APOTHEGMS, that is to say, prompt, quick, witty and sententious sayings, of certain Emperors, Kings, Captains, philosophers and Orators, aswell Greeks, as Romans, both very pleasant & profitable to read, partly for all manner of persons, & especially Gentlemen. First gathered and compiled in Latin by the right famous clerk Master Erasmus of Roterodame. And now translated into english by Nicolas Udall.  
Excusum typis Ricardi Grafton. 1542.  
Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.   

NICOLAS UDALL UNTO the gentle and honest hearted readers well to far.  
FOrasmucheas the autour self in his preface here ensuing doth at large declare the nature, the purpose, and the use of Apothegms, to make of the same matter double inculcation should be (as me seemeth) both on my part and behalf a thing superfluous, and also a tedious dulling to the reader. It shall therefore at this present time be sufficient to admonish you gentle readers, that of the whole work of Apothegms by the right excellent clerk Erasmus: for the most pleasant and the same most honest, profitable, & wholesome reading of allmaner persons, & in especial of noble men collected and digested into eight volumes, I have thought better with two of the eight to minister unto you a taste of this both delectable and fruitful recreation, then by suppressing it until the whole work might be perfectly absolved and finished, to defraud you of so many goodly histories, so many high points of counsel, so many notable precepts of wisdom, so great a number of philosophical lessons, such unestimable treasure of moral doctrine, as may of this little portion in the mean time with small labour & incomparable delight, counforte and solace of mind, be perceived, gathered, and acquired. And although upon considerations, (at a more propice time hereafter by god's grace to be declared) I have been so bold with mine autour, as to make the first book & second, which he maketh third and fourth● Yet in these two present volumes which ye see here set forth, I have laboured to discharge the duty of a translator, that is, keeping and following the sense of my book, to interpret and turn the Latin into english with as much grace of our vulgar tongue, as in my slender power and acknowledge hath lain: not omitting ne leatting pass, either any one of all the Apothegms as they stand in order (except two or three at the most being of such sort as honesty persuaded me, to be better passed over, then rehearsed or spoken of,) orel● any Greek or Latin verse or word, whereof the pith and grace of the saying dependeth. Wherein I desire the unlearned readers not to be offended for that I have in many places intermised Greek and Latin with the english. For in●●l things that I have already heretofore or hereafter shall set forth, I ha●e an especial regard unto young scholar's and students, unto whom it is not possible to be expressed, what great utility, benefit & acknowledge doth redound of conferring one strange language with an other. Neither is it to be doubted, but that such as are towards the disciplines of good literature in diverse tongues, may of such doings as this, pieke out a● much utility and furtherance of their studies, as the unlearned shall take pleasure, and fruit of the english for their use. Whoso careth not for the La●ine may pass it over and satisfy himself with the english. Who passeth not on the Greek, may semblably pass it over, and make as though he see none such. There is in this behalf no man's labour lo●t but mine, and ye● not that all lost neither, if my good zeal & honest intent to do good to all sorts, be in good part interpreted and accepted. Let the unlearned readers somewhat bear with young students, as the learned must and will do with them. For as the one part may think it much superfluous to find Latin and Greek in an english book, so the learned have no need of certain annotations (which I have in places not a few inconvenience, partly to supply & redubbe that wanteth of the whole work, and partly to give necessary light to the Greek and Roman histories) of which annotations even he peradventure shall find ease, which will find fault with the admixtion of Greek and Latin & will avouch the same confused meddling of sundry tongues rather to contain some spice of ostentation & brag of the painted sheath, than any argument or proof of erudition. To all whom would Christ I could persuade (as truth it is) that I seek nothing less than such shadow of unstable glory, & that my only will and desire is to further honest acknowledge, and to call (away the studious youth in especial) from having delight in reading fantastical trifles, (which contain in manner nothing but the seminary of pernicious sects and seditious doctrine, unto a more fruitful sort of spending good hours, & by inviting the same youth unto the imitation of honest exercises, to do good if I may. But to proceed in that I was now about to say, truly for the englishman to be offended with the admixtion of Latin, or the Latin man to mislike the pouthreing of Greek, appeareth unto me a much like thing, as if at a feast with variety of good meats & drinks furnished, one that loveth to feed of a Capon, should take displeasure that an other man hath appetite to a Coney, or one that serveth his stomach with a Pertrige, should be angry with an other that hath a mind to a Quaylle, or one that drinketh single beer should be grieved with his next fellow for drinking ale or wine. Now for the better understanding of the conceit, trade and conveyance of this book, I have thought requisite to admonish you, that in each man's Apothegms the saying self is set out in a great text letter: after which immediately followeth in a middle letter (with this mark) the moralization of Erasmus, wheresoever to the same it seemed expedient any such moral sense to gather of the apothegm for edifying of the reader in virtue or civil honesty. That if any matter depending of some Greek or Roman chronicle hau● seemed needful to be exponed, if any poetical fable hath come in place, if to any obscure proverb or strange history hath been made some pretty allusion needful to be declared, all such things together with the names of persons here mentioned, ye shall find set forth, and added of mine own noting, over and besides the words and matter of the Latin work in a small lettre, with some directory mark. Yea and sometimes in the mids of the text with this mark of mine if ●he place seemed to require some more light. semblably to the moral interpretation of Erasmus (where occasion was ministered) yea and to some Apothegms (where Erasmus said nothing,) in case my so doing might any thing help the weak and ●endre caped of the unlearned reader, I have put additions of the same letter and mark, to the end that in case it be not all of the finest, the blame thereof may not light on the author, but redound unto myself accordingly. And to the intent that nothing should lack which to the ease and commodity of the unlearned reader might seem necessary, there is added also a large & plain table in order of the A.B.C. whereby to the name of any person, or to any good matter in the book contained, ready way and recourse may with a wet finger easily be found out. That if in any of the premises either the interpreter or else the prienter shallbe found to have failed, I for my part shall not only think my laboure● bounteously rewarded, but also acknowledge myself highly bounden to render most hearty thanks, if the gentle reader shall of his humanity & honest heart vouch salve to set his pen and helping hand to emend whatsoever error it shall hap him to espy: and in the residue so to accept both our labours as we may thereby be encouraged gladly to sustain further travail in writing and setting forth such authors, as may to the reader be both pleasant and profitable.  
¶ written in the year of our Lord God. M. CCCCC.xlii.   

THE PREFACE OF DEsyderius Erasmus of Roterodame unto a duke's son of his country  
FOR asmucheas ye did so gently afore receive the other little books which I had then sent as a poor earnest penny (such as it was) of my good heart & mind towards your grace right noble prince, & not only yourself, but also both your most noble parents did so courteously accept the same: I have thought good at this present to join to the said books some other thing both more meet for your nobleness & also (except I be much deceived) more profitable for your studies. I have therefore out of every good autour for the most part, chosen and gathered, that the Greeks callen apophthegmata, that is in english, notable good and brief sayings: for that I saw none other kind of argument or matter more fit for a prince, especially being a young man not yet broken in the experience of the world. In deed full convenient and meet to be known are those things which the ancient philosophers have left in writing of honest behaviour, of well governing and ordering a commonweal, & of keeping war. But what one man among many thousands (yea though he be nothing clogged nor letted with any public office or ministery) hath so much vacant time, that he may be at leisure to turn over & over in the books 
‡ Plato writeth all his books in dialogues & in the most part of them Socrates is one of the disputers which Socrates pretending each-where simplicity & ignorance did oft times convince diverse of them that he reasoned with all in their own arts, using to them such kind of reasoning as here in the text is recited  of Plato the ragmannes' rolls, and the taryers or toys of the subtle knacks, of the dry mocks, and of the long inductions by familiar examples, which Socrates doth there use? And as for 
* Aristotle wrote ten books entitled Ethica, that is, of honest behaviour & upright living and dealing.  Aristotle, in deed he wrote largely of manners and behaviour, which work he entitleth in greek Ethica, but by the entriked obscurity and darkness thereof he appeareth to have written the same for philosophers, that is to say, for men of high learning, and not for a prince. More clear and more plain to be perceived, been the works that the same Aristotle wrote of householding entitled Oeconomica, and of ordering a city or commonweal entitled Politica, but this man every where requireth a reader both bewray attent, and earnestly minding that he readeth, & also well at leisure. And besides this, forasmuch as he useth no such manner of rhetorical style or writing as may move the affects & passions, he doth not so greatly hold or ravish a man's mind, that is wholly bend & given to princely cures & business. semblably in the books of moral philosophy, which Marcus Tullius wrote, many things there been of such sort, as it is not much to the purpose, nor anything at all necessary, that princes know them: Of which kind are those things that he treateth of the consummation of good and ill (which we christian men would call of bliss and damnation) with more subtility of reasoning and argumentation, than fruit to edify in virtuous living. And such manner things serven well for the purpose of them, who all the days of their life do nothing else but talk & dispute of honest●e. But for a man born to be a prince and a governor, it is necessary that a ready & short way to learn virtue be quickly dispeched, and not at leisure disputed & reasoned in words. Now resteth the histories which because they do represent to the yi● (even as in a painted table to be viewed) aswell the noble acts of prowess, as the contrary, and that not without pleasure and delectation: seem to be more fit for great men. But in this behalf though a prince might have void times enough to peruse the infinite multitude of books of histories, what man were able to comprehend and keep them all fresh in his memory? But like as those persons who been doers in the game or feat of wrastleing have in a readiness at all times certain sure points and ways both to catch hold, and also to wend out of hold, when need is, so they that travail in the busy occupations of peace and of war must of congruence have in a readiness sure rules, by which they may be put in remembreaunce what is in that present case needful or expedient to be done, and what not. And in this behalf, we see that diverse highly well learned men have assayed & taken pain by their good diligence to ease the carefulness of princes and noble men, among which, some have written lessons of virtue in brief sentences, as 
* Theognis a Greek poet that writeth in Elegeiacal uses such moral precepts of virtue as been in the little treatise that is read under y● nam● of Cato.  Theognis, and 
‡ Isocrates a greek orator writing many little treatises in prose.  Isocrates: & others have written the feats of arms, or policies of war, & the goodly short sayings of famous men as 
* Ualerius Max. a latin author that wrote a work of ix volumes which he entitled, of the sayings and acts of noble men.  Ualerius Maximus, and Sextus julius 
‡ Sextus julius Frontinus writeth also in latin four volumes, which he entitleth strategematum, that is to say of arms, or policies of war.  Frontinus, which Frontinus declareth the self fame thing by diverse other writers before him customeably to have been done. It is a thing of no small time of leisure to search out gold in the veins under the earth, or to seek precious stones in the sand or in the sea. Such a fellow especially above others to a prince with high & weighty matters continually embusied doth acceptable service and pleasure, which to the same exhibiteth & presenteth gold already fined & made in faggots or plate, & which bringeth to his hand precious stones that are chosen pieces & well polished, already set in gold, or upon cups of precious metal. And this kind of pleasure & good turn, whereas it hath of many writers been attempted, yet (after my mind and sentence) no man hath with more dexterite● or better effect accomplished & performed then hath 
Plutarch was a Greek philosopher & was schoolmaster unto the emperor Traianus in the city of Room where he wrote in Greek many noble and excellent good works aswell of histories as also of moral philosophy & of virtue.  Plutarch, who after the setting forth of an excellent good & passing fruitful work of the lives of noble men, (in which work here & there been mingled and recited aswell the facts as the sayings of the same) he gathered in to one little book for the use of Traianus Caesar the best commended man of all the Emperors that before his time had been, the notable sayings of sundry renowned persons, by which as in a very true & perfect glass the heart and mind of every of them is to the eye of the readers lively and certainly represented. For in the acts & deeds of princes, a good portion of the laud and praise the Counsaillour may claim and challenge for giving his avise the Captain for his chivalry, & the soldiers for their stoutness. And a very great portion of the same laud and thank doth lady fortune claim to have, by whose conveyance oft times we see things not without high counsel & wisdom enterprised to have a very unlucky end, and contrary wise the misadvised temerity and undescreetenesse of some persons to have right prosperous chance, and in the end to prove very well. As it is reported that Siramnes the Persian, (a Captain as I suppose) said, when he was asked why his deeds were not answerable to his jolly sayings, for because (saith he) what I will speak, lieth in mine own power, but how such things as I do, shall end or be taken, standeth in the pleasure of fortune and of the king. Albeit honest purposes & devices are not therefore utterly defeated of their due laud and condign praise. But the said Plutarch doth in this kind far exceed and pass all other writers, not only in choosing the best, but also in expounding and declaring thesame. For these sayings (which, as afore is mentioned, the Greeks callen apophthegmata) have appropriated unto them a certain reason & mark of their own whereby to judge, so that they do plainly express & set out the very natural inclination and disposition of each speaker that they proceed from, briefly, finely, quippyngly, and merrily within the bounds of good manner. And as every several person hath properly belonging unto him a fashion of his own whereby he is commended, and whereby his sayings & doings have a good grace or else other wise: even so like wise hath every nation, so that not one manner sayings are convenient for Alexander and for Philippus or Antigonus. One sort are meet for Alcibiades: Again one fashion agreeable for a man of Lacedaemon, and an other for a Scythian or a Thracian: and a diverse from that again comely for a man of Athenes, or for a Roman. Now, in expressing & uttreing such sayings Xenophon seemeth to me somewhat weeryshe, Herodotus void of quickness or life, Diodorus & Quintus Curtius over full of words, and so forth of the other writers, which I surcease by name to speak of. Plutarch is a perfect fellow in all points, and therefore I have thought best the same Plutarch to foloe principally above all others. Wherefore all that ever is comprised in the work of this autour which he entitled de apophthegmatibus, that is, of feat and brief sayings, ye shall find here in this work every whit of it. We do all know that this work of Plutarch hath been twis translated out of greek into latin, first by Francisce Philelphus, and afterward again by Raphael Regius, with whom I was somewhat acquainted in the university of Padwaye. Philelphus' in diverse places had miss that cushen, which places Raphael doth restore and correct, and yet somewhere stumbleth himself. The truth is, they both were men, and might err, mistaking a thing that they read. Albeit either of them minded to be nothing else but a plain translator of the greek into latin, but I for many causes have thought better the said Plutarch to foloe, than to translate, to expone at large, than word for word out of greek only to enterprete● first that the style might be the more clear & plain as being less bounden to the greek words: (For this present book of mine is not written unto Traianus, a man both in greek & latin excellentely well seen, and also in long experience of all manner affairs gaily well broken & exercised, but to a prince being yet but a young thing, yea & by you to all children and young strieplynges, that labour and sue to attain the acknowledge of good learning and honest studies: nor yet in that world when such man●er sayings and acts were by the report and communication of the people daily talked & spoken of in banns or hot houses, at gardeners and suppers & abroad in the streets whensoever folks be assembleed together: and secundaryly that I might h●ue free liberty to declare & expone the fine wittynesse of the saying, if any came to hand that was of sense obscure & dark, as at this present right many there been hard to be understanded not only of such as have never gone to school, but also of such as do far surmount the comen sort of clerks. And certes for mine own part, the geassing and reading what divers of these apothegms should mean or signify, hath curstely troubleed & vexed my brains, & I cannot say whether it hath some where beguiled me too. And in places not a few I have had much strougleing & wrastleing with the faults of enprienting in the books, at which it could not be avoided, but that the enterpreters and translators maugre their heads did stumble. For it is a thing uneath believable how much & how boldly aswell the comen writers that from time to time have copied out the books of Plutarch, as also certain that have thought theim selfes able to countrolle and emend all men's doings, have taken upon them in this autour who aught with all reverence to have been handleed of them and with all fear to have been preserved from altreing depraving or corrupting. For never hath there been among the greek writers, (especialli as touching matters of virtue and good behaviour,) any one more holy than Plutarch, or better worthy of all men to be read. But the very same thing hath provoked persons desirous of glory & of lucre, to deprave & corrupt this autour, to put in more than he wrote, and also to leave out of that he wrote which ought moste of all to have feared them from so doing. For every writer the better accepted and set by that he is, and the greater name that he hath among learned men, so much the rather shall he for lucre & advantage be corrupted. That this autour hath been so used, the very diversity of the Greeke text not agreeing one copy with an other doth right well argue and prove. For all others omitted, to speak only of this present work that now is in hand, the translation of Philelphus hath certain things, which Raphael left untouched, & Raphael likewise some things of which Philelphus maketh no mention at all. Besides this, where Plutarch in the preface by express words doth plainly testify that in the lives he had myngleed the sayings and acts of noble men together th'one with tother: & in this work for briefness to have linked together only their apothegms or sayings, yet do we see right many things admixed & put in among the apothegms which in very deed are no sayings at all, nor any other thing but me●e policies of war which the Greeks callen Strategemata. Now in the self same work one and thesame things so often again and again repeated, done they not openly cry this argument and matter by some other fellow to have been contamynated & sloubreed? So that we may now pardon that in certain places an apophthegma is recited under the name of the person that it was spoken to, and not of him by whom it was spoken, as of Lysymachus & Philippus. For in this treatise of Plutarch which is entitled Collectanea, that is to say a manual of sundry and pretty histories and sayings compiled together for all readers the answer that Philippus made unto Lysimachus, is told and reported under the title or chapter of Lysimachus. But yet it was an higher point of presumption that of one work they have made it two. For because Plutarch of the sayings of Lacedæmonians, which been a very great number, had touched only so many as for the Emperor being with many matters sore embus●ed, seemed like to suffice. He, whosoever it was, (at lest if it were but one fellow & no more that set hands thereunto) hath assigned to the sayings of Lacedæmonians one proper volume, and that according to the order of the greek letters as they stand in the alphabeetes, which Raphael in his translation hath turned into the order of the letters of the latin A, B.C. But this was of all the three even the very worst. For Ualerius and Frontinus followen the order of such sentences as they show concerning religion, concerning affection & love to men's countries, concerning truth in keeping promises made, concerning mannefull hardiness and concerning ●us●ice, & likewise of other matters setting ●che of them in his right order and place. Best standing with cunning and learning, ●s the same order that Plutarch followed, observing and keeping the order of regions and kingdoms as they stand in row, & in every of them the order of times, to every of the kings joining his own captains, & to every of the captains their mates. Fron the Persians he cometh to the Egyptians, from the Egyptians to the Thracians, from the Thracians to the Scythians, from the Scythians to the Sicilians, from the Sicilians to the Macedonians, from thence to the Atheniense, from them to the Lacedæmonians, following in every of these th'order of the times, and not of the letters in the alphabet. Fron the Lacedæmonians he cometh to the Thebans, from the Thebans to the Romans, so that the reader by the sayings of a few persons may familiarly know the order of the whole history, which order that fellow hath pieteously confounded & trobleed and set out of order, that soondreed and dissevered the sayings of the Lacedæmonians from the others, & yet here and there repeating the very same things that Plutarch had gathered afore unto Traianus, albeit in sundry places one thing repeated is much more often deprehended and openly found in the other work of apothegms, but in both works so often as the same falling in a slumbre and forgetting himself cannot light on Plutarch a writer of precise diligence. More over, this part hath no preface at all, and the preface that goeth before the apothegms unto Traianus will not s●rue to both works. Now, what thank such persons are worthy to have which do in this wise slabre and defile the books of famous autores, I will not at this time reason, but truly me thinketh it a very sacrilege. Yet of me (except a few sayings of Lacedæmonians, because the self same been repeated in the other table of rehearsal every one of them) is not so much as one omitted of all that goeth abroad under the name of Plutarch partly to th'end that the reader being rather a greedy glutton, than a minion dainty piece might not miss any thing that he would feign have: and partly, for that I saw nothing there but worthy to be known, though some time rehearsed & told out of his right place. Nevertheless, all the whole work I have in manner made my proper own in that I do more at large and more plainly express the things that be told in greek, putting in sometimes such things as I had well perceived to be added in other authors, adding also out of the other works of Plutarch very many things which were not in this present treatise, & everywhere as it were with little brief commentaries opening & showing aswell the sense of the apothegm as also the use wherefore, and how it may serve, especially in those places which lacked some more light & clearness, albeit the same have I done briefly in few words, lest I should have clean turned away from the nature of apothegms, which ought not to contain many words. But as for the order is worse broken & confused even of me, than I found it there, for that, where at the beginning I had purposed to make rehearsal but of very few and only of the principal best sort, when I was ones entered in my work, the very heat thereof pricked & set me to change my mind & to go on still a great way ferther, neither should I have made any end, had not this as ye would say an hougemain sea of things still fresh & fresh coming to mind enforced & driven me to blow retreacte & to recoil back. For as Quintilian among the virtues & graces of a schoolmaster in grammar putteth this to be one, that he be in some things ignorant: so, in this kind of argument it seemeth to be some part of diligence certain things to pass over and to leave out. Therefore, I have thought better to make at this time a dainty feast th● a coumbreous or troublesome, especially for that if any thing be in this present supper left out, it may at some other supper be set before my geastes after that all this shallbe perfectly digested. And the incommoditee of the order of things neglected & not precisely kept I have with a large reportorie or table redoubbed. For the title, it nothing forceth to be careful or scrupleous, sens that among those sayings which Plutarch under the title & name of apophtegmes hath gathered & compiled together, there be many which an other man would rather call, scorns, taunts, checks, jests, or merry conceited sayings to laugh at. But forasmuch as Marcus Tullius in putting a several distinction between each of these kinds, hath taken earnest labour & pain, without any effect, & forasmuch as Marsus a right well learned man hath in this behalf nothing satisfied Quintilian, no, nor yet Quintilian in knowledge & literature far passing Marsus hath satisfied himself: I have not thought it a thing worth the labour in this behalf to bestow much busy travail, contented & thinking sufficient, here & there by the way as occasion serveth to have opened & showed the kind & the nature of the saying or of the merry iest● Certes in those things that I have of my self added besides Plutarch doings, I have diligently foreseen and provided in no wise confusely to mingle policies of war (having no saying of this kind annexed unto them) and apothegms both together, and also that I would in no wise put in here any thing but taken out of the best allowed and the same the most ancient writers both in Greek & Latin: not that I am ignorant the later writers to have recited many things sharply & also pleasantly spoken: but such things as antiquity hath made precious jewels and as ye would say relics, been of more authority, and meet it was that this work should have an end and not be infinite. Nor this thing neither aught to move any man that one and the same saying is of one autour ascribed unto the person of one man and of an other autour is attributed to an other man. For it forceth not so greatly of what person a thing is spoken, as it doth, what is spoken: albeit in deed a famous speaker and one that hath the favour and hearts of men giveth to the sayings much weight and grace also. This thing more often cometh in ure, then that it needeth by examples to be proved. But yet sometimes it chanceth by reason that man's memory faileth, albeit there is no cause to the contrary, but the one and the same sentence may proceed from sundry speakers or writers, whether imitation be the cause thereof or else chance, as for example, this staff of a metre in greek, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is  
tyrants by wisemennes conversation,  
May soon be brought to goodness and wisdom,  This is well known to be a verse of 
* Sophocles is a Greek poet of whose writing we have vii tragedies.  Sophocles, yet Plato citeth it out of 
‡ Euripides also is a greek coete & wrote ●x tragedies which we have.  Euripides. Again this verse. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is,  
I being aged, as I can,  
Will teach the being also an old man.  Whereas it is in the tragedy of Sophocles entitled Philoctetes, yet is the same word for word found in Bacchis the tragedy of Euripides: like wise this verse. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is  
Whether thou talk, or hold thy piece,  
Thou must in due season, speak or cease.  Whereas it is in the tragedy of Aechylus entitled Promotheus; 
Aechylus is also a poet that wrote tragedies in greek.  it is found also in Euripides only two letters changed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in steed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Somewhiles authors agree not, neither on the mat●er not yet on the name. As he that cast in the teeth of Marcus Fabius that he had by his means recovered again the town of Tarente, in Tully is named Livius Sal●uator, in Titus Livius is named Marcus Livius, in plutarch Marcus Lucius, or else as is in the greek exemplaries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Also Fabius Philostratus showeth that one Leo a Sophiste brought all the people of Athenes in a laughter with his body being notable gross and fat, and plutarch saith lank and little. Ualerius Maximus and Plinius, in the reporting of a certain alteration that was between Cn. Domitius & Lucius Crassus in Room, how wide been they the one from the other, but without all life or soul been those things, that in some writers are feigned to have been the words of certain persons, in the fables of poets mentioned, as in Philostratus the Sophiste, when he forgeeths and shapeth to Palamedes, to Ulysses, & to other like persons, such tales and speeches as lusted his own fantastical brain to devise and imagine, and the same are made double dead by evil handling, of which sort of sayings I do in this present work meddle with none at all. In the next degree to these been such speeches as are assigned to diverse persons in dialogues, feigned & indited, not for any truth of the matter to be believed, but for disport and pastime only. But in the speeches of the parts, in comedies (that is merry entreludes) and in tragedies (that is, sad entreludes which we call fraige plays) there is some more life & pith, and a great grace they have being set in an apt and fit place, albeit the name of apothegms, no sayings can have except the speaker out of whose mouth they done proceed be a person of great name and the words purposely applied to some matter being even at that present hour in communication, yea and much the better to be liked, if they be a little disframed to an other sense or a further meaning than the very words do purport. As when Aristotle unto calisthenes talking with king Alexander more homely and frankly then was expedient, gave a bywarning with this verse of the poet Homere● 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is.  
My son, if thou bee● thus large of tongue,  
Thou shalt surely lose thy life ere long.  Out of Herodotus I have had no great lust to gather any great number of sayings, because that most part of them appear to have been invented of that writers own wit. Like trash and bagguage been those sayings that are incident in orations, which the writers of histories (each as his wit serveth him) are wont to attribute to men, albeit even those do much avail aswell to the reader's judgement as also to make a man able well to frame & promptly to tell his tale. The principal best sort of apothegms is that saying which in few words doth rather by a colour signify than plainly express a sense not comen for every wit to pick out, & such a saying, as no man could lightly feign by study, and which the longer ye do consider it in your mind, the more and more it doth still delight you. And all these universal sort of writings as do comprehend proverbs, sage sentences, and notable saying or acts, is most fit for Princes & noble men, who for the urgent causes and busy matters of the commonweal have not leisure to spend any great part of their life in study or in reading of books. And these writings, as they be learned with pleasure & delight, and do lightly sink and settle in the mind, so do they contain more good acknowledge and learning in the deep bottom or secret privetee, than they show at the first vieu. We read that Augustus Caesar of a custom did cause as many as he could any where get of such good lessons to be exemplified, and the copies thereof to send into divers places. Also we see the chief and principal study of the jolly ancient wise men of old time to have been, that they might with the lure of pleasant delectation enplante in tender young wits things worthy & expedient to be known, to th'end that the unbroken youngth not yet full ripe for the serious precepts of philosophy, might even with play & dallying learn such things as might afterward do them high service all days of their life. For this intent & purpose they did as ye would say spice and powther cosmography, Astrology, Music & philosophy aswell natural as moral with fables and tales preatyly and wittyly feigned. But in this book that I have now made shall peradventure seem to be somethynges that maken nothing to honest behaviour, but do only cause laughter. Neither do jesteme it a thing worthy blame ever now and then with laughter to refresh the mind with cures and matters of charge ●n manner tiered, so that the matter to laugh at be pure wit and honest. For such● things gladdeth & maketh lusty the wits of young folks, and doth passing good help and fertheraunce aswell to the familiar gentleness of conditions as also to the pleasantness of cunning. For what thing better sweetteh the enditing of Marcus Tullius, then that he doth ever now and then sauce his style with sayings of this sort? And I pray you, what been the morals of Plutarch, but aresse hangings with such like colours pictured? More over those sayings that seem most fond things of all to laugh at, by well handling become matters of sadness. For what could be a more fond thing to laugh at than Diogenes going from place to place with a candle in his hand at high noonetid saying still that he did seek a man? But in the mean time by laughing, we learn that he is not by & by in all the haste a man, that hath ●he figure and shape of a man (which images also of wood & stone have,) but to find out a man, the bottom of the heart and mind must be found out. If the heart and mind be guided by reason and discretion, rather than lead by wilful appetite: than and else not hast thou found out a man. Also what is so worthy to be laughed at, as that Phryne ● stroumpette in Athenes binding by promis●e and covenant that every one of the women that sat then in company at the table, should do the same thing that she would do first, diepped her hand twis in the water, and put it to her forehedde discovering by this devise the peinting of all the other womennes' faces, so that all the company fell into a great laughter: where as she by so doing appeared a great deal fairer & better favoured? But this laughter teacheth us the self same thing which Socrates said in good sadness, that we should apply ourselves to be in deed of such sort as we would be accounted and esteemed lest that when the peinting is pulled from our visages we have in the end shame and reproach in steed of glory and renown. It giveth us also a lesson that we put not our whole trust and staigh in things external and transitory, which by many diverse chances are with a trice taken away from a man, but we should acquire and purchase the very true richesse of the mind and soul, on which fortune hath no power ne domination, so high a point of serious philosophy doth that fond toy of the said peevish harlot Phryne, teach us. For this consideration Lycurgus (although in other matters he brought up & nurtured his countreemennes after a very streicte fashion:) yet honest mirth and ●estyng, he not only permitted unto them, but also enjoined & commanded. For he ordained a kind of exercise, which he named in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we say, gossoping, to the which all the ancient or aged men that were past bearing any public functions, and for the respect of their ympotencie were discharged of that burden, resorted and assembleed pleasantly passing the time with feat sayings and honest boarding, but always of such● sort, as might make either to the commendation and praise of honesty & virtue, or else to the rebuking of vice. He set up also an image unto the god 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, laughter for that he judged it to be a thing of high utility and profit with sober mirth to refresh the lustiness of the minds, and to make the same cheerful to honest travails and labours, because that in this world as the poet Ovidius saith. 

Quod caret alterna requie durabile non est.  What thing resteth not, now & then among.  
But still travailleth, cannot endure long.  Cleomenes also of the same Lacedaemon being such a sore and rigorous fellow that he would not licence neither rymers, nor women that could sing or play on instruments, nor any minstrels to be in the commonweal, yet allowed that all the same country should strive their bealyes full one with an other in boarding or jesting meet for honest men to use, & in poynaunte checking taunts. For a final conclusion, as often as vacant time is given, or the case requireth hilaritee and mirth, how much more decente is it with such manner sayings as these been, to pass the time, then to take pleasure of fables void of honesty, void of learning, and full of rebaudrie. I am of this opinion, that young children might much more to their profect and benefit be exercised in the grammar schools with themes, or arguments to write on, of this sort, then with matters to make upon, such as been commonly used, (which themes for the most part, as they contain nothing but little trifleing senses void of all pith or fruit, so do they nothing open the mysteries of the Latin tongue) so that the shoolemaister do open and declare the rules & ways how that which is briefly spoken may be dilated and set out more at large, and how that that is so fond spoken, that the hearers or readers cannot but laugh at it, may be turned or applied to a serious use and purpose. And this one thing will I say more. In sermons percase it is not convenient to miengle jesting sayings of mortal men with the holy scriptures of God, but yet might the same much more excusably be used, to quicken such as at sermons been ever nodding, then old wives foolish tales of Robin Hood & such others, which many preachers have in times passed customably used to bring in, taken out even of the very bottom and grossest part of the dreggues of the comen people's foolish talking. julius Caesar Emperor of Room sustaining the burden of so many chargeable affairs of encoumbraunce and business, aswell at home in the city when peace was, as also abroad in warfare, used to drive away the weariness of taking thought for such things as he had in his head to cark & care for, with taunting words of boarding and jesting: with which he was so greatly delighted, that he did allow and take in very good part such as were spoken by others even against his own person, so that they were proper feat and well conveyed. Uneth any other of all the ancient Emperors of Room was either more holy and better disposed, or else more encoumbreed with business of the world, than was Augustus Caesar: But again, what person in this kind more merry conceited? Of Marcus Tullius, I will nothing say at this present, who is of many men thought in jesting to have remembered or considreed as he ought to have done neither measure nor yet honesty and comeliness. Xenocrates the philosophier was of a more sour nature, a jolly fellow in some other respects: but Plato more times than one avised him, with sacrifice to purchase the favour of the Graces, that is, so to apply himself, that his sayings and doings might have more grace and be better accepted & taken of the world. zeno being outright altogether a Stoic used to call Socrates the scoffer, or the Hicke scorner of the city of Athenes: because of his merry conceits and tenanting, that he never ceased to use: but yet is there no man, but he will say that Socrates was a more godly fellow then either of those two which I named last afore. And to leave unspoken that no men's sayings are more taken up and used, than those which be sauced with a certain grac● of pleasant mirth, undoubtedly Socrates, Diogenes, and Aristippus would serve better for teaching and training young children, then either Xenocrates or else zeno. That if the most wise ancient fathers were not deceived in that they thought it convenient, with certain knacks of pleasant delectation to lure the tenderness of youngth unto the love of sage lady Sapience, much more is the same convenient for one that is both tender of age, and also born to be a prince or governor: whom as it becometh to be vigilaunte, and to have in all causes a diligent eye, so it behoveth not either to have a sour cowtenaunce himself, or else to let any person with an heavy look to depart from his presence. Now, the mind brought up in pleasant and comfortable studies of recreation, is made more lusty and courageous to sustain the burden of all cures, & also more pleasant for allmaner company keeping among men. With these reasons I might sufficiently have defended myself though I had gathered together nothing but merry jests, whereas now such sayings of mirth are but here and there in few places entremedleed among sayings of gravity and sadness, as sauces of the feast. That if I shall perceive your grace herewithal to be well pleased: it shall never repent me of this my labour & service doing, though (as some persons shall percase judge) it be over poor and base. Others done write books for them that be further entered both in years and acknowledge: I do (as ye would say) feed the tender age of a young babe of noble birth. That if your grace hath already outlearned this gear (as with all my heart I would wish that ye had) yet I know well it will stand with the good mind and pleasure of the same, that the comen studies of young scholar's have been ferthreed, and have fared thus much the better for your sake. And I shall perhaps here after give you things of more saigenesse and gravity, when ye shall perfectly have learned all this by heart. For these things must in any wise be cunned by heart, to th'end that ye may have them ever ready at hand. Albeit what needeth you to have any things of my making, says ye have at home in household with you Conradus Heresbachius, a man in all kinds and sorts of learning absolute and perfect, whom I see and perceive to bear towards your grace such good heart and mind, that (according to the duty and part of an especial good schoolmaster) he rejoiceth at the comoditees and the honourable proceedings o● you his pupille and scholare, much more highly then at his own. And this man like as he hath already trained & instructed your childhood with learning, so shall he be able with prudent & faithful counsel to do you great help and fertheraunce when ye shallbe a man. And to me also it shallbe a thing to do no less joy and comfort, then high honesty and auauncemt●te, in some behalf (be it never so little) to have ferthered your most excellent towardness with my industrious labour. To conclude, I beseech almighty God, that he vouchsafe to conserve, to maintain, and to increase his gifts of grace, which he hath most aboundauntely bestowed on you, to the end that ye may aswell satisfy the desires and wyshynges of your most virtuous parents, and that ye may prove even like well in all worthiness as thothers of your most noble progeny hitherto have done, as also that ye may be an able man to enjoy the possession of that jolly fruitful Seigniourie to the which ye are born, and appointed to be heir. Thus will I make an end, after one word more. While ye bestow yourself in this gear, think and remember well, that ye do read the sayings, not of Christian men, but of gentiles and miscreants, so that ye must read them with a judgement. Yeven at Friburge the xxvi day of February in the year of our Lord. M.D.XXXI.   

¶ A preamble of the enterpreter unto the sayings of SOCRATES.  
Forasmuch as among all the gentile philosophers of old time, there is none, either for integrity of manners, for upright living, for quickens & (as ye would say) livelynes of sayings, or for the perfection of philosophical humility & suffreaunce to be compared with Socrates: And in consideration that the same Socrates first of all that sort attempted to withdraw men from vain studies and desires, to the reading of moral philosophy, & to the trade of virtuous living, not only so framing and ministering his doctrine, that he might effectually persuade unto men virtue & perfect honesty, but also directing the example and pattern of all his life and doings to the same end, effect and purpose: we have thought most convenient to set his sayings first, as of the which the studious reader may gather & take such presidents of holy and innocent living, such nurture of uncorrupt manners, such lessons of mildness and patience, such discipline of eschewing vice, and all carnal pleasures, such pattern of bridling and refreining all sensuality, such example of contemning worldly goods and other vanities, as shall be to the same right pleasant, fruitful, & profitable.   


The sayings of SOCRATES.  
OUt of the mouth of SOCRATES it came, 
God is to be followed as near as we may.  the gods to be of all the best and most blessed: and that every man the nearer that he draweth to the fashions and representation of the same gods, the better he is and the more heavenlyke. If ye say one God, as he said gods (for there is but one God) nothing may be spoken more Christianelyke.  
It was also a saying of his, that nothing ought to be desired of god in men's prayers, 
What sort our payers ought to be.  but under this form, & with these words (such things as be good for us) without any further addition. Where as the most part of men do ask in their prayers, one a wife with a good dourie, an other asketh riches, this man honours, that man rule, some long life, as it were prescribing & appointing to God what he should do. But God of himself before we ask, doth best know what is good and expedient for us, and what is not.  
His mind was, that sacrifice should be done to the gods with as small charges as might be, 
Sacrifice to God ought not to be over sumptuous.  for that the gods, as they have no need of the goods of mortal men so they have more regard to the hearts of those that offer sacrifice, then to their riches: otherwise, forasmuch as commonly the worst disposed persons have most abundance of worldly goods, the world were at an evil point, if god were better pleased with the sacrifice of the naughty persons then of the good. And to that end he used greatly to allow this verse that followeth of the greek poet. Each man to his power in any wise. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Unto the gods to do sacrifice. This saying toucheth us Christian men also, which do bestow co●t and charge out of all measure in adourning temples, and in executing high feasts & funerals, where as we should much better content and please God, if that, that is above good housbandlyke cleanliness, we would bestow in alms upon our Christian brethren, being in extreme need. semblable measure he taught to ●ee used also in receiving and intreteining of geastes and strangers when they resort to us, ever having in his mouth the verse above written: Each man to his power. etc.  
When it was told him by a friend of his, that against the receiving of certain geastes into his house, he had sclendrely prepared for them: 
Sclendre fare is to much for evil geastes.  If they be honest men (ꝙ he) it willbe enough: if not, a great deal to much.  
One lesson of his was, that men should abstain from meats which might provoke a man to eat having no appetite nor being hungry, 
Virtue & temperate diet to be used.  & also from that drink which might tempt a man to drink, not being thirty. For meat & drink we ought not to use, but as the the necessity of the body requireth.  
Socrates said, 
hunger is the best sauce in the world for meat.  the best sauce in the world for meats is to be houngrye. Because the same both sweeteth all things, and also is a thing of no cost ne charge, and by this means did he for his part evermore eat and drink with pleasure & delight, for he did neither the one, nor the other, but when he was houngrye and thirsty.  
Yea and to endure hungers and thirst, 
The ●●st and appetite must be refreined.  he had purposely exercised & enured himself. For after sweat or great heat taken in the wrastleing place (where they used to wrestle and walk for the exercise of their bodies) where as others would needs have drink by and by in all the haste: Socrates would never drink of the first cup. And being demanded wherefore he did so, that I may not accustom myself, ꝙ he, to foloe my sensual appetites, lusts and desires. 
In taking meats and drinks, reason is to be folded & not the appetite.  For sometimes though a man be thirty, yet is it a noisome and dangerous thing to drink. And in this case when reason adviseth to forbear, & the appetite pricketh to take drink, a man ought rather to foloe reason.  
He said that such as had well broken theim selfes to virtuous living and temperate diet did perceive & take of the same, 
Inordinate living, is much more painful than virtuous living.  both much more pleasure and less peines than such as with all high cure and diligence did on every side make provision to have all things of pleasure. 
The inconveniencies ensuing of inordinate sensualytee.  Because the pleasures of inordinate l●uers, besides the torments of their own naughty conscience, besides infamy and poverty, do breed oft-times even in the very body more grief, than delectation. And contrariwise, what things been most honest the same weaxen also most pleasant, if a man have been accustomed unto them.  
He said that it was a foul shame if a man wilfully being as a bond servant to pleasures of the body, 
To be as a bond servant to the pleasures of the body  made himself such an one as no man would by his good will have to his servant at home in his house. And in such persons he said that there was nomaner hope of recovery, except that others would pray to the gods for them that (for asmuch as they were utterly determined to be bond servants) their fortune might be, to gea● good and honest masters. For his opinion was, that no persons do live in a more filthy or beastly, and in a more wretched or miserable state of bondage, than such as both in mind & body, been captive to naughtee pleasures.  
Socrates being demanded for what cause he would not bear some public office in governing the comen weal since that he could singlare good skill how to administre the same: 
To do bnfite to a whole multitude.  answered, that person to do much better service in a city which did make a great number of men apt & meet to be rulers in a comen weal, then him that could well govern the same in his own person only. The self same answer did Nicolaus Leonicenus make unto me in the city of Farrar●, 
Nicolaus Leonicenus a physician in Italy.  when I said: that I marveled why himself did not practise Physic, of which faculty he was a doctor and a public reader: I avayll much more, saith he in that I teach all the other physicians. 
William warham arch bishop of Canterbury.  Nor a much unlike answer did William late archbishop of Canterbury the singular 
* Maecenas was a noble man in Rome and a great man with Augustus Caesar & so great a faunurer, promouter, and setter fourth of Virgil, Horace & such other learned men, that eversens his time, all those that do notably promote help or favour students or learned men, are of his ●●me called Mecaenates.  Maecenas of all my studies give unto me stiffly refusing to take a benefice of his collation and saying: with what face may I take to my use and profit the money of those persons, to whom (as being a man ignorant of their language) I can neither make sermons, nor do good in rebuking of their misbehaveour, nor in giving them counforte: nor yet in duly executing any part of the office of a good shepherd or curate As though ye do not more good, ꝙ he, in that by your books which ye have made & set forth ye do instruct & teach all pastors and curates, then if ye should bestow all your time and service upon one sole parish of the country. I knowledged that it was on his party very friendly spoken, but yet he did not persuade me, ne bring me in mind to take the benefice.  
Being asked, by what means a man might attain an honest name and fame: 
Honest name & fame how it is to be perchaced and acquired.  If he earnestly apply himself, ꝙ Socrates, to be such a man in deed, as he desireth to be accounted and esteemed. If a man would fain be reputed a good player on the recordres, it is necessary that he perform and do such feats as he seeth done of them, who been allowed for perfect good players on that instrument. As he that hath very s●lendre sight in ministering physic, is not therefore a phisycian, because he is sent for to take cure of pacientes, & hath by the comen voice of men the name of a physician: so is not he by and by a good governor in a comen weal, or a good office, that is by the voice of the people so bruited, except he know also the right fashion and ways to re●le the city, and to keep it in good order.  
He said, that it was a thing much against all reason, 
The Art of governing acommen weal.  where as no man setteth up any handyecrafte or occupation without his great shame and reproach which hath not learned the same afore, & where no man will put to making a nest of boxes or a cupbourd full of almeries of joiners work to one that never was a workman in that mystery: that to public offices such persons should be admitted as have never given study to those disciplynes without which no man may be able accordingly to execute a public office And where as every body without exception would cry: fie on him, that would take upon him to sit and hold the stierne in a ship, having none experience in the feat of marinershyp, Socrates said, that they were much more to be cried out upon, which took in hand the regiment and governance of a comen weal, being unexpert of the part of Philosophy which giveth precepts and rules how to order a city or a comen weal. Neither did Socrates suppose that person worthy to be called a crafty beguiler of men which of some foolish body (persuaded thereunto) did receive & take either money or some piece of plate which he were not able to repay, but much rather those persons he pronounced worthy to be accounted deceitful bobbers of men, which by fraud & guil● did make each man believe that they were able men to take upon them the rule and governance of the whole world, where as in deed they are but villains and slaves nothing worthy to be had in estimation. This saying much nearer toucheth christian princess, officers and Bishops, then the gentiles or infideles.  
He was wont to say, that there is no possession or treasure more precious than a true and an assured good friend, 
A true friend is an high treasure.  nor of any other thing in the world besides, to be found more good, profit or else pleasure. And therefore, he said, that many persons do arsee verse, 
They do arse verse that take the loss of money moor grievously than the loss of a friend.  in that they take the loss of a little money more grievously at the heart, than the loss of a friend, and in that they cry out and say they have cast away and lost a good turn being so bestowed that they have not as good again for it, whereas by the same they have perhaps purchased a friend more to be set by then any gains of money in the world.  
As we do not put images to making but only to such werkemennes of whom we see some number of images well-fevouredly and mynionly made afore. So should we take no persons unto our friendship, 
What mane● persons aught to be received into friendship.  but such as we perfectly know to have tried theimselfes faithful and serviceable friends to others aforetimes.  
Of a certain man somewhat sharply beating a bond servant of his own, Socrates asked wherefore he was so vengeable eager, marry (ꝙ the other) because this knave, whereas he is the greatest glutton & ravener of meats that may be, yet is he the most idle lubber alive and whereas he is the most covetous fellow in the world, yet is he the most slowethful that is possible to be. 
Many men punish in others the same things in which thei● selfes are offenders.  Then said Socrates, have ye never yet unto this day cast well in your mind, whether of both hath more need of coyling, ye, or or your servant.? Would God, that every body whensoever they rebuke & punish in other persons the same thing that they pardon in theimselfes, (or if not the same a much worse thing) would say to theimselfes that Socrates said to that man.  
To a certain person which in in deed would very feign have gone from home to the 
* Olympia, were certain games of running & wrestling, which Hercul●s did firs● ordain in th● honour of jupiter to be celebrated & kept ●uerye fifth year, in a certain place called Olympia, situate & lying in the country of Achaia, between the two towns Elis, and Pisa, in which Olympia jupiter had a temple and was therefore called jupiter Olimpicus or Olympius.  Olympia, with the tediousness of travailling so far aiourney, utterly discouraged, thus said Socrates: whereas being here at home thou walkest too and fro, ofteseasons in manner all the whole day, aswell afore dinner, as before supper: if thou stretch the walkynges that thou usest at home, & lay them on length by the space of five or six days together thou shalt easily reach to Olympia. This high witted man did evidently show that thing that maketh us false hearted in taking peines and labours, to be rather our imagination and conceit, than the very labours in deed. If any danger, loss or travail must be sustained about any honest matters, we find excuses, we will none of it, it standeth clean against our stomachs, whereas in matters not worth a blue point (for I will not say in things unhonest) we will spare for no cost: Thus some persons being invited and exhorted to fall to the study of letters, make their excuse that they be sickly, 
To take pein or travail in honest matters each man findeth excuses.  that the● can not sleep ne take their natural rest in the nights, that books are very chargeable: and yet in the mean time, they will play all the whole night through at dice they will with bolling and drinking get the feure, the gout, the hydropsy, and a pair of bleared eyes: 
Diseases of late banqueting & whorehaunting.  they will with whoorehaunting catch the dropsy, or the great pocks, otherwise called the french pocks.  
another certain man complaining that he was even dog weary, and clean tiered with going a long journey, Socrates asked, whether his boy had been able enough to keep foot with him all the way? he said, yea. Went he leer (ꝙ Socrates) or else charged with the charge of any burden? he carried a good pretty pack on his necke● said the man. And what? doth the boy find any fault that he is weary, ꝙ Socrates? When the fellow had said, nay, & art thou not ashamed (said Socrates) of such niceness, that going on the way empty & void of any burden, thou shouldest be weary, since that he having carried a fardelle complaineth not of weariness. 
Niceness and tenderness maketh men unapt to labour.  Socrates' declared the servant in this behalf to be in much better case than the master, that for asmuch as he was better enured with labouring, he feeled less gref● of his labour.  
It was his comen guise, to tell folks, the same that in other places is called, eating, or feasting, to be called in greek amongs the athenians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the which word he said that we were put in remembreaunce that meat ought to be taken with such measure and sobrietee, 
repasts measurably to be taken.  as neither the body, nor the mind might be overcharged. Alluding (I suppose) to this, that the Greek word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, soundeth in english to be carried, whereof is derived a noun, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in english a car. Albeit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is greek also for meat, and thereunto is added this syllable, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that upon the body might not be laid a more heavy burden than it were well able to away withal. For this syllable, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in composition of greek vocables betokeneth a certain facilitee & commodiousnes annexed to the thing. Then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be not over full gorged, but to be refreshed with a light repast, such as the body may easily and without incommoditee away withal, taken by translation of the easy lading or burden of a cart.  
He said that upon such children especially, 
The better of birth that a child is, the better ought his bringing up to be.  aught to be bestowed virtuous education, and good bringing up, as were best of birth and came of the most honest parentage. For in such is commonly seen (said he) the same thing that is seen in horses, among whom, such as been coltishe or full of courage, and of kindly towardness, if they be broken in season, & well taught even while they be very young colts, they grow to be pure bonny ones, and appliable to do whatsoever a man will put them unto: if otherwise, they weaxe ski●tishe past mastering, and good for no purpose. And therefore it chanceth, that in manner all excellent goodly wits be marred through default of ●kylle in their teachers and bringers up, 
Excellent goodly wits marred by e●vil masters.  who even at the first dash, of quick horses maken very dull asses, because they can no skill how to master, halt couraged stomachs, & such hearts as will not be brought under, ne be made vila●●es.  
Many a time and oft did he say that person to do like one without all shame, which, where as he made his oxen every day fewer & fewer, yet required in any wise to be accounted a good cowherd: but yet a thing much more standing against reason, if a man would desire to be reputed a good governor in a comen weal, when he daily diminisheth the numbered of his people. These words he spoke afar of against Critias & Charicles, 
Critias and Charicles, were two of the thirty tyrants in Athenes.  which had put to death many of the citizens, neither was the same unknown unto them. For Critias menaced & threatened him, that unless he chaumbreed his tongue in season, there should ere long be one ox the fewer for him. And what he threatened in words, he performed in deed. For by the means of Critias was Socrates put to death.  
He had chosen out of the old authors certain verses which he used very often times for proverbs, among which this verse of Hesiodus was one: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  

Idleness evermore worthy blame.  No kind of labour is a thing of shame,  
But idleness evermore, worthy blame.  By this verse he did counsel young folks not only from idleness, but also from all unprofitable or vn●ruyteful actions. 
unfruitful doings be as evil as idleness.  For Socrates reckoned them also in the number of idle persons, which spent all their time in dying, in revelling or banqueting, and in whoorehounting.  
Also this verse of homere as shown both Gellius and Laertius: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That is. 
What ever is done each where about,  
Aswell within our house as without.  By this verse he did not only call back such as would give ear to him, from busy meddling with other men's matters, 
To be over-full of meddling in every bodies matters.  but also from all kinds of learning being not necessary to be had: (as from the exalte knowledge of Astrology, or of geometry, or of natural causes, or of things supernatural,) to the knowledge of moral philosophy, 
What goodness ensueth of the knowledge of moral philosophy.  the perfect intelligence whereof do●eth make, that we may thoroughly know our selves, and that we may govern and convey aswell our own private matters, as also the public affairs of the comen weal accordingly, & to good purpose.  
To the same purpose serveth this saying also, which is fathered on Socrates, and is of great authority what is above our reach, we have nought to do withal. 
Whatso is above our reach we have nought to do withal.  For thus was he wont to answer men, wondering why he would evermore be reasoning of manners and of good behaviour, but never of the stars nor of things gendered above in the air, or of any 
* Such natural effects as be done nigh unto the stars, or as ye (would say) above the reach of man's familiar knowledge, are called in greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as for example: the generation of mists, haille, rain, snow, lightening, shooting of stars, opening of the air, blazing stars, heggues that are seen in the fields by night like firebrands, or torches, with such other things. Of the natural causes producing, and generation of which things Aristoteles, writeth four books and entitleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Socrates would never take upon him, to determine such things as were above the compass of man's familiar handleing.  impressions there chancing.  
When a certain fellow had of a lasciviousness or malapertenes given him a spurn on the shin, as he was going on his way in the street: to such as wondreed that he could patiently suffer it, why, what should I do (ꝙ he?) when they counciled him to take the law on the fellow: A gentle jest (said Socrates: 
Patiently spoken. ) If an Ass had given me a stripe with his heel, would ye have said to me, take the law on him? He thought no difference to be between an Ass, and a man behaving himself like a brute beast, 
Between a beast and a man of brutish conditions there is no diference.  and ●ndewed with no virtue or honest quality, and to seem a thing much against all reason, not to suffer at a man's hand, that ye could find in your heart to abide of a brute beasts doing.  
A certain person being of him bidden good speed, said to him again neither buff ne baff. Neither was Socrates therewith any thing discontented. But his friends marveling thereat, & fumyug at the lewd fashion of the fellow, he said as followeth. If one should pass by us that had some worse disease in his body than we, none of us would for that respect be angry with him, 
The patience of Socrates, & anger well refreined.  why then should I be displeased with this feloe, that hath a more cancarde stomach than I have?  
Euripides came and brought unto Socrate● a book of Heraclitus his writing and making, 
Heraclitus was a philosophi●r, but he wrote so obscure and dark a style that scasely any man was able to understand him, wherefore he was named: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heraclitus the dark.  which book perused, Eurip●des asked, what he thought of it. By jupiter (said Socrates) that, that I have been able to understand me thinketh to be jolly good stuff, and of like goodness I suppose to be the residue also, which I have not understand. But we have need of some young Marlian to expone the meaning of it. He ●yd in this saying (not without a shar●e taunt and poynaunte check) note the obscure and dark style which the said writer with great study & labour purposely sought to have: whereof in deed he had this name given unto him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is: Heraclitus the dark. Of the proverb 
Delius na●ator in the greek proverb was called a cunning swymmer that could keep himself still above water without peril of drowning. And Socrates applied that to the readers of Heraclitus books, meaning that except they were very cunning they should soon be drowned and choked, that is to say: confused and set at a stay with reading the same.  Delius na●ator (for whom is here put Merlian) I have spoken at large in my work of Greek & Latin proverbs entitled Chiliades.  
When Alcibiades had by the way of free gift offered him a fair large plat of ground, 
Alcibiades was a young gentleman in Athenes, whose life Plutarch writeth at large.  to build himself an house upon, what? (ꝙ Socrates) if I had need of a pair of shoes, wouldst thou come & give me a piece of leather, whereof to make myself a pair of shoes? And in case thou shouldest so do, were not I worthy to be laughed to scorn if I took it? By this similitude he refused the gift which should stand him in no service. 
A gift that will do no profit is to be refused.   
In walking up and down in the market place as he viewed on each side the abundance of wares that were there to be sold, he used thus to say to himself, how many things have I no need of. 
The frugality o● Socrates  But others be sore vexed at their hearts, thus thinking: how many things do I lack. Socrates was of his own behalf joyous and glad, that living according to nature, and accustomed to the use of few things, he neither was desirous to have, nor yet did lack, cloth of gold, of purple, precious stones, iveraye, ares●e hangings, and the other delices of rich men, which he very many times said to be things more apt and fit for disguisynges in stage plays, then for any service, use or occupying to the life of man necessary. To which meaning he used these iambyque verses of a certain greek poet whatsoever he was. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That is 
This silver plate, and rich array  
Of purple hew, doth wondrous well  
For disguisynges in a stage play,  
Our life needeth them not a deal.   
He said that man to be most like unto the Gods, which feeled lack of fewest things, since that the Gods feel lack of no manner thing at all. But the comen people thinketh next cousyns or feloes to God himself to be rich men, whose delices nothing is able to satisfy. For of those is sa●ed in one of the comedies of Terence, how ye lead your life in all ease and pleasure. 
What persons liuen in all ease and pleasure.  And that doth Homerus attribute unto the Gods whom in many places he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ●iuyng in all ease and pleasure. And he liveth in all e●se and pleasure, that with a very little is thoroughly contented and satisfied.  
It was another saying of his, that whoso eateth dry bread with pleasure the same needeth no meat to it. 
frugality.  And to whom no manner drink cometh amiss, the same requireth none other cup but such as is ready in the way. 
hungers and thirst, the best sauce for all meats.  For hunger & thirst is for all things the best sauce in the world.  
He said that it was a ready thing for every man if he had any notable good things of his own, to name what it was, whereas it was a very hard thing to name what true friends he had, 
No possession so good as to have a tru● frende●  and yet no possession to be more dear a●d precious or harder to come by, than a true friend. In this saying, he checked the preposterous and overth wart judgement that the comen sort of people have of things, as the which passeth lest of that thing, which ought to be set by most of all. A body thinketh himself well emended in his substance and riches, to whom hath happened some good goubbe of money, and maketh a great whining, if he have had any loss of the same. 
The preposterous judgement of the comen people in esteeming things.  But he that hath gotten a good friend, thinketh himself in no more happy state, than he was afore, nor maketh any mournful cheer when he hath lost a friend.  
Unto Euclides being very studious of contentious conclusions and cavillations of subtle reasoning he said: Euclides ye may percase match with 
☞ sophists at the first beginning were men that professed to be teachers of wisdom and eloquence, and the name of Sophistes was had in honour and price, and they were of the same estimation and of the very same order, facultee and science, that afterward were called Rhetores, that is Rhetoricians, yea and also Logicians. For when the sophists fell to cavilling, brableing, and trifling, by little and little, their estimation decayed, so that ere the time that Socrates lived in, a Sophiste was a name of contempt and hatred, and so is it yet still unto this day.  sophists, but with men ye cannot have to do. signifying that Sophistry doth no help, 
He that will live among men must frame himself to the fashions of men.  use ne service to doings in public affairs or bearing offices in a comen weal. Which public offices whoso is a suitor to have, it behoveth the same not to play hieke scorner with insolubles, & with idle knacks of sophistications, but rather to frame and fashion himself to the manners and conditions of men, and to be of such sort● as other men be.  
He said that science and cunning is the only good thing of the world: 
Science and cunning is the only good thing of the world, & ignorance the only evil thing.  and contrariwise ignorance the only evil thing. For whatsoever persons do commit any unjust thing, the same offenden in this behalf, that they be ignorant what is to be done toward every party each in his degree. And such as be manful hardy, for none other thing be manful hardy, but in that they know those things worthy to ●ee sued for, and to be desired, which the multitude deemeth worthy to be abhorred. And such as be intemperaunt, that is: foloers of their naughty appetites and lusts, do in this point err, that they think those things to be sweet and honest, which are nothing so. Therefore the highest good thing in the world, said Socrates, to ●ee the science or perfect knowledge of things to be desired with her●e and mind, and of things to be refused or avoided.  
To a certain man saying that Antisthenes' the philosophier came of a mother that was of the country of Thrace, and so by the way of reviling or despite, laying to the charge of the same Antisthenes' tha● he was a moungreell, and had to his father a citizen of Athenes, but to his mother a woman of a barbarous or salvage country: what? (ꝙ Socrates) trowest thou that it had been possible for such a jolly man as Antisthenes to be born of a father and a mother being both of the●m athenians? Noting the most corrupt manners of the athenians, 
The corrupt manners of the city of Athenes in Socrates his time.  that much rather of a Thracian or o●● Scythian ●ight issue an honest or weldisposed man, then of an Athenien: and of all the honesty that Antisthenes had, he thought he might thank his mother.  
He said that of all possessions in the world, 
Time of vacacion well spent is an especial good possession.  vacaunt time of leisure is one of the very best. But by valiant time of leisure, he men not slougging, loitering or slothful idleness, but to be quiet from troubleous ruffleynges, and coumbreous business of the world, and from the affectionate appetites pertour●yng and corrupting the tranquillytee of the mind.  
Of all the sayings of his, there is none so much taken up, 
The humility of Socrates.  as that he said, that he knew nothing, saning only this, that he knew no thing. For he enquiered of every thing as though he w●re in doubt: not that in deed he had no certain knowledge of any thing, but by this dryness, he did declare his own modesty & softness, and reproved the arrogancy of others, who professed and openly took upon them that they were ignorant of nothing, 
The arrogancy of Sophistes.  whereas in deed they knew nothing at al. Certain sophists did openly take upon the●m, that they would at the first ●ight make answer to all manner matters that should be laid afore them or put to them: the presumptuous ignorance of such persons did Socrates oft times blank and confounded. And for this very thing and none else (as himself took and exponed the matter) was be by the voice or testimony of the God Appollo ●udged a perfect wise man, because that albeit he had ignorance of all things like as other men had: yet in this behalf he was above them, that he knowlaged his ignorance where as the residue were unknowing of this thing also, that they perfectly knew nothing.  
Laertius ascribeth to him this saying also: 
Laertius is a ●r●ke autour that writeth the lives of all the ancient philosophers  to have well begoonne is a thing half done. For he said: that he ●ad even now already finished half his work, who had once entered ● begun. For some there be, that in lyngreing and driving forth and consulting, spenden out all their life, The saying is half a verse of the greek poet Hesiodus: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Beginning, is half of the whole.   
These persons, that bought things, 
As green geece strawberries, cherries, peason, quadlinges, damase●es, wynes● etc.  made ripe by art, ere they were full in season, at high prices, he said to be in despair, lest they should not live until the same might be through ripe. Except it be for such a respect a great folly it is, 
foolish haste and needless.  to buy such things both with more charge, & also the things being not yet come to their goodness: but being worse than shortly after they would be, whereas within a while after they may have the same thyn●●● both for less money and twice as go●●. Thus did he by all ways possible ●●ll back unto a sobreindgement the desireful appetites and lusts of men, being void of reason.  
At a certain time when Euripides was in such wise treating of virtue, that he brought in these words. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
These things, at adventure in this case  
It is best of all, even to let pass.  As though virtue might by no means possible be found out. Up stood Socrates, saying: that it was a mad thing, whereas we think it labour well bestowed for our slave, lackey or page, (if he be not found at the first seeking) still to make further enquierye until he be found out: to judge virtue unworthy any such diligent searching, that the same may at length be found out 
Virtue, though it come not at the first, yet by diligent seeking at length, it may be found out.  if it come not to a man at the first assaying.  
Being asked of a certain young man, whether of these two things he thought be●ter for him, to marry a wife, or not to marry: 
To marry or not to marry, both Jews bring repentance.  whether of both thou do (said he) it will turn the to sorrow.  
signifying aswell to live out of wedlock, as to live in matrimony, to have disquietynges & vexations annexed unto it, the which vexations utterly to endure, it was necessary to prepare th● mind afore. To living a single life is annexed solitarynes or lack of company, 
The in commodities of living out of wedlock.  lack of issue, utter decaying and wearing out of the name, a stranger to inherit your goods & possessions after your decease. With matrimony cometh carefulness without end, 
The in commodities of living, in matrimony.  continual quereling and complaining, to be cast in the teeth and to have daily in your dish the dourie that your wife brought with her, the sour browbending of your wiffes' kinsfolks, the tatteleing tongue of your wiffes' mother, liars in a wait to make the cuckold, the doutbful end or proof and uncertaintee what your children shall come to, with other incommoditees and displeasures innumerable. And therefore in this case, there is no such choosing, as is between good and evil, but such, as is between lighter, and more grievous incommoditees.  
One of his friends, complaining and finding fault that in Athenes the prices of all things was very high for wine that was called Chium should stand a man in xx. s. an hogeshed, 
Vinum Chium of the Isle Chios where it was made.  purple silk or crymasyn, 
Hemina was the half measure of Sextarius, which Sextarius was the sixth part of agalon so tha● Sextarius was less than our quart and Hemina less than our pint, at leastwise if the galon measure among the Atheniense in old time were equal with the galon measure that we use now.  would cost after the rate of three pounds the yard: a pint of honey xx. d. He took him by the hand & lead him into his bolting house, saying, of this may ye have a pint for an half penny, therefore is corn nothing dear but cheap enough. Fron thence leading him to his storehous of olives, of this (saith he) ye may have a quart for two brass pens. And therefore not all things in the city be dearly sold.  
He that is contented with a little, 
Where none excess is used all things are good cheap.  and satisfied with things necessary, is as good as a clerk of the market to make all things good cheap for his own use and occupying.  
Archelaus king that had called Socrates to his service, 
Archelaus king of Macedon.  promising unto him many gay things. Socrates made answer, 
Socrates refused to take gifts which he was not able to recompense.  that he would not come to him, of whom he should receive any benefits, since that he was not able to give him as good again. This saying doth Seneca improve, 
Seneca was a great man in Room, & a noble philosopher, school master unto the Emperor Nero, by whom he was put to death, after that he had written many excellent goodly books of moral philosophy.  for that a philosophier (saith he) persuading the contempt of gold and silver, giveth a greater gift, then if he should give gold and silver.  
On a certain time when he was come home again from the market place, he said among his friends: I would have bought a rob, if I had had money. He craved nothing, but did only after a maidenly sort give a bywoorde of his great penury. Anon among the friends of Socrates was much high suit, of which of their gifts Socrates should have this cloak. 
Socrates could lack nothing among h●s scolares.  And 
‡ He that giveth a thing after that it is asked, giveth it over late.  yet who so ever gave it after that word spoken (as Seneca writeth) gave it over late.  
To a certain person complaining, that going into strange countries for learning and acknowledge, 
unfruitful being from home in strange countries.  had nothing availled him: Not without cause (ꝙ Socrates) hath that chanced unto thee: For thou were in strange places still 
* That is: using the same fashions which thou didst at home.  accoūpaign●ed with thyself. Many folks, think prudence to be gathered by roving into far countries, whereas Horatius crieth out saying. 
Coelum, non animum mutat, qui trans mare currit.  
Who runneth over ●ea, from place to place.  
Though he change air, his mind is as it was.  The company and conversation of wise and perfect good men, 
A man may come home from beyond the sea, as wise and as well learned as he went forth, except he seek to use the company of wise and learned men.  breedeth acknowledge and experience of the world, not the mountains and the seas.  
When he had caught a good cuff on the ear of a fellow in the street, 
‡ The patience of Socrates.  he answered nothing else but that men had no acknowledge at what seasons they should come abroad with their salads on their heads. A thing much like to this doth Laertius father upon Diogenes.  
He said that he woondreed, where the cunning makers of images in stone or metal, did with all their possible study and diligence, the vttermust of their power, that a stone might be in figure and shape even very like unto a lively creature, that they did not semblably provide, that theim selfes might not both appear, and also be in very deed like unto stones insensate. In deed, some writers there be of this opinion, that Socrates, before he diverted to spend his time in philosophy was a worker of imagery in stone. 
Socrates a maker of stone images, afore he went to the study of philosophy.  And that is the cause why he doth make the most part of all his similitudes by images of Maceons' work.  
He exhorted young spryngalles, ever now & then earnestly to view and behold theimselfes in a glass: 
Young folks, to view theim selfes in a glass.  to the end, that if they were beautiful and of good feature of body they should beware to commit nothing uncomely for the same: if otherwise, that the defaults of the body might with exercise or furniture of the wit, & with honesty of manners & behaveor be redubbed. 
The defaults of the body must with honesty of manners, be redubbed.  So duly did that gay man (of all manner things) promptely take occasion to avise and exhort all persons to the earnest applying of virtue.  
He had suddenly called two or three wealthy rich men to supper with him: and his wife Xantippe taking great care for the matter because the provision was very sclendre. 
Xantippe, was Socrates his wife the cursedest quenne that ever wetted clout.  Take no discounforte (said he) for if they be men of an housbandlyke or thriving sort, 

Honest geastes, taken all manner far in good part.  
The fourth apothegmata afore of Socrates & this is in a manner all one.   and any thing sober of diet, they will take it in good part: if otherwise, we ought not to have any regard of any of them all. Both the one part and that other of this sentence might justly shake of from us all the curious and chargeable pompeousnes and desire to exceed, in receiving geastes to dinner or supper.  
He said, the many persons do live purposely even to eat & drink: 
Some persons live only to be gluttons.  and that he contrariwise, did eat and drink, to the end that he might preserve his life. For that he used these things, not for sensualitee of the body, 
Feed only to maintain life.  but for the necessity of nature. This sentence did the poet thus express in one of his satires word for word.  
Non vivas ut edas, sed edas, ut vivere possis.  
Live not as a glutton, still for to eat.  
But feed to maintain life, by thy meat.  
Those persons which would give credence unto the unlearned and unexpert multitude of the people, Socrates affirmed to do even like, as if a man refusing one piece of money of four groats, would not take it in payment, and yet a great number of like refuse pieces cast in an heap together, he would allow for current & receive them in payment. Whom ye would not trust by himself alone, 
He that is not to be trusted by himself, is not to be trusted in a multitude, of such like as he is.  is not one whit better to be trusted in a great rabble of such like feloes as himself is: for it forceth not how great a numbered they be, but how grave and substantial. A counterfeit piece of coin, be it even in never so great an heap, is a countrefaicte piece. This maketh against the esteeming of witnesses by the multitude of them and against the judgements of the comen people being unlearned.  
When 
* AEschines was afterward a greek orator, & at continual strif with Demosthenes. His sayings foloe in this same work.  AEschines sued to be one of the numbered of Socrates his disciples and scholar's, and did shamefastly lay poverty for his excuse, saying that it was a great grief unto him, where the other friends of Socrates, being wealthy, gave unto him many great gifts, that he had nothing for to give, except his own self: 
The gentle towardness of Socrates in receiving scholar's.  doest thou not understand (ꝙ Socrates again) how great a present thou hast brought and given me, except percase thou esteemest thyself at a low price? 
The office of a good school master.  Therefore I shall do my diligence that I may restore the home again to thyself a better man than I received the. Other sophists whereas they taught nothing but mere tri●les, yet they would receive ne take not a scholare without a great fee. But Socrates took this poor man, even with as good a will as the great rich gentlemen.  
When a certain person told him news, saying the athenians have judged the to death: 
Death, comen to all persons though to some one way to some an other.  even so hath nature done them, ꝙ he again. Meaning, that it is no very great shrewd turn, if a body be violently put to death, assured naturally to be dead ere long after, although no man should slay him. Albeit certain writers ascriben this saying to the philosophier Anaxagoras.  
Unto his wife, after the womennes' fashion wailling, and saying: 
Better to die an innocent than an offender.  ah my sweet husband, thou shalt die nothing guiltee, and without any offence doing: what, wife (saith he) hadst thou rather that I should die an offender? The death of good men, 
The death of good men, is not to be wailled.  even for this point is not to be wailled, that they be put to execution without deserving: 
A much more miserable thing, to have deserved punishment, them to have suffered.  but they been double worthy to be wailled for, which suffer death for hayneous offences, but yet of the two, a much more miserable thing it is, to have deserved punishment, then to have suffreed.  
Thesame day the Socrates should drink the 
☞ In Athenes the fashion was, that persons condemned to death should drink● tempreed with wine the juice of Hemlock which is so extreme cold that when the heat of the wine doth suddenly convey it to the heart, it is very poison & death remediless. For immediately shall the extreme parts of the body (as the hands & feet) weaxe cold, and so by little & little the cold draweth to the heart, & as soon as it streketh to the heart, there is no remedy, but death out of hand. Albeit, if one drink the same juice first by itself alone not tempreed with wine, there is remedy enough. For if one drink a good draft of wine after it, the heat of the wine shall overcome the cold of the herb and drive it from the heart and so save the life.  poison, one 
‡ This Apollodorus was of Athenes a poet that wrote comedies, there was another Apollodorus of the same city a teacher of grammar, there were also four more of the same name, but of other countries.  Apollodorus (for to comfort him by such means as he could) came and brought unto him a rich rob of a great valour, that he might have it on his back at his dying hour. But he refusing the gift, what (saith he) this rob of mine own here, which hath been honest enough for me in my life time, will it not be even like honest for me after I be departed out of the world? Utterly damning the pompous fashion of some people, with wonderful high study, making provision afore hand, that they may be carried to their buiryall, and that they may be laid in their graves with all worship possible.  
To one bringing him word, that a certain fellow did speak evil of him: 
Unwrathfully spoken.  and gave him a very evil report. Marry (ꝙ Socrates) he hath not learned to speak well. Imputing his toungsore, not unto maliciousness: but unto the default of right acknowledge. Neither did he judge to pertain to him, what such persons talked on him, as do speak of a cancardnesse of stomach, 
They that give us evil report not of a judgement but of a cancardnesse of heart, are to be contemned.  and not of a judgement.  
When Antisthenes a philosophier of the sect of the Ciniques, 
Of the sect of the Ciniques in the same place.  did wear upon his back a rob with a great hole or rapture in it, & by turning the same rapture outward, did purposely show it, that every body might look upon it: through the rent of thy cloak (ꝙ Socrates) I see thy peignted sheath and vaingloriousness: Featly noting that vainglory of poor garments & coure clothing, is much more shameful & abominable then of gorgeous apparel or galaunt array. And would god there were not among us Christian men many Anthistenes, 
Pride may aswell be in sacklo●has in rich array.  which under a rusty, a course, & a sluttyshe vesture hidden more pride and ostentation, than the rich gentlemen have in their velvets and fine silks This was verified in England also until the deivil had his Mounkes, friars, Nuns, and other cloystreers again. 
The cloystres were full of pride, ambition and vain glory.   
To a certain person wondering that he was not grievously moved in displeasure against one by whom he was shamefully railed at, and reviled. 
Unwrathfully spoken.  He railleth not on me (ꝙ Socrates) for the things that he speaketh are not in me, nor take any hold on me. But the most part of people is even for this very cause the more tes●ie & fumyshe, if aught be spoken against one having not deserved the same. Good men when they be evil spoken of, are glad of their own behalfs, that they be clear of those mischiefs, which are put upon them and laid unto their charge, 
Good men rejoice that they be clear of such mischiefs as be put upon them.  nor do take it to be spoken against them: no not a whit more, then if a fellow being deceived in his eye sight, should call Plato by the name of Socrates, and should call Socrates all that nought were, & speak all thee mischief possible against Socrates: that fellow railleth not on Plato, but on him whom he supposeth that Plato is.  
The old comedy used commonly to make jesting & scoffing at the citizens by name. 
And because there came much strif & debate thereof a decree was made that no man should be named to his reproach and that was called the new comedy.  The plain open speaking of whom, where many did fear, Socrates said, to be expedient that a man should weetyngly & willingly come in the presence or way of them. For if they speak any thing against us (saith he) worthy to be rebuked, being told of it we shall emend it, and so they may in deed do us good: but if they shall spout railing, slanderous or reproachful words against, us & no truth in them it nothing toucheth us. 
Railling against us, without truth nothing toucheth us.   
Socrates after that he had within doors forborne his wife Xantippe a great while scolding, and at the last being weary, had set him down without the street door, she being much the more incensed, by reason of her husband's quietness and stillness, powered down a piss bowl upon him out of a wyndoore and all bewrayed him. But upon such persons as passed by laughing & having a good sport at it, Socrates also for his part, 
The patience of Socrates.  laughed again as fast as the best, saying: 
merrily spoken & patiently withal.  Nay, I thought very well in my mind, and did easily prophecy, that after so great a thoundre would come a rain.  
To Alcibiades greatly wondreing that he could take so continual patience with Xantippe in his house, 
The patience of Socrates●  being such an unreasonable scolding brathel: I have (said he) now a long season been so well enured with such manner gear, that I am therewith no more offended, then if I should hear the squeaking of a wheel that draweth up water out of a well. 
The scolding of brathels is no more to be passed on, than the squeaking of well wheels.  For that manner squeaking, such persons may very civil abide, as have not been accustomed unto it, 
Custom easeth the tediousness of incommodities  and he that daily heareth the same, may so well away with it, that to his acknowledge he heareth it not.  
To the same Alcibiades saying a much like thing, why, even yourself (ꝙ Socrates) do ye not patiently suffer at home in your house the cackling of hens when they make a clocking? yes, I let them alone (said Alcibiades) but my hens lay me eggs, & bring me forth chekyns. And my sweet spouse Xantippe (ꝙ Socrates) bringeth me forth children. 
wives must be suffreed for bringing forth children.   
Some there be that suppose Socrates to have kept in his house two wives at ones Myrtho and Xantippe. 
Socrates had two wives at ones Myrtho and Xantippe.  Therefore to a certain man greatly marveling to what use he kept two women at one's (especially being scolding quennes, ever chiding & braulling) and did not beat or drive them out of his doors, thus he said: these women do teach me at home within the house, the patience & sufferance which I must use when I am abroad forth of doors. Being exercised afore and well broken with the fashions of these two, I shallbe the better and more gentle to live or to deal withal, for the company of other men. The demander of this question Aulus Gellius maketh Alcibiades. 
Aulus Gellius, a Latin writer of elegancies for the Latin tongue and of other many pretty rehersalles & dyscussynges of divers things.   
When Xantippe had pulled away her husband's cope from his back even in the open street, and his familiar coumpaignions' gave him a by warning to avenge such a naughty touch or prank with his ten commaundemenntes: 
Merely spoken and patiently withal.  gaily said (ꝙ he) yea Marry, that while she & I be towzing and topleing together, ye may cry to us, one, now go to Socrates, an other hold thine own Xantippe. For with such manner words done the lookers on cheer & hearten two parties matched & set together by the ears. But this wise man thought better to show of himself an example of patient suffreaunce, then to show a gaze or sight for folks to laugh at, in striving or contending with his wife.  
To one demanding why he had and kept in his house the said Xantippe, 
The gentleness and patience of Socrates.  being a woman of such conditions and fashions, as no man might well away withal or abide he said: that men ought in like manner to live with crabbed & testi● wives, as they that exercise & practise theimselfes to the feat of being good horsemen, 
Crabbed wives be compared to rough stiering horses.  get horses of fierce stiering natures and of rough conditions: which if they have once thoroughly maistreed & made to the bridle, and be able at all assays to abide: they shall have all other horses as gentle and easy to rule as they can desire. And semblably he that hath learned to bear with the fashions of a crabbed and testy wife, shall with much more ease be able to coumpaignye with all others, 
He that ●an abide a cursed wife, needeth not to fear what company he liveth in.  of what sort so ever they be.  
When Lysias had rehearsed and read over unto Socrates an oration, 
Lysias was an orator in Athenes & a friend of Socrates, and a man (as saith Quintilianus) of sweet and pleasant eloquence.  which he had made for Socrates to pronounce in the defence of himself before the judges: It is a jolly and an elegant oration, said he, but it is nothing convenient nor comely for Socrates. For it was more fit to be made of some man of law, 
Not all manner orations will seru● fo● almaner persons.  in pleading a court matter or a case in law, then to be pronounced by a philosophier, and namely by such a philosophier as Socrates. Again to the same Lysias demanding, for what cause if he judged the oration to be good, he thought it to ●e inconvenient for him. Why (said Socra.) is it not a thing possible, that a garment, or a shoe may be galauntly made & well fashioned, & yet the same not be meet for some bodies wearing. This self same history doth Ualerius Maximus report after a more churlish sort, & more unlike to the manners of Socrates. For he reporteth Socrates, in this wise to have made answer unto Lysias: Away with thissame I beseech y● heartily. For if I could by any means be brought to pronounce this oration from the beginning to the ending, even in the ferthest & vttermust wilderness of the barbarous country of Scythia, then would I grant & yield myself well worthy to suffer death.  

