still remained sundry strong castles and fortifications, as Dunbritanie, Lochlevin, Keldromie, Vrquhart, and the strong pile of Lowdone, so that as opportunity served, one or other still revolted from his obedience: but at the approach of King Edward the next winter (who was always ready to relieve him in his extremities) the country was well appeased, and so committed to the keeping of David Cumine Earl of Athol, while Balliol in the mean time accompanied the king into England. This Earl was so eagerly pursued shortly after their departure by the adverse party, that in the end he was forced to revolt from the English. Whereupon new stirs begun again to arise, especially through the provocation of the Earl of Murrey and Robert Steward, the principal men of the Brusian side. For the suppressing hereof king Edward made his third voyage into Scotland the Summer following, in the year 1335. His navy at this time also (for in his former journeys thither he was ever as well provided by sea as by land) consisted of some hundred and fifty sail, well replenished with men, munition, and victuals. By land he was accompanied with Balliol, and his brother the Earl of Cornwall, diverse great Lords attending upon them. Being entered into Scotland they divided themselves sometimes into two, sometimes into three several companies, in which manner they passed at their pleasure without resistance, aswell beyond the Scottish fourth, as on this side the same. In the mean time the Earl of Athol repaired to the king, submitting himself again to his obedience, by whose example divers other did the like, but this Earl was shortly after slain at the siege of the Castle of Keldromie. At the approach of winter king Edward withdrew himself to Newcastel, where he kept the feast of the Nativity of our Lord. Immediately after the Epiphany he prepared to have passed again into Scotland, especially to take revenge for the death of the Earl of Athol, but in the mean time a truce was taken, by mediation of the French king and the Pope which endured till the twenty seventh of March 1336. In the mean season a Parliament was appointed to be held at London, wherein a final accord between the two nations should have been treated of, and the kingdom of Scotland established: Where the right which these two Scottish kings pretended, should have appeared most forcible. While this good course was intended and fully agreed upon on all sides, the Lord Maurice de Murrey slew Sir Geoffrey de Ros a Scottish knight, and Sheriff of Air and Levarke, one of Balliol his partakers, because in time of war he had before slain his brother. By reason of this presumptuous part, and the frowardness of the Scots on both sides, still seeking revenge one of the other, this treaty took no effect. The next Summer about Whitsuntide the king sent an army into Scotland under the conduct of Balliol and divers English Lords, who finding the town of Saint john's defaced by the enemies (not able of themselves to hold it, caused the same to be fortified at the charge of six of the next monasteries unto it. King Edward about this time was at a Parliament holden at Northamptone, where leaving his Lords and the rest to treat of such matters, as were propounded amongst them, he posted into the North parts: coming to Berwick, from thence with a slender attendance he arrived at Saint john's town, before any man there had heard of his intention. Here he found Balliol and the rest of his company. From hence the King passed forwards with some part of his army, as far as Elgen in Murrey-land, thence to Inuernesse, much further into Scotland then ever the King his grandfather had done before. In the mean time the Earl of Cornwall, with the power of Yorkshire and Northumberland men, and the Lord Anthony Lucy with those of Westmoreland & Comberland, entered into Scotland, wasted and spoiled the West parts, as Carrick and others which obeyed not Balliol. The Lord Douglas by coasting the Englishmen did his best to hinder their course. At length this army having done what harm it could, was sent home, with great prey and booty, but the Earl of Cornwall with his own people came thorough to Saint john's town where he found the king returned from beyond the Mountains. Here some of the Scotish writers charge the King to have slain this Earl his brother, for committing over great cruelty upon the desolate Scots in this his last journey, especially against the men of Religion: it may be that the King was touched with a Christian compassion over the poor afflicted commonalty, who commonly smart most for the obstinacy of the mightier men. But for any violence used by the king towards his brother, it is so far from any colour of truth, that even the better sort of their own writers have suppressed that report, as a vain and mere forgery. For it well appeareth by our own writers that this Earl died there of a natural disease, & his body was brought to England & interred at Westminster with all solemnity thereto belonging. The king wholly spent these 2. last years in establishing of Balliol in the kingdom of Scotland because he was desirous to make all sure on that side, whilst he followed his wars in France, whereon now he began to set all his thoughts. At his departure out of Scotland somewhat before the nativity of our Lord, Balliol withal his partakers bound themselves by an especial law, that whensoever, he, his heirs and successors kings of Eng. should make war, either at home or abroad, they & their heirs should at their own charge, for one whole year furnish him with 3. hundred horsemen & one thousand footmen well appointed for service. Shortly after the kings return home, war was proclaimed with France, and all things forthwith were in preparing for that journey. The next year the war in Scotland proceeded with equal loss and disadvantage on both sides. towards the end of the same year, the king sent thither an army of some twenty thousand men, under the leading of the new created Earls of Salisbury, Gloucester, and Derbie, and of as many Barrones, Percy, Nevil, and Stafford. These besieged the castle of Dumbar, but to their small advantage and less credit. For having continued the siege about twenty weeks; under the colour of a truce, before it was distressed, they gave it over, being more desirous to attend the king their master into France, where there was more good to be done: Scotland then affording nothing but hunger and blows, bear them of as they could. About the midst of june in the year of our Lord 1338. the king of England together with the Queen, the Prince of Walls, & a great number of the Nobility that did attend them, passed over into Flanders, and were joyfully entertained of the Duke of Brabant, and others the Lords of the Empire his confederates, towards the attaining of the crown of France, which he claimed as the next heir thereunto by Queen Isabel his mother, Daughter to Philip surnamed the fair. This quarrel happened well for Bruse, for (no doubt) if king Edward had a while longer pursued the conquest of Scotland he had now easily brought the same under his sovereignty. France would have offered him such conditions of peace, by reason of his title thereunto, as that if he had been disposed, he might quietly have enjoyed the Realm of Scotland both from Bruse and Balliol, and withal greater possessions with in the French dominions, than the kings of England after him should have happily been able to have held long, as the experience of the times following plainly showed: in respect of which difficulty, I esteem the realm of Scotland a more convenient and fit member of the Crown of England, than the one half of France, how far soever exceeding the other in wealth and magnificence. The French king now perceiving it was not king Edward's meaning, to accept of peace, upon any reasonable conditions, and how much it stood him upon to hinder his attempts, thought it would be no small advantage unto him, to keep his enemy occupied nearer home, and therefore as soon as the King was arrived in Flanders, he sent five tall ships into Scotland, furnished with men munition and armour, and conducted by as many experienced Captains over them. These stood that nation in great steed. For by such aid, as was at this time and shortly afterwards sent thither out of France, in the behalf of Bruse his party, they so much prevailed, as that within the space of three years after (though not without some difficulty) they not only chased Balliol, together with all the Englishmen out of Scotland, but also put King Bruse into peaceable possession thereof again, nine years after he had been driven out of his kingdom by Balliol and his partakers the Englishmen. So as King Edward in the mean time, got not so much on the other side of the sea, as he lost even at his own doors at home. King David Bruse having thus beyond all hope recovered his kingdom, slacked no time (while opportunity served) to take revenge on the Englishmen for all the wrongs sustained by them. To which end, within the first three years after his return, he made three journeys into the land, doing what harm he could to the countries bordering upon Scotland, but all was of no great reckoning. The French King in the mean season having received many shroud blows of the Englishmen, and his strong town of Calais being now besieged, thought with himself, that there was no better way either happily to remove them, or at the least to lessen their number: then by procuring the Scottish King (who rested wholly at his devotion) with some mighty power to invade England, whereof he sent Ambassadors into Scotland who easily obtained that favour of King David. When all things were prepared for so great an exploit, he entered the Realm with the whole power of Scotland, hoping assuredly now in the King's absence to achieve some notable victory, as well to the enriching of himself as to the advantage of his confederate the French King. At his first entry he made many knights, whereby to encourage them the more to show their valiancy, but amongst the rest for his former good service he created William Dowglas an Earl, whose Father was slain at Halidone hill, as is aforesaid. The number of Noble men and Gentlemen assembled at this time, by the confession of their own writers, were very near two thousand; in the whole (as some writ) threescore thousand. Within ten days after their entry they approached Durham, committing whatsoever stood in their way to the fury of fire and sword in most hostile manner. The Queen of England, being then returned home, to repress the insolency of the enemy, gathered together such forces as the Realm could then readily afford, to the number of twelve hundred men of arms, three thousand Archers and some seven thousand other, of whom a great part were Preestes and Prelates, but good tall trencher-men such as were not afraid of a cracked crown though they had no hair to hide those hurts withal. This army was ordered in this manner. The first battle was lead by the Bishop of Durham, Gilbert de Vmfree ville earl of Anegoes; Henry Lord Percy, and the Lord Scroop. The second by the Archbishop of York and the Lord Ralphe Nevil. The third by the Bishop of Lincoln, john Lord Moubraie, and the Lord Thomas de Rooksbie. The fourth and last was lead by Edward Balliol, (now of a king of Scotland, become governor of Berwick) the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lord Ross. Besides this the Lord Deain-court, Robert de Ogle and some other attended upon the Queen's person. On the the other side the first battle of the Scots was governed by Robert Steward the Son of Margery King David's Sister, that succeeded him, and Patrick Dumbar Earl of March. The second by john Earl of Murrey, and William Earl Dowglas. In the third the King himself and his Nobility were placed. Before the battle, the Queen of England sent an Harald of arms to King David, requiring him to stay from further annoying the Realm, till some reasonable order might be taken for the conclusion of a final peace between the two nations: but he made light reckoning of her request. In the morning early before the fight, Dowglas issued fourth with certain troops of horsemen to discover the behaviour of the Englishmen, and upon good occasion offered to skirmish with them. But the Englishmen so behaved themselves as that the Earl hardly escaped by flight with the loss of five hundred of his company. The two armies being come within sight one of the other, David Graham with a wing of five hundred horse, gave a full charge upon the skert of the English Archers, hoping thereby to have distressed them. But he was so sharply repulsed, as that losing many of his troops, he had much ado to recover the main battle again. Notwithstanding these two foul foils, they presumed so much upon their advantage in number, that forthwith they fiercely rushed upon the Englishmen. The fight begun about nine of the clock, and continued till noon, at what time God gave the victory to the Englishmen. The Scotish writers attribute the loss of this battle to the unadvised retreat of the Earl of March, and Robert Steward; but where-so-ever the fault was, an exceeding great number of them was slain. Of Noblemen the Earl of Murrey, the Earl of Stratherne, the Constable, Martial, Chamberlain, and Chancellor of Scotland were the principal men. Together with King David (who fight most courageously, was sore wounded before he would yield himself) were taken prisoners, the Earls of Dowglas, Fife, Southerland, Wigton, and Menteith, This battle was fought near Durham, at a place called Nevils-crosse, on the xvii. day of October in the year 1346. The English army following their good fortune, forthwith passed into Scotland, took the Castles of Roxbrough and Hermitage, and without resistance ouer-ran the countries of Anuandale, Galloway, Mers, Tividale, and Ethrike forest, extending their Marches at that time, to Cockburne, Pethe and 〈◊〉 b●dge. King David was shortly, after 〈◊〉 to Calais, and presented to the King of England, then lying at the siege thereof who bestowed on Master Copland (that took him prisoner with the loss of two of his teeth at a blow that the King gave him) five hundred pounds' land by the year of inheritance, The year following Balliol with the Earl of Northumberland, made a road together into Lowthian and Clidsdaile, carrying from thence into Galloway a great booty, where Balliol remained a long time after. By reason of this great slaughter now of the Scots, as also thorough an outrageous mortality, that followed the same by a general infection of the Pestilence amongst them, they were not able of many years after to show themselves again in the field. Nevertheless they ceased not in the meantime upon private quarrels, after their unchristian manner, to prosecute one another even unto death: About this time King john of France, upon the death of Philip his Father, did inherit together with his Crown, those troubles which then accompanied the same who, to the end he might thereby keep the King of England occupied at home, (for he was his overthwart neighbour in France) sent certain hands of Frenchmen into Scotland, under the leading of an expert Captain Sir Edgeny de G●●rntiers, of whom the Scottish Nobility receiu●● (as a present from the King their Master) forty thousand Crowns of the Sun, to be employed about the levying and furnishing of some preparation against England. This Gentleman prevailed so much with his fair words and frank promises, as that amongst other favours, he obtained thus much at their hands: that they would come to no agreement with England without the allowance of his Master. Immediately hereupon, while the Englishmen were busily employed in France about the conquest thereof, the Scots together with the aid of the Frenchmen, made some light incursions within the English Marches, somewhat to their advantage.  
The same year, viz. 1355. on the sixth of November in the night, they privily approached the Town of Berwicke, and being come to the walls, before they were discovered, they raised up Ladders in such silence, as that before day they entered and took the Town, but not without the loss of diverse principal men amongst them, namely, Thomas Vaus, Andrew ●cotte, john Gordon, William Sienelere, Thomas Preston, and Alexander Mowbraye, Knights. Of the English Army were also slain Alexander Ogle Captain of the Town, Thomas ●●rcie Brother to the Earl of Northumberland, and Edward Graye. But the Castle was so well defended by those with in it, as that it did abide the 〈…〉 of ●ing Edward to the succour th●●●bt at whose approach the Scots knowing themselves unable to withstand his puissance 〈◊〉 the town walls, set the houses on fire, and so b●ake up the siege, which had continued ten weeks, making as much hast home as they could. The King having taken order for the repair of the town; passed on with his army to Roubrugh, whether Balliol repairing, resigned over unto him, all his right, title, and interest unto the crown of Scotland, for more assurance thereof, an instrument was drawn in writing, signed, sealed, and delivered by him unto king Edward, hearing date the five and twentieth day of january. This business being dispatched, the King marcheth forward with his Army till he came to Halington, burning and spoiling the country as he passed while he was thus busied by land, daily expecting the arrival of his Navy, such a cruel tempest arose out of the North, that many of his ships perished therewith, and 〈…〉 were dispersed in such manner that they could not readily be brought again together. By this occasion the King could not for want of victuals and other necessaries proceed any further ●● this time in his intended journey, who had purposed how to have quieted that country for many years after. At his return he brought Balliol with him into England, thinking that 〈…〉 ●●uld have been better appeased thereby. He was no sooner departed out of Scotland, but immediately some busy spirits began to raise up new troubles, chase out such as king Edward had left behind him in Galloway and Annandale. And yet more to despite him withal, the two Douglases, Earl William, and the Lord Archibald, carrying over with them some three thousand Scots, joined with the French King against the Englishmen on that side the sea: but they had better have tarried at home, for at the battle of Poitiers, the year following (wherein the French King was taken prisoner by the most valiant champion Edward Prince of Wales) Andrew Steward, Robert Gordone, Andrew Haliburton and Andrew Vaus Knights, with diverse other their countrymen were slain: the Earl escaped, but his cousin Archibald was taken prisoner.  
The year next following, viz. 1357. upon the conclusion of peace between England and France, at the earnest entreaty of the Scottish Queen, King Edward's sister, her husband was set at liberty, and the kingdom of Scotland restored unto him, which now rested at the disposition of king Edward, having good opportunity upon this advantage, to have made himself if he had listed, absolute king over the whole Island. But I cannot tell what he would have done if the Queen his Sister had died, during her husband's captivity, as she did within ● while after. King David gave for his ransom an hundred thousand marks sterling and days were appointed for the payment thereof. Also he covenanted to acomplish certain castles bordering upon England, that might prove bad Neighbours unto it, which was performed accordingly. Moreover it seemeth by that which followed, that he had also promised King Edward to make him his heir to the Crown of Scotland, being now without hope of any issue of his body. For about seven years before his death, he propounded such a question to his Nobility assembled for that purpose, but the king found them so unwilling to hearken unto it, that he prosecuted the matter no further. But I am persuaded, if King Edward had not conceived some such hope, he would not so lightly have laid of his hands, now having the prey (as it were) in his paws. Much kindness passed between these two Kings, while they lived together, for the space of twelve years after, the remainder of King David's days. For such was the courtesy and friendly behaviour of Edward towards the two captive Kings of France and Scotland, while they remained together in England, as that thereby he won their love and favour forever after, as appeared by their repair hither to visit the King and Queen, and to recreate and solace themselves in their company.  
And thus it came to pass, that their captivity here, turned more to their own advantage, and the peaciable enjoying of their estates af●er the same, then if it had never happened unto them. King David being dead without issue of his body, Robert Steward his Sister's Son by the General consent of all the estates was crowned King of Scotland, in the year of our Lord. 1370. Here ended the posterity of Malcolm Cammore in the Masculine line, which had continued two hundred threescore and eighteen years, and was transferred to an other ancient house of the Scottish Nation, which in the beginning of the reign of this King Malcolm, took the surname Steward on them, upon the office which their ancestor their bare, as before I have touched, and this family hath ever since borne the Crown of Scotland, even unto this day. The league, which was before made with his Uncle the deceased King, was now renewed for fourteen years.  
But immediately upon the Coronation of King Richard the second, Son to that valiant Prince surnamed Black; both the Father and grandfather being dead, in the year of our Lord 1377. King Robert was so earnestly laboured by Ambassadors out of France, to make war upon England (thereby to purchase unto King Charles their Master the more quietness at home) that forthwith preparation was made to put his 〈◊〉 in execution. And first vn●●●● colour ascending revenge on the English borderers, for the death of a servant of George Earl of Dumbar●●, that by occasion of some drunken fray the year before, was slain at Roxbrugh fair: the said Earl, together with his brother the Earl of Murrey, gathering a power, came secretly to the town the next Fayre-day, slew all the Englishmen they found thereat, carried away their goods, and set the town on fire: 〈◊〉 his outrageous demeanour of these Scots, Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, entered into Scotland with ten thousand men, and took sufficient revenge on the Earl of March, and others the chief authors of the former fact. Amongst the rest, Sir john Gordon took himself much injured by this invasion, who therefore making a road into England, got together a great booty. In his return homeward, he was set upon by the Englishmen, but after a long fight, they were finally discomfited, and their Captain Sir john Lylborne, with his brother and divers other were taken prisoner's, and carried into Scotland. Sir john Gordon was so encouraged here-with, as that shortly after, he together with Sir Alexander Ramsey, and forty other chosen men, fittest to enterprise such a difficulty, a●out the latter end of November, in the dea●●●●●e of the night, being come to Berwicke ●●d ●auing mounted the walls, slew the watchmen while they were sleeping, and thereby became Masters of the Castle, Sir Robert Boyntone Constable thereof, and such as were with him being over-few upon that disadvantage, to repulse the enemy, were all slain in their own defence. Notwithstanding they permitted his wife, children, and some few of their servants to departed, on condition that within three weeks after, they should either send for their ransom three thousand Marks, or else yield their bodies again. The next morning the Scots issuing out of the Castle, before it was known what was happened, brought with them into it a drove of Cattle which were pasturing thereabout. The Earl of Northumberland being advertised hereof, hasted thither, with four hundred men well appointed, by whom the Castle was again recovered by force within two hours, nine days after the taking of the same. The Scots were all slain by the assailiants, either in the defence of the Castle or of their persons after they were entered, Alexander Ramsey only excepted, whom they reserved, by his liberty to redeem the ransom promised before to the Scots, for the wife and children of Captain Boyntone. These things thus passed in the year 1378. The pestilence so afflicted the North parts of England all the summer following, as that a great part of those countries lay well near desolate, notwithstanding the Scots ceased not daily to make roads into the land, catching up and carrying away whatsoever 〈◊〉 into their greedy claws; so as the very herds of swine (wherewith before they would never deal) were now accounted a good booty. Further the Earl Douglas with some twenty thousand Scots, entered into Penner on the Fair day, sacked the town, and then set it on fire, but the people saved themselves by running away. The Scots paid very dear for those commodities. For therewith all they carried home with them an infection of the plague, whereof in the two years' next following so great a number died (being spread well near over the whole land) as the like was never before known in Scotland. In further revenge of this outrage committed at Penner, the Englishmen shortly after entered into Scotland over Sufway, putting all to the sword that made resistance, and having gotten a great booty together, in their return they lodged in a straight valley near to the confines of England, which advantage being espied by the Scots that pursued them, they suddenly in the night fell upon them, slew a great number, and put the rest to flight, and so recovered their goods again while in the mean season the war continued very hotly by land and sea, between England and France, john Duke of Lancaster (the king's Uncle) laboured a peace with the Scots, which was concluded to endure three ye●●es. The truce replied, Archibald Dowlass, together with the Earls Douglas and Dunbar, understanding that the Castle of Lochemaben was unprovided of men and victuals, necessary for the defence thereof, so sharply assailed the same, as that the Captain thereof Sir William Featherstone, having in the mean ●●●e received no aid out of England, as he expected, upon knowledge given to the wardens of the English Marches, in what state it stood, at the end of eight days (according to composition) he surrendered the Castle into their possession, which incontinently was cast down flat to the ground. Hereupon the Baron of Graystock, with a new supply of men and victuals, was appointed to relieve the Castle of Roxbrough, lest it should be taken unprovided as the former. But the Earl of March having gotten knowledge thereof, lay privily in wait for the Englishmen, took the Baron prisoner, and carried him with his charge to Dunbar. The Scots about this time took also the Castle of Work, and set it on fire. King Richard being not a little discontented with this their fortunate proceed, sent the Duke of Lancaster with a great power into Scotland, having now appeased his troubles at home, raised by the seditious rebels of Norfolk & other places, and also taken truce with France. But the army stayed so long where they were encamped within 3. miles of Edenbrugh, that when they came thither, they found nothing but bare walls, whereat the common soldiers not a little repined. The Scots had carried their goods to the woods & mountains, & such places of security, while the Englishmen in the mean time were grievously afflicted with vehement cold weather, and rain, that extraordinarily chanced, at that season (being about the tenth of April) and the more, because before their coming to Edenbrough they had encamped themselves for their better safety, in a low marish ground, which killed above 500 of their horses for service, and bred diseases amongst the soldiers. Neither had the English Navy any better success at this time, for the Mariners through want of good government, over-boldly adventuring to go on land, for the desire of pillage and spoil, were in the end encountered by the Scots, and so hotly pursued, as that a great number of them were slain, and the rest hardly escaped to their ships. The English Army was no sooner out of Scotland, but that the Earl Douglas by his industry and courage, presently recovered all the places of strength in Tividale, out of the possession of the Englishmen, which till then they had hold ever since the battle besides Dutham. All this summer season was spent with continual roads, by the one nation and the other, to the small advantage of either. In the mean time messengers were sent to advertise the Scots of an abstinence of war for a season, between the three nations, France, England, and Scotland, which was observed on all sides. The truce ended, the Scots took by force the castle of Burwicke. But the Earl of Northumberland (to whom the keeping thereof was committed, was thereby so much touched in credit, that presently gathering the power of those parts, he so eager assailed the grottes within it, as that they were constrained to come to composition with the Earl, and so for two thousand marks the Castle was surrendered & they departed. The year next following viz. 1385. Monsieur de vian Earl of Valentinois admiral of the fleet, was sent by the French King into Scotland, with two hundred and forty ships furnished with men, munition, & all things necessary pertaining to war, the● were some two thousand footmen, an hundred lances, & two hundred crossbows, and pay for them for six months. Amongst other presents which the French king sent to the Noblemen of Scotland, he bestowed on king Robert forty complete a●moures to be disposed at his pleasure.  
The Scots being thus strengthened, prepared forthwith to invade England. The whole army consisted of fifty thousand men, over whom the Earl of Fife Son to king Robert, was made General, being accompanied with the Earls Dowglas and March, and diverse other of the Scottish Nobility. At their first entry they took the castles of Work; Fourd and Corn●●ll; and over ran the Country, lying between Berwick and 〈…〉 In the mean time king R●chard had sent before him the Duke of Lancaster with a convenient power, to restrain them from doing further harm, who hearing of the approach of the Englishmen withdrow themselves homeward. The King in the mean time making all the haste, that possibly he could after the Duke, entered together into Scotland passing thorough the countries of Mers and Lothian they burned and spoiled all the towns, villages and buildings that stood in their way as well religious as other.  
At his coming to Edenbrugh finding the town empty, he sooth houses on fire, which together with the Church of Saint Gyles were consumed to ashes. But at the earnest request of the Duke of Lan●●ster Holi-roode house was preserved for the great favour the Duke had found there during the late commotion in England. King Richard having remained about Edenbrugh five days, returned without proffer of battle or any encounter to speak of. Monsieur de vian was very earnest with the Scottish Lords to have adventured a battle, but being carried to the top of ●o hill, f●om whence he might discover the order and puissance of the English army, he changed his mind.  
Hereupon they resolved to invade England on an other quarter, while the Englishmen ●●oke there pleasure in the ●●pa●tes passing ●●●●●fore over the mountains they entered into Cumber●●●d, assaulted the City of Carliel, but finding themselves unable to prevail there they turned homewards, feareing lest they should have been encountered with the English army, which had fallen out accordingly, if the King would have been advised by the Duke his uncle.  
But the Earl of Oxford (who stood more in the King's grace) had put such a jealousy into his head, of the Duke's meaning therein towards him, as that he was drawn from liking of that course, and so took his way homeward. The Scots having on the other side done what harm they could, returned likewise into Scotland, but because the same was not answerable to the damage they received, King Robert was so much offended with the Frenchmen (at whose hands he expected greater matters) as that he sent them home lighter laden than they came, by the weight of all that was worth the taking from them, in part of recompense for the losses sustained in this journey, which was undertaken at their earnest suit and entreaty.  
Thus they parted not in so good terms as they were entertained with all at there arrival into Scotland. The Scottish writers attibute the cause of these jars and discontentments amongst them, to the lascivious and imperious demeanour of the Frenchmen according to their usual manner, where-so-ever they serve out of their own country, whereof the common people especially complained, more than of any injury offered them by their professed enemies the Englishmen. The Scots within two years after, understanding what troubles were arising in England, thought it a fit time wherein to be revenged for the damages lately sustained. Wherefore about the beginning of August, there assembled at jedworth to the number of between thirty and forty thousand. Hear they understood by an English espial whom they took, that the Earl of Northumberland, intended to invade Scotland on the one side as they did the like here on the other. Therefore having a sufficient number to make two armies, they divided th●●selues. The two younger brothers (the Scottish Kings sons,) with the one part, directed their course by the West marches into Cumberland ●●●●ing as far as Durham▪ At length both these armies (having in the mean time done what harm they could) met together about ten miles from Newcastle, and passing thither they besieged that town. But the Earl of Northumberland (who then commanded all those countries) having had knowledge before of their purpose, had sent thither his two sons, the Lord N●●●● (surnamed Hotespurre for his eager manner of riding) and his brother Ralphe, two 〈◊〉 ●orward Gentlemen. These with the forces they carried with them, 〈◊〉 those they found there so manfully defended the town, as that the Scots (being ten thousand choice men, taken out of the whole army to give the assault) were beaten back, not without loss of many of their men. Amongst other feats of ●rmes done at this assault (for it deserved not the ●ime of a siege) it fell out, that as the Englishmen defended the barriers without the gate, the Douglas chanced to be matched hand to hand with the Lord Henry, and by force pulled his staff from him, whereupon in his return, hoisting it up on high, he cried out that he would carry the same for his glory into Scotland, with which conquest being (as it seemed) for the time satisfied, the next day the whole army departed homewards as far as Otterbourne about eight miles from Newcastle. The two Percies the next morning with more courage than discretion (being as yet over few to encounter the enemy) issued out of the town with such speed, as that they were upon the Scots before they were departed from their lodgings: nevertheless upon some knowledge given them of the approach of the Englishmen, they were ready to receive them at all assays. The fight continued very hot on both sides for the space of so much of the day, as remained after their meeting, and for the most part of the night following by moonshine. The Englishmen caused the Scots to give ground and withal won their standard. This being perceived, Patrick Hepbourne, together with his Son and such forces as were under his charge from out of the one side, and the doughty Dowglas from another quarter with his men, so proudly assailed the Englishmen, as being not able to make resistance they were forced in the end to yield, or save themselves by flight.  
This battle was fought in the year 1388. The number of the Englishmen slain (as Hector Boetius reporteth) were five hundred, not without some slaughter also of the Scots, amongst whom the Earl Dowglas was of principal account, having received many mortal wounds. The two Percies were taken prisoners in fight, with some other of good reckoning. But many more were taken in their flight, for the Scots pursued them so egarlie in the chase, as that two hundred of themselves adventuring over far, were taken prisoners by the Englishmen.  
But Buchanan doth otherwise report this journey, Viz. That after the Scots had divided themselves into two companies they met not again, till after the battle of Otterbourne, also that the Earl Dowglas, both at the same battle, and also before at the assault of Newcastle, had not in his army above three thousand men of all sorts, whereas the two Percies brought with them to Otterbourne ten thousand choice men.  
