THE COPY OF A LETTER, LATELY WRITTEN BY A SPANISH GENTLEMAN, TO HIS FRIEND IN ENGLAND: IN refutation of sundry calumnies, there falsely bruited, and spread among the people.  
The original whereof was written in Spanish, since the authors being in England, who by reason of a ship of those that miscarried of the late Armado, was taken, and there detained prisoner, until his delivery by ransom.  
Now newly translated into English, for the benefit of those (of that nation) that understand not the Spanish tongue.  
Anno, M.D.LXXXIX.   

THE COPY OF A LETTER, LATELY WRITTEN BY A SPANISH GENTLEMAN, TO HIS friend in England: in refutation of sundry calumnies, there falsely bruited, and spread among the people.  
GOOD Sir, and courteous friend, since the time of my late delivery from captivity, I have often called to mind, how desirous I found you, to understand the truth of our intention, though little doubtful of the justness of our cause: but seeing the suspicious jealousy of guilty consciences, permitted not such conversation as accordeth with humane courtesy: and that free speech is there so fatr intolerable, that men are examined by torture, not only of there indifferent words, but even of their very thoughts, and future actions, I wished opportunity to give you satisfaction, but used silence, to avoid your trouble.  
Well, seeing it hath since pleased God, to lend me life, liberty, and means to send unto you (which in so dangerous and watchful a world is most difficile to be found) I could not omit to write at this present, whereby yourself, and such others, as to whom you may with safety communicate it, may be the better satisfied.  
It is to you very apparent, and well known to the whole world, how it hath of late pleased God, to dispose of men's actions, according to his own pleasure: which we will rather accept as a punishment for our sins, then take for a discouragement to our cause. Neither can our enemies therein, receive any occasion to be the more insolent, or to glory, in that they deserve not, sith their valour, never made our enterprise frustrate: themselves confessing, it was not done by the puissance of man, but by the power of God: which they let not to say, may give sufficient proof of their cause: not seeming to remember, how sundry examples can give testimony, of divers attempts misfortuned at the first, that afterwards have succeeded well: And of all others, that that of the children of Israel is the most notable: They being commanded, at two several times, by God himself, to make war against the tribe of Benjamin, 
judic. cap. 20.  were notwithstanding at both those times overthrown, who yet at the last prevailed, to the great foil and confusion of there enemies. And to give you an example nearer home, you may read, 
Polid. Virgil.  how the expedition that julius Caesar made into England, not for that the Britaines had assisted his rebels rob his treasure, or entruded themselves into his dominions: but only for that they had aydid the french, when he made war against them: came at the first to no effect, yet were those Britain's no whit the more assured of security, for the year following he returned again, and got the victory.  
God hath punished us for our sins which are great, but the punishment of our faults, excuseth not your far greater offences, your superiors must well know they have deserved a plague, and their guilty consciences greatly fear to find it, howsoever they struggle and strive against God, as did Nemrode, when with his Giants he builded the tower of Babylon, 
Gene. cap.  thinking there was no other way to overthrow there designments, than a new inundation.  
Vain are those persuasions of theirs, that our losses are irrecoverable, and that there remaineth for us, neither hope nor comfort. Which if it were so, yet are not they freed from deserved vengeance, and that it is not so, a little time can make manifest. Such speeches only argue, that they have made a resolution to run on in all impiety, and to try to the uttermost, whether God's puissance or their ungodly practices can moste prevail: where in they shall well find, that he can many ways confound the wicked, when themselves shall no way prevent it. Mean while, there outward courage is mixed with inward care, and there feigned joy with restless jealousy: who in seeming to fear nothing, are seen to start at their own shadows.  
This intolerable fear is more manifested in your English Government, then in any state else in the whole world: the great impression thereof enforcing them, to all their spying abroad, and inquisitions at home: searchings of houses more at midnight then at noon days, apprehensions, examinations, and such daily exercise, and practise of the rack, 
〈…〉  as never the like was hard of: still finding by experience, that never more labour hath been employed to less purpose, those innocents only able to confess no more, then that which concerneth their own religion and conscience: notwithstanding all which, the remedies remaining (rather to patch up the state of a body so far infected, then to cure an incurable disease) are principally grounded, upon extreme tyranny, and deep dissimulation.  
Their tyranny is chief extended, to the Catholics of your own country, of whom very many before, and sundry since our disaster, they have cruelly executed: and by false lying libels after there deaths, have sought to insinuate that they were of conspiracy with us, 
〈…〉  albeit it pleased God to discover this their great injustice, even in the very execution thereof, for two of that number which were next after condemned to death for treason, condescending through frailty, to recant their religion, were forthwith pardoned, and restored to liberty. Which benefit of life, all the others might aswell and as easily have enjoyed as they, if the grace of God, had not in them been the greater. Which evidently argueth for what cause they were condemned, since recantation from treason, after or afore condemnation to death, I never knew could save a man's life, if himself list.  
Touching their dissimulation, being the ground and substance of their, government, and containing the infinite numbers of deceitful practices, false fictions, and slanderous lies, which aswell in the world abroad, as also at home, they have artificially exercised, in every action, is such a laborinthe to look into, that it would rather require a whole volume, than a brief relation. I will therefore leave the number of those unto such as by long experience, have made better observation than myself: & for brevity only set down, some few notable examples of their untrue speeches, familiar to yourselves, wherewith they have fought to make odious to the people, to calumniate and condemn, such as themselves pleased. By which few you may receive light to look into the others, and to give such credit to the like hereafter, as experience hath proved, the former to deserve.  
It may therefore please yond (among many late rumours of the like condition and quality) to call to remembrance what despiteful pamphlets, and odious reports, were bruited against the late duke of Norfolk, but you may well assure yourself, that never any one man of sense believed, that the said Duke ever intended, to have fired London in four places.  