Boldness & trust on a man's we'll doing, & on an upright conscience.  When they that sat in judgement upon Socrates could not agree among theimselfes what punishment Socrates was worthy to suffer Socrates even of himself suddenly brake out and said: for the things that I have done, I myself judge and give sentence, that I am worthy to have my finding allowed and assigned for term of life, out of the chamber of the city, in the 
☞ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prytanis in greek, was the same officer that w●● call president of the counsel, and chief or head of all the rewiers Which office he that had in Athenes, had assigned unto him, out of y●●ofers & chamber of the cited, an honourable, and a great living in the Prytanes, that is to say: in the chief place of the tou●e or castle of the city, where the said head counsellor had his lodging and dwelling place. That if it chanced any man to do unto the city some singular and incomparable benefit, than had he a lords living, or an honourable portion to live on, assigned out of the chambered of the cite●, and was allowed with the president of the counsel, during his life, and this was the highest honour that might be among the Greeks. And this did So●rates claim, as one that with good instruction, and bringing up of youth in virtue and good manners, and in right moral philosophy, had done as high benefit to the comen weal, as did the chief counsellors of the city, and that he thereby had deserved as good and as beneficial a living as the best of them all.  Pritanei. For that honour was wont to be showed and done to such men as had done some especial gay benefit, to the comen weal. Marcus Tullius in the first book, entitled 
‡ Marcus Tullius writeth two volumes entitled in Latin, De oratore, that is of a perfect orator, which work himself ●ekeneth the best that ever he made.  of a perfect orator, rehearseth this history. There was (saith he) in Athenes, when any person was upon arainment condemned (if it were not by the law a penaltee of death) as ye would say a set fine, and an ordinary forfeiete of money at the arbitrament, pleasure, and discretion of the judges, when the party arained, or defend aunt was once yielded into the hands of the judges: he was asked what fine he would confess himself very well to have deserved to pay. Which thing when Socrates was asked, he answered, that he had well deserved, to be advanced with very high honours & rewards, and to have continual finding for term of life, of the charges of the city, freely allowed unto him, which honour and pre-eminence was esteemed and accounted the highest that could be among the Greeks. With whose answer the judges were so set on fire with anger, that they condemned to death the most innocent person of the world.  
Socrates met full butt with Xenophon, in a narrow back lane, where he could not start from him. when he espied him to be a young stripling of rare towardness, & like to prove so well as few did, he held out his staff, & charged him that he should not a foot ferther. As soon as he stood still, Socrates asked of him, 
The authority of Socrates, in matters of philosophy.  where sundry wares were made and sold, that men did commonly occupy, when Xenophon had thereunto readily & quickly shaped an answer: Socrates eftsoons demanded, in what place of the city, men were made good, honest and virtuous, 
Few persons know or take heed, where virtue is to be learned.  when the young man had answered, that he was of that matter ignorant: Then come with me (ꝙ Socrates) that thou mayest learn. Fron that time forthward begun Xenophon to be disciple and scholare unto Socrates. 
How Xenophon became scholare unto Socrates.  It is a thing contrary to all good reason, to have acknowledge, where thou mayest be served of a well-favoured & cleanly garment or of a fair cup, and to be ignorant, where thou mayest purchase the good furniture of the mind and soul, 
The furniture of the mind,  That is virtue and cunning.  
On a certain time as he was walking before his door a great pace, even till the going away of the day light, when one of the folks that passed by, had said: what mean ye Socrates, by thus doing? I procure myself some cates for my supper (ꝙ he) meaning of hunger, which he provoked with chafing up and down Marcus Tullius doth set it out with these words: That I may sup the better, I do with walking procure hunger, 
One of y● be●● dishes at a supper is hunger.  for my chief cates and viandrie.  
His saying was, that sweet savours and sweet oils, 
Sweet savours and oils been more meet for women then for men.  were to be let alone for women, and as for in young men no sweet saviour to have a better smell, than the oil which they occupied in exercising their bodies at the proving of masteries, or at work. For with oil of bau●ne or of spike, a slave and a gentleman, have both of them by and by one manner sauour● 
The sweet savours, meet for men.   
Being asked whereof it was most comely for aged men to smell: 
Of what savour it is comely for aged men to smell.  of honest and virtuous disposition (ꝙ he) then being eftsoons asked, where poumandres there of were to be sold: 
Xenophon among other books writeth one which he entitleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is the banquet.  he rehearsed this verse of the greek poet Theognis. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Of honest men, wheresoever they be.  
ye may at all times, learn honesty.  diverse sentences of this sort, Xenophon beapeth together in his banquet.  
When a certain rich man had sent his son being a proper lad unto Socrates, for to examine & try his towardness, and the tutor that had been the bringer up of the same from his childhood, had said in this wise: the father of this lad hath sent him unto you Socrates, that ye should have a sight of him: by and by said Socrates to the child: speak some what then, good son, that I may see the. signifying that the disposition of a man doth not show so clear in his face or visage as in his talking, 
A man's talking doth more clearly show his conditions then doth his face.  for this is the most sure & true glass of the heart and mind, and fewest times lying.  
He said that the woman kind, if the same be diligently instructed & taught, is no less apt than men are, 
The woman sex is no less apt to learn all manner things than men are.  to take aswell allmaner disciplines or faculties of learning, as also allmaner virtues moral, yea even fortitude & hardiness, which as though it should properly appertin only to men & not to women, is called by the greek vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in english, manhood, 
Manhood.  or mannely hardiness. This did he gather by the sight of a maiden that was a dancer & a tumbleer, who being brought in where company sat at a table, did with wondrous sleight and conveighaunce cast up and receive again one after another, twelve trendles or rowndelles, the space of the height, and the measures of footing the dance so tempreed and proportioned, that she never missed. And the same maiden where the lookers on quaked & trembled for fear, danced without any fear at all among swords and knives, being as shar● as any thing.  
As Socrates being bidden to a supper by one Agatho was going with trick voided shoes on his fee●e● 
Agatho was a young gentlemannne of Athenes of excellent beauty & favour.  and perfumed with sweet savours, and that contrary to his accustomed usage: when he was asked of a friend of his that met him on the way, why he was more net and picked at that season, them he had used to be aforetimes? he said merrily in this wise: that to such a minion feloe as Agatho is, I may go trim net & well beseen. Where in deed there was no man alive, that had less mind or fancy to such things.  
Thesame day that Socrates should drink the poison, when he after the striking of, of his shackleses or fettres, had feeled great pleasure of clawing where it itched, he said to his friends: how woondrefully is it of nature ordained, that these two things do by course foloe either other, pleasure, & grief: 
Pleasure and pain, by course followen either other.  for except pain & grief had preceded or gone afore, I should not now have feeled this pleasure.  
Of the under gailloure delivering unto him the juice of hemlock in a cup, 
The poison that Socrates should die of he called a medicine.  he demanded, how that medeicine was to be taken? forasmuch as the same officer was well practised and could good skill in that science. Alluding to the sick folks, 
Alluding to the sick folks, that is: using such words & terms, as if the gaillour had been a physician, and he a sick man and the gaillours patient.  who do learn of the physicians when and how it is best to receive a medicinable drink that they have made. And when the seruannte had answered, that he must up with it all at a draft if he could, and that after it he must walk up and down so long until he feeled such weakness and feebleness that he should draw his legs after him, & that after this he must lie him down in his bed upright upon his back, & then the drink would work his wont effect: Socrates enquiered, whether he might not leefully pour out some part thereof in the way of sacrificing & taking assay to the Gods, because in merry gardeners, suppers & banquets it was the guise and fashion (a little quantity of the wine poured out) to sacrifice the same in the way of assay to some God by name (which was called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
In feasts & dynners', the guise was to power out a little of the drink in the way of sacrifice, & taking assay to some one of the gods.  and in latin, Libare) The officer answered, that he had tempreed so much and no more as was requisite for the purpose, meaning by those words, that there was none thereof spare to be poured out. Then said Socrates, well, yet is it both leeful, and also requisite to beseech the Gods that this my passing out of this world may be happy and fortunate●  
When the under officier of the preson had uncovered him & laid him naked, because he was now already cold at the heart. And should thereupon die immediately: Crito (ꝙ Socrates) we be now indebted to the God Aesculapius of a cock, 
Aesculapius the son of Apollo, the first inventor and practiser of Physic. Whom for the science the antiquity, honoured as a God and such as recovered from any disease did sacrifice unto Aesculapius a live cock. But the poets do fable that he was slain, with lightening of jupiter, because he had with his cunning of Physic restored Hippolytus again to life.  which duly to pay, in no wise be ye negligent. Even as though he had upon the taking of a medicinable drink, perfectly recoured again all his health. For 
‡ Crito was an honest citizen in Athenes, and a true friend unto Socrates, and the other as good, and as loving a friend again to him in all points, of mutual familyarytee.  Crito had afore done all that ever he might possible do, that Socrates should make means to save his life. And in Socrates there was so rooted a certain vein of honest merynes, even naturally given him in his cradle, that he could jest and speak merrily even at the hour of death, for these are reported to have been the last words that ever he spoke.  
He taught that the beauty of the minds is much more to be favoured, then of the bodies, 
The beauty of minds, is more to be loved then the beauty of the bodies.  and that the same pleasure which a well-favoured face when it is looked on doth engender in us, is to be translated and removed to the beauty of the mind far exceeding the other in fairness, albeit lying hidden from the bodily eye. But to have a sight thereof, philosophical yies to be requisite and necessary. He noted the greek vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be of signification indifferent to kissing or loving, of which two things the former pertaineth to them that do carnally love the body, the other t● such as do virtuously love the mind.  
Unto Crito after a very earnest fashion counsailling and advising him, that if he for his own part passed not on his life, yet at lest wise he should preserve the same, and continue in his former good state & condition, for the respect of his children being even then but little babes, and for his friends sakes which had all their stay in him. As for my children (said he) God, who gave them unto me, shall take care. 
Socrates' died in perfect securytee.  And as for friends, when I depart from hens I shall find either like unto you, 
An holy kind of dying, in a gentile or heathen man.  or else better than ye be, and yet I shall not long be defrauded of the company of yourselfes neither, forasmuch as ye are like shortly to come to dwell even in the self same place, that I now go unto.  
Those persons, which do bear carnal love only to the body, Socrates affirmed to be much like unto physicians that be ever need●e, 
Honest & virtuous love.  and that still do call on their pacientes ymportunely craving one thing or other. And again those that be honest friends, rather than carnal lovers, to be like unto persons possessing & having land of their own, 
The difference between a carnal lover & an honest friend.  which they continually studied and laboured to make better and better. A carnal lover seeketh to satisfy and to fulfil his beastly or bodily pleasure. A true & honest friend having none eye nor respect to his own person, thinketh himself so much the richer, how much the more honest & virtuous he maketh his friend to be.  
Sitting at the table at meat in Xenophon his house, every one of the geastes being bidden to tell in what occupation and craft, or in what good property or feat that he could do, he liked himself best when the course & turn to speak came unto Socrates, he said in the way of jesting, 
Lenocinium.  the best thing that he could brag or crack of, to be lenocinium, 
Ue●iue principally above all things purchaseth to man benevolence & love.  which soundeth in english enticing & alluring, of such sort as is used in houses of bawdry. But the meaning of Socrates was, that he taught true and sincere virtue, which doth specially above all other things commend and set out y● haver: and the which aswell privately as in the open face of the world doth purchase unto man benevolence and love.  
A fellow having sight in physiognomy (who professed and openly took upon him by the complexion and pleeight of the body, 
The art and profession of physiognomiers.  and by the proportion & setting, or coumpace of the face or visage, to be able unfallibly and without missing to find out & judge the natural disposition of any man,) when he had well viewed Socrates, gave plain sentence, that he was a lowtishe fellow, a dull blockehed, besides that also much given to the wanton love of women, 
Of what nature & disposition Socrates had been, if he had not given himself to the study of philosophy.  foul stained with the filthy concupiscence & desire of boys, a great boller of wine, and a vicious foloer of all naughty appetites and lusts of the body. And when the fr●ndes of Socrates, being brought in a high fume, threatened the fellow, & would have been upon him, Socrates kept them back, saying: he hath not lied one whit, 
Philosophy altreeth, and clean changeth nature.  I should have been such an one in all points in very deed, if I had not committed myself unto philosophy to be governed, & kept in better stay.  
When Aristippus, the disciple of Socrates, 
Aristippus' first of all the schoolares of Socrates, set up teaching of philosophy for money.  had of his gains, of setting up the teaching philosophy for money (which thing he first of all the scholar's of Socrates, did set up and begun to do) had sent twenty pounds unto his master: Socrates sent the money back again unto him forthwith, alleging, that his familiar good angel would in no wise suffer him, to take it. For Socrates ●a●ed, that he had a familiar ghost, 
The famyliare ghost or angel of Socrates, called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin, Genius.  or angel peculiar and proper to himself, of whom he was by a privy token forbidden, if he attempted, or went about to do any unhonest thing. verily, that familiar good angel, I suppose, was reason. 
Socrates allowed not that an● man ●h●uld take money for teaching virtue, and esteemed money so gotten to be sacrilege.  And in the mean time unto Arist●ppus he did after a gentle sort signify himself not to allow, n● to think well done, that he kept a school of moral philosophy for money, and therefore the same gift of his, as a thing gotten by plain sacrilege he utterly refused, and would none of it.  
One Euthydemus returning and coming away from the wrastleing place, 
Euthydemus one of the familiar friends of Socrates in Athenes, & a phylosophier.  Socrates, when he had met with him by chance, brought home to supper with him. And as the● two were studiously disputing and treacting of many things, Xantippe being therewith very angry, arose up from the table, and spoke many byttur words of contumely & despite against her husband, 
The cancardnesse of Xantippe.  with which words, forasmuch as he was nothing moved at last she typed the table over & over and floung down all that ever was upon it. But when Euthydemus being therewithal very sore moved, arose and begun to depart, why, 
The pa●ience of Socrates.  what harm have ye (ꝙ Socrates?) Did not even this self same thing chance at your own house the last day, that a hen mounting, cast down all things that were on the table? yet did we your geastes then, not one whit fume at the matter.  
When in the comedy of Aristophanes entitled, the clouds, 
Soc●ates ●ore railed at by name, in the comedy of Aristophanes entitled, the clouds, or, mists.  he was with many and bittur words of railing and defamation, as ye would say torn, and mangleed in pieces: and one of the company standing by, said, doth not this go to your heart Socrates? 
The patience of Socrat●s.  By jupiter saith he again, it grieveth my stomach nothing at all, if I be snapped at, and bitten with merry taunts at the staige where entreludes are played, no more than if it were at a great dinner or banquet, where were many geastes. 
The custom of diverse placest to have jesters & s●offe●s ●●solemne feasts.  This custom and usage, even yet still endureth among ●ertain of the Germans, (yea and in England also) that in feasts of great resort, there is brought in for the no●es some jesting fellow, that may scoff and jest upon the geastes, as they sitten at the table, with the which jesting to be stiered to anger, is accounted a thing much contrary to all courtesy or good manner.  
He used often to say, that he which moveth his body to and fro, with leaping and dancing, hath need to have an house of large room, but who so exerciseth himself with singing or talking to the same, either standing, or sitting, or leaning, any place whatsoever it is to be sufficient, and wide or large enough. By this saying he did allow moderate exercitations of the body, especially after meat taken: 
Moderate exercitations of the body allowed by Socrates, & the contrary disallowed.  and exercises any thing busy or full of stiering ●e disallowed.  
Unto Socrates, somewhat sharply and roughly chiding one of his familiar friends, at the table, as they sat at meat, Plato said: Had it not been better, to have told him these things apart out of company? To whom Socrates said again: 
merrily spoken, and nippyngly withal.  And should not ye also have done better, if ye had told me this apart out of company between you and me? He merrily and sharply withal taunted Plato● as the which in rebuking him did commit the very self same fault, that he rebuked. 
In rebuking another, to commit theselfe same fault, that one rebuketh.   
Socrates as he sat among company at a table, espying a young man somewhat greedily eating the flesh, and ever among deping or sopping his bread in the pottage or broth: Masters, all that sit at this table (ꝙ Socrates) which of you useth his bread in stead of his meat, and meat in stead of his brea●e? 
Immoderate and greedy eating, rebuked by Soc●ates.  A disputation hereupon arising among the company: (For, it is not I, ꝙ one, and it is not I, ꝙ an other, ● the young man perceived the matter, & blushed as red as fire, & began more leisurely & moderately to feed & eat of the meat.  
Being asked which was the chief virtue of young men: 
The chief virtue of young men, not to eagerly to attempt any thing.  that they do not (saith he) over fervently or angrily attempt, assay, or enterprise any thing. For the feruen ●n●●●e of tha● age being as hot as ●oles, will not suffer them to keep a meane● 
‡ Terence a latin po●te, a writer of comedies, ● in the first comedy, entitled Andria. Simo having espied, that his son Pamphilus, had fallen in love with a single woman, named Glyceri●, talketh of the matter, with his late servant Sosia, and in process of communication, where Simo would have Pamphilus, not to far to proceed in wanton love of paramou●es, no by saint Marie, saith Sosia, for this I think in the life of man to be as good a thing as can be, that he attempt not, ne enterprise any thing overmuch.  To this thing had Terence anyie an● respect in the young man P●mphilus  
Letters or writing (which the most part of folks supposeth to have been first devised and found out, for helping the memory) Socrates said to be very hurtful to the memory. 
Whether letters or writing do help the memory, or●ls rather hurt the same.  For in old time, men (if they had heard any thing worthy to be known) they wrote and graved the same, not in books, but in the heart and mind. And the memory by this confirmed and made steadfast, 
The exercise of the memorie●  they kept in their remembrance whatsoever they were willing, and what every man perfectly knew, he had always ready with him at his fingers ends. Afterward, the use of writing being once found out, 
After the feat of writing once found out men trusted more to their books, then to their memories.  while men put all their affiance and trust in books, they were nothing like earnest to enprinte in their mind, such things as they had learned. By that means it came to pass, that the exercise of memory neglected and nothing passed on, the acknowledge of things was nothing so quick nor fresh as it had been, and each man knew still less and less. 
So much ● no more doth every of us know, as we have surely enprinted in our memorie●  For so much and no more doth every of us know, as we have fast enprinted, & do keep in our memory.  
When the time of his dying drew fast upon him, being asked of Crito, how his mind was to be buried: 
The soul passes out of this world more swiftly than any bird ●lyeth.  o my friends (ꝙ he) a great deal of labour have I spent in vain. For unto Crito your friend & mine I have not yet persuaded, that I shall more swiftly than any bird fly from hens, & not leave behind me here any part or portion of me. Yet nevertheless Crito, if thou shalt be able to overtake me, or if thou shalt in any place come by me or gait me buirie me even how so ever to the shall seem best: but believe me, not one of you all shall overtake me, when I shallbe departed from hens. 
The soul is the mā●●, and the bo●ye the tabernacle of the solle.  Socrates men the soul to be the man, & the body to be nothing else but the instrument or tabernacle of the soul, 
To take care how to be buried is foolish 〈◊〉.  & therefore those person●s to do like fools that take care or thought how to be buried.  
Thesame Socrates was wont to say that death is like to sound sleeping. 
Death is like unto sound sleeping, or to being in a strange country.  And of this, we call in english a sound sleep, a dead slepe● or else to a long pilgrimage, that is to say, long being in a strange country, from whence at length to return home again. 
That the solle shall at length return again into the body, not only shall be at the general resurrection according to our belief, but also was the opinion of Socrates, of Plato, and of their disciples albeit after another sort.  Ueray sound sleeping taketh away for the time all operation of the bodily senses, & the soul being departed away from the body, shall at length return again into his tabernacle, that is to say into the same body.  
Thesame used also many times to say, that if the universal calamities of all men should be gathered all in an heap together, 
If the universal calamities of all men were in an heap equally to be distributed, each man would rather take his own again, then equal portion with all his feloes.  & immediately to each man severally by himself should be distributed equal portions out of the same heap, it would come to pass, that each man would rather choose to receive his own former calamities again, then equal portion with his feloes out of the common heap. This maketh against the common manners and guise of men, who grudge & repine at the state & condition of others, and whine continually at their own.  
He learned to play on the harp after that he was well stricken in age, and that, among children. And unto such persons as marveled at the same as a thing very unconvenient and foolish, he said, that it was no shame nor foolish thing for a man to learn those things of which he were ignorant. 
It is no shame for a man to learn that he knoweth not, of what age soever he be  For it is turned to no man's rebuke to procure & gait such things, as he hath need of, if they be wanting, neither in this behalf is to be regarded a man's age, but his need.  
He said that to make a good beginning, 
To have made a good beginning, is no small portion of the work do●●.  is not a little, but next cousin to a little, or else thus, to make a good beginning, is not a little, but a little more. The greek words run thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which he that translated Laertius out of greek into latin, hath interpreted in this sense: that to make a good beginning, is not a small matter, but a very great thing. Albeit the words of Socrates do express an other sense in manner contrary. But he meaneth (if I be not deceived) that, to make a good beginning, is not a little matter in very deed, but to be little esteemed, or else to make a good beginning, not to be a little, but to be next door ●y a little, or next cousin to a little. For men ought to begin things fair & soltely & to proceed by little & little, 
The more haste the worst speed.  because that such persons as do make most haste in the beginning have commonly (according to our english proverb) worst speed toward the ending. So that he alludeth unto the poet Hesiodus, who biddeth, that we shall add a little to a little. The quickens and pith of the saying resteth in the greek vocables 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
* No nor yet in english neither. Albeit I think the saying of Socrates to have this sense and meaning, that to have made a good beginning or entreaunce, is not a little but a little more, or a degree ferther than a little. That is to say: as good a forth deal, and advantage towards the end of the work, as if a good portion of the same were already finished. For according to our english proverb, a thing well begun, is more than half done. For who so hath ones made a good beginning of his work, shall easily bring the same to such end, and to such pass and effect as he would do. As for alluding unto Hesiodus (as Erasmus here taketh it.) I suppose Socrates men nothing so, at lest wise, in this present saying. For in Hesiodus is no such word as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which Erasmus interpreteth, juxta pusillum, besides a little, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is an adverb signifying, Ferè poenè, that is in english: almost, or well-nigh, so that the saying of Socrates may purport this sense, and be thus interpreted, to be one's entered, is not a li●le begoonne, but the whole matter well-nigh done.  and the same cannot well ●ee expressed in latin.  
It was also a lesson of his teaching that geometry ought to be studied until a body be sufficiently able both to receive or take, 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
What geometry Socrates would to be studied & laboured.   and also to give out or deliver ground by measure. I suppose he mened, that men ought not to purchase, but lands & possessions moderate, which it might well stand with a body's ease and commodity, both to receive of his ancestors, and also to leave to his heirs. For over great possessions of lands, as they be not purchased ne gotten without much a do, so they come to the heirs hands not peaceably nor without great traverse. The quickens and pith of the saying consists in the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Over great possessions are incommodious both to the owner and to his heir.  which in signification is indifferent to the art of geometry, and to metres of lands or ground in a field. Yea, and also in the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, by measure. For he would men's purchases not to extend beyond the compass of sufficiency, 
Purchase of lands ought to be moderate.  but to consist within the bounds of mediocritee. Whereby he reproved the unsatiable desire of men to have possessions infinite. Albeit, this saying cannot well be expressed to have any grace in the english tongue.  
To a certain person taking grievously that he was clean out of regard and estimation at what time the thirty tyrants had invaded and usurped the governance of the communeweale: 
In Athenes the comenweale was governed by the co+̄men●, till that in So●rates time, thirty tyrants usurped and took upon them, the regiment which tyrants were afterward destroyed by the policy of one Thrasibulus Of the numbered of those tyrants were Critias and Charicl●e, of whom is made mention afo●e in the twentieth saying of Socrates.  why, hast thou done any thing (ꝙ Socrates) that grieveth thy conscience or repenteth thee? Meaning, that it is not to be taken in the evil part, if a man be despised or made an abject by unhonest & naughty disposed feloes: and that no person ought for any such cause to mislike himself: but if ●e have done some fault trespass, or offence wherefore he should justly incur the displeasure & indignation both of himself, and of other honest men. For to be misliked of enfield persons, is a point of high praise and commendation.  
When him seemed that one saind unto him in his sleep, this verse of the greek poet Homerus 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
On the third day, next after this,  
Come to Phthia, and do not miss:  he said unto Aeschines, 
Socrates knew & said that he should die, three days before by a vision and voice that he had in his sleep.  this day thr●e days shall I be a dead man. Interpreting & expounding the verse of Homerus for an annswer o● declaration of God's will and pleasure, and the thing came even so to pass. 
* Phthia a city in the country of Thessalia the region of Achilles.  Phthia was a city in the region of Thessalia, the country of 
‡ Achilles, was the son of Peleus' king of Thessalia, and of Thetis daughter of Chiron, the most puissant and valiant warrice that was among all the kings of the Greeks, at the battle of Troy.  Achilles. And the fren●des of Socrates did what they could to persuade unto him, that he should flee into Thessalia, because he had there many good friends.  
It was also one of his sayings that men were bound to be obedient to the laws of the city or country: and wives to the manners and fashions of their husbands that they live in company withal. The rule to live by, and to be ordreed by for the wife, 
The rule to live by for the wife, is her husband, if he be obedient to the lawe● public  is the husband's which wife liveth well and uprightly, if her husband, be obedient to the laws public of the Realm.  
He gave warning, that naughty pleasures of the body, 
He that hasteth toward virtue must annoyed the naughty pleasures of the body, as he would the monsters of the sea.  ought none other wise than the Mermaids of the sea called sirens, to be passed by and eschewed of any person that maketh haste in his way toward virtue, as though after a long journey had gotten at last a sight of his country. He alluded unto the fable of Ulysses, who stopped his ears with wax, and by that means in sailling, passed away by the m●nstres of the sea called sirens (in english mermaids/ when he had after his return from Troy ●nes espied the smoke of his country Itacha mouniing into the air out of the chymneyes. 
The po●tes fables saien the sirens, were these three, Parthenope, Lygia, & L●●cosia, daughters of the flood A●helous, and of Calliope one of the nine Muses, and that they had their abiding in a certain Is●e between Italy and Sicily, and by the swet●nes of their singing, the● alured passengers on the sea, and when the● had them, slew them. Wherefore U●ysses returning from Troy, to Ithaca his country, stopped the ears of all his coumpaig●●e with wax, a●d caused himself to be fast bound to the m●st of the ship, and so escaped from the sirens, as Homerus writeth. And the sirens for anger and sorrow that they were so despised, ●umbleed headlong into the sea and do still remain there.   
When he heard the dialogue of Plato entitled Lysides, 
Socrates of an humbleness of mind would not knowledge the lands & praises that Plato attributed unto him.  readen, oh lord in heaven (saith he) how many lies the young man forgeth on me. B●t●er for tha● of his ●umilitee and lowelynes he would not knowledge the laudes and praises which Plato did attribute unto him, or else because he feigned many things on Socrates in tha● dialogue.  
Unto Aeschines, who was sore oppressed with poverty, 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How an evil husband may borrow money of himself to get afor●hande.  
Magnum uectigall persimonia.   he used to give warning and avise, that he the said Aeschines should borrow or take usury of his ownself, & moreover showed the ways how, that was, by abating of his sumptuous fare at his table. According to the proverb: good housbandrye and sparing in an house, is a great penny rend of yearly revenues. 
Good housbandrye is a great● yarely reu●n●e to an householder.  The most ready way to increase a man's richesse, is to abate of his charges. And (as our english proverb saith) house keeping is a prive thief.  
Being asked concerning Archelaus the son of Perdicca, 
Archelaus the son of Perdicca.  who at the season was esteemed a very valiant and hardy man, whether he judged him to be in perfect bliss, or not: I cannot tell (saith he) I never had communication with him. And to the other party then saying, after that sort or manner ye may aswell doubt of the king of the persians whether he be in the state of perfect felicity, or not: yea what else (ꝙ Socrates) forasmuch as I know not how well learned he is, or how good and how honest he is. Socra●es measured the blissefulnes of a man by the very true good qualities & virtues of the mind. 
The state of blissfulness of a man consisteth in the virtues of the mind & not in worldly things.  This doth Cicero report and cite in the fifth book of the Tusculane questions, out of the dialogue of Plato entitled Gorgias.   

THE sayings OF ARISTIPPUS.  
next after the master I think moste congruent to set his own scolare, that was both in age and time first and in authority chief of all the others● that is, Aristippus: 
Aristippus a phylosophier of an excellent wit and of singular dexterity: the first and chief of of all t●e disciples of Socrates. Who taught philosophy for money, as is aforesaid. The disciples and foloers of Aristippus were called after his time, Cyrenaici, because he came to Athens out of the country.  than whom, among all the philosophers, there hath not been any one either of a more apt or ready and prompt wit in conveyance or casting of things, and more agreeable to all manner states, sorts or fashions of living, or else in his sayings more merieconceipted, within the bounds of honesty, or more pleasant. Albeit he seemeth not to have showed that holiness of manners, and behaviour in living which all men do honour and highly esteem in Socrates.  
Between Aristippus and Diogenes the Cynic, there was much good cocking, 
Between Aristippus & Diogenes was much good cocking and emulation.  & striving, whether of them should win the spurs, & bear the bell, because they were of two sundry and in manner contrary sects, trades, or professions of living. Diogenes called Aristippus the kings hound, because he was a daily waiter, and gave continual attendance in the Court of Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily. Against whom Aristippus on the other side used to say: 
Aristippus one of the court with Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily.  If Diogenes could behave himself to be familiar with kings and daily about them, he should not need to eat raw or green herbs. Then Diogenes again countreing, 
The countreing of Aristippus and Diogenes.  said: If Aristippus had learned to be contented with raw herbs, he should not need to be the kings hound.  
When he had on a time commanded a per●rige to be bought, which he might not gait under the price of fifty drachmas that is xvi. s. viii. d. sterling, 
A drachm was about the value of a ●ro●e s●erlyng or somewhat more.  or there about, unto a certain person detesting & crying abomination on such riotous superfluity or prodigal excess in a philophier: why even thou thyself (ꝙ Aristippus) if the price of a per●rige were an halfpenny, wouldst not thou buy of them? when he had answered, yes: And even as much & no more do I set by a merke & forty pens (said Aristippus) as thou doest by thy halfpenny. 
Aristippus' despised gold ● silver.  Thesame thing that the o●her judged to be an abominable point of riot, excess, & prodigalitee: 
Who so is driven from buying, by reason of the high price, setteth not little by the thing, but setteth ●uch by the money.  the philosophier turned an other way, to the la●de and praise of despising money. For who so is by reason of the costliness or high price feared & driven away from buying, the same doth not set little by the meat, but setteth much by the money. But to the estimation of the philosophier, no whit more i● valour were fifty drachmas, then to the other feloe an halfpenny. 
A right philosopher despiseth money.  Then● Ar●st●ppus being in the desirefulnesse of that cates, nothing worse than that other feloe, in the contempt of money, was far better.  
When Dionysius had brought forth before him, three beautiful young damyselles of light conversation, bidding him to choose one, which soever he would of the three: Aristippus laid hand on them all, & took them to him, saying: 
When Eris, the goddess of of strife & contention, had trilled along the table (where all the goddesses were at a banquet assembleeed) a golden apple with this poysee written or engraved about it. Be this given to the fairest. juno, Pallas, and Venus, all th●●e claimed to have the said apple. After much striving in presence and company of all the gods. In fine, jupiter sent Mercurius with the same three goddesses and the apple, unto Pari● the son of Priamus, than king of Troy, who adjudged the apple unto Venus, which Venus promised him in reward, that he should have the fairest lady that was on the earth of all mortal creatures, and that was Helena, the wife of Menelaus, than king of Lacedeamon, whom the said Paris stole from her husband, & conveyed to Troy And for her begoonne the battle of Troy, whereof ensued not only the utter destruction, extermynation, and death of him & of all his blood, but also the subversion and desolation of the noble city of Troy, which the Greeks burned, not leaving so much as one house standing.  that Paris of Troy had found it a thing not a little to his pain, that of three ladies, he gave pre-eminence to one, before the other twain. And so be brought them all three unto the court gates, and there took his leave of them & suffreed them to depart, no less gentle, quick and read●e in abandoning, than he had been afore in embracing  
Strato, or after other writers, Plato, said to Aristippus: 
To Aristippus only was given this gift to be both a gallant courtier, and also a sage philosopher.  unto thee only is this gift given, to wear both the short or cutted cape of a galaunte & ruffleing courtier, (which was called Chlamys) & also the side rob or rope of homely and coarse cloth, such as the beggery philosophiers & none else usen to wear. Thesame thing did the poet Horatius note when he said. 
Omnis Aristippum decuit colour.  
All colours, and fashions of array  
Became only Aristippus, allway. 
Aristippus evermore considered and remembreed honesty & comeliness.   In the court of Dionysius he would dance in purple and crymasyn silks or velvets, & sometimes he would wear a course pilche, mantle, or cope down to the foot, but yet evermore having in mind what, when, and how, best became him, & to do neither of these things other wise than might stand with honesty, comeliness and good fashion.  
Being all bewrayed in the face with the spitting of Dionysius, 
Aristippus took patiently to be spetten upon so that he might w●nne Dionysius to the study of philosophy.  he took it very patiently, & to them that fumed at that spiteful touch, thus he said. The fisher men to take a little gougeon do abide to be all imbrued with the foul salt water of the sea: and should not I, to take a great whale be contented to be sprincleed with a little spittle of ones mouth? By the name of a whale, noting the king, whom he d●d all that in him lay, with his patience to allure unto the study of philosophy. 
No small utility groweth to commenweales, by the sapience of learned princes.  And in deed no small utility & benefit it is, that groweth to comenweales by the sapience and high knowledge of learned princes.  
Being asked what fruit he had received of the study of philosophy: 
The fruit of philosophy is that a man shall speak plainly as ly●th in his heart.  Marry (ꝙ he) that I can to all persons whatsoever they be talk boldly, frankly, and plainly as lieth in my mind. For neither did he fear men of power and authority, 
Aristippus feared no man nor disdained any person.  nor disdain inferior persons of low degree, forasmuch as he had a mind free and clear void, aswell from hope, as from fear, he was no man's dogbolte, ne in any man's bondage, nor held up the yea & nay of any person contrary to that he thought in his own heart.  
When certain persons did by the way of reproach cast in his teeth that he lived gentlemanlike and passing daintily, 
Aristippus loved gay apparel & good fare.  being one that professed philosophy: 
Whether in gay clothing and in dentie far be any vice.  If that were a vice (saith he) it should in no wise be done in the solemn feasts of the Gods. For in the same solemnitees men usen of a custom both to be gaily & trymmely appareled, and also to have the most dainty fare that can be gotten or dressed. And forasmuch as the Gods been earnest enemies to all vices, they would not be appeased, but rather stirred to wrath & anger by such manner royalty, if the same contained any spice of sin or viciousness. Thus in deed he avoided & clean defeated the contumelious check, but he did not show what was best.  
Unto Dionysius demanding of him, 
Phylosophiers' would live well, though there were no laws.  what high thing was in the philosophers more than in other men, he said: that if all laws were annulled & fordooens, yet would we live still after one manner rate. The most part of people is barred from offending, 
To a physophier, ●eason is a law.  only by prestriptions of laws, but a philosophier accounteth and useth reason in stead of laws: not doing that is upright & honest, because the law hath so commanded, nor refreining fro deeds of mischief, because the law hath forbidden the same: but for that he knoweth the one to be of itself upright & honest, and the other of itself to be abominable.  
Aristippus and Plato both of them were awaiters in the court with Dionysius. 
Plato & Aristippuz both were in court with Dionysius.  But Aristippus abstained not from the pleasures of the court when they came in his way. Plato even in the mids of all superfluitees & excess of the court● endeavoured to keep a sober t●ade in all behalfs. Therefore when Plato checked and rebuked Aristippus for that he was so sweet mouthed, and drowned in the voluptuousness of high fare, he asked of Plato, what he thought of Dionysius, whether he seemed to be an honest man, or not, when he had answered, that he seemed to be honest: And yet he (ꝙ Aristippus) liveth much more delicately than I do. Therefore nothing leatteth, but that a man both may live taking his part of good fare, and also live well and virtuously. 
There is nothing to the contrary, but that a man may live, taking part of good fare, and yet live virtuously.   
Unto Dionysius demanding how it chanced, that the philosophers did fret and wear the threshholdes of rich men's houses, & not contrariwise, 
Why phylosophiers haunt rich men's houses & not contrariwise.  he said: because the phylosophiers do know what they want, and the rich men know not. The philosophers do know that without money, there is no living, 
Without money there is no living.  and therefore they draw to such persons as been able to give them, that they have need of. That if the rich men, did like well understand & perceive, that they lack and need wisdom, they would much more haunt and tread the doors of the philosophers houses. For more miserable is the poverty of the mind and soul, then of the bodye● 
More miserable is the poverty of the mind them of the body.  And so much the more pieteously beggared, and with extremity of need oppressed are the rich men: that they do not understand, of how precious and how necessary a thing they be destitute.  
Being asked in what point the learned diffreed from the unlearned: 
What difference there is between the learned & the unlearned.  in the same point (saith he) that horses well broken, do differ from the unbroken. 
As ●n unbroken horse is unapt to do any service, so they that be leed by affections, are unmeet for all coumpaignies & sorts of living.  As an horse not yet broken, is by reason of ignorance what he should do, and of skittishenesse, nothing apt, but all untoward for any use or service to be put unto: so he that is forcibly ruled or violently lead with affections, that is to say: with the corrupt motions and sudden pangs or passions of the mind (which pangs and affections or passions, nothing but only philosophy, maistreeth and subdueth) is unapt and vnmeet● for all coumpaignies and fashions or sorts of living.  
When he resorted on a time to a paramoures house of his, he perceived one of the young men that were there present, to blush as read as fire, as though it was a foul shame for a phylosophi●r to set his foot in to any house where bawdry were kept: to him Aristippus turned, and said: youngmanne, to enter into such a place as this, is no shame at all, but not to be able to go out again, in deed that is a foul shame. He men that it is but a venial and a pardonable matter, if a man do moderately use the company of women, not offending the law B●t to be a thing worthy no pardon or forgiveness, if one be as a bondeseruaunt under the continual yoke of filthy pleasures of the body. This saying might in that world be well taken, when no temporal law, nor civil ordinance did forbid men to company with harlots: but now beside the wyttynes of making a ready e●cuse of his sin, 
That excuse of sin, that may seem to serve a Gentile, may not serve a Christian man.  there is in it nothing worthy laud or praise. And it was the saying of a corrupt Gentile, to whom the law of God was no part of his profession, and not of a Christian man.  
To a certain person that had proponed an hard reedle, & was very earnest to have him soil the same, he said: 
merrily spoken.  what thou foolish fellow, wouldst thou have me to loose that thing, which even being fast bounden setteth us all work enough to do? He found a merry toy i● the ambiguity, of the word loocing, for the greek word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and latin word, solvere, (which soundeth in english to loose, or to unbind) is indifferent to soiling a doubtful question, and to loocing a man or a beast, that is fast bounden. And in deed it were a foolish prank, to unbind & loose a mad man, or a perilous beast, which being loosed would do the more scathe and mischief.  
It was a saying of his, the much better it is to be a beggar, 
Better it is to be a beggar then a man without learning.  then to be a man without learning, for that the one wanteth only money, and the other lacketh all points to a man belonging. He ●s nevertheless a man that hath no money, but he is no man, that hath nomaner knowledge nor learning. And yet he th●t wanteth money, beggeth of such persons as he meeteth witwall, but he that lacketh wisdom, 
Such persons attacked wisdom will not seek it.  is nothing busy in asking any man to have it on him.  
When he had many despiteous words given him of a certain fellow, he went his ways, 
●●istippus beeyn●●ailled at went his way and gave not a word again to au●swere.  & answered not so much as one word: but when the railer, the faster that he w●nt away came still the faster after him saying: why rennest thou away? Marry (saith he) because thou hast power to speak railing words, & I to choose whether I will hear them or not. 
To give ●l●ce to a railer.  He did wh●th a bewray curtsy tannie, check & rebuke the shameless fanion of the fellow, which whereas himself took upon him free liberty & authority to speak all that ever nought was, would not grant to an other at leastwise so much l●bertee, as to convey himself out of presence, and to leave hearing evil. For this voice, why rennest thou away? was, as it had been of a man laying to one's charge, and making a querele for some injury or shrewd turn done unto him.  
A certain person of rancour, malice, & great hatred speaking against philosophers the worst words that he had in his bealy● 
Philosophiers haunten the houses of rich m●nn●, as physicians done the houses of sick folks.  among other things said also, that he might espy and see them evermore awaiting, & as it were laying siege at rich men's gates. To whom Aristippus said: And the physicians to, be continual resorters to the houses of sick folks, & yet is there no man that would rather choose to be the sickemanne, then to be the physician. 
Sapience is defined to be the acknowledge of things ꝑteining to god and m●̄ne, or of th●nges divine & worldly, which they that had ●otten were called Sapientes, y● is● men of perfect acknowledge, virtue, & honesty. For of right acknowledge consequently ensueth honesty of life.  He did finely and subtly turn the check to a contrary purpose. The p●ilosophiers make much preaching of felicity and perfect bliss, which they do wholly reserve & avouch to belong to a man of perfect sapience only, and to none other, and yet they be daily and hourly conversant in rich men's houses, prolling for somewhat at their hands, whereby the fellow gathered that the rich men are in a more blissful state, than the philosophers. But Aristippus interpreted & declared the philosophers chief for this intent and purpose to be continual resorters unto richemenne● because the same being through superfluity or excess, and through delicious pleasures more foolish, 
rich men are through excess & delicious pleasures, more foolish & more corrupt than any others.  and more corrupt than any other living creatures, had more need of the precepts and wholesome lessons of sapience than any other persons. And a philosophier is the physician of minds and solles diseased. 
A philosophier is the physician of minds diseased.  And to conclude more near the state of bliss it is to be the physician, then to be the sick man: ergo etc.  
On a time when he was in a ship saylling towards the City of Corinthus, and a tempest being suddenly arisen, made them every mynnte of an hour to look when the ship should sink & be drowned, 
Aristippus being in jeopardy of death feared & weaxed pale.  Aristippus weaxed wan of colour & pale as ashes for fear. One of the passyngers a gross carl & souldyarlike fellow, & one that loved no philosophers, espying and marking the same, as soon as the tempest was laid again, began proudly to cock & crow, saying: why do ye philosophers, which are ever preaching and teaching that death is not to be feared, yet nevertheless look with pale faces by reason of fear in time of peril & jeopardy, and we being men unlearned are in no fear at all? Aristippus answered: 
A great difference between the soul of a phylosophier and of a verlette.  Marry because thou and I do cark & fear for a soul or life of unegual valour. Aulus Gellius addeth this to it, I fear perishing of the life of Aristippus, and thou fearest not losing the life of a knave: which words yet for all that be more full of gall, 
We fear not harm taking of things of small valour.  then to be convenient for Aristippus, whose urbanitee & merieconceipted words are not of so poynaunte a sort. We fear not the harmetaking of things of very small valour, whereof cometh the latin proverb, Hydria in foribus. 
* 
Hydria in foribus.  
A stene or a can in the more, is a proverb, by which Aristoteles and other ancient writers, used to signify a thing so vile & of so small valour that no man would attempt to purloin or steel, or if any did, there were no great loss in it, forasmuch as an other of like sort might be every where gotten for an half penny or less money. And because it was a thing of so small price, if an earthen pot stood in a bodies door, no thief or false knave would stoop to take it up, nor set his mind to convey it away. But ouches & pearls with other like things, done such feloes study how to come by. As for a pitchaer every body may without any fear of stealing set (if him please) in the open street. So writeth Plutarch, that the briars which by theim selfes will catch and take hold on each bodies gown, every man neglecteth and passeth by, but wines and olives no man but desireth and will seek for. Seneca also in his epistles writeth in this manner. Many persons do pass by things that lain open, but for things lying hidden in secret corners, they will make narrow search. Things curiously and surely sealed, or fast locked up, do say to a thief, come steal me. It seemeth not worthy taking up from the ground, whatsoever lieth abroad And things lying open a breaker of houses will not foil his hands withal: but to break into secret corners, is set all his mind and desire.   A stene or a can in the door. For this respect Aristippus found a merry toy, that the other fellow changed not colour: not forthat he was of a better stomach & courage, or of more hardiness in time of peril, but because forasmuch as he was a fellow of no price, but a villain and a rascal, and had a mind or soul clear void of all virtue, it should have been a small loss or none at all, if he had turned up his heel's and perished. A man of profound learning & highly endued with sapience, perisheth not, but to the sore loss & damage of the commonweal.  
To a certain person making his vaunt, that he had very good sight in sundry faculties or disciplines, (as though he had learned, all that might be learned,) Aristippus said: like as, not those people that eaten most meat, and do by good digestion void the same again, be in better health of body, than such as take that is sufficient and no more: even so, not they that have had most variety of reading, 
Uarietee of learning and reading diverse books maketh not a learned man.  but such as have read things profitable are to be accounted good students, & men of learning. He gave a vengeable check to tho●e persons, who with troubleous or inordinate and unmeasurable reading porre th●ir throats and bealies thrasting full, and do not convey unto the bottom of the mind or heart such things as they read to live there after, but do only lay it up & couch it in the memory. by reason whereof in the end, they be neither any thing increased or ●ert●ered in cunning, nor yet any thing emended or bettered in their living.  
A certain orator had in a court of justice made a plea in the defence of Aristippus being there personally arraigned, & prevailed in the matter of traverse. An● when the same orator, as advancing his art of rhetoric above philosophy, said what good hath Socrates done the o Aristippus? 
Philosophy is of more excellent dignity than rhetoric.  This profit have I gotten by Socrates (said he again) that the oration, which thou hast made in my defence and commendation hath been true. The orator had defended him as being a right honest man, and innocent in the matter that was laid to his charge. And, that ever he was a man of such sort, as he was by the orator reported for, had been the act of only Socrates whose scholare he was in philosophy. It is no part of an orators play, to make that a man be of perfect honesty and virtue, but that he may appear to the judges to be such an one, although in very deed he be not so. Then a thing of much more excellency it is, that the philosophier doth perform, then that the orator can do.  
His daughter, being named Areta, 
Areta the daughter of Aristippus.  he brought up and instructed with wholesome doctrine & precepts of virtue, accustoming her in all cases to refuse and renounce what soever passed the bounds of mediocritee. 
Measure is in all things a treasure.  Because in every thing measure is chief, and principal, and in a woman it is a point of most high virtue to rule the sensual lusts and appetites. 
The chief virtue in a woman.   
To a certain person demanding in what behalf his son should at length be the better, 
What advantage children geatten by going to school.  if he should bestow the labour and cost to set him to school: though nothing else (said he) yet at lest wise at may games and open sights there shall not one stone set his tail upon an other. In old time the places, 
The fashion of stage plays in old time.  where open sights and shows of games where exhibited, were made circlewise round about with settles or benches of marble, staier wise one above an other, on which the people sit and beheld the games and sights. 
A person void of learning & sufficient vttr●aunce, differeth nothing from a stone.  And a stone● they commonly called. Even as we also do) a fellow that had neither learning nor good utterance of tongue.  
A certain man was in hand with Aristippus, to take his son to school to him, but when the philosophier required in reward for his peines of teaching, five hundred drachmas (which was above the sum of eight pounds sterling.) The other party being clean discouraged with the greatness of the price, said: for less money or better cheap than so, might I buy a bondman, that should do me tall and able service: But here now (ꝙ Aristippus) thou shalt have twain. 
The peines of teaching is worthy great wages.  His meaning was, that with the same sum of money which was to be paid for one bondman, he should purchase both a philosophier that should stand him in good steed, and also a son obedient to his father. 
Most part of men give moor wages to their horse keepers, then to the good bringers up of their children in learning and virtue.  He did feactely check the judgement of the comen people, who in no behalf are greater haines and niggards of their purse, then in providing to have their children well and virtuously brought up in learning and manners, and do bestow more cost on keeping or dressing their horses, then on the good guiding and ordering of their sons and daughters.  
Being reproved for that he was a taker of money of his friends, 
Why Aristippus took money of rich folks.  he said, that he did not take any such money to the intent and purpose, to convert it to his own use and commodity, but that they might learn upon what things money ought to be bestowed. 
The due and right use of money.  For the most part of rich folks casteth away their money, either upon horses, or on busy and sumptuous buildings, or else other riotous ways: whereas it ought to be given in alms to good and honest men, if the same be in need. Yea and a man may an other way also understand & apply this saying. Aristippus ●id not spend any money, but on things for his living necessary, 
Aristippus did not spend money, but upon things necessary.  and therefore he took rewards of richemen, to declare plainly unto the same the right way to apply it to good uses, and that could he not do, unless they had found unto his hands wherewithal to do it: as he that hath an earnest desire to learn the feat of writing, findeth and delivereth papyre, pen & ink to the party that shall teach him.  
To a fellow laying unto him in the way of reproach, that in a cause to his own person appertaining he had with money hired the help of an orator to plead for him at the bar, he said: why, that is not so great a woondre, for when I would have any supper dressed too, I higher a cook. The other party's mind was, that it should appear the orator to be of more excellency or dignity then the philosophier, 
A philosophier to be of more excellency and dignity, than an orator.  for this point, because the philosophier gave money to have his help, & he turned it clean contraries notyfiing him to be the inferior & of less dignity, that is hired. For the office of an orator, or a man of lawe● is of a more base sort, than to become a philosophier.  
He was on a time bidden this & that to talk out of his books of philosophy. And when Dionysius wondrous earnestly and instauntely required him thereunto, being at that time very evil willing & loath to meddle, he said: It is a fond & a mad thing, if ye desire me some what to say in philosophy, and yet yourself will teach me & appoint when my most opportunity & occasion is to speak. He men that one of the chief points to a philosophier belonging, is even this, to know what times it is most meet to speak, and when not to speak. 
The philosophier self, best knoweth when to speak and when not.  But he that maketh request to hear any one thing or other out of philosophy, declareth that he would learn philosophy of the philosophier. On the other side again, he that would constreigne a man to speak whether he be disposed or no, sem●leth & pretendeth to be master or superior in learning to the philosophier self, in that he taketh upon him to have better acknowledge of the due and convenient time when to speak, than the very philosophier indeed. The king being for this answer of Aristippus in an high fume commanded him to sit in the lowest place of all, at the table. Aristippus in this case nothing discontented, said in this manner: Sir king it is your pleasure (I perceive) to nobilitate this place & to make it honourable. 
Not the low place maketh the man of less dignity, but of the worthiness of the person much honour groweth to the place.  signifying not the place to make the man of less dignity, but of the worthiness & honesty of the person much honour to redound and grow unto the place.  
A certain fellow standing highly well in his own conceit for his cunning in swimming, Aristippus could not abide. And art thou not ashamed, saith he, with ●uche a saucy and presumptuous brag to boast thyself of those things which been natural properties of the dolphin fishes? 
It is a foolish thing for a man to boast himself of such feats as other things can of their natural property do better than he.  It had been more pretty and feat, if he had said, of frogues. It is comely for a man to glory and brag of such things, as be natural for a man only to do. And nothing is more agreeable with the nature of man, then to excel in reason, wisdom, and discretion. There is no man so expert a swymmer, but that in this feat & quality he is far passed & overcomed of the dolphin fishes. 
The dolphin fishes have a property to swim above the water, and the● are delighted in the melodious harmony of all musical instruments. They bear notable love towards man, in so much that diverse of them have carried children about, & over the sea daily of course & custom, as we read in Cicero, in Plynius, in Aulus Gellius, & in other writers●   
Being asked in what thing a man of perfect sapience diffreed from a man void of all learning & acknowledge. Send one of either sort naked, saith he, unto men unknown, and thou shalt see. He signified, that a man endued with sapience, carrieth about with him wherewith to commend himself and to be welcome unto all manner persons in the world. If therefore ye should send a learned man, and a person unlearned, either of them as naked as ever they were born, in to a strange conntree, where neither of them both have any acquaintance: 
What difference ●here is between a learned man & a p●rsone unlearned.  the sapiente man uttreing & showing forth the treasures of his high acknowledge and cunning, should anon find and gait both money and friends, the other not having a raggue to hang about him, should be scorned & laughed at, as a jack of bethlehem, & should hard●y escape to perish and die for hunger.  
To a fellow making his boast that he could drink much, and yet not be drunken: 
Boast of drinking, is vain  what great wondre is it thou talkest of, said Aristippus, since that every mule and horse doth the same?  
A certain person laid unto the charge of Aristippus as a vice, that he kept company with a comen stroumpette. Whom he confuted with an induction, such as Socrates commonly used, in manner as followeth: Go to, tell me this, doest thou think it to make any matter, whether a body take an house, which many have inhabited, or else an house, which noman hath afore dwelled in? When he had said that it made no matter: What said Aristippus, doth it any thing force whether one be a passenger and do sail in a ship that hath carried a great number aforetimes, or else in a ship that hath carried none? When he had said nay to that also: what matter of force is it then, ꝙ he, whether a man have to do with a woman, that hath bestowed herself on many sundry persons afore, or else upon none at all. This saying also might be (as a thing merrily spoken) accepted among them, in whose opinion simple fornication was not reckoned for a sin.  
When he was taken up and reproached of a fellow, because that being the disciple of Socrates, he was (contrary to the usage of Socrates) a taker of money for his teaching of philosophy: 
Why Aristippus was a taker of money for teaching philosophy, more th●n Socrates was.  I do that (ꝙ he) not without good cause why. For unto my master Socrates a great number of rich and wealthy friends did send both wheat and wine, of the which, his manner was to reserve a small portion for his necessary occupying, and the residue to send back again. In deed he had to his stewards, the greatest gentlemen of all the athenians, and I have none other steward, but mine own boundseruaunte Eutychides whom I bought with my money. 
Eutychides the servant of Aristippus.  He notified that he did set even as little by money as did Socrates, but that Socrates had friends of more bounty. By this colour might some persons excuse theimselfes even now of days professing outwardly in words exceeding great contempt of gold and silver, whereas they have right good store of money lying in the hands and custody of their friends, 
The excuse of some persons that in words professen contempt of money, & yet have money enough lying in store in the hands of their friends.  that forenyers, they had bounteous stewards and proctors for all their necessary store of food and viandrie, but that now they should make full many an hungry meal, if they had not a good sum of money in one place or other laid up in store.  
The report goeth that Aristippus was a customer of one Lais a very notable mysliving woman. 

Aristippus a customer of Lais the harlot.  
Lais was a stroumpette dwelling in Corinthe, unto whom for her excellent beauty resorted many rich lovers, out of all parties of the country of Grece, but no man had his pleasure on her except he gave her own asking which was evermore a great   For which matter whereas he had a very evil name abroad among all the people, to a fellow objecting unto him that being a philosophier he was at the beck & commandment of Lais. Nay marry (ꝙ he) Lais is at my commandment, and not I at the commandment of Lais. Signifying that it was no matter of dishonesty, now and then to take pleasure: which at that season was thought lawful, but to be as a bondman, and to be wholly given thereunto, worthy to be reke●ed in the number of things skamefull and abominable.  
At an other season, to a fellow laying to his rebuke, that he was over dainty of his mouth and diet, he did with this reason give a stopping oystre. Couldst not thyself ●ꝙ he● find in thy heart to buy of the same kind of meats or dishes that I dooe● if thou mightest have them for a dandypratte? And when he, that would needs show himself to be a despiser of all delicates, had thereunto answered, yes: Then do not I, said Aristippus, so earnestly mind or tender sensuality, as thou doest avarice. For he would fain have used as delicate fare as Aristippus, I● it would have come of free cost, or for a very little money. 
Man● y● 〈◊〉 th● contemp●● of del●●●●t● would fa●● of the best ●f th●i might of f●● cos●● or for a little money.  In the same wise done certain nations lay unto the Germans quaffing, 
The German are noted of much drynkyng● and the Engl●shemen of much eating.  & to the english men gourmaunding & eating while the bealye will hold, whereas there be no gre●ter raveners or gluttons in the worlie, than theimselfes, if at any time such chance do fall, that they may of free cost eat ●nd drink their fill. 
Covetousness oft times be guileth the bealye.  Then more covetous are those nations, & not more temperate or sober of diet. Ueray much like unto this● it is: that I showed of the pertrige afore, in the second saying of this same Aristippus.  
The receiver general and treasurer unto Dionysi●s, named Simus, 
Simus the receiver general and treasurer to Dio●ysius.  a Phrygian born, showed unto Aristippus his mainour place, being in every corner very neat and clean, yea even the very floor covered & checkerwise set, throughout with square paving stones of great price. Aristippus, when he had well looked about and viewed every thing, voided the spittle of his mouth even full in the beard of Simus: 
Aristippus s●e●ted on the evil favoured face of Simus●  and to the same Simus highly fuming at the matter, he excused himself by this colour, that he could espy no place ne thing in all the whole house more meet to receive the filthy dreivill or spattreing of the mouth. Noting thereby, ●hat in the whose'll house there was nothing more loathsome to behold, or more unclean, than the face of that barbarous fellow, 
The face ought to be the most clean of all the parts of the body.  whereas that part of a man ought to be most clean of all. Albeit this saying is more like to be of some Cynic, them of Aristippus, how so ever it is fathered on him.  
Being on a time delighted with a notable sweet smell, that was about a delicate fellow, thus he said now a mischief on the hearts of these naughty & wretched mutton moungres that have brought such a singular good thing as this, in slander and infamy. Meaning, that a great number of things of theimselfes good, 
Many good things be rejected through the fault of lewd p●rsons using the same naughtily.  be abandoned and rejected from honest men's occupying, through the fault of other lewd persons who put the same things to evil uses.  
Being asked the question, how Socrates ended his life: 
Aristippus wished to die no worse th●n Socrates had done.  even so as I would wish to do, saith he. Meaning that such dying is rather to ●ee wished for, than any kind of life in this transitory world. Neither was it possible for him in fewer words to describe a more blessed manner of dying. The pith of the saying consisteth in this point that the philosophier answered an other thing, than the demander looked for. The one asked his question of the kind of death, 
It forceth not what kind of death we hau● so we die virtuously.  that is, whether he had died of some sickness, of a sword, by poison, or by breaking his neck by reason of some fall from an high place: the other thinking that matter to be of small force, answered that he had made a blessed, 
Socrates made a blessed end.  a perfect, and ●●ertuous end.  
Poliaenus the sophist being entered into the house of Aristippus, 
Polyaenus a Sophiste.  when he espied there, women gorgeously appareled, & a feast of high provision and furniture, begun to reprove such great excess in a philosophier. Aristippus making as though he had not marked that chiming, within a while said unto him: may ye find in your heart to take peines at dinner here with us for this once? when the other had answered that he could be contented so to do with all his heart: 
Many that reprove dentye fare & delicates, can well find in their hearts to take part of the same.  why find ye fault at it then, ꝙ he? for ye seem not to reprove the table for the dentie far, but for the cost● For if the feast had for this point mysliked him, that it was over delicate, he would have refused to be one of the geastes. 
To allow the fare, & to be offended with the cost of the same, argueth not a man sober of diet, but loath to spend monies  And as for the ordinance to allow, and with the charges of the same to be offended or discontented, seemeth to be a point, not of one that abhorreth excess of meat and drink, but of a niggard, & of one that is loath to spend any money.  
It is uneath believable that Bion reporteth of him, 
Aristippus a despiser of gold and silver.  when his servant bearing money of his, as he traveled in a journey, was overcharged with the heavy burden of the same, he said: cast away the overplus, and carry that thou mayest with thine ease.  
Travailling by sea on a certain time, after that he had due knowledge that the ship belonged to pirates & rovers on the sea, he laid abroad his gold, 
Aristippus cast his gold into the sea.  and begoonne to tell it, & anon after soodainly let it fall over board into the sea for the nonce, & then gave a great sigh, sembleing that it had fallen out of his hand unawares, and much against his will. By this ingen or sub●●●e devise ●e found means to save his own life, when the matter and occasion why to kill him or to try masteries with him for his money was once taken away from the pirates. Some writers there be, that reporten him to have spoken these words also. 
Better the money be cast away by a man, than a man to be cast away fo● moneys sake.  Better it is that all this gear be cast away by Aristippus, than Aristippus to perish and to be cast away for this gears sake.  
Unto Dionysius demanding why Aristippus was come into Sicily forsaking Socrates, 
Why Aristippus left Socrates & went into Sicily.  he answered: Marry to the end that of such things as I have, I may give you part, & of such things as I have not, to take part with you. There been that reporten him in this wise to have answered. When I wanted sapience I resorted unto Socrates, & now because I want money, I am come to your grace.  
Aristippus unto Plato chiding with him for that he had bought a great deal of fish for one dinner, 
Aristippus chidden of Plato for buying diverse cates at ones, what he answered.  he answered, that he had bought it all for an halfpenny. And when Plato had thus said: of that price even I myself could have found in my heart to have bought it: ye see then o Plato, ꝙ Aristippus, 

Plato loved money, better than Aristippus loved good fare.  
In the ii in the seven. and in the xxxii. sayings of Aristippus.   that, not I am greedy to to have plentee and varietee of sundry cates, but yourself to bear great love to money. Certain sayings much like unto this been afore recited.  
Thesame man in the city of 
☞ 
Aegina, was a goodly city adiacente unto Peloponnesus not far from the havens mouth, called Pyraeus, & it stood even directly against the country of Attica, & therefore was of a certain athenians called Lippitudo Atticae. that is the blering of Attica. For the goodliness of Aegina did much disgrace the beauty of Attica, and did, as ye would say: drown it.  
Some give the name of Aegina to the whole Isle.   Aegina at the solemn feasts of 
* Neptunus' jupiter and Pluto, were three brethren and sons of Saturnus gotten upon Ops the sister and wife of the same Saturnus. They so divided the regions, that jupiter should have under his dominion, the high countries, Pluto the lower countries, and Neptunus the Isles and the seas. Whereof the poets have feigned jupiter to be the God of heaven, Pluto of hell, and Neptune of the waters. In honour of Neptunus were yearly celebrate in the Isle or town of Aegina, certain solemnitees, which were called Neptunalia, of Neptunus' his name, and by another name Salatia of Salum, the sea.  Neptunus, had to do with 
‡ Phryne was an harlot of exccellente beauty, but so comen that she refused none, whatsoever he were: and (as occasion served for her market) she customably resorted to all places, where ●ny solennitee of sacres or martes, or any other occasion of great haunt and resort was. Albeit her most dwelling was in the city of Athenes. She is much mentioned, not only in the poets and historiographiers, but also in sundry places of this present work.  Phryne a mysliving woman there. And when a fellow had cast him in the nose that he gave so large money to such a naughty drab, who sticked not to let beggary Diogenes the Cynic to have part of her body: Aristippus in this manner answered: I give her money and many other gay good things, to have my pleasure on her for mine own part, and not to th'intent, that noman else should. This is left in writing of the said Phryne, that although she was a passing fair woman, yet was she as comen as the cart way, on who soever came, without preferring or choice of this man, or that man, whether they were rich, or poor, showing ●ir self disdainful and coy to wards no person, come who would. To this had the poet Horatius respect in thus saying.  
Me libertina, nec uno contenta Phryne macerat  
I fret and pein with burning love  
Of Phryne, who this other day  
Out of her bondeship did remove,  
And now is comen, as cartewaye.  
Diogenes in this manner rebuked Aristippus for having to do with Phryne: 
Aristippus rebuked of Diogenes, for keeping company with Phryne the harlotte●  o Aristippus, thou art a great medleer with this woman, being a stewed stroumpette, and therefore either play the dog as I do, or else leave such fashions, as thou doest use. Aristippus by induction in this wise shifted him of. Diogenes seemeth it unto the a thing to be abhorred, that a man should dwell in an house, which others aforetimes have inhabited? when he had said no: what (saith Aristippus) is it shame to sail in a ship, that hath aforetimes carried a great number more? when that also he had denied to stand against reason: why then doest thou suppose it to be unreasonable, ꝙ he, to join with a woman, of whom a great number of persons have tofore had their pleasure This is above mentioned, saving that Athenaeus doth in this manner and form tell the tale. 

Afore in the xxii. saying.  
Athenaeus, a greek historiographier.    
When he had lost a woondre full pleasant Mainour place with all the appurtenances, unto a certain person earnestly lamenting the same his piteous chance, he said: 
Aristippus a man of good possessions ● lands.  what, doest thou not know well enough, thou haste but one little poor house with a small piece of land to it, and that I have yet three whole lordships left? when the other party had thereto granted, he said: why do we not then rather lament thy case? Meaning that it had been an unwise part of him rather to take sorrow for that that he had lost, 
When a man hath lost any part of his substance, he should take comfort of that, that is left.  them joy & comfort of that that was left.  
To one that by the way of opposing him asked this question, art thou every where? I lose no freite money then, ꝙ he, or I spend no freite money in waste if I be in every place. Aristippus' with a mock● alone wiped away the sophistical question, whether one & the same body may at one time be in diverse or sundry places at ones. 
Whether one and the same body may be in sundry places at ones.  When he answered, that so being, there was no peril of losing his freite money or of spending freite money in waste. For he loseth his freite money, who, when he hath paid his money, is not carried thither as his desire is It may, by leaving out the negation, be taken in this se●se also. Then have I in my days lost some freite money, or then have I spent in waste and have lost much good money given hereto fore for freite or ●ote hyere.  
As though he should have said: if one body may be in more places then one at onest I have many a time in my days paid money in vain, and have like a fool spent money in waste, to be carried over sea in a ship from one place to an other, forasmuch as I was there already before I came.  
The meaning and sense of the words of Ari●tippus in so saying, (as I under the correction of Erasmus take it● was: I lose no freite money them etc. I cast way no freite money then etc. that is, I spend no freite money then etc. For he loseth his money that spendeth, when he hath nomaner need nor occasion to spend it. And he that is already in every place where he would be, needeth not to spend money to be carried thither. As if he should have said to the fellow: If one body may be in all places at ones, thou mayest be assured, I would not be so mad as to give freite money, when I were disposed to take shipping & to go oversea from one place to an other.  
Being confounded and made blank in a disputation of a certain fellow that was sauce & presumptuous, 
Aristippus was nothing grieved to take a blank in disputation.  but the same a furious raging fellow, of no more wit●e than a beast: when he saw him hop & fet his gambaudes for joy, and swelling in pride by reason of that victory. In deed, ꝙ he, I go away confounded, but yet like to sleep this night more sweetly and soundly, 
Unwrathfully spoken.  than thyself, that hast put me to this blank.  
Helicon of the town of 
☞ Cyzicus or Cyzicum, an Isle in Propontis, having a way to the main land by two bridges, & having also a city of the same name, with walls, castles and towers of marble stone as fair & goodly as might be, & in largeness, coumpace & amplitude able to compare with the chief cities in all Asia. It was so named, by one Cyzicus sometime king there, whom jason unawares slew. It was also a city of great power, and indifferently set, either for peace or war.  Cysicus a philosophier in Plato his time had prognosticate the eclipse of the son: 
Helicon Cyzicenus a philosophier of Athenes excelling in all the mathematical sciencies, in the same time when Plato was.  who, after that it had chanced according to his prognostication, had of Dionysius a talent of silver in reward. Then said Aristippus to the rest of the philosophers: I also have a right wondrous thing that I could prophecy. They heartily desiring him the same to utter: I prophecy (ꝙ he) that Plato and Dionysius will ere many days to an end break a straw between them. 
Dionysius offended with Plato, long ere he would show it outwardly.  For he had already perceived the king now a good while to keep his mind secret, and to dissemble his anger and displeasure conceived against Plato. 
‡ A talent of silver, the french enterpreter following Buda●us doth translate, six hundred crowns, which after the rate of fowerteen gro●es the crown, ammounteth to the sum of one hundred and forty pounds of our currant money.   
He said, this in the manners and fashions of men to be the worst thing that was possible to be, 
Friends ought to be tried ere they be received into famyliarites.  that in public sales they do narrowly search pots and pans ere they will buy them, and will not search and examine the life of such persons as they match to theimselfes in friendship, and entiere familiarity. And yet a much higher utility and profit redoundeth to a man of faithful friends, then of pots or pans: and a much greater loss and disavanntage except he choose of the right sort, 
A great disauaū●age if a man choose not his friends o● the best sort.  such as should be.  
When Dionysius at a banquet had commannded that all the company should address theimselfes to mask etche man in purple. And purple in those days was for the wearing of none but kings & princes, 
Purple in old time was for the wearing of none, but kings and princes.  where now it is commonly taken up with every souter & cobbler. Plato refused to do it, 
Plato refused to dance in purple at the request of Dionysius.  reciting for his purpose these me●re verses out of some tragedy. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
To be disguised in woman's clothing, is unfit for a man.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
My heart abhorreth, that I should so  
In a woman's kirtle, myself disguise,  
Being a man, and begotten to  
Of a man's prosapie, in manly wise.  But Aristippus made no courtesy at the matter, 
Aristipppus refused not to dance in purple at the bidding of Dionysius.  but being dressed in purple, and ready to go to dancing, he pronounced these verses without any study soodainly.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  

Nothing can corrupt a mind wholly dedicated to virtue.  Even em●ddes, the furious raging  
Of sacrifice done, to the God Bacchus,  
A mind, wholly addict, to sober living  
Will not be corrupt, ne made vicious.  
As he was making suit and intercession on a time to Dionysius in the behalf and favour of a friend of his, & the king would not hear his suit and petition, Aristippus falling down flat on the ground before him, began to embrace and kiss the kings feet, and by that means at last obtained his purpose & request. And when certain persons reproved the same fact of his, as more vile & more humble than was comely for a philosophier I am not in the blame, ꝙ he, but Dionysius, 

Wittyly spoken.  
Dionysius had his ears in his feet.   which hath his ears standing in his feet. 
Aristippus a man of a passing ready wit, aswell to do as to excuse any thing.  A wit like prompt & ready at all assays, aswell to do, as also to excuse any thing whatsoever it were.  
In the country of Asia he was attached by Artaphernes the high captain, or lieutenant general there, under the king of the Persians. 
Artaphernes lieutenant general in Asia under the king of the Persians.  And at the same present season, when one demanded of him, whether even there also his old accustomed stoutness of heart failed him no more than it had been wont to do. 
Aristippus arrested in Asia by Artaphernes.  foolish daw ꝙ he, as though I have at any time in all my life been, of a better courage or stomach, 
Aristip. stood in dread of no man living.  than even at this present hour, that I must speak to Artaphernes. verily this thing by the benefit of philosophy was rooted in him, that he stood in dread of no man living, but would be frank and free with every person to say his mind.  
Those persons, who being furnished with the liberal studies of humanity and of the tongues, did slothfully neglect the study of philosophy moral, 
Such as being furnished with other disciplines, do neglect moral philosophy, are like the wooers of Penelope.  he likened to the wooers of 
☞ Penelope the daughter not of Icarus, but of Icarius, & the wife of Ulysses: who during the absence of her husband ten years, b●yng away at the battle of Troy, and other ten years wandreing o● the ●eats, ere he could gratte home into his countre● of Ithara, kept hirself chaste and true wife unto the same Ulysses. And where she had most ymportune, and the same continual suit made unto her, by many jolly ruflleing wooers, to have her in marriage, she drove them of all by this colour, that she had ● lou●e of linen cloth in weaving, which being once finished she would give unto her wooers a determinate and a final answer. Then used she this policy, to unweave in the night as much work, as she had made up in the day before. By reason whereof diverse of the gentlemen that wooed her, being with their long suit wearied and tired, fell in hand to have wanton conversation with Melanthon & Polydora her handmaidens, as utterly despairing that ever they should achieve to the obtaining of Penelope herself.  Penelope. For t●ei entered love with Melanthon & with Polydora being her handmaidens, and conceived hope sooner to obtain all the world besides, than marriage of the lady herself. His meaning was, that the liberal sciencies been, as it were, the handmaidens of moral philosophy, which moral philosophy is with the f●rst of all to be put in ure, and for whose respect and cause all the other disciplines 
✚ For moral philosophy was to them, that divinity and holy scriptures are to us Christian men.  are learned. A much like thing Aristo 
* This Aristo was a philosophier, and was called in manner as by a surname, Scepticus, because he was altogether occupied in considering & searching the state of human things. He was borne in the Isle of Coos, albeit some say he was Chius, and was scholare (as some writers saien) to zeno, the first autour & bringer up of the stoics sect, after some writers, he was a Peripatetic, that is, of Aristoteles his sect. But as concerning philosophy, aswell moral as natural, his determinations and doctrine is of all the ancient good writers reproved and utterly condemned as nought. For by his opinion all things are in different, & no diversity between being in perfect good health and in extreme sickness, and so of other things. Wherefore his doctrine was disallowed of all men, as testifieth Cicero in the proheme of the offices and in his work, d● finib●s bonorum et malorum. There was also another Aristo ●●●her unto Plato.  also is reported to have said of Ulysses, who when he was descended to hell the said Aristo aftermeth that he talked familiarly with all the other solles there for the most part, saving that he could not so much as ones come to the sight of the queen hirself.  
To one demanding what things were most requisite & necessary to be learned of young folks, 
What things are most requisite to be learned of young folks.  he said: the same that may do them best service when they shallbe at the full man's state. This saying is ascribed to others also besides Aristippus. The principal best things are even at the first beginning to be learned, 
The principal best things, are even with the first to be learned.  neither the tender and unbroken youngth, which is of itself most apt to learn, 
Young age most apt to learn.  is to be forepossessed with things superfluous.  
After that Aristippus had gathered together great goods and substance of money, 
Aristippus gathered together much richesse.  and Socrates having conceived great marvel thereof, said: how hast thou come by so much richesse? how have ye come by so little, ꝙ he again? For he t●ought it a thing no less wo●●hie admiration, that Socrates being ● p●ilosophier of so great estimation, ● having such great friends, should be poor, than that himself should be rich.  
To a certain comen woman saying: I am with child by you Aristippus: 
Wittyly and ●eatly spoken  that can ye not for a surety know (ꝙ he again) any more than going on thorns standing as thick as is possible one by an other, ye may truly avouch this thorn it is, that hath pricked me.  
A certain person openly blaming him, that he did in such wise exile, cast of, and let run at all adventures his son, 
Aristippus cast of his son, and let him run at roners.  as if the same had never been begotten by him, he said: do we not cast away from us, as far as we can, both phlegm and spittle, & also lice, with other vermyn breeding of our own bodies, as things. seru●ng to no good use ne purpose? He men them not worthy to be accounted for a man's sons, 
men may justly refuse those sons, in which is no grace at al.  that had noothing else wherewith to show theimselves worthy the favour of their parents, but only that they were of them begotten and brought into this world. So the old man in the comedy saith.  

* The words of Menedemus to his son, Clinia in the third comedy of Terence.  Ego te meum dici tantisper volo, dum id quod te dignum est facias.  
So long & no longer, thou shalt my son be,  
As thou behavest thyself, with honesty.  
When Dionysius had given in reward, unto Aristippus' money, & unto Plato books, Aristippus being checked of a certain person, as one whose mind was more on his halfpenny, than Plato had set his: 
Dionysius gave in reward, to Aristip●us money, & to Plato books.  what matter maketh that, ꝙ he, I had need of money, & Plato of books. Meaning, that neither of them both was blame worthy to take the thing which might best serve his purpose: for of a likelihood Dionysius had put either of them to the choice, whether they would have money, or books.  
Being asked for what cause Dionysius did in such wise call him fool and all to nought, 
Dionysius would ca●l Aristippus' fool, & all to nought.  for the ve●aye same cause (ꝙ he) that other folks done. Meaning the plain & frank speaking of a philosophier to be ●oumbreous and hateful to all persons, 
The plain speaking of a philosophier, no m●̄ can well allow.  and therefore no marvel to ●ee, if the king might ●iuill abide it: all under one together intimating the kings judgement nothing to di●fre from the judgement of the gross multitude, forthat fortune doth not confer the endewement or gift of sa●ience. 
Sapience is not given by fortune.   
He asked of Dionysius at a time by the way of petition a talent. And when the king having gotten an occasion to confounded him by his own words, & to cast him in his own turn, said: didst not thou openly affirm, and say that a philosophier is never in penury of extreme need? 
A philosophier is never in extreme penury.  well, give me the talent (ꝙ he) & then we shall afterward reason of that matter, when he had received the money: And was it not well and truly said of me, ꝙ he, that a philosophier is never in ex●●emitee of need? That person is not in extreme penury, 
He is not in penury, who at all times of need is assured where to have enough.  who at all times of need is assured where to receive, and to have enough.  
Unto Dionysius reciting out of a tragedy of Sophocles, these two little verses. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Whoso a tyrants court, doth haunt.  
There to be a continual d●eller,  
Is unto the same, a bondeserua●nte.  
Though he were no bond man, ere he came there:  Aristippus answered only a syllable or twain of the later verse corrected in this manner. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● 
A free mind is everywhen free.   
Is not to the same a bondservant.  
If he were no bondman, ere he came there.  signifying none to be free and out of bondage in deed, except whose bewray mind & heart, philosophy hath delivered discharged & made free both from hope & fear, for to be a free man outright, it is not enough, to have been born in freedoms, 
True liberty pertaineth to the mind more than to birth.  or out of servitude & bondage. Some writers ascriben this saying unto Plato.  
When between Aristippus & A●schines, 
A breach of love between Aristippus & Aeschines.  had befallen a little distance & breach of love, and a certain fellow had said, where is now that your great high friendship become? It sleepeth, ꝙ he, but I shall awaken it and raise it up again. hereupon Aristippus by reason of this seasonable, 
A small variance doth commonly, by reason of silence grow to a scab of open ●●mitee.  or opportune ●●d plain speaking of the said fellow, wi●● a trice ended all the strife and made all well again. To th'intent that the sore might not by reason of silence grow to an open scab, (as most commonly it doth) he of his own voluntary will came unto Aeschines, and said in this manner: Shall not we two, even now out of hand be at one again as good friends as ever we were, and cease thus to play the children? or else shall we rather tarry until we shall ministre to jesting knaves matter to prate and jangle of us twain on the ale bench? To whom when Aeschines had made answer, that he would with all his heart be reconciled & full agreed. Then, yet remember, (ꝙ Aristippus, 
Aristippus being the elder man, offered first to be agreed with Aeschines. ) that I being the elder and the more ancient person of the twain, have come and sought on the first. Then said Aeschines: of a very truth thou art a great deal more perfect honest man than I am, for of me begun all this our falling out, and of the to have a perfect atonement. By this means they were reconciled of new, and as good love and friendship between them as ever there had been tofore.  
At a certain season sailling in the company of three or four of his own countreemennes or neighbours, he was cast on land by shipwreck. 
Aristippus sailling to Rhodus, was cast on land by shipwreck.  And when he had on the sands espied the priente of mathematical figures of geometry drawn in the sand: All is well masters, ꝙ he, I have espied the steps and signs of men. And being entered the city there next by, he never left searching until he found out what people were there studious of disciplines: 
Aristippus after 〈…〉 met w●●● learned 〈◊〉 in a 〈◊〉 coū●●●● was high●●●●ll entrenched both he ●●ll his company for his sake.  and after that he was once met with the same, they did with all humanity possible entretein not only him for his own person, but also the others that came with him, yea and besides y●, g●ue them money enough in their purses for their costs & charges, until they should return thither again in their way homeward. After certain days when the others that had come at the first with Aristippus addressed theim selfes to return into their country & asked of him, whether he would any message to be done at home to his neighbours & countremennes, he said: Nothing but that they apply theimselfes to acquire & purchase such manner richesse, 
True and ve●●●● r●ches of the mind.  as may not perish & be lost by shipwreck but may gait to land with their owner. The self same matter doth Uitr●uius report in the sixth volume of Carpentry or devising, 
Uitrwiꝰ writeth in Latin volumes of carpentry, or devising of buildings.  saying more over that Aristippus at that season came to the city of Rhodus.  
When Socrates spoke fore against such persons as were perfumed with sweet savours, & Charondas, or (as some writers held opinion) Phaedon demanded what fellow it was, so perfumed with sweet oils and savours, Aristippus said, even I it is miserable and wretched creature that I am, and a more miser than I, the king of the persians. But mark, saith he, that like as he is in this behalf nothing superior to any other living creature, so is he not a jot better than any other man. His meaning was, 
A man by external goods, is not made better.  that man by external or outward goods is made not a whit the better. Both an horse all be smeared with oil of balm or spike, should have the self same savour, that should a king: and a silly poor ●egger being anointed or perfumed with the like kind of oil or savour, smelleth even as well as doth the highest prelate of them all.   

THE sayings OF DIOGENES 
☞ Cynicis, were philosophers of the sect of Antisthenes & Diogenes & were called, Cynici either of the place Cinosarg●, where Antisthen●s kept his school, or else of the greek ●otable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dogs. Because they were ever most importunely barking and railling against the vices of men, or else because in words of rebaudrie and shameless speaking, they did with their foul mouths represent the curryshenesse of dogs.  THE CYNIKE●  
THe order (as I suppose) shall appear to hang very well together, if next after the holiness of Socrates, by sayings of mirth uttered, and after the merry plainness of Aristippus, we make mention & rehearsal of 
* Diogenes was scholar unto Antisthenes. And they two were the ●irst and principal authors of the sect of the Cynikes, and therefore was he called Cynicus. Whose life doth Diogenes La●rtius write and largely prosecute.  Diogenes of 
‡ Sinopa, ●o, long) was a city in Pontus' or else very nigh to it. Built by the Milesians, a florent city, and of great power, in which were many goodly houses and mansion places of royal building, with schools, market steeds, walking places and gorgeous temples. And in this city were borne Timotheus Patrion, Diphilus a writer of comedies, and Diogenes Cynicus, who was thereof called Sinopensis or Sinopa●us.  Sinope, who in allmanerfolde grace of his sayings, far passed & excelled that others. howbeit, all these three philosophers though in deed for unlike & in manner contrary qualities, yet nevertheless do I judge one even as highly as an other to be esteemed & had in honour: so that although they were of very unlike fashions, yet may ye well say that they were in degree, feloes like one with an other●  
First of all having departed out of his own country, & placed himself in Athenes, he resorted to the philosophier Antisthenes, 
Diogenes would needs be schoolare unto Antisthenes.  to be his disciple: by whom although he was oft times put back and shifted of● (for Antisthenes would take no scholar's) yet would he not cease still to be an hanger on about him: 
Antisthenes would have no scholar's.  in so much that when Antisthenes on a time offered to give him a stripe with a staff, he willingly put out his head under the staff, saying: Strike if thou be so disposed, yet shalt thou not find any staff so hard, wherewith to beat me away from thee, as long as thou shalt speak that may concern matters of learning. A notable example of sapience with whole heart & mynde● fervently desired and zeled. 
Diogenes had a wonderful lo●e and zeal to sapience.   
When he by chance saw a mous running and whipping about from place to place in a certain green with in the city of Athenes called Megaricum, which mous neither sought any hole, nor was afeard with the stiering of folks, nor had any lust to eat meat: A jolly gay example of liberty, said Diogenes. And even forthwithall, renouncing and forsaking the world, he began to take up his dwelling in a tub. 
Whereof Diogenes took occasion to take up his dwel●●●● place in a 〈◊〉.   
To men wondering that he had never a little house or corner of his own,, where he might quietly ●ate his meat: 
Why Diogenes had no house of his own to ●a●e & ●●ynke in  he showed with pointing of his finger the gallery or walking place that was called ●ouis porticus, and said, that the people of Athenes had builded to his use a royal mansion place where to dine and sup, 
iovis portieus Iuppit●● his 〈◊〉 gallery 〈◊〉 jupiter his walk, a pl●ce in Athenes  and to take his repast. The thing that was public, he enterpreted to be made and ordained for him also particularly. 
A thing public is 〈◊〉 for the use o● every p●rtic●lare person also severally  Neither could he wish or desire a fresher or a more galant parlour to eat in.  
The school of Euclides, (for that the same Euclides seemed to teach in deed witty conclusions, 
Euclides was in the later days of Plato who wrote much of conclusions in geometry, which work we have yet in greek and lati●.  but yet nothing to the furtherance or help of virtuous living,) he called not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a school as the usual word was in deed, but by a nick name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which soundeth in english choler, anger & trouble, 
Diogenes' nickenamed the schools of Euclides, and of Plato.  contrary to the signification of the right word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which soundeth quiet vacation. semblably, the scholastical exercitation and conferring of Plato called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,   Diogenes by depraving and corrupting the word called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  that is, myspending of much good labour & time, because that Plato being sequestered & exempted from the practic living among men abroad in the world, did spend all his days & time in disputations of words, where as Diogenes living amongs the thickest of the world abroad, had more mind and affection to live philosophically, 
Diogenes set his m●de more to live after philosophy, then to dispute thereof.  that is, according to perfect virtue, then only in words to dispute & reason thereof.  
The games called Dionysiaca, which were with great charges & much pomp celebrated & holden at the city of Athenes in the honour of 
☞ Bacchus' ● after the feigning of the poetess was ●uppiter his ●●●e, begotten upon Semele the daughter of Cadmus, who being slain with lightning, jupiter took the child, and sowed it within his thigh and so kept it, until it was of maturitee to be born, and then was he borne out of the thigh of jupiter. He is called the God of wine, because he first found out the use of wine, he is called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and thereof is derived Dionysia. And of Dionys●● is denominated Dionysiaca certamina, which the Latin m●nne callen of Bacchus Bacchanalia, the rites of Bacchus, which in the most part of the cities of Grece were kept every third year.  Bacchus, he called the great woondrementes and gazynges of fools. For that in the same was nothing done, but all together foolish and worthy scorn.  
The orators & advocates (who were had in high price and estimation in Athenes,) he called the comen droudges & pages of every jacke and jille, for that they were of force constrained to speak all that ever they did, to please men, & even like bond slaves to flatre the beastly foolish rabble of the people. And the assemblies of the people swarming about the same orators, he called the pimples or little weals of glory. 
Frequent assemblies of the people gathering about the orators been the pimples of glory.  The greek word that he used, was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, little pimples or bushes, such as of choler and ●alse phlegm budden out in the noses and faces of many persons, and are called the sapphires & rubies of the tavern. Meaning thereby (as I suppose) that like as such bushes in the visages of men, are angry things & greeffull, and also final discoumforte to the parties, that the same may not for shame show their faces, but hidden theimselfes, and refrein to come in company: so the frequent assemblies of people, swarming about orators, do finally purchase & conciliate unto the same much envy, displeasure, hatred, trouble and vexation, ensuing of the glory that they have in the beginning. As chanced to Demosthenes, and to A●s●hines in Athenes, and to Cicero in Room.  
Diogenes as often as in the life of men he considereed and thought upon the governors of cities, physicians, & philosophers, affirmed no living thing to be more sapiente then man. 
Nothing more sapiente th●n man.  Thesame Diogenes considering in his mind expouners of dreams, reeders what shall follow this dream or that, soothsayers, & others of like sort, or else such persons as were wholly subject to glory & richesse: avouched, that to his seeming there was nothing more foolish, than man. 
〈…〉 man.  notifying the wit of man to be appliable & apt to all goodness, if it be exercised & enured therewithal, 
The wi●te of man, apse to all good●nesse if it be s●●te thereto.  but if it fall from his right kyn●● to vice, then to be many degrees worse than the dummebrute ●eastes.  
He used customably to say, that in our life we should oftener provid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, a talker then an halter. The g●eke word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in latin sermonem, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  in english communication or talking. And the greek vocable, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  is in latin, laqueus, in english an halter or a streng, ●uch as a body may by the neck be hanged withal. Which he spoke, for that such persons as are weary of their lives, & are in such despair, that they would ●ain be out of the world, do many of them by & by hang & strangle theimselfes, 
What thing desperate persons should do.  whereas they ought rather to have recourse to good communication that might recounforte their spirits and bring them a gain from despair. For to the heart being in heaviness & utter discomfort: the best physician is good & wholesome cō●unicaciō. Neither shall the sense be out of square, ●fye take the greek vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as in an other signification it may w●l be taken) for reason. And then the sense shallbe, that men ought rather in times of displeasur●s ● misaucntures, to stay theimselfes by reason, ● to use their discretion & wisdom, 
In times of mysfortu●e is wisdom and discretion most to be used.  in taking my●chaūces patiently as men should do, then upon trifleing occasions to fall in despair, and so wilfully to cast away theimselfes, as many have done. Albeit taking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for talking, I think, Diogenes men, that men ought so to provide, that their words & communication at all times be virtuous and fruitful, aswell to the heater as to the speaker, 
men ought to have no communication, but such, as may be fruitful and edifying, aswell to the hearer, as to the speaker.  and not of such sort as the speaker may afterward have cause to repent and wish within his beallye again. As Seneca noteth the improvidencie and unadvisedness of many persons, which often times (as he speaketh it in Latin) Emittunt voces per iugulum redituras, as, that is, leatten escape words, that must afterward come back again by their own throats, 
No man ought to let escape words, which must afterward come home again by the throt●●  and cost them their necks. So that Diogenes would no men's communication to be such as might afterward be found hanging matters and redound to their own confusion, but rather to be fruitful and virtuous. For only such words and none other, 
No words been worthy the name of talking, but such as been fruitful.  been worthy the appellation, or name of communication and talking, of which redoundeth aswell to the hearer, as to the speaker some fruit, profit, & edifying: and for which both parties may be the better, and not have cause afterward to be shrew theimselfes. And such as usen naughty and pernicious bableing, 
Such as usen pernicious words are commonly authors of th●ir own confusion.  done often times procure their own harms, and been authors and workers of their own confusion.  
When Diogenes at a feast of high fare saw Plato not once to put his hand to any of the dentie dishes but to feed only upon a few olives, he said: what is befallen moste sapiente father, 
Plato a man of sob●e diet.  that whereas to come to such manner far as this, ye made once a voyage in to Sicily, ye do here now abstain from ready provision of meats purposely dressed for you. 
Syracuse the head city of all Sicily, that nobleness & richesse, of which Tully doth at lar●e describe in the actions against Uerres  To this said Plato again, yet iwis, o Diogenes, even in Sicily also I was satisfied with such meat for the most part as this that I eat now: why then needed you to sail unto the city of Syracuse, said Diogenes? were there no olives at that season growing within the country of Attica? This saying some writers ascriben to Aristippus.  
Diogenes on a time, as he was eating figs, met with Plato, and offering to him a few of his figs, said: ye may take some part with me, if ye be disposed. And when Plato had taken some, & eaten them, Diogenes said: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  ye may take some part, with me, were my words, and not to raumpe them up on that fashion. This merry jesting word may be applied to a serious matter, that is to weet, to be spoken on such persons, as abusen the gentle permission and suffreaunce of their prince, of their schoolmaster, or of their parents, to the attempting or doing of things unlawful. As (for example,) if one being advertised, that it is a thing not unprofitable to take a taste, & to have a little sight in logic, do bestow all the days of his life on that study. The saying is, in such wise recited by Laertius, that one may doubt whether of the two did offer the figs to the other.  
Plato in deed was a frugal man and a great sparer or husband, 
Plato a sparing mann●, but a lover of cleanliness.  but yet one that loved to have all things picked net, and clean. And contrariwise, Diogenes a very slooven, 
Diogenes a very sloven.  and one that cared for no cleanliness. Therefore trampling with his dirty feet upon Plato his fine piloes & other bedding, 
Diogenes' trampleed with his dirty fear upon Plato his p●loe and bedding.  to certain the familiar friends of Dionysius being there in company, whom Plato had desired to dinner, he said, I do now tread the ambition of Plato under my feet Plato anon answered thus, yet in how great pride swellest thyself o Diogenes, 
The ambition and pride of Diogenes.  while thou thinkest thyself to tread another man's pride under thy feet. The self same thing is by other writers more pleasantly reported. To Diogenes, saying: I tread the pride of Plato under my feet: So thou doest in deed, (ꝙ Plato) but it is with another kind of pride, as great as mine. For even the same was a point of pride, 
To make boast of contemning pride, is an high point of pride and ambition.  that he made so great boast and vaunt of contemning cleanliness. And those persons that do glory & brag of their niggy she sloovenry, & simpleness of their habit, been of their appetite, and in their hearts, no less ambitious, than such as setten out theimselfes in gorgeous apparel, albeit of an other sort, and in an other kind. 
More dishonesty is in seeking prease● by countrefeacted virtue.  And a great deal more dishonesty is there in that ambition which seeketh laud and press of the false colour and cloak of virtue countrefeacted. Yet Sotion ascribeth this saying, not to Diogenes, but unto Plato the Cynic.  
Diogenes had desired of Plato a little courtesy of wine, 
What thanks Diogenes rendered unto Plato, for giving him wine and fyggues more than he asked.  & eftsoons to have also a few figs. Plato sent him a whole stene or pitcher full. To whom the Cynic rendreed thanks in this manner: when it is demanded of thee, how many is two and two, thou answerest, twenty: so neither doest thou give things according to a bodies asking, ne makest a direct answer to such questions as are demanded of the. He noted Plato, 

Diogenes noted Plato of unmeasurable verbosite●, & so did Aris●ot●l●s also.  
The eloquence of Plato is of all writers estated, to be such, that if Iupp●t should sp●ake Greek h● would v●e the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.   as a man out of measure ta●katif, which self-same thing did Aristoteles also note in his writings. notwithstanding Aristotle his noting, which proceeded of envy, Plato is of all the Greeks esteemed to be of so witty invention in his wrytyng●s and of so great varietee, shift, eloquence and good utterance in speaking, that the same Greeks pronounced, that in case jupiter should or would speak Greeks he would speak with Plato his tongue and phrase. And no less digni●ee & ●●●●l●encie is to the same Plato attributed by Cicero, Quintilianus, and all other latin writers also, being of any judgement.  
To one demanding in what part of all the country of Grece he had seen good men: men (ꝙ he) nowhere: but in the city of Lacedaemon, I saw good lads. 
The m●ste corrupt and vicious manners of all the country of Grece thr●ughoute, in the time of Diogenes.  Noting the most corrupt and vicious manners of all grece throughout, in so much that even among the lacedemonians● a nation lest corrupted of all others● o●ely in the children remained the ancient integrity and uncorruption. And all under one he signified that in the residue of the country of Grece, not so much as the children neither were good, honest, or virtuous. And this thing moreover did he notify, the men to be much more vicious, then the boys, whereas as of congruence the children ought by them to be trained and nousleed in virtuous disposition, 
Children ought of congruence to be trained & framed to virtuous disposition.  and framed to an honest trade of living.  
When Diogenes on a certain time treacting, and making a declaration of an earnest and saige matter of philosophy, had not one hearer that would give diligent ear unto him, 
How Diogenes rebuked the people, for that they were ready to hearken unto matters of lightness, & slack to give ear to matters of gravity.  he began to sing such an other foolish song, (as Robin hood, in barnesdale stood &c.) & sembleed as though he would dance withal. And when a very great multitude of people had now gathered together, & swarmed about him, he took them all up for stumbleing, because that to things foolish and serving to no good purpose, they came running by whole flocks, & as merry as pies, where as to serious matters, & the same much available unto good living, they neither would resort or approach, nor diligently give ●are. Ueraye like unto this it is, that some writer's ascriben to Demosthenes, of t●e 
* So it was, that Demosthenes on a time being hot in making an oration to the athenians: the people were soodainly in such a great roar among theimselfes, that they gave no ear to Demosthenes, but rather troubleed him in his tale. Whereupon he said, that he had two or three words to say unto them, requiring them to hold their noise, & to give good ear what he would say. Immediately was made silence, and Demosthenes in this wise begoonne. A certain young man had hired an Ass from Athenes, to the town of Megara. And both the parties went together in company. And being summer season, about noon the son weaxed so fervent hot, that for to cover theimselfes from the son, either party would needs hide himself under the shadow of the Ass. But they fell at variance about it, and either party would needs put of the other. The one said, that he had set out the Ass to hyere, but not the shadow, the other on his party avouched, that forasmuch as he had hired the Ass, he had best right and title for the time during, to the shadow of the Ass to. And immediately after thus much of the tale told, Demosthenes came down from the pulpit or scaffold. The people were so fain to hear the rest of the tale, that they caught Demosthenes by the gown & held him back, nor would at no hand suffer him to depart, but required him in any wise, to make an end of his tale. Then said Demosthenes unto them: Why are ye so desirous and fain to listen a tale of the shadow of an Ass, and have no will ne mind at all to hearken me speaking of matters weighty, serious, and touching the comen weal?  shadow of an ass.  
He rebuked men, for that they exercised and practised theimselfes with fetting gambaudes & with semblable toys, 
men will put theimselfes to peines for the attaining of all things, saving vertue● honesty.  to th'end that they might at length be exercised and cunning therein, & not one of them all would put himself to any pain, that they might in fine prove weldisposed, and honest men.  
From no sort of men in the world did he refrein or chamber the tenanting of his tongue. 

Diogenes sp●red taunting no man living.  
Diogenes checked the grammarians.   He said that he greatly woondreed at the 
☞ Grammatici, were those that spent their study in humanity, and whom we call schoolmasters.  Grammarians, that they did with such earnest study make deep inquisition of the hard adventures of Ulysses, & knew nothing of their own mischances. The grammarians in old time spent most of their study and were most famyliare in the 
‡ Rhapsodies are, that we call things patched together, as the works of Homerus were. For Homerus himself was blind, and made voluntary, and song ex tempore, that is without study. And after his death Aristarchus gathered all his makynges together, and compiled them into two works, the one entitled Ilias which is of the battle and destruction of Troy, & the other Odyssea, of the wandreing of Ulysses, ere he could gait home to Ithaca, after that Troy was burned. And because those works were compiled by patches, they were called, rhapsodiae, as ye would say patches or ●loutes boched together.  rhapsodies of Homerus. And he in his work entitled Odyssea maketh mention and rehearsal of diverse the wandreynges of Ulysses on theseaes & about sundry countries ere he could gait home to Ithaca after the burning of Troy.  
With the Musicians also he found fault, 
How Diogenes found fault with the Musicians.  for that about their haps and other musical instruments, they would bestow great labour and diligence to set the strings in right tune, & had manners gerring quite and clean out of all good accord or frame.  