But herein he doth not only disagree from the other Scottish writers, but also from himself. For (saith he) when the two armies parted, it was agreed upon amongst them, that neither of them should attempt to encounter the Englishmen, until both the armies were met again, each of them consisting (as some report) of fifteen thousand men a piece. And therefore it is most unlikely that Dowglas contrary to his former appointment, & against all sense would adventure to assault Newcastle with so few as he speaketh of, or willingly abide the coming of the Percies, against the liking of the greater number of his own people (as he reporteth). It is therefore more probable that when the two Scottish armies were met again, according to their appointment, the Earl Dowglas (to whose only direction the rest referred themselves) making choice of the most able men amongst them, sent the residewe homeward, with such spoil as they had gotten in this journey, under the conduct of the Earl of Fife and his brother, the rather because the King their Father was neither acquainted with this preparation into England (as being more inclined to peace then to war) neither knew he that his Sons were amongst them. Amongst others that had the Englishmen in chase after this last conflict, it fell out that james Lindsey a Scot, having the advantage of weapon and armour, took Matthew Redman (the Governor of Berwick) prisoner, who was presently dismissed upon his oath, that within twenty days after he would yield himself prisoner again unto him. james Lindsey immediately returned towards his company, which (as he took it) he had soon after in sight. But when he was come so near, that it availed not to retire, he found them to be a band of Englishmen attending the Bishop of Durham. For the Bishop being come to Newcastle to join with the Percies, according to a former appointment, understanding that they were the same day gone to seek the enemy, made but small haste after them, supposing (by reason of their weak attendance) that they would attempt nothing before his coming to their succour the next morning, but in their passage that night towards Otterburne, the Bishop understood by those that had escaped by flight, that the Englishmen had already fought with the Scots, and were discomfeited, whereupon returning back again to the town, he encountered Lindesey thus alone. When Captain Redman had espied his late acquaintance james Lindsey brought to Newcastle as a captive, with all courtesy he entertained him, and upon even hands the one redeemed the others liberty. In like manner upon the return of of the Scots homeward, the younger brother of the Percies (because by reason of his wounds he was not able to take so great journeys) obtained liberty to return to Newcastle for his speedier recovery promising; that when he should be better able to travel, he would at any time being called thereto, yield his body again. Upon the same condition (saith Buchanane) were six hundred more at that time set at liberty to go whether they would. This custom hath been still continued amongst the borderers of either Nation, wherein if any man broke his faithful promise, the party victorer at the next day of truce signifieth the others default, which is reputed so great a disgrace unto his Captain, as that his own alliance and friends will for the same cast him off for ever.  
The next year, while the commissioners of the three Nations, England France & Scotland were busied about a treaty of a permanent peace: the Scots were so well fleshed with their booty gotten the last journey, as that they entered again into Northumberland, burning and spoileing that Country on every side. Against th●se was the Lord Thomas mowbray Earl of Nottingham sent with five hundred spears, but he prevailed little or nothing against them.  
The Scottish Nobility tasted such sweetness in these two last roads into England as that they were unwilling, (though their king was not against it) to yield consent to any conclusion of peace, wishing nothing more than the continuance of war between England and France because they fared the better by it, but the matter was so earnestly laboured by the Frenchmen, that with much ado they accepted of peace, which was again renewed after the death of king Robert of Scotland the year following, Viz. 1390. And continued till king Ric●●●d was deposed, by his unkind cousin Henry Plantagenet, Son to john of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, in the year of our Lord 1399.  
But immediately after the coronation of king Henry the fourth, while Sir Thomas Grace, Captain of Work Castle, was at the Parliament, certain Scots assaulted and took it by force, but either despairing to keep it, or not daring to avow what they had done, (the truce still continuing) they left it defaced and ruinated.  
Howsoever they excused this their rough beginning, it seemed by that which followed, that they had no great respect to the observance of peace, which had hitherto continued unviolated, for the term of ten years, but was shortly after broken by them again, upon this occasion.  
George of Dumbar Earl of the Marches of Scotland had betrothed his Daughter to the King his masters Son and heir, the Father not only consenting thereunto, but also receiving a good part of the marriage money. This King was named john, but because the former two kings of England and France (so called) had such bad success, he took upon him the name of Robert.  
The Earl Dowglas taking indignation, that any other of that Nation, should be herein preferred before him, and complaining that the consent of the States was to much neglected, in not being made acquainted with a matter of that importance, as appertained thereunto: offered a Daughter of his own with a greater portion. Hereof king Robert accepted, and forthwith made up the marriage. Dumbar complaining of this wrong, demanded the money his king had received, but he could not receive so much as a kind answer of him.  
This double injury done him by the Dowglas, both the loss of his money and (which he esteemed far more) of the kings favour, did not a little trouble him. Therefore having no other means to be hereof revenged, he left both Court and Country, and repairing into England complained himself unto Henry the Earl of Northumberland of whom he hoped to be relieved. In the mean time, the Earl Dowglas seized on the Castle of Dunbar in the King his masters name, which was committed to the custody of Robert Matland, at the Earl of March his departure into England. Northumberland advised him to return into Scotland, and to make trial if happily some other course might prevail with his King, for the salving of these his discontentments. But coming to Dunbar, the Earl Dowglas having fortified the Castle, would not admit him entrance, answering that he kept it to the use of the King, who had sent him thither to that end. The other Earl, seeing his greatest enemy so much to triumph over him, could not brook it, but without making further means to the King, at whose hands he ought especially to have fought for remedy, he together with his wife, children, and allies, returned again into England, informing the Earl of Northumberland of all the displeasures done unto him by his adversary the Dowglas, and withal desired him (seeing he could not otherwise prevail) to aid him in the recovery of his possessions by force, sithence by force they were kept against him. Hereupon followed some stirs by the rising of the borderers on both sides, who joining then forces together, did the Dowglas all the mischief they could. King Robert not a little moved here-with, did write to king Henry, that unless he would deliver into his hands the fugitive Earl, he would take it for a breach of the truce, and proceed against him accordingly. What answer soever king Henry made here-unto, it deserved not so bitter a reprehension, as wherewith Buchanan doth check him. Impudence is a foul fault in a private man, much more in a Prince. I hold him of a very froward temper, that in his writings cannot afford a King his good words, although they show sometimes dislike of their actions. King Robert upon the return of his messenger, caused open war to be proclaimed, and Sir William Logon a Scottish Knight was forthwith sent to the Sea, of purpose to set on the English fleet, that was then fishing on the coast of Scotland about Aberden. But he was encountered with certain ships of Lin, and by them taken prisoner. The Fishermen understanding what was intended against them, entering into some of the Isles of Orkney, carried away with them; whatsoever was worth their labour, and set the rest on fire. King Henry perceiving what was to be looked for out of Scotland, thought it good in the beginning either to draw the Scots to peace, or to resist their malice, before further mischief should ensue thereof. And therefore having a great army, he therewith entered into Scotland about the midst of August, being the eleventh month from his coronation. From Hadington he passed to Leeth, using much clemency in all places where he came, especially to the houses of religion. whereupon divers Castles & Holds willingly submitted themselves unto him. Coming to Edenbrough, he besieged the Castle. Hither Robert Duke of Albany governor of Scotland under the King his brother, (who by reason of his impotency could not travel in his person) sent an Harald of Arms unto king Henry, promising to give him battle within six days at the furthest, if he would stay so long. The King accepting the offer, gave the messenger for his good news a chain of gold, and a Satin gown at his departure. But neither at the end of six or sixteen days heard he any more of the governors coming. The Scottish writers attribute this dishonourable dealing to the Duke's ambition, whom it would not have troubled, though the Castle had been taken, together with the young Prince of Scotland in the same, that thereby he might have been in so much the more hope of the crown himself, after which (it was thought) he greatly thirsted. But on the other side, they highly extol the singular moderation of King Henry, who by this his gentle invasion seemed rather desirous to allure them to peace, then to afflict them with the calamities always accompanying war. Winter approaching, the King broke up the siege, and returned home without any show of resistance, greatly to the governors reproach: neither showing himself desirous of war, nor willing to offer conditions of peace, how apparent tokens soever was showed by king Henry of his readiness to have accepted thereof. After some little harm done, the next Summer by the borderers on both sides, Patrick Hepburne with some greater power, entered further into England: and having gotten a good booty, and therewithal returning homeward, he was overtaken by the Englishmen at Nesbet in the Meirs, where their Captain, together with the greater number of his people, well near the very flower of all the Lothian youth, were beaten down and slain in fight. Amongst those that were taken prisoners, john and William Cockburne, Robert Lawder, john and Thomas Haliburton, were the men of best account. This overthrow was given the Scots on the xxii. day of june, in the year 1401. The Earl Archibald Dowglas, son to the other Dowglas, that was the great enemy to the Earl of March, his Countryman, who deceased the year before, being much moved with this overthrow, made great preparation against the next Summer, to lead an army into England, therewith to take revenge for the death of so many his good friends and countrymen. But his success was no better than theirs. For when his army had done all the harm it could within the realm, as far as Newcastle, & was returning homewards with an exceeding great prey, Henry (surnamed Hotespurre) that was taken prisoner at the battle of Otterburne, pursuing them with a power of the Northern men, and having overtaken them, saluted there main battle with such a forcible flight of arrows, that the same being much beaten and broken therewith, gave way to the Englishmen rushing in upon it, and thereby gave them an overthrow, with very little loss on their own party. Amongst the Scots that were slain, Sir john Swintone, Sir Alexander Gordon, Sir john Levestone, Sir Alexander Ramsey, and some twenty knights more, were of special note. Besides the Earl Dowglas general of this army (who in fight lost one of his eyes) there were taken prisoners the Earl of Fife, the governors Son, Thomas and George, Earls of Murrcy and Angius, and five hundred more of meaner degree. This battle was fought at Homildon hill in Northumberland, on the seventh of May; in the year 1402. Whereat the Scots received such a blow, as for many years before the like had not happened. For hereat were slain (one and other) not so few as ten thousand of them as our Chronicles report. The Lord Percy following his good fortune, forthwith entered into Tyvidale wasting the Country on every side, and having laid siege to the Castle of Cockla●is, Sir john Grenley (the keeper thereof) covenanted with him to surrender it within three months, if the siege were not removed, but by reason his men were in the mean time sent for, to follow the King into Wales, they could not tarry out the prefixed time. But this Noble race of the Percies, who in the beginning of this King's reign were his best friends, became now his greatest adversaries, especially for two causes. First they took it in evil part, that the King demanded such prisoners as were lately before taken at Nesbet and Homildon. For they had delivered none into his hands, save only Mordake Earl of Fife, the Duke of Albans Son, accounting all the rest their peculiar prisoners. The other cause, and the more offensive, was the imprisonment of Edward Mortimer Earl of the English Marches, their nearest Cousin, whom (as they reported) Owen Glendar of wails, kept in filthy prison, laden with many irons, only because he continued faithful to King Richard his Master.  
While King Henry was therefore preparing an army, wherewith to pass again into Wales (for he had been lately there before) Thomas Percy Earl of Worcester, gave secret intelligence thereof to his brother the Earl of Northumberland, who together with his Son the Lord Henry, and the Earl Dowglas his prisoner, with such aid as by his means, they could get out of Scotland, gathered a power of some fourteen thousand chosen men, of whom the greater number were Cheshire men, and Welshmen, that were conducted by the Earl of Worcester, and the Lord Henry: the Scotishmen by Dowglas. The Earl of Northumberland with his retinue stayed in the North, while the rest marched towards Shrewsburie, purposing to have taken that town. But the king (by the continual calling on of the Scottish Earl of March, who took his part) made such speed, as that approaching the rebels sooner than they looked, that enterprise was prevented. When the two armies were met, and every man prepared to fight, the King offered them pardon upon any reasonable conditions. But by the persuasion of the Earl of Worcester, (who from the beginning was the chief worker of all this mischief) there was no way but to try it out by dint of sword. The Scots (as some writ) had the leading of the forward on the Percies side, and intending to be revenged on the Englishmen, by the help of Englishmen, they so fiercely assailed the King's party, as that disordering their ranks, they made them give back.  
But amongst the rest, the Earl Dowglas showed himself that day a most valiant man of Arms, for still aiming at the fairest mark, he struck down three that were appareled like the King, (because he would not be known from the rest) but whether he light on him at all or not, he bestowed on Sir Walter Blunt (one of that coat (such a deadly blow, that he never arose again. After the fight had continued three long hours with doubtful victory on either side, in the end the rebels were vanquished and put to flight. The Earl Dowglas falling upon the nag of a steep mountain; broke one of his genitals, and was taken, whom the King freely forgave, and set at liberty for his valiancy and notable courage.  
This battle was fought on Mary Magdalines' evening, in the year 1403. whereat was slain of the King's party sixteen hundred, of his enemies above five thousand. Though the Earl of Northumberland found such favour, as that he was pardoned, and restored to all his possessions, nevertheless within a year after he entered into a new conspiracy, but when he heard the fame was discovered, and some of his confederates executed, he together with the Lord Bardolfe fled into Scotland, where they were entertained of David Lord Fleming: in requital of whose kindness he gave up the town of Berwicke (which was then in his custody) unto the use of the Scottish King. But when the Scots understood that King Henry approached with his army, they fired the town, and so left it: while these English Lords remained in Scotland, the king of England practised with some of the Scottish Nobility to apprehend them. But the Lord Fleming giving them notice hereof, they both fled into Wales to Owi● Glendover a great enemy to king Henry. Such of the Lords of Scotland as had plotted the delivery of those fugitive Lords, having gotten knowledge that they escaped their hands by means of the Lord Fleming, were therewith so much displeased as that it cost him his life.  
This fact sowed great dissension amongst themselves, in such sort as one knew not how to trust another. Wherefore to avoid further mischief that was like to have followed thereof, it was thought good to sue for a truce between the two Nations (which was effected,) and the same to endure for one whole year. King Robert of Scotland, being taught before by his brother's disloyalty, that there was small trust to be reposed in his own subjects, the rather because they were so distrustful one of another, took order for the convoye of his other son (being a child not above nine years old) unto King Charles of France, to receive good education there.  
But it fortuned, that in his passage the Ship was met withal by certain Englishmen at Fl●mbrough-head in holderness, about the latter end of March, who thinking it neither fit nor convenient to suffer the same to pass any further, without making the King acquainted therewith, the young Prince with his train were forthwith conveyed to the Court then at Windesoure. The Child being brought to the King's presence, presented unto him a letter which the King his Father had given him, to the end that if by chance he should be either taken at sea, or forced by tempest to take land on the coast of England, he might thereby find the more favour with the King. The tenure of which letter I have here inserted, as I find it in the history of Scotland written by Hollinshead.  
Robert King of Scots to Henry King of England greeting.  
Thy great magnificence humility and justice are right present with us, by the governance of thy last army in Scotland, howbeit sic things had been uncertain to us afore: for though thou seemed as an enemy, with most awful incursions in our Realm: Yet we found many humilities and pleasires than damages by thy coming to our subdittes. Specially to yame that receyvit thy Nobly Father, the Duke of Longcastell, in the time of his exile in Scotland. We may not ceys yairfore while we are in life but aye luys and loif the as mayst Nobulle and Worthy Prince to joys thy Realm. For yocht Realms and Nations contend among themselves for conquests of glory and lands, ȝit na occasion is among us to invade athir Realms or liege's with injuries, bot ever to contend among ourselves, quhay shall pursue other with mayst humanity and kindness. As to us we will meis all occasion of battle quhare any occurs at thy pleasure. Further because we have na less solicitude in preserving our Children fra certain deadly enemies, than had sometime thy Noble Father, we are constrained to seek support at uncouth Prince's hands. Howbeit, the invasion of enemies is sa great, that small defence occurs against yame, without they be preserved by amity of Nobill men. For the world is sa full of perversit malice, that na cruelty nor offence may be devisit in erred, bot the same may be wrought be motion of gold and silver. Herefore, because we gnaw thy highness full of money nobil virtues, with sic pyssaunce and riches, that na Prince in our days may be compared thereto, we desire thy humanity and support at this time. We traist it is not unknown to thy Majesty, how our eldest Son David is slain miserably inprison by our brother the Duke of Albaine, quhome we chesit to be Governor (quhan we were fallen in decrepit age) to our subditts, and Realm, beseek and thy highness therefore to be sa favourable, that this bearer james our second and allnerly Son may have targe to life under thy faith and lusty, to be some memory of our posterity, knaw and the unstable condition of man's life sa suddenly altered, now fluris●●d and suddenly falling to utter consumption, for their belief well, quhan Kings and Princes hes na other beild bot in their awin folks, their Empire is caduke and fragil. For the mind of common people are ever flowaund and mair inconstant than wind. Ȝit quhen Princes are roborate be amity of other uncouth Kings their brother and Neighbours, na adversity may occur to eject thaim fra their dignity royal. Forthire give thy highness think notched expedient (as God forbeid) to obtemper to their our desires. Ȝit we request one thing quhilk was ratifiet in our last truce and condition of peace, that the supplication made be  of the two kings of England & Scotland, shall stand in manner of safe conduct to the bearer. And thus we desire to be obseruit to this our allnerly Son. And the gracious God conserve the mayst Noble Prince.  
The Scottish writers report, that when King Robert had knowledge of the stay of his Son in England in the nature of a prisoner, he took the matter so grievously, that being an aged sickly man, and of long time oppressed with melancholy, he died within three days after.  
There is some difference amongst the writers concerning the time when these things chanced. Harding placeth these occurrents in the year 1408. Buchanan chargeth king Henry to have dealt injuriously, in detaining the young Prince, not only without respect had to the King his Father's request, but also while the truce yet continued between the two Nations, which (as he saith) was lately taken for eight years. But I do not see how that can be proved, fo● in the English Chronicles I find no truce agreed upon since the battle of Homildon but once, and that but for one year, in the seventh year of King Henry's reign. Whereas it is manifest enough, that above a year before this, the Earl of Northumberland and the Lord Bardolfe, after they had been in Wales, Flaunders and France, to have purchased aid against King Henry, were returned into Scotland, and now not above six or seven weeks before the arrival of the young Prince in England were entered into the Realm with a power of Scots, and coming into Yorkshire, were encountered and overthrown by Sir Thomas Rooksbie then Sheriff of the Shire, on the nineteenth day of February in the year 1407. The Earl himself was slain in the field, and the Lord Bardolfe sore wounded, as being taken, he died thereof shortly after. Hereby it appeareth, that either there was no truce at all at this time, or else the Scots made small account thereof; taking part with the enemies of the land against their natural King, within his own kingdom. Howsoever the sons captivity did for the present trouble the sickly old King his Father. The Scots have had no cause sin to be much offended thereat. For (as it is confessed by themselves) king Henry took so great care for his education, in all manner of discipline fit for his calling, as that Realm had never before a Prince furnished with more excellent qualities. No doubt king Henry hereby sought in kindness to bind him and that Nation to a perpetual acknowledgement of his singular love and favour towards the one and the other. But as the sequel showed, the same was little or nothing regarded afterwards. The death of king Robert made no alteration in the state of government in Scotland, with him died only the title of king; for the other Robert his brother, the Duke of Albaine in manner as before, so still he enjoyed the sovereign command over that Nation. About this time, or not long before Sir Robert Vnfreville high admiral of England burned the town of peoples on the market day, causing his men to make so good penie-worthes of the clothes they got there, as that thereupon the Scots called him Robin mend market. In the mean season the Castle of jedworth (which the Englishmen had held ever since the battle at Durham (was taken by Tyvidale men and thrown down to the ground. Shortly after the Earl of March (who before at a Parliament was recommended by the commons of England, to the kings gracious consideration over his due demerits, for his good service done in the Realm) returned into Scotland, and was restored to his former dignity and possessions there. The Scots thought themselves not sufficiently revenged for the markets, that Sir Robert Vmfreville lately made of their goods in England, and therefore in the year following, Patrick Dumbar, second Son to the Earl of March with an hundred men well appointed for the purpose, came early one morning, somewhat before day, to Fast Castle, and entering into the same took the Captain thereof prisoner, who by daily outroads greatly endamaged the Country next adjoining. About the same time Gavin Dumbar an other Son of the said Earl, together with William Dowglas, broke down the bridge of Roxbrughe, and set the town on fire, but durst not attempt the taking of the Castle. Sir Robert Vmfreville having by this time uttered all his merchandise by the measure of his men's longbows, for the worth of so many yards, thought it now high time to make a new adventure, and therefore in the year 1410. He entered the Forth with ten tall ships of war, where lying for the space of a fortnight together, he sometimes landed on the one side, and sometimes on the other, carrying still with him many good booties, notwithstanding that the Governor and the Earl Dowglas were both ready to resist him. He burned the Galliot of Scotland (a Ship of greatest account) with many other smaller vessels lying then at the Blackness over against Leeth. At his return into England he brought with him fourteen good ships with many commodities, as clothes both  and linen, pitch, tar, woad, flower meal, wheat and rye, making as good pennie-worthes thereof as he did before, as long as his storehouse had any thing left in it. But not satisfied here-with, he together with his Nephew young Gilbert Vmfreville Earl of Angius (but more commonly called Lord of kin) entered the same year once again into Scotland by land and spoiled the greater part of Tyvidale.  
Thus it appeareth that at this time there was no peace between the two Nations, or else it was little respected on both sides. For many years after there was little doing between them. But now approached the end of this Noble Prince who deceasing in the fourth-teenth year of his reign, in the year of our Lord 1412. left the Crown unto his Son Henry, Prince of Wailles, that was no less inheritor to his heroical virtues then to the same. In the second year of his reign it was propounded in Parliament, whether it were more meet to begin with the conquest of France (whereunto he pretended a just title) or first to reduce Scotland to their former obedience, for it was resolved that the one or other should forthwith be taken in hand. After long debate and consultation upon this point, it was concluded that the war should be commenced against the mightier enemy: for if France were once subdued, the Scots were easily tamed, so that now they were at good leisure either to be lookers on, or actors on which side it pleased them. Nevertheless whether it were that their Governor would not willingly incur King Henry's displeasure, fearing lest if he had stirred, he would have thrust him out of place, by sending the young King home, or whether that nation doubted, that by that occasion the king would have been provoked to set in foot for himself, under colour of the defence of the your Prince his title, or else whatsoever it was that moved them thereunto, the Scots made no great ado during his reign, though they were yet once again provoked by Vmfreville, who being put in trust, at the King's passage over into France, to guard the frontiers on that side, fought with them at Gedering, with three hundred Archers, and seven score men of arms, where after long fight, he slew above three score of them, and took three hundred prisonere in chase, which was continued twelve miles, and then returned to Roxbrough Castle, whereof he was Captain. This conflict was on Mary Magdalines' day, in the year 1414. Three years after, the Scots made some show of a purpose they had, to perform some great exploit, but upon the approach of the English army, they withdrew themselves homeward without doing any great hurt. But although they ceased from further annoyance here, yet being entertained by the Dolphin in France, they opposed themselves there against the Englishmen. The Scottish writers report, that seven thousand of them passed over together under the conduct of john Earl of Buchquhan, son to their Governor, accompanied with Archibald Dowglas, and divers other of good place. Unto these men they do attribute the victory over the Englishmen at the battle of Baugie, fought on Easter-even, in the year 1421. where the Duke of Clarence the King's brother, giving too much credit to a Lombard, unadvisedly set upon the Frenchmen and Scots, and was slain, together with diverse other Noblemen of England, in the whole to the number of some two thousand. Of the adverse party were also slain above twelve hundred, the best men of war amongst them. So as they had no great cause to boast of the victory, how glorious so ever they make the same, affirming that for their good service at this time, the Dolphin bestowed great honours and offices upon them. The Scots being thus animated against King Henry, at his next journey into France (and the last he made) he took with him the Prince of Scotland, to try if happily they would be thereby won either to his party, or at least moved to return home again. But they so little regarded the matter, that being demanded why they would fight against their own King, they answered; That they would not acknowledge any duty to him, who as yet lived under the obedience of an other. Herewith (saith Buchanan) King Henry was so much displeased, that at the taking of Meaux in Bury, he caused 20. Scots to be executed, whom he found there, because they had armed themselves against their own King. But I see not how it can be so, for the soldiers seeing themselves unable to make resistance, abandoned the town, and withdrawing their forces into the market place, fortified the same, which being afterwards surrendered upon composition, the lives of poor men only were excepted, namely bastard Vauren the Captain of the town, the Bailie, & two Burgesses, all which upon good consideration were immediately executed, and no other. When this most victorious Prince had so wonderfully prevailed in his intended conquest of France, as that within the term of five or six years, he had brought the better part thereof under his obedience, it pleased the almighty God (the disposer of kingdoms) to take him from those earthly honours, to the fruition (I hope) of that endless and incomparable glory prepared for them that are his, from the Prince to the Peasant. He died in France in the 9 year of his reign 1422. He left to succeed him his only child Prince Henry, about as many months old as his father had reigned years. Whose infancy was nevertheless mightily supported, by the notable valiancy and policy of his two Uncles Humphrey Duke of Gloucester and john Duke of Bedford, to the one was committed the protection of his person and kingdom, to the other the managing of the war continued in France. The death of the two kings coming together, within two months one after the other, caused much alteration in the state, wherein that nation presently stood. For thereupon a great number of the French nobility, who before had taken part with the Englishmen, began to revolt to Charles the Dolphin. The Scots also became now more ready to assist him then before, thorough the hope they had of present advancement, which thing within two years after cost many of their lives, first at the siege of Cravant, in the County of Auxerre, and in the year following at the bloody battle of Vernoile, fought on the 20. of August, in the year 1424. At the former conflict, besides 1800. Gentlemen of the French nation, there were slain of the Scots their partakers, the Lord of Saint john's town, Sir john of Bulgary, S. john Turnbull, S. john Haliburton, Sir Robert Lisley, S. William Coningham, Sir William Dowglas, Sir Alexander Hume, S. William Lisly, Sir john Rotherford, S. William Crayford, S. Thomas Seaton, S. William Hamilton, & his son john Pillot: the Earl Buchquhan master of the French chivalry, who in the sight lost his eye, was taken prisoner. But at the battle of Vernoile, of the Scots were slain Archibald Earl Dowglas, lately created by the Dolphin Duke of Turaine, james Dowglas his Son Earl of Wigton. john Earl of Bowghen, who (as it seemeth) had either escaped before out of the Englishmen hands, or else had r●●●eemed his liberty, besides men of special note, above two thousand. In the mean time, (through dissension that arose between Mordo then the governor of Scotland, after the decease of the Duke of Albaine his Father and his unruly Sons) certain Ambassadors were sent from thence into England to treat for the delivery of Prince james of Scotland. This young Gentleman was then greatly enamoured over a beautiful Lady, Sister to john Duke of Somerset, Niece to the Cardinal of Winchester, and to the Duke of Excester, and near cousin to the young King himself, it was hoped that thorough the alliance he should have in England by this marriage, and the manifold favours following the same: the Prince should have been won to a perpetual amity with this Realm, which had been now unto him for the term of fifteen years, a very Sanctuary for the safety of his person, and an Academy for the instruction of his mind and understanding.  
The Lord protector and the Nobility of the Land were hereby moved, not only upon very reasonable conditions to set him at liberty, but also to yield him the fruition of her love, which happily the Prince preferred, or at the least equally balanced with the same. Before his departure into Scotland, he did homage to the young king of England at Windsor Castle, in the presence of three Dukes, the two Archbishops, twelve Earls, ten Bishops, twenty Barons, and two hundred Knights and Gentlemen, in these words, viz. I james Steward King of Scots, shall be true and faithful to you Lord Henry, by the grace of God King of England, and to you I make my fidelity for the same kingdom of Scotland, which I hold and claim of you. And I shall bear you my faith and fidelity of life and limb, and worldly honour against all men. And faithfully I shall do to you service for the kingdom of Scotland. So God me help, etc.  
This done, King james with his Queen, were honourably attended and accompanied into Scotland, in the year of grace 1423. But notwithstanding this his solemn oath, his princely education here, and all the favours he had received, both at his departure, and during his captivity (if it may be so termed, whether it proceeded from a bad disposition in himself, or (as I rather take it) from the malice of his Nobility (who for the more part were French in affection) this Prince of all other showed least thankfulness: for having forgotten the former courtesies, he entered into matrimonial alliance with France, then at defiance with that his late affinity with England, being even then (as it were) most nearly naturalised, by his issue in blood and kindred thereunto. Buchanan doth greatly labour his wits therewith to wash out this blemish in the midst of the splendour and brightness of his manifold graces. But sithence he faileth (as I take it) in the very foundation of that his Apology, the frame which he would thereon build, must of necessity fall to the ground. For he taketh it already granted, that the king of England did both violate his own faith, and the laws of all Nations, by detaining the Prince as his lawful prisoner, upon his arrival here on the coast. But it is apparent enough (as before I have showed) that either there was no truce at all between the two nations at that instant, or if there were, the same was notoriously broken by the Scots, in joining those their so great forces, with the known enemies of this realm, against their lawful Sovereign, so far within his own kingdom. Admit all that was done without the privity of the King himself. But how-so-ever, the good aged man might justly plead his innocency herein (bearing as then the bare title of King) how can the State be excused, against whose knowledge an enterprise of that importance, could not possibly have been attempted? if there were any hard measure offered herein, by king Henry, nevertheless the same was so fully acquitted by the inestimable benefit of his precious education (for as Buchanan himself reporteth thereof: Tanta ingenij celeritas & vigour in eo fuisse dicitur, ut nullam homine ingenuo dignum artem ignorabat) that truly such a captivity should never have moved him to have fallen out with England: upon the marriage of the Lady Margaret (the Scottish kings Daughter) with Lewis the Dolphin: some stirs arose between the Englishmen and the Scots, with equal loss on both sides, but not of much reckoning. King james nevertheless being therewith provoked, assembled a great power, and besieged the Castle of Roxbrough, from whence he was removed by the repair of the Queen his wife thither, that informed him of a very dangerous conspiracy against his own person, howbeit, shortly after his return into Scotland, he was wickedly murdered by his subjects in the year 1436. leaving behind him a never dying memory of many royal virtues.  