You have hard of images of wax hidden in the earth, whereof both books and ballets were spread about the country, that this was done by Catholics, to consume the Queen, and some other: for the which cause, one harding a protestant minister of Islington was apprehended, charged that he was a Papist, most cruelly racked, and unjustly condemned to death. And yond have understood afterwards, that one Elkes another protestant, confessed himself to have been the doer there of: yet not to destroy the Queen, but to obtain the love of some Londoners wyf.  
So likewise of that other shameful and ridiculous rumour, raised against sundry honnorable Gentlemen, which being a little to foolishly handled by the accusers at the beginning, 
The like was since b●●ched by M. stafford but t● would not take.  was for very shame in the end, let fall and sink away. Notwithstanding it was most terrible for the time, to hear tell, that the Queen, and the whole Court, should have been blown up with gonnpowder, which was said to be conveyed thither in trunks, and strawed under the rushes.  
An infinite number of such like blazes have been made, among which, the often killing of the Queen, and the sundry plots for the firing of London, are no mean may-games. But how false and feigned soever they were, there turns thereby have been served to such purpose, that it hath extended, even to the losses of the lives and lands, of many of greatest virtue and honour, in the whole Realm, 
Such deuis●● have se●ued to extinguish the Ancient nobil●●.  whose innocencies and unjust sufferings, equity and truth, attend time to discover, how confidently soever in the mean while, untruths are reported: how generally they may happen to be believed, and how dangerous it be for any man in their first advancement, any way to insinuate the contrary. The wiser sort well seeing by experience, whereunto all tendeth, are so sufficiently warned by others harm, that they dare not but seem to say and sooth, whatsoever is agreeable to the humours of their superiors.  
Well knowing that any lie, be it never so absurd, must receive free passage, if so be, it fetch his first original from the Court.  
But to draw to my intended purpose, and to come to that, which concerneth the honour of my own sovereign, the King Catholic of Spain: In those particulars whereupon I know you expect my awnswere, of whose mild and sweet proceed, albeit the whole world hath seen sufficient proof: whose very nature abhorreth rigour, and whose compassionate mind never seeketh revenge: who pardoneth such offences, that to much mercy is rather his fault, then to severe justice: and forgiveth the greatest contempts, that subjects can commit against there sovereigns': yet is he not free from the venomous tongues of stinging vipers, nor exempt from the lying libels of the malicious English. Pardon me good Sir, that I speak of your nation as I have cause, meaning only those that have given the same: the foul mouths of your ministers never spared to rail against his Catholic Majesty, nor no contemptible rascal, to revile him at his pleasure, nothing was more frequent than the defaming of my King, nor nothing omitted that might make him most odious.  
It was made a very clear case, that you should all have been brought under the bondage of strangers. Who had divided your country among them, & allotted to themselves, the lands and livings, of all the nobility and Gentlemen of the Realm: That your wives and daughters should be violated. That we brought irons to mareke your Children under the age of seven years, to the end they might be known, to be come of the people of a Conquered country. And that your Goods should be rob and taken from you, etc.  
To answer all which (since you sometime urged me, when the time nothing served to give you satisfaction) I am now to desire you, first to consider, that the question whether his Catholic Majesty, hath just cause or not, to make war against England, is so clear a case, that no man honest and wise, can in his conscience doubt thereof. And if we look back into former times, we shall find great wars, invasions, and conquests, achieved for far less matters, than the long taking part with his rebels, or a number of other English injuries, that can give sufficient cause unto our King, all which sinister dealings, having been long shadowed, & shrouded under egregious dissimulations, are now lastly broken out, into most open & apparent injustice, in the sight of all the world: and in such foul and shameless manner, as is odious to all honest minds: by filching and stealing of his treasure on the one side, by sneaking, and encroaching, into his towns and countries, on the other side: all after a very vile and theevis he fashion. Having gained by force, no one town they hold, not scarcely defended and kept by valour, such as his majesties forces hath besieged: althonghe by treachery, periuty, 
At Bergues 〈…〉.  and cousinage, they havesomtyme prevented intended exploits.  
The injuries then that his Majesty hath received, being so many, and so manifest, that long since he hath had cause to attempt that, where unto of latter times, he hath been more and more pronoked. It ●esteth to regard, whether this cause be given him, by the superiors or subjects. That it should proceed from the people, noman can deem, that it comes from the prince, noman can deny. Whether the revenge of the faults of a few, should generally extend to the utter ruin, & subversion of a whole nation, no reason can prove: neither hath such revenge been always common to pagans and infidels, much less once meant by a Christian king, and most clement prince. Look whether his proceed have been tyrannous, toward any of his own subjects: and whether ever any have entered into more outrageous rebellions, than those of the low countries, who after there long misdemeamour, did at the length even utterly renounce & abjure him: received the Duke of Alencon of france, invested him into the Duchy of Brabant, and swore unto him obedience. All which actions of theirs, having had such success, as commonly ensueth the equity of such causes: and many of their cities, since reduced unto his majesties obedience, no one man of them all, hath for any his former offences been executed.  
Truth it is, that the Duke of Alva, did heretofore use some severity towards them, yet not other than they had deserved, and for one executed by him, your justice of England would have hanged an hundredth, if the like case had been theirs. But notwithstanding that this was done, by due and lawful justice, yet was it so far disagreeable to his majesties mind, that the said Duke being called into Spain: of all the Governors which since that time have been sent thither, no one, nor they all, have used any thing like, the like severity: albeit there offences since, 
There chiefest cause of rebellion was for heresy, which no ●ne of their privileges allowed.  have so far exceeded there faults afore, as the taking of arms (in defence of their privileges, as they then untruly spoke) is different from the denying there sovereign, & electing another. Yet such grace and favour do they find, even at this day, that yielding themselves, and their cities under his obedience: they are not only absolutely pardoned, 
As those of S. Ger●●●enbreg, etc.  but which is more marvelous, they are with great sums of money richly rewarded. And such subjects of his, that as rebels do yet remain out unpardoned, are themselves the cause thereof, because they seek it not.  