How Diogenes reproved the professors of the Mathematical disciplines.  He reproved also the professors of the 
✚ Mathematics, war the professors & ●●udē●●s of geometry, Music, Arithmetic and Astrology. For 〈◊〉 were called sciencies Mathematical, because that where they ar● learned by clean intelligence of the wit, yet they proceed of 〈…〉 and sure principles and conclusions, that they may be ●●re certainly and perfectly perceived and proved, than Logic, Rhetoric and Philosophy, or any other such.  Mathematical sciencies, for that they were always gazing and staring upon the son, the moon, and the stars, and yet could not see what things lay before their feet.  
At the orators also he had a saying, for that they were busy enough to speak things standing with right and justice, 
How Diogenes reproved the orators.  but to put the same in execution, and to do thereafter, they were very slack.  
The covetous persons he ratleed & shook up, 
How Diogenes ratleed & shook up covetous persons.  for that in words they dispreased money, whereas in their hearts they loved the same of life. For this special property the covetous persons have, 
None do in words more cry out on avarice, then the covetous ꝑson●s.  that none alive do in words more defy and detest avarice, than theimselfes do.  
The comen people also he took up for stumbleing, because they praised & commended good men principally upon this ground and title, 
How Diognes' checked the comen people.  for that they were despisers of money, & yet in the while, they would never the more foloe the steps of the same good men whom they most highly commended: but rather foloed those persons that had the grummelle sede & muck of the world, whom in words they did greatly dispraise.  
He never lynned rahating of those persons that offreed sacrifice for to have good health of body & even in the very sacrifice doing, 
How Diogenes rahated such persons as did sacrifice to have bodily heith.  (in that they were unmeasurable raveners, and gourmaunders, and would not leave eating while the belly would hold) they did all together against the good health of the body. 
Diogenes' hated gluttons.   
He said, that he marveled at the servants, 
What fault Diogenes found with bond servants.  that when they saw their masters devour meat beyond all reason or measure, they took not away the meat from them, allegeing that to be the way to preserve their masters in health. And for bond servants, or slaves is it more convenient then for honest men, to be ever maunching, 
It is not for honest men to be ever ra●e●yng.  and filling the gut.  
Thus far hath it been mentioned and rehearsed, what persons, for what causes the said Diogenes rebuked, and found fault withal. Now listen what sort of men he praised. He allowed them that were toward wiving, & yet wived not: 
What persons Diogenes allowed & praised.  that were in a readiness to sail on the sea, and yet took no ship: that were about to give children their finding, and yet found none at all: that addressed theimselfes to entre doings in the comen weal, and yet entered not in deed: that had prepared and framed theimselfes to be in court, & to live in household with high states or men of great power, and yet came not thereto. signifying, that best it was from all the said things utterly to abstain, and therefore those persons to seem wise, which having had ●arnest motion or provocation to any of the same, had in season changed their minds, for that when men are once already entered in such matters, it is not in their own power or free liberty to alter that they have advisedly resolved upon, 
When a man hath once entered any great matter, it is not in his own power, to go back again, or to change his purpose.  although it repent them of the trade or way that they have chosen. Whoso hath once married a wife, is not now from thensforthe all together his own man: but in manner half maisterfast: 
The state of married men, of saillers on the sea, and of officers in a comen weal.  whos● hath adventured to commit himself to the sea, must of force stand in the grace of the winds whither to be conveyed or carried: whoso hath once stepped forth, and set in foot to take charge of a comen weal, & to have doings in public affairs, must remediless serve 
‡ To serve the staige, is a proverb taken out of the latin Scenae servire, by which is signified● to do as the time will suffer, and as the present case requireth, so each person to a●●l●e himself. Cicero writing unto Brutus, saith to h●m: Tibi nunc populo & scenae, ut dicitur, seruiendam est. Name in te non solum exercitus tui, sed omnium civium, ●c poenè gentium coniecti sunt oculi. that is, Thou must now of necessite serve the people, and the staige (as saith the proverb) For on the are directly and wholly cast the yien, not only of thine own army, but also of all the Citizens of Room, yea and in manner of all nations in the world too. So that the proverb may vera●e congruently be spoken of such persons, as have taken in hand some high office or charge in a comen weal, or else the conveyance and execution of some very noble act or matter to be done in the face of the worlds which they must of force, either to their high honour, praise, glory, & renown go through withal and finish, or else with the great infamy, shame, and reproach, quail and lay all in the dust, because of the expectation of men in such a case.  the staige, and go through with the part that he hath taken in hand to play: yea and though his heart would never so feign, yet is it as much as his life is worth, from a public office of governing a commonweal, to retiere unto a private state and condition of living.  
Diogenes hath the name to be the autour and first bringer up of this riddle also: that men ought not to put forth their hands to their friends with their fingers fast clynched together. Betokening that it is not enough if we show ourselves lowly, gentle, & familiar to our friends, 
How we ought to behave ourselves to our friends.  but that to the same courtesy of behaviour, we ought, also to couple liberality and bounty for a coumpaignion. Whoso done gently and courteously handle and entreacte their friends, are said properly in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that is, to take by the right hand, and courteously and lovingly to entretein.  
At what time Diogenes being taken prisoner in the Isle of Crete, which is now called Candie, was brought forth to be sold, unto the ●ryer demanding wherein his chief feat or cunning did stand, 
By what title Diogenes would be commended to the buyers, when he should be sold.  and by what title he should commend him to the buyers, Marry, (ꝙ he) say that thou hast a fellow to make money of that hath the right acknowledge how to rule men of freedom, 
Xeniades a Corinthian bought Diogenes to his bondman.  one Xeniades a Corinthian having much marvel at the strangeness of the cry, approached unto Diogenes, & demanded whether he had perfect skill to do that he professed & took upon him. And when by the communication of the philosophier he perceived him to be a man both of high wisdom, and also of profound learning, he bought him, and had him home with him to his house, & committed his children to him for to be taught, 
Xeniades committed his sons to the guiding and teaching of Diogenes.  which children Diogenes took unto his cure, and the same right gentlemanlike trained both in learning and manners. And first & foremost, he taught them the liberal sciencies, 
What things Diogenes taught the sons of Xe●iades.  and shortly after he taught them the feat of riding an horse, he taught them to bend a bow and to shoot in it, to whirl with a sling, and to pick or cast a dart. In the wrastleing place, he would not suffer that their tutor (which had the cure of their bodies and health) should exercise them with painful labours after the manner of men of fence, 
What exercise of body Diogenes permitted to his young schoolares.  but so far and so much as might be available to the roddynesse of colour, & for good health of the body. He found the means that they should learn by heart & memory all that ever good was out of the poets, 
Diogenes his manner of teaching poets and other authors.  & other writers. In consideration that we have true knowledge & perfect intelligence, 
We have perfect acknowledge of no more than is engraven in our memory.  only of such things as we have surely enprinted & engraven in our memory. At few words, the sum, the effect & pith of all doctrine he drew out for them, 
Diogenes drew out the sum of all disciplines for his scholar's.  compiled together by abrigement, to the end that both they might in shorter time have a through sight in it, and also the more substantially for ever contain it in their memory. 
How Diogenes trained the sons of Xeniades in their manners.  Thesame children he broke & taught how to await on their parents at home in their house, 
children's diet composed or assigned by Diogenes.  and to be we'll pleased with light meat, and such as was easy to be gotten, and to be contented with water to their drink: and where others kept their long locks well trimmed and decked, for an ornament, and for the better setting forth of theirfavour and beauty, Diogenes commanded these children to have their heads polled. And if at any time such occasion chanced, that they must go forth of doors, he brought them forth unkembed, & unpiked, without coats, barefoot and bareleggued, and not a word with them. Over and besides this, he did break them in the feat of hunting, in this behalf following the guise and custom of the Lacedæmonians. 
The Lacedæmonians broke and exercised their children and youth in hunting.  By reason of these things it came to pass, that Diogenes had much reverent attendance done to him by the said children, and that he was for their sakes highly esteemed and accepted with their father Xeniades. Other writers tell the tale, that the crier by the bidding of Diogenes did in this manner speak his words. Is there any man that is willing or minded to buy a master?  
When he sat him down in the sale time, he was forbidden to sit on his taille, & was charged to stand upon his feet, for this intent (I suppose,) that the cheapman might the more easily view & try what he bought. Tush, (ꝙ Diogenes) what matter maketh that, sens that fishes after what fashion so ever they lain, be bought up. noting the foolishness of the comen people, which going about to buy a bondman, willbe wise and well aware that no fault of the body may escape unespied, 
The habit of the mind is best perceived by a man's talking.  & will not with like provision & caution search and try what state & case the mind is in. And as for the habit of the mind is most evidently perceived by a man's communication & talking. And not by sitting or standing.  
He said that it seemed to him a marvelous matter, that whereas men would not buy a pot or a potteled, 
The oversight of many persons in buying of men.  but well tried with knocking on it, or else by the tynckling & son thereof: in buying a man they could be contented and satisfied with only looking on him with their eye. signifying that a man is by nothing in the world better known, then by his communication. 
A man is by no thing better known then by his communication.  Therefore like as they that go about to buy an earthen pot, or vessel for an orkyn, do knock upon it with their knuccle, & by the son that it giveth do soon disterne whether it be whole, of such clay or metal as it should be, & seasoned in the keil, or not: so before that they buy a man with pounds more then one or two, meet it were to provoke the party to speak, & to tell one tale or other, and by his talking to find out what manner feloe he is. To the self-same purpose appertaineth the saying next afore. A fish is dumb and cannot speak, neither maketh it any force how the same lieth on the stalle, forasmuch as noman can make thereof any thing but a fish. Sembleably it is no matter ne difference at all, of what habit pleight, or complexion of body ye buy a man, if ye buy him, never hearing him speak.  
Unto Xeniades by whom he was bought, he said: Sir, ye must remediless be obedient to me, and ruled by me, although being now your bondservant, in consideration that whoso hath to his bondservant a shipmaster, 
The master ought to be advised by his servant, if he be wise.  or a physician, is of force driven to be ruled by the same, if he be disposed to have any commodity or profitable service of him.  
The report goeth, that in the house of this same Xeniades he continued and lived until he was a very aged man, and was there buiryed of his own scholar's. And being asked by Xeniades how his desire was to be buiryed, 
How Diogenes desired to be buried.  grovelling ꝙ he, with my face toward the ground And to the same Xeniades demanding the cause why, he said: for, ere long time to an end, it will come to pass, that those things which now lain downward shallbe turned upward. Alluding hereunto, that at that present season, the Macedonians had gotten the over hand upon the athenians, and had achieved to the empire of all Grece, and of, in manner villains or slaves, they were become very halt, and from very base, they were mounted to high dominion. 
The Macedonians conquered all Grece, and held the dominion of the same, in the time of Diogenes.  That if all things should so be turned up side down, it should sans fail come to pass that his dead carcase also should ere many days after be turned from lying growleing, to lying with the face upward. Percase his meaning was this, to be no matter to be passed on, after what manner of lying or fashion the dead body be put in the grave, about which matter, great was the superstition of the most part of people, 
The manner of buiriing in old time.  for they were carried to their buiriall with their feet lying forth toward the town gate, they were burned in manner of standing upright, and at this day the jews (as I hear say) are put in their graves as if it were standing on their fleet, at lest wise the Christians every one of them without exception are laid in their graves with their faces upward. 
The jews are buiryed, as it were standing on their feet, and the Christians with their faces upward.   
Standing on a time in the open market place, he cried with a loud voice. Approach ye men, approach ye men, as though he had had some earnest matter to say unto the people. And when they had gathered very thick about him, and he for all that, ceased not but still cried: approach ye men, certain of them taking great indignation at the matter, answered: lo, here we be, say thy mind. Then Diogenes driving them away with a staff, said: I bade men to approach, and not dung hills or draffesackes. He thought not the name of a man to be a congruent or a right name for such persons, as lived not according to reason, but were leden and ruled by sensual motions, 
They that liven not according to reason, but are leden by sensual affects and passions, are not worthy to be called men.  and pangs, after the manner of swine and other brute beasts.  
Alexander Magnus when he was at the city of 
* Corinthus, sometime a right noble & a rich city in Achaia● situate and lying between two seas, the one called Aegeum, and the other jonium, a mart town of great haunt. It was first builded by Sisyphus the son of Aeolus and called Corcyra. After that it was called Ephyre. Then was it destroyed, and eftsoons re-edified by one Corinthus the son of Orestes, and called Corinthus. Then was it yet again burned & clean destroyed by the Romans, and finally re-edified by Augustus' Emperor of Room.  Corinthus, went unto Diogenes sitting in his tub, 
Alexander talked familiarly many things with Diogenes sitting in his tub.  & talked familiarly with him many things: from whom after that he was departed, to his familiar● friends taking high disdain and indignation, that being a king, he had done so much honour to such a dog as Diogenes, 
How highly Ale●ander Magnus esteemed the philosophical mind of Diogenes.  who would not vouchsafe so much as ones to arise up from his taille to do his duty of humble obeisance to so great a prince, he said: well, yet for all that, were I not Alexander, I would with all my heart be Diogenes. So marvelous highly did he esteem, 
Nothing more like to a kingdom, than a true philophical mind.  that same the mind and heart of the same Diogenes constitute and being in most perfect freedom, and far surmounting the compass or reach of all worldly, or transitory things: that he judged nothing to be more like to a kingdom or empier● The principal and chief felicity of kings, 

The principal and chief felicity of kings.  
What high commodities redoundeth of philosophy.   is, that they owgh service or homage to no earthly creature, but whatsoever thing standeth with their will and pleasure, they do and bewray easily bring to effect: & secoundaryly, that they feel want of nothing earthly: and all this doth philosophy more substantially & more assuredly perform to a man, then doth any empire unto kings. Albeit to be Alexander, 
To be Alexander, Alexander thought to be more, then to be a king.  Alexander deemed in his opinion to be a somewhat higher and greater point, then to be a king.  
He avouched that such folks as wanted their hearing or lacked their sight, ought not for that respect to be called feeble & maimed persons, 
What folks Diogenes thought worthy to be called feeble and maimed persons.  but such as had no scrip hanging by their side. He dallied with the affinity or likeness of two greek vocables, the one, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  and the other, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the grecians is called, a maimed person, a cripple, or one that hath lost the use of some member or limb of his body, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he that is without a scrip, such as the poor that asken alms from door to door have hanging by their side. notifying in mine opinion, 
A man void of philosophy is far unmeet for all good occupations.  a man to be far unmeet for all good occupations to be● done in this life, that is void of philosophy. 
The Cynikes had no provision of victuals, but in their scrip.  For the scrip was for all provision and store of victuals that the Cynikes had●  
Having on a time entered a place where a company of young ruffleers were banqueting & making good cheer, with his poll shorn pate, he was not only nothing courteously welcomed and entreteined, but also sent away with as many stripes of whipping and scourgeing as his back could bear, on which persons in this wise he avenged himself. The names of the youngmennes by whom he had been scourged, 
How Diogenes avenged hymselfe● on certain youngmennes, that had whipped and scourged him  he registered in a piece of paper, and so walked up & down with his cope wide open. The marks or scrattes of the stripes declared as plainly as if he had spoken it with his tongue, how he had been handleed, and the white paper uttered them that had done the deed. By this means he published the ungentle young feloes, to be chidden and rahated of all the world.  
Because he was a Cynic, he was called dog, and this kind or sect of living was of many persons highly praised, 
Virtue is pressed of many, but no man will foloe it.  but yet no man would foloe the same. Whereupon he used oft times to say, that he was the hound of many that praised him, but yet that never a one of his praisers had the heart to go on hunting with the hound that was so much praised.  
A certain fellow making vaunt and boast of himself, and saying: I win ever the victory of men in the games called 
☞ Pythia, were games & plays, yearly celebrated, & holden in the honour of Apollo, for Python was a great serpent by the commandment and beck of juno (as the poets do fable) set upon Apollo to destroy him, when he was an infant, but Apollo even in his tender infancy, with his bow and aroes slew the serpent Python, and thereof was surnamed Pythius, and thereof cometh Pythia. Of these games is afore mentioned.  Pythia, No, it is I (ꝙ Diogenes) that win the victory of men, and thou, of slaves. Ones again he dallied with the affinity and likeness of the greek words, that is between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, men, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bond slaves. And bondslaves did he call, whatsoever persons were as subject and given unto sensual lusts, and desires. And these cupiditees by philosophy to overcome, is a more honest and jolly thing, then in the games called Pythia to overcome men.  
To a certain person advising him, that being now a man stricken in age, he should repose himself and rest from labours, what, (ꝙ he) if I were running in a race: whether were it convenient, being now approached nigh to the goal, and to the end of the race, to slack my course and pace of running, or else rather to streigne and enforce the same? His judgement was right and true, that the study of virtue is so much the more earnestly to be pursued, as the less time to live doth remain: 
The less time that a man hath to live, the more earnestly is the study of virtue to be proceeded in.  in consideration, that it were a foul shame in a man's later days to be discomforted, or to have a cold heart in ꝓsecuting an honest trade.  
Being on a time invited & bidden to supper, he said plainly that he would not come. And to the party demanding the cause why, he answered: Because I had not my thanks yesterday for my coming thither. The most part of men requireth to have thanks, 
A philosophier deserveth high thanks, that being desired he will vouchsafe to be a jest at an other man's table  as it were for some great benefit, if they have had a body at dinner or supper with them. But Diogenes (although being a poor man) deemed great thanks to be duly owing unto him, that he would vouchsalue & not refuse to make one at a man's table, for that he came nowhither without bearing his portion of the shot for his repast, 
A philosophier, wheresoever he cometh payeth well for his repast if he talk in philosophy.  but did with communication of philosophy much more dentyly feed the minds aswell of the party that made the feast, as also of the other geastes, then the same maker of the dinner fed the body with good viandrie.  
He took on a time Demosthenes being at that season but a young strepleing, even with the manner dining in a comen tavern, 
How Diogenes rebuked Demosthenes conveying himself privily ferther into a tavern when he was found there at dinner in an outer room.  and when the same Demosthenes having espied Diogenes conveyed himself away into an inner room of the house, so much the ferther in (ꝙ he) shalt thou be in the tavern. signifying that he was like much the more for that to be a talking stoke to all the geastes in the company, that not only he haunted such a place, but also had conveyed himself privily out of sight, as though he had been found in some matter or deed of mischief. For that was a thing more to be talked of, then that he was making good cheer there. Other writers tell, that this was spoken to a certain young man, not naming what he was, but the same might be even Demosthenes too. As for the sense is the more plain and open, that we take or understand, 
The more se●●●te that a man 〈◊〉 ●an civil 〈◊〉 the more v●rayly is he in it.  that the young man was put in remembreaunce that he should avoid not ferther in to such a place, but clean out of doors. For the ferther in that he hid himself secret out of sight with in the tavern, the more truly he was in the tavern.  
To certain strangers being very desirous and fain to have a sight of that jolly fellow Demosthenes that had everywhere so great a name, 
How Diogenes showed Demosthenes unto certain strangers, being desirous to set him.  Diogenes stretching out his middle finger, and pointing with it, said: Thissame is that jolly fellow Demosthenes the orator of the athenians. The forefinger next unto the thumb is called in latin, index, 
Index.  as if ye should say in english, the pointing finger, or the showing finger, because that stretching forth the same finger on length we use to show this, or that. And the middlemust finger was among men of old time reckoned slaundreous, for a cause at this present not to be rehearsed. And Demosthenes had in every man's mouth an civil report, of mysliving and abusing his body. Which thing Diogenes notifying, had more fancy to point to wards him with the middle finger, them with the forefinger, as other folks used to do.  
A piece of bread had fallen from a fellow, 
Foolish sham● to no purpose.  who left the same lying on the ground, for that he was ashamed to take it up again. Diogenes minding to reform the folly of the party, put a cord about the neck of a pot, & trailled it after him on the ground along the Ceramicus, 
Ceramicus, was a place in Athenes, serving for th● buiryall of them that ha● been slain i● battle.  doing the same thing in a pot, which the other fellow was evil ashamed to do in a piece of bread.  
Where he seemed to many folks too-too much and tooto earnest ● philosophier, he answered, 
How Diogenes answered them, to whom he seemed tooto earnest a philosophier.  he that the● in foloed the manner of the master chauntres that set the kaye, or take the first part of a song to begin it in a choir, who of a custom & usage, done somewhat exceed the right tune that they should take to the end that the others may take the due time, that they ought to do. For what exceedeth or passeth the mean, although it be vicious, (For all virtues say the moral philosophers) done consist in the mean between to vices, 
All virtues do consist in the mean, between two vices●  as, for exexaumple liberality between nygardship and prodigalitee, true religion between superstition & contempt.) Yet the same much availleth to stir up, & to quicken the slouggardie of others. semblably the rob or cope, and the tub of Diogenes, did not without their great reproach upbraid to the rich and wealthy folks their nycytee and their delices.  
It was one of his sayings, that no small number of men are in a deeper kind of madness, 
Many are in a deeper kind of madness, then if they should point with one finger in stead of an other.  than the error of myspoynting with the finger extended unto. For if a body should still stretch out the middlemust finger to point therewith ● in stead of the forefynger, he should each-where be accounted as one out of his wit if one, put forth the forefynger to that use, he is thought sad and well advised. But many a thousand folks there been, which do much more grievously play the mad men in serious matters, then if they should put out one finger in stead of an other, and yet such persons are not among the people commonly taken for mysavised. As even at this present day●, the parents do in their children chastise for a grievous offence, 
The folly of some parents in chasticing their children.  if they use the liefte hand in stead of the right hand, but they do not semblably chastise them, when they choose and take things abominable, in stead of honest.  
He taunted the folly & madness of men in this point also, the things precious, 
The preposterous estimation of the people in buying & selling of things.  they bought & sold for little or nothing, & things nothing worth at very high prices, 
Images and porteratures of men we● in old time bought at high prices.  for he said: that the porture of a man in brass or stone, should be bought up with three thousand 
* Tribus nummūm millibus. The french interpreter translateth thr●e hundred crowns, which after the rate of fowerteene gro●es a crown, maketh the full sum of three score and ten pounds of our english coin:  pieces of coin, where as a peck of meal was to be sold for two brass pens. And yet there needeth no such image or porture for any necessary use of man's life, without meal there is no possibilitee of maintaining the life. It had therefore been convenient that meal should be set at a much higher price than images of stone or brass. The philosophier esteemed the prices of things by the natural use or necessary o●cupiyng of the same, 
wise men ●●●●●en the prices of things, by the natural use of the same.  the peevish multitude of the people esteemeth it by their foolish persuasion.  
Thesame tale that a little afore we recited of Xeniades, certain writers tell in this manner, where as it was Diogenes that was bought, yet as though himself had bought Xeniades, he said unto the same: See that thou be obedient to my commandments. And when the other said again in greek, 
The master ought to be ruled by the servant being a philosophier.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as ye would say, that were even the river to run up the hill, betokening the matter to go clean arsy -varsy, if the servant should command the master: why, ꝙ Diogenes, if thou being in some great sickness or malady hadst bought a physician, 
tranquillity of man.  wouldst thou not be ruled by him prescribing, thy diet? wouldst thou say to him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the river runneth up the hill? If the master being evil diseased in his body, be glad & feign to obey the servant having good sight and practise in physic, much more doth it become one that is sore sick in the mind or soul, to be obedient to his servant, being profoundly expert in philosophy. 
Philosophy healeth all the disease's of the mind.  For what the facultee or art of physic performeth to the body, the same doth philosophy accoumplyshe to the mind or solle. The one healeth the feure, the other healeth the corrupt and naughty appetites. And how much the mind or soul is of more dignity than the body, 
How much the solle is better than the body, so much the more grievous are the diseases of the solle then of the body.  so much the more grievous & deadly are the diseases of the soul, then of the body. Laertius saith more over, that Diogenes, when he was asked of the crier, by what title he would be set out in words, and he had answered that he could skill to rule and to order men of freedom, 
Diogenes would needs be sold to one that had need of a master.  Assoon as he had espied a certain man passing by, trymmely decked and arrayed, he said to the same crier, sell me to this same fellow here, for he hath need of a master.  
To one making suit to be received of Diogenes unto his sect & discipline of philosophy, after the admission of the feloe, for to prove & try the same, Diogenes delivered unto him a gammound of bacon to carry in the street, & commanded him to come after him The party casting away by reason of shame, the thing that he bore in his hand, stole privily from him & conveyed him quite away. Within few days after Diogenes by chance meeting with him, laughed & said, thy friendship & mine, a poor gammounde of bacon hath set at twain. Doing to meet, that he was no meet or apt disciple for philosophy, that could not contemn & shake of foolish shame. 
Foolish shame ●o no purpose  For it is not a thing unhonest for one to carry a gammonde of bacon in his hand, 
To shrink away from virtue, is a foul shame.  but to shrink away from honesty & virtue is a thing shameful & abominable. Diocles telleth theselfsame matter, some what v●riyng from the words above, mentioned. When a certain person making suit to be a disciple of Diogenes, had said unto him, Master Diogenes command me to do some service: To the same received into his service, he delivered a lump of cheese to carry, & when the young man for shamefastness, refused to bear the said piece of cheese. A little piece of cheese (ꝙ Diogenes) hath clean dashed the amity & friendship of us two.  
When he had espied on a time a lad drinking out of the palm of his hand, he said: 
Nature hath provided for every body all necessary furniture of household stuf.  This lad is in frugality a degree above me, that do carry about me superfluous furniture of household, & forthwith took out of his scrip a little treme tankard or dish that he used for his cup to drink on, & thesame cast away from him, saying: I knew not, that nature had in this behalf also made provision for us When he had seen an other boy, for as much as his treme saucer was broken, to take up 
* Lenticula, is a poultz, called chittes, which (because we here in England have not in use to ●ate) I translate peasen.  peasen out of the pot with a crust of bread made hollow for that purpose, he cast away from him his treen potagedishe too, as a thing superfluous. 
The frugality of Diogenes, may shame our superfluitees & excesses.  I can be very well contented that these things be thought worthy scorn and derision, so that we grant this exceeding great example of simplicity and plainness, to make very well to this purpose, that we may be ashamed of our superfluitees, & excesses, that are used each-where among us at these days.  
That to a man sapiente, nothing is wanting, he concluded by this syllogism: 
A syllogism, is a perfect argument of logic, in which, two things or more, first put, & the same granted, the conclusion doth inevitably foloe of necessity.  The Gods are lords of all things, and have all things in their possession: the sapiente men and the Gods are mutual friends, either to the others, and all manner things that one friend hath, is comen or ready for the other also, Ergo the sapiente men are lords of all things, & have all things in their possession. 
How Diogenes concluded that a man sapiente hath all things in his possession.  But by the self-same syllogism he might have been shaken of, when he desired any thing: why doest thou crave, since thou hast all things already in thy possession?  
When he had espied a woman lying prostrate before the Gods, 
How Diogenes rebuked a woman lying uncomely prostrate afore the Gods.  her body so boughed down, that behind her, some parts of the same appeared out, which is not comely, ne honest to be made bare to the yies of men: he went unto her, saying, art thou not a feared thou woman, lest that some God standing behind thy back (for all places and things of the world are replenished with the presence of God) thou demean thyself uncomely? He is reported to have consecrated to Aesculapius a tormentor, 
Diogenes consecrated to Aesculapius, agyaunt with a club in his hand.  who should come running and all to trample, and crush such persons as would fall down prostrate upon their faces before Aescul●pius. By this colour and false pretence causing folks utterly to renounce and abandon superstition, which have a belief that the Gods will not hear them, except they make much douking, stooping, becking, and prostrations unto the same with uncomely gesture of their body.  
He used very often in the way of jesting to say, that the tragical maledictions and curses had met with him, 
Tragical excecrations met with Dioge●es.  for that he was (according to the form of such manner execrations) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, destitute of an house to put his head in, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, abandoned from dwelling in any city, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as a man banished out of his country, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, constrained to beg his bread, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, driven to wander about from place to place as a vagabond, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ch●liades a noble and a right clerkly work, made by Erasmus in which he hath gathered certain thousands of greek & latin proverbs.  not sure on the one day, where to have his dinner the next day following. This he said, alluding to some place of one or other of the tragedies. Of the execrations and curses of 
☞ Oedipus (as the fables of poets maken relation) was the son of one Laus, king of Thebes: who perceiving his queen jocasta to be with child, sued to the oracle of Apollo, to have true acknowledge, what child his said wife jocasta should bring forth. Answer was made by Apollo, that she should bring forth a son, by whom he the said Laus should be slain. In consideration whereof, immediately: as soon as ever the child was bor● Laus delivered it unto his shepherd, to do the same to death. But the shepherd moved with some compassion, would no● out right kill the infant babe, but bored through either of his feet an hole, and with a twyg put through the holes, hung him up alive on a bough of a tree. But one Phorbas being shepherd unto Polybius, king of the Corinthians, finding the said child, bare the same to his queen: who (forasmuch a● she had no children of her own) kept and nourished the child, as if it had been of her own body born, and of the swelling o● his feet, by reason of the holes he was by her named, Oedipus (for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek is to swell, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a foot.) When this Oedipus was come to man's state, a strife and debate beginning among the Phocensians, the said Oedipus unawares and unknowing, slew his own father Laus aforesaid: Upon this, it fortuned that Sphinx the monster, standing on an hillock, at the city of Theb●●, would not suffer any body to pass by her, but to all such persons as traveled on the way, she proponed redles and doubtful questions, & as many as could not soil the same redles, she killed out of hand. Then was made a decree, and upon the same a proclamation, that whosoever could soil the redle which Sphinx proponed, should have the queen jocasta to wife, and should enjoy the kingdom of Thebes. The redle that Sphinx proponed was this: what one and the same living creature it was, that went on two feet, on three feet and on four feet: This redle Oedipus soiled, affirming it to be man, who in his infancy creeping upon his hands & feet was four footed, afterward being grown to more full years of youth, went upright on two feet, and in age decrepity using a staff, went with three feet. Sphinx this hearing, for anger & sorrow, toumbleed herself headlong down of a great rock and so perished. And Oedipus according to the statute aforemade had the queen jocasta to wife, and with her the kingdom o● Thebes. On jocasta he begot two sons, the one Polynices and the other named Eteocles. At length Oedipus had acknowledge, b●th that he had slain his own father, and also that he had married his own mother. For sorrow whereof he pulled out his own yies with his own hands. And then was leden about blind by his daughter Antigone, who saved him once or twys, when he would wilfully have slain himself. Nerthelesse the Thebans having sure knowledge & due proof of all the premises, exiled & banished Oedipus out of their city and country for ever. And he departing as a banished man, accursed his sons Polynices & Eteoc●es (because they did not in such an extremetee aid their father) that neither of them might enjoy the inheritance of his crown in the kingdom of Thebes, but that they might slay either other in battle, and never have power to return safe into their city etc. with many other most dire and bittur maledicciō● which lighted on them, and on all the whole family of them. For Polynices and Eteocles, fighting hand to hand, for the succession of their father's crown, gave either other his deaths wound: so that they both fell down and died even there, out of hand. jocasta their mother slew hirself. And Oedipus was with a flash of lightening soodainly stricken to death: And of this notable plague the maledictions of Oedipus are in a proverbial speaking taken for notable great misfortunes, & evil chances, such as Diogenes here in this present his apothegm doth mention: and Erasmus in the said Chiliades doth more at large recite.  Oedipus I have spoken at large in my work of greek and latin proverbs which is entitled, Chiliades.  
furthermore, he is reported to have used this saying also, that to match against fortune, 
How Diogenes matched fortune, law & affections.  he set always the confidence or stoutness of courage: 
Whereby is purchased & maintained y●  against the law, he set nature: against affections, motions, or wilful pangs of the mind, reason. For that by these three things is purchased and maintained the tranquillity of men. Against the bloustreing storms & rages of fortune, a strong heart, being void of all manner fear, is to a sapiente man a sure buckler and defence: in stead of a law, the wise man followeth nature, to the which nature if the law be repugnant, he despiseth the law And with reason he caulmeth, assuageth, and keepeth down, the troubleous assaults of desires and affections inordinate.  
When Alexander Magnus came to see Diogenes, he chanced to find him in the place that was called, Craneum, 
Craneū●e long was a place of e●ercise in the City of Corinthus.  sitting in his tub, and patching together with glue or paste the toren leaves of his books. And after that the king having familiarly talked many things with him, addressed himself to depart, and said: bethink thyself Diogenes, 
How Diogenes used the king, Alexander the great inviting him to ask of him what gift he would.  what thou wouldst moste feign ask of me, for what soever thou shalt desire or wish, thou shalt assuredly have, well (ꝙ Diogenes) of other things we shall talk anon at leisure, in the mean time stand aside from me a little out of the way, when the king had gone back from him, supposing that the other was minded to consider with himself what he might best ask: to the same of a preaty while speaking not a word, he repeated his former words & one's again said: ask what thing thy mind and will is Diogenes. Marry even this same was my will and desire to have, ꝙ he again, for before, thou didst keep away from me the son, being most requisite and necessary for this business or occupation that I am about now. Other writers tell, that he sa●ed thus: Do not make shadow between the son and me. For that he was disposed to son himself.  
This also is recorded in writing, that Alexander spoke unto him after this sort: I am come hither Diogenes to secure and to relieve thee, because I see thee to be in great penury and need of many things. To whom Diogenes answered thus again. 
Diogenes avouched himself to be richer than Alexander the great.  Whether of us two is in more penury, I, that besides my scrip and my cope, do miss, ne desire nothing at all, or else thou, which not being contented with the inheritance of thy father's kingdom doest put thyself in adventure, 
The insatiable mind of Alexander, to have empire.  & hazard of so many perils and dangers, to enlarge the limits of thine empire, in so much, that uneath all the whole world seemeth able to satisfy thy covetous desire?  
On a certain time when Diogenes had been reading of a lecture a very great while together, was at last come so far that he saw a void page of a leaf: Be of good comfort masters, ꝙ he, I have espied land. Making resembleaunce to a company of men being wearied with long sailing, who are well refreshed in their hearts, when the port or haven afar of appeareth unto them.  

Uain sophistications, are rather to be scorned, then to be soiled.  To one by sophistical insolubles concluding and proving, that Diogenes had horns, feeling & handling his forehedde & his temples. In faith, ꝙ Diogenes, but I see, ne feel none. He thought better to laugh such a peevish trifleing argument to scorn, then to soil it.  
When Zenon reading a lecture in the schools, laboured with most subtle and most crafty reasons to prove that neither was there, ne possibly might be, any moving, (In which moving dependeth a great portion of the verities, concluded in natural philosophy.) Diogenes arising up out of his place, 
How Diogenes confuted zenon, labouring to prove that moving is a thing unpossible.  began to walk up and down. Zeno maruailling thereat, said: why, what doest thou now, Diogenes? Marry (ꝙ he) I falsify and confute thy blind reasons. Rebuking all under one, the vain brag and ostentation that zenon made of his wit.  
A certain sophist, willing in the presence of Diogenes, 
How Diogenes mocked a Sophiste, arguing him to be no man.  to show the quickness of his wit, made a sophistical argument unto him, in manner & form as followeth. That I am, thou art not: when Diogenes had thereunto granted: And I am a man, ꝙ the other, ergo, thou art not a man. Then said Diogenes: 
Every perfect syllogism, hath three parts or members as, that I am thou art not, the mayor: but I am a man, the minor: ergo, thou art not a man, the conclusion.  Let the first member of thy syllogism begin of me, and the conclusion of thine argument shall assuredly be right and true. He would not vouchsafe to discuss what default & error was in the argument, but thought better to give a mock to the fellow that stood so highly in his own conceit for the respect of such trifleing bagg●age. If his minor had been this, thou art a man, then after Diogene● his sentence, the conclusion had been good, for it had foloed that the Sophism was no man.  
To one for the ostentation of his wit, 

How Diogenes mocked a fellow that made much pratleing in astronomy.  
Above in the xxiii. saying of Socrates.   buisyly pratleing and making many gay good morrows, of the sky, and the ste●res: I pray you good sir, ꝙ Diogenes, how long seus, came ye down from heaven? In this he represented Socrates, whose saying was, such things as are above our reach, to be no part of our play to meddle withal.  
A certain Ennuch, 
Ennuchus, is a ge●de● man.  being in sore infamy and slander of vicious and unthrifty living, had written upon the door of his house, no evil thing mot there entre here. Diogenes' the same inscription espying, said: the owner of the house for his own part, what way doth he use to go in? The Ennuch had set up the title as a poysee, or a word of good luck, that no mysauenture might light on the house, and the same did Diogenes wrest and transfer to the vices of the mind, 
The vices of the mind only, are in deed ●●uil things.  wiche only are in very deed evil things.  
Diogenes having gotten perfume, rubbed & anointed his feet therewith, 
Diogenes anointed his feet with perfume, where others, enoynten their heads.  contrary to the comen usage of all other folks. And to such persons as made a great wondering thereat, he said: Thus I do because that perfume being poured upon the head, reketh out into the air: but from the feet it ascendeth up to the nastrelles. semblably did an other person dissallow and dispraise the comen usage, by which men set garlands of sweet herbs and flowers upon their heads, 
men should wear sweet flowers in their bosomed rather then in their cap.  whereas it is more convenient to put the same beneath the nastrelles, forthat the ●apour and air of the redolente savour doth not of his property so much descend & soak downwards as it doth mount and ascend upward.  
The priests, or ministers (of such divine rites, sacres and mysteries, as in the gentilitee of that time were used in Athenes,) would have persuaded Diogenes, and have brought him in mind, to take orders, and to be a minister of the temple among them, 
How Diogenes replied to the athenians, avysing him to be a pressed or a minister of their holy rites.  allegeing, that such as in their life time had been within holy ordres, had highest pre-eminence, among the dead. To the which advertisement, Diogenes thus replied. That is a mad reckoning, saith he, as ever I heard, if the valiant Captains Agesilaus & Epaminondas, 
Agesila●s, a noble & a victorious king of the Lacedæmonians, and Epaminondas a right valiant captain of the Thebans.  because they were never priests, be lying in the backehous diche, and Patetion that thief, with all the rabble of other like spittle villains, for this only respect that they been within orders, shall sit in God almighty his own lap. It was a sore cherke given to the fashions of the priests, who for their emloument, lucre, & advantage, did flatter, and with fair promises feed the superstition of the blind and ignorant people, bringing the same in full belief that taking ordres, 
The bliss of heaven is not conferred for the respect, of this order, or that, but for good living.  or professing religion, should confer eternal bliss after this present life, where as the same felicity is ordained and prepared only ●or those, that by godly and noble doings have deserved it, whether they be men of the church & within holy ordres, or not.  
At his first entering into his philosophical profession or trade, when he in his tub eating dry & musty bread, all solitary without the company of any creature, heard all the whole city whoughting and shoughting everywhere with joy and solace, (for it was a fest day of high solemnity and pastime) he feeled in his heart no small tediousness, and a good preaty while it ran so in his head, that he was more than half minded, 
How Diogenes being more than hal● minded to give over the philosophical trade that he had entered into, was stayed.  to give over the trade of living, which he was entered into. But when at last, he saw mice come creeping about his tub, and eating up the crumbs of bread, he said to himself, why art thou out of conceit with thyself Diogenes? thou art a great estate out right, and keepest a royal port, lo, thou keepest a table for smelfeastes too, that are glad, to seek their dinner with the.  
To Plato for the respect of his slovenrie & beggerlynesse of living, calling him cur & dog: Yea marry (ꝙ Diogenes) ye say soothe● 
Diogenes took in good part to be ●alled dog.  for I am come running home again to them that sold me away. For it is the guise & manner of dogs if they be sold, to run home again to their old masters. He was nothing offended with the opprobrious word, but rather to his own purpose interpreted the same. In salling towards Aegina he was before his arrival, taken prisoner of certain pirates, and so brought into the Isle of Crete, 
Crete, is the same Isle, that we call Candi●, of which we have noted in another place.  & there sold. Those pirates (I think,) were Corinthians, or athenians, or at leastwise Aeginetes.  
When certain persons had demanded on him as he was coming homeward from the hot bain house, whether there were at thesame, many men, no verayly, said he● And being eftsoons asked whether there were at the said stew much press of folk, yea by the rood is there, ꝙ he. notifying, that to be called a man, is a fit name but for a few. 
The appellation of a man is fit, but for few.   
This also goeth in a tale, albeit uneath belevable. Plato had thus defined a man: 
This definition of a man Aristotle also in his logic doth improve.  A man is a livething with two feet, having no feathers. And when the scholar's of Plato had made signs and tokens of well allowing the same definition, Diogenes brought forth into the school, 
How Diogenes improved the definition of a man, which Plato gave.  a cock pulled naked out of all his feathers both great & small, saying: lo, here is Plato his man. Whereupon it was added to the definition, having broad nailles, for that no birds ha●e any such.  
To one demanding at what hour best were, for a man to go to his dinner: 
At what hour it is best for a man to dine.  If he be rich, ꝙ Diogenes when his pleasure is, if poor, when he may.  
Being at Megara, when he saw the rams go with thei● wulle on their backs unshorn for taking harm of the bitturnesse of cold, 
Megara was ● town in the country of Attica, not far from the city of Athenes.  and their young children go clean naked without any clothes at all, he said: It is much better to be the ram, then to be the son of a Megarian. It is written of the Megarians, that they were wonderful reckless in nourishing & keeping ●p their children. 
The Megarians were reckless in keeping their children.   
A fellow carrying a long loggue in the street, gave Diogenes a good rap with the one end of it, for lack of taking heed, & incontinente (as the guise is in such case) said: Beware: why, (ꝙ Diogenes) doest thou intend to give me an other rap yet? Other writers do thus tell it. When the fellow said: 
It is overlate to bid beware, when the hurt is done already.  beware, Diogenes rapped his staff on the pate of the other feloe, and after the stroke already surely set on and passed, said as the same had done afore to him, beware. giving unto the same taunt pour taunt, or one for an other. For, beware, should have been said before the harm doing, and not after.  
Diogenes on a time, bearing in his hand a lighted candle, walked up and down the market stead, in a very bright and clear day, like one that sought a thing lost. 
A man is a rare thing to be found, though he be sought with a candle.  And diverse persons asking, what he did: Marry I seek a man, ꝙ he. Noting the public manners of the city scace honest enough for any person, bearing the name of a man.  
When he had on a time been so soused with water, that he had never a dry thread about him, and stood dropping on every side and part of his body, diverse persons standing about him (as commonly in such case they will) took much pity on the poor soul, as one that had been served a very ungodly touch, and used or handleed out of all good fashion. To which persons, if ye be willing saith Plato, (for he also among others was happily at thesame time present) to take piety and compassion upon Diogenes, depart hens and get you from him. noting in him being a philosophier desirefuln●●●e of glory. 
Prive ambition & desire of glory in Diogenes.  Forasmuch as therefore to be unto that by standers such a wondering and gazing stock was to Diogenes great pleasure and delectation: he was rather happy and fortunate, than to be pietied, but if he had been wetted from top to toe, no man standing by to see it, than had he been miserable in very deed.  
To one that gave him a good, cuff on the ear, 
The patience and modera●aciō of Diogenes.  in good south (ꝙ he) I had no such acknowledge ne warning to go with a salad on my head. And that was all that ever he did to be avenged on the party that had strieken him.  
But he did not with semblable patience forbear one Midias, 
How Diogenes requited one Midias giving him a blow on the ear.  who after a good whistersnefet, truly paid on his ear, had said: There be three thousand brass pens now ready assigned and laid out for thee in the eschecquier: in the way of mockage, bidding much good do it him, for that he was assured to recover of Midias so much money for a forfaicte, 
The penaltee or forfaicte● for giving a blow in th● old time a● Athenes.  if he would take the law for the blow giving. But Diogenes the next day following took abroad thongue, such as the champions used of neats leather set with studs and bosses, and the same well favouredly bestowed about the ribs and pate of Midias, he said even in the very same wise, as the other had done afore to him: there be three thousand brass pens now ready assigned & laid out for thee in the eschecquier. Aulus Gellius telleth of a fellow which had a goo● sport to give men buffets with his hand, and immediately after, would command to be told out in ready money the sum of the forfaicte, out of a purse, which he had continually carried about with him for that purpose. But Diogenes plainly declared, not all men to be of that patience, that they can be satisfied, and hold them contented with the penaltee of the set forfaicte.  
The philosophers had in this behalf, a very evil name abroad, that either they believed not any gods to be, or else they did contemn the same. This thing Lysias half signifying, 
How Diogenes answered Lysias, demanding whether he believed any gods to be.  asked Diogenes, whether he believed that there were any Gods. To whom Diogenes, answered. How may it stand with reason that I should not believe, 
Lysias was an orator in Athenes whom for his exceeding sweetness, Quintilian praiseth  yes: since I am fully persuaded that thyself art a fellow of the Gods abandoned and accursed? This saying some writers done attribute to Theodorus. He made none answer to the question, but reversed the words to the party's self, that had in the way of despite ●utte the question to him.  
espying a fellow for the observance of religion, washing him self with river water, (for by this rite did men of old time use to purify and cleanse theimselfes, if they believed any offence on their party against the Gods to have been committed) miserable creature, said Diogenes, 
How Diogenes eluded a fellow spryncleing water upon himself for pourgeing his sin  when thou hast erred in any point of grammar, thou art not assoiled by casting water upon thyself: then much less shall semblable spryncleing of water rid or deliver thee from sinfulness of living. He did very well note the superstition of folks, in that they believed the spots and staining of the soul to be purged and scoured away, 
The superstition of folks in old time.  with the sensible, gross or carnal element of bodily water, except they had also cut away the inordynate lusts and desires of the heart.  
He did wondrous highly rebuke those persons, 
Diogenes rebuked those persons, who blamed fortune, when their matters went awry.  who, if any of their matters framed not, but went awry, would blame and wite fortune therefore (as in deed the most part of men usen to do, and Diogenes avouched the parties selves much more worthy to be shent, whose guise and fashion was, with all earnest request & instance to crave at the hands of lady fortune, not such things as in very deed were substantial good, but such as in their own fancy and opinion seemed good. For if men would permit or leave to the arbitrament, will and pleasure of the Gods, to send such things, 
If god might be lea● alone he would sand to man that were best for him.  as the same do judge to be best and most expedient, they would send it. Now, forasmucheas men receiven according to their own most agree & ymportune suits they done like feloes having no shame in them, to lay unto the Gods the fault of quailling and mysproving.  
The superstition of such persons as would be frayed with dreams, in this manner did he deride and scorn, what things ye do while ye are awaking, saith he, that care ye not for, and what things ye dream while ye are sleeping, ye do carefully search out. For to the felicity, or misery of a ma●ne, it maketh not so great force what cometh to the same in his sleep, 
The superstition of many folks about their dreams  as what he doth awaking, while one is awaking if he perpetrate any unhonest or sinful act, it were requisite to fear the wrath of god, and the woeful end to ensue thereof, and not if men see this or that, in their sleep.  
At the Olympia, the crier thus proclaiming, Doxippus hath won the mastery of men, Diogenes corrected him, saying: no, Doxippus of slaves or villains, 

The bondeseruauntes of glory.  
The philosophier only hath victori● of men.   and I of men. signifying, them that proved masteries at the said olympia and other like games, not to be men, but bondservants of glory, only the philosophier and none else hath the over hand of men: like unto this, is one other of his sayings above mentioned.  
When Philippus had an army in the country of Cherronea, 
This Philippus was king of the Macedonians, & father of Alexand●r the great.  there to make war, thither came Diogenes, and being taken by the soldiers, he was brought unto the king, who, when he saw Diogenes a person unknown, cried out in a great fury, A spy, a spy. To whom Diogenes replied, saying: yea, even a very spy in deed. For hither am I come to view the brainsiknesse of thee, 
How Diogenes answered Philippus, chalengeing him for a spy.  who, not being contented with the kingdom of the Macedonians, for to get other men's kingdoms into thy hands, doest cast thyself in great peril & danger of losing both thine own kingdom, and also thy life. The king meruailling, at the frank plainness of the man, discharged the same, and set him at large, bidding him go where he would at his free liberty. 
* Chertonea, the country where Plutarch was borne, a region nigh to Hellespontus. And in this place did Philippus acquire & subdue all Grece. It is called by another name Chersonesus, because it is in manner round about environed with the sea, and is by reason thereof in manner a very Isle. And for the excellency, it is oft times set for Hellespontus.   
Alexander the king of the Macedonians had sent letters unto Antipater by a certain person named Athlias, Diogenes at the same hour being happily in place. Who, according to his Cynical guise, said: Athlius from Athlius by Athlias to Athlius. It was nothing but a toy, in dallying, with the affinity and similitude of words. For the name of the messenger was. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek soundeth one being in miserable state or condition, & sore vexed or beaten with manifold travails, peines and troubles. For which respect the fighting men, or the champions & masters offence, had their name derived out of thesame vocable, and were called both in greek and latin Athletae. 
Athletae. Princes which for ambition of honour rule and dominion are in continual strife, be in miserable state, and full of woo.  The meaning of the philosophier was, that princes for the ambition of honour, rule and dominion, being in continual strife and hurlee burlee, are in very deed persons full of misery and woo: and even in like miserable state of wretchedness to be all those that are ready, priest, & willing servants, aiders or furtheres of the appetites and desires of the same. So then true it was, that Alexander for the careful and troubleous life that he lead worthily called Athlius, that is miserable, wrote and sent letters by Athlias, being no less worthy the appellation of Athlius then his master, unto Antipater as much worthy to be called Athlius as any of the other two, in that he was at all timer bound to obeys and serve Alexander.  
Being spoken to, and invited to come unto Alexander, he refused so to do. 
Diogenes refused to go to Alexander.  But to Perdicca the high Captain, or grand Master under the same Alexander threatening to take his life from him, 
Perdicca, ●raūd master under Alexander.  except he would come. In faith, said Diogenes, then shall ye do a noble and a valiant act. For aswell the little wourme which (both in greek & latin) is called Cantharis as also the black spider called Phalangium, is able at all times to do asmuch. Cantharis, 
Cantharis.  is a little little vermyn, not much unlike in fashion to the beetle or the hornet, but having in it stark poison. Phalangium, 
Phalangium.  is the spider of the most venomous sort, neither did he stick or fear, on his party again to threaten Perdicca, that he should live happily, though he lived without his ●o●mpaignie, notifying them to be in a bewray wretched case or state, that lived with Perdicca.  
He affirmed the Gods to be gentle and soon entreated to give life unto men, but the same life to be a thing unknown to such persons as seek to have of these marchepaines or wafers with other like iunkerie, 
The life of man standeth not in carnal pleasures nor i● sensuality.  and their sweet perfumes or poumaundres, and other semblable delices. For those persons who have all the pleasure of the said things believen theimselfes to live, where as only wisdom and perfect virtue doth assure the very true life in deed replenished with tranquillity and pleasant sweetness. 
Only perfect virtue giveth to man very true life in deed.  Wherefore not the Gods are to be put in fault, but man, who of his own mere bolye doth earnestly crave of the said Gods, not life, but sensual pleasures of the flesh. 
The prepo●●erous prayers of carnal persone●.   
espying a delicate and nice fellow, to have his shoes put on & buccleed by his servant. Nay in faith, ꝙ he, thou lackest yet one point or degree of perfect bliss, which is, that the same fellow there wipe thy taille too. And that should soon be, if thy hand or fingers were cut of. It seemed to Diogenes a thing as much contrary to reason to abuse the page his service in doing on his masters shoes, 
Diogenes thought it a ●hyng unnatural, that the servant should ●ul on the masters shoes.  in case the master be strong and lusty enough to help himself therein, as if he should after coming from the ●akes put his servant to the office of wiping his taille. Albeit, ●t may be also understanded of wiping the nose. To an ethnic philosophier, it seemed nycitee, beyond the course of nature, that an ethnic or gentile should have his shoes done on by his servant. And yet I knew a Christian man, being a priest, yea and a divine, who although he had all his limbs perfect, & none of his membres maimed or lame, yet ever when he should go to the stool, would call servants, more then one, for to untie his points: & also, when he came from thence, to truss the same again. Which thing when I saw, thus did I think with myself. Now would Christ that Diogenes were here present, to behold this gear.  
When he saw a fellow going to prison that had embessed and conveyed away a cup of gold out of the treasury or chambered of the city. (And so it chanced that he was lead to prison by the officers of the city which they called in greek 
☞ In the old time there was of an ancient custom in Grece at certain seasons a comen assembly, of certain the most saige and prudent persons, by election appointed thereunto, out of all the chief cities, after a much like sort, as now here in England are chosen knights for each shire, and bourgeoisses for every town, and by a comen consent assigned at times requisite, to repair unto the parliament. And it was called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the latins, Amphictyonicus consessus, the sitting of the Amphictyons, or, conventus Amphictyonum, the assembly of the Amphicctyons, or, Amphictyonicum consilium, the counsel or parliament of the Amphictyons, or else, concilium Amphictyonum, the convocation of the Amphictyons. Some writers holden opinion, that the name of Amphictyons was given unto it of coming or resorting ou● from all cities and towns of Grece to the said parliament (for the bordreers, or bounders, inhabiting round about any place are called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) And some authores deriu● the name from Amphictyon, the son of Deucalion, who in time of his reign here is chronicleed to have called together a counsel or parliament of the nations of Grece, & by a comen ordinance enacted to have instituted the said manner and form of assembleing. The people of Grece which repaired to the said counsel are noumbreed twelve: the jonianz, the Dorianz, the Perre●ianz, the Boetianz, the Medonites, the Achaeanz, the Ph●hiotes, the Melianz, the Dolopianz, the Aeneanz, the Delphianz, ● the Phocensianz. And the bourgeoisses, that were by public authority chosen, appointed, and sent from any of the countries above named unto the said counsel, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by an other name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the place where the parliament was holden.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) See, see, ꝙ Diogenes, the grand thieves leden the petty thief to ward. 
The grand thieves leden the petty thief to preison, saie● Diogenes.  Would God this same word might not be without a lie said of some public officers of Christentee, by whom sometimes is tr●ssed up, & hanged on the galoes a poor silly soul, that hath percase pielfed away ten groats, where theimselfes by great pielage, brybrie, or extortion, yea and for a fair touch, by deceiving & beguiling their prince, or the comen weal, do grow daily and increase in wealth and richesse, noman saying black is their eyes.  
Beholding a lad hurleing stones at a gibette, well done, ꝙ Diogenes, thou wilt surely hit the mark: signifying that a day would come when the party should surely be hanged.  
When a sort of young striepleynges standing about Diogenes had cried upon him, dog, dog, dog, and immediately being afraid, had begun to run away, and being asked why they ran away, had said, lest thou shouldest bite us, be of good cheer my sons, ꝙ he, a dog eateth no 
* Beets is an herb called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in latin Beta, of whose exceeding weryshenesse and unsaverynesse, even of old antiquity dawecockes, lowtes, coxcombs & blockehedded fools, were in a proverbial speaking, said: betizare, to be as weerishe and as unsavoury as beets. Plautus in his comedy entitled Truculentus, saith: Blitea est meretrix, it is a pea●yshe whore, and as we say in english as wise as a gooce, or as wise as her mother's apern streng. So a fellow that hath in him no wit, no quickness, but is even as one having neither life ne soul, lab●rius calleth bliteam belluam, a beast made of beets. And in Menandez also (as citeth Erasmus in the proverb, betizare,) the husband's revile their wives, calling them, bliteas, of so small shift or help, that they were as good to have wives of beets, for which we say in our english proverb, wives of clouts. And because all effeminate persons done in fine grow to semblable sotyshenesse and dotage, as if they were not masters of their own wit, but as persons rapt into an other world, Diogenes took occasion of comparing and resembleing the boys (in whom was no likelihood ne spark of good towardness, but rather of all ungraciousness) to the weryshe a●d unsavoury beets.  beets. Covertly & by a prive nip, upraiding the●m of manners effeminate, wanton, and foolish.  
To a fellow that took himself for no small fool, because he jetted about the streets with a lions skin on his back, Diogenes said. Thou feloe, 
How Diogenes scorned a fellow, that being but a sheep, ●ettyng up & down in a lions skin.  wilt thou never leave putting the mantel or gaberdyne of manhood and prowess to shame? He thought it a full uncomely thing, that a person effeminate (and such a sheep that durst not show his face among men, but was more like to creep in to a bench hole, then to do any manly act,) would usurp the wearing of the weed of 
‡ Hercules was the son of jupiter, gotten in the cit●e of The●●s upon queen Alcumena the wife of Amphitruo, while he was from home in battle. Hercules was a man of singular manhood and prowess, and did in his time xii notable valiant acts of which one was, that he slew a fierce Lion in the forest of Nemea, & wor● the skin of the same as a thing won by strong hand & in that weed or habit he is set out in all imagery or pictures of hangings or painted clothes.  Hercules. The self-same may be said to those persons that with monstrous disguising of their vesture professen holiness, their manner of living being nothing answerable to the same.  
When certain company had great communication of calisthenes the philosphier, 
Diogenes thought not them moste blessed that li●ed in kings courts.  that he was happy, fortunate, and even in heaven, forthat he was in the court of king Alexander with much high fare and preparation entreteined, No Marie, ꝙ Diogenes, he is in wretched case, and in miserable condition, forthat he must be fain to take his dinner and his supper when pleaseth Alexander. Meaning, nothing to be in the state of perfect bliss, if liberty be away. 
Nothing i● in the state of perfect bliss if liberty be away.  This is calisthenes the disciple of Aristotle, whom Alexander at last did cast in prison, 
calisthenes the disciple of Aristotle at length cast in prison by Alexander.  where he perished and died. Some writers for calisthenes, do put Aristotle himself, of whose singular good fortune and hap, when company made much talking, for that he lived familiarly with a kings son: yea, ꝙ Diogenes, Aristotle dineth at such hour as pleaseth Alexander, and Diogenes, when pleaseth Diogenes.  
If Diogenes, at any time stood in great need of money, he would take it of his friends. But to such persons as with many checking words did (as ye would say bait him, for that contrary to the dignity and honesty of a philosophier, he would after the manner of beggars ask and crave. No, ꝙ he, 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. repetere,  
A philosophier doth not beg, but requireth his own duty.   I do not ask their alms, but I require my duty. For the latin word, repetere, is used in his proper signification, when we demand or require to have rendreed or redelivered unto us any thing, which either by the way of love, or else by leaving it in the custody or keeping of an other person is out of our own hands. And one friend giving to an other that is in necessity, doth not give a free gift, but rendreeth or payeth home again that he owghed by true debt. For whosoever in such a case doth keep or restrain his money, the same doth wrongfully detain & withhold that is none of his own proper goods, 
Who so restreigneth & keepeth from his friend in time of necessity, with holdeth that is none of his own.  but due to an other body.  
When a certain young man being kembed, piked, and decked all of the minion trick, had moved & put forth a fond or peevish question to Diogenes: certes, ꝙ he, I will make you no answer to your question, till by taking up or doing abroad your clothes, ye shall have showed, whether ye be a man, or a woman. By his apparel and array nothing fit ne comely for a manne● 
Ouercutious apparel, argueth wantonness and nycitee.  he noted the effeminate wantonness and nycitee of the party.  
To an other young man feactely and trickely representing at the banns, a certain lastivious play, which to exhibit the greeks callen, 
☞ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was a foolish game the lovers had, and used to play at gardeners, suppers & other banquets, by the bobleing that the drink made, which remained in the cup after they had drunken, for the drink that was left, they would cast up on high, and by the clocking, plashing, or, son that it gave in the fall, they would take a signification whether their lovers were true to them or not. And thereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to play that kind of play●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Sirrah, young man, (ꝙ Diogenes,) the better ye do, the worse it is. Utterly dissallowing & condemning the feat which of itself was unhonest and nought, of which sort is also playing at dice, wherein the more cunning werkemanne that every person is, the worse man is he and the less honest.  
As it fortuned Diogenes to be present, and to make one among the more at a dinner, the coumpaigni● calling him dog, 
How Diogenes served a certain company that cast bones to him, as if he had been a dog.  cast bones to him in derision, in consideration that the same is a thing customably used to be done to dogs. But he in departing from the company, pissed upon every of the geastes that sat at the table behind at their backs, signifying the same also to be, one other property belonging to dogs.  
The orators & other persons doing all things for glory & renown, Diogenes called by a word that might be taken in a double sense, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, thris double men. 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Orators and other persons doing all things for glory Diogenes called thris double men.   For as the comen sort of people denieth that person to be a man that is neither learned nor yet of gentle conditions, so did the philosophier call him a miser, that had no quality above the comen rate of man. For according to the saying of Homer: No living creature is more miserable than man. 
Man of all creatures mo●●e miser.  And therefore, thris double men, Diogenes called thris double misers, as the which bestowed & applied all their studies upon a thing of most vanity in the world, & were as bond servants or pages to the multitude of the gross people, being a beast of many heads. 
The people, a beast of many heads.   
A certain rich man having nomaner acknowledge ne learning at all, & yet going in gorgeous & gallant apparel, he called in greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is: 
rich persons void of learning Diogenes called sheep with golden flyces.  a sheep with a golden flyce. For in the poets it is found written, that 
‡ Such a sheep was in Colchos whose flyce jason by the help of Medea the kings daughter fet away, slaying the bulls & dragon, that kept it.  such manner sheep have been. And those persons, who were silly poor souls, and had no more store of wit than they must needs occupy, were even then and yet still are in all tongues, and places by a comen proverb: called sheeps heads, or sheep.  
Passing by the house of a certain prodigal and riotous person, where it was written upon the door this house is to be sold, if any man will buy it. Yea by my faith, ꝙ Diogenes, I espied very well, and prophesied in my mind, 
Riot and ꝓdigalitee, causeth men to spew up whole houses.  that by reason of thine unmeasurable gourmaunding and surfaicting, thou wouldst at last spew up some house. For he had already consumed and devoured his house, before he offreed the same to sale, by setting that inscription upon the door. So that it might more truly be called a spuing, than a vendition or sale.  
To a young fellow, finding great fault, that he was evil coumbreed and troubleed of many persons, nor could be in rest for them: Marry, and cease thyself also, ꝙ he, openly to show tokens of being out of quiet. Signifiing the saucy and buisye meddling of such persons as will never cease doing men shrewd turns and displeasures, 
The best way to cease the molestations of busy meddling feloes is to dissemble that we be grieved with them.  by no earthly thing better to be quieted or ended, then if the party that is harmed or wronged dissemble his grief. For such persons as do haggue and bay at a body, purposely to bring him clean out of quiet, & to vex him at the bottom of the heart rote, will cease & leave of in case they see the party to be nothing moved with their doing. Albeit I have half a geasse the greek words comprehend another prive or covered sense. For when the young fellow complained, & found himself grieved, that a sort of busy medleers would not let him alone, ne suffer him to be in rest, Diogenes thus answered in greek: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, yea and cease thou also to carry about with thee, the tokens of a person wanton and effeminate. For such persons never lack trouble or vexation, but every body will have a saying at them, according to the latin proverb, Malum vel mus audet rodere. That is, an evil person even the very mous dareth to snap at. 
An evil person even the very mous dareth to snap at.  And company is both grievous and odious to those that are unhonest, or malefactors, as witnesseth Christ in the Gospel, saying. men loved darkness more than light, because their deeds were evil. For every one that evil doth hateth the light, 
Every one that evil doth hateth the light joh. iii.  neither cometh to the light, lest his deeds should be reproved.  
A minstrel that was a player on the harp, 
Why Diogenes commendeth an harper, whom all others dispraised.  being of no cunning in the world, and therewithal a great gorrebealyed chuff, yea and besides that, dispraised of all persons that heard him, for the worst that ever twanged, only Diogenes, did commend and praise. And to them that woondreed wherefore he should so do: I allow him and 'gan him thank, said Diogenes, that being such an one, he hath had more mind and will to set himself on work, and to be occupied with his harp, then to take a standing by the high ways side for a purse or a bougette. signifying that the fellow being of body valiant and stourdye, and gross or rude of wit, was by all similitude of outward tokens, more apt to have been a robber on the high way, then to be an handleer of any musical instrument. The grace of the saying, dependeth of the place of rhetoric, 
The place of rhetoric ab inexpectato.  ab inexpectato, that is grounded upon a thing that a body would lest think on. For who would have looked for such an answer of Diogenes?  
another harper, who, as often as he played on his instrument, was forsaken and left alone in place of all his audience: Diogenes, 
How Diogenes saluted an harper that drove away his audience as often as he played o● song.  when he met him in the street, saluted in this manner. God ye save and see goodman cock. And where the fellow being offended with the strangeness of that salutation, said: why goodman cock? Marry, ꝙ he, because that with thy crowing thou reasest every body that heareth the. He devised to find a jesting toy of the ambiguity or indifferency of the greek voice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For he is properly said in greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●  both that reaseth a body out of his sleep, as the cocks usen to do, when they crow with an evil grace, & also that reaseth one sitting on his tail, to arise out of his place, as this harper evermore used to do.  
When a great number of people stood gazing and staring upon a certain young stripling of excellent good favour and beauty, Diogenes stooping down very low, gathered into his lap as fast as he could, the poultz called lupines. 
This kind of poultz, called lupinus, we have not in england groweing.  And the yies of all the folks turned to behold that sight, he avouched, that he marveled: why they would leave the young man, to look on him. noting in that by word, their intemperancy and wanton disposition.  
To a fellow that was exceeding superstitious, and sore subject to the terrors of buggues, and spirits, or goblyns, that walken by night and in places solitary, and yet menaced to slay Diogenes, 
How Diogenes mocked a superstitious fellow, that was afraid of sprites, threatening ●o slay him.  saying unto him, I will at one stroke all to crush thy head to powther: In faith ꝙ he again, if thou so do, I shallbe ready at thine elbow to play the part of hobgoblyn or collepixie, & make thee for fear to ween the devil is at thy poll.  
signifying that he was able to make the ●other party afraid, even being dead, of whom he was so contemned & set at nought being alive. And yet this same foolish mind & fancy, even at this very present day possesseth no small number, who although they be fierce & full of cocking against lives men, yet are the same most fear full creatures that possible may be of souls walking (as they call it●) 
The superstitious fear & imagination of many folks, that solles walken.   
Being desired and prayed, by one 
* Hegesias was a philosophier Cyrenaique, that is to say, of Epicure his sect a man of so great eloquence (as Ualerius Maximus writeth) that he did so lively declare and set out all the evils of this present life, that the piteous & lamentable representation of thesa●●●e evils, through his words, deeply engraved & enpriented in the hearts of men, very m●ny ꝑ●ones took occasion to hate ●his presen●● life, and had a● earnest de●●refulnesse willingly to rid theimselfes out of the world. And therefore he was b●●he commandment of king Ptolomeus forbidden any more to speak of any such matter.  Hegesias, to lend him the use of three or four books: Thou art a mad fellow Hegesias, ꝙ he, (that where in choosing figs thou wilt not take figs painted or countrefeacted, but very true and right figs in deed) thou canst find in thy heart, (the very true actual exercise and practise of philosophy neglected), to run to the philosophy scribleed or painted in paper. In this saying he noted those persons, who all their whole life through, do nothing but read the books and works of philosophers containing precepts or rules of virtuous living, whereas virtue is more effectually learned by practising or putting the same in ure, then by reading. The greek vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Diogenes used, is a voice indifferent to writing and to peinting. And therefore virtue set forth in books, is virtue much like, in manner as if it were painted on a cloth or table. And in deed against all reason it is, in choosing figs to be curious and precise to take none but of the best and in virtue to be nothing so.  
To a certain person in the way of reproach objecting unto him that he was a man banished his country: Thou silly creature, said he, for this very cause did I at the first become a philosophier. Either forthat banishment had enforced and driven Diogenes to enter the study of philosophy, 
Why Diogenes first became to be a philosophier.  or else because he had purposely learned philosophy, to the end that he might be able with a patient & contentefull mind, to endure banishment, and other semblable chances.  
Unto an other fellow saying to him in despite, Nay, the Sinopians have condemned thee with banishing thee, 
How Diogenes answered one, the cast in his teeth that the Sinopians had banished him.  never to come more in that country, & I them, ꝙ he, to abide & never to come thence. signifying himself, in that he was bidden to go seek him a dwelling place in an other country, to be no point in worse state or condition, them those persons, which remained sti●● welling in their own country, not able patiently to suffer banishment if it should chance. For equal misery it is, to make abode in a place by enforcement and compulsion, 
To be exiled from a place by compulsion, & to abide in a place by compulsion is equal misery.  & to be banished or eriled from a place by enforcement and compulsion. A philosophier, who in differently taketh every ground & every land under the cope of heaven (which so ever it be) for his own native country, 
A philosophier indifferently reputeth all places under the cope of heaven, to be his native country.  if he be commanded to depart any whence by bany●hement, is a man exiled out of some one particular city or nation only. But he that cannot live in another place besides his own country, where he was born and breden, is a man banished out of regions almost innumerable. As touching Diogenes, 
Why Diogenes was banished out of his own country.  in deed he was banished his country for countrefeacting or coining of money, as men think. And born he was a Sinopian. This present history Plutarch in that his treatise, entitled of banishment, reporteth in manner & form here ensuing. The Sinopians have by their decree, banished the out of 
* Pontus and Euxinus, are taken all for one. And it is part of the sea from Bosphorus of Thrace, unto the great Maryce of Scythia called Meotis. It is also abroad ● wide region marching round about y●●oostes of the same sea, encoumpacing many ꝓ●incies, as Colchos, Armenia, & Cappadocia. And in Cap●docia (being a desert and barren) country stood Sinopa the city in which Diogenes was born.  Pontus for ever Yea, but I condemn them in this pain, ꝙ he again, that they remain still enclosed and penned up within Pontus, and the ferthermust strands of all Euxinus, never to come out from thence. Diogenes had changed his country, but the same for the better. The Sinopians were more like folks banished or exiled, in that they were remediless, appointed and assigned, to continue all their lives in such an incommodious, unfruitful, & barren region, as Sinopa.  
Those persons, that were comen doers, in proving masteries at the games of Olympia, were called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of which sort when Diogenes had by chance found one keeping sheep. O Moun sire Captain, said he, with how great celeritee and speed have ye conveyed and gotten yourself from Olympia to Nemea. 
Nemea, is a region of the country of arcadia, situate and lying between two cities the one Cleone, & the other Clitorium, in th● which Clitorium (as witnesseth Ovidius) was a well or fountain of which whosoever did drink could not afterward away with drinking wine. In the wood or forest of this Nemea did Hercules kill the hougie great lion whose skin he woore on his back for his weed. And in the honour of the said Hercules, did the people of Argo● even there celebrate and keep solemn games, which were named Nemea of the place in which they were holden and kept, in like manner as is afore said of Olympia.  Finding a merry toy in the affinity or similitude of the greek vocables. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek, are certain games of proving masteries so called, of the place where the same were celebrated and holden, even as olympia, afore mentioned. And the greek verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, soundeth in latin, pasco, in english, to keep or feed cattles in the pastures, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is in latin, pascu●, in english, pastures or leasues.  
Being asked wherefore the champions or fighting men called Athletae, had no sense ne feeling: Marry, ꝙ he, because they have been brought up altogether with pork and beef, and such other gross feeding. For that sort of men are fed up with the gross kinds of meats, 
Gross meats maken the body strong, but the wit dull.  which in deed conferren to the body hard brawn, & clean strength but as for the wit, it maketh as gross and dull, as can be thought. But to this present merry saying, the ambiguity or doubtfulness of the vocable, & nothing else, gave place, and was occasion of it. For as with the greeks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and with the latin men, sentire, so in english, to have a feeling, belongeth aswell to the mind as to the body. 
To have a feeling in a matter.  But the demander of the question, asked what was the cause, wherefore the said champions, lacking (as ye would say) bodily sense and feeling, were never offended ne grieved with stripes or strokes. And Diogenes had more fancy to note the brutish grossness and dumping of the mind. For we say commonly in english, that we feel a man's mind, when we understand his intent or meaning, and contrary wise, when the same is to us very dark, and hard to be perceived, we do commonly use to say, I cannot feel his mind, or, I have nomaner feeling in the matter. etc.  
He used now and then to resort to images of stone or brass, or other metal, set up in the honour of this or that god, and to ask one or other boon of them. And to such persons as made great wondering, wherefore he so did, that I may enure myself, 
Use assuageth griefs.  ꝙ he, not to be moved, ne to take in evil part, if at any time, I do not obtain my requests & petitions that I ask of men.  
After that Diogenes by extreme poverty (coarcted and driven there unto) had begun to beg for his living, his accustomed guise was, after this form to fall in hand with men for their alms: 
The form of begging that Diogenes used.  If thou hast been a giver of alms to any other person heretofore give to me also, if to no body, begin now at me. He signified that he was no less worthy to have the ●haritee of men, than the residue of beggars, and therefore to be meet, that who were liberal in giving to each body at adventure, should e●tende his liberality unto Diogenes also: and who were such a niggard or hayn, that he could not find in his heart afore that day to depart with an halfpenny to any creature living, for such a fellow to be high time once in his life, to begin to depart with somewhat to the poor.  
Being on a time asked the question of a certain tyrant of what sort of brass metal it was most convenient that images should be made: of the verayesame, ꝙ he, in which 
* When the cit●e of Athenes was oppressed and held in servitude by thirty tyranness Harmodius and Aristogiton, by such provision as they made did subdue and destroy the said tyrants. Wherefore, the people of Athenes agnizing their unestimable benefit received at the hands of the said Hermodius and Aristogiton, made and set up in their honour and perpetual memory, their images and portures in coppre, which images were long time after, had in such reverence and honour, that Xerxes, when he had won Athenes, took from then● the said images, and the same carried in to his own kingdom. And after many years Seleucus made provision, and found the means to have the same images con●eighed home again to Athenes, and to be set up in their old places. Also the Rhodians did the same images (being arrived at their city in the way homeward) highly receive with procession, & honourably entreacte them at the public charges of the city, & did place them in the tabernacles of the Gods, as witnesseth Valerius Maximus.  Harmodius and Aristogito● were casten. Betokening, that the par●ie, if he were well served, was worthy to be dispatched out of the way. For the said Harmodius & Aristogiton, had been tyrann●quellers.  
To one demanding after what sort Dionysius did use, 
How Dionysius the tyrant used his familiar friends.  handle, & entreacte his friends that were familiar about him: like as if they were bottles, said he, the full he hangeth up, and the empty, he casteth aside in a corner. signifying, that by the said tyrant Dionysius the rich & wealthy of his subjects wen● daily to the pot, and were chopped up, and such beggary wretches as had nothing to lose, were nothing medleed withal, ne had any thing said unto them.  
Hercules was in old time, worshipped under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
How Hercules was worshipped in old time, and by what surnames.  that is: the depoulsour and driver away of all evils: because of the valiant slaying of many sundry monsters, 
Hercules' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  by him extincted. He was also the son of jupiter, and by another name called, Callinicus, 
Hercules Callinicus.  for respect of his manifold acts of prowess, & noble victories that he had gotten, in subduing aswell his enemies, & giants, as also other hougie monsters, as afore said. And so it was, that a certain person had written upon the door of his house, this high triumphaunte title or poysee: The son of jupiter Callinicus Hercules, in this house hath his habitation, no evil thing therefore mot there entre into this place. Diogenes by this inscription espying the folly of the fellow, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, post bellum, auxilium.  said: when the stead is already stolen, shut the stable door, or, when I am dead make me a caudle. noting that it was over late to say, God save the house from all evils, now that such a lewd fellow was already entered to dwell in it. 
Aide, after y●●he fel●e is all ready fought.  For it had been necessary, that the said Hercules, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that might save the house from all misfortunes, or misadventures, had taken up his habitation in the same, before the owner self of the house, had settleed himself to dwell there, who on his own party and behalf was such a fellow as a man should ●ake hell for.  
espying a riotous surfeacting fellow in his host his house, eating olives towards the evening: Sirtha, said he, if thou hadst made thy dinner with such meat as that, thou wouldst not now sup with the meat that thou doest. Meaning, it not to be for any point of frugality, or sober diet, that he had nothing to his supper besides a few olives, but for that his stomach being overcharged, with the excessive dainty dinner which he had made at noon, 
The best medicine to make one have a good appetite to his supper, is a light dinner at noon.  had no appetite to take any thing at supper. For a light and a spare dinner, is the best medicine or sauce in the world, to make one have a good appetite to his supper.  
Full oft and many a time did he say, covetousness of money, 
Where covecousnesse of money is, the● reigneth all mischief.  to be the head 
‡ The greek word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as if ye should say, the place where all evils are conceived, or from whence all evils done issue. For it is conmpouned not of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, measuring nor of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a mother, but of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a matrice, that is to say, the place of conception, and of issuing. And thereof is metropolis, called the chief city where the archbishop of any province hath his see, and hath all the other dioceses of that province subject to him, as Canterburie● and pork, here in England.  palace, or the head city of all evils or mischiefs. Not very much varying from the sentence of the wise man Solomon, 
i. Timoth. vi.  who saith, that covetousness of money is the root of all evils.  
Virtuous and good men, he affirmed to be the lively & true images of the Gods. 
Diogenes avouched honest and virtuous men to be the true images of the God's.  Forasmuch as the Gods, of their very nature been altogether full of all goodness the property of the same is, to do good to all folks, and to hurt no body. And this image is much better represented in sapiente and good men, then in dead images of stone or metal, since that the Gods are things mere ghostly or spiritual, and not material or bodily things.  
Love he said to be the occupation or business of idle folks, 
Love, is the occupation of idle persons.  that had nothing else to set theim selfes on work withal. Because this pang or guierie of love doth especially above all others, invade and possess such persons as been altogether drowned in idleness. And so cometh it to pass that while they given theimselfes wholly to idleness, they stumble on a thing that filleth their hands as full of coumbreous business, as they are able to away withal, and yet in the mean time, the devil of the one char of good work they done.  
To one demanding, what was the most miserable thing in this life? 
What thing Diogenes reckoned the most miserable in this life.  he made answer: An aged body in extreme poverty. For when the sure stays or ●eny●g posts of nature do fail a man, th●n must the feebleness of age be propped, bolstreed up, or underset with the succour and help of worldly substance Albeit, 
He is not to be accounted poor that hath in youth purchased good disciplines, and honest friends.  that person is not to be reckoned ●r accounted in the number of poor folks, who hath in his youth, purchased unto himself good disciplines or other crafts & honest friends, the most assured & trusty provision to live by in a man's old days. That fellow is a beggar in most wretched condition, that is endued with no good quality. 
He is in the most wretched state of beggary, that is endued with no good quality.   
Being asked, what beast had the most perilous and hurtful styngue: 
What beast's hath the most perilous and hurtful styngue.  If thy question be of saluaige beasts, ꝙ Diogenes, the backbiter: if of tame beasts, the flatterer. For the backbiter hideth not his hatred towards any body, ne recketh who knoweth the same: the flatterer, under the viso or cloak of a friend, hurteth ten times more grievously than the other.  
Beholding two 
* The Centaurs were a people of the Country of Thessalia, not far from the mount pelion. They were the first that e●er fought on horseback. Which they were driven to, for to destroy a great heard of wild bulls, that did much scathe in all the country about. And of this (because to the silly people beholding them a far of, they appeared after a monstrous fashion and shape) the poets do feign that they were giants, in the upper part of the body men, and in the neither part horses, and that Ixion begot the first of them on a cloud, they are called of the latins Centauri, of the greek word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to prick, or to spur, because they keeked and set spurs thick to the horses sides, when they galloped in chasing the wild bulls, but their greek name, was a word compound hippocentauri, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an horse.  Centaurs fighting in a painted table, of wondrous evil werkemanship, whether of these two, said he, is the worse? Noting the rudeness and default of cunning in the peint●r, as though he stood in doubt whether of the both had been worse drawn or set out in peinting. But the pith of the saying consisteth in that he used a word that may be taken in two sundry senses: For the greek vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i● english, worse, is said aswell of one that is worse in estimation of value, or any other comparison, and also that hath the worse or is put to the worse in fighting.  
Fair and smooth speaking, not proceeding from the bottom of the heart, but altogether framed to please the hearer, 
Fair & smooth speaking framed only to please the hearer, Diogenes called a trap or snare of honey.  Diogenes customably used to call an honey broke, or a snare of honey. Because the same under the pretence of love, embracing a man as though the speaker were ready even to cr●pe into the bosom of the hearer, cutteth the throat of the same.  
The belly of excessive gourmaunders and gluttons, 
The bealyes of gluttons Diogenes called the charybdis of man's life.  he called the Charybdis of man's life, for that the same devoured all that ever it might geatte, and yet was never satiate. 
* Charybdis & Scylla, after the feigning of the poets are two monsters of the sea, in the way between Calabria and Sicilia, standing the one directly against the other, & the same so dangerously, that they destruie all the ships that come within the reach of either of the●. F●r Charybdis they fable to be a monster that swalloweth up all things, and the same shortly after spouteth up ●gain: but in very deed, it is a dangerous gulf, making sore overfalles by reason of the meeting of sundry streams in one point. And Scylla in very deed, is a gr●at at rock in the same straight standing so directly against Charybdis, that except the ships cut and take course even justly between both, they hardly escape drowning. And because that Scylla aferre of, representeth to the 〈…〉 figure and shape of a christian body, and to the ear (by reas●n of roaring and beating of the waves) it representeth the ha●kyng of dogs, therefore the poets have feigned, that Scylla is a monster of the sea. having in the upper part, the shape of a maid●n and in the neither part the likeness of a fish, the belly of a wolf, and the taille of a dolphin fish, as witnesseth Uirgilius in the third volume of the Aeneidos. Albeit, Homer write●● that Scylla hath six heads, and twelve feet, and ba●ket● like a dog.  Charybdis swalloweth up only such things, as are carried by sea, & after a little time, casteth up again whatsoever it goulped in before: but the bealyes of gullyguttes (that can nought do, but eat & drink, and sleep) neither the air, nor the land, nor the floods and rivers, nor yet all the seas are able to suffice. yea, and rather than fail, both whole mainour places, and also whole lordships, they make no bones, ne stick not, quite and clean to swallow down the narrow lane, and the same to spew up again.  
When certain persons made relation to Diogenes, how that one Didymo was attached for lying with another man's wife: If the wretch were well served, ꝙ Diogenes, he should be hanged up even by the same thing, that he beareth the name of. In deed, Didymi, 
Didymi.  is greek for a pa●re of man's stones, so that the mind of Diogenes was, that such a sinful Caitif, aught to be hanged up by that membres of the which he had his name, and by the which he had committed the offence and trespass.  
One that laboured the study of natural philosophy, opposed Diogenes with this question, for what cause gold looked to the eye somewhat pale and wan of colour? 
For what cause gold● looketh to the eye pale and wan of c●lour.  Marry, ꝙ he, because there be so many folks lying in await for it. Such persons, as know that they have await or watch laid for them, cannot but be a feared. And the propretee of any body being in great fear, is to look with a pale and wan colour.  
When he saw a woman sitting in an horse littre, or charrette, he said: that another manner caige then that, had been more meet for a beast of that kind.  
noting, that such froward creatures as many women are, ought rather to be pended up in a caige of iron. Lectica was a certain manner of seat, for noble women, which I do here call an horselittre, because we have no kind of seat so nigh, or so like in fashion to ●he Lectica. Albeit, they were not in old time drawn with horses, but carried upon six menne● shoulders, and they were made with pretty latesse wyndoores and cross bars or grates, & pains to shut and to open, for looking out at pleasure So that it showed & represented to the eye much what the fashion or likeness of a caige for birds, or of a pend, wherein to keep other beasts. And in such, did the rich or wealthy women: yea, and also the other nycibecetours or dainty dames, customably use, both to ●ytte for their pleasure, and also to be carried about the streets for their solace and recreation.  
espying a bondseruaunte, that was a renneawaye, or at leastwise a strayer from his master, sitting by a wells side: take heed young man, said he, that ye sit fast, for getting a fall. He did no more but dally with a word, that may indifferently be taken in diverse senses. For the greek verb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 soundeth in latin Excidere, in english to gait a fall, or to have a fall. And he is properly said in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in latin excidere, in english to gait a fall, both that falleth down into a pit or a well, and also that is violently toumbleed or taken out of his place. And mine opinion is, that wells in old time among the gentiles, had the strength of sanctuary, and that it was not leeful violently or by force, to pluck any body from the same, no more than out of the temples of the gods, or from the image and porterature of the prince.  
When he had espied at the hot house, a fellow that used to steal away gounes and coats, or other garments (and such an one the greeks callen: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he said unto him: Sirrah, are ye come to the bath, or else to the bait. Albeit, Diogenes dallied with the affinity of greek voices, which it is not possible with equal grace to express either in latin, or yet in our mother tongue. The greek words been, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, between the words, at (lest wise in son,) there is wondrous small difference. For of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is derived a noun, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, ointment or enoync●yng, and thereof 
* Alipte, were those to whose cure were committed those persons to be ●noy●cted (that they might have their joints nimble & lithye● that should ●ight in the solemn games that were celebrate & holden in the honour of any of the gods. He is also called alipta that enoyn●teth wounds or sore places of the body to ●ouple them.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose office was to enoynct men, had their name. And of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is formed a diminutive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: now, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are two sundry words, albeit by reason of the figure called synalephe (which is, when two vovels concurring together, the former loseth his power, and son by collision) it seemeth in manner no more but one diction, for if one take away the synalephe, the whole words been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, another little garment, so that the very right words that Diogenes spoke to the fellow, were these: Are ye come to be enoyncted, or else to steal another garment For in the bane or hot house, folks were in old time enoyncted, and in the self same place the pikepurses and stealers of apparel diligently applied, and went about their occupation: for it was the guise to wash naked, their clothes put of, and laid aside. Diogenes therefore gave a quip to the embesleer or briber, that the same having stolen some garment elsewhere afore, was now come thither to purloin and convey away an other. And because a gown or a cote so recklessly cast aside, is a good bait for one that seeketh it: and to th'intent that the saying might have some what the more grace, I have thus translated it, to the bath, or else to the bait. That if it had not been more for dischargeing the duty of a translator, then for any great delight or profecte to the unlearned reader, I would have passed over this apophthegine & left it clean out.  
When he was on a time entered into an hot house, that lay horrible filthy, sluttish and unclean, he said in this manner: they that wash in this place, where be they washed after it? He signified that such persons as came in thither pure and clean, were there imbrued with dirt & filthiness, & such as were at any time washed there, to have very great need of a second rynsing, wherewith eftsoons to be scoured, and made clean.  
When he had on a time espied women hanging upon an olive tree, and there strangleed to death with the halters: would god, said he, that the other trees too had like fruit hanging on them. For Diogenes was one that loved no women in no sauce, 
Diogenes was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is one that hated women to the devil of hell.  but hated them deadly, and for that cause had a great zeal and affection to see them every one swynging and tottreing in halters,  
Diogenes yieing a certain fellow, 
How Diogenes saluted one that had an evil name for robbing of dead menne● tombs.  that had a very evil name and report that he should be a spoiler and robber of dead men's tombs & hearses, salved, or, hailled him with this verse of homere.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Moun sire, for what purpose hath your good grace.  
At this present now approached hither?  
To spoil any of these, which in this place  
Lie dead, and buiryed here together?  
Being asked the question whether he had any man or woman servant of his own, 
Diogenes had neither man ne woman servant.  he answered, no in good faith, not one in the world. And when the demander had further said, why, who shall then carry thee to thy grave, in case it fortune thee to die? Marry, ꝙ he, even whosoever shall have need of my house, for to dwell in it. Many persons are very superstitiously careful, how and by what persons the● shallbe brought to their graves, 
Diogenes took no thought how or by what persons he should be buiryed.  and laid in the ground: of all suchemaner thought or care was Diogenes clear void, casting no doubts, but that there should come one or other body, that would convey his dead carcase out of doors, though it were for nothing else, but to make the house void. Albeit his chance was in fine, to be very honestly buyried.  
Beholding a certain young spryngall, as he slept rechelessely at all adventures, he pounched the same with his staff & recited the verse of Homerus here following.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
The danger of sleeping negligently in every corner.   
Sus, lest some body while thou sleepest here.  
Come & gore the through the back with a spear.  
The grace of the saying consisteth in this point, that Diogenes feactely applied the verse of Homer to his purpose, by saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for in Homer it is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, 
Lest some man, while thou rennest away for fear.  
Thrust the behind, quite through with a spear,  It been the words, of Diomedes, in the viii of the Ilias, unto ulysses: whom, when he was ren●yng away, Diomedes, biddeth to turn again for shame, and not to flee: lest some man. etc.  
To a fellow that was beyond all reason, or out of all course even full and whole given to good cheer, & all kinds of riot and excess, he applied that piece of Homer his verse: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is. In faith my child your days are but short. signifying that the part●● would with his riotous fashions kill himself ere he were half old.  
The 
‡ Like as in material & sensible gross things, we see that the ho●y●rs have hanging by them in their shops purposely certain patterns, out of which they take the fashion of the clock of an hose when soever they must make any such: and semblably the shoemakers have always ready hanging on a na●lle patterns of leather purposely reserved and kept whereby to shape the upper leathers, & also other patterns for the heels of all the shoes that they make: so did Plato affirm, that there be, and eternally have been, of each natural thing certain general patterns to every of thesame kinds severally belonging, which patterns only the imagination and understanding of man's reason, is able to comprehend or to conceive. And that out of the exaumple or copy of those general patterns, nature from time to time hath, still, doth, & continually shall form and shape all singular or particular things of every several kind: so that an Idee is the appropriate form, & peculiar likeness of things in every kind, out of the which as being a substantial pattern eternally remaining, are figured shaped and produced, all particular things in this or that kind For example and declaration whereof, as when we see in wa●e a thousand sundry emprientynges all of one likeness, we do easily and promptly conceive, that all the same emprientynges were originally made and empriented with one s●ale, so may we by our intelligence comprehend that all the particular men in the world, have been formed of one general pattern of mankind, which hath in eternal substance remained ready for the purpose. And semblably, must the imagination or reason conceive of an horse, of a table, of a cup, and of all other kinds of natural things. And this the position and assertion of Plato doth Saint Augustine allow and uphold (as ye may read in his treatise of the lxx. questions) and also Eusebius in his work de praeparatione evangelica, both which authors Ambrose Calepinus, doth in his dictionary cite for testimony and declaration of the said Idees.  Idees, that Plato devised, & much treateth of, even Aristotle laughed to scorn. And so it was, that at a certain season, when Plato made a great long circumstance, about the declaring of the Idees, and took much pain with vocables of his own forging, to express and plainly to set out the same Id●es, a thing feigned, and founded only in the conceit of imagination, having in his mouth at every second word the said forged vocables of the Idees, as for example, tableitees, for the fashion of a table, by itself to be conceived in the imagenation of the mind for a comen pattern as it were laid up, and kept in the mind, whereby all other like tables are to be devised & shaped. And cuppytees, for the comen pattern whereby all drinking cups are to be devised, fashioned and wrought by the maker: Diogenes mocking such quidificall trifles, that were all in the cherubins, said: Sir Plato, your table and your cup I see very w●ll, but as for your tableitee, and your cuppitee, I see none such. Albeit there be even at this present day too, that with their sorteitees, and their ecceitees be in their own conceits even doctors of the chair. Yet nevertheless Plato paid Diogenes home again well enough, and gave as good as he brought. It is no marvel, said Plato: for thou hast yies with the which cups & tables are seen, but wit and reason thou hast not with which are perceived and seen the tableitees and the cuppytees.  
To one demanding when best season were to wed a wife: 
When Diogenes thought most expedient for a man to wed a wife.  for a young man, ꝙ he: it is to soon, and for an old man over late. Albeit the greek words by reason of a certain vicinitee, have most grace, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not yet, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not at all. giving a pretty watch word, that best were utterly to abstain from matrimony. But the demander would very fain have learned, at what years of a man's age, or in which part of the year, it were expedient for a man to choose his make: As Aristotle doth by prescription appoint the convenient or ripe time of being maryable, to a virgin, the age of eighten years, to a man, 
The ripe time of being marryable for man & woman by the prescription of Aristotle.  the age of thirty & five years. And the Romans thought the months of april and june propice and good to wed in, and the month of May unlucky. 
The Romans thought April & june lucky months to marry in● & May unlucky.   
To a fellow demanding what he would have, to take a blow or a buffette: Marry, ꝙ he, a salad. This merry jest too, hath all his grace of the soodain answer that noman would have looked for. 
A Merry answer unlooked for.  For the other party looked to hear what recompense or higher, Diogenes would require for a blow on the cheek.  
When he saw a young ruffleer trimming himself after the moste galant and minion fashion: 
What Diogenes said to a young man, trimming himself after the galaunt● sort.  If that trimming be for men, said he, it will not be: if for women, it should not be. This saying soundeth more pleasantly in greek, by reason of the affinity of the two voices, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thou fail●e●t of thy purpose, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thou doest plain injury. For it is in vain for one man to trim himself for an other, since that between them can be no marriage: And a wicked deed doth any young man, if by setting forth of his beauty, he do lay abayte to be guile the frail sex of womankind, whereas a wife ought to be won, not with the lure of wantonness, but with honest manners & behaviour. 
A wise aught to be won with honest manners and behaviour.   
To a certain young lad blushing, & by reason of the same blushing sore dismayed: take a good heart my son, ꝙ he, that same hew or colour is of virtues dying, 
Blushing in a young things cheeks is of virtues d●yng.  or, doth the dyevatte of virtue give.  
When he had heard two cunning layers contending, traversing, and earnestly laying the law between theim selfes together, 
What Diogenes said of two layers contending, laying y● one against the other.  about a matter of theft: he said, they were false knaves both of them, and condemned aswell the one as the other, allegeing that the one had committed theft, and that the other had lost nothing. signifying that both of them were well worthy to be hanged. The subtility of this present saying consisteth in this point only, whoso pieketh or privily stealeth away any thing, hath some avaunntage and gain thereby: and the party, from whom any such thing is piel●ed and bribed away, hath by the same, disadvantage and loss. But in this present case, there had a mad or fond knack befallen. The one party had pielfed, or embesleed away a thing of the others, and yet the parti● from whom the thing was pieked, sustained no loss ne damage, for himself had stolen thesame thing afore, which his feloe bribed away afterward from him again.  
To one demanding what wine he best loved and liked with his good will to drink, marry, ꝙ he, of another man's purse. 
The best wine is, that a body drinketh of an other man's cost.  Here all so the ready answering much contrary to the expectation of the demander giveth to the saying all his grace. The other party looked for another manner answer, as the which in his question asking, mened of the kind of wine.  
To one that said unto him: all the world almost doth mock thee. Yea, but for all that, said he again: I am not mocked. And this a man would think to be a thing unpossible, that one should strike you, and yet ye not be stricken. But Diogenes denied that he was had in derision, either for that he was no man worthy why, or else for that he thought the scorning of the fond people, nothing to touch him, 
Diogenes thought the scorning of the fond people, nothing to touch him.  nor himself to be in any point the worse for the same.  
To another person affirming that it was a miserable and a wretched thing to live here in this world. No, said Diogenes, to live is no miserable, ne wretched thing, but to lead an evil or a vicious life is a thing wretched and miserable. 
To live is no miserable thing, but to lead a vicious life.  The most part of folks calleth it a miserable life, or a dogs life, that is subject or in present danger of travails, of bodily grief or peines, of sickness or diseases, of loss of goods, of exilinges and banyshementes, & many semblable incommoditees. But the philosophier reckoned nothing to be ●iuill or miserable, saving that was linked or coupleed with vice and dishonesty. 
Nothing is evil, but that is coupleed with dishonesty & with vice.   
Diogenes had a servant, that was called Manes, 
Manes the servant of Diogenes.  and when this Manes had taken his heels and run away from his master, the friends of Diogenes, advised him to seek out the renneawaye: Marry sir, ꝙ Diogenes, 
The answer of Diogenes to his friends advising him to pursue after his bondemanne, that was run away from him.  that were a mad thing of all things, if Manes do already willingly live without Diogenes, and Diogenes could by no means live without the company of Manes. yet many men pursue after their servants in mind and purpose, to be avenged on the same: but Diogenes had regard to the need of using or occupying a servant. That if any one philosopher be of righter sort than another, it is he, that needeth fewest things. 
The best philosopher is he that feeleth need of fewest things.  And in consideration thereof, Diogenes would not in any wise seem worse than his bondmanne. For Manes had run away from him, because he could live without his master well enough.  
On a time Diogenes made all his dinner with Olives only: and tart and other sweet meats, anon after brought in place, he floung from him, & therewithal sung this greek verse, out of some old tragedy. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Stand utter ye jest unbidden, pick you hen●  
Aback, out of our sight & regal presence.  And also this piece of Homer his verse. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Somewhiles with scourges, he chased away.  Calling himself a king, a contemner of all sensual delices, 
Diogenes a contemner of all sensual delices.  which delices, his will ● mind was, to have clean out of all menne● presence and occupying abandoned.  
Diogenes was commonly abroad called dog. And of dogs there been diverse ●ortes more then one: For there be haryers, or buckehoundes, there be spaniels made to the hawk, or for taking of foul, there be shepherds curs, there are tie dogs or mastiffs for keeping of houses, 
What manner a dog Diogenes was.  there been little mynxes, or puppees that ladies keep in their chaumbers for especial jewels to play withall● And so, to one demanding what manner a dog he, for his part was, he feactely answered, and said: when I am hungry I am a little mynxe full of play, and when my belly is full, a mastiff. For that, when he had good lust or appetite to eat, he would fawn upon folks, & speak them fair, and when his belly was well filled, he wouldevermore buff, and bark, and bite agood.  
Being asked, whether philosophers were eaters of tarts or sweet meats too? 
philosophers eat allmaner meats as others that are men.  yea, of all things (said Diogenes) even like other christian bodies. In this also, he made an undirecte answer, to the question that was asked of him. The demaunders question was, whether it were convenient for philosophers (who professen frugality or temperance) to feed of tarts and marzepaines, the meats of dainty mouthed persons. Diogenes sembl●yng to have no great wit ne knowledge, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  but to be more than half a fool, so shaped his answer, as though philosophers were no men in deed, and yet did eat meats to the diet of man belonging. For every kind of the brute beasts do not eat allmaner things at adventure without exception. The ox eateth heigh, the lion will none of it: the sheep love the leffes and tops of wieloe twigs, the horses would have oats. Some birds are fed with the berries of juniper, some fowls are devourers of flesh, some do feed altogether on fish. And to this alluded Diogenes.  
When Diogenes on a time at the table among company, was eating of a tart, and one that sat in thesame company, said: what art thou eating now Diogenes? (deming that the cynic philosophier had no acknowledge what manner thing a tart should be:) he answered bread, of a very good making, or bread very well handleed in the baking. Pretending, that he knew not, what it was. To others it was sweet tart, to Diogenes it was no better than bread, who did not eat it for sensuality, or for to sweet his lips, but for his necessary food and sustenance.  
To one demanding why men were liberal to give alms bounteously to other beggars, 
Why men give alms more bounteously to other beggars then to philosophers.  and to philosophiers nothing so, Marry, ꝙ he, because they have hope to see it sooner come to pass, that they shallbe lame or blind, then that they shallbe philosophers. Such folks as taken pietee and compassion upon persons visited with affliction, (of which sort are all beggars for the most part) done the same in consideration of the state, condition, or chance of this world, being indifferent and comen to all mortal men in this present life. So they relieve a blind body, casting thus in their mind: this very self same thing, may in time to come, chance unto myself: but of a philosophier, they have no such cogitation. The saying hath somewhat the more grace, by reason of the impropre using of the latin word, sperant, in english, they have hope or affiance: for a man in process, to become a philosophier, may be hoped for, b●t for the loss of the yiesight, or for halting like acreple, no man useth to hope.  
Diogenes asked, whatsoever it was, in the way of alms of a fellow being a niggard and loath to depart with any thing: whom when he saw long in doing, and more like utterly to say him nay then to give him aught: O thou man said he, I ask thee for a dining, not for a dying. To express as near as may be, the affinity of the greek vocables, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is in latin cibus, in english meat and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in latin sepultura, in english, a grave. As if he should have said: what needest thou to make so much sticking at the matter: I do not require the to go hang thyself, but only to give me as much money as may suffice to pay for my poor dinner. Which he spoke, because the feloe made as much sticking, & showed himself as loath to depart with any money, as if Diogenes had said unto him: go thy ways at ones, and hang thyself. All the matter is in dallying with the greek dictions.  
To a certain person laying to his charge, that he had in time tofore, been a false coiner of country feacte money, (for he was upon such a matter banished his country, 
In the cii apothegm of Diogenes.  as is above mentioned:) I confess, saith he, the time to have been, when I was such an one, as thou art now, but such an one as I am at this present, thou art never like to be, while thou shalt live. It was a check to those persons, 
Many do rebuke in ot●●rs the trespasses of youth and yet emend not their own in their old age neither.  who do in others find great fault at the errors and follies of youth, whereas the same do emend and correct their own misdeeds, no not in their old age neither.  
To another fellow casting him in the nose with themself same matter he defended his crime by the pretext of youth, saying: Yea I did in my youth many things more then that, which I do not now in mine age. For at that age I could have pissed quickly with out any pain, so do I not now at this day. With a Cynical circuition or going about the bush, he signified young age, 
Many menn● do many points of folly in youth● which they will not doo● in age.  which doth easily, and at the first assay make water, whereas old folks be much coumbreed with a spice of the strangury, that they cannot piss, but with great pain, one drop after another. So m●ned Diogenes, that in his old age he could not possibly by any persuasion or means have been brought to coin false money, whereunto the folly of youth had afore brought him, through default of mature discretion.  
Taking a journey on a time to the town of Myndus, 
Myndus a town in Asia.  when he saw great wide gates and of gorgeous or royal building, where as the town was but a little preaty pile: he said, ye town dwellers, or ye enhabitauntes of Myndus, shut fast your town gates, that your city go not out at them. noting tee town to be so little, that it were possible for the same to go forth at the gates.  
Seeing a fellow attached, that had by prive stealth embesleed a piece of purple silk, he applied to the same, this verse of Homer. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That is, 
The death of purple, hath thee by the back  

Purple, death and princely destiny.  And by princely destiney, þ ᵘ goest to wrack.  It cannot have the full grace in english. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in greek, and purpureus, a, um, 
purpureus, a um, an epithe ●on of mor●.  is a denominative of purpura: and the poets done often join it for an epitheton with the substantive mors, death. Because that when a body is slain, the gore blood that issueth out of the wound is of purple colour. And he called it princely destiney to die in rich array, or for precious and gay things.  
Craterus the lieutenant or high captain with Alexander the great being a man of great wealth & richesse, 
Craterus lieutenant with Alexander the great.  had of his own mere motion invited & heartily prayed Diogenes to come & dwell with him: To whom, Diogenes made this answer. 
What Diogenes answered to Craterus inviting him to come and dwell with him.  I can better be contented to live in Athenes with bread and cheese, them with Craterus at mine own will, to have all the deyntyes in the world. Meaning that liberty (be it never so poor) is rather to be chosen, 
Libertee, be it never so poor, is to be preferred to all delices, where liberty is restrained.  than all the delices and iunkerie, or sumptuous fare of the rich cobs, to be restrained & kept short of liberty.  