The young Prince his son, (james the second) about seven years old at his father's death, having reigned above twenty years, was slain by misfortune at the siege of the same Castle, where the King his Father had knowledge first given him of the plot of his final destruction. In the mean time there was nothing of any importance passed between the two nations, what was gotten by either party at one time, was lost again at another, after the manner of the mutability of those adventures: happily there would have been more doings between them, if the continual troubles with their own subjects, had not given both the kings their hands full at home. Besides that, king Henry after the deaths of those two gallant warriors his Uncles, was so busied with losing that which his victorious father had lately gotten in France, as that he could not attend any dealings with Scotland, though he had been more than he was thereunto provoked. But in the end king james taking the advantange of time, (under colour to revenge the death of Edmond Duke of Somerset his mother's brother, who about five years before was slain at Saint Albon by the faction of York, in the defence of the king) was encouraged to under-take this his unfortunate journey against Roxbrugh. Notwithstanding this mishap, the Scots would not give over the siege, but so manfully assailed the defendants, that in the end they were forced upon honourable conditions, to yield up the Castle unto the young king, (james the third) then present, being about the same age that his father was of, when that Castle was besieged last before, but despairing to be able to hold it long in their possession, they cast it down to the ground, and returned home to solemnize the funerals of the father, and the coronation of the Son, in the year 1460. within six months after this, the King of England was deposed, and so together ended the reigns of these two kings, the one by untimely death, the other by living longer than he knew how to reign, for having lived and reigned together, about eight and thirty years, he was then by his own subjects deposed and deprived of all kingly power, whereupon both he, the Queen, his wife, and his son, fled together into Scotland for succour, from whence the Queen passed over into France, and having gathered some aid out of those countries, they assayed the recovery of their former estates, but all in vain, for their adversary Edward Duke of York, (the new elected King) still defeated all their attempts tending thereunto. The desolate king having been harboured in Scotland about three years, adventured to return unknown into England (I know not with what hope of good success) but being presently discovered, he was apprehended, and committed to the Tower of London, from whence within seven years after he was delivered, King Edward being driven out of the realm by the Earl of Warwick, who before had been the chief mean of his advancement to the Crown. But this was but a lightning before his last fall, for within six months after, king Edward returned again into England, where he found such friends, that forthwith without any resistance; he e●●red into London, took King Henry (who in the mean time was newly crowned) and committed him to his former imprisonment, where the same year he ended his life not without suspicion of violence. By means of this civil dissension here in England, Berwicke became Scottish, for King Henry had bestowed the same on King james, in requital of the favour he had found in Scotland during his abode there. Hereat King Edward for the present was not only content to wink, but also willing to accept of a truce with that nation for fifteen years. King james having in the mean season, through lewd counsel of certain bad persons about him, unjustly executed one of his brothers, and imprisoned an other, fell thereby into contempt and mislike with his subjects, and therefore to make himself the stronger, if happily they should rise in arms against him, he sent into England (the expiration of the former truce now approaching) a solemn embassage to entreat that his Son james the young Prince of Scotland, might have to wife the Lady Cicelie, second Daughter to King Edward. This request was so well liked of by the King and his Counsel, that the same was easily yielded unto, and for the better assurance thereof, King Edward was also willing presently to disburse certain sums of money, with condition that i● afterwards upon any occasion the intended marriage should not hold, that then the money should within a certain time limited, be repaid back again. For the performance whereof the principal merchants of Edenbrough stood bound to the King of England. This was thus concluded upon in the year 1481. While King james now hoped that all was safe on his side, by his alliance with England, Alexander his second brother Duke of Albany, had the good hap to escape out of the Castle of Edenbrough, where he was imprisoned, who having afterward spent some time in France, and not prevailing so much with Lewis the eleventh, as that he would be entreated to aid him towards the recovery of his former estate in Scotland, came over hither into England, and earnestly solicited king Edward to make war upon the king his brother, thereby to take revenge for the extreme injuries done to him and his other brother john Earl of Marre, from whom he had taken his life, as from himself his lands and liberty. The Duke was herein seconded by the Dowglas, who long before had been banished Scotland. These two so much prevailed with King Edward (and the rather because the Scottish King had even then permitted his subjects, at the persuasion of the French king, to invade the English marches, to the great hurt and annoyance of the inhabitants) that in the end king Edward caused preparation for to be made for the invasion of Scotland, against the next spring. The leading of this strong army, was committed to certain Noblemen, over whom Richard Duke of Gloucester the King's brother, then newly come to man's estate, was appointed Lieutenant General.  
About the beginning of july in the year following, the English host encamped near unto Anwike, and was marshaled after this manner. The forward was conducted by Henry Earl of Northumberland, under whose Standard were the Lord Scroop of Bolton, and divers other to the number of six thousand and seven hundred of all sorts. In the middle battle the Duke himselve was placed, and with him the Duke of Albany, the Lord Lovel, the Lord Greystocke, Sir Edward Wooduille, and others, to the number of five hundred and fourscore. The Lord Nevil was appointed to follow, with three hundred. To the Lord Standley was committed the l●●t wing, and the other to the Lord Fitz-hugh, consisting between them of six thousand men. One thousand more attended the great Ordinance. In this manner they marched towards ●erwicke, at whose approach the Scots abandoned the town.  
The two Dukes without further ●●ay (leaving behind them forty thoured to besiege the C●●●le, which was kept by th● Earl ●othwell) departed thence with the A●●●●●owardes Edenbrough, burning and spoiling the country as they passed. Being come thither the Duke of Gloucester, entered the town without resistance, which at the entreaty of the Scottish Duke he forbore to spoil, contenting himself with those presents, which the Merchants offered unto him and his Captains. Here he caused Garter (King at arms) by open proclamation to admonish King james (who keeping himself within the Castle, world not be spoken withal) to observe and perform all such covenants, promises, and agreements, as he had formerly subscribed unto, and by his seal confirmed, to the use and behoof of king Edward. And also to make sufficient recompense to his subjects, for all the damage they had sustained by the sundry invasions of the Scots, whilst the league yet continued between the two nations, and this to be done before the first day of August next following. And further, to restore his brother the Duke of Albany to his former estate within the realm of Scotland, not detracting or diminishing any part of his possessions, offices and authority, which at any time before he held and enjoyed within the same. Otherwise if he refused to satisfy the King of England, in all and every of those demands, than he the said Duke his Lieutenant general, would forthwith with fire and sword, pursue the destructio●●●●d utter spoil of him and his kingdom. Here-unto King james, not knowing presently what answer to make, was altogether silent. But the nobility of Scotland (who now were not in any great trust and favour with their King) having assembled their forces at Hadington, and finding themselves unable therewith to encounter the puissance of the English army, thought it best to offer a treaty of peace, hoping in the mean time by fair promises to allure the Duke of Albany from his amity with England. hereupon by their Letters dated the second of August, they signified to the General, that it was all their desires, that the former contract of marriage between the Prince of Scotland, and the King of England's Daughter, should take place, according to the covenants agreed upon concerning the same. And also that a firm peace between the two Nations, might thenceforth be duly observed on both sides, and that nothing had been done by them tending to the breach thereof. Here-unto Duke Ri●h●rd answered. That for the matter of marriage he was not acquainted with the King, his ●●others pleasure therein, and therefore could say nothing to that point: but he had commission to demand such sums of money as their King had before received, sithence he no more respected the observance of the covenants agreed unto, at the treaty of that marriage, and that the b●each of one principal Article frustrated all the rest. As for peace, he answered flatly, that he would yield to none, unless the Castle of Berwick might immediately be delivered up unto him, or at the least unless they would bind themselves by oath, neither to remove the siege, nor to relieve the same, till it were surrendered or taken by force. The Scottish Lords upon these demands, sent unto the General, the Bishop of Murrey and the Lord Dernley with these instructions. First as touching the repayment of those sums of money which were by him demanded, the same was not due, the time being not yet come, wherein it was to be restored again, according to the agreement at the treaty of marriage, for as yet both the parties were under age. But if the Duke thought the former assurance insufficient, they would do any thing (as far as reason required) to satisfy him to his full contentment. secondly, as concerning the yielding up of Berwicke Castle, the same was situate within the ancient confines of the realm of Scotland, and properly appertained thereunto, and therefore it could not without open wrong, be taken and kept from them.  
The Duke notwithstanding this their plea, would not hearken to any motion of peace, unless that Castle were forthwith delivered to the use of the King his Brother. The same day being the third of August, Coline Earl of A●gile, Andrew Steward Lord Chancellor of Scotland and the two Bishops of Saint Andrew's and Dunkell sent to the Duke of Albaine unto the English Camp then at Levingtone besides Hadington, an instrument in writing under their hands and seals, containing such offers of kindness towards the recovery of the king his brother's favour and his former estate, that having acquainted the Duke of Gloucester therewithal, and faithfully assured him of his loyalty in that behalf, he was presently withal kindness dismissed, and so repaired to the Lords his countrymen: who immediately assembling a Counsel, he was by general consent, not only restored to his former dignities and possessions, but withal was advanced to the highest place of government under the king, and by open proclamation entitled Lord Lieutenant of Scotland. In this assembly the question was propounded, what was best to be done touching the d●●●nd of the Castle of Berwick. It seemed good to the best advised Lords and others amongst them, in that dangerous time, wherein the Realm was so greatly preplexed by domestical dissensions, rather to incline to peace, though it were with some loss; then otherways to provoke so mighty an adversary, as the king of England would be unto them. That a good Neighbour (according to the French proverb) would be a good mo●●o●●. It was therefore in the end resolved upon, without further delay to proceed to a conclusion of peace for the present time, how dear soever they paid for it. Hereupon a deed indented bearing date the four and tweenteth day of the same month of August, was presented unto the Duke of Gloucester, containing a contract between him, Lieutenant general for the king of England on the one part, and the other Duke, Lieutenant general in like manner for the king of Scotland on the other part: covenanting on the behalf both of the one and other, that an absteinance of war should be observed by sea and land, from the eight day of September till the fourth of November next following. In which time the Scottish Duke did covenant to yield up the town and Castle of Berwick, into the hands and possession of such, as by the king of England or his deputy should be thereunto appointed. According to which agreement the said Castle was delivered to the custody of Lord Standlie, on the six and tweentith day of the foresaid month, having then been in the possession of the Scots near one and twenty years, but hath ever since continued English. And it was further covenanted on the behalf of the Scottish Duke, that upon knowledge given, whether it was the king of England his pleasure, to have the intended marriage between his Daughter and the young Prince to take place, or otherwise to be broke● off: that then he would proceed accordingly, either to prepare the money paiable unto him, or else to the present solemnisation of the same. But King Edward foreseeing, what unquietness was likely to arise in Scotland between the two brothers, and happily favouring the Duke more than the King, resolved with himself to break of the marriage in speech between them, and to that end he presently sent ●arter King of arms, accompanied with an other Harald to signify the same. These men coming to Edenbrugh, eight days before the prefixed time received answer of the Provost and burgesses (that stood bound to the King of England) that now upon notice given them of the King their masters pleasure, they would ●ake provision for the repayment of the money a● a day appointed for the same, which was performed accordingly.  
The messengers being courteously entertained, and from thence conveyed back again to Berwick, they repaired to Newcastel, where they made relation to the Duke of Gloucester of all their proceed in Scotland, who thereupon with all speed removed to Shrive-hutton and there abode. When King Edward had thus ended his business with Scotland and was now preparing the like journey into France, to be revenged on the double dealing be found in King Lewis the eleventh, about the like treaty of a marriage with the Dolphin: that contention was presently taken up by the messenger of God. For shortly after they both died in one and the same year, from the incarnation of our Saviour 1483. In the mean time the Duke of Albany found so little safety in his own Country, as that to avoid the mischief, which was intended towards him by the King his brother, he was forced to repair again into England, and to make him the more welcome to King Edward, he delivered into his hands the Castle of Dumbar.  
King Edward being deceased, he was certuously entertained of his late acquaintance, the Duke of Gloucester, who first had made himself Lord Protector of the Realm, but not satisfied therewith, because he aimed at an higher dignity, within two months after he usurped the Crown and title of King, and forthwith for his more security caused the two young Princes his Nephews to be wickedly murdered in the Tower of London, whither he had committed them for that purpose. The Duke of Albany together with the Earl Dowglas (who had remained here as a banished man near thirty years) with such aid as they could get, made sundry roads into Scotland, but still with more loss than advantage. Dowglas in the end was taken and lead into Scotland, where he died in the Abbey of Landoris.  
But the Duke seeing he could obtain no better relief at King Richard's hands, secretly passed over into France, where he died shortly after of an hurt, which he received of the Duke of Orliance, as they ran together at the tilt. King james being now fallen into no less contempt of his subjects, thorough his dissolute life, and over small regard of his nobility, than king Richard was with the Englishmen, for his outrageous cruelty: both the one and the other were vehemently distracted with continual fear of their utter falls. In this perplexity they both met with one and the same conceit, which was by a league of friendship between themselves, to strengthen and confirm one the others desperate estate: so as King Richard had no sooner propounded an offer of peace, but the other most willingly entertained the same. Ti●e and place was forthwith appointed, when & where Commissioners on both sides should meet about this business, which within three weeks was brought to this issue. A truce was taken to endure from the end of September (which was in the year 1484. ) for the term of three years. Moreover for the better strengthening thereof, king Richard entered into a treaty also, of a ●●w alliance by marriage, between the Duke of Rothesay, the young Prince of Scotland, and the Lady ●●●e ●e ●a P●●le, Daughter to john Duke of Suffolk by his sister, whom he so much favoured, that after the decease of his own Son, he caused her Son, john Earl of Lincoln, to be proclaimed heir apparent to the Crown disinheriting all the daughters of his brother the late deceased king. For the effecting of this intended marriage, both the kings did send their Commissioners again to Nottingham, (where the former peace was also concluded) which was likewise there agreed upon, and the assurance engrossed and ratified by hand and seal, and affiances made and taken by deputies on both sides. The said Lady was thenceforth called and reputed Princess of Rothsay. But by occasion of the death of king Richard (that was shortly after slain at Bosworth field) she enjoyed that title but a while. During the time of truce, some question did arise for the restitution of the Castle of Dumbar which the Duke of Albaine had bestowed on king Edward, as is aforesaid, but king Richard gave so good words that, while he lived he held the same. Nevertheless before king Henry the seventh was fully settled, the Scottish king laid siege against it with such eagerness, as that the defendants despairing of any aid in convenient time out of England, in so turbulent a season, gave it up, not without suspicion (it is said) of treason. This Henry having fortunately subdued the tyrant in the field, and thereby attained the Crown in the year 1485. fought principally to establish his estate by alliance and laws at home, and then by league and amity with his neighbour the Scottish King. By his marriage with the Lady Elizabeth (the eldest Daughter of king Edward the fourth) the two houses of Lancaster and York, which had for many years before contended for the Sovereignty, were graciously united in the issue, that did spring from them two, upon whom, for the avoiding of all titles and claims (peramount) in time to come the Crown of England by general consent in Parliament of the three estates, was limited and entailed, as in that statute at large may appear. As for the renewing of the league with Scotland, king james was as ready to embrace peace, as the other was to offer it, hoping thereby more safely to prosecute his long desired revenge upon diverse of the Nobility, that had highly (but I know not how worthily) incurred his displeasure, which thing shortly after turned to his own destruction. For having unadvisedly joined battle with his adversaries at Bannocksburne, with in two miles of Sterling, he was finally put to flight and pursued unto death. This came to pass in the year 1488. King Henry at his entreaty had sent to his aid five tall ships of war, which with the rest of his expected succours (through his own over much haste) came all too late to do him any service.  
These Ships (saith Buchanan) lying against Dumbar, were set upon by two Scottish Ships, conducted by Andrew Wood, and by force were taken and brought to Leith. But I doubt much of the truth hereof, for, neither is it likely, that the Englishmen would yield without some loss of blood (whereof there is no mention) or that two Scottish ships could be able so easily to subdue five such English, as (no doubt) were especially chosen for that service, when as not long after (as he himself confesseth) three other endured so long a fight against them. Wherefore I rather think, that those five ships were by some stratagen deceived by the said Andrew: for, howsoever afterwards he was drawn from that side, it was not unknown to the Englishmen, that the Scottish King (while he lived) reposed such trust in him; as that he was made General over his navy, and consequently a partaker of their own fortunes, being all come thither to assist the Scottish king. But be it as it may be, I must needs commend the young Prince of Scotland, for returning home Bull and his companions without ransom or rebuke, who in the latter conflict with Wood, contended more for glory, then upon hope of gain to be gotten thereby. For the term of 7. years, from the death of james the third, while the truce between the two Nations continued, peace was embraced on both sides. In the mean time it was devised by the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Burgoigne, who greatly envied the prosperity of king Henry, only because he was descended of the Lancastrian family, an ancient enemy to her line, that one Peter Marbecke borne at Tornay of base parentage, but by her trained up and instructed for that purpose, should take upon him the person of Richard Duke of York, second Son to her brother king Edward the fourth, who together with his brother were murdered in the Tower, as before I have showed. This joyly youth, having first assayed, what entertainment he might find in Ireland and France, (which fell not out to his liking) transported himself at length into Scotland, hoping there, by reason of the want of experience in the young king (james the fourth) and the too great forwardness of his people to quarrel with England, to find that Nation more pliable to his designments, which came to pass accordingly. For having first privately to the king, and after that in a public assembly, made known what person he pretended to be, and with all the skill he had, alured both Prince and people to a commiseration of his misfortunes: whether it were that they were moved by an overlight belief in pity, or a counterfeit credulity in policy, his complaint so much prevailed with the greater number, that it was held a matter of great reproach, not to join with him in the attaining of the Crown of England, whereunto he pretended so just a title. Forthwith king james caused him to be called the Duke of York. And for a further favour, to give him the more courage, and his cause the more credit, he gave him in marriage the Lady Katherine Gordon, Daughter to Alexander Earl of Huntley, his nigh kinsman, whose beauty better beseemed her birth, than such a Bridegroom. King james having prepared all things fit for the enterprise, entered into Northumberland, causing proclamation to be made, that he would favour all those that would submit themselves to this new created Duke, but finding none that would follow or acknowledge any such man, the Scots committed all to the fury of fire and sword. Hereby having well near wasted the whole country, they returned home, enriched with many good booties, before an army could be made ready to encounter them. King Henry being not a little moved, purposed the next spring to be revenged, but even as the army was marching towards Scotland, under the conduct of the Lord Daubiney, it was suddenly called back again, by occasion of a commotion begun by the Cornish-men, so as for that time the intended journey was prevented.  
King james having his Army also in readiness, over-slipped not the opportunity, but while king Henry was busied about the suppressing of this rebellion in the West parts, he invaded his dominions on the North. For dividing his Army, he himself with a part thereof besieged the Castle of Norham, while the rest forrayed the country thereabout. Richard Fox Bishop of Durham (to whom the Castle appertained,) advertising king Henry hereof, the Earl of Surrie (that was then in readiness, upon any occasion offered to be employed) was commanded with all speed to relieve the same. His whole army was little less than twenty thousand men, besides the preparation at Sea, whereof the Lord Brooke was Admiral. The Earl was accompanied with diverse Lords and Gentlemen of the North, amongst whom I find these following, appointed chief Leaders and Commanders, namely; 

Ralph earl of Westmoreland.  
Thomas Lord Dacres.  
Ralph Lord Nevil.  
George Lord Strange.  
Richard Lord Latimer.  
George Lord Lumley.  
john Lord Scroop.  
Henry Lord Clifford.  
George Lord Ogle.  
William Lord Conniers.  
Thomas Lord Darcie.  
Thomas Baron of Hilton.  
Sir William Percy.  
Sir William Bulmere.  
Sir William Gascoigne.  
Sir Ralph Bigod.  
Sir Ralph Bowes.  
Sir Thomas Aparrie.  
Sir Ralph Caldercarre.  
Sir john Constable.  
Sir john Ratcliff.  
Sir john Saville.  
Sir Thom: Stranguisse.    
Thus was king Henry set on work at home, as well by his own subjects on the one side, as by the Scots on the other. But he did so warily foresee all dangers, that he easily prevented the malice of them both. For the Cornishmen were defeated at the battle of Black-heath-field, and the Scots at the approach of the Earl gave over the siege, and returned home as lightly laden as when they came thence. The Army being come by this time within two days march of the enemies, made all the haste that could be, to have overtaken them, but seeing they would not abide, the Englishmen made what spoil they could within Scotland, where having taken their pleasures for the space of six or seven days, they returned to Berwicke without any show of resistance, although that at the taking of the Castle of Hayton (it is said) the Scottish Army was within one mile of the Englishmen.  
Thus was king Henry sufficiently revenged on the Scots, that were so ready to take part with Perkin the counterfeit Duke of York, who now had apparently enough showed himself to the world, as that which followed shortly after showed. For upon a treaty of truce between the two Nations, undertaken and effected by Peter Hiolas an Ambassador of Spain, king james was contented, for the furtherance thereof, to send the other Peter packing out of Scotland, to seek new entertainment somewhere else, where he was not so well known. But this adventurous Gallant once again attempting to try some masteries here in England, was utterly forsaken of all his adherents, whereupon for his more safety, he committed his person first to Sanctuary, and from thence submitted himself to the King's mercy, who appointed a guard to attend him, from whom escaping, he was recovered, and committed to the Tower of London, where practising an escape, he was finally for his several offences executed at Tyburn, as he well deserved. The poor Lady his unfortunate wife, being in the mean time taken and presented to the King: his Majesty took such compassion on her pitiful estate, that he gave order she should be carefully conveyed to the Queen his wife, of whom she was courteously entertained, and remained in the English Court a long time after in good estimation.  
King james well foreseeing what benefit it would be unto him, if by any good means a firm peace and amity with England, might be obtained, took occasion now in the time of truce to send for the Bishop of Durham, who was shortly after admitted by king Henry to repair into Scotland. Being come to the king's presence, after much friendly speech, he made known unto him, his great desire to confirm a perfect peace and unity with England, by taking to wife the Lady Margaret, eldest Daughter to the king his Master. The Bishop willingly promised his best endeavour to bring the matter to pass, which about three years after, was effected accordingly, notwithstanding that in the mean season, Prince Arthur, the king's eldest son deceasing, Prince Henry his brother remained only a bar between her and the Crown. True it is, that this Lady was affianced, and by proxy contracted to the Scottish king, while Prince Arthur yet lived, about six weeks after his marriage with the Lady Katherine of Spain. Nevertheless if king Henry had been disposed (upon his sons death) to have broken and avoided the same, it had been no difficult point for him to have prevailed so much with the Pope, who not long after dispensed in a matter of greater offence, with the marriage (I mean) of king Henry the eight with the said Lady Katherine his brother's wife. It is reported by Morgan, that when the king of England's Council began to forecast some peril in this match with Scotland, his Majesty upon good advise answered, that although that thing should come to pass hereby, which they seemed to stand in doubt of, namely, the entitling of king james and his posterity to the Crown of England, he so little disinherited, that any inconvenience should ensue thereof unto this realm, as that for his part he thought nothing could happen more gracious to both nations: which by that mean should be united and made one Monarchy. And further that Scotland being much inferior in quantity and quality unto England, should be therefore reputed and held but a dependence on it, as Normandy was at the time of the Conquest. And lastly when that should come to pass, he that by this marriage should be heir to both kingdoms, would in his style of regality prefer England before the other. This was the ninth time, that since the conquest, the Scottish Kings have married with the English Nation; and for the more part with the blood royal, from all which some issue hath sprung, two only excepted. For first, Malcolme Cammoire king of Scotland, married Margaret, sister to Edgar Atheling, whose son king David, married Mawde the Daughter and heir of Waltheolfe Earl of Northumberland, whose son Prince Henry married a Daughter of Earl Warham, whose son king William, married the Lady Ermangard, the daughter of Richard Viscount Beaumond, who was son to a Daughter of William the Conqueror. Alexander the second, their son, married the Lady jane, Sister to King Henry the second, but had no issue by her. Alexander the third his son, married Margaret Daughter to King Henry the third, whose posterity ended in Margaret their grandchild, the heir of Norway. After this, David Bruse (whose great Grandmother was Daughter to Hugh Bohume Earl of Chester, and wife to David brother to King William of Scotland) married jane, Sister to King Edward the second, but he died without issue, whereupon the crown of Scotland descended unto the Noble and ancient family of the Stewards, the third king whereof (james the first) married the Lady jane, Daughter of john Earl of Somerset, which james was great Grandfather to this james, who now last of all married the eldest Daughter of this King Henry, from whom james the sixth now King is lineally descended in the third degree, both by Father and Mother.  
Though in the mean time, none of our Kings have married with Scotland, save only King Henry the first, whereby the Crown returned to the Saxon blood (as hath been declared) yet divers of our Nobility have matched in the blood royal of Scotland. Hereby it appeareth how much that Nation hath always sought to strengthen itself, by alliance with England, though France hath of late so much prevailed, that therein it hath been preferred before us, but with no very good success, as the sequel declareth. During the life of King Henry (which was within two months of six years after this marriage) no occasion of quarrel was offered on either part, but all love and kindness, that might be desired, passed between the two Kings. Neither did king Henry the eight (that succeeded his Father) give his brother in law king james, any just occasion to break friendship with him, but it seemeth the same wholly proceeded from the subtle practice of France our ancient enemy, as many times before, that Nation had done the like, for it hath been ever their policy to sow dissension between England and Scotland, to the end they might set the king of England on work at home, fearing he would otherwise be too busy with them. This Henry having with great felicity reigned near four and twenty years, left behind him unto his Son king Henry the eight, so assured and settled a kingdom, and withal such abundance of treasure, as never any of his predecessors did the like before him. He died in the year of our redemption 1509. In the third year of this last king Henry's reign, it fell out that Lewis the French king made sharp war on Pope julius in Ittalie, whereupon through the solicitation of Maximilian the Emperor, and Ferdinand king of Spain (whose Daughter king Henry had married, by dispensation from that martial Prelate) he was easily drawn to join with them in the Pope's behalf. King james having not long before received many favours of the French King, and amongst the rest, two ships fraught with guns, spears and all other kind of munition for war, (a good preparative to the practice following) was thereby made more inclinable to the French faction. And for a further spur thereunto, diverse of his clergy, who had likewise tasted of the liberality of king Lewis, sought all occasiones whereby to prick him forward in that course. This could not be compassed, till such time as they had first alienated him wholly from his former affection towards England. To which end the Bishop of Murrey (a privy man of that faction) was sent to King Henry, now well-nere after nine years silence, to demand a certain precious vestment, and rich attire, which (as was pretended) was given to the Scottish Queen by her brother Prince Arthur at his death. King Henry distrusting some subtlety herein, to the end he would prevent all occasion of unkindness, answered, that the king his brother should not only have at his hands, that which was dew, but else whatsoever he desired of him. The Bishop with this answer (which was better happily than he either wished or expected) returned home. But howsoever King james regarded the message, this Bishop was forthwith sent into France, and after him certain ships well appointed for service, which not long before had been prepared (as was given out) to transport the king into Syria against the infidels. This navy should have been presented unto the French Queen for a special favour towards her only, ●ut the same ●●d so bad successor the passage, a● that neither she or her husband had any benefit by them. In the mean season complaint wa● made to king Henry, that two Scottish ships, (to whom king james had granted letters, of mart against the Port●●galls) had greatly molested the English Merchants, and other passengers along the Coast. For redress hereof Sir Edmond Howard, Lord Admiral of England, and the Lord Thomas Son and heir to the Earl of Surrey, were presently sent forth with two ships of war, who behaved themselves in ●uch sort, that within a month after, they ●●ought them both to Black-wall. Andrew ●arton Captain over them, died of the hurts 〈◊〉 received in fight; they that remained alive w●re all pardoned and sent home. King james took this matter so heynouslie, that writing thereof to King Henry, he charged him with breach of the league, whereunto this answer was returned. That the execution of justice upon pirates (such as his people at sea were) wa● never held violation of amity, that he sho●●● favour enough in pardoning those that es●●●● 〈◊〉 danger of fight. Yet for his better sa●●●● 〈…〉 would presently send comm●●●●●●ts to the bor●●● to treat of this and of oth●●●●●●●ders in 〈◊〉 parts. The Scot●●● 〈◊〉 the mean season 〈◊〉 ●ot 〈◊〉 in●●●●ng the English marches, but still to their loss. For a● one conflict two hundred of them were taken prisoners and many more slain. This blow so much provoked King james, that refusing to commit the deciding of these quarrels to any Commissioners, he purposed with himself to take revenge, when opportunity better served. And therefore when King Henry was passed over into France, and had besieged the town of Turwin, King james sent over unto him Lion king at arms (his principal Herald) with letters of defiance to this effect. First he complained, that no restitution was yet made, for the damages his subjects had lately sustained, both by land and sea. Secondly that bastard Heron with his complices (who in the reign of the King his Father, at a meeting for the execution of justice, had treacherously slain Robert Car his warden) were not punished according to their deserts.  
That Andrew Barton was slain by his commandment. That his wives legacy was unjustly detained. And though he could have borne all these injuries, yet he might not endure the extreme wrongs offered by him, to his ancient allies and friends, the French King and the Duke of Gelder's, into whose lands and territories he was now entered, notwithstanding he had earnestly entreated him to the contrary, and ●●●ll hostile manner prosecuted the destruction of them, th●●● subjects and countries. In consideration of which dealings towards his own person, and those P●●nces so nearly conjoined with h●● in amity, he held himself bound by duti●● hi● alliance with them to relic their estates by all the good means that lay in his power. And this he would forthwith put in execution, vn●●sse he ceased further to molest them. This letter was dated at Edenbrough the six and twentieth day of july, and sealed with his own Signet, whereunto king Henry made answer as followeth.  
Right excellent, high and mighty Prince: we have received your writing, by your Herald Lion this bearer, wherein after rehearsal and accumulation of many surmised injuries, grieves, and damages, done by us and our subjects, to you and yours, the specialties whereof were superfluous to rehearse, remembering that to them, and every of them, reasonable answer, founded upon law and conscience, hath heretofore been made to you and your counsel: Ye not only require us to desist from further invasion and utter destruction of your brother and cousin the French king, but also certify us that you will take part in defence of the same king, unless we presently yield to your request. All which tendeth wholly to the b●each of the perpetual peace passed, concluded, and sworne-unto by us both. Howbeit, if neither the love and dread of God, nighness of blood, honour of the world, law nor reason could have prevailed with you, we suppose you would never 〈◊〉 so far proceed●● against us, especially in our absence. Herein the Pope and all Princes Christened may well note in you dishonourable dealing, in that you have waited to take the advantage of mine absence, whereof we need no other proof and approbation than your own letters heretofore sent us, while we were within our Realm, wherein you never made mention of taking part with our enemy the French King, but passed the time with us, till after our departure thence. But now happily supposing that we be destitute of defence against your invasion (being so far from home) you have upon that advantage uttered the old rancour of your stomach, which you have hitherto kept secret. Nevertheless we remembering the brittleness of your promise; and suspecting (though not wholly believing) so much unsteadfastness in you, thought it expedient to put our Realm in readiness, against whatsoever your enterprises, trusting that by the favour of God and the assistance of our confederates and allies, we shallbe able to maintain our right, against the malice of you, and your adherentes. And we hope in time convenient to remember our friends, and requite you 〈◊〉 our enemies, which by such unnatural demeanour have given sufficient cause to the disinheriting 〈◊〉 and your posterity for 〈…〉 ●●ssibility, that you have to the 〈…〉 which you are now ready to invade. The 〈…〉 lately showed v●●● the King of Navarre, 〈◊〉 for assisting the French king was set beside his ●●ngdo●● may be a warning unto you. Finally as t●●ching your request, that I would desist from further attempting against our enemy the French King: we know you are no competent judge, nor of authority to enforce us thereunto. Wherefore we purpose (God willing) with the aid and assistance of our confederates and allies to prosecute the war, we have hitherto prosperously proceeded in.  