It is further to be considered, that there is no King in Europe, that hath more different nations, of more divers lands & languages to his subjects, than his Majesty hath. The entire Monarchy of Spain, containing sundry kingdoms, is governed in one most flourishing and peaceable estate, and the Province of Portugal, newly annexed there unto, remaineth in more better condition, than it was in other times afore. The nobility thereof, notwithstanding some resistance at the first, after that they had maturely considered the cause, together with his majesties merciful disposition, & left of to prefer the pretence of Don Anthonio: were not only received into his great grace and favour, and confirmed in their own ancient possessions, but were further gratified by his Majesty, with sundry great honours and dignities. And the common people eftsoons released of many great taxes and tributes, that their former princes had imposed upon them.  
He hath of Italians, those of the Kingdoms of Napl●s and Sicilia, the duchy of Milan, and of divers Isles of the Mediterraneum sea.  
He hath Germans, of the Duchy of Luxembourge: And Burgundians, of the higher province: being all governed in great quiet, and far better estate, than ever under any other, their former Princes. Having found no conquest, thraldom, mutation, or inconvenience whatsoever to avoid them but fully enjoy the comforts and commodities of their countries, under the obedience of such a sovereign, as hath more better might & means to defend them, than any Prince his people in the world, most free and far from any likelihood of rebellion. In which same obedience, his subjects of the Netherlandes, had doubtless long lived, had they not been situate so near the noisome infection of their English neighbours, whose pernicious venom, hath not only annoyed them, but also Fra●●●ce, and Scotland, the next inhabitants on the ●ther sides: And whose malice so exceedeth, were th●r● means according, that they would not leave, neither Europe nor India, free from such infection.  
And for a further proof, of his majesties mild nature, and 〈◊〉 benignity, I shall desire you to con●●der, that there is nothing that can possibly, more move and stir up the indignation of a Prince, than the open disloyal and repugnant insolency, of his own people. And that no subjects in our days, have exceeded his, all the world will witness. Notwithstanding all which, look whether any bloody, cruel, or unchristian desire of revenge, hath apeered in him, and look whether it be possible that more lenity might be showed unto such, than his Majesty hath done. The truth whereof, being so apparent, plain & manifest, I leave unto your own self in conscience to discern whether these examples of his majesties proceed, will not sufficiently awnswere, unto all the calumnies and lies, that his adversaries can possibly invent to make him odious. Look whether after such a general revolt wherein so many had so justly deserved to lose both their lives, & livings, whether their lands are divided to strangers, there wives violated, their Children marked with hot Irons, there goods rob and taken from them, etc. Or rather, whether they do not live in all security and quiet possession of their own. And if by reason of the restraint of their traffic they are not presently in their former abundance, they may wholly impute that unto you, being the only cause thereof. But of the like compassion had of a Prince on his people, yond cannot show any examples passed or present, in the whole world.  
This Sweet and gracious disposition of his Majesty, being so public, & notorious, how is it possible, that ever such vnchristi● cruelty, could more be intended to the English nation, then to any others: or that any man offence can imagine, why he should more hate them, than any his own treacherous and rebellious subjects. His great wisdom well seeing, and observing, that the original of this rancour, principally proceedeth from some few in present authority, whose ungracious designs are executed by persons, neither of honour, nor honesty. And others of the vulgar sort of people, who with applause of their superiors, concur in these courses: he can well discern, rather to do it of little discretion, then of great malice: themselves not being of capacity, to consider the equity, or justness of the cause. And his Majesty especially considereth, that great multitudes, are over borne, by the impious tyranny, of powrable persons, ontwardly to condescend to that, which inwardly they contemn: sustaining contrary to the nature of so noble a Nation, the general reproach of particular men's dishonourable actions: whose case doubtless, he doth rather pity, then desire to punish.  
All the world knoweth that his Majesty hath ever had a most singular affection to the English people, and yourselves by experience have perfectly found it. There could never king condescend to conditions more honourable & profitable for you, than his Majesty did at his being in England. I suppose monsieur of france, in his late mock marriage, never offered you the like. His majesties actions were without dissimulation, as the consequence well declared, for being married to your Queen, and proclaimed King, yet sought not to settle himself in the Crown: nor to possess any ports, towns, or castles, in the whole country. But after the decease, of the most virtuous Queen Marry his wife, gave place and quiet entrance unto the Lady Elizabeth. Giving also unto her, all his said wives jewels, which himself might justly have claimed and kept. And presently after her coming to the crown, he then being upon conditions to conclude a peace with the french king, upon the taking of S. Quintines, did most earnestly stick, at the rendringe of the town of Calis, to the English again: she having at that present her ambassadors there, and as it seemed, for the same purpose, but after his Majesty had so earnestly urged this matter, that unless it might be granted there could be no accord the french then flatly confessed, that notwithstanding the English ontwardly solicited for Calis: yet they had secretly assured them, that their Queen cared not therefore: which his Majesty afterward found so in deed, and perceived the fraud, that it imported. But to leave these devices, to other like double dealings, let us return to the time, when our King remained with you in England: and see with what affable courtesy he entreated you, what great liberality he used to all sorts in general, and what honourable pensions he gave to all your Noble men in particular, with infinite other favours: among all which, the saving of this woman's life, who being committed, and in case to be condemned, not for religion, for she had and hard Mass, 
First with 〈◊〉.  pretending to be Catholic: 
After with others, as the letters found 〈◊〉 her testified.  but for conspiring of treason, and rebellion, against her sovereign, and sister: was● benefit (as it seemeth) not best bestowed, b●●ause it hath been worst requited, sundry other signs of his most affectionate favour, hath he showed to your nation: and of all others the greatest is, that he hath had so long patience, to revenge so many injuries, as from thence he hath received, Notwithstanding all those, he hath ever contyn●ued his princely, benignity, never hurting nor hating, the good for the evil, but relieving numbers with very large entretainements, who having abandoned, the commodities of their country, for their conscience, and religion, have 〈◊〉 themselves to live in his dominions. Yea his bounty and benevolence, in very mere gifts, and liberalities, to sundry nations in general, are so great: that he freely giveth away by the year, more than the Queen of England can yearly dispend. What should I be tedious to stand upon those points, that his enemies intent, to have been his intention: or the terms of tyranny, that every hedge minister, can amplyfy against us.  