‡ Anaximenes' a philosophier, the scholare & successor of Anaximander, & the master & next predecessor of Anaxagoras.  Anaximenes' the rhetorician had a paunch as fat and great as he he was able to lug away with all, to whom Diogenes came, 
What Diogenes said to Anaximenes' the rhetorician having a great belly.  and spoke in this manner: I pray you give to us lean craggues some belly too: for both yourself thereby shallbe well lighted and eased of your burden, and ye shall do to us a good turn and a pleasure.  
As Anaximenes was on a time in making an oration to the people, Diogenes bearing in his hand, and holding out a pestle or gammounde of bacon, made all the audience full and whole to turn away from Anaximenes to gaze upon him. Anaximenes fuming & taking high indignation at the matter, held his peace, as a man destitute & forsaken of his auditory. Then said Diogenes, lo, one poor halfpenny matter hath clean dashed all this earnest and solemn talk of Anaximenes. signifying that all his bableing was of light and frivolous matters, which made not the audience very attent, or willing to give ear unto him.  
Certain persons objecting unto him as a point against all good nurture, that he would go maunching and eating even in the open street: 
Why Diogenes would eat as he went in the open street.  what marvel, ꝙ he? hungers cometh on me in the street. He made a reason, of that the logicians callen, relatiuè opposita. 
Relatiuè opposita, or, relatives, in logic, are two things so connexed, and mutually depending the one of the other, that the same do evermore either the other ymporte & notify, as to being a father, belongeth having a child, and to being a son or daughter, belongeth having a father. And semblably of hunger & ●a●yng.  If hunger were not hasty on a man in the open street, it might percase, be a matter of ●hame to eat in the opē●trete. But by the self-same colour he might have defended himself if he did his easement or else made water in the open street.  
There be writers that do father this also upon Diogenes, 
How Diogenes taunted Plato secretly, reproving him for his course fare.  Plato happily finding him washing a sort of salade herbs, said unto him rounding in his ear. If thou wouldst have been ruled by Dionysius, iwis thou shouldest not after this manner wash these herbs. Diogenes rounded Plato in the ear again, saying: iwis If thou wouldst have washed herbs for thine own dinner, thou shouldest not in this manner have been a John hold mystaf to Dionysius. 
Afore in the first saying of Aristippus.  But this appeareth to be a tale forged after the likeness or example of the saying afore reported on Aristippus, As this same in like manner, which I will put now next of all.  
To one saying, 
diogenes' no●●yng passed on them that had him in derision.  many a man hath the in derision (o Diogenes) and them peradventure, many an ass, ꝙ he, again. The other fellow saying moreover, and thus replying, yea, but they care nothing for the asses, he answered, and I asmuch and not a jot more for them that ye speak of. He attributed unto asses the property of mocking or scorning, because they do every other while, by showing their teeth bare, as ye would say, countrefeacte grinning and making mows with their lips. And besides that, when men do mock any body they wag their hands up and down by their ears at the sides of their head, and do coutrefeacte the fashion of an asses ears. So then the ass also appeareth by wagging his ears up and down, to mock and scorn folks, yet is there no body therewith displeased, or grieved.  
Seeing a young stripling to apply the study of philosophy, well done, ꝙ he, the harkeners of carnal beauty, thou callest away to the beauty and goodliness of the mind and solle. Meaning, that the party, in that he laboured to garnish & adorn his mind with virtues or good qualities, 
Who laboureth to adorn ●he mind with good qualities, and honest disciplin●s, shallbe assured of much the better friends.  & with honest disciplines, should finally, attain, to be assured of better friends, by a great way. For there is nothing more goodly or beautiful then sapience, nothing then virtue more amiable.  
The custom & usage of men in old time was, such persons as had been saved from great perils, or misadventures, to hang up in the temples Donaries, that is to say: gifts, presents, or oblations, as agnizing to be the only benefit of the Gods, that they had been preserved and saved harmless. Therefore, when to Diogenes, having taken a journey into the country of 
* Samos is an Isle in the sea called Mare Aegeum adiacente, marching, ● bordreing upon the country of Thracia, which afterward by reason of the commirtion of both peoples was named Samothracia as witnesseth Uergilius, saying: Threiciam quae Samum, quae nun● Samothraci● fertur. This Isle was consecrated to Iun●, who w●s in the same Isle born, breden, and brought up, and finally mareyed to jupiter. There was also another Isle in the same sea of the same name foreayenst Ephesus  Samothracia, were showed the jewels or oblations, that sundry persons having been from perishing in battle, from dying by sickness, from being drowned and lost on the sea, or from any other great hazard preserved, had offered up, yea, ꝙ Diogenes, but these would be a much greater number, if all those persons, which in like case have not been saved, had offered up such gifts as these. He men (mine opinion is,) those persons that were saved from misadventures, to be saved by very chance, and not by the benefit or grace of the God's. 
Diogenes' supposed men to be saved from mysavetures by mere chance, & no● by the grace or gift of god.  That in case it be to be ymputed to the Gods, if a man be preserved, to the same is it also to be imputed, that more in number do perish, then are escaped. There been writers that done attribute this present saying to Diagoras Melius, 
Diagoras a philosophier surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is● a mys●reaunt not believing that there, were any gods, ne the same to be of any power.  a myscreaunte and a wieked despiser of the Gods. And as for the Samothracians were sore blinded and infected with great superstition in such manner things.  
To a well-favoured young spryngall going on his way towards a feast or banquet, he said: Thou wilt come home again worse man, than thou gooest forth. So when the same young man returning homeward again from the banquet, had said to Diogenes, I have been at the feast, and yet am returned nothing the worse man therefore. Yes, ꝙ Diogenes, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and so much the worse, even for that word. notifying to be unpossible, but that such a young strepleing must remedy●esse from excessive & unsober revelling, 
A young man from excessive revelling returneth worse man, them he went thither.  come home less honest, than he went thither. And that he had of the pots and cups taken such stomach and ympudencie, as without further provocation to chat, and choppelogike with an ancient philosophier, was a manifest argument and an evident declaration, that his conditions, were rather appaired then emended, besides that it was a token of small grace, to be so blinded in folly, that he would not see ne knowledge his fault.  
Diogenes asked of one Euritius some great thing whatsoever it was, & when the same (as is the guise) sa●ed nay to his request with these words: I will do it: if thou canst persuade me thereunto: If I were able, ꝙ Diogenes, to persuade the to do all things after mine advise I had long ere this day, given the counsel to hang thyself. In this saying, out take Cynical plainness & boldness of speaking, 
The Cynical plainness of Diogenes, in speaking his mind.  & there is no great point to be maruailled at. Except percase he thought requisite, to reprove the fastholding of such niggards, as will depart with nothing to the poor, but with more suit and praying then the thing is worth.  
He had been to see the city of Lacedaemon, and being from thence returned to the city of Athenes, one asked of him (as the manner is) whither he would, 
The corrupt & effeminate manners of the athenians.  and fromwhens he was came. Forsooth, ꝙ he, from very men to very women. noting, the manners of the athenians with sensual pleasures & delices effemynate, where as the Lacedæmonians were hardly brought up.  
One asked him as he returned homeward from the Olympia, whether he had not seen there a great company, yes truly, ꝙ he, a very great company, but wondrous few men. 
Much company and few men.  This also appeareth to be countrefeacted and forged by the other saying, 
Afore in the lviii. saying of this same Diogenes.  that is afore rehearsed of the hot house.  
Those persons, who of a ryottousnesse did prodigally lavesse out and waste their substance or goods upon cooks, 
wasteful ● riotous lavessers of their goods to what thing Diogenes likened.  on revellers, or ruffians, or harlots, & upon flatterers: he avouched to be like unto trees, growing on the edges or brinks of clieffes & rocks of a down right pitch, or a steep down fall: the fruits of which trees no man could ever geatte a taste of, but the same were from time to time, devoured by the crows and the ravens. Meaning on that one part, such persons as serven only the throat and the bealye, not to be worthy the name of men. 
They that seruen only the throat & the bealye, are not worthy the name of men.  and on the other side, goods so wastefully spent, to be worse than cast away.  
The greeks, if they wish to any body extreme mischief, 
Diogenes avouched to ●● more dangerous to fall in the hands of flatterers, them of wild beasts.  or shameful death, they do (by a proverbial speaking, in their tongue used) bid them go pieke them to the crows, in greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Diogenes of a customable wont avouched to be a thing much more dangerous to fall in the hands of 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To light among crows then among flatterers. Diogenes alluded to the greek proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hens to the crows, and (as we say in english) to the d●iuil● of hell. Erasmus in his Chiliades citeth zenodotus for his autour, that there was a certain place of execution in Thessalia, called, the Crows, in to the which, persons found guilty of any cause or crime of death, and thereupon condemned, were carried, and cast headlong, so to perish there. The original cause why the said place was so named, whoso is desirous to know, if he be learned, may at large read in Erasmus upon the proverb above cited.  flatterers that will hold up a man's yea and nay (be it true or false) then to light among crows. For the crows do not peak but the carcasses of dead men, the flatterers devour men even while they are alive, ●●e they never so honest, and good. The pleasauntenesse of this saying (which in the greek by reason of the affinity of the vocables hath an exceeding great grace) both in latin & in english utterly quailleth or dieth. For crows the greeks callen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & one little sole letter changed, the same called flatterers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This saying is ascribed to Antis●henes also.  

Of Phryne it is noted afore in the xli. saying of Aristippus. As touching this psente apothegm, the most likely hood is, that upon the Image that Phryne had consecrated, was thus written: This golden Venus hath Phrynae offreed and given unto Apollo, when Diogenes read this scripture, he wrote hard at the taille of it this addition of the inordinate living of the Greeks.  Phryne a naughtypacke, or a woman of light conversation, hanged up for a jewel, by the way of oblation in the temple of Apollo at the town of Delphi an image of Venus made of clean gold. Diogenes espying the same image, wrote and set this pose or testymoniall upon it: Of the inordynate and vicious l●uyng of the Greeks. For it was a plain convincing of the greeks, that they were too-too much drowned in the vice of the body that a comen ●troumpette had gathered together so much gold, of money gotten by such abomination.  
There been that ascryben to Diogenes, this saying too. When Alexander the great had come unto him, and saluted him, Diogenes demanded who he was: And when the other had in this manner answered, I am that noble Alexander the king: Marry, ꝙ Diogenes again: 
Diogenes gloried as much in his libert●e, as did Alexander of his kingdom.  And I am that jolly fellow Diogenes, the dog. Taking no less pride and glory of his liberty, that he was at no man's beck ne commandment, than Alexander did of his kingdom, and crown Imperial.  
Being asked, for what pranks or doings, it had come to his lot to be commonly called dog of every body: 
How it came to Diogenes his lot to be called dog.  Marry, ꝙ he, because that, on such as give me aught, I make much fawning: at such as will nothing depart withal, I am ever barking: and such as be nought, I bite, that they smart again.  
To Diogenes plucking fruit of a certain figtree, when the keeper of the orcheyeard had spoken in this manner: upon the same tree, that thou gatherest of, a fellow not many days agone hanged himself. Marry (ꝙ Diogenes) and I will purify and cleanse it again. The other party supposed, that Diogenes being so advertised would have forborn the tree inquinate or polluted, in that it had borne a dead carcase. But Diogenes being free and clear from all spice of superstition, 
Diogenes' clear void of all spice of superstition.  esteemed the fruit to be no point the more polluted, or ympure for that respect.  
Marking one that was a great prover of masteries in the games of Olympia, 
What Diogenes said when he saw a challenger of Olympia set an earnest eye on a wench.  to set an earnest eye on a comen stroumpette, in so much that he turned his head back, & beheld her, after that she was gone past him, he said: lo, how a principal ram, for the tooth of Mars himself, is lead away in a band (his neck set clean awry) by a damosel, that is as comen as the cartewaye. He thought it a matter of laughter for the fellow to be a prover of masteries with picked or chosen men of price, & the same to be haled or drawn away as a prisoner without any chords at all, by a shiten arsed girl.  
Well favoured or beautiful stroumpettes, 
beautiful stroumppetes Diogenes likened to sweet wine tempered with deadly poison.  he avouched to be like unto bastard or muscadyne, tempered & mixed with deadly poison. For that the same caused in deed at the beginning, delicious pleasure & voluptee, but even at the heels of which pleasures, immediately ensued endless dolour and woefulness.  
As he was making his dinner, even in the open street: when a great number stood round about him for the strangeness of the sight, and ever among made a crying at him, dog, dog: Nay, ꝙ Diogenes, ye be dogs rather, in that ye stand round about a man being at his dinner. 
Diogenes called them dogs, the stood round about him while he dined.  For that is one of the comen properties that dogs have.  
When mention was made of a boy in most detestable abomination abused, Diogenes being asked what countreeman the boy was: Made answer, by dallying with a word that might be two manner ways taken, and said: he is a Tegeate. For Tegea, is a city of Arcadia. 
Tegea, a city of Arcady.  And thereof is derived a noun gentile Tegeates, 
Tegeates.  a Tegeate, or a person of Tegea born. And the greek vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is otherwhile in one signification, Lupanar, a brothel house, or a place where bawdry is kept. And thereof the philosophier usurped a word of his own devising or forging, & called the boy a Tegeate, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for respect of the most abominable vice, with which he had been defoiled.  
when he saw a fellow now taking upon him to practise & ministre physic, 
How Diogenes mocked one that from a wrasteleer fell to be a physician.  who had afore been a comen doer in the games of wrastleing, but in deed, was a very slouche, and a very dastard he said unto the same: wilt thou now by course overthrow them again, that have heretofore overthrown thee? A wrastleer is properly said, to cast or to overthrow any parti● whom he overcometh & putteth to the worse. And the physician also overthroweth those persons, 
Two kinds of casting, overhrooweing, or, giving a fall.  whom he coucheth in bed, or bringeth to their long home. As for the meaning of Diogenes was, that the party was now as evil a physician, as he had afore been a false hearted wrastleer. A merry jest much like to this same there is in the poet Martialis, of a fellow which from a physician, having become a fighter in harness, did none other being Hoplomachus then what he had done being a physician.  
To a bastard or basseborne boy, that had a comen harlot to his mother, and was whurleing little stones among the thickest of the people at adventure, he said: Take heed sirrah and beware, l●st thou hit thy father. For he was born of a comen naughtypacke and by reason thereof, his father not certainly known.  
Certain persons highly-magnifiing and praising the bounteous liberality of one that had given to Diogenes a thing what ever it was: And why do ye not praise me to, said he, that have deserved to have it given me? For to be worthy a benefit, is more them to have given a benefit, according to that the sentence of Publius Mimus: 
To be worthy a benefit is more than to have given a benefit.  
Beneficium dando accepit, qui digno dedit.  
Himself, by giving receiveth a benefit  
Who giveth to a person worthy to have it   
To one that required of Diogenes restitution of his rob or mantel, 
The answer of Diogenes to one that had given him a mantel, and would needs have had it from him again.  he thus made a wondrous feat and pleasant answer. If thou gave it me freely, I have it: if thou didst lend it me, I do still occupy it. signifying, that he was nothing minded to restore it home again, whether it was of free gift, or else by the way of lone for a time that he had received it. It is shame for a body to require again that he hath freely given. And it is a point of inhumanitee hastily to snatch away, that the occupier hath need of, and cannot well forbear.  
Supposititii partus, are in latin called children that be feigned or sembleed to have been borne of that womb, forth of which they never came (as for example) if a woman should be delivered of a monster, or of a dead child, and have an other live child of due form and shape laid by her in the place of the same, or if a woman should bring forth a wench and the same conveyed away, should have a man child of an other woman's bearing, laid by her in stead of her own, or if a woman should countrefacte travailling and labouring of child, and have an other woman's child laid by her, and used as though she had been delivered of it herself in very deed,) that child so impropreed to a wrong mother may properly in latin be called partus supposititius, as ye would say in english a child mothered on a woman that never bear it, or, a changeling, and such persons are ever after called supposititii, or, suppositi. 
Suppositus, is also a participle of supponor & soureth in english laid under as a piloe is laid under one's head in the night.  There is also an other latin word, indormire, in english, to sleep upon, or to lie upon while we sleep. And it may be taken in two diverse, and in manner contrary senses. For we are said in latin, indormire, to lie upon, or, to sleep upon our goods or treasure for safe keeping of the same, and we are also said in latin, indormire, to sleep upon, or to lie sleeping on a thing that we set no great store by, nor do any thing pass on, as a mat, or a couch. 
How Diogenes taunted a chaungelyng who in scorn & derision said that Diogenes had gold sowed in the patches of his cope.  And in deed Diogenes used his mantel in the night season in stead of a mattress. And so it was, that when such a changeling as is above mentioned, had said to Diogenes in scorn, Lo, he hath gold in his mantel, Diogenes laid the reproach very well in the feloes own neck saying, yea, & therefore supposito indormio. Meaning the party to be a changeling, & therefore despiceable or worthy to be contained: where as the words might in the gross ear of the fellow, son also to this sense, that Diogenes laid the mantel nightly under him when he slept, for safe keeping of such a precious jewel.  
To one demanding, what advantage he had by his philosophy: 
What advantage and foredele is gotten by philosophy.  though nothing else, said he, yet at leastwise this foredele I have, that I am ready prepared to almaner fortune good or bad. This saying hath scarcely any smell or savour of Diogenes, although he beareth the name of it.  
Being asked of a fellow what countreeman he was, 
What country man Diogenes affirmed himself to be.  he answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, a citizen of the world. signifying that a philosophier in whatsoever place of the world he is resyaunte or maketh his abode, liveth in his own native country. And all the world to be but as one city for man to inhabit.  
When Diogenes on a time asked an alms, 
After what form Diogenes asked an alms of the comen almener of the city.  and in speaking to the public almener of the city (who is in greek called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) he used none other style but this verse of Homer. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That is. 
As for other persons, despoil of their gear  
But thy hands from Hector, see thou forbear.  The festivitee or mirth and pleasant grace of the saying, in this point consisteth, that where he should have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, give me your alms, or, give me your charity, he used a word of contrary signification, saying: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, despoil out of harness, or turn naked out of the clouts. By the name of Hector, noting his owneself. And that person committeth plain robbery or spoil, who denieth an alms to any poor creature being in extreme need. And in deed, men of this order been most commonly full of bribing embesleing, and purloining.  
Paramoures, he affirmed to be the queens of kings, 
Stroumpet●es and paramour●s, Diog●nes affirmed to be the queens of kings.  because the same might crave of the said kings, whatsoever their fancy lusted, and be assured to obtain their asking. For upon this he gave to them the name of queens, not for that the same were peers, mates, or feloes like, with the wives of the kings: but for that they abused the kings selves as subjects unto them at each beck and commandment. The kings selves do not at all seasons impetrate of the people that they would have by exaction, but to a paramour nothing is denied. 
To paramo●res nothing is denied.  Of this sort & trade, mine opinion is, that the barbarous or saluaige kings were in old time.  
The athenians of mere adulation or flattery to please Alexander, made a decree, that the same Alexander should be taken and worshipped for Bacchus (who by another name was called Liber pater. 
How Diogenes mocked the decree made, by the Athenians, that Alexander the great should be taken and worshipped for liber pater that is to say for Bacchus. ) 
☞ Liber pater, Was one of the names of Bacchus, or Dionysius the god of wines, for Bacchus first invented the use and the making of wine: and because wine delivereth the heart from all care and thought, when a body is pipe merry, Dionysius was among the latins called liber, of the verb libero, ras, to deliver, to rid, to dispeche, or to discharge.  This honour Diogenes laughing to scorn, said: And I pray you my masters, make me 
* Serapis or Apis the highest & the chief God of the Egyptians, whom they worshipped in the likeness of a live ox. For so it was, that Osiris the son of jupiter, & of Nio●e the daughter of Phoroneus, being the king of the Argives, first succeeded the same Phoroneus in the kingdom of the said Argives, and when he had there reigned certain years, he left his brother A●gia●us protector & governor of the kingdom of all Achaia, and to win wictorie, honour and conquest, made a voyage into Egypte, and the Egyptians subdued, he took to wife Isis, by an other name called Io, the daughter of Inachus first king of the said Argives, and reigned over the Egyptians. Among whom as well Isis for inventing the form of letters, and the feat of writing, as also Osiris for many other royal arts and feact●s which he to them taught, were both honoured & worshipped as Gods. At last Osiris was privily by his brother Typhon slain, and long sought by Isis, and at length found hewed and mangl●ed all to gobbets or pieces, not far from the city of Syene, which Syene (as Plinius in the second book testifieth) is situate in zona torr●●a, so directly under the tropic of Cancer. that, when the son being at the highest, doth entret into the said sign of Cancer at midsoomer (about fifteen dares afore the feast of the nativity, of Saint John baptist) it byeth ●ust over the top of the citee● and causeth in the same nomaner shadow of any thing at all to be seen or to appear. Isis' c●used her husband with much mourning and lamentation to be buiryed in a little Isle then called Abatos● in the Marice nigh to the city of Memphi● (being the chief or principal city of all Egypte next after Alexandria, which Marice was from thenceforth named Stir, that is the place of mourning & wailling) But when in the same Marice had soodainly appeared to the Egyptians a certain ore, they esteeming the ox to be Osiris, fell prostrate, and kneeled to it, and took the ox alives & brought him to a temple (which afterward was called Serapion) where they did to him, all honour and homage, & worshipped the same as their god, serving him daily with gold and all precious vessels, and with all delicates meet for a king or a god to be served withal. And called him Apis, which in that language is an ox. And ever after a certain time, they would cast him alive as he was into a flood, where he should be drowned. This done they would go with mourning and lamentation, and never cease seeking until they had found a new ox as like in colour and all proportion of feature unto the first Apis, as might possibly be. And thus from time to time worshipped the Egyptians a live ox as their god, and gave to the same first of all thee, name of Apis, and afterward that the first was dead or the second in process Serapis by a word coumpouned of Apis & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a cophin, (such as the carcasses of noble persons are cheisted in, ere they be laid in their grave.) And so was it first Sorapis, & in conclusion by changing, the letter, o, in to, e, Serapis, so that Osiris, Apis, and Serapis is all one.  Serapis too. For in the same degree that Bacchus was among those that were called 
‡ Satyri, (as the poetical fables tell, and Plynius in the fifth book doth testify) were four beasts in the mountains of Ethiopia, and of the Indes, of exceeding lightness of foot, and swiftness in running, of the figure, shape, and likeness of a man, saving that they had horns, & had the feet and legs of a goat, cloven and full of rough hear. And these manner monsters the old antiquity believed to be the gods of the forests, of wilderness, and of all rustical places of husbandry. Whereof Saint Hierome saith in this manner, speaking of Saint Antony. He saw an e●fishe man, with a long crooked hawks nose, ● a forehedde or borough with horns sticking out, whose neither parts of the body grew out into feet such as goats have. And when Antony, (the sign of the holy cross premised) had in the name of god demanded, what he was, it is reported that the other thus made answer. I am a mortal man of the world, one of the bordreers on the edge of wilderness, who, by the gentilitee with vain error deluded, are called Fauni, Saty●y, and Incubi.  Satyri, was Serapis, worshipped of the Egyptians, in the similitude or likeness of an ox. And Diogenes thought himself as truly to be the one, as Alexander was the other.  
Being chidden, for that he was a gooer into places full of stink and all unclenelynesse, he said: why, the son also doth creep under houses of office, and yet is not therewith defoiled nor embrew●ed, or made dirty. His meaning was that the honesty of a perfect virtuous man, is nothing empe●hed, stained or made worse for the infamy of any place that he resorteth unto. 
An honest man is not the worse for the infamy of any place that he resor●eh unto.   
When it fortuned him to be at supper in a temple, and musty or sluttyshely kept loves of bread to be set afore him: he cast the loves and all out of the temple, allegeing, that none ympure or sluttyshe thing ought to enter into the house of God. 
None ympure thing ought to enter the temple of God.   
To a fellow, malapertly demanding, why Diogenes, ●ens he had nomaner learning ne acknowledge, professed and openly took upon him the name of a philosophier: he said: If I countrefaicte a philosophier, or if I show any near towardness, of a philosophier, even that very point is to be a phisophier outright. 
To show nigh towardness of a philosophier, is a great portion of being a philosophier out right.  Half noting, philosophy to be a thing of so high difficultee, that even to countrefeacte the same, and to show any towardness of it, is no small portion of philosophy. As that person hath an high point, and a great fordeale, toward being a king, that can expertely and cunningly, in gesture & countenance represent the state of a king. So in deed, whoso countrefeacteth or maketh show or countenance of a thing, doth as much as in him lieth, imitate & foloe all the fashions to the same belonging. And by imitation to draw nigh to all the fashions or points of a philosophier is a great part of being a right philosopher in deed, that is to say, of being a studious and painful labourer to attain philosophy or perfect sapience.  
A certain person brought a child unto Diogenes, to th'end that the same child, might take some part of his doctrine. And so, to commend him, that he might be the more welcome and the better accepted of the philosophier, the party avouched the lad to be already both with excellent wit, and with singular good manners and behaviour highly endued. At these words Diogenes said: why, what need hath he then of my help, if he be already such an one? He gave a shrewd ch●cke to the unmeasurable praiser, 
Unmeasurable laud and praise Diogenes improveed.  who attributed to the lad that thing, for the sole attaining and g●attyng whereof, children are at all times set and committed unto the handleing and training of philosophers. It had been enough to praise & exalt in the child an honest towardness, disposition or aptitude, 
Honest towardness or aptitude and good hope is a sufficient praise in a child.  & good hope of well proving in such things as should be taught him.  
Those persons who talked much of virtue, 
Such persons, as talked of virtue and lived not virtuously, Diogenes likened to an harp.  & yet did not lead a virtuous life, he affirmed to be like unto the harp, which with the son or melody did pleasure and good to other, but itself neither perceived, ne heard any thing at all. This saying varieth not very much from the saying of Saint Paul, 
1. Corin. xiii.  of a tynkleing cymballe.  
On a certain day, as the people were coming out from the place where sights & plays were exhibited, he on his party withal his might thrusting & shouldreing, against the throung of the people, heaved, shoved and laboured to get in. And being asked why he so did, he said: This am I of purpose earnestly bend all days of my life to do. Meaning, that to do the duty & part of a right philosopher, 
The better philosopher the more earnestly bend to discord from the people.  is, in all actions or things to be done, all that ever may be to discord and to be of contrary ways from the multitude or comen rabble of the people, for because the most part of folks are lead with carnal lusts and appetites, 
The most part of men are lead with carnal appetites.  and not by reason or good discretion.  
Beholding a young man, both of apparel & of demeanour, nothing comely ne convenient for one that should be a man: 
How Diogenes took up a young man that appareled & demeaned himself unmannely.  Art thou not ashamed, ꝙ he, to be more back friend to thyself then the mind or will of nature self hath been? For she created and made the a man and thou doest diguyse and reforge thine owneself into a woman. The self same words may be well spoken of many an one, whom, where as nature hath created and made men, theimselfes of their own voluntary inclination, fallen from their proper nature and kind, to the abusions of swine, & other brute beasts.  
When he saw a certain minstrel, setting his instrument in tune, 
How Diogenes rebuked a minstrel of inordynate manners and behaviour.  where himself on his own behalf, was a lewd and vicious fellow, and of demeanour clean out of all good order and frame, he said: Thou feloe, art thou not ashamed of thyself, that thou knowest the way how to set tunes in true cord upon a piece of wood, and canst no skill to frame thy life by the rule of right discretion and reason? This apothegm too, appeareth to have been devised and drawn out of some others above written.  
To a certain fellow, who, at what time Diogenes moved & advised him to the study of sapience, found and alleged many excuses, saying, I am nothing apt to learn philosophy: why doest thou live in this world then (said he again) if thou have no regard to lead a virtuous life? 
Diogenes thought that person not worthy to live that would not, study to live ●teously.  For a man doth not live here to this end, that he may go ●p & down loytreing, and nothing els● but that he may learn to live in a right trade of virtue and honesty. 
Philosophy giveth the gift to live verteou●ly.  To live, is the gift of nature, ●ut philosophy giveth the gift to live virtuously Nature produceth us into this world apt to learn, 
Nature produceth us ●pt to learn, but not all ready learned.  and to take virtue, but no man is already endued with cunning at the first day that he is born into this world.  
To a fellow that despised and would not know ne look upon his own father, 
How Diogenes rebuked one that despised his own father.  he said: hast thou no shame to despise that person, to whom only and noman else thou art bound to thank even for this very point, that thou setteste so much by thy painted sheath? The grace of the saying resteth in the collation or comparing of two contraries. For these two things will in no wise accord, to despise an other, and to stand well in ones own conceit.  
Hearing a young stripling of a very well favoured and honest face, using unhonest communication, art thou not ashamed, ꝙ he, to draw a sword of lead out of a an ievorie sheath? 
To draw a sword of lead out of an ievorie sheath.  jevorie was taken for a precious thing in old time, and much set by. And the mind or soul of man is covered, & (as ye would say) housed or hidden within the tabernacle or skryne of the body, & doth in a man's communication clearly appear & evidently show itself. 
The mind doth clearly appear in ones communication.   
When a fellow had in the way of reproach laid unto his charge, that he was a drinker at comen taverns: 
How Diogenes avoided a check given to him for drinking in a tavern.  So am I shorn at the barber's shop too, ꝙ he again. signifying, that it is no more dishonesty to drink, then to be rounded, or to be shaven. And as noman findeth fault at being shaven in a barber's shop, because it is a place for that thing purposely ordained, so it ought not to be thought a thing unhonest, if a body drink in a comen tavern, so● that he drink with measure & with reason: 
To take excess of drink is everywher abominable.  for to take excess of drink, in what place soever it be, is a thing shameful and abominable.  
To one reproachfully casting in his nose that he had taken a cope or a mantel, 
The answer of Diogenes to one objecting that he had taken a cope of Philippus  of Philippus the king, he answered with a verse of Homer in this manner. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Gifts of honour, are not to be refused,  
With the which men, are by the God's endued.  That Homerus wrote of the beauty and favour of the body, 
The defence of Erasmus for taking geiftes & rewards of noble men or of bishops.  (which is the benefit & gift of god,) that did Diogenes wrest to a mantle given him by a king. Thesame verse might even I myself also ring in the ears of such persons, as do by a wrongful querele object unto me, that I do now and then take of noble men or of bishops such things as be given me for to do me honesty. There is not one of them, of whom I have at any time in all my life craved any thing, either by plain words, or by other means, but in deed such things as the same of their own voluntary wills & mere motions, do lay in my lap, I receive gladly with all my heart, not so greatly for rewards to thenriching of my purse, as for testimonies of their benevolence & favour towards me, especially since their habilitees are of more wealthy enduement, then to wring at the abatement of so small a portion as cometh to my snapshare.  
In the third book of Homer his Ilias Hector, rebuking his brother Paris, among other words of reproach, saith unto him in scorn & derision after this manner. 
Your harp, and singing melodious  
With the other gifts of Venus  
As, your goodly hear, and angels face,  
So amiable, and full of grace,  
Will not you save, ne help, this is just,  
When ye must lie toppleing in the dust.  To which point, among other things, Pari● maketh answer after this sort.  
Thou doest nought, to entwyte me thus,  
And with such words opprobrious  
To upbraid the gifts amorous  
Of the glittreing Goddess Venus.  
Neither ought a man in any wise  
Proudly to refuse or else despise  
Any gifts of grace and honour,  
Which, the Gods of their mere favour  
Conferren, after their best liking,  
And noman hath of his own taking.  
Diogenes curiously and with earnest diligence teaching a lesson of refreining anger, a certain saucy or knappyshe young spryngall (as ye would say, to take a proof and trial, whether the philosopher would in deed show & perform that he taught in words) spetted even in the very face of him. This thing Diogenes took coldly and wisely, 
The pacyenc● of Diogenes  saying, In deed I am not angry hitherto, but yet by saint Marie, I begin to doubt whether I ought now of congruence to be angry, or not. He men that sharply to punish such a saucy prank of a lewd boy had been a deed of alms, and of charity.  
Yiing a certain person humbly crouching & kneeling to a woman of evil conversation of her body, forto impetrate that he desired, he said: what meanest, thou wretched creature that thou art? It were much better for the not to obtain that thou suest for. To be rejected and to have a nay of a stroumpet, 
To be rejected of a stroumpet, is a more happy thing then to be taken to favour.  is a more happy thing, then to be taken to grace & favour. And yet many one maketh instant suit, to purchase their own harm, & byen the same full dear.  
To a certain person having his hear perfumed with sweet oils: 
Sweet savours of the body, do cause a man's life to stink.  Beware sirrah, ꝙ he, lest the sweet smelling of thy head, cause thy life to stink. The greek vocables that given all the grace to the saying, ar● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fragrant odour, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rank stench. For sweet oils or powthers, in one that should be a man, plainly argueth womanly tenderness and nycitee of the life. And the fame of every person, 

A man's fame is the chief odour that he smelleth of.  
continually to smell of sweet odours is an evil savour in a man.   is (as ye would say) the odour that he smelleth of. A much like saying hath the poet Martialis.  
Nevole, non bene olet, qui bene semper olet.  
O Nevolus, that man smelleth ill,  
That smelleth of sweet odours ever still.  
Between bondservants, and their masters being vicious and evil persons, he avouched to be none other point of difference, besides the names, saving that the drudges or slaves did service unto their masters, 
masters being vicious persons and void of grace, do live in worse servitude than their boundeseruauntes.  and the masters unto naughty appetites. signifying, both parties to be bondservants, and yet of both, the masters to live in more miserable state of bondage, than the slaves: in case the masters be vicious persons and evil disposed, or, void of grace. For whoso is led by the direction of the corrupt motions or appetites of the mind, 
Whoso is led with every pang of natural motions, hath many masters to serve, & the same detestable and merciless masters.  hath many masters to serve, and the same both detestable, and also merciless, and void of all pietee.  
bondservants, namely such as be run aways, are called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which vocable seemeth to be componed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a man, and of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a foot. Albeit the grammarians declare another manner propri●tee of signification for they saien them to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because that bondmen are in respect and comparison, the feet of their masters, & these as the heads of the servants. So when a fellow, full of ungraciousness and of lewd disposition had demanded of Diogenes, upon what original cause, bonedseruunates that would run away from their masters, were called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Why fugitive bondmen are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in greek.  Marry, ꝙ he, because they have the feet of men, and a mind or heart of such disposition as thyself haste at this present which movest the question. Meaning that the party had the mind or stomach, not of a man, but of a very brute and salvage beast.  
Of one that was a prodigal & wasteful spender of all that ever he had, he asked forty shillings at ones, in the way of alms. The party marveling at his earnest and ymportune craving, asked this question of Diogenes: where as thy use and custom is, of other men to desire an alms of an halfpenny, upon what occasion doest thou ask of me the sum of awhole pound or two? Marry, said he again, because that of others, I am in good hope after one alms to have an other again at another season: but whether I shall ever have any more alms of thee, 
Why Diog●nes of a prodigal wast●● of his goods, asked an alms of xl. ●. at once.  after this one time, or not, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, lieth in god's hand only, or must be as pleaseth God. For that half verse of Homer, he linked to his saying, to make it perfect, because it made so directly, and was so fit for his purpose. And in deed a good plain manner of knowelag● giving it was & a shrewd likelihood, to be toward & even at hand, to light on the neck of such a wasteful consumer of his goods within few days to be brought to such extreme penury, that he should not have so much as one poor halfpenny left to comfort or help himself withal.  
Certain persons laying to him in reproach, that he was a comen craver & asker of things at every body his hand, whereas Plato being a philosophier (as he was) did not so, he said: well, Plato is a craver aswell as I, 
Diogenes said that Plato was a prive craver and he and open asker.  
But laying his head, to on other man's ear,  
That no strange persons may it hear.  For that is the english of this greek verse of Homerus.  

Odysseae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Which verse Diogenes abused in an other sense than Homerus did, to signify that Plato was even as great a beggar & proller as he was, saving that Plato did crave privily whispreing in men's ears, & he apertly, making no counsel of it.  
espying a fellow shooting very evil at his mark, he sat him down even hard by the prick: and to such persons as demanded the cause of his so doing, he said, 
merrily spoken,  lest he should by some chance hit me. signifying, that the fellow was like to hit what soever other thing it were, sooner than the mark: yet other lookers on, conveighen theimselfes aside as far as possible is, wide from the mark, for fear of catching a clap.  
Those persons that shoot or cast wide of their mark, or other wise miss to hit it, are said properly in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to lose their shot or cast, or to shoot or cast awry. 
What persons shoot or cast all awry.  But Diogenes avouched plainly, not those persons to miss to lose their shot, or to hit awry, that were wide or short of their mark, but them that directed and leveled their cares and studies toward sensual pleasures as toward their mark or butt. For by such pleasures, 
Through sensuality men fall in to the deep pit of misery and wretchedness.  they seek and desire to have perfect beatitude, whereas by means of the same, they fall or tumble down into the most deep pit of misery and woefulness.  
Being asked the question, whether death were an evil thing: by what means possible should it be evil, ꝙ he, 
How Diogenes argued death not to be an evil thing.  sens that we feel it not at the very hour when it is come? And when it is away, it is evil or harm to no body. As long as a man hath perfect sense and feeling, he is alive, so then death is not yet in place, that if the same be present, than sense and feeling is away. And evil is it not, that is not felt. This manner of argumentation or reasoning, certain writers ascriben to Epicurus. And in deed death itself is not evil, but the journey or passage to death is piteous & full of misery. Of the same journey if we stand in fear, all the whole life of man what other thing is it, but a passage or journey toward death?  
They tell that Alexander the great, standing at the elbow of Diogenes, demanded of the same, whether he were in any dread or fear of him. Then said the other again, 
The answer o●●iogenes to Ale●ander demanding wh●●●er ●e stood in dread of him.  why, what art thou, a good thing, or an evil thing? Alexander answered: a good thing. And who standeth in dread of a good thing, ꝙ Diogenes? He plainly convinced that a king was not to be feared, except he would to all the world denounce himself to be an evil or a mischievous person. But if that were a sufficient good argument, he might thereby have gathered and concluded that God were not to be feared.  
Erudition or learning, Diogenes by these words commended unto all men, 
How Diogenes commended erudition to all men.  allegeing that the same unto young folks giveth soberness, to aged persons comfort and solace, to the poor richesses, to rich men ornament or beautifying. For because that the tender youth, being of the own propre inclination ready to fall, it brydleeth and restreigneth from all inordinate demeanour, the incommoditees or displeasures of a man's later days, it easeth with honest passetemps and recreation, unto poor folks it is sure costage to live by (for they that are learned, be never destitute of necessaries.) And the substance of wealthy persons it doth gaily vernyshe and adorn.  
The greek vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, doth indifferently betoken the ball of the eye, and a virgin or a maiden. And so it was, that one Didymo, 
Of the self-same Didymo afore in the cviii saying of this Diogenes.  (who was in great slander or infamy, and had in every bodies mouth a very evil name of being a muttonmoungre) had in cure the eye of a certain young damosel. To this Didymon Diogenes said, see that ye bruise not your cure. For that way, the saying may have some grace in english, by reason that the word, cure, may be taken in a double sense, like as Diogenes dallied with the ambiguity of the greek words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Being advertised and done to weet by a certain person, that await was laid for him by those whom he took for his friends, to th'intent that he might beware thereof and provide for himself: why, what should a man do (said he,) if in our conversation we shall be all in one manner case and taking, both with our friends, & with our foes? We use to beware of our enemies, that they may not hurt us, our friends we do nothing mistrust. 
It is small pleasure to live, if a man may not trust his friends.  That if we shall have need, to be as well ware of the one as of the other, small pleasure or comfort it is, to live in the world.  
Being asked what was the principal best thing in this present life, he said: liberty. 
The best thing in thi● present life, is liberty said Diogenes.  But that person is not in very true liberty or freedom, who is utterly subject to vices: neither may he possibly be a man of perfect freedom, 
The covetous person, the ambitious, or other wise given to vic●, cannot be free.  that standeth in great need of many sundry things: and very many things wanteth the covetous person, the ambitious person, & whosoever is drowned in delices or sensuality.  
In scholehouses, there were commonly painted of an ancient custom, the Muses, as presidents & the lady maistresses of studies. entering therefore into a school, when he saw there many Muses, & very few scholar's, he said unto the schoolmaster: with the gods ye have many scholar's. Dallying with the phrase of greek speaking, indifferent to be taken in a double sense, for the greeks saien: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with the Gods, for that that we say in english, God's pleasure being so, or, by the will and grace of God, or, and God before, or, God saying amen. And sometimes the preposition, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●he preposition of greek.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with signifieth a thing joined with an other coumpaignion, as in this manner of speaking, that here followeth with many persons I took thy part. Th●t is to say: I and many persons more besides me, took thy part, or held on thy side.  

Whatsoever thing were not of it self ●iuill, Diogenes affe●med not to be evil in the opē●trete neither.  Whatsoever thing were not of itself unhonest, he affirmed not to be unhonest in open presence, or, in the face of all the world neither. Whereupon he made a reason or argument in this manner & form. If to dine be not a naughty or evil thing, then to dine abroad in the open street is not evil neither, but to dine is no point of naughtiness, e●go, to dine in the mids of the street is no evil thing neither. Thus far the Cynical syllogism might be reasonably born withal, but who could abide him that after like form of arguing would conclude, to ease the body by going to stool, or to make water, or one to company with his wife, or a body to turn himself naked out of all his clothes, is no evil thing, ergo, to do the same in the open street is no point of naughtiness neither? Virtuous and weldisposed persons love honesty and shamefastness everywhere. 
Virtuous & well deposed persons love honesty and shamefastness in all places.   
He avouched use and exercitation, as in outward actions concerning the body: 
Use in all things maketh masteries.  right so, even in the action of virtue and of the mind, to engender both a certain celeritee or spedynesse of doing things, and also facilitee or easiness to the same.  
It was also a saying of his, that neither is there any law without a city or body politic, nor any city or body politic without a law. 
Neither is there any law without a ci●tee ne city without a law.   
Nobleness of birth, or dignity & other semblable enhauncementes of fortune, Diogenes affirmed to be none other thing else but the cloaks or coverts of mischief & ungraciousness. 
Nobleness of birth or dignity with other high gifts of fortune Diogenes called the cloaks of ungraciousness.  For richemennes, where as they be not one jot better than others, yet they done amiss and perpetrate much unhappiness, with less restraint of correction or punishment, according to that, the saying of the poet Flaccus of a rich person: 
Et quicquid volet, hoc veluti virtute peractum  
Speravit magnae laudi fo●e.  
Whatsoever thing, shall stand w ● his will,  
He hath assured trust and affiance  
To turn to his laud, be it never so ill,  
As a thing done by virtues governance.  And in deed the most part of the galant ruffleers, even at this present day, think all that ever theimselfes do, 
Great gentlemen thy●●●●●ll well that the●mselfes do.  to be lawfully and well done.  
While he was bondservant with Xeniades, his friends were together in communication for to buy his freedom, and to rid him out of servitude. No, not so, ꝙ Diogenes, 
Diogenes willed his friends not to redeem him out of servitude.  is it not to you known, that not the Lions are as bondservants to those persons by whom they are kept up, but rather the keepers as bondeseruauntes to attend upon the Lions? For a Lion wheresoever he is, continueth always a Lyon. And a philosophier is not by his condition of servitude any thing the less a philosoph●er.  
When he was awaked out of his mortal sleep, that is to say, the last that ever he had before his death, and the physician demanded, how it was with him? right well, ꝙ he, for one brother embraceth the other. Alluding unto the poet Homer who feigneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, death & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sleep to be brothers germane. 
Homer feigneth death & sleep to be brothers german.  For that sleep is a certain image and representation of death.  
Being asked, how he would be buiryed, he bid that his dead carcase should be cast out in the fields without sepulture. Then said his friends: what, to the fowls of the air, & to the wild beasts? No by saint Marie, ꝙ Diogenes again, not so in no wise, but lay me a little ruttocke hard beside me, where with to beat them away. The other eftsoons replied, saying: How shall it be possible for the to do so? for thou shalt feel nothing. Why then, ꝙ Diogenes, 
Diogenes neglected all curiousness of sepulture.  what harm shall the tearing, mangleing, or dismembering of the wild beasts do unto me, being void of all sense and feeling?  
When Plato gave a great laud and praise to a certain person for this point & behalf, 
Overmuch humanity in a philosopier Diogenes reproved.  that he was exceeding gentle and courteous towards all folks: What laud or thank is he worthy, said Diogenes, that having been so many years a studente continually occupied in philosophy, hath yet hitherto given no body a corrosif? Meaning to be the proper office of a philosophier, 
The proper office of a philosophi●r is to cure the vices of men.  to cure the evil conditions or vices of men, and to be utterly impossible the same to take effect, but by the only means of fear & of grief: fear of reproach, and grief of the open shame and slander present.  
Thesame Diogenes, yiing a certain fellow of a strange country, in the city of Lacedaemon, curiously trimming and decking himself against the solemnity of an high feastefull day, said: What doest thou? is not every day without exception high & holy to an honest man? 
To a virtuous & well disposed person every day is high and holy.  He men all this univeruersall world to be a temple for God convenient, 
All this universal world is the temple of god.  in the which man being constitute and set, aught of his bounden duty, to behave himself and to live perpetually after an honest sort, as in the sight and face of the deity, who presently beholdeth all things, 
God psentely beholdeth all things.  & from whose eye nothing is or may be hidden. And to this matter he wrested the proverb ●n which it is said: that with the slothful and idle lubbers that love not to do any work, every day is holydaye. 
With idle persons it is evermore holydaye.   
It was his comen saying unto young striepleynges being towards man's state, Sirrah, go into the houses of harlots, 
What goodness may be gotten by the consideration of harlots fashions.  that thou mayest thoroughly see, what vile and filthy things, how dearly they are bought. To this matter alluded Terence, saying: all this gear to know, is health and safeguard unto youth.  
Unto the health and safeguard of a man, 
Unto the safeguard of men it is needful to have either faithful friends or else eager enemies.  he said that it was needful to have, either faithful friends, or else eager enemies. In consideration, that the one given a body gentle warning of his fault, and the others done openly reprove and check. So both parteis (in deed after contrary sorts) but yet equally, done to us benefit and profit, while by the same we learn our faults. This saying doth Laertius appoint to Antisthenes, and Plutarch to Diogenes.  
Being asked by a certain person, by what means a body might best be avenged of his enemy, 
How one may best be avenged on his enemy.  he answered: if thou shalt from time to time approve & try thyself a virtuous and an honest man. This point whosoever doth accomplish, both doth to himself most high benefit, and in the best wise possible vexeth and tormenteth his enemies. For if a man's evil willer beholding his ground well tilled and housbanded, is therewith grieved at the very heart root, how shall it be with him, if he see thine owneself beautified, and adorned with the substantial and undoubted jewels of excellent virtue?  
When he came to visit Antisthenes' lying sick in his bed, he spoke unto the same in this manner. Hast thou any need of a friend? signifying, that men should in time of affliction, 
men should in affliction most of all be bold on their friends.  most of all be bold on their faithful and trusty friends, which may either help them in very deed, or else by giving good words of comfort, ease some portion of their grief and woe.  
Unto the same Antisthenes, at another season, (for because it had come to his ear, that the same Antisthenes, for love and desire that he had to live, did take his sickness somewhat ympaciently) he entered with a woodknife by his side. And when Antisthenes bemoaning himself had said unto him: Alas, who will dispetche and rid me out of these my peines? 
Death riddeth a body out of peines.  Diogenes (the hanger showed forth), said: even this same fellow here. Nay ꝙ Antisthenes (replying again) I said, 
Anthistenes was loath to die.  out of my peines, not out of my life.  
Making a journey unto the city of Corinthus, he entered the school which 
☞ There reigned in Sicilia Dionysius the father, and next after him Dionysius the son, who for his most horrible tyranny was expulsed out of his kingdom, and afterward received again, but at last, by final extermynion banished for ever. And being expulsed from Siracuse, he went to Corinthus, ● there after that he had a certain space lived a bare life, at length for very extreme need, he was driven to excogitate some way and means whereby to get his living. Whereupon he set up a school and teaching of children, and so continued until his dying day.  Dionysius being expulsed and driven out of his kingdom, had there set up. And heard his boys say their lessons very naughtyly. Dionysius in the mean while coming in, because he thought verily, that Diogenes had come to comfort him, said: It is gently done of you Diogenes, to come and see me. And lo, such is the multabilitee and change of fortune. Yea, ꝙ Diogenes again, 
What Diogenes entering the school of Dionysius said unto him.  but I marvel, that thou art suffreed still to live, that didst perpetrate so much mischief in the time of thy reign. And I see, that thou art in all behalfs, even as lewd a schoolmaster now, 
Dionysius as lewd a schoolmaster, as he had been a king afore.  as thou were an evil king afore.  
Another of the sayings of the same Diogenes was this: Among the other sorts of men, to such as live in wealth and prosperity, life is sweet, and death hateful: & contrary wise, to such as are with calamity and misfortune oppressed, life is grievous, and death to be wished for: but unto tyrants both life and death are painful & coumbreous. 
Unto tyrants both life and death are coumbreous.  For like as they liven more unpleasauntely, than those persons who done every day with all their hearts wish to die, even so done they none otherwise stand in continual dread and fear of death then if they leaden the most sweet & pleasant life in all the world.  
To a certain person that showed him a dial: 
Diogenes disallowed geometry with the other sciencies Mathematical.  In faith, ꝙ he: A gay instrument, to save us from being deceived of our supper. Meaning the art of geometry, with all other the sciencies 
* The arts or sciencies Mathematical are, Geometry, Music, Arithmetic, ● Astrology.  Mathematical, to be to very little use or purpose.  
To another fellow making great vaunt of his cunning in music and in playing on instruments, he made answer with these two greek verses: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●  

Householding is not maintained with singing and piping.  By the prudent avise, of men verayly  
The states of cities are well preserved  
With the glye of carols, and minstrelsy,  
Private householding, is not well maintained.   
When Speusippus being ympotente by reason of shaking with the palsy, was carried in a wagen toward the school called 
* Academia, was a place full of groves, one mile from the city of Athenes. And it was called Academia of one Academus a noble man that had there inhabited. In the same ground was a mainour place in which Plato was born, and in thesam● afterward taught philosophy, of whom for that cause the philosophers of his sect have been from thence hitherto named Academici.  Academia, and to Diogenes meeting him on the way by chance, had said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, well art thou: So art not thou, ꝙ Diogenes again, that whereas thou art in such taking, canst find in thine heart to live. Meaning to be a point of a true or right philosophier, of his own mind to prevent the time of death, after that he were once no longer able to ●●iere about and to help himself, as other men did in this present life. And that thing 
‡ Spuesippus was a philosophier of Plato his sect, brought up under him, and in teaching his school succeeded him, and continued eight years master of that school. He was Plato's sisturs daughters son. At length he killed himself for pei●● and sorrow being a very aged man, albeit Plutarch & some others written that he died of lice continually growling out of his flesh as Scylla and Herode did.  Speusippus did afterward in deed.  
When he saw a little boy unmannerly behaving himself, he gave the creansier or tutor, that had the charge of bringing up the same child, a good rap with his staff, saying: why doest thou thus teach thy pupille? notifying, that it is principally to be ymputed unto the breakers and instructors of tender childhood at the beginning, 
It is to be ymputed unto the bringers up, if youth ꝓue well mannered or otherwise.  if youth prove well mannered, or otherwise. The reporters of the tale are Aphthonius and Prisc●an.  
To a certain person objecting poverty unto him in reproach, 
How Diogenes answered a flagitious fellow, objecting poverty unto him in reproach.  whereas himself was a fellow full of naughtiness and mischief, he said: I never yet saw any man put to open punishment for his povertee, but for knavery many one.  
To poverty he gave a preaty name, 
Provertee a virtue learned without a teacher.  calling it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a virtue that is learned by itself without a teacher. rich folks have need of many rules, precepts, and lessons, 
rich folks have need of many lessons to do well.  that is to weet, to live a frugal or sober life, to exercise their bodies with labours, not to set their delight or felicity in pompous or stately apparelling and decking of the body, and others more out of number, all which things poverty teacheth her own self without any other schoolmaster.  
¶ next after these three philosophers, but the same in this kind, most excelling, we shall add like numbered of kings & no more, which for their saiyngees with civility and good fashion replenished, have a name of honour above all other kings. That we may not with to many things pestre and cloy the reader.    

THE II. BOOK.  

THE sayings OF PHILIPPUS KING OF MACEDON.  

Philippus, king of the Macedonians, and father of Alexander the great first conquered Athenes & brought all Gr●ce under his subjection. A man of all writer's muc● praised for his great humanity, courtesy and most princely gentleness.  OF all the kings, that among the Greeks in ancient time have reigned, in my sentence & mind hath not been one, whom we may with Philippus king of the Macedonians, & father of Alexander the great, worthily compare, either in dexterity and good conveyance of wit, or else in disport of sayings consisting within the bounds of honesty and good manner.  
This Philippus used many a time and oft to say, that him thought the athenians to be much happy, who could every year find the full number of ten sundry persons, whom to create their Capitains for battle: where he for his part in many years had found one sole Captain for warfare only, that is to weet, Parmenio. 
Parmenio y● only Captain of Philippus his wars.  signifying, to be a thing little to the benefit of a comen weal, 
Often to change Captains to be unprofitable to a comen weal.  every other while to change the Captains, but to be much better, whom ye have once found a fit or meet man for the purpose and trusty with all, in no wise to change the same for a new. Ferther and besides that, to make no force how many Captains there be in numbered but how apt and meet for conveying a battle, and for warrekeping. 
It forceth not how many Captains there be, but how meet for keeping war.   
When tidings was brought unto him, that many sundry things had in one day happily and prosperously fortuned on his side and for his behoof, (for at one & the same time Tethrippo had gotten the price and chief mastery at Olympia, and Parmenio had in battle discoumfeicted or vanquished the Dardanians, and his queen Olympias had been brought a bed of a son,) lifting up his hands on high to heaven, he cried with a loud voice, and said: And thou lady fortune, for so many and the same so great good chances, 
The prayer of Philippus when he had sundry good chances all in one day●.  do me no more but some light and small shrewd turn again at an other season. This man being of passing high prudence, and most profound experience or knowledge in the course of the world, did not insolently skip and leap, or show tokens of joyful gladness for his well speeding, or for the success of things, but rather did suspect and mistrust the cockering of fortune, 
The cockering of fortune is to be suspected & mistrusted.  whose nature he knew to be, that to whom she worketh utter confusion and exterminion, the same persons she doth first laugh upon & flatter with some unquod prosperity of things. To this matter appertaineth, that Plynius reporteth of 
* Valerius Maximus, and the other Historiographiers written, that Polycrates the Tyrant of the Samians, had lived many years in such incomparable prosperity, that in all his affairs either public or private, never any thing went against him, nor any mischance fell unto him, in so much that being (as ye would say) weary of such continual success of things, even in despite of good fortune, (to the end that it might not be said of him, that he never had in all his life any loss, or mischance,) as he rowed on the sea for his pleasure and solace, he willingly and of purpose cast away into the sea a gold ring with a precious stone in it, of valour uneath estymable. And yet in such wise did fortune flatter him, that within a day after, his cook found the same ring in the belly of a fish, which he garbaiged to dress for his lords dinner, and restored to the same his own ring again. Yet this notwithstanding, in his later days fortune changed her copy, and Polycrates taken prisoner by Orontes the high Captain or lieutenant of Darius' king of the Persians, was after most painful and most grievous torments, hanged up on a iebette upon the top of an high hill. The words of Plynius, which Erasmus here speaketh of, are in the first chapter of the xxxvii volume of his natural history, in manner and form as followeth. Of this original begun authority and dignity in precious stones, auau●ced in process and hoist to so high love, desirefulnesse and fancy of men, that unto Polycrates of Sames the rigorous tyrant of all the Isle● and sea coasts of the country, in the voluntary loss and damage of one precious stone, seemed a sufficient and large emendes for his felicity and prosperous fortune (which felicity, even himself would oft times plainly confess and grant of very conscience to be over great) if he might be even with the rolling & mutabilitee of fortune, and touch touch like, mock her aswell again: and that he plainly thought himself to be largely ●aunsoned, and bought out of the envy of the same continual prosperity, if he had had no more but this one sole grief or hertefore, to bite him by the stomach. Being therefore clean wearied with continual joy and gladness. He rowed in a vessel for his pleasure, a great way into the channel of the stream, and wilfully cast one of his rings into the sea. But a fish of exceeding bigness, (even by destiney appointed to be a present for a king) even purposely to show a miracle, with a trice snapped up the same in stead of feeding, and by the hands of fortune awaytynng him an evil turn, restored it again into the k●chyn of the owner the said Polycrates.  Polycrates the Tyrant of the Samians.  
After that he had subdued all the Greeks, when certain persons moved him and would have had him to keep the cities with garrisons, that they might not forsake him, or fall from him again, he said, I have more will and desire, long time to be called good, and easy or gentle to away withal, then for a few days and no longer, to be called sovereign. Meaning a reign or empire, 
A reign or empire with benefits and hearty love holden, is perpetual.  that were with benefits and with hearty love holden, to be for ever perpetual, that by power and dread only, to be of no long continuance.  
A certain busy open mouthed fellow was a daily and a comen speaker of railing words against Philippus. And so it was that his friends advised him, the same fellow to exile & banish the country. But he said, that he would in no wise do it, & to them greatly meruailling why, he said: lest that he wandreing and roving a bout from place to place shall report evil of me among more persons. That he did not hang the railer upon the galoes, was either a point of clemency and mercifulness that he forgave him, or else of magnanimity and princely courage that he contemned him: 
Philippus contemned a fellow that used daily to speak railing words, against him.  that he would in no wise drive him out of the country, came of prudence. For the fellow being in strange places should have been able to do to him the more villainy.  
Smicythus complained to the king upon Nicanor, that he still without end spoke evil of the king. And when the friends of Philippus advised him, that he should command the fellow to be fet, and so to punish him, 
The clemency and moderation of Philippus.  Philippus answered in this manner. Nicanor is not the worst of all the Macedonians It is therefore our part to see, lest we do not our duty, but be slack in some thing that we should do hereupon, after that he had acknowledge the same Nicanor to be grievously oppressed with poverty, and yet to be neglected & nothing looked on by the king, he commanded some gift or reward to be borne to him. This done, when Smicythus eftsoons informed the king, that Nicanor didinal coumpaignies without end report much praise & goodness of him: Now then, ye see, ꝙ Philippus, that it lieth in ourselves, 
It lieth in ourselves, to be w●ll or evil spoken of.  to have a good report, or evil. An exceeding thing it is, how far odd those persons are from the nature of this prince, which never thinken theim selfes to be praised enough whereas they do nothing worthy laud or praise, neither do they study with benefits to win or allure benevolence & hearty good will of men, but have more appetite and fancy to be dreaded, then to be loved. And whereas they do often times perpetrate things to beedetested and that in the open face of all the world, yet farewell his life for an halfpenny that presumeth or dareth so hardy in his head, as once to open his lips against them.  
He said, that to those, who in ordering or administering thecommen weal of the athenians were the chief ring leders he was much bound to ough most hearty thanks, 
Philippu● oughed most hearty thanks to the rewlers' of the Atheniense, for their railling at him.  for that by reason of their reproachful railling at him, they caused him aswell in using his tongue, as also in his manners and behaviour to prove much the more honest man, while I endeavour myself, ꝙ he, aswell by my words as by my doings to make and prove them liars. O the right philosophical heart of this prince, 
The right philosophical heart of Philippus.  who had the way, even of his enemies also to take utility and profit, neither, (as the comen sort of men are wont) to this sole thing to have an eye how to do scathe, and to work some mischief to such as railed on him, but that himself might be emended and made less evil, 
How to tak● utility & profit of a man's enemy.  being well admonished & put in remembreaunce of himself by their slaundreous reporting.  
When he had freely pardoned and let go at their liberty the athenians, 
Of Cheronea it is aforesaid & at this Chero●ea did Philippus conquer & subdue all Grece.  as many as ever had been taken prisoners in battle at Cheronaea, and they, not thinking that to be enough, required also to have restitution of their apparel and all their bagguage, and did for the same entre actions of detinue, and commense suit against the Macedonians, Philippus laughed, saying: what? doth it not appear, the Atheniense to dame and judge that they have been overcomed by us, at the hucclebones? So mildly did he being the conqueror take the unthankfulness of persons by him conquered and subdued, 
The civility of Philippus  who did not only, not render thanks ne say remercies for that they had been let both safe and sound, 
The ingratitude of the athenians towards Philippus.  and also without any penny of ransom paying to escape, but also with naughty language sued the Macedonians, and laid to their charges because the same did not also restore unto them both their apparel and also all their other rags and bagguage. As though they knew not of what nature the law of arms was, and as though, to try that matter with dint of sword were nothing else, but to try it at the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is in Latin, talus, and it is the little square hucclebone, in the ankle place of the hinder leg in all beasts saving man, & such beasts as have fingers, as for example Apes and Mounkeyes, except also beasts that have the houfe of the foot not cloven, but whole. With these hucclebones they had a game in old time, as children have at this day also, which game was in this manner. If the caster chanced to cast that side upward, which is plain, it was called, canis or canicula, and it brood in stead of blank or of an ace, & that was the jest and worst that might be cast, and the caster should thereby win no part of the stakes, but was of force cons●raigned in the way of repel to lay down to the stake one piece of coin, or one point, or one counter, or one whatsoever things were played for, and to take up none at all. The contrary to this (which was the hollow side) was called, venus or Cous, and that was cock, the best that might be cast. For it stood for a since, by which casting, the caster should win & take up from the stakes, six pieces of coin, or six points, or six counters. etc. and besides that, all the repeles by reason of canis found sleeping. The other two sides of the hucclebone were called, the one chius, by which the cas●er won & took up three, and the other, senio, by which the caster got and took up four. In the hucclebones, there was no deuce, nor cinque. This was the comen game, but there were other games, as there been varietee of games in dice playing, which dice they called, tesseras, of their squareness. Albeit, tali are sometimes used for tesserae, and taken to signify dice-plaiing, as even here also it may be taken.  hucclebones, which is a game for boys and children.  
When the canell bone of his throat, or his chest bone had been broken in battle, & the surgeon that had him in cure, was from day to day ever craving this & that, he said: Take even until thou wilt say ho, for thou haste the key thyself. Dallying with a word that might be in double sense taken. For the greek voice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth both a key, such as a cupboard, or a door is opened withal, and also the canell bone, or chestbone, that knitteth together a man's shoulder with the breast. And what thing could there be of more civility, 
The civility of Philippus.  than this the heart of Philippus, who had a pleasure to use testing words and to be merry both in his dolorous grief, and also towards his covetous surgeon, neither to be for his most painful smart any thing the more wayward or testy, nor with the importunitee of the incessaunte craver any thing displeased or offended.  
There were two brethren, of whom the ones name was in greek, Amphoteros, which vocable souneth in english, both: the name of the other Hecateroes which by interpretation soundeth in english, the one & the other. Philippus therefore espying and marking the said Hecateroes to be a prudent fellow, and a fit man to have doings in things, and contrariwise Amphoteros to be, a loutyshe person unmeet to have doings, and a very beast: clean turned, & countreframed their names, affirming, that Hecateros was Amphoteros, and Amphoteros, was to be named Vdeteros, which soundeth in english neither of both. signifying the one of the brethren, that is to weet, Hecateroes, in himself to comprise the virtues and good qualities of both twain, and the other brother to have in him not so much as one good point or property. Therefore the name of him, that was called Amphoteros, he changed to the contrary that he should be named Udeteros, in token that he was for the respect of his qualities not to be esteemed worth a blue point or a good lous.  
To certain persons, giving him counsel, that he should deal with the athenians & handle them after a more sharp and rigorous sort than he did, he answered that they did against all reason in that they advised him, both doing & suffreing allthings only for mere glory & renown to cast away the staige of the same his glory and renown, 
Philippus called the city of A●henes, the ●taige of his glory and ren●●me, that 〈◊〉 to say, the ●l●c●●n whi●●● all the world 〈◊〉 e'en & ●●●old his 〈◊〉.  which he studied and laboured to achieve. Signefying that he studied and went about, not how to destroy the city of Athenes, 
A●henes in the t●me of Philippus flourished with the abundance of many excellent high clerks.  but how to approve and to commend his virtues or good qualities, unto that right famous city being in most flourant state by reason of the great abundance & multitude of many excellent high clerks & men of learning in the same city reciaunte.  
Two feloes being like flagitious, 
The judgement of Philippus upon two flagitious feloes accusing either other before him.  and neither barrel better hearing, accused either other, the king Philippus in his own person sitting in judgement upon them. The cause all heard, he gave sentence and judgement, that the one should with all speed and celeritee avoid or flee the royalme or country of Macedonia, & the other should pursue after him. Thus Philippus acquitted neither of them both, but condemned both the one and the other with banyshememte.  
When he addressed to pitch his tents in a fair goodly ground and was put in remembrance, that there was in that place no feeding for the horses & other catalles, 
The miserable condition of warfare.  he said: what manner of life is this that we have, if we must of force so live, as may be for that commodity of asses?  
When he had prefixed and appointed to take a certain castle and fortress being very strong and well fenced, and his spies had brought word again, to be a thing out of peraventures hard to do, yea and (the south to say) utterly unpossible: he demanded whether it were of such hardness and dificultee, that it were not possible for an ass being heavy laden with gold to have access and entrance or passage unto it. signifying, that there is nothing so strongly fenced, but that it may with gold be won. 
There is northing but that with gold it may be over comed and won.  Which very self same thing the poets have signified by the fable of 
* Ahas the xii. king of the Argives, had a son called Acrisius, which Acrisius succeeded his father in the kingdom of the said Argives, and had only one daughter called Danae, a goodly and a passing beautiful lady. And so it was, that Acrisius had acknowledge given to him, by an oracle, or voice coming from heaven, that he should be slain of his daughters son. Wherefore he enclosed and shut up the said Dana● his daughter in a very strong tour, and there kept her, to th'intent that she might never have son. At length jupiter in form of a shower raining drops of gold got Danae with child. So by jupiter she had a son called Perseus● Which thing being come to light, and being known, her father set both her and her infant child enclosed in a trough or trounke of wood in the wild sea. So was she carried by adventures on the sea, until she arrived in Italy, and there Pilumnus the king, and grandfather of Turnus, took her to wife. And afterward Perseus being once come to man's stature killed Medusa, and delivered Andromeda. And at last returning to Argos, he slew the king Acrisius his grandfather (according to the prophecy) and reigned in his stead.  Danae by jupiter deflowered, but not until the same god jupiter had first transformed himself in to gold, whereof the poet Horatius speaketh in this manner.  
Aurum per medios ire satellites, et perrumpere pere a mat castra potentius ferro.  
Gold hath a fancy, and great delight,  
Through harnessed men, passage to ieperde,  
And to make way through tents of might  
More forcibly, then dainty of sweorde●  
When those persons that were at Lasthenes found theimselfes grieved, and took highly or fumyshly, that certain of the train of Philippus called them traitors, Philippus answered, that the Macedonians were feloes of no fine wit in their terms, 
The Macedonians were plain feloes ●● calling each thing by it right name.  but altogether gross, clubbyshe, and rustical, as the which had not the wit to call a spade by any other name then a spade. Alluding to that the commenused proverb of the greeks, calling figs, figs: and a boat a boat. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  As for his meaning was, that they were traitors in very deed. And the fair flat truth, that the uplandyshe, or homely and plain clubs of the country done use, nameth each thing by the right names.  
It was his guise to advertise his son Alexander after a courteous & familiar gentle sort to use himself and to live with the Macedonians, 
A good lesson to all young princes.  and through benevolence and hearty love in the mean time purchased abroad among the commenaltie, to gather unto him might & puissance, while during the time of an other man's reign it lay in him without any his harm or hindreaunce to show humanity & gentleness. Like a prudent and an expert man right well perceiving and understanding, like as an empire by no earthly thing better or more firmly to be established, 
A king may not to all persons without exception show favour.  then by the hearty love and good will of the subjects towards their prince, even so, to be a thing of most high difficulty and hardness for any person that hath ones taken upon him the office of a king, & hath now already in hand the governance and ordering of a royalme or empire, towards all parties without exception, to show gentleness and favour, not only because the office & power of a king, lieth in the open way to be envied, but also for that a commonweal may not possibly be preserved and kept in perfect good state, unless heinous transgressions be restrained and suppressed by due punishment and correction. 
Heinous transgressions must of necessity be suppressed by due correction and punishment.  For kings must so far extend humanity and favour towards their subjects, as they may in the mean time accordingly uphold and maintain their authority and estate royal. 
Kings must so far extend favour, that they may in the mean time not empeche their authority and estate royal.  For goodness and favour, without end or measure showed is many a time and oft the mother of contempt.  
Thesame Alexander, he avised & counciled, that he should win and make friends unto him, all such persons both honest and unhonest, good and bad, 
Kings must use honest persons, and abuse the unhonest.  as bear any rule, stroke or authority in the commonweal, and that the good men he should use, & the evil persons he should abuse, that is to say, apply to some good use, that of theim selfes they are not apt nor inclined unto. The chief and highest feat of kings is, to reject no person, 
The chief meapte of kings, is to reject no person, but to make all persons profitable to the comen weal.  but rather to apply the labour and service of all men, to the public vt●litee and profit. As almighty god being the only Monarch and prince of the whole universal world abuseth the evil spirits, and the weeked men, to the utility and profit of the church, so, princes of high wisdom and policy have the feat to make instruments aswell of the honest persons as of the unhonest, not that theimselfes been workers of any evil thing, by the help of the evil persons, 
Wise princes have the feat to make profitable instruments, aswell of y●●iuill persons, as of the good.  but that by the evil, they do punish the evil. Ne'ertheless, many princes there be, which contrary to the right course, done abuse the good men and use the evil. In executing matters of cruel tyranny, they associate and join unto them such persons as for the opinion of holiness are famous and of great name, to th'intent that the people should esteem all thing that they do, to be good and godly.  
Thesame Philippus when he lay for hostage and pledge in the city of Thebes ● sojourned & was lodged in the house of one Philo a Theban, and besides his high entretainment in that behalf, he received at the hands of the same Philo many high beneficial pleasures. And when the said Philo would in no wise take any reward or gift of Philippus again. 
Never man did any thing for Philippus but that Philippus did as much for him again.  Nay, (ꝙ Philippus) rob me not now (by leaving me behind hand in bountifulness,) of that laud & praise which hitherto I have ever had, that, yet unto this present day no man hath passed me, or gone beyond me, in doing mutual pleasures & benefits. Oh an heart & stomakeworthie a crown imperial. He deemed it a more high and jolly thing to have the overhand in doing deeds of bounty, then in the prerogatif of power.  
When a great meinie having been taken prisoners in war, were in selling, Philippus sat at the portesale his garment or rob short tucked up about him, much uncomely. And so it was, that one of the captives that was to be sold, cried loud voice: Be good and gracious lord unto me o Philippus, and grant me pardon, for I am your friend, and my father was an old friend of yours. And Philippus demanding in this manner, how so good fellow, and by what means is this friendship between us two come about? If I may approach nearer to your grace, ꝙ the party, I shall show you. And being hereupon licensed and bidden so to do, as though he should have told him some secret matter in his ear, the fellow said: Sir, let down your cape a little more about you, for after this cutted fashion as it showeth now, ye sit wondrous evil favouredly & unseemly for a king. immediately said Philippus, let this fellow depart free. For I knew not till now, that he was to me in very deed a well-willer, & a friend. Being so great a king, 
Philippus being a great king, was no thing displeased to have fault found at him  he was nothing grieved ne displeased, neither with the colourable pretence, nor with the fault finding or admonition of a fellow that was to him a stranger of none acquaintance: but did all under one, both with mutual simulation on his party cover and keep secret the colourable doing of the said feloe, 
The beneficence of Philippus.  and also recompense that very siendre point of kindness with the great and high reward of free charter and dismission when he stood to be sold as a bondman.  
Being on a time, by an especial friend of old acquaintance, desired to a supper, in going thitherward, he took with him to be his geastes a great meinie that he happily met on the way as he went. But when he perceived the party, which received him into his house, to be sore dismayed, for that the purveyance that he had made, was nothing near enough for so great a company, he sent a lad aforehand about to every of his friends then present, and bid them to keep a corner of their stomachs for the tarts, wafrie, and iounkettes, that were to be served and to come in after the meat. They being brought in full belief thereof, while they gaped for tart & other like confections, fed little or nothing on the other cates, so came it to pass, that the supper was sufficient to serve all the company. With this pleasant merry toy, he both made his friends believe the moon to be made of a green cheese, & also found a way to save the honesty of him that made the supper.  
Hipparchus of Euboia being deceased, Philippus by manifest tokens declared how heavyly he took his death. Whereupon, to a certain person being desirous to mitigate & assuage his dolour, 
Why Philippus so grievously and so heavyly took the death of Hipparchus an Euboian.  and allegeing in this manner: well, he is at a convenient age and time departed, being now already well stricken in years, yea, ꝙ Philippus, for his own part in deed, he is at a convenient age departed, 
The liberal heart of Philippus.  but to meward, long afore his day. For death hath by prevention taken him away before that he hath received at my hand any benefit worthy and meet for the friendship that was between him & me. It is a very rare thing in princes to feel the motions and pangs of the graces but many noble men usen their friends none other wise, but even as they done their horses. As long as they be able to do them service they set by them & keep them when they be passed occupying and doing any more service, they rid & dispetche their hands of the same, and shift them away. Yea and rather spoil them of that they have, then do them good or help them with condign benefits or preferment.  
When he had secret knowledge brought unto him that Alexander his son found himself grieved for that his father was a getter of children by sundry women, he gave unto Alexander an exhortation in this manner. 
The exhortation of Philippus to his soone Alexander.  Well then, since it is so that thou hast more feloes beside thyself to stand in election for to have this empire & to wear the crown after my decease, so apply thyself that thou mayest at length prove an honest or virtuous and a weldisposed man, that thou mayest appear to have achieved the crown not by me, but by thine ownself. This man with right princely wisdom and experience endued, did not with sweet words put his son in any comfort, but put the same further in fear, to th'end that he might the more prick him foortheward unto virtue, giving notice and intymation that there was none other way for him to conceive any hope to be king after him, except he showed himself a man worthy to succeed in the crown, neither to be of so great moment to attain and gait an empire, 
It is not of so great moment, to have an empire, as to be worthy to be a king.  as worthily to have deserved to be a king of a royalme.  
He exhorted the same Alexander that he should give good ear & attend well to Aristotle, 
How Philippus exhorted his son Alexander to the study of Philosophy.  to whom he had been committed to be broken and brought up, and that he should diligently apply himself to the study of philosophy, lest that thou do commit and perpetrate, ꝙ he, many things, which things in time past to have done, it doth now repent me. Right well perceived this excellent wise prince that no man being untraded in philosophy is an apt and meet person to be a king. 
A learned king an unestimable treasure.  Neither was he ashamed to confess that he had through error done amiss in many things, by reason that he had not even from his tender babeship been nousleed in the precepts of philosophy. For those persons, who by their ownemere practise assaying & experymentes, do learn to order & govern a royalme and to execute the office of a king, although they have even from their mother's womb, been of never so excellent high wit, yet both over late, and also to the great scathe and ympechement of the commenweal, after long process of years they grow to be good kings. But 
* Who cometh to the office of a king armed aforehand with the precepts of philosophy, cannot lightly swerver from the right trade of virtue.  who cometh to the administration of a royalme, armed aforehand with the wholesome precepts and rules of philosophy, if there be in him a mind and heart with no spice of corruption entangleed, it shall uneath lie in his power to swerver from the perfect right trade of honesty and virtue. Where been they now, which yalle and roar, that learning, and the study of philosophy is utterly nothing available to the governance and administration of a commonweal? 
They are in a wrong opinion that supposen learning to be nothing available to the governance of a comen weal   
He had created and authorised one of the friends of Antipater to be of the numbered of the judges. 
Of antipater read in his sayings.  But afterward, when it was come to his knowledge that the party used to die his beard & his hear, he deposed the same again & discharged him of that office, allegeing that who in the hear of his head was not faithful and upright, 
Who useth deceit and guile in small things, is evil worthy to be trusted in higher and more weighty matters.  the same in public doings seemed full evil worthy to be put in trust. He used deceit, and falsehood in dying his hear, whereby was no great advantage no gain to be gotten, much more was it like that he would use deceit and falsehood in public affairs, where guile doth at a time advantage to a man a good pot of wine. And this aught to be the chief care of kings, that they put in authority persons upright and void of all corruption to be head officers in hearing and judging of causes. And how may that possibly be, where the offices of sitting in judgement be sold for money, & that person appointed and made judge, not that passeth others in honesty and goodness, but that cometh first to enoyncte or grease the hands, of him that giveth the office, or biddeth most money for it? But with Philippus, no not the authority of his dear beloved friend Antipater might weigh and do so much, but that he deposed the suspected person from the bench and order of the judges.  
Sitting in justice on the bench he had before him, to give sentence and judgement upon, the cause of one Machaetes, but he was so heavy of sleep that he could in no wise hold up his yies, ne give his mind, as he should have done, to the equity of the law. 
The equity of the law is, that the layers callen the epicai, which they take for the moderation of all s●uerite & rigour of the law, when justice & law is ministered with favour.  Whereupon he gave sentence and judgement against Machaetes. And when the same crying with a loud voice, had said, that he appealed from the same sentence, the king being angry said again, to whom doest thou appeal? for the word of appealing (which is evermore from the inferior judge and power to an higher) unto kings very odious. Then, ꝙ Machaetes, even to your ownself sir king, do I appeal, if your grace will awake, & with more earnest & tender attention of mind, hear my cause. Immediately here upon, the king arose and stood him up. And when he had better weighed the matter with himself, and well perceived, that the said Machaetes had had wrong, 
How Philippus used one Machaetes by his sentence wrongfully condemned.  in deed the sentence of judgement once given & already pronounced, he would not revoke ne break, but the sum of money, in which Machaetes had been cast & condemned, himself paid out of his own purse every ferthing. Lo, in one fact, how many sundry arguments and tokens of princely virtue. He continued not to be angry with the fellow both appealing from his sentence, and also openly in the face of the court laying slepynes to his charge: but leisurely with better diligence he considered the matter in his own mind, being now clear void of all wrath and indignation. Be this a point of civility and of princely moderation: but that now ensueth, was a point of high prudence and wisdom, that by a witty and politic devise, the party condemned, he did in such wise deliver and despetche of all loss & damage, that yet nevertheless he did not stain ne put to lack or rebuke his royal authority in giving sentence of judgement, the penalty and fine that Machaetea was cast in, he privately satisfied and paid as if himself had been therein condemned.  
The friends of Philippus fuming and taking high indignation, for that the 
* The Peloponnesians were the inhabitants of Peloponesus which was a region of Grece, in old time called Achaia & now Mor●a, lying between two seas, the one called jonium and the other Aegeaun: and with the same seas so enclosed, that it is in mani●r a very Is●e. It was named of Pe●lops the son of Tantalus king of the Phrygians. And Pelops was husband to Hippodamia the daughter of Oenomaus, king of the said region, on whom went a Prophecy, that whensoever his daughter married, he should lose his life. Wherefore with all such princes & knights as came to sue for the marriage of Hippodamia, he (the said Oenomaus) appointed tornamentes for life & death with this condition, that who so could that way win his daughter should have her, who so were overcomed should suffer death. After many wooers thus slain and put to death came Pelops, and corrupted Myrtilus the master of the chairettes with Oenomaus promising to the same Myrtilus that in case he would be his trende that he might have victory, he should lie with Hippodamia the first night. Then did Myrtilus set in the chairette of Oe●omaus, an a●eltree of wear by reason whereof at the first joining it broke, and Pelo●s won the victory. Whereupon Oenomaus killed himself. And Pelops not only obtained and enjoyed the lady Hippodamia, but also succeeded Oenomaus in the kingdom of Achaia. And when Myrtilus required his promise, Pelops caused him to be cast into the sea, which sea of his name was called Myrtoum. In the region of Pelopennesus were these noble & florente cities, Argos, Micenae, Corinthus, Lacedaemon, Patrae, the mountain of Malea lying on the sea cost Epidanrus, and these countries, Arcadia, and Sicyona.  Peloponnesians did with hissing mock and scorn him at the games of Olimpia, especially having received many benefits at the kings hand, and with that tale pricking and stiering Philippus to avenge himself on them: why ꝙ he, how will the matter then go if we do unto them any evil? Graciously and with wondrous civility turned he the argument of his friends to the contrary, thus: If they be of such froward nature and disposition, that they mock and scorn those persons, who have done them benefit, they will do much more annoyance and harm, if a body thereunto provoke them with shrewd turns or deeds of mischief. A manifest token and proof it was not only of moderation or patient suffreaunce and of mercifulness, but also of a certain excellent high magnanimity, a king to neglect & set light by the hissyngs, of ingrate persons.  
Harpalus in the favour and behalf of Crates being both his familiar friend and of alliance and sued at the law upon an action of trespass for wrongs and extortion by him done, made instant request and petition unto Philippus, that the same defendant might pay the damage and fine but yet might for saving his honesty be quieted and dispetched of the suit and action, 
The uprightness and in●egritee of Phil●ppus, in ministreing the l●wes and in doing justice.  lest that being in the face of the court condemned, he should have all the world to rail and speak evil on him. At these words, better it is (ꝙ Philippus) that he be evil spoken of, then me to have an evil name for his cause. He was tender and favourable to his friends, & bear with them albeit no further than he lawfully might without empechement of the existimation and credence of a judge.  
When Philippus being in the camp with his army had slept a great long while together, 
Antipater the de●utie and high captain under Philippus.  being at last awaked, I have slept in safeguard saith he, for Antipater hath in my stead watched and for borne sleep. Declaring by the watch word, not to be the part of a prince, 
Not to be the part of a prince to t●ke his full rest & sleep, especially in time of war.  to lie in bed, all day, or to take his full rest and sleep, especially in time of war, & yet ne'ertheless, that the same may at a time without peril or danger be done, if a king have a trusty and a painful deputy. 
A prince may be in securitee that hath a trusty and a vigi●aunte deputy.  Thus with the laud & praise of his friend, he made a good excuse in that he had over slept himself.  
At an other season eftsoons it fortuned, that while Philippus in the day time took his rest & sleep, a sort of the greeks (which had in a great numbered assembleed about his door) took pepper in the nose, 
How parmenio excused Philippus sleeping in the day time.  and spoke many words of reproach by the king, for that by reason of his slugging they might not at the first chop be brought to his speech: then Parmenio being in presence, 
Parmenio was one of Philippus gentlemen and a captain & in very high favour & trust with him, & after his days, with Alexander Magnus.  in this manner defended the king, and made excuse in his behalf, saying: marvel ye not if Philippus do now repose himself & take a nap, for when all ye were in your deed sleep, he watched. signifying, that the greeks rechelessely conveying their affairs, Philippus broke many a sleep to provide for their defence and safeguard.  
Like as himself was merry conceited and full of pretty taunts so did he much delight in the sayings of others, if the same had any quickness or grace in them. Wherefore, when he was disposed on a time, as he sat at his supper, to coumptrolle a mynstrelle playing at that present before him, and talked his fancy of fyngreing and striking the strienges of the instrument: 
Eu●ry body is best judge of his own art and faculty.  God forfend sir king, ꝙ the mynstrelle, that ye should have more sight and knowledge in this gear, them I. pleasantly and as might stand with good manner, did the fellow take upon him to judge in his own art and faculty, and yet nothing offended or displeased the king, whom he judged to be of more dignity and high estaste, then for to contend or strive with a mynstrelle about the twanging of harpestrienges and lutestrienges.  
Yea and the right sharp or poynaunte sayings of others (so it were spoken in time & place opportune, & not toto far out of course he could take in good part. 
The human●tee & paceinc● of Pilippus.  For when he was foul out, both with 
☞ The debate and displeasure of Philippus with Olympias and Alexander, doth Plutarch in the life of Alexander show, in this manner: When by reason of the love & sundry marriages of Philippus, much troubleous murmuring and fraying arose and begun within the court of Philippus, among his own folks, in so much that the kings wife and the other women could scasely abide one an other, much quereling, brawling and discord grew and daily came in ure, even under the nose of Philippus. Which grudges, quereles, debate and variance, the sharpness or curstness, the zelousie, and the eager feersenes of Olympias did augment and set on Alexander against Philippus. Also of debate and enmity one Attalus ministreed a wondreous good cause at the marriage of Cleopatra, whom where Philippu● had fallen i● love withal, being yet a young damsel unmariable, anon after he took to wife. For Attalus being uncle to the maiden being through drunken, even in the feast time of the marriage, exhorted & encouraged the Macedonians to make prayer unto the Gods, that a lawful and right born heir for the succession of the crown and empire might be begotten between Philippus and Cleopatra. with which thing Alexander being highly moved, said: why thou naughty villain, what thinkest thou of us that we are bastards, or mysbegotten? and even with that word he caught a goblet in his hand, and cast it at the head of Attalus. Philippus immediately thereupon arising ran at Alexander with a naked sword to have slain him, but (fortune being them both● good to lady) what by reason of fury, and what of wine the stripe did no harm all. Then Alexander beginning to rail on his father said: This is the jolly fellow & gay man, which making preparation to pass out of Europa into Asia, and about to go but out of one chambered into an other stumbleed and had a great fall. After this high words and reasoning had in cups, when the said Alexander had conveyed away with him his mother Olympias, and had left her in the region of Epirus, himself abode and lived in the country of Illyris. And at the same season, it fortuned that one Demaratus a Corinthian a very familiar acquaintance & friend of Philippus, pretending to be one that would himself in all causes frankly, freely & boldly say his mind, was come unto Philippus. Of whom after they had shaked hands, and had with pleasant and friendly words salved either the other the said Philippus enquiered, how the Greeks agreed and accorded within theimselfes. To whom Demaratus thus answered: O Philippus, of all men lest of all it behoveth you to have care and charge of Grece, that have thus heaped your own court and palace with so many kinds of discord and with so many troubles and adversities. Whereupon Philippus repenting his folly, sent the said Demaratus, to desire and pray Alexander to return home again, and so he did.  Olympias his wife, and also with Alexander his son, he demanded of Demaratus a Corinthian even at that present time happily coming unto him in ambassade, 
Demaratus ambassador from Cori●the with Philippus.  what concord, peace & unity the greeks had among theimselfes one with another. Immediately said Demaratus to him again. iwis iwis, ye do of likelihood take great thought and care for the concord and tranquillity of the greeks, when those that are nighest & most dear unto you, bear such heart and mind towards you. What would a man in this case have looked for, but that the king being highly displeased with the bold and plain speaking of Demaratus, should have commanded the same to be had away out of his sight? Yet for all that, because the words of Demaratus meaned to revoke him from ire and wrath, to taking better ways: the king pacified and reconciled himself at the correption of the stranger, and all indignation and wrath laid a part, fell to a full atonement with all his folks.  
To an old wife being a poor silly soul, and crying and calling upon Philippus to have the hearing of her cause before him, nor ceasing with this ymportune & earnest prayer in manner daily to ring in his ear, 
The office of kings is to hear the complaints and causes of all persons with out exception  he at last made answer, that he had no leisure. And when the old wife had eftsoons cried out upon him, saying why, then be no longer king ne●ther: Philppus greatly marveling at her bold and frank speaking did fromthensfoorthe give ear not only unto her, but also to all others like. This self-same thing the latins done attribute unto Adrian Emperor of Room.  
Philippus, when it was come to his ear that his son Alexander had in a certain place showed himself to be a cunning musician, 
Not every art is meet for a king.  graciously and courtisely chid him for it, saying: Art thou not ashamed of thyself to have so good sight in music? signifying that other arts than music were more meet and seeming for a king.  
Thesame Philippus having on a time gotten a fall in the wrastleing place, 
Philippus reproved the ambition of man in desiring empire  when in the arising again he had espied the priente & measure of his whole body in the dost, he said: Oh the folly of man, how we to whom of nature a very small portion of the earth is due, desire to have in our hands all the universal world. Would god this saying had been well enpriented in the heart of his son, to whose ambition and covetous desire all the whole world seemed but a little angle. 
The ambition of Alexander.   
Philippus chiding his son Alexander for that he laboured & sought with presents and gifts to purchase the benevolence and hearty love of the Macedonians, did thus frame & set his words: what (the devil) consideration or means hath put such a vain hope in thy head, and brought the into this fools paradise, to suppose that they will in time to come be faithful and true unto thee, 
Benevolence ought to be purchased by virtue & not by gifts.  whom thou shalt have corrupted and bought with money? what? doest thou go about to bring to pass, that the Macedonians shall esteem y● to be, not their king, but their almoyner, or pursebearer?  
The athenians had sent an ambassade unto Philippus. Thesame graciously received and heard, to th'end that he would with all possible courtesy and humanity dimisse the Ambssadours, he willed them to speak, in what thing he might do to the athenians any good pleasure. Anon, Demochares taking the tale in hand, said: forsooth sir, if ye go & put your neck in an halter & hang yourself. This Demochares was one of the Ambassadors, and for his malaparte toungne called at home in his conntree in their language, 
‡ 
Demochares parrhesiastes, one of the ambassadors sent in Legacy from the athenians unto Philippus.  
The boldness that some persons have, plainly & with out respect, fear, acception or sparing of any body whatsoever he be, to utter & to speak that lieth in their stomach yea, whether it be to give a check and a rebuke to ones face, or else any otherwise howsoever it be, is called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and thereof whatsoever person hath that property without fear or sparing to say his mind in all things as he thinketh, is called Parrhesiastes. And such an one was this Demochares. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is in a man the quality contrary to assentation, which assentation is the southing of each bodies tale and sayings, and holding up their yea and nay.   Parrhesiastes, (as ye would say in english) Thom truth, or plain Sarisbuirie, The kings friends at such a carlishe answer fuming and taking high indignation Philippus appeased them, and commanded them safe and sound to let go that same 
* 
Thersites, was one of the Greeks, and came among the more out of the country of Aetolia unto the battle of Troy: a great gentleman born, but the worst of feature, of shape and of favour, that possible might be, and a very coward: Whom Homerus in his second volume of his work, entitled Ilias (that is, of the battle of Troy) describeth both in words and sense, much like as followeth: 
Among all others, to Troy there came,  
An evil favoured jest, called by name  
Thersites, a pratleer be ye sure,  
Without all fashion, end or measure.  
What soever came, in his foolish brain,  
Out it should, were it never so vain.  
In each man's boat, would he have an ore,  
But no word, to good purpose, less or more:  
And without all manner, would he presume  
With kings and princes, to cock and fume.  
In feats of arms, nought could he do,  
Nor had no more heart, than a gooce thereunto.  
All the Greeks did him, deride and mock,  
And had him, as their comen laughing stock.  
Squyn●yied he was, and looked nine ways.  
Lame of one leg, and hymping all his days.  
Croump shouldreed, and shrunken so ungodly,  
As though he had had but half a body.  
An head he had (at which to jest and scoff)  
Copped like a tankard or a sugar loaf.  
With a bush pendente, underneath his hat,  
Three hears on a side, like a drowned rat.  And not long after his arrival to Troy, for that he was so busy of his tongue, so full of chatting and pra●leyng with every king and noble man of the Greeks, Achilles being moved with his saucynes and ymportunitee, up & gave him such a cuff on the ear, that he slew him out of hand, with a ●lowe of his fist.   Thersites. Then turning himself to the residue of the Ambassadors, he said Go bear word again home to the athenians, much more pride and stately presumption to rest in the speakers of such ungodly words as these, then in them, which hear the same spoken unto them, and suffer it to pass unpunished. When all is done, these are the stomachs and hearts worthy to have empire.   