Given under our signet in our Camp before Tirwin the twelft day of August.  
This letter was delivered to the Scottish Herald, who immediately departed therewith into Flanders there to have taken ship for Scotland. But for want of ready passage he arrived not there, till the King his Master was slain in the field. For King james with his army having pa●●ed over the water of Tweed, the two and twentieth day of the said month of August; lodged th● fi●st night near the river of Tinsel, and the ●●xt day laid siege to Norham Castle, which was easily gotten through want of loyalty or discretion in him that kept it. King I●●es having taken his pleasure in those parts ●or the space of eighteen days, the Earl of Surrey Li●●●●●ant General in the King's absence over the North-partes of the Realm, had in the meantime given order 〈◊〉 assemble a power ●f some six & twenty thousand men, and coming to Anwicke the third of September, tarried there all the next day, till the whole a●●y was gathered together, which by reason of the foulness of the ways, could not make such speed as was expected. The day following, his Son the Lord Admiral, which such men of war as had been with him at the sea, repaired to his father, to whom he was very welcome because he could never have come to any service, wherein his help was more needful then at this very time. After some parlance by officers at arms and others, by which means the Scots were politicly drawn to a more indifferent place for battle, than otherwise they would willingly have yielded unto; at length both armies prepared themselves to encounter each one the other. King james yet keeping the higher ground, divided his whole army into five battles, or (after the new phrase) battalions, to the intent the same, wherein he himself was placed, might be enclosed with two wings on either side.  
The two on his right hand, were conducted by the Earls of Huntley, C●●ford, and Montrosse: the two on his left, by th● Earls of Lenox and Argile: the Lord Hume, (●ord Chamberlain of Scotland:) anniverse other were also apppointed over several companies, amongst ●●ome were certain frenchmen, whom King Lewis had sent over to trai●e the scots in the feites of arms. There great Ordinance was placed most conveniently, for the annoyance of the adverse party, but by reason of the height of th● ground, their shot did small hurt to the Englishmen, marching up towards them.  
The Englishmen divided themselves into as many battles as were most answerable to their enemy's forces. Over the vanguard, the Lord Howard was the commander. Sir Edmond his brother, with his charge guarded him 〈◊〉 wing o●●i● right hand. The Earl himself le●d the middle-ward, and Sir Edmond S●anley the rearward. The Lord Dacres with a woope of horse-●●n was se● apar● by himself, 〈◊〉 suc● or where 〈…〉 Th● Ordinance was 〈…〉 to 〈…〉, ●nd in places 〈…〉 one and another 〈◊〉 thought most expedient. Bo●● the 〈◊〉 ●●●●ng h●s marshaled, Sir E●●●●d H●●●●● 〈…〉 his people 〈…〉 of the 〈…〉 by the Lord H●●●●, who wit● 〈◊〉 sp●●●●●●●led the other so violently, that had not bastard ●●ron come readily to his succour, Sir Edmund had not escaped death, being well near left alone of his company. Hereat the other wing of the Scots, that was lead by the Earls of Lennox and Argile, took such encouragement, that leaving their ensigns behind them, and rushing upon the Englishmen, without order, they were thereby, well near all of them (together with the two Earls) beaten down, by that time the other Scots were returned from pursuing the Englishmen, whom they had in chase. These men also, being set upon a fresh, both before and behind, were likewise well near all slain. King james who a little before had encountered the Earl of Surrey, perceiving that the wings of his battle were thus defeated, and that the Englishmen were now ready to encompass him about, was nothing abashed at the sight, but with a cheerful countenance encouraging those that were about him, and (withal) desperately rushing into the thickest press on foot, maintained the fight along time, insomuch that piercing the Earl's battle, the Scots entered so far within the same, that they were at point to have overthrown his Standard. But at length the Englishmen pressed so sore upon them, that they overthrew. Sir Adam Forman, the Scottish kings Standard-bearer: which the king perceiving, thought s●●ely then there was no way for him to escape. Wherefore to deliver himself from such reproach, as happily he thought would have been ●reathed out upon him, he cast himself the more carelessly into the greatest heat of his enemies fury, and so ended his life in the midst of them. Such was the end of this unfortunate Prince, in nothing more unfortunate, then in that he contended with his own good fortune. For if he had continued constant to king Henry, he might have lived many years in as great felicity, as ever any of his predecessors did before him. Round about him died with the like obstinacy, many of his chief Prelates, namely the Archbishop of Saint Andrew's, and two other Bishops, besides four Abbots, and of Lords and men of special note above six and thirty. The whole number of Scots slain at this battle, could in all likelihood, be no less than ten thousand, considering the loss of so many leaders amongst them: and the small number of them that were taken prisoners; amongst whom there were but two of name, Sir William Scotte Chancellor to the king, and Sir john Forman his Sergeant Porter. Amongst other pieces of great ordinance taken at this time, there were seven Culuerings of like size and making, called the Seven Sisters. This famous overthrow was given the Scots in September in the year 1513. and that within the space of little more than three hours, which happily would have proved more bloody on both sides, had not the night taken up the quarrel. Of Englishmen were slain (as Hall reporteth) about some fifteen hundred: divers were taken prisoners by following the Scots over-egerly in the chase, after daylight was done. It was not well known on which side the victory was fallen, until the next morning, for then the Lord Dacres with his troops of horsemen, being sent abroad to view the behaviour of the Scots, found they had forsaken their artillery, and left the field. The King's body being found, many deep and deadly wounds appeared on the same, which the Earl of Surrey caused to be embowelled and seared, wherewith (having set all things in good order) he returned to the Queen of England. In memory of this notable victory over that nation, his family hath hitherto borne in their Scutcheons the arms of Scotland for an addition of Honour thereunto, but with what right I know not. Amongst other prodigious signs, immediately foregoing this bloodshed, Buchanan recordeth one very memorable, received from the report of him that was an eye witness thereof, a man of special credit with him. This it was: King james going to his army, now ready to set forward, entered into a Chapel that was in his way to hear evensong (as then it was called): while he was at his devotion, an ancient man came in, bareheaded, his golden coloured locks hanging down upon his shoulders, his forehead high, and inclining to baldness, his garments of Azure colour somewhat long, girded about him with a Towel or table Napkin, of a comely and reverend countenance. Having inquired for the king, he intruded himself into the press, passing thorough till he came to him: then leaning upon the King's seat, he thus spoke, after a good, plain, and familiar manner. Sir King, I am sent to admonish thee to proceed no further in this thy intended journey: which advise if thou dost refuse to follow, it will be worse for thee and them that attend thee therein. I am further charged to warn thee, not to use the acquaintance, company, or counsel of women, for if thou do otherwise, it will turn to thy loss and dishonour. This being said, he withdrew himself back again into the press. When service was ended, the king inquired earnestly for him, but he could no where be found, neither could any of the standers by (of whom diverse did narrowly observe him, meaning afterwards to have questioned further with him) feel or perceive how, or when he passed from them. Queen Margaret, after the death of her husband challenged the protection of the realm, as the king by his last Will and Testament disposed the same, so long as she continued a widow. Being therein established, first of all she wrote to king Henry her brother, entreating him not only to cease from pursuing war further upon Scotland (being even then at war with itself) but also to be a defence unto her and the infant her son (not much above a year old) against all such, as happily would oppose themselves against her. Here-unto King Henry answered, that with the peaceable he would have peace, but to the froward & seditious he would be an enemy. Not long after Queen Margaret, having married Archibald Dowglas, (the prime and choice man amongst all the Scotish nobility) the realm began to be divided into two mighty factions. They of the Dowglassian party would have the government continued in the Queen, because thereby the realm should still have peace with England, which at that season was a point very necessarily to be respected. The adverse party (of whom the Lord Hume was the principal man) pretending an ancient custom in that case, importuned the election of john Duke of Albany, son to the former Duke Alexander. This gentleman for the most part had lived before in France, and was wholly devoted to the service of King Francis, who to bind him the faster unto him, had dealt very honourably with him at his departure into Scotland. Immediately upon his arrival, great dissension arose betwixt him and others of the Scottish Nobility, but especially the Lord Hume, who (as before I have touched) was the chief mean of his preferment to that place. Queen Margaret much fearing the issue hereof, together with her husband, and some other of that faction, for her more safely repaired into England. During her abode there, she was delivered at Herbottle, of a Daughter, the Lady Margaret Dowglas, grandmother to King james the sixth, now king by his father, as her brother, King james the fift was his grandfather by his mother. So as his Father and Mother, were the children of brother and sister, namely of james the fift, and this Lady Margaret his half sister. But the new Regent the Duke of Albany, so excused himself by embassage to the king of England in that point, that within a year after, the Queen returned into Scotland, honourably attended, and richly appointed of all things fit for her estate. The Earl Dowglas her husband (who in the mean season had obtained the Regent's favour) received her at Berwicke, and from thence did accompany her home. All quarrels in the mean time being well appeased in Scotland, the Regent passed over into France, committing the young Prince (together with the government of the realm) in his absence to certain of the Nobility, but above all the rest, he reposed most trust in a Frenchman named Anthony Darcie, Captain of the Castle of Dunbarre, whom he joined in commission with the Scottish Lords, to the end he might give him intelligence of all their proceed in his absence. It was this man's hap soon after to be slain by the Scots, & for more despite, to have his head strooken off, and set upon Hume Castle, to the view of all that passed by. This outrage was committed the twelve of September, in the year 1517. which gave beginning to some new broils amongst them. During the absence of the Duke, the Dowglassian faction bore greatest sway, for the continuance whereof, king Henry laboured the French King to keep the Duke still with him: nevertheless by reason of some trouble likely to arise between France & England, the Regent returned into Scotland, about five years after his departure thence, with a purpose to abate the overgreat power of the Dowglas. Immediately hereupon Gawen Dowglas Bishop of Dunkell (a very reverend man) came into England & informed the king, how great an adversary the Regent was to his whole family, and that he alone had taken on him the custody of the young king, the sequel whereof he much feared. This Bishop died shortly after at London, & was buried in the Savoy church. King Henry upon this complaint, sent Clarentius (king at Arms) into Scotland, to admonish the Duke to avoid the country, according to the Articles agreed upon the summer before, in the last truce taken with the French king; for the king held it very unreasonable and inconvenient, to admit him sole Guardian over the young Prince, that was next heir after him to the Crown, least happily by such opportunity he might be tempted to commit the like unnatural cruelty, which some have done in the like case both in England & Scotland. That therefore the king his master (said Clarentius) had great reason to provide for the safety of his nephew, whereof he could no way be better assured, then by keeping him from that place and authority in Scotland. But of all these threats the Regent seemed to make light account. Now began the French king to quarrel again with king Henry, before the truce was fully expired, whereupon all the Frenchmen and Scots, that then inhabited in London and other places of the realm, were put to their fines, and a strong Navy was forthwith sent to the Sea under the conduct of Sir William Fitz-Williams vice-admiral, and seven other were at the same time sent also against Scotland, the which entering into the Forth, set fire on diverse Scottish ships, and so returned with their prisoners into England. The same year the Lord Rosse and the Lord Dacres of the North, who were appointed to keep the borders, entered also with their forces into Scotland, and burned the town of Kelsoe, besides many other villages, overthrew sundry holds and piles of stone, and then returned home with their booties. The Regent being here-with provoked to revenge, raised a great power, wherewith approaching the Marches, he fully purposed to invade England. But whether it were, that he thought himself over-weake, to encounter the English army, that was coming on apace under the conduct of the Earl of Shrewsburie, or that he stood not well assured of some of his own company (which was more likely) he was well contented to hearken unto peace, so that a truce was taken for some few months, and then with no little stain to his reputation he turned back-againe. In October following, the Duke passed over again into France, promising his favourites, that if a peace were not in the mean time concluded with England, he would bring the next Summer such a warlike crew of Frenchmen and Germans, as that he should not stand in need of such of his own Countrymen, as were so backward in his former enterprise upon the borders. In the mean season, King Henry thought it no policy to overslip so fit opportunity, because he well perceived, that whatsoever was outwardly pretended, the Regent meant him no good. So soon therefore as the truce was expired, the war was renewed to the exceeding great damage of that Nation. For Thomas Earl of Surrey high Admiral of England; the marquess Dorset and his brothers with a competent power entering into Scotland, overthrew the castles of Wederburne, West Nesgate and Black-acre, burned near forty towns and villages, in which manner wasting the Scottish Marches from one side to the other, without any resistance, they returned home with the loss of very few or no men at all, the Scots only showed themselves in troops a far of, watching if they could have espied any advantage. This service was thus performed the Summer following, in the year 1523. But the army was no sooner dissolved, but the Scots waiting the opportunity, made continewal roads into Northumberland, to the great anoiance of the inhabitants. Wherefore the Earl of Surrey was forthwith sent back again, who entering into Scotland with some six thousand men by the dry marches, cast down certain castles, piles and small holds, till he came thorough the dales to jedworth: wherein lay a great garrison of the Scots, who at the first entertained them with a hot skirmish, but in the end they were put to flight, and the Town, Castle and Abbaie were taken and spoiled. After three days abode there, the Earl returned into England on the twentieth day of September following.  
About this time, the Lord Dacres took also by force the Castle of Ferniherst. The Duke of Albany intending now to return into Scotland had intelligence given him, that all the ports on the Coast of France were watched by the Englishmen, to entrap him in his passage, wherefore he bestowed his ships, so covertly here and there in small companies, to avoid all suspicion, of any purpose he had to stir that year, as that thereupon the English fleet, which had attended and waited his coming forth, until the midst of August, broke up and bestowed themselves in convenient ports against the next spring. The Duke then watching the opportunity, and readily gathering together his dispersed ships, to the number of some fifty sail, embarked his men of war, being three thousand pikes, and an hundred lances, and about the second equinoctial arrived on the West part of Scotland, about the same season that jedworth was burned by the English, as is a foresaid, in whose company was Richard de la Poole, that had been banished out of England. Immediately after his return he assembled the Scottish Lords at Edenbrugh, declaring to them the great love the French King bore to them and there Country, that he esteemed their miseries his own, and would be always ready to assist them against the Englishmen, enemies to them both. That for the present he had brought with him men, money and munition to be doing withal, so as nothing now wanted but willing minds and manly courages in themselves. In the end it was concluded that an army should forthwith be gathered, and the eight and twentieth day of October next was set down for their meeting at Dowglas dale.  
The Scots being there assembled, at the day prefixed, the army marched from thence to Caldestreame upon Tweed, where conveying their artillery over the water, on the last day of the same month they laid siege to Work Castle, which was manfully defended by Sir William Lisle Captain of the same. The assayliants so well bestirred themselves, that on the first day they won the uttermost ward, for two days after they continued the battery, when having made the breach assaultable, they entered by main force the second ward. The Captain having already lost many of his men, and perceiving it little availed to defend the walls against the great ordinance, upon a present resolution issued out with his people that remained alive, and with such fury repulsed the enemy, that beating them from the walls, and pursuing them to the water, he slew a great number, besides those that were drowned, and died afterwards of their hurts; in the whole to the number of three hundred, which for the most part were Frenchmen. The Earl of Surrey coming with a great power to rescue this Castle, found the enemy removed to the further side of the river, wherefore having no commission to pass the English marches, he stayed there. In the mean time the Queen sent into England to entreat her brother the King, to yield to an abstinence of war, hoping in that time to work some good agreement between the two Nations, whereunto the King consenting, the army broke up and the Earl returned to the Court. In the beginning of the next Summer anno. 1524. The Scots began again to be busy both on the East and West marches, so as for three months sundry bicker passed between the one and other party, but still they came by the worse, in so much that in the end they were willing enough to incline to peace: whereupon truce was taken again till the feast of Saint Andrew's next. In the mean season great consultation was had amongst the Lords of Scotland whether it were more fit to contineve the war, or to give it over. Many of them held it an unreasonable thing, that for the pleasure only of the French King, the Realm should sustain any more damage, by contineving so needless a war, and that the Duke was much to blame in yielding so far to the seditious humour of France. Therefore they wished, that the young King (now grown past a Child) might at the least bear some sway in the government of the Realm. The Duke perceiving how the game went, saw it little availed to strive against the stream, and therefore in September following, taking his leave of the young King, he passed over into France, now the third time since he was made Regent. It is said, that at his departure; he did instantly entreat the Nobility to admit no peace with England till his return again, which he promised should be not long after, but in both his desire was unsatisfied, for he never came more into Scotland neither continued the war as he wished. Shortly after the Earl Dowglas, that had been banished before by the Regent (as I have said) and had hitherto remained in France, obtained leave of King Henry to pass safely thorough England into his own Country. This favour was readily granted, being one that was always opposite to the French faction. Queen Margaret, now bearing the greatest sway in Scotland sought by all means how to make firm friendship with her brother of England & to break the neck of the amity with France, which had of late brought so many miseries upon her sons kingdom. Neither did King Henry forget by kind letters and messages, to diverse of that nation, to second therein his Sister's designments, signifying unto them that he desired nothing more than perpetual love and concord between the two Neighbour Nations, which thing as he had ever before wished, yet much more at this time, to the end all men might see how much he tendered the state of their Reamle, for the young king's sake his Nephew. That if they would be persuaded to break of friendship with France, he could find in his heart to bestow the Lady Mary (his only Child) in marriage upon their King, whereby the two kingdoms should be in great possibility to be made one Monarchy, and that by the access of England unto Scotland: which would be the more honour to their nation. That the like emulation & malice hath been heretofore known, between the like neighbour countries, which nevertheless by marriage, intercourse, traffic, & mutual kindness hath been utterly suppressed & buried in oblivion. These exceeding kind offers of King Henry, moved much debate, & argument at an assembly of the Scottish Lords amongst themselves. On the one side it was objected, that as France was far removed by situation from them, so the people differed much from the Scots in the whole course and manner of life. But the Englishmen and they were bred and brought up under one and the same climate, and were so like in there language, laws, manners, customs, complexion, constitution of body, and disposition of mind (wherein society especially consisteth) that it seemed God and Nature had from the beginning purposed to make them one peculiar people, as they had made there seat one soil, by itself, severed from the main continent. Further by reason of the distance and dangerous passage between France & them, the one cannot receive from the other either much good being friends, or much h●rme being enemies, whereas out of England either the one or other willbe always ready at hand, accordingly as the Englishmen are friends or foes unto them. For there is no other way to walk in, between France and them, but thorough a dangerous part of the Ocean, which either by fury of tempests may be hindered, or by the enemy fore-stawled and clogged. Whereof was made good proof not much above a year ago, when as the Duke of Albany was so penned up in France with the English navy, that of all one whole Summer they could receive no succours from thence, to their exceeding loss and discontentment. Thus much was then alleged in favour of the league with England, whereunto not a few amongst them were well inclined, though many other, that either lived upon rapine and spoil (which always followeth war,) or that were fed aforehand by the French king (which course hath ever much prevailed with that Nation) obstinately opposed themselves against this profitable and sound advise.  
But being not able by any show of reason to maintain their frivolous allegations against the truth, they subtly broke of this conference, with this caution, that this weighty point could not be resolved without the general consent and approbation of the Estates assembled to that end. For they were well assured that the Duke (to whom especially the deciding of this question pertained) would never give consent to shake hands with England, notwithstanding Queen Margaret so laboured this point, for the benefit (she knew) would thereof come to her Son and his kingdom, that in December following she sent the Lord Gilbert Earl of Cassels, Robert Cockburne Bishop of Dunkeld, and the Abbot of Combuskeneth Ambassadors into England, who coming to the Court on Christmas eve, the King gave them audience, to whom the Bishop made an eloquent Oration in Latin, declaring the benefits of peace, and the manifold discommodities of war. How happy a thing it were, if by the marriage of their young King with the Lady Mary his majesties Daughter, a perpetual league and alliance might be established between them. The King liked well of this motion, so as he might obtain his desire in two points. First and especially, that the Scottish Nobility would renounce the league with France: Secondly, that the young king his Nephew, would come and remain with him in England, till he were of perfect age to marry his Daughter. But because the Ambassadors had not commission to proceed so far, the Earl returned into Scotland, to acquaint the Queen and Council therewith. The two other remained at London till his return thither again. hereupon a Parliament was presently holden at Edenbrough, from whence the Earl of Cassels was presently sent again to the King of England, with a favourable answer to his two former demands. But because that in the mean season Charles the Emperor renewed his former suit for the obtaining of the said Lady to his wife, the King took a pause therein for the present time, prolonging the truce with Scotland, for three years and a half, and then the Ambassadors were all with much courtesy dismissed, about the beginning of the year 1525. From henceforward, for the term of about seventeen years the league was still renewed from time to time between the two Nations, though now and then the borderers on both sides (thorough the instigation of the Earl Douglas, forsaken then of the Queen his wife, and banished the realm again) made some outroads one into the others Marches. But all was quietly put up, and the two kings continued good neighbours one to the other.  
In the beginning of the year 1534. amongst other proffers of marriage, propounded by Charles the Emperor unto king james (who was desirous to match in his blood) a motion was made of his cousin German, the Lady Mary king Henry's Daughter and Heir, who (as before you have heard) had been in question, but now for the space well near of ten years had lain dead, and no further dealt in. King james answered in such sort, as there-by it seemed that he had a good will to hearken unto it.  
This Lady (that was afterward Queen of England) was once in speech (as is before declared) to have been married to the Emperor himself: after that to Francis the French king. But these motions were rather made (I take it) in policy, then proceeding of any such meaning in either of those Princes, neither happily had the King her Father any such purpose, thinking her a fit match for his Nephew of Scotland, then for either of them. For in the latter end of this year, the King sent thither the Bishop of Saint Davies, and the Lord William Howard, brother to the Duke of Norfolk, to entreat king james to appoint some time, when the King their Master and he might meet together, to confer of matters of great importance, tending much to the benefit of both the Realms. Further to tell him, that it might come to pass (if all things else sorted to his liking) he should espouse the Lady Mary his eldest Daughter (for his other Daughter the Lady Elizabeth after her sister Queen of England also was borne above a year before,) and withal to make him thereby the Monarch over the whole Island, if he died without issue male.  
And to the end he should give the more trust and credit to these his promises, he said moreover, that he would forthwith entitle him Duke of York, and his Vicar General over the whole realm of England. King james (as he had great reason so to do) entertained these offers with great thankfulness, appointing a time, when he would meet the King his Uncle, and so with many courtesies dismissed the Ambassadors. All this notwithstanding, he was so exceedingly laboured by his Prelates, that they drew him quite from that resolution, upon this occasion. A little before this embassage, King Henry had sent the foresaid Bishop into Scotland with certain English pamphlets, concerning reformation of religion: which being presented unto his nephew, with request that he would advisedly read them over, he gave them presently to some about him to keep, that were especial favourers of the Clergy, and the religion of those times, who had scantly turned over the first leaf, but with open mouth they condemned those books, for most impious & heretical libels, telling the king, they were glad from their hearts, that he had not stained his eyes with the very view of such pestiferous and damnable doctrine. And for an infallible proof of this their censure upon those books, it fell out about the same time, that the Pope had sent a messenger into Scotland, requiring king james to join with him against the king of England, whom he had already adjudged an Heretic, a Schismatic, and a wedlock-breaker, for he and Queen Katherine, sometimes his Brother's wife, for the unlawfulness thereof, were then lawfully parted. And further this Nuncio declared, that for these heinous offences, the Pope had deprived him of his kingdom, which he bestowed (for in such cases he hath been always very liberal) unto james and other popish Princes his obedient sons. Thus by the subtle practice of the Priests, who to uphold their reputation in the world, still buzzed in their king's ears, that his Uncle sought nothing more by this his desired conference with him, but to withdraw him from the profession of that ancient and Catholic religion, wherein their Fathers and fore-elders had lived so many hundred years together, in great happiness and felicity, and withal being of himself religiously given, according to the knowledge of those ignorant times, he was the more easily dissuaded from this promised meeting. Though King Henry had cause to take this part unkindly at the others hands, nevertheless he was contented to put it up, imputing the fault to them especially, that either of ignorance, or upon respect of their particular good, neglected the benefit that might have followed hereof unto the weal public of the whole Island.  
King Henry to show how little he was moved with this manner of dealing, bestowed on his Nephew the year following the Garter, and according to the ceremonies thereto belonging, he was installed at Windsor by his procurator the Lord Erskin. Within the compass of the other seven years remaining of my former account, king james had married two wives out of France. The former was the Lady Magdaline, eldest Daughter to king Francis, with whom having been married half a year, she deceased, within little more than a month after her arrival in Scotland. The second, was Daughter to the Duke of Guise, and widow to the Duke of Longeville lately deceased. Within a year after this latter marriage, Queen Margaret (his mother) departed this life, having first seen a young Prince (her grandchild) borne into the world, but neither he, nor a second son, lived to succeed their father in the kingdom. King Henry knowing how much his Nephew was continually wrought, to break off friendship with him, or at the least to use the same for his own advantage only, was much afraid that happily he might at length be seduced, and therefore was very desirous to have conference with him, and to establish the league that hitherto had continued between them. To this end he once again sent into Scotland, to entreat him to meet him at York, where he would communicate such matter with him, as tended greatly to the good of both realms. This message thus delivered by the Lord Thomas Howard, King james and diverse of his Nobility, seemed willing enough to yield their consents to this journey. But contrariwise the Prelates mightily opposed themselves against it. Amongst other things, they alleged that King Henry went about (which touched their free hold) to persuade their King to take that course in Scotland, which he had done at home in his own kingdom: namely, to expel the Pope, to usurp his authority over the Church, to dissolve religious houses, and to seize upon their lands and revenues. But rather than he should be drawn to use any such unlawful means, wherewith to supply his present wants, they freely offered to give him yearly, out of their own revenues, thirty thousand Crowns: and if that would not serve his turn, they would under-take to advantage him an hundred thousand more yearly, out of the lands and possessions of them, that were already fallen from their due obedience to the sea of Rome. These fair promises prevailed so much with King james, that this meeting was also avoided. But withal an Ambassador was immediately sent into England, as well to excuse the King, as to require that Commissioners might be appointed of either party, to meet for the ordering of some controversies then depending between the two Nations, which was granted, and performed accordingly on King Henry's part. Nevertheless, when after sundry injuries still offered by the Scots, the King of England had once or twice yielded to all reasonable conditions, and yet notwithstanding, perceived how little from time to time they were regarded: at the length, being not able to endure so many indignities, he resolved to end all controversies by open war. But first, to the end it might appear to the world, how unwillingly he was provoked unto it: before he would take arms against his near kinsman, he caused a pamphlet to be published in Print, declaring what moved, or rather compelled him thereunto; wherein he charged King james especially with deep dissimulation, his words tasting of Honey, but his deeds of Wormwood. After a serious complaint whereof, he descendeth, or rather ascendeth to a supposed title of Superiority, continued in a lineal succession of the Kings of England, over that nation from Edward the first (son to Alured king of England) for above six hundred years together, but hereof I have spoken enough before. This done, a Navy was sent to the Sea, to take all such Scottish ships as fallen into their walk, of which they brought into the Ports of England eight and twenty, fraught with many good commodities.  
The Scottish King hereupon sent into England, to demand restitution, seeing no war was as yet proclaimed. But king Henry answered, that he had no reason to yield thereunto, till such time, as recompense was made for the harm his subjects had sustained on the borders. In the mean season he had also prepared an army of some twenty thousand men, and committed the same to the conduct of the Duke of Norfolk, accompanied with the Earls of Shrewsbery, Derby, Cumberland, Surrey, Hertford, Angus, Rutland, and diverse other Lords and Gentlemen of the North. King james having knowledge of this preparation entreated to have all differences and complaints on both sides put to order, and so taken up.  