That you should all have been brought under the bondage of strangers, who had made division of your lands and livings among themselves, as though all Spain, and Portugal, the Indies, east and west, Italy, and the low Countries, yea almost half the world, were so pestered with people: that there were no habitation left for us, but that we must needs by danger of sea and land, seek to take it from you perforce: whereas you may well know, there hath no necessity constrained us, to abandon our lands, and livings, in our own natural and ample country of Spain, which we prefer before any septentrional region. And albeit we were enforced to change our residence, yet can we make choice of many places, as fruitful and pleasant as England is, and obtain them, with far less difficulty. It may be, that this persuasion of danger to lose there lands, hath moved sundry of your gentlemen of late days, to sell away theirs, and to purchase more assured credit, have set themselves forward in great bravery, to be seen in your service, for the which I doubt not, but they have been rewarded▪ with kind courtly countenances: and are in possibility, so soon as occasion shall require, 
Protections are the best rewards that they are to expect.  with easy suit (for there full recompense) to obtain protections, that no officer shall arrest them, when they shall have less money than land.  
Your impudent ministers, whose mouths are made the trumpets, to sound out untruths: can tell you as confidently, as had they been of the Kings counsel, into what great bondage you should have been brought, and how-much you liberty, should have been abridged. Marvel not that these companions, call your reformation a conquest: and condemn the most Clement King of the world, of intended cruelty it behoveth them most, to speak in this matter, and to exercise to the uttermost, the loudness of their lying, because it concerneth aswell their own benefit, as those from whom they receive their instructions, perhaps in deed, the large liberty that they take to themselves had been somewhat abridged, & many a Royal and Noble sermon left unmade, 
The ordinary prices of sermons.  wherewith these wedded priests of Baal, do maintain their women, and new generation.  
This bondage seemeth to be the more grievous, because it is said to be under strangers: would to God there were less difference, between Christian and Christian, and more discord, between English, 
The rebels 〈…〉 Flaunders.  and Turk, you have not had so few, as thirty thousand strangers among you, more than twenty years together, and therefore you might the better bear, a smaller number.  
That your wives and daughters should be deflowered, is a matter, that more men than ministers cannot brook, and yet seldom among soldiers not guided by good discipline, this plague in particular is incident, but hereunto can I tell you, that your liberty of the late Gospel hath provided a more sufficient remedy, to avoid this inconvenience, than any other: insomuch that such of the soldiers themselves, as were so ill disposed, could tell, that they should find harlots more then enough, already provided.  
Those tirrible tales, that we brought Irons wherewith to mark your Children, under the age of seven years, to the end they might be known, to be the race of a conquered nation, do doubtless sound moste lamentably: but to comfort you herein, thus much may I say, that albeit a man do utterly refuse to believe them, I dare warrant him, he shall never be damned, for that incredulity: but by the way I could wish you to note, that if they did not think they had framed the people to believe what they list they would never feed them with such palpable untruths, and if therefore you shall think them, to have as little honesty, as they think you to have wit, you shall do them no injury at all.  
That your goods should be rob and taken from you, you need not greatly fear, for it seemeth that now of late, more than heretofore, her majesties collectors and receivers, have taken such order to take it from you, to save it from us: that they have sent it out of England to Zealand, and other places over the seas, wherefore you needed not fear this misery: but rather have hoped, that Spanish pistolets, should have been more common and currant in England, then ever they were afore. To the other ridiculous, and frivolous forgeries, that we brought halters to hang you, and whips to whip you, I can say little, other than that I am very sorry, that in all this ample provision, we forgot to bring whetstones to give to those that told you this, and babbles for such as did believe them.  
But to leave all such absurd lies, to the wisdoms of the creditors, it is more necessary to see whereunto they served, & whether their further meaning, may thereby be made manifest. The truth is, and easily it doth appear, that they were not only invented, to make them most odious, that meant you least evil: but also to blind and blear, the eyes of the people, by putting into there heads, the fears of future miseries, to the end they should the less behold, there own present calamities, and those that by their improvident practices are sure to ensue, albeit they never had need to fear any foreign enemy: but to lead drive and dispose of you, as of brute beasts, without souls, sense, or understanding: where & to what, themselves like and allow, ever providing to keep you in ignorance, and principally of that, which most concerneth your own common welfare: as among others it plainly appeareth, in the prohibiting under great pain, & devising of oaths of association, that none may once move, or call in question to know, who is to succeed their Queen, after her death: as though it were treason to say she should die, or an insufferable crime to know that, whereof they might receive comfort, of continuing their own quiet, after her decease. And as though they desired all felicity to end with them, not caring what confusion, civil dissension, and bloudshedd, might afterward fall among the English, by the English themselves. A resolution doubtless moste indurable, and unchristian: unnatural is that father, that through inordinate avarice, leaveth his family to fall to all discord and dissension. But impious is that prince, that in preserving disordered pleasure, leaveth the people in such possibility to be killed, in the confusion of so many competitors.  