THE sayings OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.  
IN the sayings of Philippus there was nothing but which besides the urbanitee and pleasant grace might not also avail to good manners & honest behaviour. Nether do I see, whom more conveniently to join unto Philippus, than his own son Alexander.  
This Alexander being yet but a little boy, when his father Philippus executed many right high entreprises, & many right puissant and noble acts of prowess achieved with very prosperous hap and success: was therewithal nothing well apaied, but to his plaifeeres, and such as were brought up at nourice with him, he used thus to say: my father will leave nothing at all for me. They saying again: yes iwis, it is you and none other for whom he purchaseth and procureth all this same. And what good may it do me, ꝙ Alexander, if being a lord of great possessions, I shall have none affairs whereabout to be doing, & to be set on work? 
Alexander even of o child was of an ambitious ● stiering nature.  Even at that age might a body right well espy and know in him a spark of an ambitious and actif or stiering nature toward.  
Thesame Alexander whereas he was passing light or nimble of body and very swift of foot to run, 
Alexander very nimble of body and swift to run.  to his father willing him at the games of Olympia to run the race among the others, I would sir with all my heart, saith he, if I should have kings to run for the price or mastery with me. In this point also may ye evidently espy and know a man of halt courage and one that would not to any person living give place, 
The halt courage & stomach of Alexander.  or yield an inch, in the trial of laud and domination. Himself was not yet come to be a king, & for all that would he not vouchsafe in proving masteries to be matched with any persons being under the estate of kings. 
Alexander in proving masteries wou●d not be matched but with kings.   
When a certain young woman was very late in the night brought unto Alexander to be his bedfeloe, the king demanded, where she had been so long: the woman making answer, that she had tarried & awaited, until her husband might first be gone to bed: he called his servants, that had brought her and gave them an high and a sore rebuke, saying convey this woman home again, for I was not far from the point, nor failed but very little through your default, to be made an avoutreer. A passing gay example of chastity, 
A notable example of chastity in Alexander.  on the oneside in a young man, and on the other side in a king (and mo●te of all in an ethnic.) For among them, simple fornication was reputed for no crime ne sin at all. And by this history it seemeth likely, that the manner and usage at those days was, (as in Italy yet still at this present day it is) that men's wives lay apart in a sundry chaumbre and bed from their husband's, 
In old time the wives lay a part in a soondrie chamber and bed from their husbands.  unless they were at this or that season called.  
To Alexander in his childhood excessively making incense and sacrifice unto the gods, & every pater noster while running to take still more and more of the frankincense, 
Paedag●gus is he that hath the tuition, governance, nourturing, breaking & bringing up of a child aswell in manners as in learning, which was in old time aswell among the Romans as the Greeks an honourable both name & function. Neither was there any noble man's son, but that he had a peculiar tumour and governor. But Alexander because he was son to so noble a king, and also was of singular courage, stomach and towardness had many p●edagogues, nour●urers and schoolmasters, among whom the chief pre-eminence had Leonides, and to him by especial commission appertained the principal, cure, charge, authority and rule over Alexander, partly for that he was a man of singular gravity, wisdom, and severity of manners, and partly because he was of near kindred and friendship ●owardes Olympias the mother of Alexander. Ne'ertheless because Leonides thought the name of Pedagogue over base and vile for a man of such dignity as himself was, Lysymachus had the name of Pedagogue, and in very deed was he that continually attended and took daily peines in nourturing, teaching, and breaking Alexander, and Leonides was called his tutor, governor, director, and (as ye might say) lord Maistee.  Leonides who was his governor and had chief cure & charge of his body and of his bringing up, and at that time was there present, said: Sirrah, my child, them shall it be meet for you with thus great largesse to make incense unto the gods, when ye shall have subdued the country where this incense groweth. After long process of time, when Alexander had in deed conquered the same country, having fresh in his remembrance the saying of Leonides above especified, he wrote letters unto him with this clause: I send unto the 
* The country where odours grown, that is here meaned, was Gaza, which was a town of the country of Palestina or jewrie in Pheni●ia being a part of Arabia, which Alexander (as Plutarch writeth) did subdue and conquer. And when he sent from then● to his mother Olympias & to Cleopatra, and to his other friends, cote armours and spoils there won, he sent also at the same time (as the same Plutarch maketh mention) to Leonides his old master, five hundred talents of frankincense, that is of our Troy weight or poised forty six thousand and five hundred pounds of weight or thereabout, and of Mirth, one hundred talentes, that is of english poised, nine thousand three hundred pounds of weight or thereabout. For I take here a talent for the comen talent Attic which contained of english poised three score two pounds and one half pound or thereabout.  certain talentes of frankincense and of casia, to th'intent that thou mayest not fromhensfoorth be a niggard towards the gods, since thou art not unknowing, that we are now conquerors and lords of the country that produceth frankincense & sweet odours.  
When he was ready & would needs adventure battle upon the soldiers of Darius at the blood 
Alexander making a usage and going with an army royal of thirty four thousand footmen, & five thousand● horsemen against Darius king of the Persians, conveyed his host & passed ou●r Hellespontus (which is a narrow and very dangerous sea, reaching from the Isle of Tenedus, unto Propontis) & so came to Granicus a blood in the country of Phrygia, which Phrygia is a region of Asia the less. At Granicus because it was (as ye would say) the gates of Asia, and for that there was none other entrance nee passage into Asia to come to the Persians: the Capitains of Darius had so set there soldiers in array to resist Alexander, that there might be no way made but with dint of sword. Wherefore, Parmenio the dear friend, the most faithful hearted counsellor and the most trusty Captain of Alexander avised him for many considerations in no wise to enterprise so hard and so dangerous an adventure. Why, ꝙ Alexander again, Hellespontus would blush for very shame, now that I have already passed over it, if I should be afeard to wade over so little a blood as Granicus, and then after that he had encouraged his soldiers to have cheerful hearts, taking with him thirteen rays of horsemen, himself flounced me into the blood, & at length in despite & maugre the heads of all his enemies, he got to the other side of the same.  Granicus, he bad the Macedonians to feed lustyly at their dinner, not sparing to fill their bealyes with such victuals as they had, for they should be assured the morrow next following to sup of the provision of their enemies. A lusty courage, & an heart that could not faint ne be dismayed and as touching the end of the battle being in nomaner doubt, mistrust, ne fear but that the victory should go on his side.  
Parillus' one of the numbered of Alexander's familiar friends, 
Parillus' one of Alexander's familiar friends.  desired of Alexander some dourie of money towards the marriage of his daughters. The king bad him take fifty talents of money. And when the other had answered ten talents to be sufficient, yea, (ꝙ Alexander) so much is enough for y● to take, 
The bounty and munificence of Alexander.  but the same is not enough for me to give. gaily & royally spoken, had not his towardness unto virtue been vitiated & corrupted with ambition.  
Alexander had commanded his treasurer to deliver unto the philosophier Anexarchus how much money so ever he would ask, And when the said treasurer had heard the request, & being therewith more than half astoned, had made relation unto Alexander that the philosophier asked no less than an hundred talentes: 
The bounty and munificence of Alexander.  he doth well (ꝙ the king) knowing himself to have a friend, which is both able and willing to give so great a sum. Here may a man doubt whether of these two things he ought rather to marvel at, the kings liberality in giving, or else the unreasonableness of the philosophier, in asking except we lust rather to call the same assured trust and confidence that he had in the kings beneficence.  
When he had seen in the city of Miletus many and the same right great, and bowerly images and porturatures of such persons as had tofore times won the victories or chief prices in the games of Olympia & of Pythia, 
Apollo by one other name was called Pythius of the great dragon Python, which dragon to his great honour glory & renown, ●e slew with his bow & aarons. And for a memorial of the act there were holden & kept in the honour of Apollo Pithius, certain games of jousting, rennyn●, wra●tleyng, & shooting, and of the name of Apollo they were called Pythia.  he said: And where were these so great gyauntlike bodies, when the barbarous did besiege your city? Nippyngly did he taunt and checking the foolish ambition of them, who glory and braggued of such persons as being in greatness & strength of body peerless, had gotten victory in turnamentes, ●ustes, wra●tleyng, running & other semblable games made for pleasure & disport, whereas in so great pere●les & dangers of the city, there had been none at all, that could try and show theimselfes to be such jolly valiant feloes.  
Where Adas queen of the Carians had a great delight and fantasy still day by day, 
This Ades Alexander for favour that he had to her, of his own mind took for his mother, & so called her, and made her queen of the Carians.  ordynarily to send unto Alexander presents of cates and of iunquettes or confections dressed and wrought with great cunning, by the finest devisers pastlers & artificers of such things, that could be gotten: Alexander said, that himself had of his own much better cooks & dressers of his viandrie, 
The cook's that Alexander had to dress his meat.  that is to weet, for dinner, his iourneyeng the night afore, and for supper, a spare and light repast at noon. 
* Caria is a province in the country of Asia the less, lying between Lycia and jonia, the inhabitants whereof were called Carians, a vile people & very abject, in so much that diverse proverbs the Greeks invented, in reproach of their villainy. As, Ite foras Cares non amplius Anthisteria, & In Care periculum Of which proverbs read in the chiliades of Erasmus.   
On a certain season, all things being in a perfect readiness to join battle and to fighting the field, when he was asked the question, whether his pleasure were that any thing else should be done: Nothing (ꝙ he) but the beards of the Macedonians to be shaven of. Parmenio woondering what this saying should mean: why, doest thou not know, said Alexander, that there is in battle nothing better or more apt to take hold on then a beard? 
Beards are in battle a great● l●tte & hindreaunce.  He signified that fighting in war ought to be within handy gripes, in which kind of strife and trying beards are a great hindrance, for that the soldiers or men of war may very easily be caught by the beards and be holden fast.  
Darius' offered unto Alexander these conditions, 
The conditions offered by Darius unto Alexander.  that he should have ten thousand talents of money, & besides that the empire of the whole country of Asia to be equally divided between them twain. When Alexander this offer refused: I would surely have taken it, ꝙ Parmenio, if I were Alexander. And so would I, ꝙ Alexander, if I were Parmenio. But unto Darius he made answer in this manner, 
The answer of Alexander concerning the conditions offered to him by Darius.  that neither the earth might endure or abide two 'sons, nor the country of Asia two kings Here also might one allow & commend his haultenesse of courage or stomach: if the saying did not savour of a certain inordynate wilful heddynes to be lord alone, 
Alexander would needs be lord of all the world alone.  and to have all under his own subietion.  
When Alexander was like at a certain town called 
The battle between Alexander & Darius, fought at the town of Arbeles'.  Arbeles' to be put to the plounge of making or marring & of habbe or nhabbe to win all, or to lose all (for he had to fight with a million of men of arms well appointed, and prepared to try it by strokes) there came unto him certain of his soldiers that bore towards him very good & true faithful hearts, and complained on their feloes, that in the camp they made a muttreing among theimselfes, and conspired together, of all the preade & booty that they should gait, not to bring a jot into the kings pavilion, but to convert it full and whole to their own peculiar profit and advantage. These things heard, Alexander smiled, 
How Alexander took, that his soldiers had conspired among theimselfes to convert all the booties that they should gait, to their own private use.  and said: Sers, ye have brought me good tidings. For I hear the words of feloes minded to win the victory, & not to flee. Neither was he deceived in his geasse. For unto him came right many an one of the soldiers, saying: Be of good cheer sir king, and have good heart, neither fear ye the great number and multitude of your enemies, they shall not be able to abide, no not so much as the very smell of us. 
* Plutarch in the life of Alexander saith in manner & form here following. Immediately hereupon was there a great field fought with Darius, not (as some authors written) in the town of Arbeli, but at Gaugameli. Which word Gangamel● is as much to say, as the camels house. Which it is said, that a certain king in forne years, when he had on a Dromedary Camele escaped the hands of his enemies, builded there, and appointed to the oversight and the charges of the same, the revenues of certain towns and villages.   
The same Alexander, his army now already set in a ray, & appointed even out of hand to fight the field, when he espied one of the soldiers even at the same present hour trimming a strop or loop to set on his dart, 
A stroppe is the streng that is fastened in the mids of a dart, wherein to put ones finger when he picketh it.  he put out of wages, and discharged of his room, as one like to do no good service at all, which then and not afore begoonne to make ready his weapons when it was already high time to occupy the same. 
It is an evil man of war that will have his weapon unready when he should occupy it.  This was to be put rather among stratagems then among apothegms, even as is also this same, whereof I shall now ne●te after make rehearsal.  
Alexander was reading a letter sent from his mother, which letter contained certain secret matters of counsel, together with false crimes surmised against Antipater These letters did Hephastion after his accustomed manner read together with the king. 
Heph●estion was so highly in favour with Alexander, that he called him, a●ter see, the second Alexander, and used him as familiarly as his own self hiding from him none of all his secrets.  Neither did the king forbid him to read, but after reading of the epistle, he pulled his signet ring from his finger, & set it hard to the mouth of the said Hephaestion, warning the same by thus doing, to keep his counsel secret. An example of notable trust and affiance having in his friend, yea and also of passing great humanity, in that he would these false accusations and complaints to be spread abroad, although in deed he loved 
* At the first beginning, who so high in price, estimation or trust with Alexander, as was Antipater? in so much that Plutarch in the life of Photion rehearseth for a thing notable and worthy memory, that the same Alexander never would vouchsafe to show to any persons so much honour, as in his Epistles or letters to write unto them this familiar clause in the beginning of his letters, we great you well, saving only to Photion of Athenes, and to Antipater, which two persons he had in espeall high regard and honour. And jolas' one of the sons of Antipater was unto Alexander chief butler and cup bearer But in the later days Antipater lost utterly all the favour of Alexander, and was of the same suspected, mystrusted & deadly hated.  Antipater at that time no better than a dog.  
In the temple of 
☞ Ammon, was jupiter worshipped in the form & likeness of a ram. For when Bacchus otherwise called Liber pater (all the whole country of Asia now subdued) was conveying his army through the wilderness of Lybia (which Lybia is a region or cost of the country of Africa, bounding upon Egypt, and sometime set for all Africa,) being almost lost for drought both he and all his army, he besought his father jupiter of help and secure. Whereupon immediately appeared unto him a ram, which ram while he pursued, he came by chance to a right pleasant & a plenteous well. Bacchus therefore thinking this ram to be jupiter, anon builded there a temple, & set in it the image & porture of a ram to be worshipped for jupiter. And it was called Ammon (as ye would say in english jupiter of the sand, because the temple was edified and builded in a sandy place) for the Greek vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, soundeth in english the sand. Albeit, some there be that affermen jupiter in the language of the Egyptians to be called Ammon, and thereof this temple to have taken the name of Ammon. But Pansa●ias holdeth opinion, that it was so named of one Ammon a shepherd, who first builded the same temple.  Ammon, when he was by the president or chief priest there, called the soon of jupiter: it is no marvel (saith he) for jupiter in deed of nature is father unto all men, but of them he taketh for his very own children in deed, especially all such as are good and honest. He did after a very humble sort expone the 
* Oraculum an oracle, is properly the mind & answer of God by some divine interpreter declared, as by some Prophet, pressed, or otherwise by man.  oracle. For the minister of the temple, called him the son of jupiter in the way of flattery, as if Alexander had been likewise begotten of jupiter, as Hercules was reputed and believed to be the son of jupiter. But Alexander confessed that jupiter was of nature the autour & parent of all mortal men, but yet that the same did agnize and acknowledge peculiarly or properly for his sons, such persons and none other, as by virtue and noble acts drew nighest, and were most answerable to the nature of god. And that is, unto all persons without exception to be beneficial.  
When his leggue was wounded with an aroe in battle, 
What Alexander said, when he was wounded with an ●roe.  and many came running about him, which had of a custom oft times used to call him a God, he with a bold and a merry countenance alluding to a verse of the Poet Homer, said: 

Alexander being wounded knowlaged himself to be a man mortal.  This that ye see, is blood withouten odds  
Even such like, as cometh from the Gods  Mocking in very deed the vanity of those flattreers, forasmuch as the thing self declared him to be nothing else but a mortal man, as others were. As for the allusion that he made, was to a place of Homer in the fifth volume of his work entitled Ilias, where it is told how Venus was wounded of Diomedes.  
Many persons highly commending and praising the frugality and spare manner of living that Antipater used, who lead a life very homely or gross, & far from all delices: yea, ꝙ he, Antipater weareth a white mantelle outwardly but within he goeth in purple every inch of him. Noting the feigned & colourable sparing and homelynesse of the said Antipater, whereas he was, that not withstanding, in very deed as ambitious and stately, 
Antipater, though he sembled to live homely, yet in deed was ambitious ● stately.  as the best.  
When he was on a day in the winter season, and in sharp cold weather, feasted by a certain friend of his, and saw there a little little herthe, & in the same a little pretty small fire, he said: 
How Alexander noted a friend of his to play the niggard of his wood.  Sers, either lay on wood, or cast in frankincense. Half giving a check under a colour, that the feaster or banquetter played as much the niggard of his wood, 
Unseasonable husbandry.  as if the same had been frankincense, whereas in such extreme cold, even very frankincense ought not to have been spared: and farther signifying that there was fire sufficient for making incense to the gods, but not enough to defend and keep away cold.  
When he supped on a time at the house of Antipatrides, and the same had brought in before Alexander at the supper a passing fair damysel, being a minion doer in singing, Alexander being ravished with the sight of her, was soodainly stricken with hot burning love. And anon demanded of Antipatrides, whether he for his own part were not far in love with the damsel: 
The continency and great chastity of Alexander.  Antipatrides plainly confessing, that yes, Alexander said: O ungracious man, wilt thou not with all haste have her away from the table and this company? How far was th●t heart and mind from defyling an other man's wedded wife, which stood in so great fear of himself, lest he should fall over far in love with the leman of his friend making him a supper.  
At what time Alexander reversed back again to the sea (to depart out of his army,) as many of the Macedonians, as were sickly, maimed and feeble or impotent of their limbs, there was one person bewrayed, 
Plutarch in the life of Alexander nameth this man Eurylochus.  that had billed himself in the number of the sickefolkes, whereas in deed he had no disease nor impediment at all. This man when he was brought to the sight and presence of Alexander and being examined, did confess that he had made a pretext and sembleaunce of a disease or malady, for the love of a woman called Telesi●pa, who was gone afore toward the sea, Alexander asked, to whom might be committed the charge to command the said Telesippa to return back again to the army. (supposing that she had been bondwoman to one or other of his soldiers.) But when he had due acknowledge that she was no bondwoman, but free born: why, (ꝙ Alexander) then let us o Antigenes (for that was the feloes name,) entreacte, and by fair means persuade Telesippa to tarry still with us. For by force or violence to compel her thereunto being a free womanborne, in no wise lieth in us. 
Alexander would not enforce or compel any person free borne.  In such sort did he favour the love of a stout and valiant man of war, whom he was desirous to keep still in his army, that nevertheless he would not the freeborn woman to come back again, but if she might be brought in mind so to do with her own consent and agreement.  
When the greeks, that took waiges to fight against Alexander under the banners of his enemies, were come under his power and jurisdiction, 
How Alexander used the Greeks which took waiges of his enemies to fight against him.  as for the athenians he commanded to be laid fast in shaccles and fetters because that, where they might have had waiges competent at home at the public charges of their own city, they had for all that become soldiers with his enemies. Of the Thessalians also, he commanded the same, for asmuch as they having a right fertile country of their own, did let it lie waste without bestowing any tillage or husbandry upon it: but the 
* When the Thebans became rebels against Alexander, and had procured unto the same the aid and help of the Athenians, Aleanxder with a great puissance laid siege to the city of Thebes. And yet willing to give them space to repent their folly, and by submytting theim selfes to be reconciled, offreed them both pardon that present, & from thence forth for to be free upon condition to deliver into his hands Phoenix, and Prothy●es (who had been the authors of the defection.) The Thebans on their party required of Alexander to have delivered to them Philotas & Antipater two of the Captains of Alexander, and made an open proclamation, that whosoever was desirous to have all the country of Grece to be set in their old state of freedom, should come and take their part. Then Alexander with all his power of ●he Macedonians set upon them. The Thebans were nothing slack, but fought stoutly & valiantly against their enemies being in number far more, than they were. But anon came in upon them at their backs others of the Macedoni●ns, & so in fine were they bea●en down, their city taken, spoiled and destroyed both stiecke and stone. The athenians he pardoned, & by this act he put all Grece in such terror, that they lay all quiet and durst not 〈◊〉 to stir against him.  Thebans he demised and let go at their liberty, saying: These poor souls are by us put out of all together, nor have any thing at all left unto them, neither city to dwell in, nor land to till. So did he moderate the punishment of them all, 
The moderation of pain ministreed by Alexander unto the Greeks that had highly offended him.  that those persons, who had well deserved to die, he commanded no more but to be laid in irons, and the fault of them which might justly make their excuse, that by very necessity they had been driven to do as they did he laid from them, and took upon himself.  
A certain Indian taken in the wars, bearing name of a fellow peerless in the feat of shooting, in so much that by the comen report and bruit that went on him, he could as oft as him lusted shoot his aroe quite & clean even through a ring, Alexander commanded to show a point of his cunning. And where the party refused so to do, the king taking therewith high displeasure and anger, commanded that he should be put to death. As he was in leading to the place of execution, he said to them that led him, that he had not of long time afore practised his feat of shooting, and by reason thereof to have stand in fear lest he should have missed. When word hereof was brought back again, and relation made unto Alexander, that the fellow had not of any disdain or frowardness, refused to shoot, but only for fear of being openly shamed for ever, if he should have failed, the king having wonder at the nature of the feloe so desireful of glory and renown, 
Glory & renown is to many persons more sweet than life.  both gave unto the same pardon of his life, and also dismissed him bounteously rewarded, because he had been in mind and will rather to suffer death, than to appear unworthy the name & fame that went on him. Here it appeareth not to be altogether a lie, that is ●o commonly spoken in the proverb, 
Like beareth love unto like.  like beareth favour and love unto like. For Alex●ander being out of all measure desirous of renown, loved the semblable affection and appetite in other persons.  
Taxiles one of the kings of India, presenting himself unto Alexander, 
This Taxiles (as testifieth Plutarthus in the life of Alexander● was a man of singular wisdom and sapience, and had under his governance the more part of India, environed with all the whole circuit of the universal country of Egypte, a ●anke ground for pasture, & an excellent good corn country. And of this Taxiles Alexand●r took many great gifts and presents, and gave to him as many again, and last of all scent unto him for a gift, a thousand talentes at ones.  spoke unto him in this manner, I ꝓuoke the sir king (saith he) not to fighting, nor yet to battle, but to another sort of trying masteries. If thou be inferior to me, take some benefit at my hands: if superior, let me receive some bnfite at thine To whom Alex. thus answered. Marry, even for that very point ought we to strive together, whether may in doing benefits have the over hand of the other. And hereupon. with all possible humanity embracing the said Taxiles, he did not only not deprive the same of his dominion, but also gave him more to it.  
When he had herd of a certain rock in the Indies, which by reason of the exceeding height of it is called in greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a rock in the Indies.  byrdelesse, as if ye would say, so high, that the birds may not gait to the top of it. When Alexander had heard of this rock, that the place self was hard to be won, but the captain that kept it, to be a fearful fellow, and to have no more heart than a sheep: By this time, ꝙ Alexander, the place is easy enough to be gotten, signifying, that fortresses & munitions do nothing avail at all except an hardy man's body defend & maintain the same. 
Fortresses & munitions do nothing avail, except hardy & valiant men's bodies, defend and main●ai● the same.  For a castle, or any strong hold is not so sure and fafe from enemies by the fence of dyches and walls, as by valiant and hardy men's bodies. 
Plutarch thus telleth the same history. Alexander having with siege encoumpaced the town of one Sysimethres standing on a rock impenetrable, when he saw his soldiers to be of heavy ●here, he demanded of one Oxiartes, what hert● and courage the said Sysimethres was of, Oxiartes answering that he was the verayest dastard alive, well, then (ꝙ Alexander) by thy saying the rock will soon & easily be won forasmuch as the lord thereof is a coward and no man of wa●●e. And even so came it to pass, for Sisimithres was with the only menacing, threatening & facing of Alexander so feared, that he yielded ● gave up his hold without any resistance at al.   
another certain captain, where he held, and kept a rock unpossible to be won (as it was thought) nevertheless submitted and yielded himself into the hands of Alexander. 
How Alexander used a captain that gave himself and his hold into his hands & mercy.  But Alexander, not only did make the same party lord & governor of all that seignourie & country about, but moreover spoke & said as followeth. I hold this man sapiente and wise, in that he thought better, and had more fancy, to put his trust & affiance in an honest and a good man, then in a place strong and well fenced.  
After the taking of a certain strong hold or fortress standing on a rock, when the friends of Alexander said, that in featesmarcial and in noble acts of prowess he far surmounted Hercules: 
Alexander contained Hercules in respect of himself.  Nay, ꝙ he, I think the acts, that I have done since I have been a king, are totoo far odds, to be in the way of comparison conferred with the things which Hercules did in his time, 
The mind of Alexander no flattery was enough to satisfy.  The other spoke to flatter him, but the mind of Alexander no flattery was enough to satisfy.  
Certain of his friends he punished by the purse, and put to their fine, because he had perceived them, in playing at dice, not to play for pastime, 
How Alexander used certain of his friends for being over earnest in playing at dice.  as meet was. For many there been that bestow & use themselves in this game, as if it were in the most earnest matter of the world. For those persons do not play, who done hazard and adventure all their substance at ones, 
The incommoditees that come by playing at dice.  yea and sometimes their son's and heirs too, too stand to the grace and direction of the dice At lest wise, homely play it is and a mad pastime, where men by the course of the game go together by the ears, and many times murdre one another, or at leastwise of ●yght loving friends, are made mutual enemies all days of their life after.  
Among those, whom he reputed and took for his principal friends, or chief servants about him and most of power, he showed himself to honour Graterus above the rest, 
Alexander of all his friends and true servants most honoured Craterus, but most loved Hephaestion.  but above all others to love Hephaestion. For Craterus (saith he) loveth the king, and Hephaestion loveth Alexander. This saying hath more grace in the greek, by reason of these two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Craterus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hephaestion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The meaning of Alexander was, that Craterus in such things as concerned his dignity royal did the parts of a true faithful friend, but Hephestion of a certain privee affection to bear his hearty love and benevolence towards the person of Alexander without the respect that he wa● a king. Wherefore these two parties, whose love and affection towards him proceeded of unlike respects, he did after two sundry sorts equally reward, either according to his demerits. 
* So high in dignity and authority were these two with Alexander, that all the Macedonians which had any suit ●o the court, were from time to ●yme assigned to fet their answer and despeche at the hands of Craterus, and all the Barbarians of Hephaestion. And so highly did the king honour Craterus, that when the same Craterus was on a time sore sick, Alexander did openly much sacrifice to the Gods for his health & wrote letters with his own hand to Pausanias his physician, that he should with all diligence and attendance possible, not only temper drinks and medicines for him, but also be present with him to teach him how the same should ●ee received.  For Craterus he advanced to high dignities, & Hephestion he received to most entiere familiarity about his person  
Unto Xenocrates the philosophier, he sent of free gift fifty talentes: 
Xenocrates refused to take money of Alexander.  which when the philosophier refused to take, allegeing that he had no need of money, the king demanded whether he had not so much as any one friend neither, that had need. For to me (saith Alexander) uneath all the treasures and richesses of Darius hath sufficed to bestow and to divide among my friends. 
The bountes of Alexander and propense mind to give.  Whether of these two men's minds is in this behalf more worthy admiration, I cannot yet determine nor perfectly say: either of the king so propense unto liberality, or else of the philosophier, which sent back again so great a gift by so great a king of his own mere motion offreed  

☞ This Porus was one of the kings of India, a stout ● a valiant man of arms, and also a man of great puissance, whom Alexander had a busy piece of work, & much a do too vanquish Plutarch in the life of Alexander affirmeth many writers to agree in this point, that Porus was in height vi foot and one hand breadth, whereas the natural philosophers avouchen the uttermost extent that may possibly be of the height of a man not to exceed vii foot. Porus was so tall of stature & parsonage, that when he sat on his Elephants back (for he used to ride on no other beast) his tallenesse was answerable to the greatness of the Elephante that he road on, although it was a might●e big Eliphante. And Plutarch writeth that t●i●same Elephante showed even at that season wonderful prudence & no less wonderful love towards his master, then if it had been a creature with reason endued. For as long as the king was safe without receiving any wound, the El●phante made great stiering, and fought hardyly against his enemies, & destroyed them on every side. And as soon as he perceived Porus to be sore wounded, and to have sticking in sundry parts of his body very many darts, fearing lest he should by reason thereof sink and fall down from his back, of his own accord he sounk down fair and softly upon his knees, and with his snout tenderly plucked out of his masters body● all the said darts one after an other. And in deed of Elephants how disciplinable and of how great prudence, docilitee and (as ye would say) capacity and aptitude they are, & also what tender love and affection they do naturally bear towards man: Aristotle, Plynius, & other natural philosophers shown examples almost both innumerable & also incredible.  King Porus being subdued & taken by Alexander, and after the field fought, being asked by the same Alexander this question, how shall I now handle and use thee? Porus answered in this manner, 
How king Porus being taken by Alexander, & asked how he would be used, made answer.  regally: Alexander ferther demanding, and nothing else but that? in this one word, regally (ꝙ Porus) all things possible are comprised Alexander having admiration aswell at the wisdom of the man, 
The humanity and moderation of Alexander toward ●yng Porus.  as at his halt courage & magnanimity, conferred unto the same besides his own former royalme a dominion of much more large & ample circuit than the same which he was lord of before. To the said Porus humbly submitting himself, & falling down at his feet, Alexander would not have showed so much goodness. Such favour zeal, and affection did that courageous youngman bear toward hearts that would not shrink. 
The affection of Alexander toward hearts that would not shrink.  Quintus Curtius telleth it somewhat of another sort. Porus being at the day of his taking asked the question, what way he thought most meet and convenient for Alexander, (by whom he was now conquered,) to take with him: such way (ꝙ he) as this present day may put in thy mind, in which thou haste by experience found, how soon felicity or high estate may have a fall, and be brought full low. He gave a by warning unto Alexander not to be over proud of his good fortune, 
That kings may use their good fortune with moderation.  but to use it with moderation bearing well in mind, to be a thing possible, that like chance might befall him, as had lighted on Porus.  
When it came to his ear, that there was a certain fellow, who ceased not speaking the worst of him, yea (ꝙ he) it is a thing to kings peculiar, for their good deserts, to be evil reported. 
No persons so much as kings for their well doings are of some persons evil reported.  Never was there any thing more noble, or of a more right sort, than this saying, albeit the same is named on diverse others aswell as on Alexander.  
Being even at deaths door, he cast his eye on his friends, and said: I see a great 
* An epitaphy is the writing that is set on dead men's tombs, or graves, in memory, or commendation of the parties there buried.  epitaphy toward. As having half a foreknowelage, that his acts should after his death be to his great honour and renown chronicled & set out by the eloquence of many writers. Neither did his geasse deceive him. For what writer almost at lest wise in matters profane is not full of the acts of Alexander? Albeit the meaning of Alexander was, that he plainly perceived to be no way but death's For ep●taphies are not commonly made, or at lest wise not set out till the parties be deceased. Alexander therefore as he knew that his acts should by writers be spread through out all the world, so he perceived the time of the same now approach and be at hand.  
At what time he had the daughters of Darius' prisoners with him, 
Plutarch in the life of Alexander writeth largely of the singular continency and chastity of Alexander. And as touching the daughters of Darius, he saith although the wife of Darius did in beauty & fea●●ure excel & pass all other queens (like as Darius on his party also was ●othe of beauty and tallenesse one of the goodliest man of the world) & the two daughters of them in all points of beauty and making eguall with their parents: yet not one of them in all the time that they were with Alexander to have heard come out of his mouth so much as one wan●on word, ne to have seen by him any wanton look or token towards any of them: but from their first entering into his tents after much comfortable and cheerful words, and right honourable entreteinement, they had purposely provided and appointed unto them a prive lodging, where they might live at their own arbitrim●nte, without all manner fear of any point of villainy to be off●eed unto them, either by Alexander, or by any other person. This writeth Plutarch of the continency of Alexander, with many like things worthy admiration, namely in an ethnic or gentile, in a king, in so victorious a prince, yea & immediately v●on so noble a conquest, as might in a Christian prince perchance be an occasion of insolency, & some cause of forgetting himself.  he would bid them good morrow, good even, or good speed, not casting his eye on them, but looking down to the ground, and that but sealdome neither, standing in fear of himself to be ravished with their excellent beauty. And amongs his familiares these words following were much in his mouth: The damyselles of Persia maken sore yies.  
He gave straight charge & commandment by proclamation, 
Alexander gave charge by proclamation not to be painted but of Apelles, nor to be engraven in metal but by Lysippus.  that his physiognomy or porturature should not be drawn by any other peinter, then by 
* Apelles the most excellent p●inter of the old time, and Lysippus the best statuary.  Apelles, nor engraven or cast in brass or other metal by any other person then by Lysippus, Being the two principal and most excellent werkemen of that same time. For he judged that same point also to appertain to the dignity of a prince. And with Chaerilus the poet he was at a covenant, that the same for every good verse that he made, should receive a 
* By a philip's gildren is not mened here the coin that is now current in Flaundres by that appellation, but an old coin of fine gold, in which was stricken the image of Philippus father unto Alexander, which coin Budeus valueth at ten french crowns.  philip gildrens, and for every evil verse a good buffet.  
Being asked the question in what place he had his treasures lying: in the hands of my friends, 
A man's goods are no whermore safely laid up, than in the hands of his friends.  ꝙ he, signifying that a man's goods are nowhere more safely than so laid up in store. For when the case requireth, goods so bestowed, come again to ones hands with increase.  
When a certain person, that had brought some message or tidings, came running towards him hopping for joy, & holding out his hand as far as he could stretch it, 
The zeal of Alexander towards Homer.  about to make relation of the good success & proceeding of his affairs: Alexander said what great good news have ye to show us good sir, if ye do not bring word, that Homer is alive again. signifying that all the glory of his noble acts was like to perish never after to be spoken of, unless it might be his hap to have such a trumpette of his laudes as 
* In the work of Homer entitled, Ilias, are most excellently described and set out the acts, the laudes, and the prowess martial of Achilles to his ymmortall glory and renown. For which c●use Alexander had such love and zeal towards the said poet, that wheresoever he went he carried the same his work entitled Ilias, evermore about him in the day time, ● in the night used evermore to have his dagguer, and the said Ilias of Homer lying under his bolster at his beds head. So desirous he was of honour, renown and eternal memory, and to be set out of the best and most cunning doers, as may appear by somethynges afore mentioned, and also by the xlix saying of this Alexander.  Homer was.  
A certain country to the end that it might have quiet & rest no more to be vexed with the armure and ordeinaunce of Alexander, 
What Alexander answered to a certain city offering him part of their lands, & half their goods to be in rest and quiet.  offered unto the same a good portion of their possessions, and also the one moiety of all the other goods that they had. To whom Alexander thus answered. I am come into Asia in this mind and purpose, not to take what liked you to give me, but that ye should have what liked me to leave unto you.  
Alxander had in service one Eudemonicus 
☞ Parasites, were called such smell feasts as would seek to be free geastes at rich men's tables. Who to the end that they might at all times be welcome, would speak altogether for to please and to delight the rich folks, flatreing them, and holding up their yea, and nay, whatsoever they said, were it ●euer so contrary to reason, truth, or likelihood.  a philosophier, 
E●demonicus a philosophier in service with Alexander, a great flatterer. Albeit, Plutarchus maketh Anaxarchus the sophist speaker of these words.  but more full of flattery than any parasite. This Eudemonicus, on a time when it thoundreed very sore, in somuch; that all the company were right evil afraid, said unto Alexander: the son of jupiter, why do not ye also Alexander the son of jupiter thoundre in this wise? But the other not able to abide the words of such a vile philosopher, laughed & said: for I am not willing to be terrible, as thou teachest me to be, which biddest me to make a supper service for my table with the heads of dukes & kings. Thus doth 
* Athenaeus a greek historiographier.  Athenaeus rehearse it. But Plutarcus in the life of Alexander telleth it somewhat varying from this. 
The tender love of Alexander towards his lords.  What? art y● angry with me, because I am served at my table with fish, & not rather with the heads of noble men?  
Alexander as he conveyed his host from place to place in the winter season, 
The exceeding humanity of Alexander, & tenderness over his soldiers.  sitting by a fire made in the field, began to take view of his army, as they passed by. And when he espied a certain aged person quaking and sheureing for cold, & seeking to have a place to stand in by the fire, he commanded the fellow to sit down in his chair, saying: 
Among the Persians', it was a matter of death for an● private person to sit in the kings seat.  If thou hadst been born in Persis, it would cost the thy head to sit in the kings seat, but for one born in Macedonia it is not unleeful.  
Alexander being yet but even a young stripling, when he saw his father Philippus, about to reject and cast away (as a thing that would never be brought to do any good service,) an 
* This horse was called Bucephalus, as ye would say in english, bulls head, either of his ugly look, or ●ls of the figure and priente of a bulls head, with an hot iron marked on his shoulder. One Philonicus a Thessalian had bought him for xiii talentes, purposely to the use of king Philippus. But after this fact, Alexander had the horse, and used him for his own saddle in all his wars afterward, until the horse was thirty years old. And then was he deadly wounded in a certain battle, and had much cure done upon him to save him, but it would not be. The death of Bucephalus Alexander took as heavyly, as if he had lost one of his nighest and dearest friends, in so much that he builded a city in the place where the horse died, and for a memory of the same called the city Bucephalon, or, Bucephala, or (as it is in Plutarch) Bucephalia.  horse that was passing fierce, and would not suffer any man to mount or gait up on his back: said: Oh what an horse these folks do mar, while through default of skill, and by reason of coward stomachs, they have not the ways to handle him. So when himself with marvelous policy and cunning, without beating or striking had had the handling of the said horse, at last he leapt up on his back, and put him to a gallop, and then clapped spurs to him. And when he saw his time, gently turning his head with the bridle: assoon as he had brought the horse back again, & had elighted down, his father most lovingly kissing his cheek, said: 
Macedonia was ever ●o little for Alexander.  O my dear son, go search out some other kingdom meet for thee, for Macedonia is already all to little for thee. Full well did it give this prudent & wise prince in his mind tofore, that to such an halt courage, & excellent nature, his father's dition might not suffice. But this horse is an example for us, that many wits at their first beginning excellent, are in process utterly destroyed and lost through the fault of those that have the breaking, training, and bringing up of them, 
Many goodly wits marred through the fault of the instructors.  who for the most part know not the way how to order and rule them, except they shall first have made them of kindly horses, very stark asses.  
The same Alexander did continually show great honour and reverence unto Aristotle, 
Alexander did con●ynual reverence to his master Aristotle.  to whom he had in his childhood been committed to be instructed & taught, avouching himself to be no less beholding to the said Aristotle, the, them to his father, for that of his father he had received entrance into this life, 
We are no less bounden to our schoolmasters, than to our parents.  and of his schoolmaster to live well.  
When a rover on the sea was taken & brought before him, 
How a pirate be●yng taken answered Alexander, when he was examined.  and was asked upon whose supportacion he durst be so bold to do such mischief on the seas, he answered at few words as followeth: I (saith he) because I so do with no more but one silly poor foist, am called a pirate, and thou, whereas, thou doest the same with a great navy, art called a king. Alexander marveling at the fearless heart of the fellow, gave him pardon of his life.  
Where he had in his own person purposely made a journey to Delphos, 
Delphi, or●●, a town in the region of Phocis, where Apollo had a notable goodly temple, and gave unto pilgrims that resorted thither, oracles, that is to say answers, voices, & tokens from heaven of such things as they sought to know, which we call working of miracles, and things showed by revelation.  when the prophetess there said that she would in no wise at that present time desire of that gods any answer of the matter which he was come for, (because it were days prohibited, during the which it was not leeful, no not so much as for the oracles neither, to speak, or to give answer in any matters,) Alexander haling & pulling with him the said prophetess parforce, ascended into the temple. And when the prophetess by his ymportunitee & violente compulsion enforced to go whether she would or not, spoke these words Thou art invincible my son. This is even enough of the oracle for me ꝙ Alexander. 
Alexander took all to his advantage, that was to his appetite and purpose.  accounting and reckoning the womannes' private words, for an answer of his purpose directly given unto him from the god.  
After that Alexander having taken a voyage on warfare into Asia, 
The assured trust and confidence of Alexander to prosper in all his entreprises.  had distributed & in manner given away by patents unto his captains and men of arms all his possessions and land: unto Perdicca asking this question, what have ye now left to yourself sir king? Marry, ꝙ he again, hope. Then said Perdicca: 
Perdicca one of Alexander's Captains. And Plutarch writeth that as Perdicca did, so did a great numbered mo● to whom Alexander had given and assigned porciō● of lands and possessions.  And as for hope shall be indifferent and common for us your soldiers, as well as for you, and so refused to take the lordship or mainour, which Alexander had assigned out for him. Shuche assured trust and confidence had they on all hands conceived, to make a prosperous and a lucky voyage.  
Thesame Alexander at the beginning of his reign, 
Alexander would in matters of coumplainte evermore reserve one ear wholly for the party defendant.  when he sat in judgement upon causes concerning life & death, he would evermore stop th'one ere as long as the accuser was telling his tale. And being asked why he did so, the other ear, ꝙ he, I do wholly reserve & keep for the party defendant. would Christ all judges would do like wise at these days.  
Against 
* calisthenes was a sophist, and a man of great eloquence as declareth Plutarch in the life of Ale●ander. He wa● b●o●ght into Alexander's court, by the means of Aristotle, whose near kinsman he was. For Aristotle and Hero the mother of calisthenes were come of two sisturs● Plutarch saith that some writers affirmen Alexander to have hanged him on the galoes, and that other written him to have died in prison, by reason of long keeping there in chains & fettres, and that others saien him to have died of the congeling of great or tallow between the skin and the flesh.  calisthenes in no behalf framing himself to the fashions and guise of the kings court, 
calisthenes contemning the fashions of Alexander's court at length grew out of favour, and encurred his mortal hatred.  but both in words and in his other demeanour openly pretending and showing himself to mislike all that ever was done there, Alexander had oft in his mouth this little greek verse.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
I hate that wise man, what ever he is,  
That to his own behoof, is not wise.  
Being about to make assault upon the town of 
* This Nisa was a town in India builded by Bacchus. For there was an other Nisa in Egypt, where Bacchus was nouriced by the nymphs. There were also other towns more than one or twain of the same name elsewhere, as te●tifien the Geographiers.  Nisa, for to win it, when he perceived his soldiers by reason of the depth of the flood which runneth a long by the city, 
The forwardness of Alexander in marschall entrepri●ses.  to be clean discouraged and afeard to adventure, he stamped and sterted at it, crying out with a loud voice, oh the naughtyest fellow alive that I am, which never learned to swim, & even with a trice laying his body upon his shield or terguette in stead of a cork to stay him above water, he swimmed over the flood first of all his ownself.  
Making a journey to Troy, & there arrived, he decked and trimmed the image of Achilles with garlands, and said, oh, happy art thou Achilles, 
Alexander pronounced Achilles happy that ever he was borne.  that ever thou were borne, to whom in thy life time it fortuned to have such a friend, 
Patroclus the friend of Achilles in his life time and Homer the ●roūpette of his renown after his death.  & after thy decease, such a troumpette and displaier of thine acts. Speaking of Patroclus & of Homer: of which the one was unto Achilles a most faithful and trusty friend, and the other, throughall his whole work entitled Ilias containing xxiiii volumes spreadeth and bloweth about all the world his glory & renown now when he is dead and gone. 
* Patroclus a Locrensian, the son of Menetius, when h● had done a murdre in his own country, fled into the country of Thessalia, unto Peleus the king there, to whose son Achilles he was dearly beloved, and a mutual loving friend to him again, for he would never after forsake Achilles, but went with the same to the battle of Troy. And when Achille●●for displeasure and anger that Agamemnon king of Grece had parforce taken away his paramour Briseis) would no more fight against the Trojans, but did a long time forbear & refuse to come forth of his pavilion unto battle, Patroclus did on his own body the armure and harness of Achilles, & minding thereby to make the Trojans afeard, (for of all things in the world they could not abide the sight of Achilles● he byckered and fought with the Trojans, and was slain with the hands of Hector. Wherefore Achilles to avenge his death bethought himself again, and returned to battle, and slew Hector, and buiried Patroclus honourably, and oft ●ymes did much sacrifice to the Gods at his tomb.   
Where he was by the common talking of many one reported to be a god, 
By what arguments Ale●ander perceived his mortality.  he said that by two things especially, he did well perceive himself to be a man or creature mortal, that is to weet, by sleep, & by compaigniing with women. For that these two things did principally above all others descry the feebleness of man's body. As touching all things else, he was invincible. For sleep is an image and representation of death, 
sleep an image of death and the venereous act a spice of the falling evil.  and the act of venereous copulation a plain spice of the falling evil. Plutarchy addeth hereunto that only the infirmity and weakness of man's nature is the brede● and cause of weariness, and of carnal pleasure.  
Being entered into the palace of Darius, 
What Alexander said, when he saw the palace of Darius so gorgeously appoyinted.  when he saw a chambered of a great highthe, & in the same, the bed of estate, the tables to eat on, and all other things after a woondreful gorgeous sort furnished even to the point devise: why (ꝙ Alexander) was this to be a king? Esteeming that it was unmeet for a king to give himself to such manner delices. 
Unmete for a king to give hyms●lfelf to delices.   
Thesame Alexander, whensoever he went unto his bed, he would of a custom diligently search his robes, and all his wearing gear, 
Alexander abhorred effeminate delices.  & say: hath not my mother (trow we) put some point of delicateness, or some superfluous thing here about my clothes? So greatley did he abhor from delices more appertaining to women, then to men.  
Being brought unto his hands a little caskette or gardeviaunce in which there was not found among all that other richesse of Darius any one jewel either more precious, 
The precious casket, or desk, or ●●ā●dishe of Darius.  or else more goodly to the yeah. When the question was moved, unto what use it might best be applied, each man giving, one this avise, another that. It willbe the best thing in the world (ꝙ Alexander) wherein to keep the Ilias of Homer. 
How Alexand●r esteemed the Ilias of Homer & why.  Esteeming no treasure to be more precious than the said book. Such was the conceit of this king being in his lusty youth, and wholly in all behalfs framing himself after the pattern of Achilles.  
When Parmenio gave the same Alexander counsel to set upon his enemies by night, allegeing that otherwise it would be a very great danger, if he should openly by day time adventure battle upon so great a multitude, (for of the roumbleing noise rebounding from a far, as it had been the roaring of the sea, they might conjecture the contrary part to be in manner a number infinite,) he said: 
The animositee of Aleander.  I came not hither to steal the victory. Refusing to win the victory by the defence or aid of the darkness.  
When he had read a long bible written and sent to him from Antipater, 
Antipater surmu●sed false accusations against Olympias the mother of Alexander.  in which letters were contained many surmised matters & false complaints against his mother Olympias: It appeareth (ꝙ he) to be a thing to Antipater unknown, that one tear of my mother's yien, 
How much Olympias might do with Alexander with one ●ere of her yies.  shall at all times wash away all epistles that come, be they never so many.  
When he had perceived and found that his sistur used wanton conversation with a certain young man of excellent beauty, he took no displeasure there with, but said, to be a thing reasonable, or, to be a thing to be borne withal, that she also should in some behalf have prerogative to take fruition of being a princess in a royalme, forasmuch as she was a kings daughter. Being of a much contrary mind to Augustus' Emperor of Rome, 
Read of this the. vii.xlv.xlvi and xliiii apothegms of Augustu●.  who took nothing more grievously, than the lasciviousness of his daughter and of his daughters daughters.  
When he had heard the philosophier Anaxagoras holding opinion & maintaining in a certain lecture, 
The insa●iable ambition & desi●e of empire that reigned in Alexander.  that theridamas were worlds out of number, the report goeth, that he fell on weeping. And to his friends demanding, whether any mischance had befallen him, meet to weep for, he said: have I not, trow ye, a good cause to weep, in that, whereas there been worlds innumerable, I am not yet come to be full lord of one?  
Philippus at the fighting of a certain field received of the tribals a sore wound, 
The tribals a people nigh unto Hungary.  by having a spear thrust quite and clean through his thigh. And being afterward by the cure and help of his surgeon saved, 
Philippu● wounded in fighting a field against the tribals.  and recovered from peril of death, yet he took heavily, that the deformity & disfigure of hymping on the one leg which had come to him by the said wound, did still remain. To whom Alexander said: 
How Alexander comforted Philippus taking thought for that he should halt all days of his life.  sir, take no discoumforte to show yourself abroad, but ever when ye set forth your foot to go, have mind on your valiant manhood. And prowess that ye showed when ye received this wound. This saying is ascribed to others more besides Alexander.  
If at any time, either in familiar communication, or else at the table, there had come in place any contention about the verses of Homer, one saying this verse to be best, an other, that verse, Alexander would evermore allow & praise this verse here ensuing, 
What verse Alexander allowed best of all the verses of Homer.  above all the other verses in the book. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  That is, 
Both a good captain to guide an army,  
And with spear & shield valiant & hardy.  He would moreover say, that Homer did in this verse both make honourable report of the manhood and prowess of Agamemnon, 
Al●●●nder avouched that Homer in colla●dyng Agamemnon prophesied of him.  and also prophecy of the same to come in Alexander.  
At what time Alexander having passed over Hellespontus, 
Hellespontus, the narrow sea between Grece & Asia.  went to see Troy, revolving & casting in his mind the acts of ancient princes of renown, a certain person promised to give him the harp of Paris, 
Alexander hauyn● the harp of Achilles, cared not for the harp of Paris.  if he had any mind to it. No, no, (ꝙ Alexander quickly again) I have no need at all of the harp of Paris, forasmuch as I have already the harp of Achilles. 
Paris the soon of Priamus king of Troy, of whom is noted afore in the third apothegm of Arist●ppus.  Achilles' being on his own party a knight stout and active, used evermore on his harp to play songs of the laudes and praises of hardy men & valiant, whereas Paris with his harp did nothing but twang fond fancies of dalliance and lasciviousness.  
On a time he went to see the women of Darius his court, 
The women of Darius his court were his wife, his mother, and his two daughters.  taking Hephaestion with him. And this Hephaestion (because he went at that time in the same manner apparel that the king did, 
Hephaestion somewhat bigger made, & taller of parsonage than Alexander.  and also was of parsonage somewhat bigger made than he) Sygambris the mother of Darius kneeled unto, 
Sygambris the mother of Darius.  in stead of the king. And when she had, by the nodding and becking of those that stood by, well perceived, that she had taken her mark amiss, she was much dismayed withal, and begun of fresh to do her duty unto Alexander. Anon said Alexander: 
Alexander esteemed Hephaestion a second Alexander, according to the proverb, ami●●cus alter ipse that is, two friends are one soul and one body.  Mother, there is no cause why to be dismayed. For this man too is Alexander. Doing to weet, that his friend, was a second Alexander.  
When he was come into the temple of Hammon the ministre there, 
How Alexander coming into the temple of Hammon, was saluted by the pressed, or minister there.  being an ancient saige father, welcomed him with these words, All hail 
* Plutarch writeth certain authors to affirm, that the minister welcomed him in greek, & minding tenderly and gently to salute with this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sonnekyn, or little son, tripped a little in his tongue ● by a wrong pronunciation in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which being divided into two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, soundeth, the son of jupiter.  my son, and it is not I that do call the by this name, but the god jupiter. Then said Alexander, I take it at your hand o father, and willbe contented fromhensforth to be called your son upon condition, that ye grant unto me the empire, & dominion of all the whole world. The pressed went into the prive chancel, and (as though he had spoken with god,) came forth again, and answered that jupiter did by assured promiss make him a grant of his boon that he asked. Then eftsoons said Alex. Now would I fain know, if there be yet remaining unpunished any of those persons which killed my father. To this the pressed thus made answer: As many as put their hands to the sleeing of Philippus, have received condign punishment for their offence every one of them, but as for your father, no mortal creature hath power to destroy, or to work displeasure unto, by laying await for him. signifying that he was the son of jupiter, 
Alexander made to believe, that he was the son of jupiter, & not of Philippus.  and not of Philippus.  
Whereas Darius had set his army royal of a 
☞ Plutarch in the life of Alexander saith, that Darius had in his army si●e hundred thousand fighting men besides those which were in his navy on the seas.  wondrous great number, in a readiness to fight, Alexander was taken with a marvelous dead sleep, in so much, that, being even in the day time, he could not hold up his head, nor awake. At the last great peril and danger being even at hand, his gentlemen entering his bed chamber, made him to awake. 
Alexander taken with a dead sleep even in the day time when Darius la●e in the camp ready eu●●●● h●●re to set upon him, 〈◊〉 he said when he was ●●akened.  And when they said unto him, that they marveled how he could in that present state of his affairs be so quiet and void of all care, as to sleep so soundly, Marry, ꝙ he Darius hath delivered and quite discharged me of great carefulness and trouble of mind, in that he hath gathered all his puissance together into one place, that we may even in one day try, whether he shall have the soveraintee, or else I.  
The Corinthians had by ambassadors given to Alexander Magnus to enjoy the right of all their liberties and franchesse. 
The Corinthians made Alexander free 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉.  This kind of pleasure doing, when Alexander had laughed to scorn, one of the ambassadors said: Sir, we never yet unto this day made any for ever free of our city saving now your grace, and ones afore time Hercules. This heard, Alexander with all his heart, accepted the honour unto him offered. Which honour, partly the raritee made unto him acceptable, and partly, that he was therein joined with Hercules, a knight of most high praise and renown.  
At the siege of a certain city, while he searched for the weakest places of the walls, he was stricken with an aroe, but yet he would not leave of his purpose. Within a while after that, the blood being staunched, the anguish of the dry wound increased more and more, and his leggue flagguing down by the horses side, by little & little was all asleep, & in manner stark stife, he being of force constrained to give over that he had beegoonne, and to call for his surgeon, 
Alexander agnized and knowelaged himself, to be a mortal man.  said to such as were present: Every body reporteth me to be the son of jupiter, but this wound saith with an open mouth, that I am a mortal man.  
One Xenophantus customably used by certain measures playing on a flute, to set Alexander forthward to battle. And all persons woundreing the music should be of such force and power, one among them said: If Xenophantus be such a cunning doer, let him play some measure to call Alexander home again from making wars.  
Meaning that it was no very high point of cunning to bring a body to that thing, whereunto the same is of himself propense and of his own proper nature inclined.   

THE sayings OF ANTIGONUS THE FIRST KING OF THE MACEDONIANS  
This Antigonus was of all the successors of Alexander most puissant and mighty. And Plutarch in the life of Demetrius saith that Antigonus had by Stratonice the daughter of Cor●haeus two sons, of which the one he called (of his brother's name) Demetrius, and the other (of his father's name) Philippus. And the same Plutarcus in the life of Paulus Aemilius and else where in more places then one saith that this Antigonus even by the title of his birth and descent, claimed to have the name of a king, & first began to reign in Asia after the decease of Alexander. Albeit (as the said Plutarch in the life of Demetrius testifieth) the successors of Alexander were not even at the first called kings, but certain years after, when Demetrius the son of Antigonus had on the sea subdued Ptolomeus the king of Egypte and had destroyed all his navy, than came one Aristodenus a Milesian from Demetrius in post, and salved Antigonus by the name of king. Then Antigonus not only on his own party and behalf usurped the name, the honour, the estate, and the ornaments and arms of a king, but also sent unto his son Demetrius a Diadem, that is to say, a kings crown, together with letters, in which he called him a king. Antigonus reigned two and twenty years, and kept in the time of his reign many wars, & at last was slain and died even in the field.  
1. Antigonus' was an eager and a sore man in taking exactions of money of his subjects. 
How Antigonus excused his grievous exactions of money among his subjects.  Whereupon, to a certain person saying, iwis Alexander was no such man: A good cause why, ꝙ he again, for he rieped Asia and had all the ears, and I do but gather the stalks. Meaning that Asia sometime the richest & wealthiest country of the world, had been afore his time spoiled by Alexander, 
Alexander spoiled Asia and left it as bare as job.  and that he must be glad and fain to scrape together what he might be able to gait among them, having been afore in such wise peeled, & lea●t as bare as job.  
2. Beholding on a time a certain of his soldiers to play at the ball having both their jacks & their salads on, he was highly well pleased with the sight thereof, and commanded the captains of the same soldiers to be called & fet, to th'intent to give them thank, 
How Antigonus used certain of his capta●nes which sat drinking while their soldiers exercised theim selfes with playing at the ball in their harness.  and to praise them in presence of their captains: but when word was brought him, that the said captains were drinking and making good cheer, he conferred their capitainshippes unto those active soldiers, which had played at the ball in their harness. All under one both punishing the sluggyshenesse of the captains, and with honour and promotion rewarding the activity of the soldiers.  
Every body meruailling that where in the beginning of his reign he had been a very sore man, 
Antigonus in the beginning of his reign, a sore man, but in the later end full of all mercy and gentleness.  now being stricken in age, he governed his royalme with all mercy and gentleness: At the beginning, saith he, it behoved me to have a kingdom, & at this day I have more need of glory and benevolence. Meaning, that an empire is oft times by the sword & by roughness purchased or acquired, but the same not retained, or long years continued, without the honest opinion that the subjects have of their king and the hearty good will of the prince mutually toward his subjects.  
Thesame Antigonus unto his son Philip being full of questions in presence of a great number, 
What Antigonus answered to his son being much inquisitive when the camp should remove. Albeit Plutarchus nameth that it was Deme●rius that was so inquisitive  and saying: Sir, when shall we remove the camp? thus answered: what, art thou afeard, lest thou alone of all the company shalt not hear the troumpette blow? Noting the lack of experience & skill in the young man, in that he would in the hearing of a great company move such a question to his father, whereas in time of war, 
The intents & purposes of price● ought in no wise to be uttered in time of war.  the intents and purposes of princes ought in no wise too be uttered ne disclosed, but as often as the camp must remove, a trumpette giveth a acknowledge thereof to the universal multitude all together.  
When his son the said Philip being a young man, had made wondrous earnest request and suit to have his lodging appointed him at a wedooes house, 
How Antigonus disappointed the purpose of his son, seeking to be lodged in an house where his love was  that had three fair & well-favoured daughters, Antigonus calling for the knight herbynger, said unto the same: wilt thou not see my son voided out of such a straight corner? He did not descry how the young man's heart was set, although he knew the same to seek whereon to bestow his love, but found an ympedemente by the narrow room of the house in which the wedooe lived with her three daughters.  
After that he had perfectly recovered of asore disease and malady well (saith he) all this is no harm. 
Sickness putteth us in remembrance not to be proud in heart forasmuch as we be mortal.  For this sickness hath given us a good lesson, not to be proud in heart, forasmuch as we be mortal. Who had taught this heathen king such a point of Philosophy meet and worthy for any christian heart? his friends lamented & bewailled as a great● evil that he had been so sore sick, but he enterpreted and took, that to him thereby had redounded more good than evil. The malady had made his body lean and bare of flesh, but it endued & replenished his heart with soberness and humility. It had shrewdely abated the strength of his body, but from his heart it pulled away insolency, 
Insolence one of the most perilous diseases in the worlds  that is to say, presumption in taking highly upon him, which is one of the most perilous diseases in the world. And therefore the matter goeth not all of the worst, when the lighter malady either forefendeth and debarreth, 
It goeth not all amiss when the lighter disease shifteth away t●e greater.  or else expelleth and drieveth out the greater.  
Hermodotus a poet had in his versis written Antigonus to be the son of jupiter. Antigonus reading the same, said: 
The humility of Antigonus.  To this thing was the pissepotte bearer, never made prive nor of counsel by me. After a very pleasant sort mocking the flattery of the poet, and with no less humility agnizing and knowlageing the base lineage that he was come of, in comparison of being son to jupiter. Lasanum is greek and latin for an yearthen pissepotte, 
Lasanum.  or chambered vessel, and thereof lasanophorus, 
Lasanophorus.  a chaumbreer, or, a groom of the stool so that if Antigonus were the son of jupiter, the same thing had unto that present hour escaped unknown, aswell to his groom whose daily office it was to give unto him his urinal in his chaumbre, as also to himself the said Antigonus.  
A certain person saying, that all things were honest and just or leeful for kings to do: by jupiter, saith Antigonus and even so they be for the kings of barbarous, wild, and salvage nations, 
How Antigonus answered one, saying all things to be honest & leeful for kings to do.  but to us that know what is what, those things only are honest, 
To good kings only such things are honest & just as been in very deed honest and just.  which be honest of theimselfes, and only such things leeful or standing with justice, which are of their nature just & leeful in very deed. He did with high gravity damp and put to silence the flattering words of the party, by whose mind and will all things should be permitted as leeful unto kings & governors For truly a king is not the rule of honesty and of justice, but the minister of them. 
A king is not the rule of honesty & of justice, but the ministre of them.  And would God the ears of christian princess never heard any like words spoken, or if they did, that they would with sembleable severity reject & abandon the same. For what other thing sayen those persons, who are always harping on this streng, and singing this song, that followeth: what standeth with the liking and pleasure of a prince hath the force, strength & virtue of a law. And those who done affirm a king not to be under bond or subjection of any laws, and such as done attribute & assign unto a king two distinct powers, the one ordinate, & the other absolute, of which the first may do no more nor no other wise but as the laws and statutes of a royalme, as covenants and bargains between party and party, and as leagues and agreements public between royalme and royalme done regnire, and the other, whatsoever standeth with the pleasure, appetite, and fancy of the prince.  
Marsyas the brother of Antigonus had a matter of suit and traverse in the law: 
What Antigonus said to Marsyas his brother, beseeching that an action of his might be heard & judged in a secret place, & not in open court.  but he besought the king that the matter might be heard and a secret court purposely holden at home within his house for it. To whom Antigonus in this wise made answer. If we do nothing but according to justice, it shallbe mouche better that it be done in open court, and in the face and hearing of all the people. The natural zeal and tender love toward his own brother could not obtain of the king, to have so much as one jot of the law or of the order of justice released. 
The upright justice of Antoignus.  And as for Marsyas he clogged & bound on all sides with this saying that could not possible be a voided. If thou know thy matter to be nought, why doest thou sue, or traverse the law? if thou know thy cause to be good, and the law to be on thy side: why wouldst thou avoid to have all the world prive to it, and labourest in any wise to have a matter of open court to be done secretly in, 
It is to be greatly mistrusted, if one labour to bring a matter of open court into a secret chamber.  assured there, not to escape or avoid the sinister mystrusting of all the country, yea, although thou shalt cast thine adversary, and have the matter rightfully to pass with thee?  
Where he had on a time in the winter season constrained his army and tents to be removed unto a place where was no store ne provision of things necessary, & for that cause certain of the soldiers spoke many naughty words of reproach by the king, not knowing him to be even at their poles, he put abroad the louvres of the tent with a ruttocke that he had in his hand, and said: Sirs ye shall beshrew yourselfes, except ye go ferther of to speak evil of me. What thing more full of mercy then this word of pleasance? 
The lenitee & mercifulness of Antigonus.  or what thing more full of pleasance than this deed of mercy? he sembleed and made as though he took not indignation or displeasure for their speaking evil of him, but for that they did it so near his nose, that they might easily be heard of the party, on whom they raylled.  
Unto one Aristodemus (who was one of the kings prive chamber near and familiar about him, but descended (as it was thought) of a cook to his father) unto this Aristodemus advising him to abate somewhat of his great charges and of his bounteous giving rewards and fees, he said. 
How Antigonus answered one Aristodemus advising him to abate of his charges & pensions giving.  Aristodemus thy words do smell and savour all of the gruel. covertly and by a pretty colour telling him that sparing, pinching, and playing the niggards or haynes belonged to cooks, and not to kings: 
Bounty and largesse is befalling for kings.  and therefore that he the said A●istodemus in such counsel giving had no remembrance ne consideration with whom he was of household in high degree favour, & acceptation, but of what man to his father he was descended.  
When the athenians, to show honour unto Antigonus, 
What Antigonus said, when the athenians had made a bondmanne of his free citizen among them.  had admitted & recorded, or enroled a bondman of his in the number of their free citizens or burgesses, as though the same had been come of an honest stock, or had been borne out of servitude and bondage. It is no point of my mind or will (ꝙ Antigonus) that any citizen of Athenes should come under my hands to be scourged with whips. signifying to be a thing of their own voluntary doing and of their own handy working, that he might lawfully scourge, or beat with whips one citizen of Athenes, 
In old time it was leeful for the masters to beat their bond servants wt●oddes, or to scourge them with whips at their own pleasures and as often and as much as them lusted.  being & remaining still his bondman: but yet in the city of Athenes many more then one to had well deserved to be whipped of the king, for that asmuch as in them lay they released and made free another man's bondseruaunte.  
A certain young stripling, being a disciple or scholare of Anaximenes the rhetorician, pronounced in the presence of Antigonus an oration devised and made by his master not without great study, and the young thing taught afore for the nonce, and purposely brought in to pronounce it, (as though the oration had been of his own making, and that i● might none otherwise appear unto the king) And so when Antigonus in the mids of giving audience unto the proposition (being desirous to be certified and to have acknowledge of whatsoever it was) asked a question, and the young man forthwith had soodainly stopped in his matter nothable to precede in it, nor having a word more to say: why how sayest thou (ꝙ the king) was not this also drawn & copied out for the afore in a book? That this king judged contrary to all reason and reproachable in one that was in manner but even a very child, the same now at this day is accounted an high point & royal thing, that is, even grand sequiours having to say before kings and princes, to counne by heart, and to render again after the manner of an oration or sermon, 
Bosom sermons & orations of an other manne● making.  having been in making a whole half year together with sore labour & study by some rhetorician or learned man hired thereunto. And many times it chanceth, that such persons, (yea even no body at all breaking their tale) forgotten theimselfes, & fallen clean out of their matter, and maken all the presence to laugh at them.  
Hearing one other rhetorician rolling in his painted terms, and telling his tale after this curious sort, 
Atigonus was much offen●ded with a thetorician using ou●r ●urious inkhorn terms in telling his tale.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the snow casting season now coming in place, hath made this climate utterly desolate of herbage, or hath brought this climate to clean dissherbageing: why (ꝙ he) will thou not surcease to deal with me, in thy terms, as thou doest with the simple innocentes of the comen people. The king was much offended and displeased with the over exquisite manner of telling his tale, with the which manner curious filled terms the rhetoricians usen to set out their painted sheath among the unexpert or ignorant multitude of the people. But the same to do before a king was an abusing of the prince's patience. In stead of these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the snowecasting season, he might have said, the winter season. And these words, 
A clime is a region or cost of a country.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that, is hath brought this climate to clean dis●herbageing, smellen all of the inkhorn, and may scarcely be well licensed unto a poet, much less to an orator.  
Unto Thrasillus a Cynique asking of him, in the way of a reward a groat or six pence: 
How Antigonus defeated a Cynic philosophier asking a reward of him.  that is no reward for a king to give, ꝙ he. The Cynique eftsoons replying, well, then give me a talent: Nay (ꝙ he) that is no meet reward for a Cynique to receive. 
Of the valour of a drachm and a talent it is noted afore in the second saying of Aristippus and xlii leaf.  So on both sides he defeated and disappointed the ymportunitee or saucynesse of the craver that would not be answered, whom he deemed not worthy to have any good done him.  
When he sent his son Demetrius 
☞ Where it is afore noted that Antigonus had two sons and named the one by his brother's name Demetrius, and the other by his father's name Philippe, Plutarch saith that such was the fame and bruit that went of him. Albeit (saith Plutarch in the life of this Demetrius) many chronicleers have left in writing, that this Demetrius was not the son of Antigonus, but his brother's sons son. For the father of Demetrius being deceased, and his mother being married unto Antigonus, Demetrius being a very young infant, was believed to be the son of Antigonus, & much the more, because that Philippe being two or three years younger of age than Demetrius died, and Demetrius was by Antigonus made his heir apparent to succeed him in his crown and empire.  with a great navy & with a great puissance of soldiers for to deliver the Greeks, 
How Antigonus exhorted his soon Demetrius, when he sent him forth with an army to deliver Grece.  and to set them free from all yookes of homage or foreign subjection: he said, that glory and renown was like a beacon enkendleed or set on fire from grece, as from a mountain with an high top to extend & spread light over all the whole universal world. Pricking foorthwarde the young man with desire of glory to make him do the part of a valiant knight, forasmuch as by so doing the bruit of that same his high praise and commendation was not to be hidden or pended within the limits & precintes of grece, but rather to run abroad throughout all costs and parties of the world, by reason of the great fame and name that Grece had every where already.  
The poet Antagoras he found on a time in his tent seething a coungre, and buisilie stiering the pan with his own hands: & standing even herd at his poll behind him, he said: doest thou suppose o Antagoras that Homer, 
The familiar jesting between the king Antigonus & the poet Antagoras.  when he wrote the acts of Agamennon, 
* Agamemnon the king of Mycena, and of all the Argives, the son of Atreus, and the brother of Menelaus king of Lacedaemon, (for whose wife Helen, all the kings of Grece made war against Troy.) And Agamemnon was the head & chief king of them all. But at his return from Troy he was slain by his own wife Clytaemnestra, by the help of Aegyptus who kept her by adultery, because he had (as Clytennestra supposed) slain Iphigenia his daughter and hers in sacrifice unto Diana at the port of Aulis, when the Greeks should take their voyage towards Troy.  did seethe coungres, as thou dost now? To this said Antagoras again: And thou sir king, doest thou suppose that Agamemnon in the time of doing those noble acts, made such curious searching as thou doest, if any body in the host sodde any coungres? The king took patiently and in the good part to be paid home jest for ●este, even as though the matter had been between two familiar plaiefeers equal of degree, or feloes like.  
Antigonus had on a season in his dreaming, seen Mithridates reaping golden corn, and therefore laid await to have the same Mithridates by the back, and to despeche him out of the way. And when he had opened this matter unto his son Demetrius, he bond the same by an oath to make no words at all of it. Wherefore Demetrius taking Mithridates in company with him went walking up and down on the sea bank, 
The feithfulnesse of Demetrius toward Mithridates his friend saving his oath upright, and not breaking the commandment of Antigonus.  and with the neither end of his spear wrote in the sand, as followeth, Mithridates avoid the country. Mithridates 
* Of this Mithridates king of Pontus, it is written that he was a man of a mighty great stature, strong of body, of a noble courage, of excellent wit and policy, and of incredible memory. For where he was king of two and twenty nations, it is certain that unto every of the same severally he made laws, and kept courts, and ministered justice in their own tongues, and that during the time of his reign which continued by the space of six and fifty years, he never needed the help of any interpreter between him and any of the nations being under his obeisance and subjection, but would talk with all and singular persons of the said nations in their own languages. He kept war against the Romans many years. At last he was discoumfaicted by Lucius Scylla, & utterly overcomed by Pompeius Magnus. And at last being besieged in a certain castle by his own son, he. took poison to destroy himself, but when he saw that it would not work upon him (for he had by the continuance of long and many years, accustomed himself to take every day preservatives and immediately upon the preservatives to take poison purposely, that if any such chance fell it might not hurt him) he called one of his trusty servants to slay him, and where as the fellow being with the very sight of his maiester dismayed, failed in herte● nor had the power to execute that deed Mithridates called him back again, and helped his hand to the ministery of cutting his own throat.  well perceiving what the matter ment, fled into Pontus, and there reigned as king all the days of his life after. But this history, forasmuch as it is no apothegm, (for an apothegm consisteth in words spoken) seemeth to have been put in by some other body. Then by Plutarch who compiled the treatise of apothegms. Albeit words after such sort and for such purpose written may have the force, strength & place of words with the tongue and voice pronounced.  
When the friends of Antigonus advised him, that in case he should win and take the city of Athenes he should fence and ward the same with strong fortresses and sure garrisons, to th'end that it might no more fall to rebellion, and that he should with most earnest cure & diligence keep it, as the fundament, 
Athenes the fundament of all Grece, & the only post to lean to.  the stay or the leaning post of all Grece: he answered that he had evermore been of this mind, 
The most sure garrison of a royalme, is the benevolence of the subjects towards their prince.  that he believed none to be a more sure fortress or garrison of a royalme then the benevolence & hearty love of the subjects towards their prince.  
Thesame Antigonus when he heard reported that all the other kings of Grece had conspired his destruction, 
What Antigonus said when it was showed him that all the other kings of Grece had conspired his extermination.  woundreous presumptuously answered, that he would with one stone & with one shoughte make them all to take their heel's and to run every man his way, even as one should spring a whole flight of birds pecking up corn newly sown. but nevertheless in this battle was Antigonus slain, and Demetrius vanquished and put to flight, & all their kingdom spoiled, and parted among Antiochus Seleucus, & the other princes that made war against them, as testifieth Plutarch●s in the life of the said Demetrius.  
When Antigonus had camped in the brows or edges of fells and cliefes, and in places all uneven & full of pits, arising & hanging in height much above the plain champain ground, 
This was at the siege of Argos a noble city in Achaia. For Pyrrhus and Antigonus came thither both at one time, & both in mind and purpose to win the city. But the Argives sending to either of them ambassadors, and praying them to hold their hands, & to abstain from doing injury to a foreign city which neither of them both had any right or title unto, Antigonus promised to depart and gave unto the Argives in hostage thereof his son Alcyoneus. But Pyrrhus, whereas he promised to do the same, yet did it not, but by night entered the city unawares and unknowing to the Argives till he was even in the m●ddes of their high street. Then were the Argives fain to desire Antigonus to come with aid & rescue and so he did. And there and then was Pyrrhus slain.  Pyrrhus after pitching his tents about Naplia, sent on the next morrow by an harald of arms to bid him come down into the plain, and there to assay and try what he could do in battle. But Antigonus made answer, that his manner of battreing stood not a whit more in the furniture of harness and ordinance, then in the opportunity of times when to fight, & that for Pyrrhus, (in case the same were weary of his life) there were ways many enough open or ready to dispeche and rid him out of the world.  
Antigonus being asked the question, which of all the captains of his time he judged to surmount all others in worthiness, Marry, 
* Pyrrhus was king of the Epirotes (a nation between Macedon & Illyricum, which Illyricum is now called S●auonie,) much praised of all writers for a gentle and a courteous king, witty, politic, quick in his business, adventurous & hardy, & of such a spiering nature, that (as Plutarch in his life testifieth) neither having gotten any victory or conquest, nor yet being venquyshed or overcomed, he could quiet himself to be in res●e and peace. And Plutarch in the life both of Hannibal, and also of Titus Quintius Flaminius telleth, that when Scipio among many other things required Annibal to show him even as he thought in his mind, whom he reputed of all that ever had been or were then alive to be the most worthy & most noble captain of an army, Marry (ꝙ Hannibal) Alexander the great I esteem to be chief & principal, & next unto him Pyrrhus, & myself the third. And of the same Pyrrhus he said at an other time, that if he had had the feat to hold and keep an empire, aswell as he could achieve and win it, he had had no cousin. All this was done when Pyrrhus would have taken the city of Argos, as is said in the annotation of the apothegm next afore going.  Pyrrhus (ꝙ he again) if he might live to be an old man. He gave not a determinate sentence that Pyrrhus was already the very best, but that he was like to be the principal best in deed, if age & continuance of time might acquire the experience and perfect knowledge of things.  
Thesame Antigonus seeing one of his soldiers, 
The tenderness of Antigonus towards his soldiers if they were sick.  being in all behalfs, or, at all assays stout and valiant and forward or priest to enterprise all manner hazards or adventures, to be not very well at ease in his body, demanded what was the matter that he looked so pale & wan of colour. When the party had confessed unto him a prive disease lying within his body, Antigonus commanded his physicians, that if it might possibly by any means be done, they should give him medicines that might cure him. But the soldier being now clean rid of his malady, begun to weaxe evil willing, slack, and loath to fight, and with less forwardness to put himself in any perils or dangers. The king greatly marveling there at, asked of him, what was the cause of his mind so changed. Then said the soldier: for south sir, even you and no man else hath been the cause. For when I lived in continual angyshe and pain, 
felicity maketh men timorous and false hearted.  I had no great fear of my life being in such case, but now, since by your means my life is become more dear unto me, I am much more chary, that it may not be lost.  
Antigonus the first unto a certain Sophiste offering him a book containing a traictise of justice, 
This Antigonus was the first king of that name, & there was besides him an other Antigonus the second king of Macedon.  said: certes thou art an unwise mane which, where thou seest me with all ordeinaunce of war working and doing mischief to the cities of foreigners, yet nevertheless wilt needs talk to me of justice. His meaning was, that such persons as either for the enlargeing of their dominion, or else for to purchase glory and renown done make war upon alien cities, 
Such persons as for empire or for glory done invade foreign cities cannot save the laws of justice upright.  or foreign countries, cannot save the laws of justice upright.  
Antigonus the first, when he had often times suffreed Bias ymportunately, 
With what words Antigonus gave a talon unto Bias, of whose ymportune craving he could not be rid.  troubleing him with begging this and that: at last being overcomed with weariness thereof, sirs (ꝙ he) deliver unto Bias a talent, though it be perforce and against my stomach. signifying that Bias had not with his good heart and will obtained that benefit, but rather had forcibly and by violence extorted the same with ymportune and endless craving.  
Antigonus, when he heard in the dark night season certain of his soldiers wishing all the mischief possible unto the king that had brought them into that evil piece of way & into that moyre not possible to wade through, or to get out of, he came to them that were most encoumbreed, 
The exceeding humanity & most noble heart of Antigonus, in avengeing evil words spoken by him.  & when he had dispeched them out of the moyre (the parties not knowing who had succoured and helped them so well to pass through it: Now (ꝙ he) curse Antigonus by whose fault ye have fallen into this encoumbreaunce, but wish well to the same and pray for him, that he hath now recovered you again, and brought you out of this gulf or quavemoyre. With this sole avengement was the right noble heart of this king contented and satisfied.  
The same Antigonus when the greeks were besieged in a little pretty pile or castle, and the same greeks upon the affiance and boldness of the place (because it was a very strong hold of so small a thing) setting their enemy at nought, made much and great jesting at the deformity and bleamishes of Antigonus, 
Antigonus' low of stature & having a flat nose.  and made many mocks and scorns, now at his dwarfyshe low stature, and now at his noose as flat as a cake bruised or beaten to his face: 
What Antigonus said when the Greeks whom he besieged in a castle jested & dallied at him over the walls.  I am glad yet (ꝙ he) and trust to have some good chance & fortune by it, now that I have 
* Silenus' was the foster-father of Bacchus, whom for his monstrous myshape, and for his fond toys, jupiter, Apollo, Mars, Bacchus, Mercury and Vulcan, and the universal company of the poetical Gods used for their fool (such as our princes and noble men have now of days) to make them sport and pastime to laugh at. For it was an evil disfigured apish body, croumpe shouldreed, short necked, snatnosed, with a sparrows mouth, full of ungracious pranks of laughter, clad in a fools cote, never without his bell and his ●ockes comb, and his instrument whereon to play toodle loodle bagpipe, much after the fashion of fools (such as are exhibited in Morris dances, and such as are painted in many papers or clothes with wide mouths ever laughing with their jille, and having fools hoods on their head with long asses ears.) By the pattern and likeness of this Silenus, were devised and made in old time to set in the galaries and chaumbres of noble men, little monstrous & eluyshe mys●apen Images, so wrought that they might be taken one piece from an other, & that they had leaves to fold and to open. These Images being shut cloce represented nothing but the likeness of a fond and an evil favoured myshapen body made like a fool, blowing on a bagpipe, or a shawm, or on some other fashioned pipe, but the same being unfolded & spread abroad showed some high mystical matter, and some excellent piece of work ●ull of majesty, most contrary to that it showed to be at the first vieu when it was shut. Unto this sort of Images doth Alcibiades in the work of Plato entitled, the banquet, compare and liken Socrates, because the same was a much other manner man if one saw him thoroughly, & took vie● of hi● mind and heart within, then at the first blush in appearance of body he seemed to be, (as who lusteth to read may see more at large in the proverb Sileni Alcibiadis, in the chiliades of Erasmus.) And to the same alluded Antigonus signifying, that although he were of parsonage, of feature, and in shape not most comely, nor all of the best made, yet in good qualities of the mind, in feats of policy, in martial prowess, in knowledge of governing a royalme, and in all semble●bl● princely virtues, he gave place to none other of his progenitors the kings that had been tofore him. Yet Plutarch sayeth in the life of Demetrius, that the same Demetrius was a very tall man of parsonage and stature, and yet not allthing so tall as his father.  Silenus in mine army. And after that he had with lack of victuals brought those choppeloges or great pratleers as low as dog to the bow, (as the manner is to do with such persons as are taken prisoners in war, 
How men taken prisoners in battle were used in old time.  that is to weet, such as may do good service in war to be appointed, sorted, and placed under one banner or another among the ordinary soldiers, and the residue to be offered to sale by an open cry) he said that he would not do so with them neither, 
The humanity of Antigonus and lenitee toward his enemies.  saving for that it was expedient for them to have some master to correct & punish them which had such naughty tongues. This saying I suppose to be all one with that which Plutarch maketh mention of, saving that it is otherwise told of Seneca.  
Thesame Antigonus when he had taken up in his hand an instrument written in great letters of text hand: yea marry (ꝙ he) these letters are big enough to see even for a blind man's yies. 
Antigonus i●sted at the impediment of his own yies.  jesting at the bleamy●he & impediment of his own 
* Antigonus being a singular good man of war in his young lusty years, when Philippus the father of Alexander, lay in siege of Perinthus (a noble city of Thracia in the cost of Propontis now called Heraclea) had the one of his yies stricken clean out with the shot of a quarrel out of a crossbow. And many persons approaching unto him, and addressing to pluck out the quarrel, Antigonus would not suffer them, but let it strick still, neither did he pluck it out, or depart aside or cease fighting, until he had discounfaicted his enemies within the walls of the city, and put them to flight.  yies. For he had no more but one eye to see withal. But those same words an other body should not have spoken without jeopardy and peril of his best joint, which thing even so proved & came in ure by 
‡ The history of Theocritus the Chian, doth Erasmus write in the sixth book of the apothegms, as followeth: when Theocritus had been attached● and should be brought afore the king Antigonus, and the persons, which led him by the arms, bid him to be of good cheer, for that he should escape & be as well as ever he had been, at the first hour of his coming unto the kings yies. Nay (ꝙ Theocritus) now ye put me clean out of all hope of my life to be saved. giving a sore biting, or bloody word towards the king, that the had but one eye and not yies. The king no sooner heard of the feloes jesting, but he commanded the same straight ways to be hanged on the galoes.  Theocritus the Chian, of whom in another place and time shallbe mentioned.  
King Antigonus, when word was brought unto him, 
What Antigonus said when he heard that his son Alcyoneus was slain in battle.  that his son Alcyoneus was slain fight in the field: stood hanging down his head a pretty space musing or studying with himself in his mind, and within a while he broke out into these words: O my son Alcioneus thou hast changed life for death, not so soon as of right thou shouldest have done, which hast so undiscreetly assailled thine enemies & adventured upon them, not having regard neither of thine own life, nor of my often warnings to beware. He thought his own son not worthy to be mourned or sorrowed for, 
Antigonus thought him not worthy to be mourned for, that had been cast away through his own folly.  which had through his own folly myscarryed, and had been the procurer of his own ca●tyng away. This is told of the report of Plutarch.  
Thesame Antigonus seeing his son Demetrius somewhat fiercely or roughly, and after a strange sort of lordelinesse, using or handling his subjects over which he had Empire & dominion, said: Son art thou ignorant that our state of reigning, or being kings, is a servitude faced or set out with dignity and worship? Nothing might possibly be spoken with more high wit or prudence. 
Reign or empire, saving for the dignity is a mutual servitude.  For aswell is the prince constrained to serve the commodity of the people, as the people to serve the turn of the prince, saving that the prince doth it with a prerogative of dignite●, that thing excepted, in very deed it is a mutual servitude of the one party to the other. For the prince both night and day perpetually careth for the safeguard, 
A prince perpertually careth for the wealth of his subjects.  tranquillity, defence, commodities, wealth, and advancement of his subjects, never satisfied ne pleased with his own felicity, except it be all well with his people too. ¶ Now to the intent that we may after a sort make some likely match of Roomains with the Greeks, we shall to Alexander set julius Cesar, to Philippe we shall set Augu●tus, and to Antigonus we shall turn Ponpeius of Room.   