Whereupon the King caused his army to stay about York, appointing the Duke, the Lord privy seal, and others, to enter into conference with the Scottish Ambassodours, and if possibly they could to end all controversies, whereby to avoid the effusion of much blood. But when the Commissioners for England, perceived that the Scots sought only to detract time, whereby to put of the war for that year (winter now approaching) they break of the treaty, and having assembled the whole army, therewith entered into Scotland the twentieth day of October in the year 1542. During there abode there, diverse towns and villages were burned and spoiled, and having continued that course, as long as their victuals held out, the army returned to Berwicke the nine and twentieth day of the same month, without resistance or show of enemy, although King james had then in readiness (as it is said) an army of thirty thousand men, encamped at Fallamure, but fourteen miles within Scotland. But whether it was, that they waited some advantage, or that the Scottish Nobility were not so forward (which is pretended) as their King would have had them, nothing was attempted against England, until the four and twentieth day of November following, by which time the Duke was well on his way towards London. For than king james went himself unto the West. marches of Scotland, where he appointed the Lord Maxwell his warden, together with the Earls of Cassels and Glencorne, and certain other Lords there with him to invade England on that side. This army consisting of fifteen thousand men passed over the water of Eske, and burned certain houses of the Greues on the very border. Hereupon Thomas bastard Dacres, and jacke of Musgrave, with an hundred light horses made towards the enemy, having a while before sent to Sir Thomas Wharton (Lord warden of those Marches,) to make all the hast he could after them. By that time these two valiant Captains had begun the skirmish, the Lord Wharton with some three hundred horse more, were come within view of the Scottish host, who supposing that the Duke, or some other of the English Lords was turned back again with the whole army, (otherwise they imagined those few would never have adventured so desperately to set upon them) were with the suddenness of this unexpected flight put into such a Panic fear, that forthwith committing themselves to flight, as fast as their legs could carry them, or their horses under them, they were pursued and taken, without any resistance. Amongst whom these following were the principal men. The Earls of Cassels and Glencorne, the Lord Maxwel, the Lord Fleming, the Lo. Sommerwel, the Lord Oliphant, the Lord Grace, Sir Oliver Sinclere the king's minion, john Rosse of Gragie, Robert Aesken Son to the Lord Aesken, the Lord Maxwells two brothers, and above two hundred men of name more. Of the common souliers not so few as eight hundred, so as some one Englishman had three or four prisoners to his share. The Scots lost at this blow without any bloodshed on either party, twenty pieces of Ordinance, four Cart-loades of spears, and ten pavilions. Thus we see, that the King of Heaven and Earth can, and will daunt, the courage of man, when it seemeth good unto him, to the end we should acknowledge him to be the only giver of all victory. The Scottish writers attribute the bad success of their army at this meeting, to the unadvised course, which King james took in appointing a mean Gentleman (Sir Oliver Sinclere) his Lieutenant grnerall over the same. For, upon the hearing of the King's Commission openly read, the whole army was so ●●ch offended ●●d ●ro●led thereat, that it brought 〈…〉 confusion amongst them: which being observed of the Englishmen though they were but a handful in comparison of the enemy's power yet they were therewith so much encouraged that they adventured manfully upon them and put them all thereby to flight. This discomfeiture chanced unto the Scots at Solloway Moss, in the latter end of November following, and was the most admirable ●ictory, that ever was had over them, to be wholly referred to the immediate hand of God, howsoever they would excuse it. King james being now at Garlan●rocke upon the borders, was ●●ruelously perplexed a● t●●●ewes hereof, in so much as being overcome with an extreme mal●ncholy passion, he never after held up his head, but still languished till death had fully seized upon him, on the twentieth day of December following. In the mean season, one and twenty of the chief prisoners were conveyed to London; & committed to the Tower the 19 day of the same month, where having combined two days, they were carried thorough the streets to Westminster, two and two together in a ●anck. Eight of them being Noblemen, were appareled at the King's charge, with new gowns of black damask, furred with black ●●●ie ●o●tes of black ●el●e●, and doublets of satte●, & else whatsoever belonged thereto. Then they w●re brought before the Counsel, sitting at the star-chamber, where the Lord Chancellor rebuked them openly for their misdemeanour towards the King and Realm, declaring that his Majesty had good cause to make war upon them. First for their dissimulation in all their treaties of peace. Then for keeping his subjects in durance without redemption, contrary to the ancient laws of the Marches. And lastly for invading his dominions without open defiance, or just cause given on his majesties part. Nevertheless that his Majesty more regarding his honour, than his Royal power, was contented to render good for evil, and courtesy for unkindness. For whereas he might by law of arms (as they knew well enough) shut them up in close prison, he was contented that they should be committed to the custody of the Nobles of his land, that were thought meet to take that charge upon them, according to their own several estates and degrees. Then being dismissed thence, they were forthwith bestowed with one Noble man or other accordingly, of whom they had such courteous entertainment, as that they themselves confessed, they never lived more pleasantly at any time before. On the twentieth of December news was brought to the Court of the Scottish Kings death. King Henry and his Counsel conceiving hereupon, that a good mean was offered whereby without war the two Realms might be united, intimated their meaning to the Scottish Lords, who seeming very willing therein to gratify the King, were brought to the Court in Christmas holy days, where they were lodged, feasted, and entertained most lovingly. There (as of themselves) they motioned a marriage between Prince Edward the King's Son now little more than five years old, and their young Queen, that was borne some five or six days before the death of the King her Father, promising withal to do there best to bring the same to pass. King Henry gave them great thanks for their forwardness therein, and was not only contented to set them freely at liberty, but also bestowed large presents on every man according to his degree. On newyears day they departed from London homewards, and dined at Enfield, where they saw the young Prince, of whom they seemed greatly to rejoice both in speech and countenance. From thence they kept on their journey, till they came into the North-partes, where the Duke of Suffolk (the King's Lieutenant) stayed for their coming, with whom they remained till such pledges were come out of Scotland as was before covenanted they should leave behind them. With them went also the Earl of Angus, who together with his brother Sir George Dowglas, had allowance for their maintenance of King Henry, while they remained in England, after their exile, the space of fifeteene years. The Scottish King, while he lived had laboured the deliverance of the Earl who now upon his return home was made one of the privy Counsel, amongst other of the Lords that had been lately prisoners here; by the Earl of Araine, Governor of the young Queen and of the Realm, and next heir to the Crown, according to the custom of that Country. Shortly after Sir Robert Bowes and some other English prisoners were delivered by their bands, after the manner of the Marches.  
In March following, Sir Ralph Sadler, (who died a grave Counsellor in the reign of Queen Elizabeth) being sent Ambassador into Scotland came thither somewhat before the Parliament. His errand was to persuade the Governor to give his consent with the other Lords, to the marriage propounded lately by them, and that withal a firm peace might be concluded upon between the two Nations. These points were long debated, but in conclusion (after that David Beaton Cardinal and Archbishop of ●●●nt Andrew's, the French factor, was remorsed from the assembly) generally yielded ●nto and confirmed. And further pledges were promised to be sent into England for the better assurance thereof.  
The Ambassador staying still behind to see every thing performed, according to promise, on the behalf of the Scottish Lords, the Earl of Glencorne, Sir George Dowglas, Sir William Hamiltone, Sir james Leirmonth and the Secretary were sent into England, as well to confirm, as to report what had been established by act of Parliament, concerning the marriage intended with England. These men remained here from the end of March till the end of julie following: in which time the marriage between Prince Edward of England and the infant of Scotland was fully confirmed, by writings enterchangablie signed and sealed, and a peace concluded, for ten years. These things thus passed in the year of Lord 1543. The Scottish Merchants were not a little glad (after their long restraint) of their free liberty of traffic, whereupon they presently dispatched their ships to the sea, so as in short time never a port well-near in England was without some of them, to the exceeding great joy of both Realms. But this calm lasted not long, for now began France after their old fashion, to ●●●rre up certain seditious and despiteful sp●●●ts, which like unto the cursed spirits of th●●yre breathed out tempestuous and boisterous blasts, wherewith to darken and disturb the former Sunshine and quiet season. For before the years end, through the practise of the Cardinal, john Hamiltone, brother to the Governor, and David painter, which two last (men of most dissolute conversation) came lately out of France for that purpose the Scots were so wonderfully wrought, that both the Governor himself and all they that had so lately before vowed themselves and there service to King Henry were now again become wholly French, for these reasons. First by this marriage, it would come to pass (as they obiectted that the Scottish Nobolity should grow into contempt being far inferior in wealth and possessions to the Lords of England and further removed by habitation from the King's presence, who (no doubt) would make the most fertile and commdious part of England Southwards the place of his residence ordinarily. But that which more nearly touched them, was the eminent danger, wherein to Religion would be thereby brought, the preservation whereof they were bound to prefer before either lands or lives, that the state whereinto England was persently fallen, might be a sufficient warning unto them, who already were but over much inclined that way (for about that time the Govener had encouraged Friar Guillan, openly to preach against Immages and foolish ceremonies, giving liberty that who would might read the bible in English which about three years before was openly read in very Church in England and was the very bane and break neck of Popery, thorough out the whole Island. As for their promiss made to King Henry, they were persuaded, there was no cause why they should stick at that, seeing it was lately decreed in the Counsel of Constance, that no covenant or promise how constantly soever made, aught to be kept with an heretic, such as the Pope had already judged him to be. The Earl of Casseles only continued constant, though he was attempted both by fair means and foul to the contrary, for he having two brothers his pledges in England, protested, that he would never redeem either his liberty or life with the loss of them: wherefore at his return into England the King much commended the young gentleman's resolution, and in acquittal therefore set both him & his brothers at liberty, King Henry could not brook this manner of dealing, but resolving to be fully revenged, he first caused all the ships of Scotland (whereof there were good store) to be presently stayed till his pleasure was further known: then proclaiming open war, he forthwith made preparation to invade Scotland by land and sea. The Queen Mother, the regent, and the Cardinal, being all like affected, solicited King Francis to minister aid against England. But the money that that was thereupon sent them, and delivered to the Earl of Lenox to be employed to that end, was by him detained, by reason of some jars then amongst themselves, which brought him out of favour with the French King, who before had used him, as a special instrument on his side.  
King Henry in the mean season, having not been slow in his business, thought good nevertheless, to make trial whether upon better advisements the Scots would yield to some reasonable conditions: wherefore he sent his letters to Edenbrough, fraught with many just complaints, and bitter threats, but all prevailed not: whereupon proceeding in his former courfe, and having furnished his Navy with all things needful, he committed the charge thereof to the Earl of Hertford, Sir john Dudley, Lord Lisle high Admiral of England, and the Earl of Shrewsbury, accompanied with the Lord Cobham, Clinton, Coniers, Sturton, the Lord William Howard, with many valiant Knights and Gentlemen. The whole Navy consisted of two hundred ships, and in them some ten thousand men of war. loase from Newcastle, and entering the Scottish Sea between the two islands the Basse and the May. The next day they passed up the Firthe (being the fourth of may) landing the whole Army at New-haven, two miles above Leith.  
The Lord Admiral lead the forward, the Lord Lieutenant the main battle, & the Earl of Shrewesburie the rearward. The Lord Governor being then at Edenbrough, accompanied with the Cardinal, the Earl of Huntley, Arguile, Bothwel, and others, with some six thousand horsemen and footmen, purposed to inpeach their passage. At the first they made show to set upon the vanguard, but being assailed by five hundred harquebutters, and shroudly galled, after a light skirmish they made a sudden retreat but with such speed as they left their artillery behind them, The Scots returned to Edenbrugh, and the Englishmen kept their course to Lieth: entering the town without any great resistance, they lodged therein that night to their best advantage. The next day they landed their victuals and great artillery. Hither the Lord governor sent Adam Otterburne provost of Edenbrugh, with two of the bailiffs, to know of the Earl of Hertford the cause of his coming offering that what wrong soever the Engleshmen had received of them, should be satisfied to their full contentment and that upon those terms he would gladly receive him into the town. The Earl answered that he had no commission to treat of peace, but he was sent thither to take revenge on those, that had falsified their faith unto the King his master, and therefore purposed to visit there town in such manner, as happily they would nor like of, and such bade him tell the Governor. Upon the return of this answer the Governor taking order for the defence of the Castle, departed immediately to Sterling. The sixth of May, the army marched towards Edenbrugh, at the approach whereof the Provost (accompanied with one or two Burgesses and some officers of arms) desired to speak with the lieutenant: being brought to his presence, he offered unto him the keys of the town on condition that the inhabitants might safely pass out with bag and baggage, & the buildings preserved from fire. Answer was made, that he was sent thither to take revenge (as before) and therefore unless they would yield up the town simply without condition, & cause Men, Women & Children to issue forth into the fields, & submit themselves to his will & pleasure, he would proceed against them with all extremity. The Provost replied, that they would rather stand to their defence, & so departed. The Englishmen coming to the Cow-gate beat it open with their great ordinance, entered and slew diverse that made resistance: forthwith the great ordinance was drawn up the high street within reach of the shot from the Castle, so as a culluering was dismounted, and the English forced to retire, not with out some loss of men, night drawing on, they departed to there camp at Leith, for three days following they continued firing the town, and consumed a great part there-of. In the mean season four thousand light horsemen were brought by land (as was appointed) from the Borders by the Lord Eevers, who joining with the army at Leith did such exploits, that well near they left neither pile, village, nor house unburned within seven miles of Edenbrough, besides the spoil, pillage, and droves of cattle, that was every day brought to the Campe. Having thus wrought their wills thereabout, they shipped their Artillery and booties, carried away such ships as they found in the Haven, of which the principal were the Salamander (given by the French King at the marriage of his Daughter) and the other (called the Unicorn) made by the last king. These two were balanced with Cannon shot, which was found in the town, to the number of fourscore thousand pieces: the rest, as well Scottish as English, for the more part were laden with the spoil and booties belonging to the common soldiers and mariners. On the fifteenth day of this month, both the army by land, and the fleet, departed from Lieth in one hour, leaving the town on fire, which was burned to the ground. The army returning homeward encamped that night at Seaton, seven miles from Lieth, where they burned the Castle, and (for more despite) destroyed the gardens and Orchards, because the Lord Seaton (owner of the same) had been the Cardinal's best friend, when he was in prison. The next night they encamped besides Dunbar, where they had an alarm given them. In the morning they burned the town, and marching forwards, they were somewhat stayed in the way by reason of a gross foggy mist; and a report that the Lord Seaton and the Lord Hume, had assembled a power, wherewith to impeach their passage at a straight called the Pease. But when the day cleared about two of the clock in the afternoon, the army setting forward, passed the strait without show of enemy, that would not abide their coming. That night the army lodged at Rantton 8. miles from the borders, from whence the next day (being the 28. of May) they came to Berwick, having lost in all this journey not above forty persons, for which happy success they rendered thanks to almighty God the giver of all victory. The names of the chief towns, castles & buildings burned and overthrown in this voyage, are as followeth 

Edenbrough the Abbay and the King's housc.  
Cragmiller and castle.  
Preston and the Castle.  
Sengclers' Castle.  
Lawresson & the Grange.  
Markley.  
Wester-grange.  
Enderliegh.  
Broughton.  
Chester-field.  
Craton-end.  
Dudistone.  
Skam house.  
The Ficket.  
Beverton.  
Tranent.  
Shenstone.  
Saint Minees.  
Petinwames' part.  
Lieth, the Haven & Pile.  
New Bottle Abbay.  
Musselbrough some part.  
Hadington Friaries.  
Dumbar.  
Drilawe.  
Traprens.  
Kirkland hill.  
Hatherwike.  
Belton.  
East Barnes.  
Bowcland.  
Butlerden.  
Quickwood.  
Blackburne.  
Ranton.  
Bildie,  
All Knikorne.  
The Queen's Ferry.  
The brent Island.    
The five lowest were burned by the fleet at sea, for while the army lay at Leethe, the ships were not idle, but scouring the river up and down on both sides, well near as high as Sterling, above fifty miles from the main sea, they made what spoil they could of whatsoever fell in their way: while the Earl lay at Leethe he made these knights, whose names follow.  

The Lord Clinton.  
The Lord Coniers.  
Sir William Wroughton.  
Sir Thomas Holcroft.  
Sir Edward Dorrell.  
Sir john Luttrell.  
Sir john jenins.  
Sir Thomas Warerton.  
Sir Charles Howard.  
Sir George Blant.  
Sir Peter Mewtas.  
Sir Edward Warner.  
Sir Ralph ●ulmer.  
Sir Hugh Cholmeley.  
Sir Thomas Lee.  
Sir Richard Leigh.  
Sir john Leigh.  
Sir Lawrence Smith.  
Sir William Vavasour.  
Sir Richard Shirburne.  
Sir Robert Stapleton.  
Sir Thomas Holt.  
Sir William Davenport.  
Sir Ralphe Leycester.  
Sir Humphrey Bradborne.  
Sir Thomas Maliverie.  
Sir Francis Hothome.  
Sir john massy.  
Sir Leonard Beckwith.  
Sir Thomas Cokanie.  
Sir Peter Freshwell.  
Sir Richard Egerton.  
Sir Anthony Nevil.  
Sir john Nevil.  
Sir William Radcliffe.  
Sir George Bowes.  
Sir Vrian Breretone.  
Sir William Breretone.  
Sir Roger Breretone.  
Sir Edward Warren.  
Sir Brian Leytone.  
Sir Robert Worseley.  
Sir Thomas Talbot.  
Sir Hugh Caluerley.  
Sir john Clere.  
Sir Richard Holland.  
Sir Thomas Venables.  
Sir john Connestable.  
Sir Edmund Trafford.  
Sir john Athertone.  
Sir Richard Cholmeley.  
Sir Philip Egerton.  
Sir Hugh Willobie.  
Sir Thomas Connestable.  
Sir William Woodhouse.  
Sir Edmund Savage.  
Sir Thomas Gerard.   
11. May. 1544.  
Matthew Earl of Lennox, being now wrought out of favour with the French king, by the practice of the Queen Mother and the Cardinal, thought Scotland no safe place for him, & therefore to make himself the more able to resist the malice of his enemies at home, he made means to be entertained of the King of England. Taking therefore the sea, with some other Noblemen of his country, he arrived at Westchester about Midsummer following. From thence (having first made his way to the King) he repaired to the Court, where being well entertained, he married shortly after the Lady Margaret Dowglas, daughter and heir to the Earl of Angus by Queen Margaret of Scotland king Henry's sister, who thereupon endowed his Niece with an estate of inheritance of certain lands, to the yearly value of seventeen hundred marks, of rent of assisse which to this day are called Lennox Lands. From this couple descended two sons. Henry Steward Lord Dernley (the eldest) was Father to james the sixth that now reigneth. Matthew the other Brother married Elizabeth Candish, Daughter to the Countess of Shrewsbury (the most famous builder (of a woman) in the world; by whom he had only issue the Lady Arbella, (a beautiful plant) trained up (as I hear) by the Countess her grandmother, in all commendable qualities, and exercises of virtue and piety. King james, in regard of his just title and claim to these lands, receiveth of the Queen's majesty that now is an yearly pension. The Earl of Lennox being desirous to show his good will to do the King some acceptable service, obtaining certain bands of Englishmen entered into Scotland but he found not that constancy in his Countrymen that he expected, and therefore was enforced to return without achieving his principal purpose; though his labour was not all-togither lost, for he raised and took diverse castles, as that in the I'll of Arraine belonging to the Governor, & the Castle of Rossey in the I'll of Bute, from whence the royal family of the Stewards (Kings of Scotland, now for the space of two hundred and thirty years) took their beginning. Though King Henry at this time also maintained sharp war with France, nevertheless he ceased not to take the opportunity offered him, thorough the civil dissension amongst the Scotish Nobility, making continual roads & forreiss into their Countries. About the midst of February following, Sir Ralph Eevers, Lord warden of the middle Marches entered Scotland with four thousand English, Irish, & assured Scots, passing to jedworth without any resistance. He understood there, that the governor with the Earl of Angus were lately come to the Abbay Melrosse, about 8. miles distant from thence, purposing thereto attend the repair of their forces, hastening thetherward. Sir Ralph therefore (about mid night) marching from thence, hoped upon the sudden to take them at some great advantage, being as yet over few to make resistance. But the Scots having knowledge by their Espials, of his approach, (though somewhat to late) forsook their lodgings, before they had good wills to arise, & leaving bag & baggage behind them, in all hast they withdrew themselves to the next mountains, from thence to observe the behaviour of the English, who finding the place abandoned, took the spoil of all they found in the town & Abbay, utterly defacing the Monuments of th' Douglasses, greatly to the displeasure of the Earl of Angus & his lineage, and so returned back towards jedworth: by this time the number of the Scots was well increased, by the repair of Norman Lisle, Son to the Earl of Rothsey (a young Gentleman of good expectation) and of Walter Scot with such troops as accompanied them thither, in so much as the Governor was encouraged to give the Englishmen battle before they should reach jedworth, but because they trusted not altogether to their strength, it was devised, that the main battle of the Scots should lie closely in a valley, to receive the Englishmen at unawares, which took effect accordingly. For the Scots sending all their horses with their keepers, and those that might best be spared, to the top of the hill, under which they were embattled, the Englishmen were trained within their danger, which being perceived by these Scots that came on their side, (who were some 7. or 8. hundred) they presently fell of and joined with the enemy. The Englishmen nevertheless stuck to it, till a great number of them were slain, the rest being overwearied with that days and the last night's travel, betook themselves to flight. The middle battle seeing their fellows thus discomfeited, they also turned and broke into the rearward in such confused manner, as thereby the whole army was put out of order, no man knowing whom to follow for his Captain. The Scots in the mean time taking the advantage of the wind and the Sun, were upon them before they could well discern what they were. In this confusion, every man sought to save himself, whereof ensued a great slaughter with very small loss on the other side. Besides Sir Ralph evers, the Lord of Ogle and Sir Brian Layton, who were chief Commanders, divers other gentlemen were slain, in the whole number of two hundred, a thousand were taken prisoners well near, of whom some four score were men of quality and special note. Though the benefit of this victory fell to the Governor, the glory thereof redownded to the Douglases. King Henry was much grieved for the gentleman Sir Ralph evers, whose service had been such in these late wars with the Scots, that he had brought the more part of all those, that inhabited within twenty miles of the borders of Eng. unto the obedience of King Henry, who now were the chief cause of his destruction in manner as you have heard. This year the French King sent Mongomery into Scotland with four thousand Frenchmen, of whom five hundred were lances, these joining with the Scots, to the number of fifteen thousand in the whole, came to the borders, encamping over against Work Castle, from whence passing over the river every other day, they entered into the English marches and returned back again at night, with such booties as they got: In this manner having prayed upon the inhabetants five or six mile's compass, for the space of a week together, understanding that the Earl of Hertford, (lieutenant over the North parts) had taken such order for the defence of those countries, that it availed not to attempt any further invasion at that time, they teturned home into Scotland. The next summer was spent with continual light incursions of the borderers on both sides, with variable success on either party. The taking of Robert Maxwell (a gallant young Gentleman, eldest son to the Lord Maxwell) was of greatest note. At the approach of winter, Montgomery (having first by commission from the king his Master, invested the governor and the Earls of Angus, Huntley & Arguile, with the honourable order of the Michael (whereof he was himself a companion) returned into France. Though these two nations sought to molest one the other, yet in one thing (in persecuting the true servants of God) they agreed over-well. For albeit K. Henry had lately banished the usurped Supremacy of the bishop of Rome, & also had published the New Testament in English, (a good preparative to the reformation that followed in his sons days: yet it pleased not the Lord to enlighten his understanding so far, as by his Ministry to give the Gospel free passage in all the principal points of the true Religion. Hereof it came to pass, that as well in the one as other nation, the professors of the gospel were cruelly persecuted, especially for denying the real and carnal presence of our Saviour jesus Christ (whom the father hath placed far above the earth, at his right hand in heaven) to be in the holy Sacrament of his last supper. For about this time, George Wishart a Scottish Minister, a man of special account for the purity of his life & doctrine, was convented before the Cardinal, and by him convicted of heresy (as the truth was then called) finally burned at S. Andrews, over-against the castle (where he was imprisoned) within ten weeks after, on the 16. of july; 1546. Anne Ayscu one of the two daughters of Sir William Ayscu of Lincolnshire, being not above 25. years old, for the defence of the same truth, was first most barbarously tormented on the rack, & then (not prevailing th●t way) burned with others in Smithfield at London. These saints of God, the two first of special mark (he for the reputation of his life and learning, and she for the respect of her birth and education) that in this Island gave their lives for the truth, left behind them a more notorious remembrance of their christian ends, by the strange predictions that accompanied the same. For when this man of God (the flame now ready to encompass him) was comforted by the Captain of the Castle his keeper, and put in mind to call upon GOD, answered again, that though these fiery flames are grievous to flesh & blood, yet my spirit is nothing therewith dismayed: but he that so proudly sitteth yonder over-against us (meaning the Cardinal that was placed in a window of the Castle to behold this spectacle) shall within few days lie on the ground, no less reproachfully than now he doth advance himself arrogantly, which within four months after came to pass when as the Cardinal was murdered by certain of his own clientes and followers, in the same place, and his dead carcase showed out at the same window, where lately before he was placed, in great pomp at the martyrdom of George Wishart. Mine aunt Anne, after many threats and great search made for her by the prelate's her persecutors, was by casual intercepting of her own letter discovered, and so unwillingly delivered into their bloody hands, by him, that both loved her and the religion which she professed, but was never the less over come with fear (for he had much to lose least happily by concealing what was known he knew, he might so have brought himself into trouble thus much flesh and blood prevailed with him, which often hath such power even over the most regenerate, that the Apostle Paul saith of himself, what I would that I do not: but what I hate even that I do, from the time he had left her with them, till the hour wherein she suffered, a flame of fire presented itself in the day time to view such (as according to his own comparison (appeareth in a glass window over against a great fire in the same room, doubtless this sign was given him to some end, and I doubt not, but he made good use thereof. For the sequel thus much I have since obferued, that his Son and hair in few years, wasted the better part of his patrimony (not to be redeemed at this day, with 20. thousand pounds) by yielding overmuch to the unbridled vanities of another Anne Aiscu his wife. Thus it pleased the Lord in his wisdom, to give honour to our family by such a mean, as the world than held reproachful, and contrariwise to impair the state and reputation of the same, by such a match, as in the judgement of man (for she was honourably descended) should rather have given more estimation unto it. But now to return to the contention temporal. The Earl of Hertford, with a new army of some twelve thousand horsemen & footmen, entering Scotland, burned a great part of the Mers & Tividale, amongst the rest, the town and Abbay of Kelso, and Melrosse Abbay, the former was a while defended by 300. Scots, but in the end the most of them were either slain or taken prisoners. The army having in this manner passed along the further side of Tweed (but not far within the country) returned home without encounter. In january following, this renowned Prince, not inferior to any other living in those days (& yet that age brought forth more excellent, then for many years before Christendom had enjoyed together) departed out of this life, who had so great desire to have united these two nigh kingdoms, as that (it is said) he gave especial charge to the lords of his counsel at his death, to endeavour the effecting of the promised marriage with the young Princess of Scotland, 5. years younger than Prince Edward his only son, now about nine years old at the death of the king his father: wherefore the Duke of Somerset the young king's Uncle by his mother (lately before Earl of Hertford) but now with the access of that title, made also lord Protector of the Realm, together with other Lords of the Council, held it expedient no longer to detract time, but once again to assay, if happily after so many victories over the Scots in the pursuit of this cause, they would yield now at length to that, against which they too wilfully opposed themselves. To which end the lord Protector, being well provided both by land & sea, passed into Scotland the next year about the beginning of September, causing proclamation to be made in 3. several quarters of his camp, signifying, that the cause of his coming was to make known to all that nation, that his intent was only to renew the treaty of the long intended marriage, between the King of England and their Princess, offering all manner of courtesies to as many amongst them, as would show themselves favourers thereof. The army marching along by the sea coast, was still attended by the fleet, so as upon every occasion the one might relieve the others want. Such Castles & holds as were in their walk; some were rendered, others taken by force and ruinated. As the army passed, the Scotish light-horsemen provoked the Englishmen to skirmish, but commandment was given, that none should stir against them. The 9 of September the Navy lodged at Preston within view of the Scots, who were encamped at the mouth of the river of Eske, within little more than a mile one from the other. The Scotish prickers were now more busy than before, showing themselves on the top of an hill in their greatest bravery. The Englishmen could not endure to be so bearded, & therefore the Lord Grace of Wilton (Captain over the horsemen) obtained leave at length to set on them with a band of light horsemen, and certain demilances to back them withal. These having mounted the hill, the Scots at first made show to give the charge, but had no such meaning: for some 500 of them coming forward upon the spurs with a great shout (after their manner) within their staves length of the foremost troup, and then purposing to have wheeled about & be gone: the Englishmen at an instant unlooked for, received them so roughly, as that at the first encounter, and afterwards in the chase, within three hours space, above 800. of the Scots were slain within sight of their own army. The Lord Hume by a fall from his horse in the flight, received such an hurt that he died thereof shortly after. His son and heir, six Gentlemen, and two Priests were taken prisoners. On the English party, but one was hurt yet diverse were taken prisoners by adventuring over-farre in pursuit of the enemy, amongst whom were Sir Ralphe Bulmere, Thomas Gower Marshal of Berwick, and Captain Crouch, all three having charge over certain company's of horsemen. After this blow, the Scottish horsemen performed no more service worth the remembrance. The Protector knowing that the Scots were not a little discouraged by this overthrow given the horsemen, & perceiving no disposition in them to give battle, unless it were upon great advantage, thought it now a fit time to make trial whether yet they would hearken unto his reasonable demands, which he signified to the Governor in writing, to this effect, as Buchanan reporteth. First he earnestly entreated the Scots to remember, that on both sides they were all Christians, to whom (if they would follow their profession) nothing could be more acceptable than peace & amity, nor any thing more hateful than war and bloodshed. That the war now between them proceeded not of ambition, malice, or envy, but from an hearty desire of an assured & fi●●●e league and amity between the two nations, which by no means else could be effected, then by that marriage, which by their free consents had been already faithfully promised, & by public writing generally approved & ratified, upon such conditions as were more favourable on their side, than of their own, such as brought them into no manner of bondage, but into a friendly society of life and community, of either fortune, good or bad. That this ma●●age would be much more advantagable to them then to the English, by how much, both the hope of good, & the fear of harm, to the nation of less power, should be the greater. That they could not deny, but it was necessary their Queen should marry, consequently that their greatest care would be, how to bestow her. That if they would make choice of a husband fittest for her, in regard both of his own worth, & the good that should redound to their commonweal; whom could they prefer before the King their next neighbour, borne and bred up in the same Island, of her own blood, trained up after one manner of discipline, using the same language, and not only in power and riches, but well near in all things (tending either to profit or pleasure) far before her, and which shall bring with it, a never fading amity, and an utter burning in oblivion the memory of all former malice and dissension? whereas if the Scots shall entertain a stranger, differing from them in laws, language, and manner of life, what a number of inconveniences will follow thereof? The mischief that by such occasion hath fallen upon other nations, may be a sufficient warning: & better it were to be wise by other men's harms, then by experience to buy wit at so dear a reckoning. That for his part, if he found them inclinable to the marriage, he would remit some part of the former agreement, and be contented that their Queen should be brought up amongst them at home, till she were of age to make her choice, that in the mean season, peace should be kept between the two nations, but with this condition, that their Queen should not in the mean time be transported out of Scotland, and that no compact of marriage should be made either with the French king, or any other foreign Prince. If they would faithfully promise thus much, he would then in peaceable manner immediately departed with his army, and whatsoever damage they had sustained since his coming into their realm, it should be satisfied by the judgement of indifferent Arbitrators, chosen on both sides. The Governor having received this letter, imparted the same to very few about him, fearing that if it had passed many men's hands, the greater number would have inclined to the offered conditions of peace, being so reasonable, which made him the rather conceive, that unless the Duke had disinherited his strength, he would not have made so fair wether with him. And therefore purposing to give him battle, he caused a rumour to be spread abroad, that the Englishmen were come to carry away the Queen by force of arms which being received for truth, great numbers out of all parts flocked unto him. The Duke perceiving their meaning, about 8. of the clock in the forenoon, caused the army to dislodge, & for their more advantage, to march directly towards an hill near thereto, called pink hill, nigh to Vndr●●●'● Church. The Governor to prevent th● Eng 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their purpose, commanded every man to attend his Captain to the encounter, who made so good speed, that they were well near come to it, before the other were gone half the way. Thus both contending who should first possess this hill, together with the advantage of the wind & Sun, the Englishmen were forced, by the forwardness of the enemy, to adventure upon a very desperate piece of service. The Scottish army was marshaled in this manner. The Earl of Angus lead the vanguard, consisting of 8000. footmen, guarded with five pieces of great Ordinance on the right hand, & about 400. horsemen on the left. The Governor was placed behind him, with ten thousand Inland-men (as they call them) accounted the choicest soldiers, the whole country affordeth. The Earl of Huntley had the leading of the rearward of 8000. men, well nigh even with the main battle on the left side, being both flanked with 4000 Archers Irishmen, & well guarded also with field pieces. Their armour (for the most part) was a good skull or jack, short sword very broad and sharp, dagger & buckler, and a kerchief wreathed and wrapped twice or thrice about their collars. In this array they stood closely together, holding their pikes in both hands, and withal their bucklers on the left, the point breast high, and the other end resting against the right foot, the fore-ranck bending their knees to give their fellows behind leave to cover them with their pikes, & crossing one another in such forcible manner, as (if they stood fast) neither man nor horse could break in amongst them, neither any strength withstand them. On the other side, the Earl of Warwick Lord Lieutenant of the army, conducted the forward of three thousand footmen. The Lord Dacres, the rearward of like number and quality. The middle-ward of four thousand footmen, was conducted by the General himself. The men of arms (who were six thousand) lead by the lord Grace, lord Marshal: and the light horsemen (to the number of two thousand) by Sir Francis Brian, together with the Ordinance, & 200. arquebusiers on horseback, were bestowed in places most convenient, either for offence or defence, as present occasion required. There was between the two armies a deep ditch which the Englishmen were to pass, before they could come to the enemy, many that could not leap over, stuck fast therein, with no small danger to themselves, and impediment to their fellows that followed. Besides that, their course lay untowardly overthwart ploughed lands, with deep furrows, for a stones cast, after they had passed the slough. Notwithstanding these encumbrances in their course, and the eminent peril of their enemies Pikes at the encounter, the valiant lord Grace with his troops of men of arms, accompanied with the lord Fitzwaters (afterward Earl of Sussex) and 2. Knights, Sir Ralph Vane, and Sir Thomas Darcy (of whom the former was lieutenant of all the men of arms & demilances: the other Captain of the Pensioners) with their several bands, to the number of 3400. men of arms issuing out from both sides of the army, so resolutely gave the charge a front down the hill upon their enemy's pikes, that with the very terror thereof, they were much amazed. Nevertheless the Scots kept their order and stand so firmly, that at this sharp encounter, six and twenty Gentlemen, beside near two hundred others, were slain out right, amongst whom Edward Shelley, Lieutenant unto the Lord Grace (of his band of Bulleners) as he was the first that passed the ditch, so in likelihood the first also that lost his life. Few of them, that were placed in the foremost ranks, returned without hurt on himself or his horse. The Lord Grace was dangerously wounded in the mouth with a pike. The Englishmen had so small encouragement to maintain this their hot beginning, that in stead of an orderly retreat, the greater number put their horses to that speed, as thereby they showed a better will to leave the field then to fight it out. Hereby the next ward was much disordered. But that worthy Earl of Warwick, so cheerfully incorraged his soldiers to stand to it manfully, that what by his own industry and the diligence of the Captains under him, the ranks were reduced into good order, both horsemen and footmen, so as by the small loss at the former encounter, the whole army attained their desired advantage. In the mean season the Scots advanced their bands with good courage, though by shot both from land and sea, they were shrewdly galled. But when they perceived, that the Englishmen (both on foot and horseback) were now ready to assail them again, from the higher ground, in such order as they seemed to encompass them; the Scottish vanguard to avoid the danger of the Spanish shot (who served on horseback,) on the one side: and of being environed by the adversary on the other, declined on that hand from their former direct course up the hill; whereat the Englishmen giving a great shout, cried they fly, they fly; the Scots supposing their fellows behind them had fled indeed, turned themselves about. The middle battle, seeing their vanguard out of their course, with their faces towards them, imagined that they had fled, and forthwith casting down their weapons, and else whatsoever would hinder their speed, they betook themselves (every man) to his heels.  