But let us look into less matters than these, and see whether they deny not, the very privileges of reasonable creatures, prohibiting by public commandment, that none may once ask or inquire, how things do ordinarily pass in the world abroad. Neither to demand, hear, read, or write, any news of any matter whatsoever, be it true or untrue: yea scarcely of that, which toucheth men's private negotiations. The only restraining of which free speech, is of itself a very evident and sufficient sign, of a Tyrannous estate, and a markable suspicion, of sinister dealing. By this bridle you are rained and brought, to all beastly & slavish servitude, without any knowledge or consideration, either of reason, cause, or conscience, of that wherein both your bodies and souls are employed: and somuch of your substancontributed, which to the menaginge of these unjust quarrels have been so great and so grievous, that it hath exceeded all the former subsidies and exactions, that any seven of your prince's predecessors, have had of their subjects, to make their lawful wars. You pay, what they please to demand, you bear what they list to lay upon you, you are made to say and sooth, to whatsoever they will, be it never so false, fond, and unlikely: you are pressed, compelled, unpaied, clapped under hatches, and carried you know not where, nor to what end, & when such of you as are left alive, do return home again (if not carried sick through the streets of London by whole cart loads, in the Lord of Leicester his Trophy) you see how you are rewarded, and how your credit and condition is increased, by that it was afore.  
You are cut of from all trade and traffic, with the most rich, and opulent countries about you, retaining no hope of any outward commodity, other than can be gotten by robbery and piracy. The prosperity whereof you find such, that you see yourselves no whit thereby disburdened, of any your increasing subsidies, and exactions.  
This great misery and daily desolation, doth more and more make, your Gentlemen bare, and your Merchants banckrupte, it consumeth the Commons, and continually wasteth the wealth of the Realm: As wisemen do see, though they dare not say it, and all men do find, though they do not see it. It would exceed the compass of a letter, to lay open unto you every important affliction, but that shall not need, for experience will teach you to discern them, each day more than other, and you shall further feel the smart, before you find the remedy.  
woe worth the causers of your calamities, who for their own private ambitious desire to rule, have run on, in all desperate and dangerous attempts whatsoever: and have lastly by violence, drawn upon their own heads, that which neither themselves, nor the whole Realm can uphold.  
Where are now those infallible grounds, that your great Machiavelist, laid down at the beginning, when he so boldly presumed to alter religion, and to begin his new Gospel, with an extraordinary government, whose resolutions to continue the Republic, were according to the direction of the unholy Ghost, in the determining of religion.  
The first was, to establish their estate, by maintaining rebellions of the subjects of France, Flaunders, and scotland.  
That failing, the second was, by the credit that they had in the low Countries, to give and transpose part thereof to the french: and thereby to kindle a war, between the two houses, of france and Spain.  
This failing, then to join with, and to give ports and succours, to all pirates, to vex and annoy the said two houses, if they should join.  
And lastly, these all failing, there was one remedy left to redress all again: which was, by the new singing, of an old mangy Mass: so vilely it pleased him to term the most blessed Sacrifice of the Church, where by the way, you have here to note the religion of an Atheist.  
I am enforced for brevity, to lay down unto you, when, where, and in what manner, these plots have been put in practise: neither shall I now greatly need to stand thereon, for to the wonder of the world, the annoyance of their neighbours, the ignominy of themselves, and the imminent danger of the whole Realm, the three former (perhaps corrected, & augmented, by the author) have been very orderly effectuated, the last remedy only remaining.  
All which plots and practices, time & truth, having overworn and discovered: you are now to consider, what benefits they have brought unto you. And therefore look into what state and condition you are now left, and to what hope and possibility you are delivered: see first, whether themselves, in their hoary hears, are not full of fear and perplexity, whether the people be not generally in poverty and decay, 
The English practic 〈◊〉 Tur●kes & other infid●●s against Christendom.  and the Realm in restless tourmoile and trouble: And being abandoned of all exterior comfort, whether any one powrable Christian prince, knowing your cause, doth compassionate your case, and lastly look, whether you are not left to retire, to turks, moors, and Barbarians, for secure.  
The Kingdoms of Scotland, Denmarcke, Swethen, and sundry states of Germany, that maintain opinions, contrary to the Catholic ●aith, from the which they are fallen, and in the which, the most part of Christendom doth remain: are not in any such fear: either of foreign or domestical dangers. They make not such ordinary exclamations, and false alarms, of treason and treachery, neither do they thereupon, Tyrannously practise to cut of, and kill, whom they please: for albeit that they are almost as far infected, with as foul heresies, yet have they much more moral honesty: their heresy having only hurt themselves, and they not seeking the hurt of others. They have not supported the rebellions of other subjects against their sovereigns, neither have they practised with Pagans or turks: 
They made fires and feasts for joy upon the murder of the Queen of Scotland.  they have quartered no priests, nor Murdered no Queens, nor made triumphs of joy & victory, upon the committing of most monstrous injustice, neither by any other public barbarous villainies, brought themselves in such dread and distress.  