THE sayings OF AUGUSTUS CAESAR.  
Octavius Augustus Cesar was the son of octavius by julius Caesar's sister's daughter, which julius Cesar the first perpetual Emperor of Rome, had before his death made a will by which he adopted, that is to say, freely chose the said Augustus to be his son and heir, and executor, and successor. Augustus then being a young man absent from Rome a scholare or studente in Apollonia (a goodly city of Macedon vii miles from the sea into the land ward, at the first inhabited by Corinthians, purposely sent thither to inhabit when it was desert) afterward than Augustus being come to Room, and set in possession of such goods as the said julius had left unto him, and having pourcha●ed the fauou● and benevolence of the citizens, by reason of distributing certain legacies of julius unto the people he joined himself in society with Marcus Antonius, and Marcus Lepidus. And these three divided all the whole empire of Room between them to hold by strong hand, as it had been by a just and right title of inheritance due unto them. In process Augustus and Antonius (not withstanding all bonds of society, leagasie, & alliance) fell out, and warred either against the other Antonius at length was driven into Egypte, where he was received into the city of Alexandria, and aided by Cleopatra the Queen there, (who loved him). And there did he gore himself through the belly with a sword. And Augustus took Cleopatra, and all her richesses and ieweiles, and won the city. etc.  
WHen Rhymerales king of the Thracians (who had among other kings more forsaken Antonius; 
Rhymirales king of the Thracians, forsook Antonius, & took the part of Augustus Caesar.  and taken the part of Augustus) did at a certain banquet very arrogantely or with many high bragging words make great vaunt of his deserts towards Caesar, 
What Augustus Caesar said when Rhymirales made vaunt of his deserts towards him.  and without end entwyting the same with taking his part in war, made much tittle-tattle nor would in no wise sin prating thereof: Caesar making as though he marked not the reproachful chatting of the said Rhymirales, drank to one other of the kings, and said: The treason I love well, but the traitors I do not commend. signifying, no thanks at all to be due unto such persons as have done a man a good turn by committing treason on their own party. 
No thank at all is due to them that do an other body a pleasure, by committing treason on their own behalf.  For though the pleasure, that they shown be for the time acceptable, yet are the parties selves reputed for naughty felooes, and breakers of league and faithful promises afore made to another.  
When the inhabitants of Alexandria (the head city of all Egypte) after their city entered and taken by force of arms, 
The clemency of Augustus towards the Alexandrines when he had won & taken their city.  thought to have none other grace, but utter extermination by fire and bloodshed, Augustus got him up into an high place, taking with him even by the hand one Arius a philosophier of the same city borne, and said unto the people, that he did freely pardon the city: 
For what ca●ses Augustus' freely pardoned the city of Alexandria.  first for the greatness and goodliness of the city self: secondarily, for the respect of Alexander the great that was the first founder, edifier, and builder of it: and finally for to do his friend Arius a pleasure. 
Arius a philosophier of Alexandria, to whom Augustus for his learning showed much honour and friendship and familiarity. And (as Plutarch in the life of Marcus Antonius writeth) even at this time besides this high point of honour showed toward Arius, he did at the intercession of the same pardon many particular persons which had done him much displeasure, and had deserved not only his displeasure but also all extremity.  It was a point of mercifulness not many times seen or heard of, not to riefle or spoil a city which had most stubbornly and obstinately rebelled, but no less praise deserved that same his great civility, that the thank of such a benefit as this was, he took not to himself, but gave one, yea and the principal part of the same unto the city self, another portion he attributed unto Alexander, whose memorial he knew to be of most high acceptation among the Alexandrines, the third piece he put over to Arius a burgoise of the same city, with so high a title commending & ●ettyng forth his friend unto his own countrymen.  
When it was complained unto Augustus that one Erotes the solliciter of Egypte had bought a quaille which in fighting would beat as many as came, & at no hand could be beaten or put to the worse, and the same quail being roasted, to have eaten up every morsel: he commanded the fellow to be brought afore him, and the cause well discussed, immediately upon the parties confessing of the cause, he commanded thesame to be hanged up on the top of a mast of a ship. 
Erotes' the solliciter of Egypte put to death by Augustus for eating of a quaille.  judgeing him unworthy to live, who for so small a delight of his only throat, or dentie mouth, had not spared a bird, which in fighting might many a long day & to many a person have showed pleasure and solace, and the which furthermore by a certain glad sign of good luck to ensue betokened unto Caesar perpetual sucsesse and prospering in his wars.  
In the country of Sicily in the stead or place of Theodore he made Arius captain or lieutenant. 
Tharsus the chief city in Cilicia, where saint Paul was borne.  And when a certain person put up unto Caesar a supplication or bill of complaint, in which were written these words, The pield pated Theodore of Tharsus was a briber and a thief, what seemeth you? The bill perused, Augustus subscribed nothing but this only, Mesemeth.  
Unto Athenodorus a philosophier by the pretext or excuse of old age making instant request that 
Athenodorus a philosophier in the time of Augustus. There was also an other Athenodorus a philosophier of Athenes of whom Plutarch both in the life of Alexander and also of Photion maketh mention. And the third, a worker of Imagery in metal a Rhodian born, of whom is mentioned in the xxxiiii. and in the xxxvi book of Plynie.  he might have licence to depart home again into his country, Augustus granted his desire. But when Athenodorus had taken his leave and all of the emperor, being in mind and will to leave with the same some monument or token of remembreaunce meet & seeming for a philosophier, this he said more than ever he had done tofore Sir emperor, at what time thou shalt be angreed, neither say, ne do thou any thing, before that thou shalt have reckoned up by rule one after other in thy mind the names of the xxiiii letters of the greek alphebete. Then Caesar friendly taking the philosophers hand in his, said: 
What counsel Athenodorus a philo●sophier gave unto Augustus against the furious heat of sudden angre●  yet a while longer have I need of thy company & presence about me. And so kept him there with him still even a full year more, alleging for his purpose, that same the proverb of the Greeks. Of faithful silence, the rewards are dangerless. 
Of faithful silence the rewards are dangerless.  Either allowing the philosophers sentence, for that in deed to repress and keep in ones anger that it breaketh not out into words, 
To keep in anger that it break not out into words is a point of safety.  were a thing sure and safe from all peril of after claps: or else meaning, that it should have been a good turn to the philosophier, if he had spoken no such word at the later end being in purpose and readiness to depart his way. Albeit, such an wholesome and especial good lesson deserved to have some royal reward and recompense. 
An wholesome lesson giving deserveth at the hands of a price an high recompense   
When he had heard say, that Alexander being two and thirty years of age, 
Alexander at the age of xxxii years having won almonte all the world, dou●ted what he should have to do all the residue of his ●ife.  after having passed over not a few regions or countries of the world, had put a great doubt what he might have to do all the residue of his life to come, Augustus marveled much if Alexander had not judged it a greater act or work well to govern an empire gotten, then to have acquired or purchased a large and ample dition. Of good right did he reprove the unsatiable ambition of Alexander, 
How Augustus reproved the unsatiable ambition of Alexander.  which had esteemed none other office belonging to a king, but to enlarge the precinct or limits of his dominion, whereas it is a great deal both a more goodly thing and also more hard, 
It is both more goodly and also more hard with good laws & manners to adorn a kingdom, then by war to add royalme to royalme.  with right and just laws, and with honest or goodly manners to beautify a royalme that to a man is fall is fallen then with dint of sword to add kingdom to kingdom?  
Augustus had enacted and published a law concerning adulterers after what form of process persons detected of this crime should be judged, 
Augustus Caesar made a law, that there should be no adulterers, or if any such were found, that they should be punished And it was called, Lex julia,  and what kind of punishment the same should have, if they were convinced or found guilty. Afterward, in a rage or fury of wrath, he flew on a young man accused of having to do with julia the daughter of Augustus, and all to pumleed the same with his hands. But when the young man had cried out in this manner, O sir emperor, ye have made and set forth alawe of this matter it repented the emperor so sore of his doing, 
Augustus' with his own hands beat a young man detected of having to do with julia his daughter.  that he refused to take or eat his supper that day. The offence even of itself was heinous and besides that, trespassed in the emperors own daughter. What prince in such a case could temper his dolour & anger? Or who in such a case could abide the long process of the laws and of judgements? yet this so great a prince took such displeasure with himself, that he punished his own person, because he had not in all points been obedient unto the law, 
Augustus sore repent that he had in his fu●●● done contrary to the law, which himself had made.  which himself had given unto others.  
At what time he sent Caius his daughters son into the country of Armenia 
* Armenia, a royalme in Asia, lying between the two great mountains, Taurus and Cancasus, and stretcheth on length from the country of Cappadocia unto the sea called Mare Caspius.  with an army against the Parthians, 
What Augustus wished unto Caius, his daughters son, when he sent him into Armenia an warfare against the Parthians.  he wished of the gods, that there might go with him, the 
☞ Of Pompeius it is written, that never had any other person of the Romans the propense favour and benevolence of all the people, either sooner begun in his young days, or in his prosperity on all behalfs more assured and strong or else when good fortune failed him, more costaunte in long continuing. And just causes there were (saith Plutarch in his life) more then one, wherefore the people did bear such hearty love towards him, his chaste living, his expertenesse in feats Martial, his eloquence of tongue to persuade any matter, his substantial and true dealing, and his soberness or humility to be communed withal. He never desired or asked any thing of any person, but with an heavy mood as one loath to ask, he never did any thing at the request of another but with a glad cheer, as one priest & ready to do all persons good. And of his good gifts or graces, one was to give nothing after a disdaignefull or stately sort, an other, to receive nothing but as though it had been a large and high benefit, were it in deed never so s●endre. Even of his childhood he had a countenance or look of no small grace to allure and win the hearts and favour of the people. etc.  hearty benevolence of men which Pompeius had, the adventurous courage 
‡ Of the stomach, courage & hardiness of Alexander, besides the testimony of Plutarch, of Quintus Curtius, & of other historiographiers, sufficient declaration may be taken by his ieoperding to ride the unbroken horse Bucephalus (of which in the xl apothegm of Alexander it is afore mentioned) and by adventuring over the ●●oodde of Granicus, whereof read in the fifth apothegm of Alexander. Neither was there any so high, so hard, or so dangerous an enterprise, that Alexander would fear to attempt and to adventure. At the age of xvi years he set upon the Megarians, and the same discoumfeicted and vanquished. He sought the way to the temple of Ammon through wilderness, where both he and all his company should have been lost, had it not fortuned him to be brought into his ways again, and to be counduicted or guided by a flight of crows. In pursuing Darius he road four C. miles in ten days upon one horse. At the town of Gordium (the principal town of all Phry●ia) whereas there was in the temple of jupiter a wain with thongs, writhe and wound with so diffuse a knot, that noman could undo it, and a prophecy depending of the same, that whosoever could undo the knot should achieve and obtain the Empire of the whole universal world, Alexander perceiving the knot to be over busy to be undone with his hands, neglected all religion and superstitious fear, and with his sword chopped me it quite in soondre at a stroke. These things & many others more did Alexander whereby is evident what stomach and courage he was of.  that was in Alexander, & the 
* As touching the felicity and good fortune of Augustus, Cornelius Nepos in the life of Pomponius Atticus saith in this manner. So high and great prosperity foloed Augustus Caesar, that fortune left nothing ungeven to him, that ever she had at any time afore conferred or purchased to any living creature, and that was possible for a citizen of Room to have. Which he addeth, because Augustus was no king. For at that day it was not leeful for a citizen of Room to be a king, and it was high treason if any man attempted to be a king.  happy fortune that himself had. What was in every of the said three persons severally the chief and highest point the same did Augustus wish to be in one man alone. But as for this thing, truly it proceeded of a singular humbleness, 
The humbleness and modesty of Augustus.  that being a man in wit, in knowledge, and in policy excelling, he ascribed his own noble acts unto fortune. And would not take them upon himself.  
He said that he would leave behind him unto the Romans such a successor in the Empire, as never consulted or took deliberation twys of one matter. Meaning by Tiberius. 
The ready wit and policy of Tiberius.  A man of a very ready wit and of great policy.  
On a time when his mind was to pacify certain young gentlemen of high dignity, and they took no regard unto his words, but persisted in their querele & noise making: hear me, 
The authority of Augustus, even of a young man.  ye young men (ꝙ Augus●ns) to whom being but a young man, old folks have given ear. For Augustus being scarcely come to man's state was put to have doings in the commonweal, 
The clemenci● of Augustus.  & was of right high authority. With this only saying he appeaced the parties that were at strife neither did he ministre any ferther punishment to the same, for the troubleous rumour and noise by them areised and stiered up.  
When the people of Athenes seemed to had trespassed against him in a certain matter, he wrote unto them from the city of Aegina in this manner. 
What Augustus wrote to the athenians having trespassed against him.  I suppose not it to be to you unknown that I am angry with you. And in deed I purpose not to lie here at Aegina all this winter to come? Neither did he any thing else speak or do unto the said athenians, reckoning sufficient to menace and threaten them, unless they would surcease so to abuse him.  
When one of the accusers of Euclides taking his liberty and pleasure to tell his tale at large, and to speak even his bealye full, at the last had gone so far, that he spoke much what these words following: If all these things seem not to your grace high and great matters, command him to render unto me the seventh volume of Thucydides: Caesar being highly displeased with those words commanded the said accuser to be had to ward. 
The clemency of Augustus.  But as soon as he heard that the same party was alone remaining alive of the of spring of 
* Brasidas a stout and valiant Captain of the Lacedæmonians, slain in battle in defending the Greeks which inhabited Thracia. For at his first setting forth towards battle, he wrote unto the officers of Lacedaemon, that either he would put of for ever all the evil that was in battle, or else he would die for it. And when word of his death was brought by ambassadors, purposely sent therefore to his mother Archileonide, at the first word that ever she spoke, she demanded whether Brasidas had died with honour or not. And when the Thracians praised his manhood, and said that the city of Lacedaemon had not his fellow left in it, yes yes (ꝙ the woman again,) full little do ye know, what manner feloes the Lacemonians are. In deed (ꝙ she) Brasidas was a right good man of his hands, but yet the city of Lacedaemon hath many better men's bodies than Brasidas was. For the respect & memory of this noble and valiant captain, Augustus pardoned the unmeasurable accuser of Euclides.  Brasidas, he bid the same come to him, and after a moderate or gentle correption let him go at his liberty.  
Unto Piso substantially building an house even from the foundation unto the uttermost raftreing and reiring of the roof, 
What Augustus said unto Piso building a substantial house.  Augustus said: O Piso, thou puttest me in good comfort, and makest my heart glad, in that thou so makest thy buildings, as though Rome must ever endure and continue to the worlds end. He was not offended with the over curious furniture of edifying: 
Augustus' interpreted the doings of men to the better part & not to the worse.  but that some other prince would have suspected & mistrusted to mean some spice 
* After the expulsion and final extermination of kings out of the city of Room, if any man either had any high or large mansion place, or attempted any sumptuous or ample building, he encurred suspicion of tyranny, and of taking a kings crown and power upon him: in so much, that Ualerius Publicola a noble man of Room, & one of the chief doers in expulsing Tarqvinius the proud the last king of Room because he had a fair house and high, and near unto the kings palace, was not free of that suspicion, but to declare himself was fain to pull down his house stick and stone even to the plain ground. Thesame thing purchased unto Pompeius also and divers others much envy, and suspicion of usurping a kings power, which to do in Room at those days was the most high and rank treason that could be.  of tyranny, Augustus turned unto a glad beginning and prophecy of the Empire of Room long to endure. Thus far hath Plutarch in his treatise of apothegms. The apothegms following are for the most part taken of Macrobius, and out of Suetonius.  
Augustus had written a tragedy entitled Ajax, 
The tragedy of Augustus called Ajax.  and thesame tragedy afterward (because it misliked him) he wiped out with a spounge. So, when one Lucius a writer of tragedies demanded, what is Ajax did: by my faith (ꝙ Augustus woundreous merely again) he hath run himself through with a sponge. 
Augustus' his Ajax ran himself thorough with a sponge.  Alluding to the argument or matter of the entrelude, in the which it is contained, that 
‡ This Ajax was the son of Telamon & of Hesione the daughter of Laomedon, and was the most valiant and most worthy knight of all the Greeks, next after Achilles. But when Achilles was slain, Ajax required to have his harness and weapon, as a man most apt and meet to have the wearing and use of it. Ulysses also made suit for the same, and by help of his eloquent tongue prevailed against Ajax, and had the said harness delivered unto him by the judges. For anger whereof Ajax fell mad, and in his madness went among an heard of catalle and slew a great number of them, weening to him that he had slain Ulysses and his company. afterward being come to himself again, when he considered his follies, he killed himself sinking down on the point of his own sword.  Ajax, as soon as he wist what things he had both said and done in the time of his madness, ran or sounke down upon the point of his own sword, & killed himself.  
To a certain person presenting unto him a supplication fearfully, 
What Augustus said to one fearfully putting up a supplication unto him.  now putting forth his hand, and now pulling it back again, he said: what? dost thou think thyself to give a penny to an Elephante For little boys used to hold forth and to give little pieces of coin to an Elephante which pieces of coin the same Elephante, (not without the woundreing of the beholders) will in such wise snatch up quickly with his long snout, that he will not hurt the child's hand. In the same wise do we see children p●tte their hand into the yaning mouth of bears, not without our fear. It was to this most good prince a matter of grief, that he was feared. 
It was grievous to Augustus that he was f●ared.   
When one Pacinnius Taurus asked a reward of him, 
How Augustus avoided one Paci●ius asking a reward of him being not disposed to give.  allegiing to be spread abroad by the comen voice of the people, that no small sum of money had been given to him by the emperor: well (ꝙ Caesar) yet be not thou of mind to believe it. By a pleasant word of jest doing him to weet that he would none give him The other party looked to have it come to pass, that Cesar would save his honesty, left that, (in case it should come to light and be openly known the said bruit and communication of the people to be nothing true) he should be had in derision. But Augustus showed him another remedy, which was, that he should suffer the people to talk their pleasure, and to say what they would, so that they persuaded not to him the thing that were false.  
another person being dismissed and put from the capitainship of a company of horsemen, 
How Augustus avoided a fellow asking a pension when he was put from the capitainship of a company of horsemen.  was not afeard for all that to require of Agrustus a great fee too, by this colour, allegeing himself not to ask such waiges or pension for any lucre or gains, but (saith he) to the end that I may appear to have obtained such reward or recompense by your grace's judgement, and so may be verily believed, not to have been put from mine office against my will, but willingly to have resigned & given it up: well (ꝙ Augustus) say thou to every body that thou haste received it, and I will not say nay. If nothing else moved the craver, but only the fear of shame & reproach, a way was showed by which he might aswell save his honesty among the people, as if he had in deed received the money, that he asked.  
A certain young man named Herennius being with many vices corrupted, the emperor had commanded to avoid his camp and army. And when the party being discharged of his room, did with falling on his knees, and with most lamentable blubbering or weeping in this manner beseech th'emperor not so to put him away: Alas sir, with what face shall I return into my country? and what shall I say unto my father? Marry (ꝙ Augustus) say, that I have lost thy favour. Because the young man was ashamed to confess that himself had encurred the disfavour of Cesar, Cesar permitted him to turn the tale in and out, and lay the wite or blame on himself the said Augustus.  
A certain soldier of his having been strieken with a stone in a voyage on warfare, 
How Augustus did put to silence a soldier of unmeasurably gloriyngs of his acts & wounds received in battle.  and being thereby with a notable scar of the wound in his forehead disfigured because he bore the open mark of an honest wound, boasted and craked beyond all measure of the great acts that he had done. The presumptuous vaunting of this soldier Augustus thus chastised after a gentle sort: well sir, (ꝙ he) yet beware that ye look back no more in your running away. Half notifying that it might full well be, that the wound, which he gloried and braggued of so highly, he caught not in fighting manfully, but in fleeing cowardly.  
One Galba having a body misshapen with a great bunch which bossing out made him crookebacked (in so much that there went a comen saying on him, the wit of Galba to be lodged in an evil dwelling place) where this Galba pleading a cause before Augustus every other while said these words, emend & straighten me Caesar, if ye shall see in me any thing worthy to be reprehended or disallowed: 
The feat & merry answer of Augustus unto Galba.  Nay Galba (said Augustus) I may tell the what is amiss, but straighten the I can not. A thing is said in latin corrigi, & in english to be emended or straightened, that is reproved or disallowed and also that of crooked is made straight.  
When a great meinie persons arraigned at ones at the pursuit & accusation of Severus Cassius were dispetched and rid in judgement every one of them, and the carpenter with whom Augustus had covenanted and bargained, 
Augustus wished that Cassius Severus had accused his court house that he had pu●te to making, for than it should have been rid ● dis●etched as all those were whom the said Cassius accused.  for edifying a court house where to sit in justice, delayed him a long time with continual looking and looking when that work should be finished: full gladly would I (ꝙ Caesar,) that Cassius had accused my court 
* The latin word, Forum, in one signification is a court house, or a place where to sit in justice, such as is Westmynster hall, or the Star chamber, or Guild hall. And we ●eade of three such courtehouses or Guild halls in Roome● one that was called, forum latius, or forum Romanum, which the ancient Romans used at the beginning: the second that was called forum Caesaris dictatoris, which julius Caesar builded, and had there standing his image in harness like a Captain and a knight of puissance: and the third Augustus erected within the temple of Mars, that was called, Vltor, Mars the avenger.  house too. He found a matter of testing in a vocable of double signification. For both a piece of work is said in latin, absolui, & in english, to be despetched or rid, that is finished and brought to a perfect end, & also a person that in a matter of justice or law is quit and delivered. Both a master carpenter riddeth his work and also a judge riddeth a person answering before him to the law at the bar.  
In old time great was the observance of sepulchres: 
In old time the religion or observance of sepulchre● was great.  and that portion of men's grounds which was especially appointed for their monuments or graves, was not broken with any plough. Whereupon when one Vectius being with this point of religion no thing afeard, 
What Augustus said, when one Uectius broke up his own father's grave with a ploughe.  had eared up his father's grave, Augustus made a pleasant jest of it, saying: yea marry this is even in very deed to harroe and visit one's fathers monument. Yet once again he dallied with a word of double signification. For the latin verb, colere, in one signification is to honour or to worship, and in an other signification it is to till or to husband, as ground or any other semblable thing is housbanded. Which I translate to harroe or to visit, as we say that Christ harroed hell, and visited hell when he descended down to hell immediately after his passion, and purged, scoured, or cleansed the same of such souls as him pleased. And visiting is in english a kind of showing honour, as we viset sick folks & prisoners to do them honour and comfort. It had been a double amphibology, at lest wise for the latin if in stead of, monument, he had said, memorial, as I think Augustus did say in deed. For unto us high & holy is the memorial of those, whom being out of this life departed, we honour, (as the memorial of all saints and of all folks departed in the true faith o● Christ.) And the monuments of persons deceased we call their memorials by imitation of the greeks, who callen the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
When the bruit of Herode his cruelty was come to the ears of Augustus, how that the said Herode 
‡ It is, I think, to no Christian man unknown the most detestable slaughter of infants which Herode caused to be slain round about all the precincts of Bethleem for the hatred of jesus, and upon the querele, that he had been mocked by the wise men that were called, Magi, as appeareth in the second chapter of the Gospel of Matthew. And that the jews should eat no swines flesh, was prescribed unto them in the law of Moses by God himself, in the xi Chapter of Leviticus, and in the xiiii of Deuteronomium. Where are forbidden all unclean meats. And unclean are accounted as many kinds of beasts, as do not both divide the hoof into two claws, and also chew the cud.  had commanded to be murdreed & slain all the young babes in jewrie as many as were not above the age of two years, 
It is better to be the hog of Herode (said Augustus) than his son.  & how that among the more Herode his own son also had gone to the pot as well as the best: yea (ꝙ Augustus) it is much better to be Herode his hog, than his son. Herode was a jewe. And the jews of a great conscience & of a rule done abstain from eating of allmaner swines flesh. So that Herode would kill no swine.  
Augustus after the taking and entering the city of Alexandria, had granted life to many persons for Arius the philosophers sake: 
Of Arius & of the taking of Alexandria it is noted afore in the ii apophthegm of Agustus.  yet one Sostratus (a man in deed of a very ready tongue and especial good utterance, 
Sostratus an Alexandrine a man of special good utterance, but ●eddyly taking on him to b●e an Academic.  but yet of such sort, that he encurred the indignation of Caesar, for that undiscreetly or harebrainlike he would needs in any wise be reputed and taken for an Academic,) he would not hear, ne receive to grace. But the said Sostratus, in raggued apparel as one that had no joy of the world and with his hoar white beard hanging down of a great length, 
Of philosophers Academiques is afore noted in the sayings of Plato.  began to follow Arius at the heels whethersoever thesame went having ever in his mouth this little verse of greek, 
Why Augustus would not at the first pardon Sostratus among other of the Alexandrines at the intercession of Arius.  
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Wise men, if in deed they wise be,  
Can save wise men, and make them free.  By this crafty means he constrained Caesar in manner parforce to give him pardon. Albeit Caesar pardoned him (saith Plutarch in the life of Antonius,) more forto deliver Arius from envy, than Philostratus from fear. For so doth Plutarch call him and not by the name of Sostratus.  
When he was now forty years old and upward, and lay from Room in Gallia, it was by presentment brought unto him that Lucius Cinna a young gentleman of noble birth, 
Cinna the neffewe of Pompeius sought to destrui the person of Augustus.  that is to say, the neffewe of Pompeius, wrought treason against his person & went about to destroy him. Plain relation was made, where, when and how the traitors intended to assail him. For they had purposed and fully resolved to murder him, 
A notable history, how Augustus Caesar made a perpetual friend of Cina, who had secretly wrought high treason against his person to destrui him.  when he should next be in doing sacrifice. The enditement and sentence of atteindour of the said Cinna was set on work to be drawn and engrossed. But Augustus speaking at that present many words to this and that sundry purposes, (Concerning how Cinna should be used) In cometh Livia the wife of Augustus. 
The counsel of Livia the wife of Augustus, given to her husband.  Sir, saith she, do ye according to the guise & usage of the physicians who at such times as the customable medicines will not work, done assay & prove the contraries. With rigour & sharp execution yet unto this day little have ye prevailed, now an other while practise to be merciful. Cinna being thus found and proved faulty or culpable is not of power to do a points worth of harm to your life, but to your renown he may do much good. Immediately hereupon Augustus commanded Cinna to be sent for by himself alone to come and talk with him. 
How Augustus used Cinna, being found & proved an offender in high treason against his person.  As soon as he was come, the Emperor caused an other chair to be set for Cinna. Then spoke the Emperor & said: First and foremust o Cinna this I require of thee, that thou do not interrupt ne break me of telling my tale. Thou shalt have time & leisure enough to say thy mind at large, when I have done. Then after the rehearsal of diverse & sundry his benefits towards Cinna how that he had saved his life & pardoned him being found in the camp of his enemies: 
The benefits of Augustus Caesar towards Cinna.  how that he had released & granted unto him all his whole patrimony and inheriaunce, (which of right he ought to hau● forfaicted and lost) how that over and besides this, he had ornated, enhanced or promoted him with the dignity of a prebend in a college of priests: After the rehearsal of all these things, he demanded for what cause Cinna thought him worthy to be killed. Cinna being herewith utterly dismayed, Augustus in this manner ended his chiding. Well Cinna, now this is twice that I pardon the of thy life, ones afore being mine open enemy, and now the second time a worker of prive treason against me, and going about to destrui me thy natural prince. Fron this day foorthward let amity & friendship begin between us two, let us strive together, whether I have more faith fully to trust unto, given the thy life, or thou bound unto me for the same. And forthwith he offered unto Cinna the Consulship. Will ye know the end what foloed? Caesar had of Cinna from thenceforth a very assured friend, and when Cinna died, was mad● and left his sole executor & heir. Neither was Augustus any more after that day by any person living assaulted with any prive treason against his person.  
Augustus' used to say nay, in manner to no person that would desire him to any banquet. 
Augustus used not to say nay, almost to any person that would desire him to any feast or banquet.  And so being on a time received and entreteined by a certain person with a very spare supper, and in manner cotidian or ordinary fare, when he should departed from the maker of the feast, he whispreed softly in his ear, nothing but this: 
What Augustus said to one who had entreteined him at a spare supper.  I had not thought myself to be so familiar unto the. Some other prince would have interpreted such bare purveyance to be a plain despite & mockage, but Augustus furthermore saved the honesty of the party that had desired him to supper, ymputing it unto familiarity, and that in the party's ear, lest the others might think niggardship to be upbraided unto him, and cast in his teeth. What thing may be more amiable than this courtesy, 
Augustus' an high & mighty prince.  in so great a Monarch, as at this day uneath thirty kings set together were well able thoroughly to match?  
Being about to buy a piece of purple of Tyros making, 
Tyros an isle where y●●este purple was made.  he found fault that it was over dark and sad of colour. And when the seller said, lift it up on high sir, and then look up to it: why then (ꝙ Caesar) to have the people of Room say that I go well beseem in mine apparel, must I be fain to walk on the solares or lofts of my house?  
Augustus had a biddel very oblivius, whereas this sort of men ought chief among all other things to be of especial good memories. 
What a pretty quip Augustus gave unto a biddel of his, being a fellow very oblivious.  This biddelle being about to go unto the guild hall, demanded of the Emperor, whether his pleasure were to command him with any service thither. Marry (ꝙ Caesar) take with the our letters of 
☞ Letters of commendation, he men letters directory, or letters of address, that is to say, letters that should expressly contain aswell the name of every person that he had any matter unto, as also the message that should be done or said unto the same, that the biddell might not fail though he were of himself forgettefull.  commendation, for thou knowest no man there. 
The proper office & duty of a biddel  And yet is it the proper office & duty of such biddelles (who were called in latin 
* Nomenclator, is a vocable componed of the latin word, nom● and of the greek diction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a caller, reherser, or rekener. So that nomenclatores were those that we call bidelles. To whom peculiarly appertained to know by heart the names, ordres and degrees of all persons. For their office was ●o call and reckon up at times requisite all persons, as senator, alderman, comener, Lord, knight, esquire, gentleman, yeoman, freeman, bondman, & every party according to his state, degree, haviour, office or occupation. As for example, in courts of justice, persons sued at the law, or in solemn feasts, (such as in old time the consuls, the pretours, and other head officers of Room made unto the citizens, and such as now in London and other citesses and towns of England the major make doth unto the inhabitants or the sergeants at the law when they be first created) the name● of all the geastes, whom the feaster must in the dinner time hail, salute, & welcome each party by his name & according to his degree. The● did also attend on such persons as stood for the consulships the preatourship, the tribuneship or any other of the chief offices at every change from year to year in Room, and when need was, showed the party that sued for the office, the names of those persons whose favour & voice the same should su● and desire to have toward his election and creation. Wherefore Cato is much praised in the histories, for that he duly observed and kept the law, which law did forbid that any such byddelles should await on any person suing for an office, but would that every such suitor standing for any such magistrate, should know to salute & call every citizen by his nam● without the help of any byddelle to prompe him. Such biddelles have every craft in London that know every person of that craft that they belong unto, and their dwelling places, their degrees, their auncientee, who be masters of y● craft● who have been wardens, and wardens peers, who be bach●lers, who be in the livery, and who be not yet come to it. Such● biddelles have the universities, whose office is to know who ●een regentes, & who none regē●es, to present the inferior graduates to their superiors at their circuits going, or at disputations, at taking degree of school, at obites, at general processions, or at other acts scholastical. And to use & to place every person according to his degree. his ancienty of standing, his dignity, or his office. etc. And these biddelles may well be called in latin nomenclatores.  Nomenclatores) to have perfect knowledge and remembreaunce of the names, of the surnames, and of the titles of dignities of all persons, to the end that they may help the remembreaunce of their masters in the same when need is. Of which property was their name given them too. For they were called, Nomenclatores, by a word componed of latin & greek mixed together.  
Augustus' being yet a young thing under man's state, touched Vatinius feactely & after a pleasant sort. 
How Augustus touched one vatinius sembleing that he had clean shaken of the disease of the gout.  For this Vatinius being evil coumbreed with a spice of the gout laboured to appear that he had clean put a way that impediment, and made a proud brag that he could now go a whole mile at a walk. I marvel nothing there at (ꝙ Caesar) for the days are of a good length more than they were. signifying the other party to be not one whit more free from the disease of the gout, than he was, but the days to have weaxed longer.  
After the decease of a certain knight of Room, it came to light & was certainly known the same to be so far in debt, that the sum ammounted to two hundred thousand crowns & above. And this had the said knight during his life time kept secret. So, when his goods was praised for to be sold, to the end that the creditors might be satisfied & paid of the money to be levied of the sale, Augustus willed and commanded the matresse or underquilte of the knights own bed chamber to be bought for him. 
The bed of a person being in great debt is an unrestefull thing.  And to his gentlemen having marvel at such commandment: It is a necessary thing (ꝙ Augustus) for me (to th'end that I may take my natural sleep in the night) to have the same mattress on which that man could take rest & sleep being indebted for so great a sum of money. For Augustus by reason of his great cares many a time & oft passed over the most part of the night without so much as one wink of sleep. 
The high cures of a good prince.   
On a certain day it fortuned him to come into the house, where Cato surnamed the Vticensian had inhabited in his life time. 
Cato killed himself at Utica that he might not come ali●e into the hands of julius Caesar.  And so when one Strabo, for to flatter Caesar, spoke many sore words against the obstinacy of the said Cato, 
* Cato the Uticensian, or Cato of Utica, was Cato the elders sons sons son. This Cato the younger in the civil battle between julius Caesar and Pompeius the great, took part with Pompeius. And when Caesar began to weaxe stronger and to prevail, Cato fled unto Utica (a town in Aphrica xxx miles from the city of Carthago) and held the same with a strong garrison of men of war. And when he saw that Caesar had conquered, & he must needs be taken, he killed himself because he would not come alive into the hands of julius Caesar. And because he did this at Utica, he was surnamed Uticensi●. Cato of Utica, for a distinction from the other Cato his great grandfather. Read of this more in the xiii apothegm of julius Caesar.  in that he thought better to kill himself with his own hands, them to agnize and knowledge julius Caesar for his conqueror, 
He that is contented with the present state of his time, is a good subject & an honest man.  whatsoever person (ꝙ Augustus) is unwilling to have the present state of a commenweale, which is in his days changed or altreed, the same is both a good citizen and member of a commonweal, & also a perfect good honest man. With one sole saying, he both defended the memory of Cato and also spoke right well for the safeguard & continuance of himself, putting all persons in fear from that day foorthwarde to set their minds on new changes. For the present state was by the words of Caesar called, not only the same that was at that day when Augustus spoke these words, but the same also that had tofore been in the time of the conspiresie against julius Caesar. For this latin diction, praesens, among the right latin speakers, hath respect unto three times, that is to weet, the time past, the time that now is, and the time to come. As for example, we say in latin of a man that was not contented with such things as were in his days, or in his time praesentibus non erat contentus: 
This latin diction praesens, may be referred unto the time past, the time that now is, and the time to come.  we say also in latin, praesens vita, this present life that is now in leading, and thirdly, of a thing at a more convenient, apt, or propice time to be done, we say in latin praesens in tempus omittatur, be it omitted or let alone unto a time to serve for it, that is to say, until a propice time of opportunity and occasion hereafter to come.  
Like as Augustus had a great delight & fancy to find & make pastime at others with words of jest consisting within the bounds of honesty, 
As Augustus had a great delight to jest at others, so would he veray● patiently take m●rie jesting again.  so would he woundrefull pacientely take merry boarding (yea some times being with the largest & over plainly) either begun, or else reversed back again upon him. A certain young gentlemanne was come out of one or other of the provinces unto Room, in the likeness of visage so mervaillously resembleing the Emperor, that he made all the people full and whole to gaze on him. Augustus' being hereof advertised, commanded the said young gentleman to be brought to his presence, and having well vieved the stranger, he examined or opposed the same in this manner: Tell me young man, hath your mother never been here at Room? No forsooth Sir, (ꝙ the other). And perceiving Augustus to jest, reversed scoff for scoff, saying more over in this wise: 
How Augustus was answered by a young gentleman, whom he would have brought in suspicion to be his soon.  But my father hath many a time & oft? Augustus' being pleasantly disposed, would fain have laid unto the young man's mother suspicion, as though he had had his pleasure on her: but the young man with a trice reversed that suspicion to the mother of Caesar, or else to his sus●ur: for the resembleaunce of the favour or visage did no more argue or prove the party to be the son of Caesar, then to be his brother, or else his neffewe, that is to say, his sisturs son. For (except I ●ee much deceived) Erasmus wrote it, sororis filium, and not, nepotem. For, nepos, is properly the sons' son, or the daughters son, & no● the brother's son, ne the sisturs son, as Augustus himself was unto julius Caesar, not nepos, but sororis filius ● his sisturs son as afore is said.  
In the time while the 
☞ The triumvirate here mentioned was when three persons being together confederated as sworn brethren, took into their hands by usurpation the whole universal empire of Room to be equally divided among them, & they to have the administration, rule, governance and ordering of all things, & the one to maintain the other in all causes. Which began in the time of julius Caesar, being so coupled with Pompeius the great, and Marcus Cra●●us the rich.  triumvirate dured, (
✚ And ended in the time of Augustus when the same fell to like society and composition with Marcus Lepidus & Marcus A●tonius. Of which is somewhat touched before the first apothegm of this Augustus. There were also in Room diverse other triumvirates, of whom it were superfluous in this present place to make any mention.  Octavius, Lepidus, & Antonius, all three together holding the empire of Room in their hands as lords of the world,) Augustus had written a great 
* There was in Campania a town called Fescenium, the first inhabitants whereof issued from the athenians (as Serui●s reporteth.) In this town was first invented the ioylitee of minstrelsy and singing merry songs and rhymes for making laughter and sport at marriages, even like as is now used to sing songs of the Frere and the Nun, with other semblable merry jests, at weddings, and other feastings. And these songs or rhymes, (because their original beginning issued out of Fe●senium) were called in Latin Fescennina carmina, or Fescennini rythmi, or Versus. Which I do here translate (according to our english proverb) a ragmans' rue, or, a bible. For so do we call a long jest that railleth on any person by name, or toucheth a bodies honesty somewhat near.  ragmans' rue, or bill, to be sung on 
‡ Because the name of Pollio is comen to many, I have thought good to admonish, that this Pollio was called Uedius Pollio, alias Atedius Pollio, a familiar friend of Augustus. Of which Pollio shallbe spoken more at large in the note of the lix apophthegm of this Augustus.  Pollio in derision and scorn of him by name. 
What Pollio said to Augustus, who had written rhymes and railing songs on him by name.  At the same time, well (ꝙ Pollio) poor I hold my peace. For it is not for mine ease, nor it is no matter of jape, to write rhymes or railing songs on that person, in whose hands it lieth to write a man out of all that ever he hath. Noting the tyrannical power of Augustus. And yet was not the same Augustus any thing offended with that frank and plain speaking of Pollio.  
One Curtius a knight of Room, 
Curtius' a knight of Room.  a ruffleer and one drowned in all kinds of riot and sensuality, when he supped on a time with Augustus, took up a lean bird of the kind of black mackes out of the dish, & holding it in his hand, he demanded of Caesar, whether he might send it away. And when Caesar had thus answered, yes, why should ye not? The other without any more bones cast me the bird (because it was so caren lean) out at the wyndoore. Quickly taking an occasion to play that merry toy of the ambiguity or double signification of the latin word, mittere, in english, to send. For meat is sent from a table unto men's friends in the way of a present, 
A thing much used in Room to make dishes from their tables & send it to their friends.  which making of a dish at a feast was a thing among the Romans at all such seasons ordinary, & a thing (both by the signification of the latin diction, 
The gentleness of Augustus in taking things done for mirth.  and also of the english) is sent a way, that is floung away. Yet was not Caesar offended with this merry prank neither.  
Thesame Augustus, being not desired thereunto, 
Augus●us of his own mere motion secretly paid twenty thousand pounds of debt for a senator of Room whom he loved.  had of his own mere motion satisfied and contented the debts of a certain Senator whom he had in right good favour, & loved very well, and had paid down for him out of his coffers in ready money one hundred thousand crowns. And the said Senator after that he had acknowledge thereof, wrote unto the Emperor to give him thanks nothing else but this: To me not a penny. In the way of mirth pretending as though he had had a querele to Caesar forthat, whereas he had told out ready payment to all his creditors, 
How a c●rtain senator of Room thanked Augustus for paying a great sum of money to his creditors.  he had given to him for his own part not a ferthing. Such boarding as this, some other eager person would have interpreted and taken for ingratitude and unthankfulness, but this noble Emperor highly rejoiced, 
Augustus highly rejoiced, if such as he favoured, put their affiance in him.  that the Senator had so much confidence and trust in him, that he durst be bold to write unto him after such a familiar sort.  
Licinius, whom Caesar of his late bondman had made free, 
Licinius of a bondeseruaunt made free by Augustus and enfranchesed.  used even of an ordinary custom to give unto his old master, whensoever the same began any new works of building, great sums of money towards the charges of it. Which custom Licinius still continuing, promised unto Augustus against he should entre the erection of some new edifice what soever it was, one hundred thousand crowns by a bill of his hand, in which bill, after the sum of money expressed, 
How Augustus served Licinius giving him by a bill of his hand a certain sum of money towards his building.  (which was marked & set out with a capital lettre of C signifying an hundred, and a long strike above the head of it, in this wise, C) which in writing romain sums of money betokeneth so many thousand pieces of coin, whether it be gold or silver, as the express letter● done signify hundreddes or scores there stood a space vacaunt. Caesar not refusing such an occasion, added an other . C. unto the former sum that his late bondservant now enfranchised had written, and so made it two hundred thousand, (in this wise . CC.) filling up as trim as a trencher the space that stood void, with his own hand, but forging the letter as like unto the hand of Licinius as could possibly be made. Where upon he received at the day of payment double the sum of money that he should have done, Licinius making no countenance at the matter, ne saying any word to it. But when Caesar not long after, eftsoons entreed new buildings, his old servant touched him a little courtesy for that fact, by making & giving him an other bill of his hand, 
How Licinius served Augustus for doubleing the sum of his bill of fre● gift made unto him.  of such purport & tenor as followeth: Sovereign I shall depart with you towards the charges of these your new buildings, as much as shallbe your pleasure to annoincte me. And did not expre 〈…〉 ●umme how much or how little he would confer unto him, that it might be at his pleasure to put in the bill as much as he would himself, forasmuch as he had dubleed the former sum at the other time.  
When Augustus was in the office of 
* Censura, in Rome was an office, that we call the high counstableship and he that bore the office was called Censor, high counstable, or lord coumptroller his office was ●o inquire & examine of all persons how they demeaned theimselfes, & to punish transgressors by his discretion. We read of censors that have deposed Senators from their estate, for their mysdemeanure. The office continued in one man's hand v. years. And once in the year there was as it were a moustre of all the knights and gentlemen of Room, whishoulde pass through the vieu of the Censor. If any were found a person worthy blame, he was punished at the discretion of the Censor. And if the case so required he was deposed also from the order of knighthood.  Censor, that is to say, of lord Coumptroller, or high Counstable. A certain knight of Room was by the way of complaint presented unto him, that he had decayed and wasted his substance. But the knight being brought to his answer, made due proof that he had contrary wise emended & increased his substance. And even in the neck of this, it was laid to the charge of thesame knight that he had disobeyed the laws bidding each man to marry a wife. But he made his declaration, & brought in his trial, that he was father of three children of his own body begotten by his lawful wife. Whereupon the said knight thought not himself well, nor held him contented for to be freely quite and discharged of these crimes, but upbrading unto Cesar his lightness of giving credence to reports and enformations said moreover in this manner: Fronhensforth Cesar when thou makest enquierie of honest persons, give it in commission to men of honesty. After a meetly plain sort pronouncing, that those we● no honest feloes, which had presented unto him things manifestly untrue. And by the way laying shrewdly to the Emperors own charge, in that he made and authorised such surmuisers & piekers of quereles to be his deputies, or to represent his person. And this large talking also Caesar pardoned for the respect and in consideration that the party was innocent and giltelesse.  
Being in a certain mainour place in the country, 
How a ●ertain soldier adventurer served Augustus not rewarding him according to his expectation.  he took very evil rest in the nights, by reason of an owl, breaking his sleep every half hour with her oughling. A launceknight or a soldier adventurer being well skilled in fouling took the peines to catch this oulette, & upon hope of some very high reward brought the same unto Augustus, who, after ganning him thank, commanded a thousand 
* Nummus, in the. xxx.xxxv and xxxvi apothegms is taken for pieces of gold & here it is taken for brass pens, orels pieces of silver of the value of a dandipratte or i. d. ob. a piece or thereabout so that the thousand pieces were much about the sum of twenty nobles sterlynges The French enterpretour translateth it five and twenty crowns.  pieces of money to be given him in reward. The other party (because he thought the reward over small) was not afeard, but had the heart to say unto the Emperor: Nay, yet had I rather she live still, & with that word let go the bird again. What person can but marvel, that such a soulain froward prank should escape unpunished in the soldier adventurer?  
One of the old soldiers of Room, when he was sued at the law, and in danger of condemnation, came unto the Emperor Augustus even as he went in the open street, desiring him of his aid, & to help to stand between him and harm in the court before the judge. Caesar out of hand appointed to go with the fellow in his stead one of his chief gentlemen purposely chosen out of his own train, whom he required and charged in the suitors cause to do his true diligence. At these words the soldier crying out with an open mouth, said: I iwis Caesar, when ye were in danger at the battle of 
* Actium the peak of th● country of Epirus (that is to say) an high mountain to the seaward such an on● as saint Michael's mount in Cornewal) where Augustus discoumfaicted Antonius & Cleopatra, & after ten hours fighting destroyed on the sea five thousand men, and took all the navy of Antonius to the numbered of three hundred ships. Antonius being so put to flight, Augustus recovered also his army that tarried the coming of Antonius on the land to the numbered of xviii legions of footmen and two and twenty thousand horsemen. At this Actium after the vanquishing of Antonius and Cleopatra, Augustus builded a city which of that same victory was call Nicopolis, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a victory, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a city. In this city of Nicopolis was there a noble temple consecrated unto Apollo. And the city a free city, inhabited with men of Augustus his sending thither.  Actium, I did not seek for a deputy or assigney to fight in my stead, but I fought for you mine own hands, & even with the words speaking, discovered the marks of wooundes received in the said battle. Caesar showed a red pair of cheeks, & went even in his own person to help him in his cause, much afeard lest he should seem not only proud, but also unthankful, towards such persons ●a had done him true and faithful service.  
He had on a time at a supper taken great pleasure and delectation of singing children brought purposely to sing afore him by one Turonius Flaccus, that brought them up in it for the nonce to gait money by them, and had given to the same for their reward wheat, whereas his guise was to give unto others large rewards of money. And so when Caesar an other day at supper required to have thesame boys again to sing before him, Turonius thus made an excuse: 
How Turonius Flaccus made answer unto Augustus requiring to have his boys sing before him, to whom he had given in reward afore, not money but wheat.  In faith (ꝙ he) they are at the mill. Upbraiding unto Caesar his gift of corn in stead of money. Neither had he any punishment for the word that he had spoken, being not a man of arms that did continual service in the emperors wars, but a lewd bringer up and seller of boys.  
When he returned to Room with all pomp and ioylitee from the victory gotten at Actium, among a great multitude meeting him for to welcome him home, a certain person hearing on his fist a crow having been taught to speak these words: 
Augustus gau● a great sūm● of money for a crow that had learned to speak.  All haille Caesar Emperor most victorious: Augustus being much delighted with this salutation, bought the crow, and gave six thousand pieces of gold for him. The partner of him that had done this feat, because no portion of that liberal reward had come to his snapshare, did Caesar to weet that the self-same fellow had yet an other crow too, which he beesought of Caesar that the feloe might be compelled to bring before him. When she was brought, she souned out plainly such words, as she had learned, which were these: 
The goodness of Augustus in complaints or informations presented of malice and envy.  All haille Antonius moste redoubted conqueror. Augustus' being nothing stiered to anger, only commanded the reward afore given to be equally parted with the fellow that was the promotour of the later crow. Because he perceived that his complaints had proceeded of mere malice and envy.  
Augustus' being sembleably hailled or saluted by a popinjay, 
Augustus' bought diverse birds that saluted him as they were taught to speak,  commanded her to be bought too. And marveling at the same thing in a pie, bought her up also. This example would not suffer a certain poor souter to be in rest, until he must take in hand the making of a crow to a likemaner salutation. Who when he had clean beggared himself with expenses, would ever now and then thus say unto the bird, when it would not say after him: both our labour and all our cost is lost. Yet in process of time at last by reason of continual beating it in to the crow, he made the same even by strong hand that she could son the salutation so often recited unto her. And when she had therewith salved Augustus as he passed by, Tush tush (ꝙ Caesar) we have enough of such saluters as this at home already: Anon the crow recorded also the other words which she had so often heard, 
How Augus●us bought a crow that a poor souter had taught to salute him.  brought out them also in this manner, both our labour & all our cost is lost. C●sar laughing heartily thereat, commanded a great deal more to be paid for her than he had given for any such bird tofore.  
A poor greek poet (to creep in to the favour of Augustus Caesar, used this fashion. Ever when the Emperor should come down from his palace, the poet would exhibit unto him some Epigram or other in his honour & praise. 
How Augustus served a poor Greek poet giving him epigrams of Greek and how he was served of him again.  And when he had oft times so done in vain, and Augustus saw that he would not leave, he wrote out with his own hand a well made Epigram of Greek, and sent it to the poet approaching to meet him, as one intending to recompense verses with verses. The Greek having received the emperors Epigram, read it, and not only in words, but also with countenance & with gesture of body praised the same, & made much woundreing at it. And afterward when he had approached to the littre that Caesar road in, putting down his hand in to his thredebare pouch nigh penylesse, he took out a groat, or two or three, & put it in the hand of Caesar, with these words: not accordingly as your estate requireth o Augustus, but if I had more, more would I give, When all that were present had taken up a laughter thereat, 
The liberality of Augustus toward learned men.  Caesar called his purse-bearer or cofferer, and commanded him to deliver unto the poet an hundreed thousand pieces of gold. Niggardship in open presence cast in the nose of the Emperor happened well for th● Greeks part.  
julia the daughter of Augustus, when she came on a time to do her duty unto her father, perceived his yies to be offended with her over wanton and staring array though he would nothing say to it. 
Augustus' offended with his daughter julia for going in over dissolute array.  Wherefore the next day following, her apparel changed into a more sad sort, she embraced her father. Then Caesar, who had kept in his grief the day afore, was not able likewise to keep in his joy and gladness, but said: how much better doth this sad sort of apparelling become the daughter of Augustus. The young lady had an answer ready quickly: 
The ready answer of julia to Augustus for e●c●synge her gorgeous going in her apparel.  Forsooth (saith she) I have this day trimmed myself to please the yies of my father, & my yesterdays array was to please my husband.  
At a certain sight of fighting and tourneying, 
The diuersite● of the trains awaiting on Livia the mother, & julia the daughter  ●iuia the mother and julia the daughter had turned the yies of all the people on them twain, by reason that their trains were so far unlike, the one to the other. About the person of Livia awaited a company of men sage and ancient, 
Of julia read more in the lxiii, apothegm.  julia came accoumpaignied with a sort of lusty young rufleers and wild merchants. Augustus therefore by letters admonished his daughter julia, to mark what great difference and odds there was between two women of high estate She wrote to her father again: 
The answer of julia unto her father Augustus' advertising her of her ryotious c●ūpaignie of servants.  well, and these folks shallbe old too, when I am. This answer if one do interpret it in the good part, may● seem feactely and properly made, if to the worst, without either shame or grace.  
Thesame julia began somewhat with the soonest to have white hears in her head. 
julia the daughter of Augustus begun to have a whytehedde somewhat with the soonest.  And the soudain coming in of Caesar upon her, took unawares the women, that had kembed her head, as they were pieking up her white hears and took upon their clothes diverse of the hears that they had plucked out of his daughters head. 
How Augustus rebuked his daughter julia for plucking the white hears out of her head.  This matter Augustus made as though he had not known. And the 〈◊〉 a pretty while passed forth with communication of other matters, at last he brought in mention of old age. And by this occasion he demanded of julia whether she had lieffer in process of a few years to have an hoar white head, or else to be altogether bald. And when she had thus made answer: forsooth father of the two I had rather to have a white head: Why then (said he) done these damyselles all that they may to make the clean bald before thy time? With this pretty invention subtly devised, he took her tardy with a plain lie.  
To a certain friend of hers a man of gravity giving her counsel to frame hirself after the example of her father's soobre and ancient manner of living the same julia answered pertly enough again: 
What julia said to an ancient saige man exhorting her to the frugality of of her father.  he doth not remember (ꝙ julia) tha●●is an Emperor, but I do remember that I am an emperors daughter.  
Augustus' setting two jesters together forto play their merry parts in gesturing the one after the other by course, called the one of them a dancer and the other a stopper. Because the one was out of measure full of his knacks and toys, & the other (which when he should countrefaict to do after him, as he had done afore could come nothing ●igh to his fashions) seemed to do nothing but to make pauses, & stop or let him of his dancing.  
The inhabitants of Tarracon, 
How Augustus reproved the flattery of the Tarraconians, bringing him tidings that a date tree was grown up in his altar.  for a glad token of prosperous fortune, bringing him tidings that in his altar was sprongen and grown up a palm-tree: thereby (ꝙ Augustus) full well appeareth how often ye do sacrifice of incense in our honour. That they would feign have attributed unto the gods as a miracle, he imputed to their negligence, who seldom or never did sacrifice of burning incense in the altar of Caesar. 
* Tarraconia, a country of Spain now called Aragousie. Tarracon, the chief city of that country, where was an altar consecrated to Augustus Tarraconenses, the inhabitants of Tarracon.   
Thesame Augustus when the Galls had given him a golden chain of an hundred pound weight, and Dolabella proving his mind in sport, 
How Augustus avoided Dolabella asking a golden chain of him.  proceeded in merry communication, till at the last he said, Sir Emperor I pray you give me this chain: Nay, (ꝙ Augustus) I had rather I might give you a garland 
* A garland civic, was called in latin civica corona, which one citizen having been rescued and saved from killing in battle made and gave to another citizen by whom he was so rescued and saved as a testimonial of his life saved when he should (but for the others aid and help have been slain. And this garland was of more honour than a●y other gift by manhood and prowess martial to be achieved, (saving only corona graminea a garland of grass, otherwise called corona obsidionalis, a garland obsidionall, which was given to that person, who by his aid and rescue had saved the whole universal army of the Romans being besieged and beset or on every side environed with their enemies.) And yet we● there many garlands given in battle of much more price & value then either of both aforesaid, as may appear by the words of Plynius, which I have thought good here to set because it maketh to the declaration and understanding of this place. The garland civic (saith Plynius) at the first was of holm, afterward it was more fancied to have it made of Oaken leaves with acorns. There belonged unto it many conditions, and many circumtaunces were required, he that should have it must be one which first of all getting up to the walls of the town that he fighteth for in his own country hath slain whatsoe●er person was so hardy to enterprise breaking in. And one that had more desire to save the life of one of his own countreemen and feloes, then to slay his enemy. And how that the same place where the deed was done the enemies was like to have enjoyed the same day. And that the party so saved confess the same with his own mouth, other wise witnesses done nothing avail, & that he were a citizen of Room Other for●ner coming to succour and aid the Romans g●ue not that honour though one save a king. Neither doth the same honour ●asse the comen rate in dignity though the high captain be sembleaby rescued and saved. For the first found●●s would the highest of all to be in any that were a citizen whatsoever he were. A civic garland once received, it was lawf●l● for h●m that had i● once given, to wear all days of life af●●●. If h● came to any comen plays or open sights, it is the guise even yet still that reverence be done to him, yea even of the Senate. He had authority to sit in the seats next unto the Senate. He was exempted and chartreed or privileged from be●ryng alman●r offices of charge both for himself, and his father and his father's father.  civic, or I will rather give you a garland civic. After a pleasant witty sort did he put back the unshamefastness of one that craved to have a reward, & yet had never been in battle (where he might deserve a reward,) & therefore a garland civic was more meet for him, 
A garland civic made either o● holy, or else of oaken leaves.  which was wont to be made of oaken leaves, & of holm leaves, as the garland triumphal of gold. Albeit, aswell castrensis corona, otherwise called vallaris corona, the garland which was given by the high captain of the romans unto him that first had enterprised to break into the camp and tents of the enemies & over their trenches in the felde● as also corona muralis, the garland mural, ●whiche was the said grand Captain conferred to such person, as at the assault of any town or fortress had first scaled the walls, and burst into the town or holds of the enemies,) and corona navalis other wise called corona rostrata, the garland that was given to him that in battle on the sea had first bourded any ship of their enemies, or else subdued any pirates,) every on● of them ordinarily made of gold. Of which matter see Aulus Gellius in the sixth chapter of the fifth volume. And the garland civic, 
The garland civic of more honour than any thing of gold that was given for reward in battle.  as a reward of more honour than any other, Augustus offered in sport to Dolabella. For Suetonius telleth that the same Augustus (among the gifts, where with men of arms were rewarded for any worthy act or feat done in war) used of a custom much sooner to give golden trappour or bards for horses, and chains & what so ever thing else was made of gold and silver, them garlands vallares, 
●ugu. would much sooner give rewards of gold to his men of arms, than garlands civic or mural that were made of leaves.  and muralles, which (as touching honour) were far above the other things. Which thing except one do know, the merry saying of Augustus hath no grace in the world. Albeit as touching the stuff whereof every of the said garlands was made, Gellius & Suetonius do square and disagree.  
When he had many diverse ways both beautified and strengthened or fenced the city of Room, 
What Augustus ●eied of Room, by him beautified & for●●●ed.  & had also for many years to come, as much as in him lay, made thesame sure and safe from all dangers, 
Nothing to a prince may be more royal, the● if he make the state of his realm better than it was ere it come to his hande●.  being proud thereof not without cause, he would often say: I found Room made but of brick, and I will leave it of marble. Nothing to a prince may be more magnificent or regal, than if the same do meliorate & better the state of a dition or royalme descended and come to his possession.  
When one of his men of war begged shamefully of him a thing (what it was, 
How Augu●gustu● put of two ympudente cr●uers at ones. ) and he had espied besides him one Martianus also coming apace towards him, whom he mistrusted, that he for his part too would beg hard on him ere he would have a nay, he said: I will no more do that thou desirest (good fellow mine,) them that thing which Martianus goeth about to crave on me.  
It was the law in Room, that what person had killed his father, 
The law for such as killed their fathers.  should be made fast in a 
☞ A law was made in Room by Pompeius (and was of his name called, Lex Pompeia) that if any person wrought the actual deed of killing his father or his son, either pri●ely or aperte, the same should b●e sewed or fast knit in a poke of sac●●cloth, together with a live dog, a cock, an adder and an ap●, and so should be cast into the sea if there we● any nigh to the place, or else into the river: to the end that being enbr●ked and hampered in the mids of those mortal straighten, he might even in his life time begin to lack the use of all the elements, and that the air should be taken away ●rom him while he were alive, and the earth when he were dead.  sack, o● (and so cast into the river. And yet was not this punishment executed, but upon the party having first confessed the case. Augustus therefore to the intent that he would help save from the most grievous torment of the foresaid punishment a person arraigned at the bar for killing his own father, that all the world knew to be so in deed, used this manner of examining & laying the matter against him: In faith (I think for all this) thou didst not kill thy father. 
The clemency and gracious●nesse of Augustus in ministering the law.  Doing enough to him for to make him say nay in the matter. So great was the favourableness of this prince in ministryug the law.  
He used commonly to say, that there's was nothing more unconuenable for a perfect good captain, 
Hasting and want of discretion the worst propre●ees y● m●●● be in a good captain.  then over much hasting, & unavisednesse, & he had almost ever in his mouth this saying of greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, make haste fair & softly, or speed the fair and softly.  That is, hasten fair & softly. For much better is the captain that will be sure of his matters ere he go about them, than he that is of courage to jeopard at all adventures. Of which matter I have said at large in my work of proverbs, which is entitled Chiliades. The proverb, speed the fair and softly, ●s a lesson of counsel whereby all persons, and especially princes, rulers and Capitains are admonished, 
Primum consulto: at ubi consulueris, maturè opus est facto.  in doing of thyn●ges both to adhibite or show the quick speding of ac●●uitee, & also the slowness of diligence and circumspection, according to that the saying of salustius: needful it is first to take good deliberation, and as soon as thou hatt once consulted, expedient it is, not to forslow the time of doing when it cometh.  
Unto his wife Livia making in: staunte request in the behalf of a certain Gall to be incorporated a citizen of Room, 
Augustus wol● not grant unto Livia to have a certain Galle incorporated citizen of Room.  he gave a plain nay, but that the same Gall should enjoy the privileges & franchesses' of Room, (as if he had been a citizen i● deed,) he granted her of his own motion undesired: 
Augu●tus would not make the honour of the city of Room over common.  alleging that he could be much better contented to have of his own rents and coffers abated, them the honour of the city of Room to be made over commune. As one that preferred the dignity or high estate of the commonweal, before his own singular advantage. 
Augustus' preferred the dig●itee of the comen weal before his own singular avauntage.   
When he saw at an oration or propocition, (that he made unto the people) a great meinie in vile apparel (reading, palliatos, in stead of, pullatos as I suppose verily the books of Suetonius should be) clad in great large capes or mantles, being very sore moved therewith & in an high fume, lo (saith he) these here been our Roomaines, the lords of the world, and wont in times past to go in ancient side gounes● 
Augustus studied to bring up again in Room the ancient, fashions decayed.  So greatly did he study and labour to call back again and to renew the old ancient fashions, that it grieved his heart to see the old going in apparel, and garments changed.  
Unto the people making great complaint of the scarcity of wine and also of the dearth, 
How Augustus answered the people of Room complaining of the scarcity and dearth of wine.  he said, that by reason of great abundance of waters conveyed to run out of new counduictes lately made by Agrippa his soon in law, there was sufficient provision made, that men needed not to be in thirst. In deed Agrippa bestowed all his study and diligence, from all places that could be, to provide for the city of Room to have abundance of waters. 
Agrippa made many new counduictes in Room for the conveyance of water to the city.  And Augustus on the other side, did sharply call back the people from wine to water.  
Timagines a writer of histories had with open mouth spoken many bloody words against Caesar, 
The incomparable clemency and graciousness of Augustus towards one Timagenes a writer of histories and chronicles.  many slanderous words by his wife, & many naughty words by all his whole family. Augustus' sent him a gentle warning to keep a better tongue in his head, and to use it more soberly. And where the fellow persisted and held on still to make evil report, and to speak the worst, Caesar did nothing else in the world but forbid him his house. Well, Timagines solemnly afore audience read over certain books which he had written containing the acts or chronicles of Augustus, 
Timag●nes for hatred of Augustus bur●ed the books which he had written of his chronicle.  and when he had perused them, he cast them in the fire, and burned them, for hatred of Caesar as one coveting to suppress and extinguish for ever, the memorial of things from time to time done by the same. Yet for all this did not one of that citizens of Room keep out of his doors the said Timagines thus openly & stiffly showing continual enmity against Caesar. In the house of Pollio Asinius he continued till he was a very aged man, and yet did Augustus never so much as give one foul word unto Pollio, in whose house his enemy was lodged and entreteined, 
The lenitee of Augustus towards Pollio Asinius.  saving that one time he said unto him only thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, ye feed in your house a beast, or a serpent, (as if he should have s●ied, your house is a den or cave for a serpent.) And anon where Pollio addressed himself to make his purgation or excuse, Caesar broke his tale, saying: Nay, my friend Pollio, take the fruition of him hardly, take the fruition of him. But when Pollio not being yet clean out of fear, said, sir Emperor, if ye so command, I will ere I drink forbid him my house. Why, (ꝙ Augustus) thinkest thou that I will so do, which have been the man that once made you at one? For this Pollio had aforetime been angry and foul out with Timagenes, and had none other cause to surcease his maugre, but that Caesar began to take displeasure with the said Timagenes. 
When Augustus begoonne to take displeasure with Timage●es, than begoonne P●llio to be his friend.  So the graciousness of this prince took in good gree the evil will of both the said parties against him.  
It fortuned Augustus to sup at the house of one 
* Of the strange cruelty of this A●edius Pollio, alias Uedius Pollio, Plynius (in the xxiii chapter of the ninth volume, treacting of the nature of Lamproyes') speaketh in this manner. Uedius Pollio a knight of Room, and one of the familiar friends of Augustus Caesar, devised & invented in this fish, examples and ways how to do cruel torment, casting into close ponds and stews of them, the live bodies of bondmen condemned to die, not as though the wild beasts of the earth being for such purpose unsufficient, but forbecause in any other kind he might not stand and look upon while a live man were toren piecemele in all the membres ● par●es of his body at ones. Against the same Pollio for the same cruelty doth Sen●ca also sore inveigh.  Atedius Pollio, alias Vedius Pollio. 
The strange so●te of cruelty, that ●te●iu● Pollio used, in casting his servants (if they displeased him● ali●e v●to live ●āproyes which he kept in a stew.  And one of the bondpaiges of this Pollio had by chance broken a drinking glass of crystalle stone. Anon was commandment given that the paige should at ones be had away, and cast to his lamproyes. The lacke● ran for succour & fell down at the feet of Caesar, minding to desire of him nothing else in the world, but that he might die some other kind of death then to be cast alive unto the live lamproyes. Caesar being moved with the unquod manner of cruelty, commanded both the boy to be let go, and also as many cups or other vessel of crystalle as were in the house, to be broken in pieces before his face eu●ry one of them, & the stew (where the lamproyes were kept) to be filled up with the same in stead of the boy. And as for his friend Pollio he grievously rebuked, 
The sore rebuke that Augustus gave unto Pollio for his cruelty.  saying: why, art thou such an one so lordly, to bid away with thy men in all haste even from thy table, and to be gnawn piece mele with a torment of a new sort never seen afore? If it chance a scald cup of thine to be broken, shall the bouelles & guts of a man be torn in pieces for it? Wilt thou so highly stand in thine own conceit, 
The pietee & merciful compassion of Augustus towards men.  or take upon the as to command any body to be had to death or torments in such place where Caesar himself is present?  
At a certain sitting in judgement, 
Corduba a city in Spain where Seneca the Philosophier, & the poet Lucanus were born.  where unto the charge of one Aemilius Elianus of Corduba among other crimes more it was laid even as one of the principal matters against him, that he was a speaker of evil by Caesar: Augustus turning to the accuser, said: 
The clemency of Augustus towards ●emilius Elianus accused for speaking words against him.  I would have the to bring me in proofs of that, and I shall make Elianus to know that I have a tongue too as well as he, & I will tell as many good tales of him again, I warrant him. And being contented with this menacing, he made no further enquierie at all against the said Elianus.  
Unto Tiberius oftentimes by letters wrathefully complaining on such persons as were reporters of evil by Augustus, 
This Tiberius suc●●ded Augustus.  the same Augustus wrote letters again, 
How Augustus answered Tiberius wr●thefully complaining of persons reporting evil by him.  that he should not in that matter be over eager as men of his age were wont to be. For it is enough (ꝙ he) if we have the matter at this point, that noman is able to do us any harm.  
He never commended his sons unto the people, 
How Augustus used to commend his sons to the people.  but with this exception: if they shall deserve it & be found worthy. minding & willing that honour should be deferred & given not unto authority, but unto merits and deserts.  
He had banished out of court julia his daughter, and julia his daughters daughter, 
Augustus' banished out of his court julia his daughter, and julia his daughters daughter and A●rippa for their lewdness and v●thriftynesse.  yea, & after that Agrippa also, afore adopted & made his heir apparent, and afterward (because of his beastly and fierce or unrewlie fashions) cast of again. At all times whensoever was made any mention of these three, he would customably cry out with this verse of Homer. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
What Augustus would say when any mention was made either of julia his daughter, or julia his nice, or of Agrippa, and what name he gave them.   That is, 
Oh, would god, would god, that my chance had been,  
To live single, and die without children.  Neither used he to call the said three persons by any other name, but three rotten apostemes, or three running sores of his, or else his three cancres. For he could much more patiently take the death of his children and kinsfolks, 
August● could better take the death of his children, than their dishonour.  than their dishonour. Yea, and furthermore he provided ●● his last will, that, in case any thing should chance unto julia his daughter or julia his nice other wise then well, 
Augustus would not have his daughter julia to be ●o●bed with him.  neither of them both should be buiryed under his tomb.  
He would take very grievously that any thing should be made of him and set out in writing, 
Augustus would not have any thing made of him in writing, but after a substantial sort, and of the best doers.  but after a substantial sort and by the principal best doers. And to the justices he signified his pleasure, that they should not suffer any point of villainy to come unto his name by the meetings and coming together of jesters or of comen players of entreludes. In deed in this behalf cousin to Alexander. 
Afore in the xxxiiii. apothegm of Alexander.  And certes meet it is for the authority of a prince, everywhere to be maintained in his royal estate, without any manner spot or touch of derogation.  
Another certain Isle lying nigh unto the Isle of 
* Capri, arun, is a little Isle beyond the town of Surrentu● in the royalme of Naples, which royalme of Naples is in latin called Campania.  Capres (into the which such of Caesar's court were wont to depart for a season, 
How Augustus named a ly●le I●le lying nigh to the Isle of Capres.  as were desirous to se●iourne and repose theimselues) he commonly used to call in greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if ye should say in english, the city of dooelitle. For the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 soundeth in english, vacation or refting from all business.  
When he perceived and feeled his dying hour to approach, 
What Augustus demanded of his friends a little before his death.  he enquiered of his familiares being let into his chamber to come and see him, whether it seemed to them, that he had any thing handsomely enough played his part in passing his life. Meaning of the trade and course of this present life which many writers done resemble and compare unto playing a part in an entrelude. And then pronounced he this greek verse following, customably used to be soungen at the last end of comedies exhibited and played to an end. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That is. 
Clap hands, in sign of contentation,  
And with good heart, allow this our action.    