In this sort God gave the victory to the Englishmen, only by the working of his divine power, and not by either power or policy of man. The chase was continued outright Westward about five miles, unto Lieth, and wel-nere to the gates of Edenbrough, distanced in breadth, near four miles, from the sands up toward Daketh southward. The slaughter was so great, that the river of Eske was stained with blood, which lay Eastward from the place of battle, and runneth Northward into the Firth. Not so few as ten thousand Scots lost their lives, all within the space of five hours, from one of the clock till six. Of this number, (besides the Lord Fleming) about two thousand were men of good quality. Above fifteen hundred were taken prisoners, amongst whom the Earl of Huntley, the Lord of Yester, Hobby Hamilton (Captain of Dumbar) the Master of Saintpoll, the Lord Weames, and a brother of the Earl of Cassels, were of best account. For to one Gentleman their were twenty of the common soldiers taken prisoners, by reason they were all so meanly appareled, as that the better sort, could not be known from the rest; who otherwise might have escaped with their lives. This victory fell to the Englishmen near Mussel-brugh, on Saturday being the tenth day of September in the year of our Lord God 1547. Two of my Father's men, having lost him in the chase, in their return found one slain, so very like him in all respects, and more especially by a circle about the finger, whereon he used to wear a great ring, as that with much sorrow and lamentation they buried him. He was one of them, that gave the first onset on the enemy's pikes, whereat his horse received his deaths wound, but served notwithstanding all that day after.  
After this the Englishmen by sea entered the I'll of Colme, a place by situation very strong, standing in the Firthe, about four miles from Lieth, wherein was an Abbey, but the Monks had abandoned the same. Here and at the Castle of Browghtie-Cragge (which stood in the entry into the Taie) garrisons of Englishmen were placed, for the more annoyance of those that were to pass up those rivers. In the return of the army by land, Hume Castle and Fast Castle (after some resistance) were surrendered and fortified by the English. At their coming to Boxbrugh they also erected a fortification upon the ruins of an old Castle, and placed a garrison therein. Here the Lord Protector received diverse Scottish Leardes and Gentlemen, of the best account thorough the whole Countries of Mers and Tividale, unto the obedience of the King of England, whereunto they bond themselves by several oath. The lord governor of Scotland and the Queen Mother, made semblance also by message, to be willing to have come to a treaty with the English lords, but whatsoever their meaning was, all their fair shows turned to nothing. And truly in the judgement of man it was much to be admired, (considering the great good that was hoped might have followed thereof to both Nations) what should move the Scottish Nobility to be so much bend against this marriage, especially now that the Cardinal was dead, who overruled the rest while he lived. But he, that seethe the state of all things and time at one instant, knoweth what is fittest to be admitted in every season, and disposeth of the success, of all that man purposeth, to the best advantage of such as serve him. For if this marriage, so much desired and enforced, had then taken place, who knoweth into what estate, both this and that Realm also, should have been thereby brought, after the death of King Edward, (the young Queen having together with her title so many great friends both in France and Scotland, and happily here also in England that would have taken her part in that quarrel)? While the Duke of Somerset was thus occupied on the East part of Scotland the Earl of Lennox and the Lord Wharton (warden of the West Marches) at his appointment entered into Scotland one that side also.  
This army consisted of some eight hundred horse, and five thousand footmen. First, the Castle of Milk (a fortress of good strength) was surrendered, passing from thence further into the Country, they overthrew the Church & steeple at Annand, fortified by the Scots, and then set the town on fire. Here-with that Country was so affrighted, that on the next day all the Kilpatrickes', the 〈◊〉, the Le●rds of Kirke-michell, Apple-gar●●●, ●●s●●●●●r●e, ●●●●endes, Nubie and the Ir●●●●●ngs, the Bells, the rigs, the Murre●s, and all the ●la●nes and sur-names of the nei●●●● p●●● of Annand●le, came in and received an o●● of obedience, as subjects to the King of England, giving pledges for their assured loyalty. They that refused to follow their example, had their houses spoiled and burned, their goods & cattle carried away by the English horsemen, who were sent abroad into the Country for that purpose. Thus was that Nation pitifully afflicted for their obstinacy, which undoubtedly proceeded from their blind zeal to popery, which they saw was then declining a pace in England, fearing that by this marriage the same effects would ●●●es f●llowed thereof amongst themselves. Thus much was signified by an emblem, borne at the last battle in the banner of the Scottish Prelates, which was a woman painted with her hair about her shoulders, kneeling before a Crucifix, with this word written in golden letter's. Afflicts sponsae ne obli●iscaris. The Lord Wharton with his company being returned with their prisoner's and spoils to ●oxbrugh, received there of ●he Duke many thanks, and so were dismissed. The Duke also, having first taken order for ●ll things needful for those g●●●sones h●● 〈◊〉 behind him in Scotland, and committing the Lieutenancy over the borders 〈◊〉 the Lord Grace, on Michelmasse day dissolved his army, and returned into England. In this journey were made knights by the Duke and the Earl of Warwick, these whose names follow Sir Andrew Dudley, brother to the Earl of Warwick. Sir Ralph Sadler (of whom I have spoken before) Sir Francis Brian, and Sir Ralph Vane, were made Banneretes, which is a degree above a knight bachelor, being always such before.  

The Lord Grace of Wilton.  
The Lord Edward Seymer.  
Lord Thomas Howard.  
Lord W●ldike of Cleveland.  
Sir Thomas Dacres.  
Sir Edward Hastings.  
Sir Thomas Bridges.  
Sir john Thin.  
Sir Miles Partridge.  
Sir john Conway.  
Sir Gyles Poole.  
Sir Ralph Bagnell.  
Sir Oliver Laurence.  
Sir Henry Gates.  
Sir Thomas Chaloner.  
Sir Thomas Nevil.  
Sir james Wilford.  
Sir Ralph Coppinger.  
Sir Thomas Wentworth.  
Sir john mervin.  
Sir Nicholas Strange.  
Sir Charles Sturton.  
Sir Francis Saluin.  
Sir Hugh Ayscu of Comberland.  
Sir Richard Towneley.  
Sir Marmaduke Constable.  
Sir George Audley.  
Sir john Holcroft.  
Sir john Southworthe.  
Sir Thomas Danby.  
Sir john Talbote.  
Sir ●●●●●is Fl●●●●●g.  
〈◊〉 john Gres●●●●.  
Sir William ●●●with.  
Sir john ●●●●es.  
Sir G●●●ge plague.  
●ir William Francis.  
S●r Francis Knowles.  
Sir William Thorowgood.  
Sir George Howard.  
Sir Andrew Corbet.  
Sir Henry Hussie.  
Sir Anthony Sterley.  
Sir Walter Benham.  
Sir Roland Clarke.  
Sir john Horsley.  
Sir john Foster.  
Sir Christopher Dirs.  
Sir Peter Negro.  
Sir Alonso Deville.  
Sir james Granado.  
These 3. strangers.  
Sir Robert brandling.  
Sir Richard Verney.  
Sir Arthure Manering.  
Sir john Bertiville.   
In December following, the Earl of Lennox (being encouraged thereunto by such as in show, seemed to favour him) repaired into Scotland, and coming to Diafragma, he there attended certain f●●●es out of those parts, which the Earl of Angus, and his old acquaintance the Earl of Glencorne, had promised before to send unto him. But at the day and place appointed, of two thousand horsemen besides footmen) which he expected, he was barely furnished of three hundred, and such as lived only upon robbery and spoil. This manner of dealing, but especial●● the inconstancy of john Maxw●ll made the Earl (not without cause) very iolious over 〈◊〉. Wherhfore, that he might with the like ●●●ning deceive them, wh● would ha●e deceived him, keeping still in his company, the Earl of Glencorne, john Maxwell, and some other of the principal Scots, who laboured his revolt to their faction, he secretly gave order, that six hundred horsemen (some-part English and some-part Scottish) should at midnight set forward towards Drwm-lamrige. Being come thither, some four hundred of them began in disordered manner, to forrey the Country, of purpose thereby to provoke james Dowglas (the Lord of that Castle) to come forth, and so to entrap him. But he doubting the worst kept in till daylight. Then seeing the coast clear, with some seven hundred horse, he followed after them with speed, hoping not only to over throw them, but also to take the Earl of Lennox at Dunfrees. Having with his haste entered the river of Nith, hard at the Englishmen heels Master Henry Wharton (second Son to the Lord Wharton) Captain over that Company, perceiving the behaviour of the Dowglas, turned upon him with some score horsemen (for the Scots their fellows were lately before departed homeward with their booties) and what through the advantage of the ground, and the difficulty of the enemy's passage, he put them to flight. Douglas escaped very narrowly, two Gentle men of his surname, of especial account with him were slain, every man had his prisoner, amongst whom diverse were of good regard, ●●●se they carried with them to Dunfrees. This ouerthrow● put them of galloway into such fear, that they did wholly submit themselves to the obedience of the King of England. The Governor in the mean time having besieged Broughty-Cragge, with some eight thousand men and 8. pieces of artillery, (the which was valiantly defended by Sir Andrew Dudley) when he had knowledge of the good success the Earl of Lennox had, after wel-nere three months siege gave it over, leaving behind him james Haliburtone with an hundred horse, to cut off such victuals, as by land should be sent thither, and to a fort which the Englishmen had built on the top of an hill near unto the other. The Earl of Lennox, being desirous to be better revenged on his dissembling friends, his Father in Law and others, obtained leave once again, together with the Lord Wharton to enter into Scotland on the West-Marches. Their forces were some seven hundred horsemen, and five hundred footmen English, besides some other Scottish horsemen. About the latter end of this year, they came to Lo●h-maben and so to Dunfrees.  
The Earl of Angus being then at the Castle of Drom-lanrigge, solicited his Son in law by messa●e, to repair unto him. The Earl pe●ceauing it was done upon no good meaning towards him, forthwith appointed certain troops of horsemen to foraye the Country, whereby to draw him to the field. About midnight Master Henry Wharton set forwards with twelve hundred light horsemen. The Master of Maxwell, afterwards Lord Herries (whose advice the Earl used in this plot) and the residue of the assured Scots amongst them, kept the vanguard. In the morning the Earl himself and the Lord Wharton marched forth with the footmen, till they came ten miles beyond Dunfrees. Then they so disposed their companies, that the Earl of Angus was wel-nere entrapped, before he disinherited any such matter, so as he was forced to fly, with five or six people only in his company. The English horsemen being come to Dusdere set the town on fire. The Master of Maxwell with the other Scottish Gentlemen and light horsemen of the borders, to the number of four hundred, having now trained the Englishmen into the midst of their enemies, (for on every hill top great numbers of Scots were placed about them) forthwith the Leard of Drom-lanrigge, with certain chosen horsemen, advanced forward in sight of the Englishmen; whereupon the assured Scots, suddenly rearing up a black pencil upon the point of a spear for a token, joined themselves to their Countrymen under Drom-lanrigge.  
The Scots being thus united, and thrusting in between the English horsemen & their footmen, not without great peril to the one and other, they passed on, towards the Earl of Lennox & the Lord Wharton, who by this time were approached near the old Castle of Danswinton (sometimes the house of the Cumines) bruting it abroad; that the English horsemen were overthrown. The Earl of Lennox, beholding the manner of his adversaries approach, alighted on foot from his horse, willing the Lord Wharton to do the like, for this day (said he) I will die a true Englishman. By this time; the English horsemen behind the Scots, fetching a compass in their retreat from Dusdere, came fortunately to the place, where the Earl and his company being ranked in order of battle, were ready to retire back again towards Dunfrees, thinking no less, but that their horsemen had in deed (as it was bruited) been overthrown by the enemy. But the horsemen now coming in, and perceiving how the matter stood, gave a brave charge upon the Scots (that stood facing the Earl and his people, ready to take any advantage, that in their retreat should have been offered) and therewith disordered and put them to flight. The Leard Drom-lanerigge was taken prisoner, but by corrupting him that took him, he got away.  
The Master of Maxwell had many spears broken upon him, but escaped. Besides those that were drowned in the river Nith: four hundred were taken prisoners, amongst whom the abbot of Newe-Abbey, and Christie Errwing of Boushawe (a brother of the Learde of Hempsfield) were the chief. At their return the Earl to Dunfrees, the town was rifled, from whence Master Henry Wharton was sent withal speed to the Court, to make relation of the good success of this journey into Scotland, who both for his good service now and before, as also for the counter-newes he first brought to the false report, that (till his coming) was entertained in England, received the honour of Knighthood, as he well deserved. Letters were returned from the Counsel to the Lord Wharton, for the execution of certain pledges: one, for the Master of Maxwell, of his nearest kindred, the Warden of the Graie-friers in Dunfrees, the Vicar of Carlaverocke, & some others, who were executed at Carliele accordingly. In the end of April the year following, the Lord Grace Lieutenant of the North-partes, with Sir Thomas Palmer and Sir Thomas Holcroft, were sent into Scotland with competent forces, for the fortifying of the town of Hadington, and some other places serving best for the defence of those Countries against the enemy, whom the Lord Protector purposed thereby (if it might be) to bring to some reasonable conditions of peace. During the Englishmen abode their at this time, they took and burned diverse castles and Towns, wasting that Country (the most fertile soil in Scotland) on every side. Upon the surrender of the Castle of Yester; the Lord Grace was contented to pardon the defendants only one excepted, who during the siege had uttered reproachful words against the King of England. A Scotte named Newton was charged here-with, but he denying it, accused one of the Hamiltons, who likewise forswore it. These two gentlemen, one accusing the other without any proof on either side, required the combat, which was granted unto them. At the appointed time, they entered the lists at Hadington, in the market place prepared for that purpose. They were appareled in doublets and hose, and weaponned with sword, buckler and dagger. At the first entry, Hamilton kneeling down made his fervent prayer, that it would please the Lord to give victory to the truth, with solemn protestation, that he never uttered any such speech of the King of England as his adversary laid to his charge. Newton being troubled (as it seemed by his countenance) with his false accusation, argued unto the beholders his guilty conscience.  
The combat begun; Hamilton was so full of ●orage, that he caused the other to give back wel-nere to the end of the lists. But Newton perceiving the danger he was in, (for if he had been driven to the end, he should have been adjudged vanquished) stepped forwards, and withal gave Hamilton such a wound on the leg, that therewith he fell down to the ground, and then falling upon him slew him outright with his dagger. diverse Scottish Gentlemen present, being fully persuaded, that Newton was the offender, notwithstanding this his purgation, offered themselves to maintain the vanquished man's quarrel, but the victor challenging the Laws of arms, my Lord Grace would not do him that wrong, but giving him his gown and chain then about him, he so dismissed him.  
This Newton was afterwards met withal upon the borders, and pitifully hewn and cut in pieces. I cannot see any warrant, that this kind of trial hath out of God's word, wherefore it were good, some other more Christian course were taken in such cases. The governor now perceiving that without the assistance of some other Prince, he should not be able to resist the Englishmen, having gotten such foothold within the Realm of Scotland, entreated the Queen Mother, and Monsieur Doysel, Lieger Ambassador for King Henry of France whose father (king Francis) was deceased, somewhat more than a year before, about two months after the death of King Henry of England) to procure the said King to send an army into Scotland against the Englishmen, enemies to both those Nations. The Queen seeing a ready way now laid open, to bring that to pass she most desired, which was to have that Realm ordered in all things at the French Kings appointment, willingly undertook to accomplish his request conditionally that he together with the States of the Realm, would give consent, that the Princess should be conveyed over into France, and bestowed in marriage, as stood with the liking of King Henry. The Governor consenting thereunto, assembled the estates of Parliament, who together entered into covenants to that effect, and presently sent them in writing into France. The King accepting the offer, made preparation for the transporting of an army into Scotland with what expedition conveniently he could. For he did well foresee (as his Father and other of his predecessors had done before him) how inconvenient it was for that Nation, to admit of a marriage, whereby this Island should become one absolute monarchy.  
This was well observed, at what time the Emperor Charles the fift, and Francis this King's Father, visited King Henry the eight at his camp besides Calais: where they together beholding, over the entrance into the King's Pavilion, a devise of an Archer, embroidered thereon, with this word, Cui adhaereo praeest: 
Meterane  broke out into this kind of speech one unto the other, if the King of England esteem so much of his own power and strength, in this his present estate, having yet Scotland a bad neighbour unto him: what would he do, if he commanded the whole Island? The Lord Grace having fortified Hadington, and furnished it of all things necessary, leaving therein a garrison of two thousand footmen, and five hundred horse, on the xii. of june returned into England. While the Scottish nation was thus vexed by the English, the French King made great preparation, as well to aid his friends there, as to annoy the Englishmen in garrison at Bullen-berge, and other places on that side the sea. But the Council of England warily foreseeing, and preventing the danger thereof, was not unprovided to resist all such attempts as on either side might prejudice the welfare of the realm.  
And further it was thought good to make trial once again, how much they might by entreaty and gentle perswa●ions prevail with the Scottish Nobility, in the matter of marriage between King Edward, and the Princess of Scotland that was now offered to the French King, for his son the Dolphin. And because they should be well assured that the same proceeded not of any particular disposition in the Protector alone, who before (as I have showed) had to that end earnestly solicited the Governor by his private letter) he together with the Lords of the Counsel, jointly in all their names, signified by public writing to the whole Scottish nation, their continued hearty desire in this point, in manner following.  
Considering with ourselves the present state of things, and weighing more deeply the manner and terms wherein you and we do stand, it maketh us to marvel what evil and fatal chance doth so dissever your hearts, and maketh them so blind and unmindful of your profit, and so still to make and heap to yourselves most extreme mischiefs, the which we, whom you will needs have your enemies, go about to take from you, and perpetually to ease you thereof. And also by all reason and order of necessity, it should be rather more convenient for you, to seek and require moderate agreement of us (whom God hath hitherto according to our most just, true, and godly meaning, and intents prospered, with your affliction) then that we being vanquishers in the field, and masters of a great part of your realm, should seek unto you. Yet to the intent that our charitable minds and brotherly love should not cease, by all means possible, to provoke and call you to your own good, even as one natural brother to another, or as the careful Physician doth to his careless patiented. We still call and cry upon you to look to your estate, to avoid the calamities which overwhelm and oppress you, to have us rather brothers than enemies, rather countrymen than strangers. And if your Governor shall retain and keep from you this our exhortation, as heretofore he hath done our private Letters and public proclamation, tending to the same effect, for his and his favourites more advantage, not regarding though you be still in misery, so as they have governance and profit by you, and shall still abuse you with feigned and forged tales: yet this shall be a witness before GOD and all Christian people, between you and us, that we professing the Gospel of JESUS CHRIST, according to the Doctrine thereof, do not cease to call and draw you from the effusion of your own blood, the destruction and ruin of your realm, from perpetual enmity, and from servitude to foreign Nations: to tranquillity, amity, liberty, and equality with us, yea to that, which your own writers have always wished might come to pass. Who that hath read the Stories of times passed, and observeth the incursions, roads, spoils, and the bloody battles between these two Nations: your realm (five times) overrun by one of our Kings: your Kings, some taken prisoners, others slain in battle: and withal shall consider, that as we be confined by the Ocean, and so made one Island, even so agree we, and resemble one the other, in language, looks, manners and conditions: shall he not think it a thing very unmeet, unnatural, and unchristian, that there should be between us so mortal hatred and discord, where ought to be love and perfect amity, as between brethren of one Island, the great Britain? Though he were a stranger to both, what could he think more fit, then if it were possible, to make two such kingdoms one, in all respects so conformable and suitable? Now for as much as two successors cannot concur and fall into one, by any other mean then by marriage, whereby is made of two, one blood, one lineage, one parentage, and so an indefencible right given on both sides, to one, without the destruction of either: what could you wish more happy, then that, which now, not by blind chance, but of his infinite mercy, as being careful of your estate, he hath done for you: And to the end you should the better observe the manner of his divine working herein for your good, call to remembrance that your last king, a Prince of much excellency, had three children. But did not the Lord God as if it were to show that it was his will and pleasure, the long continued war between the two nations, should take end, and they become united and made one people: take away the two male-babes placed a sunder, both within the space of four and twenty hours, leaving but one maiden child your Princess: when the most wise and victorious Prince late our King (Henry the eight) in other of his marriages not very fortunate) had by his most lawful wife, the virtuous Queen jane (his other two former wives then being dead, and never any question made of the lawfulness of that marriage, nor after her death any motion of other wife (though the King lived eight years after) a Prince of so high expectation, the true and undoubted heir to the crown of England, and his majesties only male issue left behind him to succeed him: if nothing else had been done, what can any wise, or any Christian man, that thinketh the world is governed by God's providence, and not by fortune, otherwise take it, but that it was the Lords will it should be so, to the end that these two realms should be joined in marriage, and there-by to make a godly, firm, and most friendly unity between them? if any man look to be confirmed herein by miracle, observe and mark all the possibilities of the natures of the two kings: the children first had the doubtful chance, lest both of them should have had a son, or both daughters, or not of meet ages, with other circumstances of the one party or the other, which hath not chanced in eight hundred years before: it must of necessity be reckoned an extraordinary course, if not a miracle. But be it as it may be, what more certainty can be had of Gods working and will in this case, than the consideration of the former recited occurrents doth minister? call you them providences or mere chances, if you shall be still afflicted? May not the Lord say unto you: I of mine infinite mercy, and love to your Nation, had provided an undoubted heir and a Prince to the one, and a like heir and a Princess to the other, to be joined together in my holy ordinance, and by the law of Nature and Nations, to have made an unity and peace there-by, between the one realm and the other; but you refusing the offered opportunity, have made choice of dissension, rather than of unity: of discord, then of agreement: of war, than peace: of hatred and malice, then of love and charity. If you then smart for it, whom can you blame, but your own bad choice. But because some of you, who oppose yourselves here-unto, cannot but confess God's providence herein, for the uniting of both realms, yet may nevertheless hereafter object as before you have done, our fault herein is, that we seek not equality, nor the marriage, but a conquest, that we would not be friends and fellows, but Lords over you: Although our proclamation, and private letters at the last wars, do sufficiently declare the contrary, yet here we protest to you and all Christian people, that it is the King's mind by our advise and counsel, not to win and subdue by force, but to conciliate by mild course: not to spoil and kill, but to save & keep: not to dissever and divorce, but to join in marriage both Prince and people, to make of one Island, one kingdom united in love, amity, concord, peace and Christian charity. If you refuse and reject this kindness, & thereby compel us to use arms, who shall be guilty of the bloodshed? who causeth battles, burning of houses, and other extremities and mischiefs that acompany war? can it be denied, but that we have the great seal of Scotland, granted by general consent in your Parliament, for a testimony against you. What was wanting, tending to the assurance of the marriage, save only years, and so liking and consent between the parties themselves? what end can you look for, by still opposing yourselves against our honest purpose and Christian endeavour, but such success, as you have already assayed? we offer love, equality, & amity, we overcome in war and offer peace, we win holds, & withhold our hands from conquest, we get still in your land, and offer you our own, what can be more offered & proffered, than intercourse of merchandise, & interchange of marriages, the abolishing of all such our laws, as might be impediments to our mutual amity? We have offered, not only to leave and give over the name, title, right, or challenge of Superiority, but also to relinquish, the long continued name of our Nation, and the glory of any victory (if ●ny we have had or should have of you) and to take up again with you, the ancient name of Britain's, because nothing should be left on our party un-offered, nothing of your party un-refused, whereby you might be inexcusable. What face hath this of conquest? we go not about to disinherit your Queen, but to give her issue (if she have any) a greater inheritance. What better defence can you wish in her nonage, then to have England your patron and protector? neither seek we to abrogate or change your laws and customs, but rather to establish them and redress your oppressions. These vain fears are put into your heads by them, who in truth respect more their private advantage and present estimation, than the good of the whole land, both present and future. Now in this tumult of disorder, while your realm is tossed up and down, with the waves and surges of war, they think they cannot be espied: but look on them with the eyes of sound judgement, and then you shall easily perceive their drift. Consider in what state you stand: to keep your Queen unmarried, were very dishonourable: to marry her within your realm, cannot extinguish the title we pretend to the Crown of Scotland, and what dissension, envy, grudge, and malice, that shall breed amongst you, is easily perceived. But you will ●●●tow her out of the Realm to a mighty Prince? Our title standeth where it was, you become subject to foreign power, to them of a strange land and differing language, us you have your enemies even at your elbows: your succours far of not passable at all times. Be not we now in the heart of your Realm? possess we not a good part thereof? Do not many of your own Nation take our part, moved thereunto by the equity of our demand? But you will bring in a foreign power, to expulse us and all our partakers. Beware what you do. Learn to be wise by other men's harms. Consider how dangerous a point it is, to call to your aid a Nation of greater power than yourselves. Were not our predecessors the Britain's, expulsed by the Saxons upon that advantage? How did the French thrust out the Gauls? How came the Turk by all Grecia, and now of late by Hungaria, but by being brought in and entertained, for their aid and secure? Did not the Goths by like means get all Italy, and the lombards one part thereof now called Lombardie? What better success look you for? Needy soldiers, having their weapons in their hands, and knowing you cannot enjoy your own without them, what will they not command, what will they not usurp, and what will they think that you dare do against them? Such aid willbe your confusion, the victory so had, your servitude; what is then to be thought of the loss sustained at their hands? The strangers and mercenary soldiers will oppress you within, our power and forces without, were it not then much better to avoid all these mischiefs, by an happy marriage with our King, to end all war and contention by so honorable● peace? Holdeth not the Emperor, Spain and Burgundy by right of marriage? How hath the French King Britain, now lately annexed to that Crown, but by title of marriage? How have all the Princes of the world happily & peaceably, made of two kingdoms, one, of several signiories, one, of sundry Nations (ever before at war one with the other, or else in doubtful peace,) one well governed kingdom, rule and dominion, but by that Godly, most commendable, and honourable composition of marriage? There be only two means to work good agreement, where two Nations pretend title one to the other: either by force of arms, or by marriage, of these you hate the one, namely conquest, and nevertheless refuse the other. You will not have peace, you reject alliance, what then remaineth? but violence and happily conquest, whether you will or no, which (we fear) willbe less damage and dishonour unto you, than the entertainment of a foreign power, over-mighty to be removed by you when you are weary of their company.  