And that it may more better appear unto you, how your dealings, are liked and allowed, of other protestant princes: it is not impertinent to my purpose, to give you one example. At such time as it was bruited abroad, that your. Queen had resolved to intrude herself into his majesties dominions, a merchant of the low Countries, arriving at Stockholme, was demanded of the King of Swethen, whether it were true that the Queen, of England had put herself in possession of any the King of Spain his countries, or towns there, yea quoth he it is true: Then quoth the King, she hath even staked down her own crown, and stands in fair possibility, to be put out of all. Methinks yourself, or any indifferent English protestant, whose zeal doth not overbear his discretion, may much marvel, that England so much and so many ways seeming to be troubled, is so little pitied of other people in the world abroad. And being governed by a woman, your case must be the more capable of pity, seeing men naturally are given, to compassionate that sex. But alas my good friend, you may see these false faces dismasked long since, and all the world, to be aswell acquainted with English clamours, as is the fisher of Nilus, with the tears of the Crocodile. Neither can any of those vain, false, & lying libels, that from thence are spread abroad, any whit now a days serve your turns, other then to nuzzle up those, that you can keep from seeing or hearing the contrary, for how cunningly soever the coloured words therein are contrived, men make your actions the commentaries.  
In the durance of your expired years, your prince enjoyed the fullness of her pleasure, and her favorytes their uncontrolled authority, then advancing their felicity, and using all benefits of time: after all which, you now rest doubtful, whether your play will conclude, as a comedy, or tragedy: the truth of all felicity being tried at the last, and no assured happiness afore the end.  
When I enter into consideration, of the present state of your country, I call to remembrance, that at my being at Salamanca, some five years paste, an English Gentleman showed me, the work of an old English poet, being the most renowned, that ever wrote in the English tongue: in the beginning whereof were certain verses, which in manner of a prophecy, so perfectly described then, the future state of England, that at this day, it is the very lively portrait thereof ad vivum. I requested of him the sense in Spanish, and the meeter in English, which is thus.  

When faith faileth, in priests saws,  
And lords hests, are held for laws,  
And robbery is reckoned purchase,  
And lechery is counted solace:  
Then shall the land of Albion,  
Be brought to great confusion.   
Although I have hard, that by the new laws of England, it is made a trespass, no less than treason, to talk of old prophecies: yet have I presumed to repeat these English rhymes, because they are common to be red, in public printed books among yourselves. That the author had the spirit of prophecy I will not say, but how this accordeth with the present time, yourself shall see.  
First touching the failing of the faith, it is manifest that he meant no other, than the faith Catholic, which had so long lasted, & so universally been believed: and was there then preached & taught by priests, for ministers at that time were unmade and created: which faith is now failed in those apostates, from whence your ministers fetch their original: divers of them being yet living, that sometime said Mass in the Catholic Church, and do now say communion in the protestant congregation. The effect of which great defect of faith, hath in a short season so sufficiently appeared, not only in the increasing companies, of many sorts of protestants, puritanes, anabaptists, and loving families, but even in the bringing forth of sundry such monsters, as dare boldly deny our saviour Christ himself: 
As Ham●● Lewis Cole. Kett, etc.  whereby you may see, that forsaking the faith that contemned all heresy, you have embraced a doctrine, that containeth all blasphemy.  
Every man in his own particular experience, hath had such infinite examples, of your notable corruption of English justice, that he seeth, it is better to have a bad cause, supported by the favour of the court, than a good cause, without the credit of a courtier: The authority of those lords, having of late days extended so far, 
Extreme violating of justice.  as to the discharging of such out of prison, as have lain upon executions, leaving their creditors unsatisfied. Such was the sovereign puissance, of the late Lord of Leicester, 
D. julio, etc.  that he could not only extinguish his own manifest murders, and open injustice, but his lordships will was a law sufficient, 
Those that had indebted themselves by his service of Holland he rewarded afterwards with protections.  to defend the faults of others: and his great plenty of protections, of more force than virtue. Money, might, and favour, do so sway the justice of England, and so alter the condition of every case, that more wilful murders, capital felonies, and criminal offences are now pardoned, then ever afore. 
The judge can tell, the ●ury whether the Queen will have the accused found guilty or not.  There are none that can live, whom they list to kill: nor none can offend, whom they please to favour. Truth it is, that there is nothing punished more than virtue, nor nothing permitted more than vice. There is no blasphemy comparable to the denial of feminine supremacy, nor no offence against God, so grievously punished. There is no death so terrible, as that which is ordained for devoutest Christians, nor nothing more offensive, than the faith of their forefathers: who if they were alive and Catholics, their children would condemn, and quarter for traitors.  
According to your good Religion, and well ordered laws, the rest of your actions, do rightly concur: and your open allowance of rapine and robbery, doth manifest to the world, that you have made a resignation of all honour, and abandoned all honesty: not caring what the whole world present, not all posterities to come, shall account of your actions: the blot & blemish thereof, being so reproachful, that England sometime so famous, for virtue and justice, is now esteemed a receptacle for pirates, 
The greater part of the nations maritines in all Europe, have 〈◊〉 ●obbed by the English.  and a den of thieves. And those little companions, that are there daily hanged for trifles, being such (for the most part) as your selves have rob first, by employing them in your service, without giving them their pays, wherein having consumed their own substance, are afterward enforced to steal, for the very maintenance of life: Are not hanged somuch for the fact, as for the manner of committing it, for if they did it, in any place out of England, were it never so far westward, nor never somuch in value, it should be reckoned very right and lawful purchase. And they should be so far from the danger of hanging, that they should be rewarded with the dignity of knighthood. 
As Sir Francis Drake, etc.   
Touching the sin of Lechery, I can little say, other then by hear say. And that is, it was never more common in the country, nor of more credit in the court: no, not before the enlarging of Kenelmworthe castle, nor in the erecting of Haumbey house nor during the time of the setting up of all the edifices, situate upon the like foundation: as it hath been since the very finishing, of Rauleghs arkly.  
Thus you may see, how Faith is failed, Robbery allowed, and Lechery most delighted in. The confusion to follow, is now next to be expected: but by whom, when, and in what manner, resteth in the divine disposition, of almighty God, whose justice, no earthly power (much less any English policy) can possibly resist.  