THE sayings OF JULIUS CAESAR.  
julius Caesar, when he fled from Sylla, 
Sylla a senator of Rome and a man of great power who made civil battle with Marius, and vanquished, & afterward weaxed a cruel tyranae.  being yet but even a stripling under man's state, came by chance into the hands of pirates being Cilicians. And at the first when the same Pirates had named the sum which they would require of him for his ransom, he laughed the thieves to scorn, 
Cilicians, the people of Cilicia, which is a region in in Asia the less joining unto Syria, a goodly champain country.  as fools that knew not what manner fellow they had taken prisoner, and promised of his own offer to give them double their ask. So, the time going on, whereas he was safely kept & watched while the money was in fetching he would charge them to keep silence, 
The haut stomach of julius Caesar, being but a young man.  and to make no noise that might trouble him while he was sleeping. Unto the same pirates he would ever read such orations and verses as he wrote being there, which his makynges if they did not in the best manner allow, he would call them asses and barbarous fools, and with laughter would threaten to hang them one day on ieobettes which thing he did in deed too. For being let go immediately upon the bringing of the money which the pirates patyshed for his ransom, 
Caesar hanged up the pirate's by whom he had been taken priesoner●  men and ships gotten together out of the country of Asia, he caught the self-same robbers, and hanged them up, but first headed, that the severity might not be untempreed with mercy. 
julius Caesar most like in fashions unto Alexander the great.  Do ye not here even at the first chop see and know of old the nature and fashions of Alexander the great, to whom no mean thing could be enough? ☞ Because the words of Plutarch in the life of julius Caesar seem to give no small light to the understanding of this present place. I have thought it worthy the doing to annex the same at large. Silla reweling the roast, and bearing all the stroke in Rome (saith Plutarch) was in mind and will to take away from Caesar Cornelia the daughter of Cinna the dictator, (that is to say, the lord great master, or the lord commander) Which thing when he could neither for fear ne for hope, that is to say, neither by foul means, nor by fair means bring to pass, he stopped her dourie as forfaicted to the chambered of the city. As for the cause of enmity between Caesar and Sylla, was the alliance of Marius and Caesar. For Marius the elder had to wife julia the aunt of Caesar of whom was born Marius the younger Caesars cousin germane (they two being sister's children.) When (Sylla setting and bestowing his mind, care, and study about other matters after the doing to death and slaughter of many a person in the time while he reigned (Caesar saw himself to be nothing at all regarded of him, yet did not the same Caesar shrink, ne spar● being even a very child of age, to step to the people, and to entre suit with them for the obtaining of a room, dignity, or promotion in the order or college of priests, which dignity he was put besides and could not obtain, by re●son that Sylla was not his friend, but against him in his suit. Sylla continually from that time foorthward devising and consulting how to destroy Caesar and to rid him out of the way, where certain persons avouched to be contrary to all reason and conscience to do such a young boy to death, Sylla affirmed them all to be more than mad, if they did not in that one boy alone espy many s●che as Marius. When this saying came to Caesar's ear, he went for a space about from place to place and lay hidden among the Gavines (a people in Italy not far from Room) afterward, while he nightely removed from one lodging to another though he were very sickly, it chanced him to come into the hands of Sylla his sodyours then scouring the country to take all such persons as lay lurking there in any place, and at the hand of Cor●elius the captain of the said lanceknights he ransomed himself for two talentes. Upon this, taking his way to the sea, he took passage over into Bythinia (a region of Asia the lesser butty●g fore right against Thracia) unto Nicomedes the king there, with whom no long time having made abode, as he went down from thence, he was taken about Pharmacusa (a little Isle in the sea of Salamin not far from the region of Attica) by a sort of pirates, which at that present season with great ships of war, and with whole navies out of number held and kept the possession of all the se●s about. By whom when at the first were ●●maunded of him tw●ntie talented for his ransom, he mocked them, for that they knew not what manner a man they had taken, and therefore of himself he promised to give them fifty t●lentes● Then sending his folks abroad some to one city and some ●o another for speedy levying of the said money, himself remained prisoner among the most uncourtise Cilicians, with one and no more of his familiar frende●, and two servants. But as for the said Cilicians he ha● in so vile reputation, that as often as he was disposed to lay him down to sleep, he would send one straightly to charge and command them to keep silence & to make no noise. And making demourre there amongs them with grea●e suffreaunce forty days lacking two● and using them not as keepers but as servants and garders of his body, he would provoke them now at gaming, now with proving one or other mastery, otherwhiles writing verses and orations he would desire them to geum him the hearing of the same, and if they did not highly esteem his doings, he would plainly without any courtesy call them foole● or louts and barbarous feloes, ●hretenyng them under the cloak of laughing and sporting to hang them every one on the galoes● In which things they like fools took ●reate joy and pleasure, as attributing all that plain and frank speaking unto jesting and simplicity. And immediately upon the bringing of the money for his ransom from the town of Miletu●●, ●nd the deliverance of the same being set again at his liberty, a navy of ships e●en with a trice furnished & set out from the haven of th● Milesians, he made upon these pirates, whom lying yet still at road with their navy all at rest and quiet about the said Isle, he took and subdued almost every one. And so all their goods and money taken from them, he laid the feloes fast and s●ere in irons at Pergamus, (a tongue in Asia and a province of the Romans) & went unto julius the chief justice having at that time the ordering of the province of Asia, unto whom it belonged to punish such as were taken for any trespass. But the said julius rather having eye unto the money, (for it was no small sum) said that he would at leisure see what was to be done with the persons whom he had taken. Wherefore Caesar, when he saw his time bidding him farewell, took his journey unto Pergamus, and hanged me all the said thieves on ieobettes from the first to the last, accordingly as he had oft times made promise unto them while he abode in the Isle. etc.  
When he made suit and labour to have the dignity of high 
* There was in Room of old antiquity a certain college, that is to say, a company or fellowship of magistrates, to whom appertei●ed the ordering, ministreing, execuiing and judging of all sacres, of all holy rites, ceremonies, funeralle obsequies, and of all other causes that in any point concerned religion. And they were called Pontifices. And there were of them two orders, that is to weet inferiors and superiors, as if y● should say, ●at leastwise in case the term may serve) bishops and archbishops. And among them was one head, that was called summus pontifex, the highest prelate, and as ye would saie● the chief ordinary, to whose power and authority belonged to make constitutions concerning all the said rites, ceremonies ●nd all points of their religion, and to see reformation of all inferior magistrates encurring any contumacy, contempt or disobedience. This magistrate was first instituted by Num● Pompilius the second king of Room.  prelate or ordinary at Room, 
What julius Caesar said to his mother when he stood for the dignity of high bishop in Room.  (Quintus Catulus a man of right high dignity and power among the Romans standing in election with him for the same office) unto his mother bringing him going to the gate, 
julius Caesar a man of a wondrous haut courage  Mother (saith he) this day shall ye have your son either the high prelate, or else a banished man. An halt courage toward, and that could in no sauce abide to be put back.  
His wife 
* julius Caesar forsook & put away his wife Pomp●ia. This Pompeia was Caesar's third wife, as witnesseth Plutarch, 〈◊〉 first wife ●as Cornelia the daughter of Cinna afore mentioned by whom he had a daughter called julia, which was afterward married unto Pompeiꝰ the great.  Pompeia, because she was in great slander, (as one that had misused hirself with Clodius,) in deed he forsook & put away from him. But yet when Clodius was vexed in the law and arraigned for the same matter, Caesar being called forth for a witness, reported no evil word by his wife. And when the accuser said, why then hast thou made a divorce with her? forsooth (ꝙ he again) because the wife of Caesar ought to be pure & clear from all slander too. aswell as from the crime. Besides the witness of the answer, his civility also may well be praised, that he spared to defame his wife whom he had abandoned.  
When he read the chronicle of Alexander the great, 
Caesar, when he read the acts of Alexander, could not hold weeping.  he could not forbear to water his plants. And to his friends he said: At this same age (ꝙ he) that I am of now, Alexander had subdued Darius, & I have not yet unto this day done so much as any one valiant act of prowess Suetonius writeth this thing to have chanced, 
The ambition of julius Caesar.  at what time Cesar being lord 
* After that the city of Room had subdued many countries they did from year to year create and send into every several province that they had a several magistrate, who was called, praetor, a lord presidence. To whose authority appertained the determination of cause●, and the redress of all matters concerning justice and law. A magistrate of much like sort as is here in England the lord presidente of the counsel in Wales, and the Lord presidente of the counsel at York, saving that the praetor of Room had the assistance, aid & maintenance of men of arms wheresoever he went to keep sises, sessions, courts or lawedays, or to sit in iudgemen●●.  presidente in Spain and riding his circuit to hold the grand juries or lawedays in towns appointed for sises and sessions to be kept, had seen the image of Alexander in the temple of 
‡ In the most fe●●hest part of Spain, beyond Granad● west ward are two little Isles called, Gades. In the less of these two Isles was a city called julia, inhabited all with citizens of Room. There was also in the same a temple dedicated unto Hercules, in which it is thought by many persons, that the two pillars of Hercules were, which pillars were of brass eight cubits high a piece which Hercules (when he had peragrated all the world as far a● any land went) did erect●●nd set up for a memorial that there he had been.  Hercules within the Isle of Gades. But would God such a nature as this would rather have used his forwardness and quick spirit in taking after a prince of a sober sort, then after one that would be peerless & alone above all others.  
As he passed by a beggary little town of cold roast in the mountains of Savoy, his coumpaigne that were with him putting doubts and questions whether in tha● dog hole also were seditions and quereles for pre-eminence and superioritee, as there continually were in Room, he stayed and stood still a pretty while musing with himself, 

The ambition of julius Caesar.  
Nec Romae potuere pati Caesarue priorem Pompeius we parem.   and anon, well (ꝙ he) I promise you, I for my part had lieffer to be the first or the chief man here, than the second man in Room. This certes is even very it that is written in the poet Lucanus that neither Cesar could abide to have any man above him, 
Neither Caesar could abide to have any superior nor Pompeius to have any man feloe with him.  ne Pompeius to have any peer.  
He said that things of high enterprise (because they are subject unto dangers, 
julius Caesar would high entreprises to be go through with all, without casting of any perils.  and were great) ought to be executed and dispeched out of hand, and none advise ne deliberation to be taken of them, because that to the going through with such matters, celeritee doth very great help, & casting of perils doth pluck a man back from hardy aventuring.  
When he departed out of the province of Gall to match against Pompeius, as soon as he was once passed over the flood of Rubicon, now (saith he) be 
* There is a proverb, omnem iacere aleam, to cast all dice by which is signified, to set all on six & seven, & at all auen●ures ●o jeopard assaying the wild chance of fortune, be it good be it badde● Therefore when Cesar said: Be all dice already cast. His meaning was, to be now overlate to repent that he had done, or to call again yesterday. And therefore that he would now cast no more ●eniwoorthes in the matter, but go through with his purpose, chance as it would. Cadat alea fati (saith Lucanus in the person of Caesar against Pompeius) ●lterutrum mersura caput, that is. Let the die of fate chance as it will. Thone or other of our lives to spill. Euripides, Plato, Terence, Plutarch, Lucianus, and other writers more liken ●he life of man to the game of dicing, in which play, what to cast lieth not in our hands, but only in chance and fortune, but ●hat that we have cast, we may with policy, con●eighaunce, and good ordering, if it be well cast, use & apply it to our commodity, if the contrary, yet temper it the less to hurt us.  it past casting the dice again (as if he should have said, 
Omnis jacta sit alia.  now hap what shall hap, let altogether turn which way it will,) Declaring that he was utterly minded to put all in hazard to make or mar, & to be man or mous. For the said flood of Rubicon dissevereth the Gall cisalpine from Italy.  
When Pompeius had forsaken Roome● and had fled to the seas, Metellus the high treasurer of Rome withstod Caesar being desirous & feign to take money out of the treasury, 
Metellus let●ed Caesar going about ●o take money out of the treasue● of Room.  and shut up thesame treasury fast. But Caesar threatened to slay him, which word when it had astoned the said Metellus, iwis young man (ꝙ Caesar) this thing was more hard for me to speak than to do. 
The menacing of grea● men.  Meaning that it was in his power even with a beck of his head, to put to death whom soever he were disposed, forasmuch as wheresoever he went he had with him a bend of harnessed men.  
At the town of 
* Durachium or Dyrrachium a town in Mac●donia, first called ●pidamnū, but the Romans when they had conquered it, would needs have it called Dyrrachium● this was when he went to pursue Pompeius.  Durach he tarried looking that more soldiers footemn should be sent thither unto him from 
‡ Brundisium a town in the royalme of Naples lying upon the sea of Adria● from which Brunduse, lieth the passage over into Grece.  Brunduse. Which thing forasmuch as it was very slack and long in doing, getting him privily into a little foist he assayed to pass over the sea of Adria. And the vessel being even well-nigh overwhelmed and sounken with the main swelling surges of this fierce sea, unto his pilot being now clean in despair to escape drowning, & thinking to be no way but one, Caesar opened who he was, saying: put thy trust and affiance in lady fortune and weete thou well that thou carriest Caesar in this little boat of thine. He was of such exceeding halt courage, 
The ●●cedyng haul● courage of julius Caesar.  as though he had had both the gods, and fortune even at his own will and commandment. But yet at that present season, the rage of the tempest wexing still worse and worse, he was letted of acomplishing that he had intended. But as soon as his soldiers that were already at Du●ach had acknowledge of this his doing, they came full and whole running unto Cesar, 
The hearts of Caesar's soul●diours towards him.  and took very grievously, if the same looked for any more or other bends of men, as having some mistrust in them.  
But when it came to the battreing and trial of strokes, Pompeius won the field, 
Pompeius' won the first field against Caesar.  but he did not follow his victory to the uttermost (as he should have done,) but recoiled back to his camp. Then said Caesar, 
Pompeius could no skill (said Caesar) how to use a victory.  this day (ꝙ he) the victory was in the possession of our enemies, but they have not a captain that can skill how to use victory, when he hath it.  
When Pompeius had commanded his army, albeit the same were priest & in full readiness to fight at Pharsalum, 
Pharsalū● or Pharsalos, or Pharsalia, a city in Thessalia, in the fields of which Caesar vanquished Pompeius.  yet there to demourre, and to tarry the coming of their enemies: Caesar avouched him to had done far wide, in that he had by such delay and tarryaunce in manner killed the hability, the fierceness, and a certain divine inspiration of his soldiers hearts, being fully appointed and ready to fall upon their enemies. So greatly did Caesar contend & strive with Pompeius, 
julius Caesar matched Pompeiꝰ not only in the fortune of battle, but also in the experience.  not only about the fortune of battle, but also in the expert acknowledge of war keeping.  
When he had even at the first chop of encountreing vanquished 
* Pharnax or Pharnaces, the king of Ponius, and soon of Mithridates, whom ●eeyng his own father he persecuted, and at length drove to kill himself. For he favoured Pompeius making war against Mithridates. And in fine the said Pharnaces rebelling against Caesar, was by the same discounfaicted vanquished and driven out of his country. This fellow (saith ●●cius Florus, who writeth an abbriegement of the chroni●●●● of Room out of the histories of Titus Livius) was by julius Caesar even at one field, and yet not that all fought so trodden under feet, as it had been a thing with a flash of lightening suddenly crumbed to dust and pouther.  Pharnaces, he wrote briefly to his friends after this sort: I came, I looked, I conquered. signifying the great celeritee and speed of doing.  
After that the soldiers and men of arms, which followed Scipio in Africa were fled, 
Scipio a noble captain of Room.  and Cato being vanquished by Caesar had killed himself at Utica, 
Of Cato is afore noted in the xxxi. apoph●theg. of Augustus Caesar where unto is to be added, that Caesar made all the speed & means possible to have Cato alive, & when he could not, he wrote a book of unkindness against him, which he entitled Anticato.  these were the words of Caesar: I envy to the o Cato this death of thine, since thou hast envied unto me the saving of thy life. Cesar thought it a thing like to redound highly to his honour and renown, if such a noble man as Cato having been overcomed in battle should be bound to him and no man else for his life. But Cato rather chose death with honour, then after the oppressing of the public liberty and freedom to be as a bondeseruaunte to any person. And therefore Caesar envied unto Cato the honour of such a death because he had envied unto Caesar the laud and praise of saving the life of Cato.  
persons not a few (because they had Antonius and Dolabella in great mistrust lest they should conspire and we●ke some treason against Caesar, 
What julius Caesar said when he was warned to beware of Antonius & Dolabella. ) gave warning unto the same, that he should in any wise beware of them. Tush, no no (ꝙ Caesar) I ●eare not these ruddy coloured & fat bealyed feloes, but yonder-same spare slender skragges and pale sallow coloured whooresoonnes, 
Antonius and Dolabella fat & well coloured. Brutus and Cassius lean and pale.  showing with his finger Brutus and Cassius. 
Brutus and Cassius slew julius Caesar.  Neither did his suspicion deceive him, for of them two was he afterward slain in deed. Of which matter such as be learned may read Plutarch and Suetonius.  
Communication being on a time in a supper season begun what kind of death was best, 
What kind of death julius Caesar thought to be b●ste.  he answered without making any bones, that is soodain and nothing thought on. And that he judged to be best, chanced to him in deed. Plutar●hus saith that he supped the same time (being the day next before his death,) at the house of Mar●us Lepidus his great and faithful friend.  
In a certain battree he caught fast by the head and the cheeks the standard bearer of one of the legion called Martial having turned his back to flee, and plucked back the contrary way. And stretching forth his hand to his enemy's ward, 
When one of jul. Caesar's standard bea●●●● would have fled Caesar plucked him back by the thro●e to go towards his enemies.  said: whether gooest thou away thou fellow? Yonder been they that we fight against. Thus with his hands he chastised one person and no more, 
The way to win victory is not to ●●ee & to run away from the ●n●mies.  but with these sharp & poynaunte words he clean put away the fearful trembleing of all the legions, and where the same were at the very point to be discoumfaicted, he taught them a lesson to win the victory.  
After that Publius Mimus a player of wanton entreludes and other jesting toys had on the staige in open presence far passed all his feloes, and among them one Laberius a maker and a player as Publius was, the same julius Caesar pronounced the sentence of judgement in this wise. 
How julius Caesar gave judgement of Laberius being ouerco●med by Publius Mimus in jesting and playing.  Caesar showing the o Laberius all the favour that may be, thou art overcomed of the Syrian. For the said Publius was in condition or state of living a bondman, & of nation or country a Syrian borne. Far a way is he left behind, that is overcomed, the judge being his friend or showing him favour. And the judge being but indifferent, it was toto far odds that a Syrian born should in Room overcome a Roman.  
When Caesar saw in Room certain aliens that were rich & wealthy persons, carrying about the streets in their arms & bosoms little young dogs and apes, 
What julius Caesar said whe●● he saw in Room strangers carry young puppees and in their arms to play withal.  and to make all sport and play with the same, he demanded, whether the women in their country did bring forth no children. 
Pericles a noble man of Athenes, which governed the comen weal ●here by the space of xl. years, a man in natural eloquence in comparable  Meaning that there were no such young whelps of any kind more pleasant to play or find pastime withal, them their own little sweet babes. Plutarch telleth this history in the life of Pericles, allbeeit he showeth not which Caesar's saying it was. I dame it to be Augustus Caesar's.  
When he saw his soldiers to be woundreous sore afeard of their enemies which they looked for daily, 
Wh●t julius Caesar said to his soldiers being in great ●eare of their enemies, whose coming they daily looked for.  he spoke openly to the whole company in this manner. Be it known to you all, that with in these very few days, there will come hither a king with ten legions, 
This king was the king of the Persians.  thirty thousand horsemen of others in light harness an hundred thousand, and three hundred elephauntes. Therefore some among you here, cease to make any further enquierie or search, or to conceive this or that opinion, & give they credence unto me, who ●haue certain acknowledge of all the truth, or else in faith I will cause all such persons to be put in the oldest and most rotten ship that I can geatte, & to be carried hens what soever wind shall blow into what soever countries it shall chance at adventure. A strange fachon of putting away fear, 
Great mati●● of danger requireth heart and stomach according, for to resist the same.  not by nay saying, ne by lessening the number of the enemies, but by increasing the occasion of terror, to the end that being adcerteined of sore peril and hazard to come, they might take unto them stomachs & hearts for such great danger convenable.  
To certain persons coming in with their five eggs, how that Sylla had given over his office of Dictature as he should do, 
What Caes. said for his excuse of not leaving, the office of dict●tour.  whereas Caesar kept it still & would not out of it at all, (which thing to do lacked very little of plain usurpation of tyranny:) he answered that Sylla was not bookyshe, nor half a good clerk, 
julius Caesar said that Sylla was not half ● good clerk.  and therefore gave up his 
☞ For the better understanding of this place, it is to be noted, that by reason that the city of Rome was ruled by two persons of equal power, who were called consuls, & were changed from year to year, there chanced oft times matter of contention and strife whether of the two consuls should go to battle, or if they kept war in two places at one's whether should go to this place, and whether to that. And by reason of such contention many times the affairs of the city proceeded not, and the city self was oft in great danger. It was therefore by a law provided that in such time and state of the comen weal, if the two consuls between them twain or else the Senate among them did not ne would agree, there should be elected an officer, who was called dictator, as if ye should say, a lord commander, he was called also, Magister populi, the master of the people. His office was called, Dictatura the dictatourship, or the dictature. Which was as touching his authority, the very absolute power of a king. And whatsoever the dictator commanded or bid to be done, should be executed without any manner let, contradiction, or reasoning. And because the power was so great, it was by the same law provided that no one person should continue in it above the space of six months at ones. And whosoever would not give up the dictature at the sixth months end, encurred the suspicion of tyranny, and of conspiring to be a king, & there by the crime of high treason against the comen weal. This law not withstanding Sylla being dictator would not at his due time yield up his office, but by means usurped a perpetual dictature for the term of one hundred and twenty years, yet at last he gave it up in his last days. Then came julius Caesar, and so semblably usurped the dictatoursh●p for term of life. And of that came in, the power of them who were afterward called Caesares. And the office of dictature ceased. Neither was there any that were ever called perpetui dictatores that is perpetual dictators, or dictators for term of life, but these two aforenamed.  dictature. Schoolmasters, when they show afore word by word, or else recite unto their scholar's what to write after them, are said properly in latin dictare discipulis. 
Dictare discipulis.  Caesar hereunto alluding said that Sylla was not half a cunning clerk. Meaning (as I suppose) that on the one side, if Sylla had been so well seen in histories, in chronicles, and in experience of the world, as to consider what great danger it was, from such an office so long time by strong hand continued to return to his former state of a private man again, he would have looked twys on the matter ere he would have given it up, (of which matter is somewhat touched afore in the xxiiii apothegm of Diogenes) and on the other side, that such a person as should be in aroume of such high power and authority, that what soever he would command must & should needs be done, aught to be a man of high wisdom, acknowledge, & discretion, to keep himself upright in all beehalfes, and to do nothing by violence ● power which he might not at all times after avouch & justify, as Sylla had done, who in the time of his dictature, would not only be ruled by no laws, ne ministre any justice, but furthermore, used such detestable cruelty & tyranny over the city and all degrees & sorts of men, as could not choose afterward but redound to his final confusion & exterminion. Albeit (except my memory fa●l me) the histories sayen the Sylla gave not up the said office until he lay sick in his death bed.  
As Caesar making his triumph passed along by the seats of the Tribunes, Pontius Aquila being one of the numbered of the Tribunes, 
Caesar took very grievously that one Aquila a Tribune made no reverence to him at his triumph.  alone of them all not o●s arose out of his place to do him any reverence. This matter Caesar took so highly evil, that he said to him as loud as he could cry. Then come thou Aquila being a 
‡ There were ●●●tain men of office and authority in Room called Tri●uni, they were as chief of the commens And their power was aswell in making of lawe● & decrees, as also in all other causes, to intercede between the Senate & the people, that the lords and nobles might not by any new found acts, statutes, or decrees, in any wise oppress or grieve the commenalte. And so great was their authority in this behalf, that whatsoever the consuls or Senate would enact, if but one of the Tribunes said nay to it, all their doing was zoide, ne could take any effect. The college of tribunes for the people in Room might well be likened to the company of Bourgeoysses' o● the parliament here in England. There were of the Tribunes at the first no more but twain, afterward six, in process a college of thirty six. There were also tribuni militares, tribunes of the soldiers, whose office was, to see that the soldiers were well armed and appointed as they should be.  Tribune and take the commonweal out of my hands. Neither did he by the space of a good many days together after, make promiss of anything unto any person but with this exception, at lest wise if we may be so bold for Pontius Aquila.  
Unto the people for flattery saluting him by the name of king, 
julius Caesa● refused to be called king.  I am Caesar (ꝙ he) I am no king. He rather chose to be called by his own private name, then by the name of king, which at that time was sore hated in the city of Room.  
Some one fellow of the people had set on the image of Caesar a garland of laurel wound about with a white linen roll. 
A crown wound abou● with a white linen roll, was the token of ● king & was the very diadem.  But when the Tribunes, the linen roll pulled of, had 
* Plutarch saith that a diadem or crown imperial was at this time set on sundry images of Caesar in diverse places, and the two Tribunes that plucked away the crowns he nameth the one Flanius and the other Marullus, and adds that the same tribunes did cast in prison all such persons, as they found had salved Caesar by the name of king.  commanded the fellow to prison, Caesar after that he had given the Tribunes a sore rebuke for it, 
julius Caesa● put out of office the tribunes which had taken away from his por●erature ● kings diadem.  deprived thesame of their offices. And that he might not by so doing seem to attempt the usurpation of the name and power of king, he pretended for an excuse, the glory of refusing such honour his own self to had been taken away from him by them.  
Because Caesar had choose many alienes of strange countries into the senate, 
julius Caesar chose many aliens into the numbered of senators of Room.  there was a bill written & set up, that it should be a good deed, if some man would go show the parliament chaumbre, to one of the new choose senators straungiers. He men (what feloe so ever it was that set up the bill) those foreigners newly made Senators of Room, not so much as to know the way to the senate house, except thesame were showed unto them.  
A fellow wrote under the image of Brutus, 
What poses certain persons wrote under the images of Brutus and Caesar.  would god thou were yet alive: because that Tarqvinius the last king of Room was expulsed and driven out of the city by the means of the said Brutus. And under the porturature of Caesar they had written among them, verses of this sense and meaning.  
Brutus quia reges eiecit, consul primus factus est,  
Caesar quia consules eiecit, rex postremus factus est.  
Brutus 
* There were seven kings of Room, the first Romulus, the second Numa Pompilius, the third Tullus Hostilius, the fourth A●cus Martius, the fifth Tarqvinius Priscus, the sixth Servius Tullius, the seventh Tarqvinius the proud. Who for his high mind and over stately using his citizens, and for his most hoorible cruelty, encurred their mortal disdaigne and hatred. And so it was that while the same Tarqvinius was from Room laying siege to the town of Arde His son Sextus Tarqvinius came to Room privily by night, and by force and violence ravished Lucretia the wife of Tarquenius Collatinus against her will. Whereupon the said Collatinus and junius Brutus the kings sisturs sons confederated with Tricipitinus banished for ever out of Room both the son and the father, and shut the gat●s of the city against them. And made a law that ther● should never after be any more kings in Room, but two magistrates governors which should be named consuls. And the first consul in Room were created the said Lucius junius Brutus, & shortly after joined to Tarquenus Collatinus. And of the same Brutus descended this Brutus here mentioned, who with Cassius conspired, wrought, and executed the death of julius Caesar.  for chasing of kings out,  
Was created first Consul of Room,  
Caesar for driving Consuls out,  
Is now last of all a king become.  
When likelihood appeared treason and conspirisie on every side to be wrought against him, 
Better ones to die then ever to fear said julius Caesar.  and warning was given him, that he should take good heed to himself, he answered, that better it was once for all together to die, then to be in perpetual care of taking heed. signifying, the person not to live, who liveth in perpetual fear of death. 
One were as good be out of the world as to live in ꝑp●tual fear of death.   
When Caesar, after that he had made the 
☞ The Tigurines, a people of Germany, which done inhabit the fower●h part of Suycerlande.  Tigurines cry creak, being on his way towards a certain city of people joined in league with him, 
The animos●●ee & courage of jul. Caes.  heard that an other sort of the 
‡ The Suyceners are the whole nation of Suycerlande which is called in latin Helvetia, and the people Heluetii, men of such sort, that for money they will fight, they care not vnde● whose banner. And subjects they are unto no prince, ne do any thing pass on life or death, heaven or hell.  Suyceners were coning against him in the way that he had to go, he recoiled into a certain place strong and well fenced. There all his company gathered together, & well set in array, his horse 
✚ Plutarch in the life of Caesar, and Plynius in the xlii chapter of the eight book done write, that julius Caesar had an horse with feet fashioned & shaped like a man's foot, and the hou●e divided as it were into ii toes even as a man hath. And that he would not suffer any body to si●te him, or get up on his back, saving only Caesar. A like strange thing is afore noted of Bu●ephalus the horse of Alexander.  that he had been accustomed to ride on, was brought unto him Well (ꝙ Caesar) after that I shall have gotten this victory, & not afore, I will occupy this horse in pursuing mine enemies. And so even on foot he set upon the Suyceners.  
Caesar now openly doing many things by plain might & power, 
What Considius a Senator of Room saie● unto Caesa● doing all things by force & violence in Rome.  & contrary to all laws, one Considius being a man very far stricken in age, plainly and with a bold spirit said unto him, that the senates were for this cause only slack in meeting and sitting in counsel, that they stood in fear of his bills & glieves. And when Caesar at these words had said, why then doest not thou for the same fear, keep thyself at home within thy house? Nay as for me (said Considius) old age maketh me out of fear. For since there is but a very little little time of my life behind, there is no cause why I should take any great care or thought for the matter.  
julius Caesar unto Pomponius a lance knight, 
What julius Caesar said to a soldier making vaunt yt●he had received a wound in the face for him.  making much a do of a wound received in the face, at the insurrection which Sulpitius 
* This Sulpitius was a Tribune or bourgeoyse for the people in the time of Sylla and Marius, when Caesar was a very young man. Of whom Plutarch in the life of Sylla writeth in this manner. Therefore Marius took unto him Sulpitius a Tribune of the people, a man in no point behind whosoever was most flagitious And never ask ye the question how he was more ungracious than an other, since he was more mischievous than his own self, a man of exceeding cruelty, and set a gog with toto much both presumption & avarice. To whatsoever deeds doing abomination and all kinds of mischief had enticed him, he had no regard, he had no consideration to sell the commonweal of Room even in the open street to men that had been not many days afore bondservants, and to denysens having not a foot of land of their own, and to tell such money as was by them paid upon tables set even in the open market place. He maintained three thousand persons that never went without swords and bucklers, he had also of young horsemen most quick and ready unto all manner feats a great power for the guard of his person. And these he named Antisenatum, a company to match the Senators. This man when he had made a law that no man of the degree and order of the Senators might owe above two thousand drachmas at ones, himself when he was departed this world left thirty hundred thousand drachmas that he owed of due debt. This man being set the people on by Marius, when he intended to do all things with violence and with the sword, partly enacted many flagitious laws, and especially one, which made Marius chief captain of the war to be made against Mithridates. Wherefore, the consul's giving commandment that the ministering of laws should for a time cease, the same consuls declaring their minds unto the people in the temple of Castor Sulpitius bringing in among them a company of feloes in harness, both slew many persons, and also thrust to the heart with a dagger the son of Pompeius then consul being of age in manner but a very child, even in the mids of the guild hall. But he was within few days after condemned to death by Sylla, and by the tr●●son of one of hi● own bondservants slain, and the servant made a free man (as Sylla had promised) and immediately by the commandment of the same cast down headlong from a rock where he broke his neck.  made against the Senate, which wound the said lance knight made a brag that he had taken in fighting for Caesar, well (said he) never look behind the again when thou rennest away. Such a like thing doth Macrobius father upon Augustus Caesar, Quintilianus ascribeth it to julius Caesar.  
Thesame Caesar, when a certain plaintiff to aggravate his harms, & to make the most of them, alleged that the party accused had strieken altogether at his thighs & legs, said: Why, what should he have done, thou having a salad on thy head, & a cote of fence on thy body? He was not ignorant, for what cause the other fellow was desirous to strike that part chief, but the same thing dissembled, he had more fancy to ●est. An helmet & a jacke or platecote hideth all parts of a man saving the legs.  
Thesame Caesar unto Metellus with standing that he might not take any money out of the treasury or chambered of the city, 
This is touched afore in y●●viii. apophthegm.  and bringing forth laws forbidding the same to be done: The time of weapon (saith he) and of laws is not all one. 
What julius Caesar said unto Metellus withstanding that h● should not take any money out of the treasury of Room.  That in case thou canst not be contented with the matter, now for this present get the out of the way, & after that (all leagues and bonds of peace thoroughly driven) we shall have laid down all weepen, then (if thou shalt so think good) lay to my charge in the behalf of the people, & I shall make the answer.  
Thesame Caesar would often times say, that he had like intent & mind of dealing against his enemies, 
Enemies in battle are to be overcome rather with famine then with the sword.  as the most part of good physicians have against the maladies and sores of men's bodies, which is, rather with hunger then with iron to overcome them For the physicians do not fall to cutting, except all other means & ways afore proved. And this usage even at this present day still endureth among the Italians: 
The Italiā● in all diseases done enioyn● abstinence.  against all kinds of diseases they do straightly enjoin abstinence. A like thing unto this it is, 
Dimitius Corbulo, would enemies to be overcomed sokyngly by little and little.  the Domitius Corbulo used much to say, that a man's enemies in battle are to be overcomed with a carpenters squareing are, that is to say, sokyngly one piece after an other. A comen axe, cutteth through at the first chop, a squaring axe by a little and a little worketh the same effect.  
It breded & areised great envy and grutching aghast Caesar, 
What thing was occasion of grea●e envy & grudge against julius Caesar.  that one of those persons, whom he had sent to Room, standing in the senate house, as soon as he knew that the senate would not give ne grant unto Caesar prorogation, that is to say, a longer time in his dictature, gave a great stroke with his hand upon the hilts of his sword, & said: well yet this fellow here shall give it. threatening to the commonweal force and violence. 
julius Caesar by force & violence oppressed the commenweale.   
Sylla having obtained the pretourship, menaced Caesar very sore, 
What Caes. said to Sylla threatening to use his power upon him.  that he would use his authority and power upon him: yea, (ꝙ Caesar laughing at it) thou doest of good right call it thy power, which thou hast bought with thy penny. 
Sylla purchased the praetourship with great gifts & rewards.  Noting Sylla, that the same had purchased the said office by giving great gifts and rewards.  
Marcus Tullius in the third book of that his work entitled, de officiis, (that is to say, of honest behaviour, or, how each man ought to use and to demean himself) writeth that Caesar had ever in his mouth these greek verses out of the third tragedy of Euripides entitled, Phoenissaes. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That is. 
If a man should needs do wrong,  
It ought to be only in this case,  
To make himself a king, by hand strong,  
In other things let right have place.   
When Caesar going towards the country of Africa had slipped and gotten a fall in going out of a ship, 
How Caesar turned an evil likelihood to the better part.  the likelihood of evil chance to come, he turned to the better part, saying. I have the fast in my hands o Africa. 
Sextus julius Frontinus a latin autour that writeth four books of stratagems, that is to say of the s●●ightes and policies of war.  Frontinus thinketh, that this happened at his taking of ship, and that he said: I have the fa●t o earth which art my mother. Alluding (as I suppose) hereunto, that where he was on a time sore troubleed with a certain dream, 
The dream of jul. Caes.  in which it seemed to him, that he had to do with his own mother, the readers or soothsayers exponed, the empire of all the whole world to be prophesied unto him.   

THE sayings OF POMPEIUS THE GREAT.  
CNeus 
* Of Pompe●us it is afore noted in the viii. apothegm of Augustus Caesar  Pompeius surnamed the great, was with the people of Rome as far in favour, as his 
‡ Plutarch in the life of Pompeius writeth, that the Romans never showed against any Captain or head citizen either greater or else more eager hatred, then against Strabo, the father of Pompeius. For during his life time they stood in perpetual fear of his great power purchased and gotten by the sword (for he was a very hardy and valiant man of war.) But after that he was once departed out of this life, strieken soudainly to death with a flash of lightening, his corpse being carried forth to be buiryed, the people violently haled the dead body from the bear, and did unto it all the most villainy that they could imagine. The cause why he was so sore hated, was esteemed to be his unsatiable avarice and covetousness.  father before him, had been in grudge & hatred. This Pompeius being yet a very young man, wedded himself wholly to the faction of Sylla. 
Pompeius' being but a very young man gathered an army in Italy, before that he was either any officer of the city, or else a senator, and took part with Sylla.  And although he were neither any officer of the city, nor senator, yet he got unto him out of one place and other of Italy a great army. And when Sylla had commanded the same to come and join with him, Nay (ꝙ he) I will never present an host unto the high captain of Room without booties or spoils, nor unfleashed on their enemies. Neither did he repair unto Sylla, before that he had in sundry battrees and encountreynges vanquished diverse captains of enemies. Even at the first date, showed he a great token and likelihood of a prince most worthy, and born to do great things. It was not his intent to bring unto Silla, philip and cheiny more then a good meinie, but to bring able soldiers of manhood approved and well tried to his hands.  
And being now created a captain, 
Pompeius even at his first beginning did the parts both of a valiant and of a righteous captain.  when he was by Sylla sent into Sicily, he began to do the parts, not only of a valiant and worthy captain, but also of a just and righteous captain For when he had heard, that his soldiers in going foorthward on their viages, made by stertes out of their way, and did much oppression in the country as they went, and pieled all that ever they could finger, such persons as he took roving and trotting or scudding from place to place they could not tell where about theim selfes he punished, 
Pompeius would not his soldiers to do any oppression or pillage where they went.  and what company himself had sent afore, he empriented on every one of their sweardes' the seal of his ring, that they should do no body no wrong ne harm by the way.  
The 
* The Mamertines, a people in Sicily, whose town wa● called Messana.  Mamertines (because they had taken part and sticked hard with the enemies of Sylla) he had appointed to slay every mother's son. But Sthenius the lord of the city or country came unto Pompeius with these words: 
Sthenius the lord of the Mamertines took part with Marius against Sylla.  O Pompeius ye do not according to equity and conscience, in that ye go about, for one man's cause that hath offended, to do a great number of innocentes to death. I iwis even very I myself am the man that both have persuaded my friends, 
The noble & manly heart of Sthenius.  and also have coarcted mine enemies to take the part of Marius against Sylla. 
This was done in the civil battle between Marius and Sylla.  Here Pompeius greatly marveling at the manly heart of this Sthenius, said that he pardoned the Mamertines who had been persuaded by such a man, 
●ōp●ius for the respect of Sthenius pardoned the Ma●ni●t●ines.  as preferred his country above his own life, and so delivered both the city and Sthenius. In Sthenius ye have an example, what heart a prince ought to bear toward the commonweal in case any peril or danger do chance: and in Pompeius a good lesson of placabilitee or mildness, in that he was more propense to show honour unto one that had a natural affection and zeal toward his country, then to execute his wrath to the uttermost.  
When he had passed over into 
Libya a part of Africa ad●o●naunte to Egypte, so named of Lib●a the wife of 〈◊〉 jupiters' son.  Libya against Domitius, and had overcomed the same in a 
‡ He calleth it a great victory, for the said Domitius (a noble Senator of Room and consul with Messala) perished in the battle. And of twenty thousand, which he had in an army, there escaped alive no more but three thousand. At this victory Pompeius subdued all afric into the power of the Romans. And for this victory was he surnamed Magnus, and was called Pompeius the great.  great & sore battle, his soldiers full & whole saluting him with the title of Emperor, he said, he would not take at their hands the honour of that high name, as long as the trenches and bulwarks of his enemy's camp was standing whole. This heard, his soldiers, 
The good cou●age of Pompeius his soldiers.  (although it were then a great rain to let them) soodainly with all their might assailling the camp of their enemies, won it, and beat it down hand smooth. 
Pompeius' refused honour until he knew himself to have deserved it.  Thus the said Pompeius refufed an honour not yet truly deserved with deeds.  
Thesame Pompeius being returned from the said victory, 
The surname of Magnus, when wherefore & by whom it was given to Pompeius.  was partly with other honours highly received by Sylla, and also besides other things he first of all gave unto him the surname Magnus, the great. But when Pompeius not satisfied with all this, would needs triumph too, Sylla would none thereof, because Pompeius was not yet of the degree of a senator. But when Pompeius had said unto the company then present, Sylla to be ignorant, that more persons done worship the son when it ariseth, 
more persons worship the son wh● it ariseth, than when it goeth down said Pompeius.  than when it goeth down Sylla cried with a loud voice, let him triumph. He was strieken in fear of the courageous stomach of the fresh young man, 
Pompeius' triumphed being a very young man not yet a Senator.  and of his glory daily more and more increasing. Neither sticked he or put any doubts to give place unto such an one, as he saw could in no wise he brought to yield an inch to any man living. The meaning of Pompeius was, that the people would be more propense to favour th● honour and glory of a young man coming upward, and growing towards the world, as himself was, then of an old man being almost past, and beginning to decay, as Sylla now did.  
In the mean while, even against the time Servilius a jolly fellow and among the head men in the commonweal highly esteemed was mad angry that a 
* When any consul or other high captain by the Senate & people thereunto deputed, had holden great wars, and had with saving his own army (or at le●t wise with small loss of men achieved some notable high conquest, or had gotten some excellent victory upon any foreign nation, king or captain, to the high honour, renown and avauncement of the commonweal of Room, or to the victorious enlargeing of the empire of the same, he should at his returning home be received with all honour, joy, solemnity, pomp and royalty that might be devised. He should have to go before him the king or captain by him subdued, & all captives taken in the wars, he should have pageants as gorgeously set out as might be, of all the towns, castles, fortresses, and people or provinces by him subdued, himself should ride in a chairette most goodly beseen, bore headed saving a garland of laurel, and after his taille should come his own soldiers with all joy, mirth & solace that was possible to be made. And this was called a triumph, the highest honour that might be showed. Neither was it awarded to any man, but by the judgement of the whole army, with the decree of the Senate upon the same, and consent of the whole universal people, nor without the deserts above rehearsed.  triumph was granted to Pompeius. The soldiers also not a few of them made many stops & lets that there might be no triumph done, not for that they bore Pompeius any grudge, but they required to have certain rewards distributed among them, as though the triumph must have been bought at their hands with great largesse: or else the soldiers threatened that they would echemamne for himself catch away of the treasures and richesses that should be carried about in the triumph. And therefore the said Servilius and one Glaucia gave him advise and counsel rather willingly to part the said money among the soldiers, them to suffer it to be taken away every man a flyce by strong hand. But when Pompeius had made them answer that he would rather let all alone and have no triumph at all, 
Pompeius would rather make no triumph at all, than flattre his soldiers or buy it with money.  than he would make any seeking or entreacting to his own soldiers and even with that word set down before them the rods bound together with an axe in the mids garnished and decked with garlands of laurel, that they should thereof first begin their spoil if they durst: Nay, ꝙ Servilius, now I see the in very deed to be Pompeius the great, and worthy to have a triumph. 
What triumph is honourable and show woor●●●●  For Pompeius judged no triumph to be honourable and worthy show, except that it were as a thing in the way of recompense or so duty repaid to good demerits, without any great suit making, and without gifts giving.  
It was the guise in Room, 
The guise & custom in Room for soldiers that had been horsemen in the wars.  that the horsemen which had been a convenient space of time forth in the wars, should bring forth their horse into a solemn place appointed before by the two officers called censors, 
Of the office of censors in Room it is afore noted in the xxxvii saying of Augustus Caesar.  and there, after rehearsal aswell of such viages as they had been in, as also of the captains under whom they had been in waiges, according to their demerits, either to have thank and praise, or else rebuke & blame. So Pompeius being Consul, even in his own person came and brought his horse before Gallius and Lentulus then censors, 
How Pompeius presented himself & his horse to Gallius and Lentulus the censors.  which persons according to the custom and usage demanding, whether he had truly exercised and done all the parts and duties to a soldier belonging, yea (ꝙ Pompeius) to the vttermust in all behalfs under mine own self the lord high captain signifying, 
Pompeius so executed the office of a captain, that nevertheless he accomplished all the parts of an inferior soldier.  that he had in such wise executed & ministered the office of a capitanie, that he did nevertheless like no sleper accomplish all points that ever belonged to an inferior soldier. So was he one and the same man, both an especial good captain, 
The highest praise & commendation that a capitain may have.  and a lusty valiant man of his hands, than the which praise and commendation there may none higher or greater possible chance to a captain.  
When he had in Spain taken the packette of 
* Sertorius was born in Nursia, a town of the Sabines, and was a citizen of Room, at last an outlaw & a banished man of whom Plutarch thus telleth. Captains that have been as good men of war, as ever were any, have lacked the one of their yies, as Philippus, Antigonus, Hannibal, & this Sortorius, of whom no man can deny, but that he was a man more chaste of his body in abstaining from women, than Philippus: more assured and faithful to his friends, than Antigonus: less furious & eager on his enemies, them Annibal: in wit inferior to never an one of them all, but far behind them all in fortune, which fortune although he found at all times more heavy and sore unto him than he found his enemies, ye● did he match to the vttermust in perfectenesse of war, Metellus: in hardiness of adventuring Pompeius, in fortune Sylla, in power the whole people of Room, being a man banished his own country, and bearing rule among the Barbarous, that is to weete the Portugals, whose country is called in latin Lusitania.  Sertorius his letters in the which were close trussed the letters of captains not a few inviting and calling the same Sertorius to Room, there for to make a new turn of the world, and to change the state of the city, he burned the letters every one, 
The moderation and clemency of Pompeius.  to the end that he would give unto the caitiffs time and occasion to repent, and leave or power to change their traitreous intents to better. This history like as it might well be reckoned in the number of things unwrathefully and prudentely done, so do I not see what it should make among apothegms. Albeit, right many of such like sort are found in the collections of Plutarch. If he had descried their names, they would undoubtedly by and by addressed theimselfes to a manifest sedition for very fear of punishment. 
To open an other bodies letters, or to discover things committed to the by letters sealed.  On the other side, in that he suppressed and kept secret the letters of his enemies, he gave a good lesson, what a great offence it is to open other bodies letters, or to cry at the high cross, what thou hast been put in trust withal by letters under seal.  
Unto Phraates king of the Parthians requiring of him by ambassadors to be contented that the flood 
‡ Strabo in his work of geography, that is to say, of the description of the earth, writeth, that out of Niphates (an hill in Armenia) springeth and issueth Euphrates, a great, a deep and a swift river, not far from the river of Tigris. It is the great river of the Parthians, and passing through Babylon i● runneth into the red sea. In the first book of Moses Euphrates is reckoned one of the four rivers, whose fountains or hedsprynges are in paradise.  Euphrates might be the forthest mark for the bounds of the dominion of Room, 
How Pompeius answered Phraates king of the Parthians requiring that Euphrates might be the bounds of the dominion of Room.  nay, (ꝙ he) this were a more meet request to be made, that justice may dissever the bounds of the Romans from the royalme of the Parthians. signifying, not to be any prescribing to the Romans, how far they ought to extend their empire, 
It was no ●●●scribyng to the Romans' ●ow far they ought to extend their empire.  from daily enlarg●yng whereof not hills and floods ought them to keep back: but in such place and none other evermore to be appointed the limits and bounds of the Segniourie of Room, where right would not suffer them to pass any ferther.  
When Lucius Lucullus after having a long space followed the trade of war, gave himself at the later cast unto all sensuality, 
Lucius Lucu●lus in his later days gave himself altother to sensuality.  ne would do any thing but spend and make good cheer, and on a time called Pompeius' fool, for that the same before he was of age convenient had great desire & mind to be enwrapped in many coumbreous affairs, 
What Po●peius said o● Lucullus reproving him for entering doings it● the commonweal oue● young of age.  & high doings, iwis (ꝙ Pompeius again) much more out of season it is for an old man to bestow himself altogether on sensual delices, then to be an head governor in a commonweal. He grievously reproved the mind and judgement of those persons, which thinken, that aged folks should have noman●r thing at all to do, whereas it were a gay thing for a man having the rule and governance of a commonweal to die even standing on his foot. And as for riot and idleness is in young men folly, 
Riot & idleness in young men folly, in old folks abomination.  in old folks abomination.  
Unto Pompeius lying sick, his physician had prescribed that his diet should be nothing but black birds. And when the parties that had the charge to purueie them said that there were none to be gotten (for it was not the season of the year in which this kind of birds are wont to be taken) one person there, put them in remembrreaunce, that there might some be found at Lucullus his house who used to keep of them alive all the year long. Why (ꝙ Pompei●s) is the wind in this door, that except Lucullus were a man given to delices, 
The manly b●rte of Pompeius in contemning sensual ●elices.  Pompeius might in no wise continued alive? And so the physician abandoned, he took him to meats purueiable. O a manly heart of the right sort in deed, which would not be bound to ough thanks unto delicate pieking meats, no not for to save his very life thereby.  
When there was on a time befallen in Room a great scarsitee of corn, Pompeius being declared in words and in title the puru●iour of corn, but in very deed the lord both of sea and land, sailed into Africa, Sardinia, and Sicilia: and a great quantity of corn shortly gotten together, he made haste to return to Room again. But the mariners, by reason of a sore tempest soodainly arisen, being loath to take the seas, Pompeius' himself first of all entered into the ship, and bid the ancores to be weighed or hoist, crying in this manner: To adventure sailing necessity constreigneth us, to live it doth not. Declaring that more regard ought to be had of our country being in jeopardy, 
More regard ought to be had of our country, being in jeopardy then of our own private safeguard.  then of our own private safeguard. For to spend our life in the cares of succouring and relieving the commonweal is a high honesty: but our country in extreme peril to be desolated through our slothfulness or slacking is the foulest shame in the world: 
M●●ne be they never so high are with famine made ●●me enough.  here be we put in remembreaunce, that not only brute beasts done let go libertee, and come into servitude, but also sturdy and stiff-necked men are with famine brought down and made to stoop. We be also taught that our private safeguard is less to be tendreed then the wealth public.  
When the breach between Pompeius and julius Caesar was come to light and openly known, and one Narcellinus (as Plutarch saith, but by the judgement of others. Marcellus,) one of the number of those persons whom Pompeius was thought to had set on fit, had changed his mind from the same Pompeius unto Caesar, in so much that he was not afeard to speak many words against Pompeius, even in the senate house, Pompeius cooled & whyshed him in this wise: 
●ow Pompe●us put to si●lēce one Mar●ellinus ra●●l●ng on him in the senate house.  Art thou not a shamed o Marcellinus (ꝙ he) to rail on that person, by whose benefit thou art made of a tounglesse body, eloquent, and of an hunger starved fellow, brought to such point that thou mayest not hold vomiting. He laid sore to the parties charge ingratitude, 
The shameful ingratitude of many persons.  who abused all that the dignity, authority, and eloquence that he had, to the displeasure of the same person whom his bounden duty had been to thank for the same. For this kind of ingratitude is of all others most unhonest, but yet alas toto commonly used in the world.  
Unto Cato right eagrely yalling at Pompeius, because that where he the said Cato had often times afore told that the power of Caesar from day to day increasing, would in fine be no benefit at all to the public governance of the city, but was rather inclining & growing towards tyranny, yet Pompeius that not withstanding would needs entre familiarity and be allied with him, Pompeius made answer after this sort: Thy doings o Cato dooen more near approach unto the spirit of prohecie, but mine are much better standing with frendeship and amitee● Meaning that Cato talked at rovers, 
The end of casual things in the world, no man doth ne ●aye foreknow.  forasmuch as no man living may foreknow of certaintee the end of casual things in the world to fall, and that he on his behalf took such ways as the amity and friendship which was between him and Caesar at that present time required. It was a thing certain what of duty ought to be done for one's friend, 
humanity 〈◊〉 of a f●●de rather hope the best, than fore●eme the worst.  but uncertain it was, whether one that was now his friend would afterward in time to come be his enemy. And of a friend it was more standing with humanity & gentleness to hope the best, them to foredeme the worst.  
He would frankly make open vaunt of himself, 
What vaunt Pompeius would make of himself touching offices b●aryng in Room.  that every public office that ever he had born in the city, he had both obtained sooner than he for his part looked for, and also had sooner given up again, than was of other persons looked for. That he had so timely taken in hand to bear rule and office, or to be high captain of an army, came either of fortune or of manliness before the comen course of age working in him. That he gave up any office in due season again, came of a moderate mind, having an yi● and respect not unto tyranny, but unto th● profit of the commonweal.  
After the battle on the downs of Pharsalia fought, he fled into Egypte. And when he should come down out of his galie into a little fisher boat sent purposely unto him by the king of Egypte, 
This king of Egypte was called Ptolomeus (as they were all for th● most part) he had not long afore been driven out of his royalme, and came to Room for aid & secure and was by Pompeius brought home again with an army, & set in possession of his crown, & in fine he slew Pompeius (by whom he had been restored to his kingdom & sent his head unto Ca●sar who as soon as he saw i● wept.  turning himself back to his wife and his son, he said no more but these words of Sophocles.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Whoso goeth, to dwell with a tyrant,  
Though he came free, is made his bondman.  
It appeareth, that his heart throbbed afore, at his death approaching, for as soon as he was descending into the boat, receiving a stripe with a sword, he gave but one sole groan, & wrapping up his head in a thing he held it out to be strieken of.  
Pompeius because he could not, to dy● for it, 
What Pompeiꝰ said of Ci●ero. whose c●a●t●ng he cou●d not abide.  away with the chatting and continual bableing of Cicero said many atyme and oft among his familiar friends, I would w●th all my heart that Cicero would depart from us to our enemies, to th'end that he might be afeard of us. Noting the nature and fashion of the same, of which by men's report he was to his enemies full of crouching and lowly submission, & towards his friends froward in opinion, 
〈◊〉 of his nature & fashion to his enemies lowly & to his friends froward.  and wondrous self-willed. This saying of Pompeius doth Quintilian thus rehearse, depart from us to C●esar, and then thou wilt be afeard of me.  
Thesame Pompeius after that he had had wondrous myssehappe in battle against Caesar, 
Pompeius' brought to ●t●●r despair.  being brought unto utter despair, he came into his pavilion like unto a man utterly amazed or a ston & spoke not one word more, but only this, why then straight into our camp too. And by & by doing on him a weed answerable unto his present fortune, he fled away secretly.  
The sedition of Sicily suppressed and appeased, & the cities which had made the insurrection or rebellion peaceably & quietly received to grace again, only the Mamertines required to be heard, allegeing and reciting certain laws many years afore granted unto them by the Romans, why (ꝙ Pompeius) will ye not surcease to bring forth and read laws unto us having your swords girded about you signifying that in case they were disposed to be ordreed by the right of the laws, 
Where the order of y● law● may serve, weapon hath no place.  they needed not to wear weapon about them.  
Thesame Pompeius when by letters from the Senate to him directed he had perceived, all that ever Sylla had by the sword usurped, 
What Pompeius said when all that Sylla had usurped was by the consent of th● people of Room p●t●● into his ha●●des.  to be by the whole consent, agreement, and voices of the universal people committed unto his power and governance, he gave a great clap on his thigh with his hand, & said: oh peril & danger never like to have end. How much better had it been for me, to have been born a poor man's child, 
Pompeius' wished to had been borne a poor man's ●●ilde.  if I shall never obtain to retire from the cures of warfare, ne being clearly dispeched of such mat●er and occasion of envy as to be mine own master, that I may with my wife lead a quiet life in the country. Great power and authority, 
G●●at power an●●utoritee w●● hath not assayed, seeketh: who so hath proved, hat●th●  who hath not assayed it, maketh high suit to have, who so hath proved it, hateth deadly, but to leave it, is a matter of no small daungie● and peril.  

What Pompeius said to certain persons supposing that he could not be able to bear the maugre of Caesar.  Certain persons allegeing the they could not see how he should be able to sustain or bear the furor of Caesar, Pompeius' with a merry countenance bid them to take nomamner thought ne care for that matter. For (saith he) as son as ever I shall have given but a thump with my foot on the ground of Italy, 
The stout ● manly heart of Pompeius.  there shall anon come leaping forth whole swarms, of both horsemen and footmen till we cry hoe again. A stout courage and a very man's heart, if fourtune had been answerable in doing her part. Now if ye have not yet your bealye full of this banquet, we shall add also out of the numbered of the orators two or three of the principals and very best.   

THE sayings OF PHOTION  
Photion a noble Counsaillour of Athenes, a man of high wisdom, singular prudence, notable policy, most incorrupted manners, in comparable innocency & integrity of life, marvelous clemency, most bounteous liberality & to be short a rare mirror to all counsellors. Yet all this withstanding, he was at length through envy & falsely surmised accusations, guiltelesse candemned & put to death by his own countreemen the athenians, and that so cruelly, that not only he suffreed the accustomed peines of death, but also after the execution, was cast out into the fields without sepulture or having so much as one poor turf of earth to lie upon him. Such was partly the ingratitude and partly the madness of the athenians in Photion, Socrates, Solon, Aristides, & many more innocence's persons by their whole consent and agreement to persecute most high virtues in stead of most heinous offences, and with most horrible injuries to requite benefits.  
THen first and foremust ●hall ye have Photion of country a man of Athenes, but a very Lacedemonian aswell in integrity of ma●ers, as also in knitting up his tal● shortly at few words. 
Photion a m●ne of few 〈◊〉 in ●ellyng his tale.  He was even Socrates up and down in this point and behalf, that noman ever saw him either laugh or weep, 
P●ocion was n●u●r s●en laugh 〈◊〉 w●●e.  or change his mood, of so great constancy of mind he was.  
Unto this Photion sitting in a great assembly of the people, a certain person said in this manner: Photion ye seem to be in a great muse or study. Right well conjectured of you it is, ꝙ he again: For I am musing if I may cut of any part of the words that I have to say among the athenians. Other persons take great care and study, to tell their tale at length with all that may be said, 
Photion laboured in few worde● to comprise the effect of his matter.  to the end that they may appear eloquent: but he did all his endeavour and diligence to the contrary, that is to weet, how to comprise & knit up in few words, such things as should directly serve to the effect and purpose of his matter.  
A voice being by revelation sent to the athenians, that in the same their city one certain man there was, who evermore contraried and again said the minds and sentences of all the universal multitude besides, and the people being in a great roar willed enquierie and search to be made who it was, Photion descried himself, saying: Even I am the man, whom the oracle speaketh of. 
Photion like● nothing that the gross● and rude multitude either did or said.  For, me only nothing pleaseth of all that ever the comen people either doth or saith. What may a body in this behalf first marvel at? The heart of ●his man being void of all fear? or else the piety and compassion of him in that he would not suffer this suspicion to light on the neck of one or other innocent person? or else the singular wisdom, 
The multitude of the people, neither done ne saien any thing right.  by which h● perfectly saw that the rude and gross multitude (forasmuch as they are led all by affections & pangs) neither do ne say any thing standing with good reason or discretion?  
On a certain day Photion making an oration in presence of the people of Athenes pleased all parties very well. And when he saw his tale to be well allowed and accepted of the whole audience, he turned himself to his frendes● & said: 
Photion was ●ully persuaded that nothing proceeding of ● right judgement might please the people.  What, have I (trow we) unawares spoken, any thing other wise then well? So thoroughly was he persuaded, that nothing might content or please the gross people, that proceeded of a right judgement.  
When the athenians of a course made a gathering about of the citizens to contribute each man somewhat towards a sacrifice that they prepared and went about to make, 
What Photion said to certain athenians gathering money toward a sacrifice.  and (other folks giving their devotion towards it) Photion was more than a doosen times spoken to, It would be a shame for me (ꝙ Photion) if I should with you make contribution, and make to this man here no restitution, (pointing to a creditor of his.) Right many there been that thinken highly well employed all that is bestowed or spent on temples, and on sacrifices, or on feasting at church houses. But this far seeing man, did the people to understand, that a much more holy and godly thing it is, 
To repa●● where a ma● oweth is an holy & a godly thing.  to rapaie whom to a body is indebted: & what is it like that he would now judge (trow ye) of those persons, who (their wife and children defrauded) done edify to the use of men of the clergy or spiritualtee, palaces meet for kings, & to maintain the idle loytreing of the same, done deburse & lay out no small portion of their substance.  
To Demosthenes the orator saying, the athenians will put the to death one day oh Photion, if they shall once begin to be mad, he answered in this manner: Me in deed (as ye say) if they shall beegynne to be mad, but thee, if they shall come to their right wits again. 
Demos●enes would speak all for to please, and rat●er sweet words, then wholesome.  For Demosthenes in open audience of the people spoke in manner all that ever he did forto please them, & to obtain fauou● & would speak rather sweet words, then wholesome.  
When Aristogiton a false accuser and bringer of men to trouble was now already condemned, and in prison there forto die, & heartily prayed Photion to come and see him & Photions' friends would not suffer that he should go to such a vile b● die: 
In priesen is the best place possible where to see cōtinu●all & the same heinous malefactors.  And I pray yo● (ꝙ he) in what place should a man have better fancy to speak unto Aristogiton? The argument of his friends he did most finely wrest to the contrary of their menyng● signifying, that he would not go thither to be a supporter or bearer of a comen malefactor, but to take the fruition of his justly deserved calamity.  
The athenians being sore moved with the Byzancians, 
Byzantium, a city of Thr●cia nigh to the se●ssyde, firs● edified & built by Pan●anias Captain o● king of the Lacedemoni●̄s, & of●erward ●nlarged by Constantinꝰ Emperor of the Roma●nes, & made the head city of all the ●he empire, & named Constantinopolis which name of Constantinoble it obtaineth & keepeth yet still unto this day, it was also called nova Roma, new Room.  forthat the same would not receive one Charetes, whom the said athenians had sent with an army for aid and defence of their city against Philippus king of Macedon, when Photion had said that there was no cause why to take displeasure with their friends for having such mistrust, but rather with the captains that were men not to be trusted, he was chosen captain himself. And the Byzancians putting their affiance in him, he brought to pass that Philippus departed thence as wise as he came without his purpose. The mystrustfulnesse of the Byzancians he laid on the neck of the Charetes the captain, who was such manner a man, that it seemed an unsure thing for the said people to commit theimselfes to his protection. To mistrust an untrusty person is a point of wisdom: 
To mystrust● an vntrusti● person, is ● poincte of wisdom.  but to put theimselfes into the hands of Photion being a man of honest estimation & credit they made nomaner sticking nor no bones at all.  
Alexander king of the Macedonians had sent an hundred talents unto Photion in the way of a reward But Photion demanded of them which brought the money, how it happened, that, where there were athenians many moo than he, Alexander would send such a reward to him alone. The messengers in this wise answering, because he judgeth the alone among them all to be an honest and a good man, well (ꝙ Photion) then let him suffer me both so to be reputed, 
Photion refused a great sum of money sent unto him in reward by Alexander.  and also to be such an one in deed. How properly he took their reason out of their mouths, and applied the same to an occasion of the refusing the gift. Now, what man may in this matter any other then marvel at the synceritee of an heart which could not be corrupted? Photion was a man in poverty, and yet was he nothing at all moved with the greatness of the reward. 
Those persons throu●h whose hands the administration of the commenweale doth pass be nought if they take rewards.  And all under one did he notify, that such persons as having the conveyance and administration of the commonweal, done yet for all that not hold their hands from taking rewards, neither been good men, nor aught to be accounted for any such.  
When Alexander made instance to have certain galies found unto him by the athenians at their cost and charge, and the people cried earnestly for Photion by name to apere, 
What counsel Phocio● gave to the Atheniens, consulting whether they should send to Alexander any galyes ●r not.  that he might declare what advise & counsel he would give: he arising up out of his place, said: Then, mine advise and counsel is, that either ye suppress with weapon such persons as been of power to overmatch you & to hold you in subjection, or else show amity and friendship towards the same. 
The stronger must be obeyed and have his will.  At few words he gave counsel that nothing was to be denied unto Alexander on their behalf, unless they had assured trust & confidence, if he would take pepper in the nose, or stir coals, to wring him to the worse with dint of sword. Wherein if Alexander seemed the stronger o● both, 
Alexander ●ould in no wise a●yde to have any nay in his requests.  that then it was no provoking of the young man being all heart, and one that to die for it could not abide to have any nay in his requests.  
There was a brute and rumour noised (of 
* Plutarch in the life of Photion saith that one Asclepiades was the first that told the news of the death of Alexande● in Athenes. Unto whom Demades an orator said that there was no credence to be given, allegeing, that it could none other wise be, but all the whole universal world to be replenished and s●uffed with the odour of such a dead body even the first day, i● i● had been true that Alexander was dead.  whose bringing up noman could tell) that Alexander was deceased. Anon out sterten the orators, exhorting the athenians to make no ferther delay ne tarriance, but incontinente with all haste to begin war. But Photion willed them, 
What Photion said when the orators of Athenes gave them co●●●as● to make war upon a rumour of the death of Alexander.  not be over hasty until some more certain knowledge might be had. For, (saith he) if Alexander be dead this day, he willbe dead the morrow too, & the next day also. He gravely restrained and stayed the heady undiscretenesse of the orators.  
When 
* Leosthenes was a man at this time, of great authority and estimation in Athenes, who would not rest provoking the people to make war upon the residue of Grece, until he had brought them in mind so to do. And himself was Captain in the same war, and fought a great field against Antipater and the Beocians, and the athenians won the feld● But Leosthenes was slain in that battree. And whereas the athenians minding to continue war and perceiving Phoci●● to be altogether against it, had devised a wile to have on● Antiphilus succeed Leosthenes, and to put Photion by, les● he would turn the war into peace, Photion commanded by proclamation that as many as were between the age of sixteen years & seventy, should out of hand get them to their hors● and harness, & providing theimselfes victuals for five days to come and follow him. This the people cried out upon, and they that were by reason of years ympotente or unable or otherwise by the law discharged of going to war, grudged a such an unreasonable proclamation. To whom Photion thu● answered: why what wrong do I unto you, since that I must go forth with you myself being lxxx years old? Bu● thus at the last he abated their haste towards war, & quieted the city to keep theimselfes at home in rest and peace. Thi● annotation may serve for the perfect elucidation of thee. xvii● apothegm.  Leosthenes had persuaded the city of Athenes to make war being set agog to think all the world otemele, & to imagine the recovering of an high name of freedom and of principality or sovereignty, 
The words of Leosthenes Photion likened to a cypress tree goodly to see to, but in deed unfruitful.  Photion affirmed his words to be semblable unto cypress trees, the which although they be of a great highthe, and goodly to behold, yet have no fruit ne goodness on them. Nothing could possible have been spoken to better purpose of talk that promiseth many gay good morrows, 
Uneth any tree more goodly to behold afar of, than the cypress tree, nor in deed more barren.  and maketh jolly royal warantise of things in words, but without any effect or coming to pass of deeds, even semblably as the cypress tree 
‡ The Cypress tree (saith Plinius in the xxxiii chapitur of the xvi. volume) is elfishe and froward to spring up, of a fruit● that may well be spared, of berries evilfavouredly withered and shrunken, of leaf bittur, of savour rammyshe, and not so much as for giving shadow to be loved or set by, o● boughs, branches and leaves no more but here and there on● in manner even like a little thin shrub. etc.  shooting up into the air with a top of a great highthe, and growing sharp with a bush great beneath and small above of a trim fashion, seemeth a far of to make assured warauntise of some especial gay thing, and yet in deed there is almost no tree more barren.  
But when the first beginning of the same war had happily fortuned (for as is above noted, they won the first felde● and vainqu●shed the Beocians●● put Antipater to ●light) & the city for the prosperous tidings thereof gave laud and thanks to the gods with sacrifice 
*  & high solemnity, Photion being demanded whether he would not with his good will have had thesame things so done, 
The constancy of Photion in not repenting his good counsel given, though the contrary happened well and luckily.  said, yes veralye, my will was never other but to have all executed and done even as it hath been now, but that not withstanding, I am yet still of this mind, that I would the other way had been decreed. Meaning, 
Things undiscreetly purposed, done many times succeed well, but yet the best ways are evermore to be taken.  that things also without all wisdom or good advise purposed, have at many times prosperous and lucky hap, and that, as often as the same doth so chance, the parts of men is, to rejoice in the behalf of the commonweal but yet that men ought not for any suc●e respect or cause, 
Not the beginning of things, but the last end must declare whether thesam● was well attempted or not.  not to purpose evermore the best, and take the best ways. Yea and peradventure this ran in Photions' head, that men ought not even at the first chop to put assured trust and confidence in the lucky chances that happen at the first beginning of things, but that the later end of all the whole ma●ier must be it that shal● de●●s●e of what sort the first attemting ●●ppo●●●emente of the same enterprise was.  
When the 
* Read of this in the apophthegm & note next afore going. And of the same matiere read in the xvi● apothegm of this Photion.  Macedonians had by forceable entrance broken into the country of Attica, and destroyed the sea costs of the same round about, Photion took forth with him a company of young men being in their best lust & age, of whom sundry persons hastily approaching unto him, and (like as if they had been captains) giving him counsel that he should by prevention gait to a certain hillock, that was even there in sight of the Macedonians, and should in the same pitch his camp and there set his footmen: 
This is ad●ded out of Plutarch in ●he life of Photion.  other some affirming to be best that ●e should soodainly environ the said Macedo●ians with his horsemen: and other ●ome taking ●pon them to teach him to set upon his enemies, o●e out of one place, an other out of another place, & one this way, and another that way, oh god Hercules (ꝙ Photion) what a meinie of captains I see here, 
Many Captains, & few● good soldiers, ꝙ Photion.  and good soldiers wondrous few. noting the unadvisedness ●●ndiscret● fashion of young folks, which was so priest to take in hand to lead & teach the captain, whereas the duty and part of a soldier is not to be a bu●sie giver of counsel, 
The due●ie and part of a good soldier.  but when the case requireth, lustyly to besmear him about his business. Yet nevertheless battle joined, he won the victory, and overcame Nicion the captain of the Macedonians. But ere long time after, the Athenieus being clean overcomed and subdued, were driven to take a garrison of Antipater to be over them i● the castle of their citee. 
The athenians in conclusion overcomed by Antipater & kept by his garrison.   
When Menyllus the captain of the garrison, 
Memyllus ●●pita●● of An●●●●ter his ●●rrison in Athenes.  would (for love and good will) have given Photion money, Photion taking great indignation and foul scorn at the matter, said that neither he the said Menyllus was better man than Alexander, 
Photion refused to take ●oney of Me●yllus his gift.  and the cause to take any reward or gift of money now was worse than at that time when he refused to take money sent unto him by Alexander. 
This is touched afore in the viii apoph.  O an heart that could not be conjured ne bought with money.  
Antipater would many times say, that whereas he had two friends in Athenes, he could never in all his live persuade Photion to take any money or other thing of his gift, 
Ant●pater could never persuade Photion to take any money, nor fill Demades with giving.  nor never fill Demades with giving. Thissame was Demades the orator who was excellent & passing good in making an oration or setting out of a tal● without any study or unprovided, 
Demades had no fellow in making an oration without study, whereas Demostenes penned all his matters afore.  where as Demosthenes made none orations but diligently penned afore.  
Unto Antipater requiring him to do for his sake some thing whatsoever it was not standing with justice, he said: 
How Photion made answer to Antipater requiring him to do a certain thing contrary to justice.  O Antipater thou cannest not have of Photion a friend & a flatterer both together. A friend is at commandment so far as conscience and honesty will suffer, and no ferther. For in deed one friend ought in no wise to require of an other friend a thing that is unjust. 
One friend ought not to require any vni●ste thing of another.  But as for a flatterer, he is a ready and a serviceable paige for what soever a body will have him do.  
When the people of Athenes were ymportune that Photion should take an army with him into Beotia, 
For further declaration hereof read the annotation of the xi apothegm of this Photion.  and Photion judged in his mind that so doing would be nothing for the profit of the commenweale, he made a proclamation, that as many as were in the city between sixteen years of age and sixty should be in a readiness and come follow him. The aged men in this case crying out against him, and allegeing for their excuse that they were ympotent and feeble for age, why (ꝙ Photion) there is none unreasonable thing contained in my proclamation, 
How Photion stayed the athenians being in a sudden pang ●o continue wa●●● with the Beotians.  since that I myself do make ready to go forth with them as their captain being lxxx years of age. By this subtle means he appeased & cooled the soodain heat of the commons.  
After the death of Antipater, the commonweal of the athenians being come again to such state that the people 
‡ The philosophers that done writ of politic gouernaunc● describen the state of commenweales to have been diverse in diverse placest Somewher, kings governed, as in Persia & in Room at the beginning, and now in England, which was called Monarchia, and this state all writers done agree upon to be the best. Some commenweales have been governed by a certain ●oumbre of magistrates and counsaillours, as in Room, from the extermination of kings until the time of julius Caesar, & at this present day in Uenece, & this was cal●●d Oligarchia, or Aristocratia. somewhere all the people rolled and were echeman of equal authority, as in Athenes until they were yoked by the thirty tyrants, and afterward conquered and subdued by Philippus, and after him hold●● in subjection by Alexander, after him by Antipater, after whose ●●●●●ss● they obtained again their first state, which was called ●●mo●●atia. And this was of all other the worst, as here may ri●ht well appear, for the people being semblable to a monstrious beast of many heads did things heddyly without due counsel, advise, deliberation, discretion or reason, as the athenians being in furious raiges most wrongfully put to death many innocent persons, high clerks and noble counsellors, as afore is noted in the .v. apothegm of this same Photion.  ruled, and were every man like master, Photion was at a comen assemblee condemned to die. 
Photion being innocent condemned to death by the people of Athenes.  And so it was, that his other 
☞ With Photion were condemned to death Nicocles, Thudippus, Hegemon and Rithocles. And besides these were condemned being absent Demetrius Phalereus, Callimedon, Charicles and sundry persons more.  friends which had been condemned to death together with him at the same time, went pieteously weeping and making lamentation when they were led to prison but Photion went as still as a lamb not speaking a word. But one of his enemies meeting with him in the street, after many despiteous and railing words, spette in his face. Then Photion looking back upon the officers, said: 
The patience of Photion.  will noman chastise this fellow here uncomely demeaning himself? This most virtuous and godly man even when there was with him none other way but death, 
Photion when he was ca●●e to die yet had care of good order to be kept in the city.  had care of the public good order to be kept. He made no complaint of that so heinous a touch of villainy, neither did he require avengement against the party who contrary to the laws was eager to show cruelty unto a cast man: he only willed the evil example, that was contrary to good manner & behaviour to be repressed: and to that horrible cruel deed he gave no worse name but uncomely demeanours  
Of those persons which were to suffer death with Photion, 
How Photion coumforted Thudippus being out of patience when he should die.  one man especially among all the others, being wonderful ympacient bewailled his mishap whom Photion comforted after this sort: Is it not enough for the O Euippus, (or as some readen Thudippus) to die in cumpaignie with Photion Photion was done to death, not only being without gilt but also being one that had done highly well for the commonweal. 
It may be a comfort for an innocent wrongfully to suffer with innocentes.  It ought therefore to have been esteemed a great comfort and rejoicing for the party being innocent, wrongfully to be put to death with such an innocent and good man as Photion was.  
At his last hour, when the brewage of wine and the juice of hemlock tempreed together was brought unto him, 
Of the manner of putting condemned persons to death in Athenes, read afore in the annotation of the liv. apoph. of Socrates.  one demanded of him whether he were disposed anything to say unto his son, (for the same was there present: (Dear son (ꝙ Photion) I both streightely charge and command thee, 
What Photion said to his son at the hour of his death.  and also right heartily desire and pray thee, never to bear towards the athenians any grudge or malice for the remembreaunce of this matter. To other persons when they suffer execution the chief comfort, that they commonly have, is the hope of their death to be● afterward avenged: 
The ●nti●●●●ele & affection of Phocio●̄ toward his countr●e.  but Photion did all that in him lay to provide that the son should not revenge the wrongful murdreing of his own father, and was more desirous that the same should bear tender zeal & affection toward his country, then toward his parent.  
Unto Nicocles making instant request for licence to sup of his part of the poison before the Photion should, well (ꝙ Photion) though this be an hard thing to obtain and much against my stomach, 
Photion loved and favoured Nicocles singularly well.  yet must it needs be granted unto that man whom I never said nay of any thing in all my life time. Photion had evermore borne singular love & affection towards Nicocles the mos● faithful and truest hearted man among all the friends he had, 
Nicocles the most trusty friend that Photion had.  and for the consideration it would have been a great grief to the heart of Nicocles to see the other passing out of this world. Which grief to avoid, he desired to drink first himself. And in this thing also did Photion show pleasure to his friend.  
When all the cast men saving he alone had drunken, 
The price of an ounce of Hemlock juice in Athenes.  and only Photion was remaining unserved (by reason that the poison had been all consumed by the others) the hangman said plainly and swore that he would not serve him except there were laid down in his hand twelve good drachmas (little under ●●. s. sterling,) for an ounce of hemlock juice (he said) would cost not a farthing less. Photion therefore to th'end that his death might not be delayed or slacked through the feloes brableing, 
What Photion said when the hangman would not ministre the p●ison unto him without m●ney.  to one of his friends purposely called, spoke thus. Forasmuch as it is so (said he) that in the city of Athenes a man cannot die neither, but he must pay for it, I beseech you heartily, pay the hangman here his asking.  
When Demosthenes was busy casting out many bloody words against Alexander being now at the very point to win and entre the city of Thebes, Photion took him up with this greek verse of Homer, 
How Photion rebuked Demostenes ca●tyng forth many ●ailling words a●a●●● Alexander●  out of the first book of the work entitled Odyssea.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
O wicked creature, what fancy hast thou,  
Such a ●oure feloe, to provoke now?   

THE sayings OF MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO.  
Of Marcus Tullius Cicero to speak as his worthiness requireth, w●r to write an infinite volume couched & replenished with whole ●eapes of laudes & praisest But for this present purpose & place it shallbe enough to say, that he lineally descended from the house of Tullius an annciente ●yng of the Uolsces. But (as the world and all things are full of changes) so in long process of years the ioylit●e of that blood and name fell to decay and to ignobilitee. Albeit even in the time of Cicero the Tully's remained in the degree and acceptation of gentlemen, and Cicero even at his first coming to Rome enjoyed th● degree of a gentlemany and like as he was under the estate of the Senators which we● lords, so was he above the condition and degree of the yeomanry or comenaltie, his father was called Tullius, a man of no great name ne port, his mother's name Olbia a rich woman. He was born in a town of the Uolsces called Arpinū● (free of Room to enjoy all mani●r fraunchesses', liberties, privileges, and offices in the same). Nevertheless all such persons as never had their parents dwelling in Room, ne bea●yng any magistrate or office there, were called, no●● homines, new men, that is to say come of straungi●rs and men unknown to bear authority and rule in the city. Tullius was at last the father of all eloquence, a great writer of books in all kinds, and a man (as Pli●ius of him saiyth for wit and eloquence out of all comparison, he got up by little and little to bear offices in Room even to the very consulship, and that wi●h as much honour, authority, glory, and renown as ever man did, in somuch that he was the first that ever was called in Room, parens patriae, the ●ather of his ●ountree, that is to say, the only saver & kepe● of th● country. Nevertheless, was he at length banished & his house in despite, beaten & thrown down to the hard ground, but at last he was fet home again of their own accord and received with such honour as ne●er was any man there before or since, and had a new house builded for him at the charges of the city twys s● good & double so fair, as his own was afore. In fine he was by the permission & suffreaunce of Augustus Caesar with all villainy possible ●lain at the commandment of Marcus Antonius his enemy, who caused his right hand with which he had written to be strieken of, and his ●oung to be cut out of his head with which he had made many noble oraci●s before the Se●nate and people of Room. And after that the said Antonius had ●had his head presented i● a dish at his table, and had ●aciated his most●●r●ell yies with the contemplation of it, he caused the same for extreme contumely and despite to be nailled up in the place that was called ●ostra, where Tullius had before that time pronounced many a sore invective against him.  
MArcus Tullius, 
Ma●cus Tullius much ie●ted at for the surname of Cicero.  (forasmuch as he was much tested on for the surname of 
* As touching the surname of Cicero, it is to be noted that this Marcus Tullius right well knowing his own pedigree and ancestry, resumed the surname of the stock from which he was descended. For the first Tullius was surnamed Cicero, of a little piece of flesh growing in the side of his nose like to a cicer, which is a little puitz much like to a pease, some there been that call it the fetch, but I doubt whether truly or not. But in time of old antiquity a comen thing it was that families were surnamed of diverse such things (saith Plinius in the third chapitur of the xviii book) a● the family of those which were in Room called Pilumn●● was first surnamed of the inventing of Pilum, which is a pe●stell such as things are brayed withal in a mortal, & in old● time they had none other way to grind their corn. Also Pi●●sones were surnamed, a pisendo, of grinding with a querne, because it was their invention. Those also (saith he) which were called Fabii, Lentuli, and Cicerones had their surnames at the first of such things in the sowing and husbandry whereof they excelled others.  Cicero) being warned by his friends to choose and take unto him some other surname, 
What Tullius said when his friends advised him to take some other surname in stead of Cicero.  answered that he would ere he died make the name of Cicero more noble and famous, then was the name either of the 
☞ For the renown of the caton's, of the Catules, and the Scars, & of their families in the histories of Titus Li●iu● Florus, Plutarch and Ualerius Maximus. For some more light to be given to this present place, as touching Cato the first, I have thought good to set the words of Plinius in the xxvii Chapitur of the seventh book. In other kinds of virtues (saith he) many persons have many sundry ways excelled. But Cato the first of the house that was called in Rome gens portia, hath been thought to have in most high degree performed & showed the most high things that may be in any mortal creature, being the best orator that ever was before his time, the best captain of an army, and the best Senator. And as for this was in Cato alone and never in any man else, that he was upon accusations so were and ●owertie times brought to his answer before judges at the bar, and never any man more times arraigned, and yet ever quite. For this Cato because he was a grave and a sage father, and a continual enemy and pursuer of all vice, had the hatred of many persons, who of malice wrought to bring him to confusion, but his innocency evermore delivered him. From this Cato lineally descended Cato Uticensis a very noble man also, as is afore in the saying of Augustus largely mentioned and noted.  caton's, or of the 
‡ Of Quintus Luctatius Catulus, it is written in the chronicles of Room, that in the first war that the Romans made against the Cartaginiens he with a navy of three hundred ships made six hundred ships of theirs couch, and took thei●●itailles and other lading, and the chief Captain of the same Himilcon. But the memory of these men's acts is now clen● extincted, the memory of Cicero by reason of his most noble books is ymmortall, & shall never die while the world shall stand. Of whom Plinius in the xxx chapitur of the seventh volume among many high praises more saith in this wise: ●ll hail Cicero the first man that ever was called parens patriae, the father of our country, and the first man that ever deserved a triumph and never didst on harness for the maier, and yet didst as worthily deserve to have the garland of a triumpher for thy ●oung, as ever had any other before for the swearde. (Which he speaketh of the suppressing of the seditious conjuration of Catiline, whom Cicero did peaceably destroy and put to death with all his complices and adherentes without blouddeshed of any of the true citizens.) All hail the parent & chief founder of all eloquence of the latin tongue and (as julius Caesar the dictator sometime thy great enemy hath left in writing of thee) one that had achieved a garland of triumph so far surmounting the garlands of all other men's triumphs, as it is more highly to be esteemed to have so highly anaunced and extended through out all parts of the world the bounds and limits of the wit which the Romans have, then of their empire.  Catules, or else of the 
✚ Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, in the time of his consulship passing by chance along by Publius Decius then chief justice, when he saw the same justice not to do his duty of obeisance, commanded the same to arise from the bench, and then did Scaurus cut the garment of Decius (which was ●s great a dishonour & ignominy, as if a chief justice should have his coyf pulled from his head here in England, and be● disautorised or deposed from his office) he cut the bench that Decius had sitten on, in token of his deposition or deprivation and proclaimed that no person should any more resort unto the same Decius for justice. Also, being consul he triumphed of the Ligures and the Gantiskes. And at other seasons did many noble acts both of buildings and otherwise. He was of so high authority in Room, that of his own head without any other bodies counsel, he set Opius in harness against Gracchus, and set Marius to war against Glaucia & Sa●u●ninus. In his old age he was accused and appealed by Marius one of the tribunes for the people, that he had enforced the friends of the Romans and all the country of Latium to battle, for answer to which complaint and accusation, thus he said openly unto the people: Masters all, Uarius saith that Aemilius Scaurus enforced and drove such as are in League with this city to harness and weapon, and Scaurus saith it was nothing so, to whether of the two do ye give credence? upon these words was he dismissed.  Scaures, For these houses were of especial fame and renown among the Romans, 
The houses of the Catons Catules & the Scaures were of great renown in Room.  whereas Tullius was a man but newly come to Room and as yet unknown there. And as for the surname was a ready thing to be tested at, because it appeared to have been derived of the most vile Poultz called cicer. Yea iwis, as though the family of those Romans which were called Fabii, 
The surnames of those which were called fabiis ● Lentuli, where of they came up.  s●med not to have had that surname first of Benes (which are in latin called, Fabae) & they that were called Lentuli, to have been surnamed of another Poultz which the latin men done call, Lentem But to this present purpose, of slender nobility and renown is that man, 
Of slender nobility is that man, who hath nothing but the pedigree of his ancestors & his surname.  which hath none other point of nobility in him besides the lineal descent of his ancestors and his surname. The most honourable kind of nobility is that which every man doth purchase to himself by his own proper virtues and good qualities. 
The most laudable no●bilitee is that which every man achiveth by his own proper virtues.  Neither proved Marcus Tullius a false man of his word, for the name of Cicero is at this present day more comen in each man's mouth, then are three hundred such as the Catules, and the Scaures with all their garlands, their images of honour and their petigrees.  
When he offered a silver bowl to the gods, 
Marcus Tullius would not forsake the surname of Cicero.  he had his 
* The Romans for the most part, especially such as were of any nobility and renown, had three names, the first was called Praenomen, the forename, as Marcus, which we do call the christian name: the second was called nomen, the name, as Tullius, which was ●he comen name of the house stock or family that they were descended of, and this we call our surname, because we have not the third in use, (except it should be called out si●e name that is to say the name of our father's blood & ancestry.) The third was given upon some other external chance, cause or consideration, as Cicero, and semblea●ly in others.  forename, and his name stamped and set out in plain letters, but for his surname, Cicero, he engraved the figure and proportion of a cicer. Not shrinking an inch for the interpretation of capacious bourders.  
Such orators or advocates ●s in uttreing their matter, or in making their plea done use to cry out as if they were in a miln or in a rood loft, Cicero avouched to be semblable unto lame creples, 
Clamouro●s and brawling orators Cicero likened unto lame creples.  for that such manner orators semblably had all their refuge unto such clamorous, yalling, as lame bodies to their horses. Yea & even at this present day, a rief thing it is to see feloes enough of the self same suit, which as often as they see theim selfes to have the worse end of the staff in their cause, done make their recourse wholly unto furious brawling, to the end that where they are not of faculty and cunning with good arguments and profound reasons to make their mat●er good, they may with malapert facing and with fear, by hook or crook drieve it to their purpose.  
When 
* ●erres, a gentleman of Room, who being Praetor in Sicily did much pillage and extortion there. Whereupon he was accused, and brought to his answer in Room. Cicero made and pronounced against him certain invectives, and in them so laid to his charge, and brought in witness upon the same, that Uerres was condemned in a great sum of a rierage. And not many years after, he was cast in a forfaicte of all his goods and lands by Marcus Antonius, upon none other cause ne ground (saith Plinius) but for that on a time bragguing and cocking with Antonius, he craked and made vaunt that he would drop plate of Corinthe metal with him ounce for ounce and not be one piece behind him.  Verres, who had a son viciously myspending the flower of his youth railed on Cicero under the name of a sinful abuser of his body in abomination, 
How Cicero ●aun●ed Uerr●s laying to his charge unchaste living.  thou art ignorant (ꝙ Cicero) that a man ought to chide his children secretly within doors. signifying that word of reproach not to take place in him, but in the son of the fault finder or quereler. And in deed to parents it appertaineth to blame or chide their children, 
Parents ought to rebuke the●r children secretly within their houses.  but yet not without the circuit of their own houses, neither aught the same words of rebuke to be notified forth of doors. But that person doth no less than publish it abroad, who layeth to others abroad, that thing which his children do perpetrate at home in his own house.  
Unto Metellus laying to the charge of Cicero, that thesame had been the death of more persons by giving evidence against them, than ever he had saved by pleading for them, 
How Cicero answered Metellus laying to his charge that he had been the death of more men by his evidence giving, than he had saved by pleading for them.  yea marry (ꝙ Cicero) for I have in me more truth of my word in bearing witness, than I have of eloquence to persuade. With a marvelous witty brain did he wrest the other party's word of reproach to his own laud and praise. For in a giver of evidence truth is to be regarded, in an advocate or attorney, eloquence it is that doth most avail.  
Eftsons' to the same Metellus demanding of Cicero who was his father (as casting him in the teeth with the bassenes of his birth) he said: 
How Cicero answered Metellus demanding, who was his father.  thy mother is in the cause that a right hard thing it is to make a direct answer unto this question of thine. 
It is afore noted that the father of Cicero was o● no name.  For the mother of Metellus had a name that she was no very good woman of her body. 
The mother of Metellus unchaste of her body.  Yea and Metellus himself being of his mother's conditions was very 
* Metellus was so shuttlebrained that even in the mids of his tribuneship he left his office in Room, and sailed to Pompeius into Syria, and by than he had been with him a while, ●ame flinging home to Room again as wise as a capon.  light and mutable, and one that could none other but follow every soodain guerie or pang that shot in his brain. 
Metellus light and inconstant.  Cicero changed the contumely from the father to the mother. For than is the father uncertain to be known, when the mother keepeth not hirself to one sole man.  
When the same Metellus after the decease of Diodorus 
Diodorus alias Diodorus master unto Metellus in rhetoric.  (whom he had to his master in rhetoric) had set for a memorial upon the tomb of thesame a crow of stone Cicero said: 
What Cicero said when Metellus had set upon the tomb of Diodorus a crow of stone.  Truly he is rewarded according to his deserts. For he hath taught Metellus to flygh and not to make orations. Noting the lightness and inconstauncie of Metellus. The crow is a bird that hath none other music, nor can none other song ne tune but ka, ka. Plutarch calleth the Rhetorician Philagres, and saith that the tomb was of marble, and that Metellus caused the crow to be graven in the marble stone, which thing in deed is the more likely.  
Marcus ●Tullius had heard say that Vatinius (a mortal foo of his, and besides that of himself) a person full of mischief) was dead, 
What Cicero said when one had told news that Uatinius was dead, and afterward the thing was found otherwise.  shortly after when he had heard contrary word again, that the same was alive and merry: evil chieving come to him (said Tullius) that evil lied. signifying that Uatinius was unworthy any longer to live. In deed every lie is evil, but this lie was double ●iuill, because it had brought honest men into a fools paradise. Yet nevertheless the saying was doubtful, as the which might have been spoken of such a person also, whom a body would not with his good will have had dead. As if some light fellow should bring us news that some one of our kin, or of our dear friends, or some learned man were departed this world, and the same news were afterward found untrue, we might and would give him Christ's curse that had made such an evil lie to put us in discoumforte and heaviness And in this point of speaking, ambiguously resteth the wittynesse of the apothegm  
When Marcus Tullius was making an oration on a time, 
Plutarch nameth this man Octa●ius  & a certain, person supposed of all men to be born in Lybia spoke in this manner, I hear not this tale (meaning by the same words, that he did no point like the matter which the orator treacted of. 
The use in Lybia was to have their ears bored full of holes for to hang rings and precious stones thereat. ) And yet (ꝙ Cicero) ye have holes plentieth in your ears. For the nation of a custom had their ears bored full of holes, to hang thereat rings & precious stones, which we now of days do wear about our neck, or on our fingers. And how such holes are made, Celsus doth teach.  
One Caius Popilius (who would in any wise seem to be an expert lawyer, 
Now Cicero mo●hed one Popilius bea●yng the countenance of a good lawyer whereas in deed he had no sight in it Albeit Plutarch, in the life of Cicero nameth this man Cotta in the apothegms. C. Popilius.  whereas in deed he was but a boungleer and a very ass in acknowledge of the law) being on a time called forth to give evidence in a certain matter of traverse, answered, that he knew nothing in the matter, nor nothing could say. Yea (ꝙ Cicero) ye think perchance that ye are now asked a question of some point of the law.  
Hortensius' the orator had received of Verres an image of Sphinx all of clean silver in part of a reward to defend his cause against Cicero (at what time he was accused as aforesaid). 
Plutarchus in the life of Cicero saith, that this Sphinx was all of clean ivory.  And when the same Hortensius upon a certain point somewhat colourably afar of and mystically uttered by Cicero, had thus said: I have not learned to soil no riedles I, he said again: 
He may well ●oyle riedles (saith Tullius) that hath Sphinx dwelling at home in his house with him.  And yet haste thou Sphinx dwelling at home in thy house with thee. The fable of the monster Sphinx is well known, which with conditions of prices & rewards did put forth riedles to men, 
Of this read afore at large in the l apothegm of Diogenes.  and of such persons as could not soil them the reward was death.  
When he met one Voconius by chance in the street with his three daughters being notable foul & evil favoured beasts, 
What Cicero said when he met one Uoconius and his three foul daughters.  he recited to his friends softly this little verse of greek.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
In the despite of Phoebus' clean,  
This fellow begot his children.  
Meaning, that Uoconius of likelihood went about the getting of children utterly against the will, 
Children begotten towards the soon arising are conceived more perfect of limb, shape and favour.  mind and disposition of Apollo: either because Apollo is of the poetes feigned to be amiable & all full of beauty, or else for that the folks thinken children begotten towards the son arising to be conceived more perfect of form, shape, limb & favour. or else forthat Cicero thought in his merry conceit, that forasmuch as according to the proverb, 
The son seeth all things saith th● proverb.  Sol omnia videt ac revelat the son seeth all things and disovereth all things, & bringeth all to light, except Phoebus (which is the soon) had oughed Uoconius a shame, he would never have suffreed him to beget such foul babies & owl faced doudes as all the world should afterward woondre at.  
At what time Faustus Sylla (the son of Sylla the dictator) for to discharge the great debt that he was in, had made an inventory of all his movables to set forth the same to sale: yea marry (ꝙ Cicero) this proscription I do much better allow, than the proscription that your father used to make. He made a merry jest of the double signification of this word, proscription. 
Of the double signification of this word proscribere, it is afore declare●.  For things are said properly in latin, proscribi, which are at an open praising set to out vent or sale, and men also are said in latin, 
Of Sylla it is largely noted afore in soondrie apothegms of julius Caesar & of Pompeius.  proscribi, that are proclaimed traitors to be slain of any man that will do it where soever they be found, after which cruel form and sort Lucius Cornelius Sylla the father had proscribed no small number of the citizens of Room in the time of his dictature.  
Pompeius & Caesar being fallen at debate & variance, Cice said whom to eschew I know very well, 
What Cicero said, when Caesar & Pompeius were fallen at strife.  but whom to ensue I cannot tell. Meaning that both the said parties took the sword in hand, 
Of the variance between jul. Caes. & Pompeius it is afore mentioned in their apophtegmes  not for the libertiee or freedom of the commonweal, but whether of them two should have the sovereignty.  
He found a great fault with Pompeius, 
Cicero blamed Pomp●ius for departing away out of Rome.  for that the same had abandoned the city and had in that his doing followed 
☞ Themistocles, a man of great rule and authority i● Athenes (as is afore noted) was at last banished his country, and pursued in such wise, that he was constrained to take refuge unto Xerxes' king of the Persians, against whom he has afore kept battle, with whom at last he grew so far i● favour and credit, that Xerxes made him high captain of his army against the athenians. But Themistocles, when he saw● his countreemen, took remorse of conscience, and because he would neither deceive the king which had put him in trust ●or yet be the destroyer of his own country, poisoned himself with drinking the blood of a bull. Themistocles was a man of no eloquence, favour nor majesty. But Pericles was a man beautiful, passing eloquent, wise, politic, in high estimation & authority among the athenians, in so much that he governed and ruled the commonweal of Athenes by the space of forty years with all men's favour, benevolence and supportation. And in like case was Pompeius in the city of Room, so that his case was more like unto the case of Pericles then of Themistocles. And in deed (as Cicero by the testimony of Plu●archus writeth) Pompeius his cause stood more with the commenweale than Caesar's, and all the ancient, grave, wise and good men favoured Pompeius, and drew to him as Cato, Cicero, Lentulus, & such others more.  Themistocles rather then Pericles, seeing that the cases of Themistocles & Pompeius were nothing like at all, and the cases of Pericles & Pompeius much what of a rate in all behalfs. For Themistocles fled unto the Persians, & Pericles remained still resyaunt in Athenes.  
When he was come to Pompeius, and repented his folly of coming, being asked the question where he had left Piso his son in law: 
What Cicero said to Pompeius demanding where he had left Piso his son in law  marry (ꝙ he) with your father in law. Speaking by julyus Caesar. Cicero even like as though he had had half a rubuke, for that he had separated and divided himself from Piso, who had married his daughter, 
Piso married the daughter of Cicero, & took part with Caesar. Pompeiꝰ had married the daughter of Caesar & yet warred against him.  gave Pompeius again taunt pour taunt, for that thesame kept war against his own father in, law whose daughter he had married.  
When a certain person having run away from Caesar to Pompeius said, that for great desire to make haste, he had left his horse behind him in Caesar's camp, marry (ꝙ Cicero) then hast thou done better by thy horse, then by thyself. Esteeming that the fellow should have done much better, if himself had tarried still with Cesar too.  
To a fellow bringing tidings that Caesar's friends were all sad and in their dumps. 
Plutarch saith that one Lentulus tol● these news.  That is even as much (ꝙ Cicero) as to say, that they think a mischief on him. He mocked the flattering bringer of news, as though Caesar's men's hearts were in their heel's, and they sore afeard of Pompeius.  
After the battle fought in Pharsalia when Pompeius was fled, one Nonius said, 
Of this battle is above mentioned in the sayings of Ca●sar and Pompeius.  that there were seven eagles yet left, & therefore encouraged the soldiers to be of good cheer, and to take their hearts to them. Thy cheering were very good O Nonius, 
What Cicero said when one Nonius would with seven ●egles cry a new field against Caesar at Phatsalium.  (said Cicero) if our war should be against jays. But Nonius, when he said eagles, spak● of ye●omaines banners or standards which had evermore the picture of an eagle displayed on them. The meaning of Cicero was that for their seven eagles, Caesar who had already vanquished them, and against whem they had to fight the n●we field, had ten, and that he had in his army no dastards but expert soldiers, yea & better men of their hands then Pompeius had any. In deed a iaie is nothing in the talauntes of an eagle, but an eagle to an eagle is a full match, ten eagles to seven is an overmatche.  
When Caesar being lord of all had with much honour set up in their places again, 
What Cicero said when Caesar set up again the images of Pompeius in their places.  the images of Pompeius which some body had in despite cast down, Cicero said Caesar while he restoreth the images of Pompeius to their old places, doth set up and stablish his own sure for ever. Doing to weet, that Caesar did not the same for any favour that his heart did bear toward Pompeius, but to the end that by the colourable sembleaunce of mercifulness, himself might purchase favour among the citizens, and by such means might establish his own reign and domination the longer to endure.  
So careful was Marcus Tullius to tell his tale after a good & perfect sort, and would bestow so thoughtful study on such a matter that no word might be placed out of square, 
The carefulness of Marcus Tullius ● study that no word in his oration might be amiss or out of frame.  that where he had an oration to make before the bench of judges which were called 
‡ The people of Room were divided into thirty five tribes, a● the city of London is into twenty five wards. Out of every tribe were elected from time to time, as cause required, three men to assemble for judging in sprciall cases of controversy between party and party. Their judgements and sittynges were called centumuiralia judicia, the judgements of the hundred persons. And the bench self, though they were an hundred and five persons in all, yet were they of the greater and the more worthy no●mbre called centumuiri, and not centum quinque viri.  Centumuiri, and the day was come even at hand, he made free one Erote a bondman of his for only bringing him tidings that the sitting was adjourned and put of one day ferther them had been appointed at the first. 
Erisychthon a bondman of Cicero, upon what cause he was made free.  This history also hath some body put in amongs the apothegms, whereas in deed it is none. And yet (as I have afore noted any fact or example that may be to us anhoneste lesson or instruction (thouh it contain no word at all) may worthily be esteemed to have the strength name and place of an● apothegm. And such good exaumple● doth not Plutarch refuse ne abhor to put in among his apothegms, as namely this present history of Cicero his fashion. And would Christ our green preachers now of days which have neither shame ne fear to step in to pulpits ere they can well construe the gospels or epistle which they boldly take upon thei● to preach, were of Cicero his modesty and care●fulnesse in this behalf.  
At his arrival into the camp of Pompeius unto such as said, ah Cicero, ye are come tardy. No never a whit tardy (ꝙ he again) for I see nothing here yet in a readiness. He alluded to such as come late to a dinner or supper. The mirth of the saying to come tardy, is grounded upon the ●ouble meaning of the word, tardy, for they come tardy that come late to the beginning, and they come tardy, that come when all is past and done.  
When Pompeius had admitted a certain gall free citizen of Room, 
How Cicero taunted Pompeius for making a Gall free citizen of Room.  because thesame had forsaken Caesar for to come & to be on his side, A gay fellow in deed (ꝙ Cicero) to promise aliens the city of other men, whereas he is not able to restore unto us our proper own.  
After the victory and conquest of Caesar, Cicero being asked the question, 
How Cicero was beguiled to leave Caesar and cleve to Pompeius.  how he had so far miss the cushyn in choosing of parts, said: In faith the girding of their gounes deceived me. 
Caesar went in his gown wanton gir● about him.  Meaning himself never to had trusted that the victory would have gone on such a nice & effeminate persons side. 
With what words Sylla would often times, warn● Pompeius to beware of Caesar.  For Caesar used to go after such sort girded in his gown that he would go (even as wanton or voluptuous feloes done) trailling after him the skirts of his gown all pounced in cuts and dags. Wherefore Sylla would many a time and oft give Pompeius' warning t● beware of the boy that went so lewdly girt.  
Thesame Cicero being at supper with one Damasippus, when the master of the feast had set upon the table wine that was but easy and soso, & minding to praise the same unto his geastes of the oldness of it, said, masters drink ye well of this wine, for it is forty years old: 
How Cicero answered one Damasippus praising his wine of fowerti● years ●lde.  By my faith (ꝙ Cicero) it beareth the age right well. After such form of words do we use to speak of a man, whose beauty and strength age doth not very much abat● nor break. But it was a fond thing sembleably to commend wine for being toto old. This wine was called vinum falernum, 
The wine fa●ernum.  of Falernus an hill in Campania where it was made. This wine falernum (saith Plinius) was esteemed among all wines y● secounde in dignity. Thesame neither being very new no● on the otherside very old was thought wholesome for amannes' body, 
The wine fal●rnū if it be either to new or to old, is not wholesome for man's body.  but being of a mean age (which mean age beginneth from xu years, and so upward until it be sour, as I think Damasippus his wine was) & than it is it oue● old, so that when Cicero affirmed it to bear it age well, he men that it was sterk sour, and that the sourness declare● it to be over old though Damasippus had said never a word. ●nd where in a man to bear his age fair is ●n high grace, 
Wine of ii hundred years old Pl. l. xiiii. C.iiii  so wine to bear the age well (by ●n irony) signifieth the same to be sour & sterk nought. Albeit Plinius maketh mention of wines of two hundred years old.  
When he saw on a time Lentulus his daughters husband, 
When Piso was dead, Cicero married his daughter to Lentulus.  being a man of a very low stature girt with a very long sword by his side, he said: who hath tied my son in law to a sword? 
Who hath tied my son in law to ● sword, ꝙ Cicero.  For the man seemed to be bound to the sword, & not the sword to the man.  
When he had espied in the province of Asia (where his brother Quintus Cicero had before that time been governor, 
Quintus Cicero the brother of Marcus Cicero. ) the image of the same Quintus made with his terguette (as the fashion than was) from the middle upward, 
The one half of my brother is more the● all his whole body said Cicero.  much greater than the very true proportion of his body was in deed, whough (saith he) half my brother's body is more than the whole. 
Quintus Cicero a little man of statu●●.  For the said Quintus was but a little pretty body of stature.  
Where Tullia the daughter of Cicero went with a more stiering and fast pass than was comely for a woman, 
How Cicero with one saying rebuked his daughter for going to fast, and Piso forgooing ●o soft.  & contrary wise Piso his son in law with a more slow & still pass then beseemed a man to do, he rebuked them both at once with one saying, when he spoke to his daughter in this manner, her husband Piso being present: for shame use in your going such a pass as your husband doth.  
Upon Vatinius (who was Consul but a very short time) he jested in this wise. 
While Uatinius was consul, there was neither winter, ne s●ryngtyme, ne soomer● ne harvest.  In the year of Vatinius there befell a great woondre, that while he was Consul, there was no winter, ne spryngtyme, no summer ne harvest. For by these four seasons the whole year is divided, 
P●llio wrote chronicles in 〈◊〉.  of which seasons every one containeth the complete term of three months. I cannot certainly tell whether this be not the same thing the Pollio otherwise rehearseth in the chronicle of Marinus the tyrant, 