To conclude, we declare and protest, that although we are compelled for the time, for the furtherance of our honest and Christian purpose, and for the defence of such amongst you as favour the same, to keep holds, and to build fortifications in the Realm: Nevertheless his majesties mind and pleasure is, with our advice and Counsel, that if fair means may prevail, not to use extremities, if you will embrace amity, to leave arms, for we desire, love, unity, concord, peace, and equality. Let neither your Governor nor your Churchmen, nor any other, feed you with fair words, and thereby bring you into the snare, from whence they cannot deliver you again. They will happily provide for themselves, some pensions out of an other Realm, but who shall provide pensions for the rest? They will send you soldiers to keep your holds, but who shall force them to restore them again? You shallbe well provided of munition, armour and weapons, but therewith they willbe ready to cut your own throats. Now on the other side, if we two, being made by this marriage one People, one Nation, and one Monarchy, having the sea for a wall, mutual love for a garrison, and God for our defence, what should we be afraid of? who can hurt us? why are you not as willing as we be, to knit this fast knot of amity with us. If the honour of so Noble a Monarchy doth not move you hereunto, let the remembrance of your former losses fear you, to attempt that thing, which shall displease almighty GOD, increase your trouble, wast your goods, and desolate your Country. We crave but your promised Queen, your offered unity, the conjunction of both nations, which God himself of his infinite clemency and tender love towards both, hath offered unto us both, and in a manner provoked us both unto it, whose calling we acknowledge, and will pursue the effecting of the same, by all good means. Wherewith if we shall not prevail, then must we be enforced to chastise the obstinate and froward amongst you, with the angry Angels of God, fire and sword. Wherefore we once again require and exhort you all, who love your Country, and bear true hearts to your Queen and Mistress, regard your honours, hold your faith and promise with us, which shall bring so great a benefit unto you. As many of you, as shall favour and further this our enterprise, be he Lord or Leard, Gentleman or other, we will friendly entertain him on our party, & reward his service to his best contentment. And for a more sure proof of our good meaning herein, know you, that the King by our advice and Counsel hath granted, and by these presents doth grant, that from henceforth all manner of Merchants and other of your Nation, who shall enter their names with one of the Wardens of our marches, and there profess to take part with us in this our just and Godly intention, may (to his own pofit, and all such as be of the same affection with us) without any let enter into any port, creak and haven of England, and there use their traffic, buy and sell, bring in the commodities of Scotland and carry forth the commodities of England as freely, and with the same and none other custom or payments, than the King's natural subjects do usually now pay, purposing also upon the good success of this our offer, further to gratify the favourers of our enterprise, according to the measure of every man's merit. All this the King's highness, by our advice and Counsel, hath willed to be declared in writing unto you, & given in commandment unto us and his Lieutenant's Wardens, Rulers & other head Officers, Ministers and subjects, to see done and executed, according to the true purport, effect and meaning thereof.  
Far you well.  
divers of the Scottish Nobility, moved hereby to a due consideration of the present Estate of their Country, notwithstanding that the French succours were already arrived, did not fear in a public assembly (wherein the cause was solemnly debated amongst them) to declare, what reasons moved them to hold it more profitable & honourable, to accept of the alliance & league offered them by the Counsel of England, then to 〈…〉 of th● hands of the Frenchmen. But the adverse part●y being the stronger (for beside that a● the Papists wel-nere were of that faction) th● French king had promised great rewards and preferments ●o the principal men amongst them: on the governor himself he had bestowed a yearly pension of 12000. crowns, and a charge of an hundred lances) the rest were overruled, and this point firmly concluded, that the young Queen should be forthwith sent into France, to be affianced unto the Dolphin, which was afterwards effected accordingly. The French army arrived on the 19 day of this present month of june, c●●sisting of some 6000. in the whole, Viz. 3000. footmen Germans, conducted by the Reengrave, 2000 French, and 1000 others of sundry Nations horsemen, over whom Monsieur D●ss● was appointed general, accompanied with o●he●●xpert Captains, namely Dandel●●, ●alle● ●n Da●se●, ●●●t●o, Stro●●y (an Italian) Nicholas Villegaignon Captain of the Galleys, and Monsieur D●●d Commissary over the artillery. These together with ●ig●t tho●sand S●ottes laid siege to Hadington, and in ●●ort time ●o battered the walls with their great ordinance, that in diverse places it was ass●●table. Nevertheless the town was so w●●●●●●●ded by Sir james Wilfor● the Captain thereof, & his people, that the enemy had small hope to take i● by force, wherefore they endeavoured to cut of all access; whereby to famish the defendants, & keep from them other necessaries which they wanted, nevertheless by the policy of certain English Captains, that found a way in the night, with 200. horsemen, thorough the Scottish watch; the town was relieved in good time, whereupon within 4. days after, the Scots left the siege (five or six hundred light horsemen only excepted) & went every man to his own dwelling. This made the Frenchmen more vigilant & wary afterwards, so as they that made the like enterprise next, had not so good success, for of thirty hundred horsemen (whereof 700. were lances) committed to the charge of Sir Robert Bowes & Sir Thomas Palmer, few or none escaped, but was either slain or taken prisoner. This overthrow was imputed to the rashness of Sir Thomas, because, that after his lances had before repulsed the enemies two several charges, he would not be therewith satisfied, but presuming upon his former fortune, adventured again so far within their danger, that being encompassed by them, the English could find no way out to escape. The Lord Protector in the mean time, having provided an army of 15000. men (of whom 3000. were Almains) committed the conduct thereof to the Earl of Shrewsbury, accompanied with the L. Grace lieutenant of the North-parts. Moreover the lord Clinton high admiral of England (after created Earl of Lincoln by Q. Elizabeth) with a 〈◊〉 ●●sed, kept 〈◊〉 with the ●●●y by land, 〈◊〉 ●hey were 〈◊〉 f●● a sunder, but the ships that had brought the French●●n into Scotland (which they hoped to have met withal) were before thi● time sent homeward back again. At th●●pproach of the English, Monsieur ●essie raised the field, & retiring his army towards Edenbrugh, encamped beyond Musskelbrough, in a pla● of ground chosen for his best advantage, the English horse-m●● coasting them, all the way as they passed, for the space of 7. or 8. miles. The town of Hading●on being victualled and furnished of all necessary provision, the Englishmen showed themselves to the enemy, who thereupon offered skirmish, but they, seeming as the unprovided to accept thereof, dr●w back themselves until the other were ●ome forward within danger of an ambushment laid purposely to entrap them. The Englishmen 〈◊〉 ●●king the expected advantage, wheeling about, gave the enemy a charge, enforcing him to make his career back with more speed, than appertained thereto, so as having him in chase, divers were slain & take prisoners, namely Pierre Long●● & Luciu●● two French Captains. By this time, 14. or 15. thousand Scots & Irish were come to the enemy's camp. These new forces were ●●●●ly lodged, wh● suddenly the Englishmen presented themselves in good order of battle, expecting some proffer of skirmish for the space of an hour, but perceiving they had no list to leave their strength, they returned back to their own Campe. The Navy, being now entered into the Firth, was not idle; for coming to the brent Island, the Englishmen set fire on four ships, and passing thence by Leeth, they saluted that Town with Cannon shot. Monsieur de Villegaignon, not long before this, was departed from thence with four Galleys, wherewith compassing all the Northern islands of Scotland, he arrived at Dunbritton, where by appointment he received into his charge the young Queen, betwixt five and six years of age, attended by the Prior of Saint Andrew's her bastard brother, john Aesken, and William Levistone, with whom at length (with much difficulty) he landed at Breast, the Queen from thence was conveyed to the French Court. The Lord Admiral after this, attempting to burn Saint Minets, was there repulsed by the Laird of Dune, whereupon the Navy returned to attend the Army, having sustained some loss at that their last bickering. The Earl having proceeded as far as his Commission extended, dissolved his army, and returned into England. But the Lord Grace, staying some time in the north parts, according to the charge given him, entered again into Scotland with the Almaigne footmen, and certain English horsemen, burning and wasting the countries of Tividale and Lidsdale, twenty miles within the land, and then returned without encounter. The reason hereof was (as it seemeth) 〈◊〉 quarrel, at that t●me in Edenbr●●●●, ●hen between the Scots & the Frenchmen, wh●● in Sir james Hamilton lard of S●en●●house, Captain of the Castle, and Provost of the town, together with his son●● and diverse townsmen, ●●a● took his part, were slain by the French, that without leave would have entered the town. This broil (no doubt) bred great unkindness, & no small jealousy in the one nation over the other, so as some inconvenience had followed thereupon, had not the matter in time been taken up between them. Monsieur Dessie, to bring himself into credit again with the Scots, adventured with his companies of Frenchmen & Almains, to give a Camisadoe to Hadington; for coming thither in the night, about the midst of October, some pretty while before day, he dispatched the watch before they were aware of any enemy, and was entered into the base court, ready to break down the town gate, before ●he alarm was raised, crying out, victory, victory. The Englishmen with the suddenness hereof were much amazed, not knowing which way to turn them. In this perplexity a soldier amongst them (using a desperate remedy for a present cure) gave 〈◊〉 with his match to a double Canon, that by good chance lay ready charged against the gate: ●he which with his thunderbolts made such a passage thorough the Frenchmen, that were ●ow thronging thereat, a● the terror thereof made the residue to give back. The Englishmen in the mean time issuing out at a postern gate upon their backs, ●o bestirred their Halberds and black-bils, that many of their enemies were knocked down, and the residue driven away, as fast as their legs could carry them. Notwithstanding Desk gathering them again together, gave three assaults that morning to the town, but was still repelled to his great loss, for they carried away with them sixteen Carts and wagons, laden with maimed soldiers, and dead carcases, beside near two hundred, that were found in the base court, whom they left behind them. Shortly after this blow, the enemy had the like success at Dundie Forte, being already possessed of the town: for the Frenchmen having also recovered the pile there, and purposing to finish a piece of work, which the Englishmen had begun to their hands, the Riengrave with his Almains, and Monsieur De Etanges were forthwith sent thither to that end: while they were about this business, the Englishmen and their Almains, issuing out of Broughtie-Cragge, two miles distant from it, came so suddenly upon them, that they had no other way to save themselves but by running away. And either at this time, or at some other shortly after Monsieur de Etanges (who with his company of Horsemen lay in garrison at Dundie) was by them of Broughtie-Cragge, taken prisoner, in a skirmish that was between them: this Gentleman was no small loss to the enemy, being o● that approved valiancy, as not many amongst them were marchable with him. But ere it was long, the want of him was requited by the taking of that worthy Knight Sir james Wilford (the Governor of Hadington) by the French garrison at Dumbarre, as he passed by the town in a convoy: his place was supplied by Sir james a Crofts. The enemy, perceiving how unlikely it was to prevail against the English at Hadington and Browghtie (which were the places of greatest importance that they held so far within Scotland,) brought his forces unto the borders, at least to defend those countries, then shrewdly encumbered by the continual incursions of the Englishmen. During the Frenchmens abode at jedworth, they took some strengths in those parts in the keeping of the English, namely the Castles at Ferneherst, Cornwall & Fourd, and also entering the English Marches, burned diverse villages, carrying away many good booties, not a little to the loss and annoyance of the inhabitants of those parts. The English borderers here upon assembled themselves at Roxbrough, purposing to have assailed the Frenchmen in th●it Camp at jedworth, but they having knowledge thereof, and finding themselves over-weake to ma●e resistance (〈◊〉 by this time many of them were dead, through want of victuals and other necessaries which that hard country, especially in winter, could not afford them) would not abide the hazard of battle, but with all speed withdrew themselves further into the country: neither from this time forward did they perform any service worthy the remembrance. The Scots in the mean time recovered Hume Castle out of the Englishmen hands by night, through the treachery of certain of the assured Scots, who at all times had free access thereunto. About the beginning of the next year, viz. 1549. some five and twen●ie sail of men of war, were sent out of England, who arriving in the Firthe; continuing their course up the river, seized upon four ships which they found there. Coming up over-against Leith, and saluting the Town with their shot, they lay at Anchor thirteen or twelve days, in which time having landed their men on the Island of juskith, and begun to fortify the Fleet, they returned to the Sea, in hope to encounter a new supply of Frenchmen, daily expected in Scotland: but before the work could be brought to any perfection, Le Desk taking upon him this piece of service, whereby to give a plausible farewell to his former cross-fortunes in these Scottish wars, recovered the Island, after it had been in the Englishmen possession sixteen days. All the Captains well-near were slain, and the residue taken prisoners. The number left to attend the finishing of this Fort, were four Ensigns English, and one of Italians. This Monsieur, having achieved the glory of this enterprise, gave up his charge to Monsieur de Thermes, lately arrived at Dun-britaine, and forthwith returned into France in the same galleys, which brought the other into Scotland. The general conduct of all the French forces being now committed to de Thermes, which with these he brought with him, was well increased: he forthwith encamped at Aberladie, where he began a foundation of a Fort, thereby to impeach the landing of any victuals, for the relief of Hadington. Though the Council of England were now very busily occupied, aswell about the suppression of a most dangerous commotion within the realm, as also in making preparation against the French king, that now invaded Boullognoys: nevertheless, they neglected not (as far as the state of things at home and abroad would permit) to relieve this their slippery foothold in Scotland. For the Earl of Rutland (Lord Precedent then of the North, and General of this army) accompanied with Sir Richard Manors, Sir Francis Leake, Sir john Saunge, Sir Thomas Helcroft, Sir Oswald Wolstropp, and others, furnished with competent forces, both foreign and Native, entered there with into Scotland, and did not only give relief to Hadington and the other garrisons, but with all so distressed the Frenchmen, by setting upon them in their Trenches, that if the advantage had been foreseen in time, the enemy had been in great danger of an utter overthrow. The Almains, that at this service took part with the Englishmen, having in the mean time committed the custody of their baggage to their women & boys, were disburdened by the Scottish prickers, of so much as was worth the carriage. But julian Romero with his band of Spaniards, sped much worse. For the enemies suddenly setting upon them, where they lay encamped near the town of Coldingham, slew both their Captain, and well-near the whole number of them. About this time, Fast Castle was recovered by stratagem out of the Englishmen hands. For the gate being set open, and their bridge let down, to receive victuals brought thither by the assured Scots, at the captains appointment, while the same was unlading, certain other Scots, that were privily placed to attend the opportunity, suddenly entering the Castle surprised it.  
The Earl of Rutland being called home more speedily than was purposed, to the suppressing of a new commotion in Yorkshire, that broke out in his absence, the state of the Scottish affairs began thenceforth to decline, not only by the tumults raised by the commonalty in diverse parts of this realm, but also by the disagreement between the Lord Protector, and the rest of the Nobility, especially the Earl of Warwick Lord great Chamberlain, and afterwards created Duke of Northumberland. By reason of which unhappy jars, it was thought necessary to give over the keeping of Hadington, being a matter in deed of more charge than profit, seeing it could not be victualled, but by the convoy of an army. The Earl of Rutland was therefore sent thither again, to see the fortification razed, and to conduct the men and munition safely into England, which was performed accordingly. Monsieur Thermes and his associates being herewith not a little encouraged, in February following besieged Browghtie-Cragge, which together with an other fortification near unto it, were in short time recovered out of the Englishmen hands, wanting means to make resistance against so strong an enemy: nevertheless they would not yield, so long as any man well-near was able to stand in the defend of the charge they had undertaken. While these things were in doing, a treaty of peace was set on foot between England and France, but the Commissioners proceeding slowly therein, the Scots and Frenchmen ceased not, in the mean time, to pursue the accomplishment of their joint desires, which was, utterly to drive the Englishmen out of Scotland. Therefore immediately after the recovery of the former holds, they besieged Louder, where after some skirmishes passed between the one party and the other, that Fort also was so strictly bes●● on all sides, that if the peace had not been the sooner concluded, Sir Hugh Willoughby (the Captain thereof) must of necessity have yielded, through the lack of shot and other necessaries serving for defence. Amongst other articles comprised in this agreement, one was, that all such Castles, Fortifications and strengths, held by the Englishmen in any part of the Scottish dominions, should be restored to the Scots, and that the Forts of Douglas, Roxbrough & Aymoth, which the Englishmen had erected in the time of these wars, should forthwith be razed and thrown down, to avoid all occasion of new controversy. monsieur de Mourret was sent into Scotland from the French King, to publish this accord between the three Nations, France, England, and Scotland, which in the beginning of April in the year (that followed) 1550. was in every point executed accordingly. The next month all the strangers made return homewards, two years well near after their first arrival into Scotland. And thus ended (for this time) the hot war between these two neighbour nations, which had continued now for the space of 7. years together, to the exceeding great impoverishment of that kingdom, & effusion of blood on both sides. For above fifty years after, there was not any like hostility between them. For, all that passed betwixt the one and the other realm until the beginning of the 5. year of the reign of Queen Mary of England, who succeeded that peerless Prince of most famous memory King Edward the 6. on the sixth day of july, in the year 1553 ) the same was rather to be accounted a light breach of the peace, then open war on either side. Neither were the broils between them in those two last years of her reign, of any great reckoning, which grew by occasion of the war made by King Philip her husband of the French King: for he thereupon solicited the Queen Regent of Scotland (who about two years before obtained that dignity) while the Commissioners of both these nations were busy at Carliel, about the renewing of the league, to invade this realm. She being willing to gratify her confederate, when the Commissioners had broken up the treaty of Peace without any conclusion, assembled a great Army, wherewith coming to Kellsoe in the month of October 1557. she together with Monsieur Doisell and other Frenchmen, began to persuade the Scots to invade the realm. The Scottish Nobility, to the end they would seem somewhat to yield to her request, passing with the army over the river of Tweed, besieged Work Castle, whereat lying for the space of 2. or 3. days, and then hearing of the approach of the Earl of Westmoreland (Lieutenant of the North) after some consultation upon this point, the Scottish lords concluded, that for so much as the Englishmen had given them no just cause of quarrel, especially in so high a degree and measure of revenge, that the Queen Regent had drawn them thither, for the pleasure only of the French King and the reputation of Monsieur Doisell his agent, who in the managing of this affair had carried himself very loftily: therefore (I say) they concluded to break up the siege, and to return homewards, and so this much ado produced nothing. The Queen and her Monsieur took the matter very grievously, accounting themselves much disgraced here-with, but because there was no remedy, for the present time they resolved to bear it as patiently as they could, hoping a time would come, that should make them of more authority amongst them. To this end they laboured to hasten the marriage of the young Queen (now come to ripe age) for there-by all things should then pass without controlment, at the will and appointment of France. The Queen Regent returning homeward, left Monsieur Doisell with the French forces at Haymouth (where lately before he had raised a Fortification, to counter-garrison the Englishmen in Berwicke. diverse foot-bands also of Scottishmen were waged by the French King to lie at Kelso, Roxbrough, and other such places on the Scottish Marches, for the defence of the country, and the annoyance of the Englishmen as occasion served. Amongst many other roads and adventures, which passed this winter between the one nation & the other, with variable success on both sides, that between the Earl of Northumberland, and Sir Andrew Car was of most reckoning, wherein after doubtful victory a long time, at length the English prevailed: the Scottish Captain and diverse other being taken prisoners. Sir john Foster at this service bore himself very valiantly, for besides that his horse was slain under him, he received two dangerous wounds, the one through his neck, the other on his thigh. On the four and twentieth day of April, the year next following, viz. 1558. the marriage of Francis the Dolphin with Queen Mary of Scotland, was solemnized at Paris with great triumph and rejoicing, which afterward brought that flourishing kingdom into danger of an utter subversion; for her Uncles, especially Francis Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraigne his brother, by reason of this marriage, bore themselves so loftily, and so eagerly strove thereby to advance their house, that they turned France up & down, ruling all things at their own wills and pleasure. The summer following, sundry out-roads passed between the borderers on both sides, but with more loss to the Scots then to England, for beside 2. chief leaders of their footmen, the Lord Keith son to the Earl Martial, and Patrick L. Grace, were in those broils taken prisoners, but on the English party Captain Edrington only. Some service by sea also, was performed by the Englishmen, for Sir john Clere, being sent with certain ships of war to the coast of Scotland, coming to the Isles of Orkney, and having landed some part of his company, such a tempest did suddenly arise, that perforce he was driven back to the main sea, where striving a long time in vain to recover the Island again, he was forced to leave them behind him, who were thereby all slain and taken prisoners by the Islanders. But the Earl of Sussex joining with Sir Thomas Cotton, and Sowthwick his vice-admiral, had better success in Kniter, the Isles of Arraign and Cumber, where they made great spoil, and had done much more thereabout, if by outrageous storms and tempests they had not been hindered. Of all the English Gentlemen that served these last two years with charge, I know but one living at this day, namely Thomas Marckham (commonly called Blacke-Marckham) who lead the band of footmen, of Sir john Marckham his Father.  
As for the war maintained in Scotland, since the happy reign of our late Sovereign Lady and Queen, the most renowned and famous Elizabeth (who to the exceeding great comfort of all the true Christians of this whole Island, succeeded her deceased Sister, on the seventeenth day of November, in the year before named) the same was from time to time, always undertaken by her, at the earnest petition and request of the Nobility of Scotland, to the common good and welfare of both nations: For when that realm, in the beginning of her reign, became overburdened by the daily repair of the French forces, sent thither to the aid of the Queen Regent, and her partakers in the defence of the Romish religion: the better sort of the Scottish Nobility, as the Duke of Chateaule reault, (who attained that dignity of th● French King, for yielding up the gouern●● 〈◊〉 the Queen Mother) the Lord james Prior of Saint andrew's, the Earls of Arraine, Arguile, Glencarne, Rothowse, Southerland, Monteith, Huntley, Catnesse, Erolle, Martial, Cassels, Eglenton, Montrosse, the Lords Ruithen, Boide, Ogletree, Ayskin, Drommond, Hume, Rosse, Chrieghton, Levenstone, ●●mmerwell, the Master of Lindesey; and the Master of Maxwell, did all join in request unto the Queen of England, that it would please her Majesty to assist them against the injurious demeanour of the Frenchmen, who sought not only to extirpate the profession of the Gospel, which they had lately embraced, but also practised the utter abolishment and ruin of their ancient laws and liberties. Their suit was the more willingly yielded unto, because it was doubted, that if the Frenchmen had once set good foothold in Scotland, som● trouble might have come thereof to this realm, thorough the ambition of the Queen's uncles the Guises, who abusing their authority under Francis the second (the young King) had all things at their command in France. The suspicion hereof did first arise, when immediately after the death of Queen Mary, the Scottish Mary (pretending a title to the Crown) usurped the arms and style of England. Hereupon in the latter end of February, the Earl of Arguile, the Prior of Saint Andrew's, the Master of Maxwell, and the young Lord of Ledingtone (the Secretary) met the Duke of Norfolk at Berwick, who was sent thither for that purpose. Here it was concluded, that whatsoever stranger should invade either England or Scotland, that then the one nation should minister aid to the other: that what Scottishmen should serve her Majesty in her own realm, or what Englishmen should serve in Scotland, all should receive pay only of the Queen of England: that what booty or prey should be gotten by the English serving in Scotland, the same should become their own, (the Towns & Castles excepted) which should forthwith be restored to whom by right they did appertain.) For the better assurance hereof, five young Gentlemen were shortly after sent into England, as pledges in the behalf of the Lords of Scotland: namely the Lord Claudie Hamilton (fourth son to the Duke) Robert Dowglas half brother to the Lord james Steward, Archibauld Cambell Lord of Lowghennell, George Grayme second son to the Earl of Monteith, and james Canningham son to the Earl of Glencarne. All these were to remain in England during the lives of the Scottish Queen, and of the French King her husband together, and one year more next after his decease, if it first happened. While this business was in hand, the Frenchmen being then at the mouth of the water of Levin in Fife, making head to the Scottish Lords: descried eight ships ready to arrive, which at the first sight, they took to be sent out of France to their succours. But when they perceived that they were English, with all possible speed they posted to Leethe, forthwith beginning to fortify the town. The Englishmen having cast Ancre in the road there, the Queen Regent sent to Master Winter (the vice-admiral) to know for what cause he was come thither, who dissembling with her for the present, answered, that having been at the Sea to pursue certain Pirates, and not finding them abroad, hoped to have heard of them there. Within few days after this, the whole Navy repaired thither unto him, wherewith becoming commander over the Forth, the Frenchmen were penned up both at Leethe, and in the Island of juskeith, so as no victuals could be brought them by Sea.  
About the beginning of the year next following, viz. 1560. The English army, consisting of two thousand horsemen, and six hundred footmen (over which the Lord Grace of Wilton was General) coming to Hadington within Scotland, was at the first saluted by the Earl of Arraine, the Lord james Prior, the Master of Maxwell, Sir William Kircawdie Leard of grange, and diverse other of the Scottish Nobility, attended with three hundred horse. After mutual congratulations, the Scottish Lords departed for that night. The next day (being the first of April) the Lord Lieutenant accompanied with Sir james Croft (an assistant unto him in that charge) the Lord Scroop Lord Martial, Sir George Howard (general over the men of arms and demie-lances) with diverse Captains road to Muskelbrugh Church, where the Scottish Duke (after some stay) entertained them, being accompanied with his Son the Earl of Arraine, the Earls of Arguile, Glencorne, Southerland Montieth and Rothes, the Prior of Saint Andrew's, the Lord Ruithuen, the Lord Ogletree, the Lord Boied, the Master of Maxwell, the Leard of Ormestone, the Master of Lindsey, the Bishop of Galloway, the Abbot of Saint Colmes-inch, the Abbot of Culrose, the Leards of Pettierowe, Cunningham-head, Grange, and diverse other to the number of two hundred horse. After many courteous embracings and kind salutations, they spent two hours together in Counsel, than broke up and parted for that night.  
The army lay still at Preston from Monday till Saturday, being the sixth of April, to the end that in the mean season, the Scottish Lords might make trial once again whether the Queen Regent (who now for her more safety remained in Edenbrugh Castle) would be drawn to any reasonable conditions of peace, to which end they did write unto her in manner following.  
We have often heretofore earnestly entreated you, both by word and writing, that it would please you to remove the French forces, which now for the term of one year more have many ways intolerably oppressed the poor, and put the whole Nation in fear of a most miserable bondage and thrawldome. But when we perceived, that these our just petitions did prevail nothing with you, we were then enforced (by way of complaint) to lay open our pitiful estate unto our next Neighbour Prince, the Queen of England, and with tears to crave aid of her to repulse by force of arms (if otherwise it cannot be) those strangers, that seek to bring us under their subjection. But although she (being moved with compassion over our calamities) will undertake the defence of our cause: notwithstanding to the end we may perform our duties towards the Mother of our Queen, and (as much as we may) refrain from the effusion of Christian blood, and then only to arm our selves, when otherwise we cannot obtain our right: we held it our parts to beseech you again and again, that forthwith you will command all the French forces to departed hence. For whose more speedy passage, the Queen of England will not only grant them safe conduct, to pass thorough her kingdom, but will presently take order they shallbe transported by her navy into France. If you make light reckoning hereof, we call God and man to witness, that we have not armed ourselves upon malice or stomach, but are unwillingly and of mere necessity enforced to adventure upon extreme remidies, lest otherwise we suffer the commonweal, ourselves, and all our posterity to be cast down headlong, into an irrecoverable depth of infinite calamities. Neither yet shall any danger whatsoever (though presently we sustain much evil, and more is like to fall on us) cause us to departed from our duties to our Queen, or to resist the King her husband in any thing, which shall not manifestly tend to the eminent danger and destruction of ourselves, our posterities, and ancient liberties. But (most gracious Prince) we do humbly again beseech you, that weighing the equity of our request, and foreseeing what evil may ensue of War, and how necessary a thing Peace shall be to the mis-affected estate of this your daughter's kingdom: it would not displease you to confirm your will to our just petition, which if you do, you shall not only leave to all Nations an acceptable memory of the moderate carriage of yourself in place of government, but thereby also give tranquillity and rest to the greatest part of Christendom.  
Farewell. At Dalkeith the fourth day of April. Anno. 1560.  