Time worketh alteration in all things, and in this world there is nothing, that is not subject to change: all estates increase, diminish, are tossed, turned, fall, and are destroyed. Which consisteth not, as Plato the heathen Philosopher saith, in the circuit and limits of a certain Period: but in the pleasure, of the Celestial Sovereign. Those having their being moste assured, and durable, that are founded on religion, and justice.  
All plants saith our saviour, that my heavenly father hath not planted, shallbe plucked up by the roots. All temporal governments throughout the world, notwithstanding all worldly wit, power, and practices, whatsoever: have and do daily, so alter and change, that few or none can be found, to have continued any long course of time, in one order and rule. Only the Catholic Church of Christ, depending upon the direction of the holy Ghost, hath still remained in one same faith and visible Monarchy, almost sixteen hundredth years. During which time, divers kingdoms have been diversly transposed upside down: and those only found to be least subject to mutation, that most have been directed by the governors of that Church.  
The aforesaid philosopher saith further, that Republics are never happy, but when princes are lovers of wisdom, or lovers of wisdom do rule: 
S●p. 6.  but Solomon speaking by a mouth more divine, exhorteth princes to search (true) wisdom, to the end, they may reign justly in earth, and eternally in heaven. Would to God, the resolution of your rulers, had been laid upon these grounds, than had the most worthy for wisdom and virtue, been preferred, and none for vice, and villainy, advanced to chiefest authority. Then had not his late excelsi obtained the greatest rule of all, 
His excelent●e alias Le●●●er.  because of all others, he kept the greatest ill rule himself: then had they never upholden there unstable estate, by the only annoyance of their neighbours, nor by their great injustice, drawn so many dangers, together at the last. Then had the beginning been Godly, the continuance quiet, and the end happy.  
The Realm of England, hath in other times, been as often subject to change, as other countries in the world: but more commonly carrying therewith, the blood of the best nobility: what great effusion of blood, ensued the coronarion of King Henry the fourth, at what time, the division of the two houses of Yorcke, 
Phil. de Co●●es.  and Lancaster, began: which lasted the lives and reigns, of three Kings following, and was not wholly extinct, until the time of King Henry the seventh. During which time, there died in divers battles, skirmishes, and executions, four score, of the blood Royal: and the very flower of the Nobility of England, with infinite other valiant personages, besides sundry Lords and gentlemen, consumed in prisons at home, or enforced abroad in banishment, miserably to end the rest of their days. In this great confusion, each party as they prevailed, condemned the other for traitors: that in the end, all the whole nobility and people, were on the one and the other side, so taken and used. Since which time, even of late, in our own age and memory, we have seen sundry changes: among all which, our Lord dealt most mercifully, when most danger was feared: at what time, john Dudley Duke of Northumberlaend, having married the Lady jane to one of his sons, and proclaimed them King and Queen, thereby to exclude and cut of the right of Queen Mary, and pretence of Elizabeth, it pleased the divine providence so to dispose, that without battle or bloodshed of the people, the punishment only extended, to the principal parties, and some few accessaries themselves,  
Thus may sundry examples of your own changes show you, that alterations are no new things: but that they are both common and general. Neither can any be so senseless (although such great iniquity had never been committed) as to think your estate were ever stable, or that no new government, did not ever bring at the least, the change of many men's particular estates.  
But the case being now such as it is, that his Catholic Majesty, is not only highly injuried, and continually urged: but the whole repose and quiet of Christendom so disturbed, that either his Majesty or some other prince, must of force seek the reformation of your country: not for any particular commodity, but for a general good. Whereunto in truth, his Majesty is especially more obligated, than any other: insomuch, that if there were no cause at all of religion to move him, yet in regard of the common injuries, daily done unto him, he is even bound in right, reason, and justice, to do it: & that if neither he, nor any other should attempt the same, you are notwithstanding assured of civil dissension, no heir to the Crown apparently known, and so many competitiours, to make claim at once, and the wrath & indignation of God, for so great impiety, by one means or other to be satisfied: I cannot see whether the plague of civil war, will be easier, than the inconvenience of foreign invasion: neither can I see, how you can avoid the least of them both. Neither do you desire with David, rather to fall into the hands of God, then into the hands of men, but persist in the augmentation, of your wonted wickedness.  
It may sometimes please God of his great mercy, to spare a whole city, for a few just persons therein. And the only hope that remaineth, for the easy reclayminge of your country, is the blood of so many martens, there powered out: which being so precious in his sight, may be the mean so to mitigate his high indignation, that the innocent shall not be confounded with the impious, but rather, that many multitudes by there means may be saved.  
It may also stand with his great goodness, to make his Catholic Majesty the mean, for the recovery thereof, not to conquer, or make mutation, of ancient laws and liberties, which he never intended: but only to reduce it, to the old concord and communion of christendom. This doubtless would be the happiest, & easiest means of all other: the heroical endeavours of his Majesty considered: whose proceed in all mercy, mildness and grace, lie open to the view, of heaven and earth, neither needeth the tongue or pen of any man, declare them: except only, to manifest the malice of his adversaries, unto those whom they so impudently abuse. His Majesty also much relying (among others of greatest wisdom and virtue of your own nation) upon the grave counsel and advise, of the Cardinal of England, whose exceeding care and natural affection, to his dear country, is awnswerable to his great virtue, wisdom, & learning. You are not here to regard, the railings of those, that account his grace and all the other exiled english, traitors, & enemies, to their country: falsely saying, that they have sold it, to the Pope and King of Spain: as though it were possible, that so great impiety, could remain among so many, so virtuous, so wise, so learned, so honourable, and so united in consanguinity, throughout the whole country: that your Cardinal (as I am well informed) is of kin and alliance, almost unto all the Gentlemen, of the county of Lancaster. And the other Gentlemen linked in like sort, well-nigh unto all the honourable and worshipful families, in every other province, being bound by the very laws of nature, to the love of their country and kindred, if no cause of religion, or reason else did move them. And as though your superiors own, notorious unjust actions, did not more vehemently urge revenge, or hasten reformation, than any persuasion else, that possibly might be made.  