These last words, in the shutting up of the letter, were spoken (I take it) of the present estate of Scotland touching Religion. For now had the better part of the Nobility taken upon them the defence of the Preachers of the Gospel, whereupon they were named the Lords of the Congregation. And this was the principal occasion of these broils betwixt the Queen Regent (who would have maintained popery) and those of the Nobility. How honourable and Christian a part was it then of the Queen of England, to interpose herself into so just a quarrel, as is the defence of the most ancient, apostolical, and undoubted Religion? and how much shall that Nation be for ever bound unto her Majesty, for so inestimable a benefit, as thereby it hath hitherto happily enjoyed? What answer the Queen made to the Lords I find not, but still one or other laboured by all possible means, to work a reconciliation, but all was in vain, for the Queen would not yield to the sending away of the French forces, on which point the Lords stood stiffly. At the approach of the army to Lieth, on the sixth day of April, the Frenchmen to the number of thirteen hundred, issuing out of the town, took possession of a little Knole, (called the Halkes-hill) thereby to prevent the Englishmen from encamping there, but at length the enemy (with the loss of some seven score men, was beaten back to the very gates of the town. diverse Englishmen were also slain, and many more hurt, but if it had been known, what advantage was offered by the French, their whole power (it was thought) might thereby have been utterly overthrown. While the Lord Grace was at Muskelbrough, on his way thitherward, he sent Sir james Croft and Sir George Howard unto the Queen, to entreat an abstinence of war for four and twenty hours, that in the mean time he might make known unto her the cause of his coming in that manner: and further that upon some conditions he would accept of peace. The Queen (consenting hereunto) sent an Herald to Lieth to give knowledge thereof, but whether the fault was in the messenger, or in the Frenchmen, the English army was enforced to the fight: after which he refused any more parlance. But proceeded to the siege of Lieth, which was no less valiantly assailed by the English, then by the adverse party it was defended. During which, an accident happened in the town, that more endangered and damnified the enemy in one night, than the assiliantes had done before in twenty. For on the last day of April, about two hours before Sunset, a sudden fire arose in the town, which being increased by an outrageous wind then aloft, continued till the next morning, having consumed a great part of the buildings, and amongst the rest certain common Garners and Storehouses, wherein was great provision of corn and victuals. Neither were the Englishmen slow in pursuing the advantage thereof. For by removing their great Ordinance on that side the town, they beat back those, which laboured to quench the fire, and entering the ditches, took the height of the wall, and so eager assaulted the breaches, that had not the Frenchmen foreseen the danger they were fallen into, and continually applied their business, and stood to it manfully on every quarter, that nights work (as it was thought) would have ended the war for that time. The siege continued near six weeks longer, in which time many lost their lives on both sides. At one assault (which was the sharpest of all the rest) an eight score Englishmen were slain outright, and not so few maimed and hurt. But still, thorough the especial care and good foresight of the Duke of Norfolk (then appointed to remain in the North-partes for the direction of this service) their wants whatsoever, were from time to time supplied. The French King, understanding into what distress the town was brought (for the Frenchmen were now worn & overwearied with continual watching & warding) sent two Ambassadors into England, County Randon and Monluc Bishop of Valence, to treat with the Queen for a peace with Scotland, his wives kingdom. For he held it an indgnity to seek it at his subjects hands the Scottish Lords. Her Majesty being not unwilling to accept of any reasonable conditions, so as the French might be removed, was content to associate unto them Master Secretary Cecil (afterwards Lord Burley and high Treasurer of England whilst he lived, mine honourable good Lord and Master) and Doctor Wutton deane of Canterbury and York. These passing together into Scotland after some three weeke● travel, concluded a peace on the eight day of july following, which was immediately proclaimed at Lieth in these words.  
The most mighty Princess Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France & Ireland, defender of the faith etc. And the most Christian King Francis and Marie by the same grace of God, King and Queen of France and Scotland, have accorded upon a reconciliation peace and amity, to be inviolably kept between them, their subjects, kingdoms, and Countries. And therefore in their names, it is straightly commanded to all manner of people borne under their obedience, or being in their service, to forbear all hostility, either by sea or land, and to keep good peace each with other, from this time forwards, as they will answer thereunto at their uttermost perils.  
The most material articles were these: that all the Frenchmen should departed the Realm, with bag and baggage, within the term of twenty days next following. And because they wanted (at that present) ships enough to receive so great a number, the Queen of England should furnish them therewith, leaving behind them pledges for their safe return. That Lieth should be delivered up to the Scots, the walls and fortifications about it raised and thrown down. That the fortification erected by the Frenchmen, before the Castle of Dumbar, should be also cast down. Thus much being performed on the French party, the Englishmen should forthwith break up the siege and departed. That Mary Queen of Scots, with the consent of her husband, should by an act made to that end, bury in oblivion all attempts and actions done or enterprised by the Scottish Lords against their authority, from the tenth day of March, in the year 1558, to the first of August this present year 1560. which act should be ratified in Parliament then immediately to be holden by the estates of Scotland, with the approbation and allowance of the said King and Queen of France and Scotland. That threescore Frenchmen should still abide in the I'll of juskeith, and as many in the Castle of Dunbarre, lest otherwise the Queen might seem to be dispossessed of the whole Kingdom. lastly that the King and Queen of France and Scotland, should not from thenceforth usurp the title, or bear the Arms of England, sithence the same only belonged of right to the Queen of England. Whilst these Ambassadors were passing into Scotland, the Queen Regent deceased at Edenbrough, which happily gave readier dispatch to this business. Thus was that Nation disburdened of this servitude to the Frenchmen, amongst whom Monsieur la Brosse (one of the chief Commanders under the Queen Regent) advised his master the French King (as by intercepting of his Letters was discovered) to have brought the Nobility of Scotland to utter destruction, and of their livings and yearly revenues, to maintain a thousand men of Arms, to keep the commons in perpetual bondage. At the Parliament holden in August following, the Act of Oblivion (according to the former articles) was ratified, and the question of Religion debated, and thereupon a confession of the faith established and published. Shortly after, the Earl of Morton, the Earl of Glencarne, and the young Leird of Ledington repaired to the English Court, in the behalf of the other Lords, to render thanks to the Queen of England for the great favour her Majesty had done them, in reducing their distressed country to a peaceable estate, for the which they acknowledged themselves bound unto her for ever. In December next, Francis the French King deceased, whereupon Queen Mary returned into Scotland, the twentieth of August the Summer following, in the year 1561. Presently after William Metlaine was sent into England, to make known her safe arrival, and to recommend unto her Majesty most kind salutations from the Queen his Mistress, and her great desire to continue amity and concord between their kingdoms.  
Then he presented to her letters from the Lords, wherein after a due remembrance of thankfulness for the late received favours, they humbly entreated her Majesty, not only to carry herself in such sort towards their Queen, that she might there-by be moved to continue amity with her: but that it would please her, by as strait bands as possibly might be, still to bind her more and more unto her, promising that for their parts they would let slip no occasion, as far as it rested in their powers whereby to perpetuate the late league between the two nations. Further that the most assured mean, whereby to bury in perpetual oblivion the memory of all former dissension, and clearly to take away all occasion of future quarrel rested herein, that it would please her by act of Parliament to establish the succession of the crown of England (for want of issue of her own body) upon the Queen their Mistress, who in blood was next unto it: Having proved by sundry arguments and examples, that this their request was both just and agreeable to the practice of the Kings over both these nations in former times, he concluded that their Queen expected that favour at her hands. Here-unto the Queen of England answered. I looked for another kind of embassage from your Queen, I marvel she hath forgotten, what at length she promised before her departure out of France, which was to ratify the peace made at Leeth, and that immediately after her return into Scotland, I should be certified thereof.  
I have now long enough (said her Majesty) been fed with fair words, it is high time (if your Queen regard her credit with us) that her deeds be answerable thereunto. The Ambassador in her excuse answered, that he was sent out of Scotland within few days after their Queen's return: that she had not then entered into the handling of any matter of State, but was wholly busied in giving entertainment to the Noblemen, for the more part unknown unto her: neither were they all come at his departure, whose advice it was fit she should use in a matter of that importance (especially touching the establishing of Religion, which how difficult a point it was, she herself knew by experience) and without whose consents she neither could nor ought to conclude of any thing. The Queen of England being herewith more moved, replied. What needeth (I pray you) any further consultation to effect that, whereunto your Queen hath already bound herself by her hand and seal? what answer I should make here-unto (said he) for the present I know not, having received no warrant herein from our Queen, who looked not that this point should have been so far urged now. This is all I can say unto it: Your Majesty may easily see, what just occasion she now hath, to defer that business until a more convenient time, when as I doubt not, but you shall be better satisfied. After some further speech, her Majesty coming to the most material point of this embassage, I well remember (saith she) what you have delivered unto us, in your Oration from the Nobility of Scotland, in the behalf of your Queen. First that she is the next unto us in blood, and therefore I should show greatest affection and love towards her, which we neither will nor can deny. For the whole world can witness with us, that in all our actions we never attempted any thing against the good and safety of herself or of her kingdom; that when she claimed and challenged our kingdom, and usurped the arms of the same, yet nevertheless we could not be persuaded, but that it proceeded rather from some bad counsel about her, then from herself. But how-so-ever it was, we hope she shall not be able to take our Crown from us, or from my issue, if I leave any such to succeed us. If I die without children, she shall not find any thing done by us, that may prejudice her right to the Crown of England. What that is, we never yet thought it needful to examine, neither purpose we hereafter to trouble ourself therewithal, but we leave it to them, to whom it pertaineth to look unto it.  
If your Queen's title be good, we will no way impair the same. And I call GOD to witness that for our part, we know none, next myself, whom I prefer therein before her, or (if the matter should come in question) can exclude her. Who be the competitors you know (said she) well enough. But what are they (poor souls) to attempt a thing so far above their strength? After some speech more of the mean estate of those Ladies (all being the issue of the Lady Mary, second Daughter to King Henry the seventh) at length she concluded, that this their request was a matter of a very great weight, and that she had never yet entered into any due consideration thereof, and therefore it was requisite, she should have longer time to think better of it. After some few days, she called the Ambassador again unto her, and told him, she could not find out, what the meaning of the Lords was, to make this petition so presently after their Queens return home, especially knowing, that the occasion of the former grievances was not yet taken away, what other thing is it (said she) they require, but that notwithstanding the manifest wrong offered us, we should without further satisfaction, gratify their Queen in yielding to a point of that importance? if they take this course (said she) let them know, that we have as good means as they, both at home and abroad, whereby to hold our right. The Ambassador answered, that their desire herein proceeded from a care they had, not only to further the advancement of their Queen: but, that which touched them nearer, over their own estates, which by any trouble arising hereafter thereabout, might happily fall into danger of an utter ruin. That the Lords were emboldened the more freely and plainly to impart their minds unto her, by the experience they have had of her majesties good affection towards them, and of the care she had always showed over the continuance of their present estates, and therefore he hoped, she would make the best constructions of their meanings towards her, in this their petition, proceeding upon so necessary considerations. If we had (said she) attempted any thing, hurtful to your Queen's title, then had they had good cause to have moved us to take some other more moderate revenge. But to persuade me to have (as it were) my winding sheet laid before me, while I live, is such a petition, as was never yet made to any Prince. Nevertheless we do not mislike their honest meaning herein, either in respect of the good towards their Queen or themselves. For, we must confess, it would cost many men on both sides their lives, if happily any adverse party amongst those competitors should oppose herself against your Queen. But who should she be? or what means can she make?  
Well, letting this doubt pass, wherein there is no doubt to be made, admit we were inclinable unto that they desire, would we, think you, be drawn unto it, thereby to gratify those Noblemen, rather than your Queen herself? surely no. But there be many more reasons than yet I have made, to keep us from yielding thereunto. After she had in a long discourse declared, what she had observed both particular in the disposition of her own subjects: and more generally in the corrupt nature of mankind, and withal had alleged sundry examples in other Christian kings, how jealous they have been even over their own children, who by the laws of God and Nature, were to succeed them: she concluded, that by them she was taught, how dangerous a point it was to make their Queen her known heir to the Crown of England, the more in that she was already a mighty Princess of herself, and therefore she should with the more difficulty, upon such a grounded hope, contain herself within the due bonds of law and equity. Upon further conference with her Majesty at another time, the Ambassador at length obtained, that the former treaty of Peace, and the articles then set down, should be retracted, and enlarged in this manner. That the Queen of Scots should no longer bear the arms of England, nor usurp the title of Queen over the same, during the life of the Queen of England, or of her issue after her. On the otherside, that the Queen of England should promise and covenant for herself, and her issue after her, that neither she, nor they should make or do any act, that might prejudice the claim and right of succession, which the Queen of Scots hath to the Crown of England.  
In like manner, when as after the broils in Scotland, which followed the detestable murders of King Henry, the Queen of Scots her second husband, Father to the King that now reigneth, and of the Earl of Murrey their Regent, they of her faction (she being then fled into England for her more safety, and remaining there in a favourable kind of captivity) practised her deliverance, by stirring up a dangerous rebellion in the North parts of England, and that the principal conspirators the two Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland were fled into Scotland, and harboured there: the Queen of England being moved thereunto, as well in respect of her own safety, as of the tender and motherly care, she had over the Infant King her near kinsman, whose life was brought thereby into no less danger than her own: her Majesty was easily drawn by the entreaty of the Scottish Nobility of that faction, to take upon her the defence and protection of them and that kingdom, against the common enemies and disturbers of the peaceable and quiet estate, of the one and other Nation, who (besides their privy practices) had also by open hostility and invasion, provoked her Majesty to take arms against them. For even the next night, after the Regent was slain, Walter Scotte, and Thomas Carre ●● ●●●miherste, at the instigation especially of the Archbishop of Saint Andrew's, entered the English borders, and in outrageous manner, with fire and sword, wasted and spoiled the country adjoining. Neither were the adversaries satisfied with this, and the like displeasures sundry times afterwards, but they were not ashamed with most despiteful terms to reproach her Majesty. Of this faction, the Hamiltons were the principal heads and leaders, not so much (as it was thought) for any good meaning towards the Scottish Queen, whose party they would seem to take, but rather by bringing her again into Scotland: they hoped to work the destruction both of the Mother and Son, and there-by to set the Crown of Scotland upon some of their own heads, pretending to be next in blood after them to the same. The Queen of England being thus provoked to revenge, by her adversaries on the one side, and on the other side entreated by her well-willers, to join with them against those, who were enemies both to her and their own King, commanded the Earl of Sussex (Lord Lieutenant then of the North parts) to gather such forces there, as he thought convenient, wherewithal to enter into Scotland, so as on the eighteenth day of April, in the year 1570. that realm was together invaded from all the three English Marches. The principal Army was conducted by the Lord Lieutenant himself, accompanied with the Lord Hunsden Governor of Barwick, and Sir William Drewrie Marshal there. The next was lead by Sir john Foster warden of the middle Marches: the third by the Lord Scroop warden of the West Marches. The two former, entering into Tividale, wasted and destroyed whatsoever stood in their way, until they met at Crawling, where they also razed the Castle. Fron thence passing to jedworth, they were so well entertained, that in requital thereof, they forbore to do any harm there. Departing thence, the Army sundry times divided itself, the more to afflict the countries where they passed: Upon the two and twentieth of the same month they returned together to Barwick.  
The Lord Scroop, in the mean time, with his people, having ranged the enemies Countries, as far well near as Domfries, gave them sundry overthrows, took many prisoners, burned divers Towns, and returned also in safety. In these journeys, above fifty castles and places of strength, and not so few as three hundred Towns, Villages, and dwellings, were razed, burned, and spoiled: so as none well near in all those parts, who had either received the English rebels, or had by invasion endamaged the borders of England, had left unto them, dwellings for themselves or their followers, besides the great loss of their goods wasted, consumed, or carried away by the Englishmen. During these exploits, the Marches of England were on every side so guarded by the Lord evers, Sir George Bowes, and the Bishoprick-men, as the enemy durst not once offer, to carry so much as a Cow out of England. The Lord General, having stayed three days at Berwicke for the refreshing of his army, and making preparation for the siege of Hume Castle, he then assailed the same so eagerly, that within three days more it was surrendered. This Castle was committed to the custody of Captain Wood and Captain Pickman, with whom leaving a garrison of two hundred soldiers, he returned again to Berwicke. At this siege but four were slain on both sides, two English and two Scottishmen. The fourth of May, the Lord General lying sick at Berwicke, sent Master Drewrie with some two thousand men, to take Fast Castle, which upon the first summons yielded itself; it was kept by half a score Scots, and committed to the custody of as many Englishmen, who were thought able enough to hold it against all the power of Scotland, the same by situation was naturally so strong. The General at his return made him Knight, together with Sir Thomas Manners, brother to the Earl of Rutland, Sir George Cary, now Lord Hunsdon, and Sir Robert Constable. While these things were in doing, the Earl of Lennox, being thereunto earnestly laboured by the Lords of the King's party his countrymen, obtained leave of the Queen of England. (where he then remained) to join with them in the King his grand-childs' quarrel. But because the adverse party had gotten such head (whilst that Realm was without a head) that with his safety he could not pass alone unto them: it pleased her Majesty (such desire she had to advance the good estate of that Nation) not only to safe-conduct him th●ther, but also to give him such aid, as he should not stand in fear of the malice of his enemies. For Sir William Drewrie General, with the other three new made knights, and certain companies of horse and footmen, to the number of sixteen hundred in the whole, setting forth of Berwicke together with the Earl and his Scottish retinue, on the twelfth day of May, made so good speed (the footmen being a days journey before them) that on the next day they came to Edenbrough, where they found there confederates the Scottish Lords, amongst whom the Earls of Morton, Mar and Glencarne were the principal. In the mean while for the better assurance of such covenants, as were agreed unto by those Lords (at whose entreaty also this aid was granted) certain hostages were sent into England. The Duke of Chateau, & his adherents of the adverse party, hearing of the approach of the Englishmen, was lately departed thence, and had dismissed his army, having first attempted and failed of the taking of the Castle of Glascoe with some loss of his men, but more of his honour. The matter of greatest importance atcheeved by the Englishmen and Scots there associates, at this journey, was the taking of Hamilton Castle, which was presently raised. The town of Lithquo (which had been a great enemy to the King's party) at the earnest entreaty of the Earl of Morton, was nevertheless spared, the Duke's house only excepted. Here was the Earl of Murrey (late Regent of Scotland) despitefully murdered, by james Hamilton of Bedwell, for the which it deserved the less favour. But such was the compassion of this worthy Gentleman, over the penitent offenders, both now and before, that a Scottish writer hath brought him into some suspicion of over much partiality towards the adversaries, although the same Author confesseth that the Englishmen in all this journey spared neither the goods, lands nor houses of any of the Hamiltons, or other that were either suspected of confederacy with the murderer of the Regent, or had received into their protection any of the English rebels, especially all along the tract of the river of Cloyed, where for the most part their possessions lay. The beginning of the next month, the Englishmen returned to Berwicke, & the Scots their confederates, each man to his own house. Shortly after the Queen of England recommending unto the Scottish Nobility, the fidelity and trust, they might safely repose in the Earl of Lennox, thereupon by general consent (where before he was entitled Lord Governor, or Lieutenant of Scotland) they made him their Regent, the rather (as it seemeth) because the Earl of Huntley had a little before taken upon him the Lieutenantship of that Realm, in the name and behalf of the Scottish Queen, & had also summoned a Parliament to be holden at Lithquoe in September following. In the mean time the Earl of Sussex & the Lo. Scroop were sent again into Scotland, with certain bands of horsemen & footmen, to pursue the English rebels, where having as before made great spoil at Dumfrees & other places, as far as the Castle of Carlaverock (which they blew up) after six days they returned to Carliele on the eight and twentieth day of August, where the Earl made these knights for their good service at this journey. Sir Edward Hastings brother to the Earl of Huntingdon. Sir Francis Russell Son to the Earl of Bedford, Sir Valentine Browne, Sir William Halton, Sir Robert Stapleton, Sir Henry Curwin, and Sir Symond Musgrave. For above two years after this, no further aid was sent out of England by reason (I take it) her Majesty and the counsel were wholly busied, in the discovery of the secret and dangerous practice of Thomas Lord Howard, Duke of Norfolk, in contriving marriage with the Scottish Queen, for the which he was now again the second time (having before been delivered thence) committed to the Tower of London, where he remained prisoner from the seventh of September till the thirteenth of january following, on which day he was arraigned in Westminster-hal, before George Lord Talbote Earl of Shrewsbury (high Steward of England for that day) and there by his Peers found guilty of high treason, and according to the judgement passed upon him, was beheaded on the Tower-hill, between seven and eight of the clock in the morning, the second day of june in the year. 1572. It was great pity this good Duke was so bewitched by the Babylonian Circe, that man of Rome, and his agentes, as that he could not foresee the danger, whereinto he was fallen by undertaking that unhappy enterprise, who if he had been better advised, might long have continued a principal pillar of our common weal. On the 22. of August following Thomas Lord Percy Earl of Northumberland, having before been attainted of high treason by Parliament, as being one of the principal conspirators in the late rebellion, and now brought out of Scotland whether he was fled, was likewise beheaded at York, about two of the clock in the after noon. But Charles Nevil Earl of Westmoreland his associate in the said rebellion, finding no safety for himself in Scotland, got over into the low-countries, where he lived a long time after. While these things thus passed in England, the adverse faction of Scotland (who were the fuel of this fire) ceased not in their accustomed manner still to cross the proceed of the Lords of the King's party: for the Earl of Lennox enjoyed not the Regency hardly one year, before he and the rest of his adherents, were suddenly set upon by their adversaries at Striueling, where, before the Earl could be rescued out of their hands, he was so wounded by the shot of a Pistolet, that he died thereof the same night. After whose death the Lords made choice of the earl of Marre to succeed him in that dignity. The Queen of England still laboured by all good means to accord these jars in Scotland, but it would not prevail, by reason the French king never ceased to animate and encourage the Scottish Queen's party to stand out, who from the death of the earl of Murrey was possessed of the Town and Castle of Edenbrough, the strongest hold and chief town of that realm. For the recovery hereof, the Queen of England was entreated by the other party, to assist them with some competent forces. hereupon Sir William Drewry was once again sent into Scotland accompanied with Sir Francis Russell, Captain Read, Captain Erington master of the Ordinance and Provost Martial, Captain Pikeman, Captain Gamme, Captain Wood, Captain Case, Captain St●rrey, and Thomas B●rton, to whose charge was committed one thousand Soldiers, three hundred pioneers, and certain pieces of battery, viz six double Canons, fourteen whole Culuerings, two Sacres, two mortuis pieces, and two Bombards. Certain other Gentlemen, accompanied the General, as voluntary followers: namely, Sir George Carie, Sir Henry Ley, Master Thomas Cecil (now Lord Burghleigh) Master Michael Carie, Henry Carie, William Knowles, Thomas Sutton: Cotton, Kelloway, Dyer, Tilney, William Killigrew, William Selby, and others. The Englishmen being come to Edenbrough, some four or five bands of the Scottishmen joined with them, and brought three or four pieces 〈◊〉 of Artillery. The footmen ha●ing without resistance entered the Town, the Canon from the Castle was sundry times discharged upon them, but did no harm, saveing by beating up the Stones in the street 〈…〉 Brickman was thereby hurt in the face. The same day the Castle was summoned by a Messenger of Arms, in manner following.  
Sir William Ker●andie, some times of Grange Knight. For as much as the Queen's Majesty (my Sovereign Lady) ●● the earnest request of her dear Cousin the King of Scots your Sovereign Lord, made to her Highness by his R●●●● Nobility, and 〈◊〉 of the realm, after all good means used by ●reaty to have reduced you to dutiful obedience of his authority, which hitherto you have not duly hearkened unto, to the only hindrance of the universal peace in this realm, by withholding this his highness Castle, meaning (as it seemeth) to reserve the same for a receptacle of foreign forces, to the manifest danger of this realm, & of my Sovereign, and therefore necessarily to be in time removed: for which consideration her Majesty hath sent her aid and succours of Men, Ordinance & Munition, under my charge and leading for the expugnation and recovery of the said Castle, to the said Kings use and behoof. And therefore according to her Maiestes' commandment and commission, this shall be in due manner to warn, require, and summon you, that you render & deliver the said Castle, with all the Ordinance, Artillery, Munition, jewels, household stuff, & such other implements within the same to me, to the use and behoof of the King your Sovereign & his Regent in his name, immediately after this my letter of Summons, or knowledge of the same shall come unto you; which if you obey (as of duty you ought) then will I, in her majesties name, interpose myself to travel with the Regent, Counsel, & Nobility here, for the safety of your lives. But otherwise if you continue in your former obstinacy abiding the Canon, them look for no further grace. But you & the rest within that castle shallbe pursued to the uttermost, & held as enemies to his majesty your own sovereign and Country General Ed●●●●●●gh, by me Willi●●●●●●●y Knight, General of her majesties forces now in Scotland, this 25. day of April in the year 1573. Notwithstanding this Summons, the Captain utterly refused to yield up the Castle, whereupon as well the defendants within, as the assailants without, prepared all things wherewith on the one side to repulse, & on the other to expulse one the other. But the Cannon was so well applied by the Englishmen, that the enemy was forced to a parley, whereupon on the third day following, being the 28. of May, the Castle was surrendered into the hands of the General, and his Ensign was erected in sundry places thereof, until he delivered the same over again, to the use of the King of Scots, together with the prisoners taken therein, namely Sir William Kerkandy the Captain, the Lord 〈◊〉, the Lord of Ledington Secretary; the 〈◊〉 of Peterro Constable of the Castle; the Countess of Arguile, the Lady of Ledington and the Lady of Grange. The private soldiers & other their servants were licensed to departed with bag and baggage. This Castle was never before taken by force, the same being always thought of such impregnable strength, thorough the natural situation thereof, as by no engine and device it could possible be achieved. But what can now withstand the force of the Cannon if the same be subject to battery?  
Since that time, now for these thirty years wel-nere, nothing of importance hath been attempted by the one or other Nation, to the breach of the most happy peace and concord between them. Though (it may be) some turbulent and unquiet spirits, did what they could, upon the execution of the Scottish Queen in the year 1587. to incite and stir up the King her Son, to take offence thereat, not for any good meaning towards his Majesty, but rather thereby to bring him into disgrace, at the least (if not into a further mischief) with the Queen of England. But the Lord God did give his Majesty grace to carry himself more warily. For though good nature might work in his Majesty a due commiseration over the Queen his mother her lamentable end: yet well weighing the quality & measure of her offence, the lawful & orderly proceeding against her, (having received an honourable trial by six & thirty of the greatest and gravest personages of this realm) and considering how much her life afterwards would prejudice, not only the safety of the two royal persons, but withal the quiet estate of the whole Island: the most prudent King well ore-saw, what wrong he might have wrought unto himself by entering into any violent course It was apparent enough to the whole world, how the King of Spain, by his subtle agents the jesuits, never ceased while the Queen his Mother lived, under pretence to set her at liberty for the advancement of Popery, to 〈◊〉 ●p sundry wickedly disposed persons, to ●y murdering hands upon Queen Elizabeth, ●● by treachery to bereave us of her. This if by any me●nes he could have brought to pass (from which the Lord God did ever deliver her) his ambition was such, that he would undoubtedly have done his best to have set the Crown of England on his own head, or else have bestowed it on his Daughter the Infant of Spain, whom a principal member of that seditious fraternity hath since by public ●●iting entitled unto it. 
Parsons.  This was so well known to King james, as that not long after, his Majesty gave commandeme●● by open Proclamation to all his subjects o● Scotland, to repute and hold King Philippe of Spain, as great an enemy to him and his estate, both present and in expectance, as to the Queen of England, when in the year next following, that his invincible Navy (as it was termed) attempted the conquest of this Land. But what success the same had, his Majesty hath committed to eternal memory in this his elegant poesy.  
The Nations banded 'gainst the Lord of might,  
Prepared a force, and for them to the way.  
Mars dressed himself in s●●●●●awfull plight,  
The like whereof was never 〈◊〉 (they say)  
They forward 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 way.  
〈◊〉 Sea and Land beset us everywhere,  
Brags threatened us a ruinous decay  
What came of that the issue did declare.  
The winds began to toss them here and there.  
The seas begun in foaming waves to swell,  
The number that escaped, it fell them fair:  
The rest were swallowed up in gulfs of hell.  
But how were all these things miraculous done?  
God looks at them out of his Heavenly Throne.  
How truly and Christanly these two most worthy Princes loved one the other, while they lived together, well appeareth not only by the continuance of an assured peace and concord between these their two kingdoms: but also by the manifold blessings, that have been thereby heaped upon us their subjects. For when did these two Nations ever before, enjoy the like felicity, as they have done under their Kingly Sovereignty? This may appear the more admirable, if we consider the sex of the one, and the long and dangerous mimority and nonage of the other. But it hath pleased the eternal God (according to the saying of the Apostle) by the weak things of the world to confound and bring to nought the mighty and powerful malice of his enemies and ours. For how often have they both (but especially her Majesty) miraculously escaped the treacherous attempts of their bloody adversary, that Antichristian Romish synagogue?  
Queen Elizabeth having lived well near threescore and ten years, and happily reigned above forty four, exchanged (I doubt not) this her earthly, and transitory Crown, for an immortal and heavenly Diadem, on the four and twentieth day of March in the year 1602. hereupon King james, not many hours after her death, was proclaimed in London (and else where over the whole realm, with as much speed as possible might be) the only lawful, lineal, and rightful King of England, France and Ireland, with as great joy and general applause of all estates, as the fresh remembrance of the late loss of such a gracious Princess, would in true love and loyalty admit & tolerate in a subject.  
God grant his Majesty may have a long and prosperous reign, and maintain amongst us the profession of that undoubted Christian faith and true Religion, wherein both his Majesty himself, and the young Prince of Scotland his son (eight years old the nineteenth day of February last) have been baptised, by and in the name of Queen Elizabeth, eight and twenty years one after the other.  
FINIS.