Those of your nation that now live in exile, retaining the true love, and affection, that Christians ought to carry to their country, preferring the soul before the body, do first desire the conversion of there dear countrymen, kindred, & friends, from a confused chaos of heresies, to the one only Catholic & Apostolic faith. next, the ancient tranquillity, and quiet accord thereof, with other Christian countries. And to manifest this their true and sincere affection they are most ready, and willing, to adventure the loss of there own lives. Whereas those that unjustly accuse them, could be content, so that their present authority might continue, to suffer your souls in all abominable heresies, to come to utter damnation, and to leave you in conclusion, to cut the one the others throat, and so to lie open to the rapine and spoil, of so-many, as by their means you have offended. These of all others, be the the greatest enemies to your common wealth, odious to God, and man, and traitors not only to one prince, and country, but to Christ, and all Christendom, and have cause to consider this sentence of the sacred scripture, Regnum a gente in gentem transfertur, propter iniustitias, & iniurias, 
Eccles. 10.  & contumelias, & diversos dolos. that is, A Kingdom is transferred from one people to another, because of injustice, of injuries, and contumelies, and divers deceits. These now finding no further refuge, or assured succour, of Turck, traitor, heretic, or Barbarian: do labour to put you, in all fear, of extreme danger and detriment, intended against you: meaning if the worst fall, to make your bodies the Bulwarckes, wherewith themselves willbe defended: so that you should feel the smart, howsoever they shift with the shame. Which harm in deed may happen, to the more wilful & unadvised, whereas those that be of better consideration, may find the mean of there own safety, and assurance, to rest in themselves, by embracing those remedies, that it shall please God of his great goodness, in such cases to provide. Unto whose divine wisdom, & determination, all must ever be referred, and unto whose holy protection, I commend yourself:  
Wishing unto all your countrymen, the due consideration of their case, and the best avoidance of their calamity, from Calis this of may, 1589. Your unfeigned friend whose heart and hand shall never cease to do you service. I. B.  
AFTER that I had finished this my letter, understanding that through default of wind, together with some difficulty that the messenger put, about his more safe and speedy passage: he was not like to depart so soon, as himself had promised, and I expected, I therefore detained this letter, some days in my hands unsealed, attending such opportunity, as might nearest concur to our desires.  
In the mean season, I understood by letters from Rouen, that the great and extraordinary english fleet, furnished at the charges of so many, who either of force, or favour, had strained themselves to serve, 
〈…〉.  they knew not well whom, where, nor when: yet now, after long delay, great counsel, and correspondence of friends, they were departed, from the west part of England, about the first of May, stilo novo: under the conduct (by sea) of the glorious & famous man Sir, Francis Drake, who a little before, had promised the Queen his mistress, to bring the King of Spain to very great poverty, and misery. And the charge of service by land, was committed to Sir john Noris, whose experience, the english were wont greatly to magnify. The rest of their Captains, and soldiers, were the best that they had: having retired the principal of those, from those parts of the low countries, which they presently possess.  
Very shortly after, I understood by other letters, from the afore said place, and the same party. That the English were arrived, not very far from St. james in Galitia. Perhaps with some intention in their way, to have visited that place, of especial devotion, to the riches and ornaments there. Where albeit, that very many strangers, from all parts of Europe: according to an old custom of christians, do continually come on pilgrimage. And that unto such, the inhabitants thereabouts do freely give leave, and relief: Yet they now seeing the English to approach, in a manner much different from other pilgrims, have accordingly given them a far other kind of entertainment, insomuch (that as my friend writeth) those that lately so arrogantly boasted, of some detriment of ours: which all the world knoweth, came not through english power or puissance, but by the very winds, and seas, which it pleased God to permit to our punishment: Have now received such a check, for that insolency, that they may see ourselves are made the instruments, by our own arms, to chastise them. Touching the manner and particularities, I cannot at this present fully certify you. Those yourself may there, better understand, if you have any secret friend in court, otherwise you shall hardly come by the certainty, for I fear it willbe made treason to talk thereof, among the common sort of men.  
If you can come by the names of those men of mark: number of soldiers, ships, and artillery, that you have lost: I pray you use some means, to send them over, because I would gladly see, how our advises shall differ. The author of the late pamphlet, printed at London in English, & french, and entitled. The copy of a letter sent from England to done Bernardine de Mendoza, Ambassador in France for the King of Spain, no doubt, if he will take the pains, can very well pen it to the print, because I know, he will carry a great care, about the putting down of every particular.  
And whereas in the beginning of that letter, the author seemeth to be very sad and sorrowful: 
A counterfeit Catholic.  after so late, and long expected comfort, to have an occasion to signify the lamentable loss, and utter dissolution, of all hope. Now I can assure him, he may make a piece of amends, in sending over at this time such good news, as can somewhat countervail the former ill: And if it shall please him to make an estimate, of the one & the others losses, to see who hath sustained the greater: he must also set down some reasons, to show which of both is best able to bear it, & the most like, soonest to recover it: for by these considerations, a man shall surest come to the certainty. Thus good Sir, understanding of this bearers present occasion to depart, who now attendeth the closing up of my letter, I am enforced here to conclude. Once more committing you to God, & wishing you most heartily well to far. june 1589.