In the time of one consul no man dined, supped ne slept.  
Canini●s Reuilus was consul, no more but six hours. Read the xxxi. apoph.   where he saith thus The Consul that had been Consul no more but ●ixe hours beginning about that mids of the day was evil arrayed with Cicero his jesting. We have had a Consul (saith he) of such severity, & so rigorous, that during his office, noman made so much as one dinner, noman once supped, noman slept a wink. Except percase this history seem rather to pertain to Caninius Reuilus.  
eftsoons to Vatinius making a querele that Cicero had disdained to come and visit him while he lay sick of the gout and could not stir: 
Of Uatinius being diseased of the gout it is aforemencioned in the xxix apothegm of Augustus Caesar.  For south (ꝙ Cicero) I was minded and on my way to come to you in your consulship, but the night took me (ere I could reach to your house.) This might well seem a repaiing home again of a mock. For Vatinius afore that time unto Cicero glorying and bragguing that the commonweal had called him home again from banishment, 
How Uatinius mocked Cicero glorying of his revocation from banishment.  & had brought him home again on their shoulders, had given a cursed mock saying: how then hast thou come by the swelling or broken veins in thy legs? For the malady of swelling or broken veins (which is in latin called Varices) are wont to fall in y● legge● not of persons sitting at their ease, but of men long standing or else travilling on the way.  
Caninius Reuilus was Consul no more but only one day. 
Caninius Reuilus was consul no more but one day.  This Caninius when he had gone up into the place called Rostra 
Of Rostra is afore noted.  (where orations were made to the people) he in one hour both entered the dignity of Consulship, 
Revilꝰ in one hour entered the dignity of consulship and committed per●urie.  & also committed perjury, on whom goeth about this saying of Cicero, Caninius the Consul is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, a well advised speaker. On thesame Caninius he cast out this saying too, 
The records were searched, said Cicero: in the time of which consuls Reuilus was consul.  Reuilus hath had this one chance above all other men that the records were searched in the time of which Consuls he was Consul. For the numbered of the years was wont in Room to be reckoned and set out by the names of the Consuls. (as here in England we reckon the time by the years of each kings reign. 
The years were reckoned in Room by the names of the consuls. ) But now Reuilus for his part both was Consul, and yet had never a year at all to reckon by. And this saying also had Cicero on thesame Caninius. We have a good vigilant Consul as the which never slept one wink during the time of his Consulship. 
Revilus a vigilaunte consul, for he neue● slept wink in his consulship.  Plutarch in the life of julius Caesar telleth that thesame Caesar when all the civil wars were one ended and all things brought to some stay of quietness, 
What means Caesar used to establish hi● power in the city of Rome.  left nothing undone that might purchase unto him benevolence, favour, authority, power and rule among the Romans. To his old enemies he showed notable mercifulness, to his friends great bounty. He would often times ●●pe open household, he would diverse times divide wheat to the com●●●s house by house. He was full of giving lands, fees, and rewards. ●o such as would be suitors unto him to have this or that office, dignity, ●or wu●ship of the city, he would readily make promiss and grant of their piticious, & serve their turneys in deed as soon as the time would soffre him, in so much, that Marimus the Consul being deceased, although there was but one sole day to come of his year to be completed, yet did Caesar declare and create Caninius Rebulus (who is here called Reuilus) Consul. To whom where many of the nobles resorted in the way of gratulation, & of keeping him company, Cicero said: My lords lea● us make speed, that we may come to my lord before the time of Consulship be expired.  
Caius Caesar had elected into the senate many persons unworthy to be of that order & degree, and among all others one Laberius of a gentleman of Room became a comen gester. 
Of this laberius is aforemencioned in ye●xvii. apothegm of julius Caes●●.  And as this Laberius passed by Marcus Tullius in the senate house seeking a place to sit in, I would take you in here (ꝙ Cicero) & make you room here besides me but that I sit in so narrow a room myself. All under one both rejecting the party, and also making a jest at the new company of senators, th● number of whom Caesar had encrecaed more than lawful was. And yet was Laberius even with him for it well enough again ere he went, thus saying unto Cicero, 
How laberius p●●ed Cicero ●●m● again with a jest.  Imeruaill, if thou sit in a narrow room, which art wont to sit in two seats at on's. laying to his charge lightness and ficlenesse, that being a slipper man to trust unto, he would be hanging now of one side, now of an other. For in deed Cicero was much noted of inconstancy, 
The lightness and inconstancy of Cicero.  he was once of great amity & friendship with Clodius, afterward his mortal enemy, and like wise with Dolabella, with● M. Crassus, and with diverse others. semblably he was now friend to Pompeius, anon he repented the same, and wished that he had followed Caesar, and that so manifestly, that (as Plu●archus testifieth) Pompei●s well perceiving thesame, never would ne durst put him in trust with any matter of great weight or ymportaunce.  
Thesame Cicero being heartily desired by his host Publius Manlius with speed to help his wives soon to the office of a peticapitainship, 
Publius Manlius the host of Cicero.  made this answer (a great company of the citizens standing thick about him) If it shallbe in the power and authority of Pompeius to call a Counsel it willbe no light matter. Noting the facilitee of Caesar in assembleing the Senate. For every man's pleasure, & for every light matter. 
julius Caesar would for every man's pleasure & for every light matter call a Senate.   
Being saluted of a certain Laodician named Andro, 
Laodicea a noble city in Asia, nigh unto the floods Lycus, & thereof Laodicenus, a man of Laodicea.  when he had demanded the cause of his coming, & had well perceived that thesame was come as an ambassador unto Caesar for the libertee of his country of Laodicia, Cicero expressed in greek words the public servitude, 
How Cicero expressed the public servitude under Ca●sar.  in this manner: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If ye speed well, and obtain your purpose, be an ambassador for us of Room here also.  
This latin word quoque, is a co●iu●●c●● and soundeth in english (also) Cocus is in latin for a cook, and the vocative ●ase of it, is Coce. And so it was that a certain person standing in election for a public office in Room, (who was verily supposed to have come of a cook to his father) desired of an other man in the presence of Cicero to have his voice, to whom Cicero thus said in latin: Ego quoque tibi favebo. 
Ego quoque ●●bi favebo.  Which words might be taken two manner ways, the one. I will be thy friend with my voice too, thou coo●e: the other, And I also willbe thy friend with my voice. Whereof it is gathered the Coce the vocative of Cocus, 
Quoque the conjunction, & ●●ce, the vocative of cocus, souned both like in Cicero ●is tym●.  and quoque the conjunction were in the time of Cicero either of one and the self-same son in pronunciation, or else very like.  
When the accuser of Milo, by the argument or presumption of the time of the day, proving and concluding the same 
* Clodius a Roman of noble birth, but a very vicious person and void of all grace. He was a sworn enemy vn●o Cicero, and in his tribuneship found means and brought to pass that Cicero was banished from Room, wherefore Cicero n●uer ●ould favour him after, and at length procured that Milo should set upon him on the high way, and slay him, which was done and Milo banished for the death of Clodius, ●ot withstanding the defence of Cicero, and all the friendship 〈◊〉 sides that he could make.  Milo to had purposely lain in await for Clodius, at every other word demanded what time or season of the da●e Clodius was slain, 
How Cicero answered the accuser of Milo demanding at what time Clodius was slain.  Cicero made answer thus: very late. Signifying by that word late, being a word of double understanding that it should have been for the profit of the commonweal, if Clodius had been slain much sooner. It might have been understanded also, that the deed was done very late to wards the evening  
tidings being reported that ●atinius was deceased, where the first bringer up of that bruit was not certainly known, well (ꝙ Cicero) yet will I take the advantage of it while I may. 
What Cicero said when uncertain news were told of the death of Uatinius.  Meaning, that he would take joy of the death of Uatinius while he might, though it were but for a time, semblably as one that hath borrowed money applieth it to his own use and commodity, and hath his own full pleasure of it for the time, even as though it were his proper own. So that Cicero men to take as much goodness of the news in the mean time till the contrary were certainly known, as if they were true in very de●de.  
Marcus Caelius more effectuously laying crimes to men's charges, then defending the same, 
What Cicero said of Marcus Caelius who could better lay to man's charges, then defend them.  he avouched to have a good right hand, & an evil left hand. Alluding hereunto that at such time as we fight, in the right hand we hold our sword, and in the lieft hand our bucler. With the sword we lay on, with the bucler we bear of. Marcus Caelius an orator of excellent wit, and of singular eloquence, to whom Cicero writeth many epistles, and Caelius many to him again so purely well indited that Cicero thought them worthy to be put in among his own epistles, which honour he giveth but unto few persons, and Cicero in his epistles familiar, is not ashamed to confess himself to be inferior to Caelius in wit & faceciousnesse.  
jubius Curtius lying like a dog of the years of his age, to the end that he might be thought younger than he was in deed, Cicero thus proved a liar: 
How Cicero proved jubius Curtius ● liar.  why (saith he) then at what season you and I were young scholar's first and exercised making of orations together, ye were not borne.  
Unto Fabia Dolabella saying hirself to be thirty years of age, 
How Cicero mocked Fabia Dolabella dissembleing her age.  it is true, ꝙ Cicero, for the same have I heard every day these twenty years already. Her desire was to be thought younger than she was in deed. Therefore Cicero mocked her to th● hard teeth with sembleing that he granted her saying, and nevertheless signifying that she was fifty years old.  
To such as made it a matter of reproach that being a man of three score years of age, 
How Cice●● avoided the reproach of marrying a young maid in his old age.  he had married a young 
* Cicero being an aged man divorced his wife Terentia, with whom he had lived many years. The causes of divorcement were these. That she had so slendrely regarded him, that when he should take his journey toward warfare, he was driven 〈◊〉 go very barely provided of all manner necessary provision Besides this, after that he was returned home again from thence into Italy, he found his wife coumbresome, crabbed & snappyshe unto him. Item whereas he made long abode at Brundisium, herself would not take peines to come thither to him & yet when his daughter Tulliola should take her journey thither Terentia le●t her go with a very slendre portion of money towards her charges. Over and besides all this, she had let hi● house fall sore in decay, and had made the walls of it bore, ● brought it sore behind hand in debt. All these articles Terentia denied, but Cicero with a long oration proved every one of them to be true. Within few days after, he marrye● a young gi●rle, being ravished with her beauty (as Terenti● affirmed) but (as Tiro his late servant avouched) to thentēt● that he might be able to pay and discharge his debt. For the maiden had a great dourie and was a very rich marriage. Not long after this new marriage the daughter of Cic●ro dy●d, for whom he took wonderful sorrow And because hi● young wife seemed to be glad of the death of Tulliola, Cicero forsook her to●, and put her away from him by di●o●●●.  damyselle being a maid: well (ꝙ he) to morrow she shallbe a woman. Declaring by a merry word thatsame reproach to be● a thing that would with a trice be washed away, for the next morrow following it could not be objected unto him, that he had a maid to his wife.  
Thesame Cicero in this manner pleasantly jested on Curio 
How C●cer● mocked Curio beginning his orations always of his age.  (who at no time would fail to begin the preaumble of any oration making of his old age) that he affirmed the same to have the proemes of his orations every one day more easy and light to make then other? By reason of age growing every day more and more upon him.  
Yet on's again for a cast more at Va●inius, 
Uatinius mocked of Cicero for saying that he had walke● a couple of miles.  (who although he were sore diseased in his feet, & utterly lamed with the gout, would needs yet nevertheless appear to be very well emended, and said that he was able now to take a walk of a couple of miles at once) yea, I think well (ꝙ Cicero) for the days are a good deal longer than they were. This apothegm doth Quint●lian attribute unto Cicero, and Macrobius unto Augustus Caesar. 
It i● afore t● the xxx apothegm of Augustu●.  There goeth ●nother tale about at this day also even as ●ery as this, saving that it hath not semblable antiquity ne auncientenesse to commend and set it out withal. A certain launcer knight made his vaunt at a banquet where he was, that he had a crossbow so good of casting, that it would send a bolt or a quarrel of such a fierceness as no man alive could believe or think, and named a certain space. All the company, which sat at the table crying foh at such a shameful lie, he abode by it that his own servant had seen the thing done. The servant being called in, how sayest thou sirrah, (ꝙ his maiester) didst not thou see such a thing, and such a thing dooen● Then said the servant. Yes sir ye tell a true tale, but at that time when ye shot, the wind was with you. It had been much merrier if he had said, yes sir your quarrel flew so far as y● speak of in deed, but it was at two shots.  
Cicero after hearing the false ru●mour that was bruited of the death of Vatinius, 
What Cicero said to Ouinius of bruit of Uatinius his death.  when he had enquiered of one Ouinius late servant with the same, 
Ouinius a late servant of Uatinius, & by him manuissed.  whether all went well, & the party answered, yea very well: why is he dead in deed them, ꝙ Cicero? signifying that all went not right if Uatinius were still alive.  
Thesame Cicero being called forth for a witness to give evidence, when he had read in the bill of complaint, 
Ennius' an old ancient latin poet, & of great authority, whom Cicero very often times citeth in sundry his works.  The defendant sued by Sextus Annalis, and this accuser still called buisyly upon him in this manner, speak on o Marcus Tullius if thou canst any thing say of Sextus Annalis he began by & by to recite versis out of the sixth book of the work of Ennius entitled annals, 
What difference is between histories and annals such as be learned may read in y●●viii chapitur of y● v. book of Aulus Gellius●  in this manner. Quipotes ingentis causas evoluere bell. etc. For Ennius wrote in verses a chronicle of acts done from year to year, in order as they were done and such are in latin called annals, & thi● latin word, sextus, soundeth in english the sixth. And the name of the accuser was, Sextus Annalis A me●y conceit to those that are of caped to take it, saving that it cannot in english have equal grace with the latin.  
another time also at one Accius being a wily pie & a fellow full o● shifts, 

How Accius escaped the danger of a certain i●dgemente.  
Of Sylla & Charybdis it is afore no●ed in the cxvii apoph. of Diogenes.   when thesame was suspected in a certain matter, Cicero had a cast with this little verse of latin out o● some old poet, 
Nisi qua Ulysses rate evasit laertius.  That is, 
With the self-same ship, & none other thyng●  
Wherewith Ulysses escaped scouring.  Ulysses being subttle & crafty, 
Ulysses the son of Laertes whom Homer in all places maketh to be wily subtle, provident & full of ●ll shift in the world possible  escape● safe with his ship from both Charybdis & Sylla: So Accius by his wiliness avoided and shifted himself from the peril o● the judgement.  
Upon an other certain persone● who after being come to a good wyndefall of inheritance, was first of all the company asked his sentence in a matter of consul●taciō, whereas before the obtaining of the same inheritance, he was reputed for the verayest fool in the world, Tullius semblably jested, saying: Cuius hereditas quam vocant sapientiam: that is, whose livelihood which they callen wisdom. In the verse in stead of facilitas, he changed it and said, hereditas. For in the poet the verse is thus written, Cuius facilitas quam vocant sapientiam: that is, whose facilitee which they callen wisdom. The meaning of Cicero was to signify that lands and goods had chanced unto the party ●nstede of wisdom & sapience, 
Who hath lands & goods enough shall soon have the name of a wise man.  and that for the respect of his livelihood the same was now esteemed and taken for a wise man.  
Seruilia the mother of Marcus Bru●us had a daughter called junia Tertia, which junia Tertia was wife unto Caius Considius. And Caesar the dictator had both the mother & the daughter at his commandment for his wanton pleasure Also this latin word tertia is the femine ●endre of the noun numeral, tertius, betokening the third in number or in order. Ther●●s also a verb, deducor, which in one signification is to be rebated out of anoumbre or out of a sum, and in an other signification it i● to be conveyed or to be brought as one conveyeth home to his house or chamber his wife or paramour. Of deducor is derived a participle deductus, deducta deductum ● conveyed or brought. 
What Cice●o said when Seruilia had ●urchaced of Caesar a ●ich● piece of land ●or a little mon●y.  When Seruilia the mother of Marcus Brutus had for a small deal of money gotten away a rich piece of land out of the hands of Caesar (who made open sale of many of the citizens lands & goods) Cicero made this jest on it. Yea masters (ꝙ he) and that ye may know this piece of land to have been the better cheap purchased, Seruilia hath bought this land tertia deducta. Which two words might two manner ways be interpreted and taken, either the third part of the price abated, by understanding, part, or else tertia the woman taken home into his chambered to him, so that Cicero his jest is grounded on the ambiguous sense of these two lataine words tertia deducta. And to one tha● hath good sight in the latin that saying is pretty.  
Thesame Cicero made a pleasant riedle in the way of jest on the mother of Pletorius, 
The riedle of Cicero upon the mother of Pletorius.  (which Pletorius accused Fonteius,) saying, that while she lived she had a school and taught: & when she was dead she had masters hirself. noting that in her life time women of evil name were comen resorters to her house, & after her death her goods were praised & openly sold. The tale in appearance, both is standing against all natural reason, and also setteth the cart be fore that horses. For those persons who have a school, been masters on their parties, and have scholar's under their teaching and governance. And masters are called, not only such persons as dooen teach, but also those that have the rule and ordering of others.  
He made also a jest on the name of Verres, 
How Cicero jested on the name of Uerres.  as though he had been so named of the latin verb Ʋerro, (which is to sweep) Noting that Uerres wheresoever he came played swepestake, and left nothing behind him, as being a taker and abrybing fellow, and one for whom nothing was to hot nor to heavy. After which sort of boarding one feloe whatsoever he was, minding to signify that Cicero was a briber and a privy thief, in stead of Tullius called him Tollius. 
Tollius for Tullius.  For tollere is in latin to take away, as thieves ● piekers do take away by embesleing. And some there were that nickenamed an Emperor of Room calling him Biberius in stead of Tiberius. 
Biberius for Tiberius.  For bibere is latin to drink. And of Tiberius the successor of Augustus it is written, 
Tiberius Caes. in his youth loved drinking & so did ●●usus after him.  that in his youth he was prove to drinking and bolling, in so much, that in his time was brought up a new found diet to drink wine in the morning next the heart. And Drusus because he loved drinking was for that by the comen voice of the people said to had regenerate his father Tibe●ius and made him alive again.  
It was no rare thing with him to speak of julius Caesar in this manner as followeth: 
What Cice●ro said of Caesar's, clemency & nicitee coupleed together.  As often as I consider the wiliness and ambition of this man lying hidden under the cloak and sembleaunce of humanity and gentleness, I am afeard on the behalf of the commonweal, lest the same shall have a tyrant of him, & again when I behold his hair hanging down so nicely and so like a minion, and himself scratting his head 
‡ uno digito caput scalpere, that is: To scratte the head with one finger, was a proverbial speaking whereby to notify a wanton fellow & a person effeminate, because such do take care & fear lest they ruffle their trim combed bush, and set some one hear out of order. It is thought that one calvus a poet brought it first up on Pompeius, and thereof the same to have been taken up in a proverb. And that the said ●es●ure was in the old time accounted for an argument of unchasteness and of nicitee, Seneca in his epistles beareth witness: Of all things (saith he) if they be well marked, there been prive tokens, yea, & of the lest things that be, may a man gather arguments and presumptions of men's manners and conditions An unchaste person or a vicious man of his body both his pass of going doth show, and the moving of his hands, and at a time one sole answer, and one finger put up to the head and the casting of his yies. etc.  with one finger, I can scarcely think in my mind, that ever he will conceive in his heart such an high enterprise.  
To sundry men objecting unto him that he had taken a great sum of money of a person indited to be tried by the law, 
How Cicero purged himself of taking money of one of his cliented  with the which money he should purchase a stately mansion place. I will confess that I took such money in deed of my client (said Cicero) if I buy the house hereafter And when he had bought it in deed, to the same men casting him in the teeth with his lying, 
It is a wise poicte of housbandrie to dissemble, if one go about to buy a thing, for fear lest his bergain should be taken out of his ●ande.  why, (ꝙ he) do ye not know it to be a point of a good husband to dissemble if he have purposed to buy athing? This history doth Aulus Gellius much more pleasantly and with more grace tell in the xii chapitur of the xii book. Where he noteth that when a crime is laid to one's charge, which he can by no means colour ne avoid, one poor help and one point of shift it is, to make a jest of it, & to turn it (if one may) to a matter of laugh●er, This person accused, Gellius nameth Publius Sylla, and showeth that Cicero did but borrow the money of him.  
Between Cicero and Crassus there was a prive malice. 
Between Cicero & Marcus Crassus the orator, there was a prive grudge and malice.  And so when one of the two sons of Crassus, being not unlike of favour unto one (whose name was Dignus) and by reason thereof, suspicion entered into the heads of the people upon the wife of the said Crassus that she had had overmuch familiarity & company with the same Dignus) had made a gay oration in the senate house, 
One of the sons of Marcus Crassus like of favour to one Dignus.  Cicero being asked the question what manner a fellow he that had made the oration seemed unto him, thus made answer in latin, Dignus Cra●so est. covertly alluding to the name of Dignus. 
What Cicero said of one of the sons of Crassus having made a good oration in the senate house.  For of those words, Dignus Crasso, might indiffe●rentely be taken, either that he was a young man answerable to the eloquence of Marcus Crassus his father, or else that he ought of right to be called Dignus though he bear the name that Crassus was his father, for Dignus, is also latin● for worthy. So that the jest shall be much more pleasant if ye frame the latin words according to the greek phrase & say, Dignus Crassiest. Understanding that there were in deed two of the right and true name of Dignus, that is to weet one the adultreer that occupied the wife of Marcus Crassus, and the other like of favour to the same Dignus, though he were called the son of Crassus.  
Cicero had been attorney to defend one Munatius being arraigned of a certain crime, and Munatius thereby quit. Afterward wh●̄ the same Munatius sued one Sabinus a friend of Cicero to the extremite● of the law, 
How Cicero reproved Munatius of ingratitude.  Cicero thoroughly enkendleed in wrath, upbraided to Munatius what he had done for him: why Munatius (saith he) didst thou thyself escape judgement (when it was) by thine own means, or else by the help of me, that did cast a great mist over the bench where the judges sat? 
Cicero ●ould cast a mist over the seats 〈◊〉 judgement.   
When he had openly praised Marcus Crassus in the place that was called Rostra, 
Cicero praised Marcus Crassu● in an oration, & afterward dispraised the same again.  the people highly well allowing his oration: and afterward baited the self same man in the same place with many poynaunte and nipping words of reproach, what (ꝙ Crassus) didst not thou in manner even the last day praise me and give me high commendation in this same self place? yes (ꝙ Cicero) I praised the in deed, but it was only for exercise to assay what I could do in a naughty matter. 
Rhetoricians are wont for exercise to take feigned arguments of matters inopinable, and such are pr●prely called declamacions● and not orations.  For rhetoricians are wont for exercise to handle matters inopinable, as for example when they make an oration in the praise of 
‡ Busyris, a king of Egypte for his most horrible cruelty detested of all nations in the world. For there came unto him ●n a time a southsaier giving him counsel, that if he would avoid sterilitee & barrenness, he should kill up as many straungiers as were within his royalme, which counsel Busyris followed, and executed, beginning first of all with the southsaier self.  Busyris, or of the fever quertane, or when they praise ingratitude. So did Homer write the battle between the frogs & the mice, Erasmus wrote the praise of foolishness, an other the praise of baldness, an other of drounkenship: & this last argument I hanleed for mine exercise being a young studente, albeit the same dec●a●acion now lieth all worm eaten, as right worthy it is.  
When the same Crassus in an oration which he made had said, that never any man of the name of Crassus had lived in Rome past the age of three score years, 
None of all the Crasses lived in Rome passed the age of three score years.  & then repenting himself of the word speaking, said in this manner, what ailled me to speak such a word as this? Marcus Tullius in this wise soodainly answered: 
Crassus could curryefavour ioylyly, as Plutarch in his life maketh mention & was a man of great eloquence.  Marry thou knewest full well that the Romans would give ear to that tale with all their hearts, and by such a way art thou come to bear rule in the commonweal. signifying two things, that is to weet, both that the name of the Crasses was odious unto the Romans, and also that this Crassus had been advanced to honours not by virtue, but by favour curryeng. For when he said by such a way art thou come. etc. he men, by speaking such things as might be delectable and pleasant to the ears of the people.  
Crassus' allegeing it to be one position or opinion of the stoics, that 
☞ It was an opinion of the Sto●kes, that good men and virtuous men are rich, and an other that a sapiente man is lord of all things in the world, because that only such persone●, are contented with that that they have, & if they have goods, they can and also done bestow it well, & apply it to good uses: if they have no substance, none they care for, but are contented with their virtues & honest qualities, as the which do persuade theimselfes, that he can not be poor, who hath the grace of God, and is not covetous. And of this conclusion it is afore mentioned in the xlviii apothegm of Diogenes. But whereas the position or conclusion of the stoics mened that no man was rich (though he had millions of talentes) except he were a good and a virtuous man withal. Crassus (because he was covetous) did interpret & take it to his purpose, that no man was a good man except he were rich, so that he would his richesse to be a cloak of goodness, of virtue and of perfect honesty. Therefore Cicero mocked him with an other opinion of the stoics, which was, that in a sapiente man all things are possessed, whereby Cicero by an ●●onie exhorted Crassus to pervert the sense thereof too, as he had done of the other, and to persuade himself, that if he could geatte all the world into his possession, he should be a sapiente and a perfect good man. Whereas the mind of the S●oikes was clean contrary. But Crassus was so covetous, that he would often times avouch no man to be worthy the name of a rich man, except he were able with his yearly revenues to k●pe an army, and to maintain an host of men. Wherefore when he warred upon the Parthians, and was by the same taken and slain in that war, they cut of his head & in despite melted gold into his mouth, saying these words Aurum sitisti, Aurum bibe, gold hast thou thirsted, now drink gold enough.  a good man is he that is rich. Nay (ꝙ Cicero) see whether this be not rather their opinion, that a wise man is lord of all the world, or hath all things of the world in his possession. covertly noting the avarice of Crassus, 
The exceeding avarice of Crassus.  to whom nothing was enough● but all things seemed to little.  
When Crassus was toward a journey into Syria, being more desirous to leave Cicero his friend then his foe, when he should be gone, he saluted Cicero diligently, & said that he would sup at home with him that night. Whom Cicero with a cheerful & glad countenance received and entreteined. Within a few days after this, certain of his friends went in hand with him, and made means unto him for to be at one with Vatinius also. 
What Cice●o said when his friends laboured to bring him & Uatinius at o●e.  Why (ꝙ Cicero) is Vatinius disposed to have a supper at my house too? signifying that the same Uatinius did make means more to have a supper, then to have his friendship.  
Yet one cast more he had at Vatinius, who had a swelling in the throat (which is in latin called, strumae, a disease like that is called the kings ●iuil, if it be not the very same) when the said Vatinius made a plea for a client of his in a certain cause. Oh (ꝙ Tullius) we have here an orator gaily puffed up. 
Cicero called Uatinius an orator gaily puffed up, because thesame had a swelling in hi● throat.  In the latin it hath a very good grace. For this word Tumidus, soundeth in english, swollen, inflated or puffed up. Which terms aswell the latin as the english, by translation are referred not only to swelling in some part of the body, but also in pride, bragguing, and vainglory. As the orators Asiatic were called, Tumidi, swollen, or inflated, be cause their sort & fashion of making orations, was proud, solem●e, pompous, 
The pompious manice of the Asi●tiques in making oraciōs●  bold, part, & replenished with vaunting boasting, craking, bragguing, and vaingloriousness: As witnesseth Plutarch in the life of Antonius. And thereunto did Cicero allude.  
julius Caesar had earnestly purposed to distribute the lands of Campania among his men of arms. This thing both many others in the senate took grievously, & especially one Lucius Gellius being a man even with very age almost clean done said & swore, that it should not so be, as long as he lived. 
What Cic●ro s●ied when Lucius Gellius an aged ma● spoke of a thing that it should not 〈◊〉 so long as he lived.  Well (ꝙ Cicero) let us tarry so long hardyly, for it requireth no long delay. signifying that Gellius was even at the last cast, and in manner at deaths door.  
When a certain young fellow to whose charge it had been aforetimes laid that he had killed his father with a spiececake infected with poison: 
How Cicero checked a young fellow threatening to re●●e him.  when this young fellow being angreed even at the heart root threatened in his fury that he would have a fling at Cicero with words that should son little to his honesty, so had I rather thou shouldest (ꝙ Cicero) then with spiececakes. Under that colourable word of double interpretation objecting unto the feloe the murdreing of his father.  
One Publius Sextius had taken Cicero together with certain advocates more to assist him & to help defend him in a cause of his. 
How Ci●ero said to Publius Sertius taking on him to make all his plea himself.  And when the same Sextius would needs declare his own matter, and have all the saying his oneself, & would not give any of his advocates place or leave to speak a word, as soon as the matter was clear and out of paraventures that Sextus should be quit and discharged by the judges: Take the time O Sextius (ꝙ Cicero) this day while thou mayest. For tomorrow thou shalt be a private man●●● gain. giving him half a check for that he had taken upon him in the matter to do all together himself alone at his own pleasure Whereas the next day following he should have no public office of a patron or orator, nor be adhibited to any such use, but be as other men were, that had nothing to do with pleading in courts, as Cicero and the other public orators had.  
When Marcus Appius in the preamble of a certain oration or plea said that he had been by a friend of his greatly desired to use and to show all his diligence, 
How Cicero mocked Marcus Appius.  eloquence, & fidelity in his clientes cause, at this word, spoke Cicero & said: and hast thou such an heart of steel of thine own, that of so many things which thy friend hath desired the unto, thou doest never an one at all? Meaning that in his oration appeared not so much as any one point of diligence, of eloquence, or yet of trustynesse.  
Marcus Aquilius having two sons in law, that were husbands to his two daughters but both of them banished & exiled, Cicero called Adrastus. 
Cicero gave unto Marcus Aquilius the name of Adrastus●  Be cause that he alone kept his standing like a man & saved ●ym self upright Alluding to the propre signification of the greek vocable. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth: infected or else, one from whom is no sterling away, nor escaping of a shrewd turn. And thereof Nemesis (the Goddess of taking vengeance on such as are proud & disdeigne●ul in time of their prosperity) is called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because that no such person may escape her hands. Nevertheless (under the correction of Erasmus) I take that Cicero alluded to Adrastus' king of the Argives, who had two daughters the one called Deiphile, and the other called Argia. Deiphile was married to Tydeus the son of Oeneus king of Aetolia or Calydonia, which Tydeus being a right valiant and an hardy man, when he had unawares slain his brother Menalippus at an hunting, fled from his country, & came to Adrastus, & there married the said Deiphile, and there lived a banished man, and never w●nt again into his own country as shall appear. The other daughter Argia was married unto Polynices the son of Oedipus king of Thebes and of jocasta queen of the same, of whom and of his brother Eteocles, (who would not according to his promiss suffer Polynices to reign in Thebe● by course when his first year was expired,) it is upon the l apothegm of Diogenes in ●he first book largely noted, and sufficiently for the perfect declaration of this place and purpose, that Polynices lived and died a banished man. And so it befell that Tydeus was sent ambassador from Polynices unto E●●ocles, that the same should remember his covenant and promiss, and according to the same should surrendre unto Polynices the kingdom of Thebes there to reign by course one f●ll year as Eteocles had done. When Eteocles had made him a plain resolute answer that he would not suffer Polynices ●o reign there● Tydeus sharply rebuked him of breaking his faithful promiss, & spoke many high & bold words. Whereat Eteocles taking great indignation, privily sent fifty stout men of arms to lie secretly in a wood, & soodainly to kill Tydeus in hi● way homeward. These men minding to execute and accomplish the commandment of their lord, set upon Tydeus in the said wood, & Tydeus slew them every mother's son except one, whom he saved purposely and sent back to bear tidings of that feast unto Eteocles. Then Adrastus and Polynices made war on the Thebans. Where T●deus after many noble acts of chivalry at last was s●ain by one Menalippus a Theban, and yet after the receiving his deaths wound, he slew the same Menalippus, & chopped of his head ● gnawed it in pieces with his teeth. Thus for our present purpose it appeareth that the two sons in law of Adras●us were both oute● laws, and therefore did Cicero give Marcus Aquilius the name of Adrastus.  

Of the office of Censor is afore 〈◊〉.  In the time while Lucius Cotta was Censor, (who was taken for the greatest swielbolle of wine in the world one of them, 
Lucius Cotta 〈…〉. ) where Cicero standing in election for the consulship happened to be very dry, & had drounk a draft of water environed and hidden from the censors sight on every side with friends, 
 he said: ye do well to fear lest I should have the Censor my heavy lord, because I drink water. Cicero made as though he believed his friends for this cause to stand thick about him, 
.  that the Censor might not see him drinking water. For like beareth favour to like. And unlike hateth unlike. So that the Censor being such a greedy d●ynker of wine, if he had seen Tullius drinking water, would have suspected him to do it in contumely & reꝓche of him.  
When Marcus Caelius (who was thought to be descended of father and mother not free but bond) had with a loud & a whole voice read a letter before the Senate, Cicero said: 
What Cicero said of Celius, who had a loud voice.  Maruaillye nothing her at my lords. For this is one of them that hath had a good loud breast in his days. signifying, the Caelius had been a comen crier, and that by long use it had come unto him to have a shrill voice. And in deed bondmen that were to be sold, were wont to be made the best of, by the oyes of the crier.  
Unto one Memmius reproaching Cato the Vticensian, and saying that he would be drounk even whole nights through, yea (ꝙ Cicero) but thou speakest nothing at all that all the day time he would be playing at dice. 
How Cicero excused Cato for making merry now & then in the night time.  Mannerly excusing Cato, who bestowed all the whole day upon the affairs of the commonweal, and would take an hour or two or three of the night to take some recreation of mind, 
Cato would be busy in the day time, & merry in the night.  and to refresh his spirits. And in deed it is writ●en of Cato that he would now and then be merry and make good cheer.  

What Cicero said to julius Caes. defending the daughter of Nicomede● king of Bi●●ynia.  Unto Caius Caesar earnestly defending the cause of Nicomedes his daughter in the senate house, and rehearsing the benefits and great pleasures of the king towards him, Cicero said: No more of this I beseech you, for it is not unknown what he gave to you, & what ye gave to him. The pith and grace of the saying dependeth of the double sense that might be taken of the word. dare For in latin he is properly said, dare, to give, that conferreth a benefit: and also a woman is said in latin, dare, that is gentle & kind of her flesh. Whereof the poet Martialis thus writeth to a woman, vis dare, nec dare vis, that is, ye will give and ye will not give. etc. Caesar had an evil name, that when he was in Bythinia in his youth at what time he fled from Room for fear of Sylla, whereof is mentioned in the first apothegm of the same julius Caesar) he was somewhat more at the commandment of king Nicomedes, th●n the laws of chastity do reqire.  
Marcus calidius accused Gallus, & Marcus Tullius defended Gallus. And when the accuser affirmed that he would both by witnesses, by Gallus own handy writings, 
How Cicero defeated the accusation of Marcus calidus against Gallus.  and also by examinations confessed afore, make due proof that there had been vennyme tempreed and made ready in a cup for him by the party arraigned: but yet all the while pronounced such an heinous matter with an unearnest countenance, with a dead voice, and with the residue of his gesture nothing hot nor vehement, Marcus Tullius said: O Marcus calidius, if thou didst not feign this gear, wouldst thou handle thy plea so faintly? 
Faint handling of a plea argueth the cause to be weak & untrue.  Gathering, of his countenance and gesture that his words came not from the heart.  
Thesame Cicero after this sort jested on Isauricus: 
How Cicero jested one Isauricus who had been beaten with whips of his father afore.  I marvel what the matter is, that thy father being always one manner a man, hath left the unto us so diverse. A merry word depending of ambiguousnesse of the vocable. For, Varius, in latin, and diverse, in english is called one that is of a wavering mind and nothing substantial, he is also called in latin, Varius, in english diverse, that is marked with the prientes of stripes. And in deed it was commonly noised that this Isauricus had been scourged afore of his father with whips. And thereof came thatsame, not the saying, but the deed of Marcus Caelius, whose chair of estate when Isauricus being Consul had broken, he set up an other with whips carved in it, without any words threatening the said Isauricus, 
How Marcus 〈◊〉 ●●●ued 〈◊〉 for 〈…〉  and also casting in his teeth, that he had ones been scourged with whips of his father.   

THE sayings OF DEMOSTHENES THE ORATOR.  
Plutarch & other historiographers done write that Demosthenes had a poor woman to his mother and a woman unknown, his father kept a cutler's shop and sold knives, a good honest man and meetly wealthy, as the which when he died left unto his son honest substance, but because Demosthenes was then but a little child, he & his patrimony was committed to certain executors or feoffers who beguiled Domosthenes so far, that they neither regarded to set him to school, nor while he was at school to pay his schoolmasters duty. At last he became the most noble orator that ever was in Grece. And then took in hand to be a doer in the commonweal, and spared not to set against Philippus with most vehement orations invectives, and wore out Philippus well enough and after him Alexander But Antipater sent certain of his guard to slay him. Demonsthenes hearing thereof fled privily into a little Isle named Calauria, & there kept himself secret. At la●t he was found out. And when he saw that there was no remedy but that he should be had to Antipater, he desired that he might have licence first to write an epistle to the athenians. And taking a pen in his hand he began his epistle thus: Demosthenes to the athenians greeting & well to far. And even so broke of writing and received poison which he had long time of a purpose kept under the stone of his ring, and so poisoned himself out of hand. Plutarch joineth the life of Demosthenes and of Cicero both together, and compareth them two together as a very good match and well coupleed. For (saith he) when god at the first beginning formed Demosthenes & Cicero both after one pattern, he seemeth to have put and inspired into their natures and dispositions many like qualities, as for example, that both the one and the other was ambitious, both the one and the other a citizen frank, bold and plain in telling his mind to the people, both of them to perils, jeopardies and wars not very hardy men. There were in their fortunes also many things common aswell to the one as to the other. Fo● I cannot find any ot●er two orators, which being of semblable low birth, grew to be so great men of authority and dignity, and which durst adventure to withstand kings and chief governors, and lost their daughters, we● banished their countries, & returned fet home again with honour, eftsoons voiding their cities came into the hands of their enemies' and finally which were extincted together with the liberty of their country.  
ONe 
☞ This Pytheas was in the time of Photion and Demosthenes, a man newly come up in Athenes of late, & by election put in authority to have doing and saying in the public affairs of th● city, partly by gifts and rewards, and partly by speaking fair unto the people. And when he was on●s gotten up to bear some stroke in the city, he would have to do in every matter, and weaxed a wondrous busy m●dler in all causes, in somuch that at comen assemblies he would often times trouble all the whole coumpaigni● w●th his daily pratleing, until Photion at last said: will this fellow here never hold his peace, that came but yersterdaye in manner out of the shell, and one that hath bought the people of Athenes to b●e his own?  Pythias objected to Demosthenes that his arguments of rhetoric smelled all of the candle: 
H●w Demos●henes answered Pytheas ●aiyng to his cha●ge that his orations smelled ●f the candle.  signifying, that he pronounced none oration but out of writing, and made with great study by candle in the night time. Which saying Demosthenes in such wise reversed back again, that he avouched himself and the other party not to be at equal charges for candle, Noting that the other was a continual reveller and gourmaunder by night, and bestowed more money on riotous banqueting, than he on his behalf did ●n study.  
Unto others objecting unto him unmeasurable affectation of eloquence he thus answered, 
How Demosthenes purged himself of the objection of overmuch study of eloquence.  the study of eloquence to declare a man that loveth the people, and can be contented to be feloe like with the people: and contrariewyse to neglect the study of eloquence, to be the guise of such persons as sought to be lords over the people, as the which went about not to persuade men by fine utterance of a matter, but to compel them parforce.  
As often as Photion should arise to say his mind in any assemblee Demosthenes would say of thesam● Photion to his friends that sat next by him: 
Photion the are of Demosthenes his reasons.  now ariseth up the axe o● all my reasons. For Photion was brief in telling his tale, 
Photion and Demosthenes few times agreed  but sharp as a● axe● And his custom was for the most part to be of a contrary mind and opinion to Demosthenes.  
The people of Athenes ymportunely required Demosthenes to take upon him the accusing of a certain person. 
What Demosthenes said when the Atheniens earnestly prayed him to accuse a ●ertain per●one.  And when Demosthenes refused to do it, the people begoonne to be up in a roar against him, (as commonly they will in such a case) then Demosthenes arising spoke in this manner: O ye men of Athenes, ye have of me a faithful counsellor & helper at all times of need whether ye will or not, but a false accuser shall ye never have of me would ye never so fain.  
Demosthenes had been one of the ●enne, whom the athenians had sent ●mbassadours unto Philippus king ●f Macedon. 
Demosthenes' one of the ten whom the athenians sent ambassadors to Philippus king of Mac●donie.  So after that Aeschines ●nd Philocrates (which two Philip●us had especially above the residue familiarly embraced & made of) being come home again from the said ambassade, gave the king much high praise, partly for many other things, & especially for these three following, that he was full of favour and beauty, 
Philippus king of Macedon, was beautiful, eloquence and a good drinker  that he had a goodly eloquent tongue, & that he could drink lustyly. Demosthenes made this cavillation, that he avouched in all those praises to be not so much as one point comely for a king. 
To drink well is a proprete meet for a spounge, but not for a man.  For the first, he said, belonged to women, the second to sophists or rhetoricians, and the third to spounges, 
* This ambassade was at the same time, when Demochares said to Philippus that he might do to the athenians much pleasure, if he would put his neck in an halter, and hang himself. Whereof read the xxxv apoph. of the said Philippus.   
Demosthenes had written upon hi● shield in letters of gold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, write● about Demost●●nes his bucler in l●tters of ●olde.  Good fortune. Yet nevertheless when it was come to handy strokes 
‡ This was at the battle in Cherronea (whereof is afore spoken i● the vii apothegm of Philippus) in which battle he subdued and conquiered all Grece. And of this battle De●osthenes was the chief procurer and setter on, in so much that he only persuaded the Thebans and others thereunto, and was one of the chief ryngleders and captains himself, in so much that the king of the Persians wrote letters about to ●is nobles in all places, that they should aid Demosthenes' with money enough on all cider for the suppressing of Philippus. The battle wa● kept in Ch●rronea (the country of Plutarch) at Thermodon. Which Thermodon (as the report goo●th saith Plutarch) should be a little pretty blood ren●yng into the river of Cephisus. But the same Plutarch saith that he knoweth no such flood there about of y● nam● nor yet in any place of all Cherronea. Nevertheless he believeth that the blood Haemon (which runneth along by Heraclium, where the Greeks at that time pitched their camp against Philippus) was at the first in old time called Thermodon, and from that battle foorthward the same to have taken the appelation of Haemon, because it was then filled up with dead corpses ●nd with blood. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is greek for blood. But this was such● a sore battle, that Philippus feared Demosthenes all days of his life after, for that the same had persuaded the Greeks to battle.  Demosthenes even at the first meeting cast shield and all away from him, & togoo as fast as his legs might bear him. This point being cast in his nose in the way of mockage & reproach, 
How Demosthenes avoided that reproach of running alway in battle.  that he had in battle cast away his bucler, and taken him to his heels, 
Plutarch saith that Pytheas it was which thus mocked Demosthenes for his mannely running ●waye.  like a pretty man, he avoided it with a little verse comen in every bodies mouth.  

* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (that is: I man tha●●leeth will renew battle again) is a proverbial verse (as Erasmus in his chili●des admonisheth) by which we are warned not by and by to be brought in despair, if some thing hau● not well come to our pass. For though a man be now overcomed, he may at an other time have better hap. Whereof Homer calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is now strong on the one side, & now on the other. And Alexander (Pari● the son of Priamus king of Troy) thus speaketh in Homer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is: victory changeth from part ●o part. And the same Alexander in an other place again saith: 
Menelaus now, through Pallas hath won  
And so shall I at an other season.  So Daws in Terence 
Hac non successit, alia aggrediendum est via.  that is. 
This way it will not frame ne faith,  Therefore must we prove another way. So men Demo●sthenes, that though he had had missehappe at that season, ye● an other more propice time should come, when his chaunc● should be to do his country better service. etc. And this wa● a meetly honest excuse.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
That same man, that runneth away,  
May again fight, an other day.  
judgeing that it is more for the benefits of one's country to run away in battle, then to lose his life. For a dead man can fight no more, but who hath saved himself alive by running away, may in many battles' more, do good service to his countr● At lest wise, if it be a point of good service, to run away at all times when the country hath most need of his help to stick to it.  
When Alexander on this condition offreed peace unto the Athenien● if the same would yield up into his hands eight of the citizens, 
How Demosth●n●s escaped being delivered into the hands of A●●xander.  among whom Demosthenes to be one: Demosthe●nes told unto them the tale of the wolf, who upon this condition offreed peace unto the sheep, if the same would yield and deliver him their dogs that kept him from the fold. Under the name of the wolf betokening Alexander, by the dogs meaning those persons who at that present season had the cure and charge of all the public affairs, and by the sheep signifying the commenaltie of the athenians. He added moreover an other example. As the mercatemennes (saith he) do bring out a little modicum of wheat or other corn in a treendishe for a saumple or show, 
Who betrayeth the governors & rulers, betrayeth the whole people & country.  desiring by the same to sell whole great heaps: so ye, if ye betray and deliver up the eight citizens which are demanded of you, ye betray & deliver the whole universal people every mother's child.  
When Demosthenes being condemned of the Areopagites, 
Of Ar●opagus & the Areopagites, it is afore noted  had escaped out of prison, & was running 
* The cause of the banishment of Demosthenes was this. There was one Ha●palus (of whom it is afore mentioned) who partly of remorse and conscience of evil handling himself in matters committed unto his fidelity, and partly for that he saw Alexander begin to weaxe very rigorous and sore to his friends, fled out of Asia and came to Athenes. And when h● had with certain ships and great substance of money submitted himself to the pleasure and will of the people of Athenes, the other orators counciled the people to receive & protect him, but Demosthenes at the first beginning gave them counsel in no wise to receive him, but to be well aware, lest they should by reason of him areise battle of an unjust and unreasonable cause. Within few days after, when Harpalus (who by like had a good insight in such matters) espying and marking Demosthenes to have an earnest yeah, & a great fancy unto a goodly cup of gold, that was of excellent werkmanship● caused the same to be weighed. Demosthenes much woondreed at the weight of the cup, and demanded what the cup drawed (meaning of weight in the balance) I iwis ꝙ Harpalus (smiling upon him) it shall draw you twenty talentes, and the next night following sent unto Demosthen●s the said cup of gold secretly, & twenty talents with all, which Demosthenes received. And when Harpalus his caus● within a day or two after was had again in communication, Demosthenes came to the assembly of the people, with his neck all stuffed, lapped, and wrapped in wulle, furs, and clouts. He was bidden to say his mind, he refused to speak, alleg●yng that he had a bone in his throat & could not speak. But the people perceived the matter well enough that he had been corrupted with money by Harpalus. And without any more business, first and foremust they expulsed Harpalus and bid him void. And that done, forasmuch as they stood in fear and dread, left the money which the orators had received, should be required of them by Alexander, they searched the orators houses for all such money and jewels. Then Demosthenes being manifestly found culpable, would have purged himself, but the people would in no wise hear him speak● No? (said one) will ye not give ear unto him that hath such● a goodly golden cup? well, the people cried out upon him. Demosthenes put the matter up to the judgement and sentence of the Areopagites, by whom he was condemned in a fine of fifty talentes, and commanded to ward, until the fine should be satisfied and paid. Demosthenes partly by reaso● of that extreme judgement for that he was feeble and weak of body, nor able to endure the enpriesonment, broke away privily, and fled into Arcadia, which is a region of Achaia.  away, & had met in the teeth not far from the city, certain persons of the contrary part, that were not his friends: first he would feign have hidden himself. But when the parties speaking to him, & calling him Demosthenes by his name, bid him to be of good comfort, 
The natural love & desire of each man toward his native country.  & also offered him money to help him on his way, he gave an heavy sigh even from the bottom of his heart, saying: How can I possible forsake this city, in which I have such enemies, as I shall not find friends of the like sort in an other country?  
It is reported that Demosthenes in his departing from the city looked back unto the tour of Pallas, 
What Demosthenes said to Pallas at his departing out of Athenes.  & his hands lifted up unto heaven said: O Pallas lady of cities, why settest thou thy delight in three the most unluckeful beasts of the world, the oulette, 
The Oulett● dedicated unto Pallas.  the draguon, and the people? The oulette whereas she is of all birds the most unluckefull, 
The people ● beast of many heads.  yet is she dedicated unto Pallas, like as the same Pallas hath a draguon also which she beareth about with her for her cognisance. 
The ingratitude of the people toward their benefact●uro.  And as for the people is a monstrous beast of many heads, accustomed with the most naughty unkindness possible to reward such persons as hath done them benefit, as they did Socrates, Photion, 
* Of the ingratitude of the people of Athenes towards So●rates and Photion, it is afore declared. As touching Scipio there were four of the name in Room, one after an other, as nob●e men, as wise counsellors, and as valiant Captains, as ever were in Room, & which did asmuch benefit in the commonweal, as uneath any pen may write. And yet every one of them found at the hands of the people of Room incomparable ingratitude. The first of them won Carthage, and made it tributary unto Room, when it had so tiered Room with long wars, that it was much more nigh to subdue Room, then to be subdued unto Room. This Sci●●● triumphed on Carthage, and had given unto him the surname of African (because he subdued Carthage and thereby Africa.) And yet was he at last exiled, and did die out of his country a banished man. Scipio surnamed the Asiatik● (because he subdued king Antiochus unto Room, and besides him all A●ia, of whom he also triumphed) was afterward falsely arraigned of robbing the treasury of Room, and most wrongfully commanded to prison. Scipio African the second (to whom that surname was given because he beatte down and destroyed both the city of Numantia, and also the city of Carthage, being with all their power and puissance ●ent and● set against the city of Room) was wekedly slain in his bed in the night, and yet in all the city of Room could not one be found that would see such an heinous murdre avenged or punished. And this Scipio it is, that Erasmus here speaketh of● Scipio surnamed Nasica (who saved the commonweal from the violente oppression of Tiberius Gracchus the Tribun●) was in his later days sent as half a banished man to Pergamus, and there spent the residue of his life.  Scipio and right many others more.  
Unto the young men with whom he used familiarity, he would often times say, 
The affairs of a commonweal are daūgierou● to med●e withal said Demosthenes.  that knowing as he now did, how much envy, fear, false surmuised quereling, and how much peril, a man coming to the affairs of the commonweal hath to look for, if the one of two were to be chosen, he would rather go to his death, than up into a pulpit to make an oration, or else up to the bench to sit upon matters of judgement.  
At what time he lived in Arcadia a banished man, 
Contention between Pytheas & Demosthenes.  and Pytheas in the favour and behalf of the Macedonians had said in this manner, as we dame that house to have some evil malady within it, into the which is carried milk for to be sold, so may we think that city to be corrupted with some evil disease, unto the which is sent any ambassade of the athenians: Demosthenes thus turned that clause clean arsy-varsy. As milk (saith he) is brought into houses for to restore sick folks to their health again, so are the athenians always ready for the safeguard and preservation of other foreign cities. 
How Demosthenes was restored from banishment.  As soon as the commenaltie of the athenians had acknowledge of this, they foorthwithall sent for him to come home again from exile.  
After this saying, the comenaltie of Athene● which had afore condemned him, were soodainly stricken again in love with him, and said tha● he was an honest man again, and loved the city, and many gay good morrows. Whereupon Damon Paeaniens the neffewe of Demosthene● made motion unto the people that Demosthenes might be restored to his former state and might come home to the city again. The people made a decree upon it. And unto Aegina was sent a galie for him to fet & bring him home again with honour. And when he was approached near to Athenes, all the magistrates of the city, all the ministers and presidents of the temples full and whole, and the other citizens by whole ●●ockes went to meet him, & received him (as ye would say) with general procession, and with all triumph, honour, and solemnity. Yea, and the fine of fifty talentes which he had afore been condemned in, (because they might not by justice or law release or forgive it) they ordained by a public decree to convert unto the altar of Minerva, and to be deducted of the money which was to be leuie● for the behouf of the same altar. For the athenians had a use and custom at ● certain feast (which they called the feast of jupiter the savour) to make a comen box for the repairing, decking, and furnishing of the altar of Minerva, and for the doing of this, they appointed a gathering of fifty talents in the name of Minerva, to be converted and applied to the satisfying and paying of Demosthene● his fine, for in so much a sum he was condemned, as afore is said.  
When a ship was sent him returning home again from exile, 
Demosthene● gloried in comparing his returning from exile, with the returning of Alcibiades.  and many of the magistrates or public officers, and citizens had come forth of the city to meet him, Demosthenes lifting up his hands to heaven, said, that a more honourable returning had chanced unto him then unto Alcibiades, for that 
‡ Alcibiades being absent on warfare was accused by one Thessalus, that he ha● a certain brethreed, which used to resort and g●ther together at his house, and there to assemble like players on a staige, to coūtre●aicte the sacres of Ceres (the goddess of corn●) and to represent the mysteries of the same sacres, which were wont to be celebrated and kept of the athenians with great reverence and devotion. He added moreover, that Alcibiades and his adherentes divided the executing of all the offices appertaining to those ceremonies, and that one Polytion was the candlestick bearer or torchebearer, and one Theodo●us to be the chanter, or clerk, and Alcibiades being the executor and chief precedent of all the sacres to read a lecture unto all his company of all the said mysteries. etc. Alcibiades was gently required to come home to Athenes for to make his 〈◊〉 and declaration in the premises, he drew back and 〈◊〉 not come to Athenes, and to one demanding whether ●e mistrusted his own native country and city, he answered, that he trus●ed his country very well, but as for the hazarding of his head & life he thought not best to put in the hands of his very mother neither, lest she might chance to bring and cast in a black stone in stead of a white. Upon this ●e fled, and would not come to Athenes. Whereupon he was condemned being absent, and all his goodde● forfaicted, and to the end that no point of ignominy o should lack, all the ministers of all the temples were hidden to accurse Alcibiades as an impious person and a w●ked miscreant. They also by a decree condemned him to death as a traitor. Whereof when relation was made unto Alcibiades, he answered that the athenians should find him to be alive. Then went he to their enemies, and did the athenians much scathe till at last they were glad and said to desire and pray him to come home and help them. The● parmely remorse of conscience, and partly the natural desire of his country so pricked him, that even at the very plounge when the Lacedæmonians should utterly forever hau● confounded the athenians in battle on the sea, Alcibiades soodainly without the acknowledge of either party came with certain ships upon the Lacedæmonians behind at their backs, and turned the victory to the athenians, and so came home highly welcomed, although they had by necessity been forced to seek upon him.  Alcibiades had come home again, the citizens constrained parforce to sand for him, and he on his party, the citizens through peaceable and gentle persuasion condescending & a greeing thereunto.  
After that Demosthenes for fear of Antipater had fled into the Isle of Calauria, 
Read the annotation of the viii. apoph.  and kept himself in the temple of Neptunus, and Archias, 
This temple was a sure place of refuge as a sanctuary.  of a player of tragedies now grown & come up to be a man of power assayed and laboured with honey sweet words to persuade Demosthenes that the same should put himself in the grace of Antipater, 
Archias first a player of entreludes, and afterward a great man of power with Antipater.  by whom not only to have nomanier harm at all, but also to be honoured with most high & bounteous rewards: He said in this manner: O Archias thou never didst like me in thy life on the staige being a player, nor shalt persuade me to thy purpose now at this present being an orator. But when Archias being thoroughly out of patience threatened to pull him parforce out of the temple: yea marry (ꝙ Demosthenes) now at last thou hast plainly opened the 
* The oracles of Macedon, Demosthenes called the pleasure of Antipater king of Macedon. Meaning that Antipater had commanded Archias to bring Demosthenes by fair means or foul. Demosthenes' alluded to the proper signification of an oracle, meaning that Antipater took upon him in manner no less than if he had been a god.  oracles of Macedon. 
What an oracle is read in the xu saying of Alexander.  For until the speaking of this word, thou didst but countrefaicte and make a feigned countenance according to the guise and fashion of entrelude players.  
Demosthenes is reported to have sailed on a time to the city of Corinthe, 
Of Corithus is aforenoted in the xxxiii. Apophtheg. of Diogenes.  enticed & alured with the fame of Lais a Courtesan there of great name, 
Demosthenes sailed to Co●inthe to have his peasure of Lais.  to th'intent that he also among the more might have his pleasure of the paramour which all the world spoke of. But when she by covenant required for one night ten thousand drachmas, 
Lais a costly dame to lie with, of whom read the xxxi saying of Aristippus.  Demosthenes feared with the greatness of the price changed his mind, saying: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that is: 
I will not buy repentance so dear.  signifying, that unto unhonest pleasure repentance is a priest companion to come after. 
Repentance evermore ensueth of unhonest pleasure.  Yea and one property more it hath, that the pleasure is small, and is gone in a moment, the repentance great, and still enduring as long as life continueth. 
‡ Lais an harlot of Corinthe of excellent beauty, but so dear & costly, that she was no morsel for mowyers. She was for none but lords and gentlemen that might well pay for it. Whereof came up a proverb, that it was not for every man to go unto Corinthe. This history of Demosthenes is rehearsed of Ualerius Maximus, Aulus Gellius and others.   
The saying of Pytheas is comen and much spoken of, that the orations of Demosthenes smelled all of the candle, 
Read the first apothegm of Demosthe.  for that the same did in the night season write and record such things as he had to say to the people in the day time. So when an other feloe, which had an evil name abroad for the suspicion of pieking and bribing, very malapertely inveighed against the same thing: I know it full well (ꝙ Demosthenes) that we do work the much sorrow, in that we light candles in the night. 
Prive thieves love the dark.  For prive stealers love the dark.  
On Demades crying, oh, Demosthenes will take upon him to correct me, 
How Demosthenes taunted Demades.  the sow will teach 
* rewyne to teach Minerva, was a proverb against such, as either being theimselfes of no knowledge ne wisdom at all, will take upon them, to teach persons that are excellentely skilled & passing expert, for which we say in english to teach our dame to sp●nne: or else, that will take upon them to be doctors in those things in which theimselfes have no skill at all, for which we say in english, to correct Magnificat before he have learned Te Deum. For Minerva was thought the patroness of all wit and of all ingenious arts (as is afore said) and the swine, by the tradition and writing of all the natural philosophi●rs is declared to be of all beasts the most brutish, and lest apt to learn any thing.  Minerva, the same Demosthenes said: Yea, but this Minerva (ꝙ he) was taken the last year in aduou●●ie. 
Minerva by the fiction of the poets a perpetual virgin.  He lated unto the charge of Demades adultery, where as the poets do make Minerva to be a perpetual virgin.  
Thesame Demosthenes withstood the athenians ymportunely desiring him to show his advise, 
Demosthenes would not be at the beck of the people.  & said: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that is, I am none of those which are brought, under coram. signifying, that he was not as a bondservant made to the beck of the people, but at his own will & pleasure at all times to do what thing he had judged expedient to be done.  
A certain bond maiden had received of two men of her acquaintance a certain sum of money to keep for them, with this condition and agreement, that she should redeliver the same sum unto them both together. The one of these two parties within a short space after, coming clad in a mourning garment, & going as though he had no joy of his life, and feigning that his partner was dead, beguiled the woman, & got the money out of her fingers. 
How Demosthenes by a subtle ingen saved a poor woman from paying one sum twys.  This done, anon came the second party unlooked for, and begoonne to require that had been left in her custody. And where the woman being in a peck of troubles was half in mind & purpose to hang hirself, Demosthenes was so good unto her to become her advocate, who, as soon as he came to make his plea in her behalf, went roundly to the demander of the money after this sort: This woman (saith he) is ready well & truly to discharge hirself of the money which she was put in trust withal to keep, but unless thou bring thy partner too, she may not do it, because that by thine own confession and words, this was a plain composition made between you, that the money should in no wise be delivered to the one of you without the other. By this subtle ingen he saved the poor seely woman, and clearly defeated the conspirisie of the two villains, who had driven a drift to receive double payment of one sum.  
To a certain person demanding what was the principal point in eloquence, he made answer, hypocrisis, that is, action or pronunciation. To thesame person eftsoons asking, what was the next point and what the third, he still made none other answer but, action, action. Referring so much to pronunciation, that he thought all together to consist in the same. And in deed the action or pronunciation comprehendeth many things more than one, that is to weet, the tempering and qualifying of the voice, the earnest look of the yies, the port of the countenance, and the gesturing or conveyance of all the whole body.  
When the fingers of the athenians ticleed to aid and succour Harpalus, and were now already up towards war against Alexander, soodainly was seen Philoxenus arrived in the country of Attica, whom Alexander had made his high admiral. At this sudden arrival of the said Philoxenus when the people being with fear astouned were soodainly whished & weaxed dumb: what would these men do (ꝙ Demosthenes) if they should see the son, which have not the power to look against a candle? After such sort did he upbraid to the people their rash and unadvised stiering of coals, and arisynges to war. By the son he men Alexander, in comparison of whom, this Philoxenus was scarcely to be esteemed a candle.  
Certain persons esteeming and saying that Demades had now given over to be such an vain, as he had been in time past: 
Demades was covetous of money.  Yea marry (ꝙ Demosthenes,) for now ye see him full paunched, as lions are For Demades was covetous and greedy of money. And in deed the lions are more gentle when their bealyes are well filled.  
When he was by a certain person reviled with much naughty language: 
In reui●yng one an other● who so overcometh, loseth the victory.  I am now matched (ꝙ he) to buccle in a strife, in which who so hath in fine the over hand, getteth the worse, and who so over cometh, loseth the victory.  
Thesame Demosthenes, when he heard a certain orator speaking out of measure loud and high, & all together in pilate's voice, said: Not all that is great, 
Not all that is great is well but all that is well is great.  is well, but all that is well is great. This saying is ascribed to others also. And some folks there been, that esteem feasts which are drawn of a great length to sit all day, and are furnished with sundry dishes or courses of the most, 
One dish alone to f●de on, is more wholesome for the body, then variet●e of dishes.  to be royal dainty gear, whereas by the plain determination of all natural philosophers, and of all good physicians in the world, one good dish alone to f●de on is more natural and more wholesome for the body, than the variety of many costly dis●es at one repast.   
¶ The end of the second book.   

¶ That thou mayest the sooner and easilier find (most gentle reader) either the name of any person or any other good matter contained in this book, I have here added a large and plain Table after the order of the A.B.C. set out with the numbered of the leaf, where thou shalt find any such thing as thou desirest to have therein.  
The Table.  


A.  ABas the twelve king of the Argives 
166.  Abstinence the Itatalians use for all diseases 
278.  Achilles. 
39  Academia, a place full of groves. 
158.  Acrisius had a daughter called Danae. 
166.  Academiques. 
237.  Ac●ium the paeke of the country of Epirus. 
249.  Ar●ius escaped the danger of a judgement. 
321.  Action or pronounciation is the chiefest poict in eloquence: 
344.  Adas, queen of the Carians. 
184.  Adrastus, read the note. 
330.  Aeschines. 
21.66.  Aesculapius. 
30.  Aegina the city. 
58.  Aged men, whereof they should smell. 
28.  Aga●ho of Athenes. 
29.  Agesilaus. 
96.  Agamennon king of Mycena. 
218  Agrippa made many new conduictes in Room. 
258.  Aide after the field is fought, cometh to late. 
116.  Alcibiades of Athenes. 
12.  All manner of orations will not serve for all persons. 
26.  Ale●ander talked with Diogenes sitting in his tub. 
83  Alexander had Diogenes in high estimation. 
ibi.  Alexander thought it a greater thing to be Alexander then to be a king. 
ibi.  All virtues consist in the mean between two vices. 
87  Alipte, what they were. 
121.  Almose given to beggars rather than to Philosophiers. 
128  Alexander's ambition. 
179.181.205  Alexander his haultnesse of courage. 
181.  Alexander was swift and nimble, 
ibi.  Alexander his army against Darius. 
18●.  Alexander his cooks. 
185.  Alexander his answer made to D●rius. 
186.  Alex●nder wounded with an arrow. 
188.  Alexander enforced no person freborne. 
190.  Alexander, how he used the Greeks which took wages of his enemies to fight against him. 
ibi.  Alexander how he used a captain that submitted himself unto him. 
193.  Alexander contemned Hercules in respect of himself. 
ibi.  Alexander ever reserved one ear for the defendant. 
202.  Alexander reproved Darius for the gorgeous decking of his house. 
204.  Alexander abhorred effeminate delices. 
ibi.  Alexander's animositee. 
205.  Alexander, what verse he allowed best of Homer. 
206.  Alexander was saluted the son of jupiter Ammon. 
207.  Alexander taken by day with a dead sleep in the camp. 
208.  Alexander made free of Corinthe. 
ibi.  Alexander knowelaged himself a mortal man. 
209.  A●●●oneus the son of Antigonus slain in battle. 
224.  Alexander's courage and stomach. 
230.  Al●●biades accused of one Thess●●●us. 
340.  Ambition of Diogenes. 
73.99.  Amphictionum concilium, what it is. 
105.  Amphoteros. 
164.  Ammon was jupiter. 
188.  Amicus alter ipse. 
207.  Ambition of julius Caesar. 
266.267.  ●●●●●thenes the philosophier. 
15  〈◊〉 Manhood. 
29.  An●●sthenes would have no scholar's. 
69.  A●●●umen●s the successor of 〈◊〉 ●●●●●der. 
131.  A●●●sthenes was loath to die 
156.  Antip●●er high captain vnde● Philippus. 
175.  Antipater highly in favour with Alexander, but at the l●st deadly hated. 
187.  Antipater his ambition. 
189.  An●●genes. 
190.  Antipater surmised matters against Olympias. 
205.  Antigonus sayings begin. 
210.  Antigonus how he used certain of his souldy●urs. 
211.  Antigonus' first cruel & then merciful. 
ibi.  Antigonus d●sapoin●ted his son of his lodging. 
ibi.  Antigonus his boldness & presumption. 
219.  Antigonus was tender toward his soldiers. 
220.  Antigonus' low of stature & having a flat nose. 
222.  Antigonus jested at the impediment of his own yies. 
223.224.  Antonius & Dolabella fa●●e and well coloured. 
270.  Antipater overcame the athenians. 
298.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a rock in the Indies. 
19●  Appollodorus the poet how he visited Socrates. 
●●.  Approving of good fare & to be offended with the cost. etc. 
57  Appellation of a man is a fit name but for a few. 
9●.  Apparel to curious, argueth wantonness. 
108.  Apollo otherwise called Pythius. 
184.  Apelles. 
197.  Art of governing a comm●̄weale. 
●.  Arrogancy of Sophistes. 
16.  Archelaus king of Macedodonie. 
18.  Art and profession of Phisiognomyers. 
32.  Aristippus taught philosophy for money. 
3●.  Archelaus the son of Perdicca. 
40.  Aristippus brauled & strove with Diogenes. 
41.  Aristippus' one of the court with Dionysi●s. 
ibi.  Aristippus' despised gold & silver. 
43.57.  Aristippus was both galaunte and also sage. 
43.  Aristippus regarded honest at all times. 
ibi.  Aristippus feared no man. 
44.63.  Aristippus loved gay apparel. 
ibi.  Aristippus weaxed pale. 
48.  Areta the daughter of Aristippus. 
50.  Aristippus took money of his friends & why. 
51.54.  Aristippus spent not his money in vain. 
54.  Aristippus kept company with a struompet. 
ibi.  Aristippus was a customer of Lais the harlot. 
55.  Aristippus spetted on the face of Simus. 
56.  Aristippus wished to die no woors●e than Socrates had done. 
ibi.  Aristippus cast his money into the seea. 
57  Aristippus being chidden of Plato, what he answered. 
58.  Aristippus rebuked Diogenes for compaigniing with Phryne the horlotte. 
59  Aristippus a man of great possessions. 
60.  Aristippus was nothing greyed to take a blank in disputation. 
61.  Aristippus refused not to dance in purple. 
62.  Aristippus had a passing ready wit. 
63.  Artaphernes. 
ibi.  Aristippus arrested in Asia by Artaphernes. 
63.  Aristo the Philosophier. 
64.  Aristippus gathered much richesse. 
ibi.  Aristippus did let his son ●onne at ●ouers. 
64.  Aristip. being th'elder man submitted first to Aeschines. 
67  Aristippus cast on land by shipwreck, 
ibi.  Aristogiton. 
115.  Art, every art is not me●e for a king. 
178.  Aristotle was master to Alexander● 
200.  Aristodemus. 
215.  Arius a philosophier of Alexandria. 
226.  Armenia a royalme in Asia. 
23●  Aristogiton a false accuser condemned. 
293.  Areopagus. 
3●7.  Archias first a player of entreludes and afterward a great man of power with Antipater. 
341.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
156.  A true friend is an high treasure. 
6.  Athenes was ruled by the commons. 
39  Athenaeus the greek historigraphier. 
60.199.  A thing public is ordained for the wealth of the private also. 
69.  Athlete, what they be that are so called. 
103.  Athenes the fundament of all Grece. 
219.  Athenodorus. 
228.  Atedius pollio, alias Vedius pollio. 
269.  Attica a country. 
297.  Aulus Gellius. 
25.  Augustus' reproved the insatiable ambition of Alexander. 
229  Augustus Caesar made a law for adulterers. 
ibi.  Augustus enterpreted the doings of men to the better part. 
232.  Augustus Aia●. 
233.  Augustus was not desirous to be feared. 
ibi.  Augustus' answer to a fellow that asked a pension of him. 
234.  Augustus' answer to Galla. 
235.  Augustus' pardoned Cinna. 
238.  Augustus used to say nay to none that desired him to any 〈◊〉. 
239.  A●gust●s an high and mighty prince. 
240.  A●gustus deli●ed to jest & also would take jesting. 
243.244.  Augustus' bought diverse birds. 
250.  Augustus' gentleness in hearing complaints. 
250.  Augustus how he served a Greek poet. 
251.  Augustus, what he said of Room. 
255.  Augustus' put of two ympudent ●rauers. 
256.  Augustus preferred the dignity of a commonweal. 
257.  Augu. how he used to commend his son unto the people. 
260.  authority, who so hath not said, seeketh: who so hath proved, eateth. 
290.  Aurum sitisti, Aurum bibe. 
327    


B  Battle between Alexander and Darius. 
186.  Beneficial to a whole multitude. 
4.  Better of birth that a child is, the better ought his bringing up to be 
9  Between a beast and a man of brutish conditions, there is no difference 
11.  Better to die an innocent, them an offender. 
21  Beauty of the mind is to be lo●ed. 
31  Begoonne well, is half done. 
31  Better to beg then to be without learning. 
46  Better the money be cast away th●n man for money's sake. 
58  Beets is an herb called in latin Beta. 
106.  Beast of many heads is the people. 
109. 3●8.  Beasts that are most harmful. 
118.  Bealyes of gluttons. etc. 
119.  Best time to wed a wife. 
124  beautiful strumpettes are like to deadly ●oyson. 
137.  Beneficence of Philippus. 
170  Benevolence how it should be purchased. 
179.  Beards are an hindrance in battle. 
185.  Bed of a person that is in de●. etc. 
242.  Bias received a talon of Antigonus. 
223.  Biddelles what their offices is. 
240.  Bliss of heaven, whereby it is obtained. 
96.  Blushing is a token of virtue. 
125  bondservant to the pleasures of the body. 
4.  Boldness and trust on a man's well doing. 
26.  Boasting of a man's self is a foolish thing. 
53  Boast of drinking is vain. 
ibi  bondservants of glory. 
102.  bondservants, how they are called in Greek. 
148.  Bounty of Alexander. 
184.195.  Bounty and largesse is befalling for kings. 
215  Bosom sermons & orations. 
216.  Breach of love between Aes●hines and Aristippus. 
66.  Brasidas a captain of the Lacedæmonians. 
232.  Brundisium a to●●e in the kingdom of Naples. 
268.  Brutus and Cassius slew julius Caesar. 
270.  Buiriing of Diogenes. 
82.  Bu●riyng of the jews. 
ibi.  Buiriing is not to be cared for (said Diogenes.) 
36.  Bucephalus and horse. 
200.276.  Busyris a king of Egypte. 
326.  Byzancium a city of Thracia. 
294    


C  CAlamitees universal. 
37.  Cantharis a little vermyn. 
103  calisthenes the disciple of Aristotle. 
107  Caiges for woomennes. 
120.  Caria a province in Asia. 
185.  calisthenes con●emned the fashions of Alexander his court. 
202.  Casket, desk or standyshe of Darius. 
204.  Cas●ius Severus. 
235.  Cares of a good prince. 
242.  Cato killed himself at V●ica 
242. 269.331.  Caprae an Isle. 
262.  Caesar hanged up the pirates. 
263  Caesar's excuse for not leaving the dictatourship. 
27●.  Captains many, & good souldyoures but a few. 
298.  Cato. 
304.  Caius Popilius. 
308.  Caesar went in his go●ne wanton girt about him. 
313.  Caninius Reuilus was consul but uj hours. 
315.  Cato would be b●isily occupied in the day time and merry in the night. 
331.  Caelius had a loud voice. 
331.  Ceramicus a place of buiriall in Athenes. 
87.  Centaurs what they were. 
118.  Censor a magistrate in Rome. 
247. 284.  Centumuiri, what they were. 
312  Chiefest ●t●e of young men. 
35  Children, what they get by going to school. 
50.  Children, how they should be brought up. 
75.  children's diet assigned by Diogenes. 
80.  Chiliades of Erasmus. 
91.  Cherronea a region nigh to Hellespontus. 
102.163.  Charybdis and Scylla. 
119. 321.  Cheril●s a poet. 
194.  Children begotten toward the son rising. etc. 
309  Cyniques sect and what they were. 
68  Ci●ce is there none without a law. 
153.  civility of Philyppus. 
163.  Cinna sought to destroy Augustus. 
238.  Civica corona what it is. 
255  Cilicians the people of Cilicia. 
263.  Cicero was lowly to his enemies, but to his friends forward. 
289.  Cicero, what it is. 
304.  Cicero made a Gall free citizen. 
313.  Cicero, how he rebuked his ●ought●r for going to fast & his son for going to slow. 
314.  Cicero his answer for Milo. 
318  Cicero divorced his wife Teren●●a. 
319.  Cicero mocked Curio. 
320.  Cicero his riedle. 
323.  Cicero could cast a mist over the seats of judgement. 
325.  Cicers what they are. 
327.  Cicero how he checked a young fellow. 
328.  Cicero drounke water. 
330.  Cicero what he said to julius Caesar. 
331.  Cicero defeated the accusation of Marcus calidius. 
332.  Cicero jesting on Isauricus. 
332  cloistures were full of pride. 
23  Climate is a region or cost of a country. 
216.  Clemency of Augustus. 
226.231. 256. 258. 260.  Clemency of Pompeius. 
284.  Clamorous and brawling orators. 
306.  Clodius a Roman of noble birth. 
318.  Cneus Pompeius. 
279.  Corrupt manners of the athenians. 
15.  company of wise man. 
19  Covetousness oft time beguileth the belly. 
56.  communication ought to be fruitful. 
71.  covetous persons do most of all cry out on avarice. 
77.  commodities of philosophy. 
●●.  Corinthus a city in Achaia. 
84. 341.  Comunication ought not to be vain. 
7●.  covetousness the root of all evil. 
117.  Corrupt and effeminate manners of the athenians. 
1●4.  Commmunication declareth a man's mind. 
145.  Cooks of Alexander. 
●●5.  Continency or chastity of Alexander. 
189. 197.  Corduba a city in Spain. 
260.  Consuls of Room. 
173.  Consid●us a Senator. 
276.  Constancy of Photion. 
297.  Coce of Cocus. 
318.  contention between Pythias and Demosthenes. 
339.  Critias and Charicles, what they were. 
10.  Credence is not to be given to the ignorant. 
20.  Crabbed wives compared to rough horses. 
25.  Craneum, what it is. 
93.  Crete the Isle now called Candie. 
97.  Craterus desired Diogenes to dwell with him. 
131.  Craterus advanced by Alexander. 
194.  Cruelness of Vidius. 
259.  Crassus could curry favour. 
326.  Custom easeth the tediousness of incommoditees. 
24.  Customs in diverse places, what they are. 
34.  Curtius a knight of Room. 
245.  Cyzicus or Cyzicum an Isle in Propontis. 
61.  Cypress trees are elfishe and froward to spring. 
296.    


D.  DAnae the daughter of Acrisius 
166.  Darius his offer to Alexander. 
185  Damasippus praised his wine of xl years old. 
323.  Diseases of late banqueting. 
8.  Death is comen to all persons. 
21.  Death is like to a sound sleep. 
36.  Desperate persons what they should do. 
72.  Demosthenes' his tale of an ass. 
75.  Death is no evil thing. 
150.  Death riddeth a body out of peines. 
156.  Demaratus a Corinthian. 
177.  Demochares Parrhesiastes. 
179  Delphos a town in the region of Phocis. 
201.  Demetrius the son of Antigonus. 
217.  Death which is best. 
270.  Demosthenes spoke to please men. 
293.  Demades had no fellow in making of an oration. 
299.  Demosthenes what he was. 
333.  Demosthenes' his answer to Pythias. 
ibi.  Demosthenes' his excuse for the study of eloquence. 
334.  Demosthe. one of the ten whom the athenians sent ambassadors to Philippus king of Macedon. 
335,  Demosthenes mocked for flying from battle. 
ibi.  Demosthenes escaped being in the h●des of Alexander. 
336.  Demosthenes, why he was banished. 
337.  Demosthenes, what he said to Pallas. 
338.  Demosthenes' avouched it a dangerous thing to meddle with the affairs of a comen weal. 
339.  Demosthenes' restored from banishment. 
ibi.  Demosthenes' compared his returning with the returning of Alcibiades. 
340.  Demost. taunted Demades. 
342.  Demosthenes would not be at the beck of the people. 
34●  Demosthenes, how he defended the cause of a poor woman. 
343.  Demades was covetous of money. 
344.  Diet temperate to be used. 
3.  Difference between a carnal lover and a friend. 
32.  Difference between the learned and unlearned. 
45.53.  Difference between the soul of a philosophier & of a varlet. 
48.  Dionysius offended with Plato. 
61  Dionysius had his ears in his feet. 
62.  Dionysius gave in reward to Aristippus money, and to Plato books. 
65.  Dionysius would call Aristippus' fool & all to nought. 
ibi.  Diogenes was Antisthenes his scholare 
65.  Diogen his zeal to sapience. 
69.  Diogenes' dwel● in a tub. 
ibi.  Diogenes had no house of his own. 
ibi.  Diogenes confuted Zeno. 
94.  Diogenes nicknamed the schools of Euclides. 
70.  Diogenes gave himself to 〈◊〉 after philosophy. 
ibi.  Diog● was a very sloven. 
73.  Diogenes noted Plato of verbo●●●●. 
74.  Diogen●s could find no good menne● 
ibi.  〈◊〉 willed the people ●o 〈◊〉 no vain things. 
75  〈◊〉 ●●unted all men. 
76.  Di●●enes reprou●d the Mu●●●ans. 
ibi.  Diog●nes reproving the Orators, covetous persons and comm●n people. 
77.  Diogenes rebuking such as as did sacrifice for bodily health. 
ibi.  Diogenes' hated gluttons and boundseruauntes. 
ibi.  Diog●nes praising diverse persons. 
78.  Diogenes, what he taught to ●eniades his sons. 
79.  Dioge. manner of ●eachyng. 
80.  Diogenes made an abridgement of all disciplines for his scholar's. 
ibi.  Diogene●, how he woul● be yburied. 
82.  Diogenes talking with Alexander in his tub. 
8●.  Diogenes whipped of young men. 
84.  Diogenes thought himself thank worthy for coming to a feast or a supper when he was desired. 
85.  Diogenes finding Demosthenes in a tavern. 
86.  Diogenes how he pointed out Demosthenes. 
86.  Diogenes his answer to such as said he was over earnest in philosophy. 
87.  Diogenes to whom he would be sold. 
89.  Diogenes rebuked a woman for lying prostrate before the Gods. 
91.  Diogenes consecrated to Aesculapius a giant with a club. 
ibi  Diogenes, how he matched, fortune, law & affections. 
92.93.  Dioge. sitting in his tub. 
93.  Diogenes avouched himself to be richer then Alexander. 
94  Diogenes what he said espying a white leaf of paꝑ. 
ibi.  Diogenes confuted Zenon. 
ibi.  Diogenes mocked a Sophiste & one prating in Astronomy. 
95  Diogenes anointed his feet where others anoint their heads. 
96.  Diogenes was desired to be a preaste. 
ibi.  Diogenes, almost persuaded to give over his philosophical trade. 
97.  Dioge. was called doggie. 
97.108.127.136.137.  Diogenes had a blow with a long loggue. 
98.  Diogenes seeking a man with a candle in the day light. 
99  Diogenes deluded a, feloe for spryngkling water upon him for the purging of sins. 
101.  Diogenes challenged for a spy by Philippus. 
102.  Dio. threatened of Perdicca. 
103  Diogenes rebuked a fellow for wearing a lions skin. 
106.  Dioge. called orators thrice double men. 
108.  Dioge. commended an harper that all others dispraised. 
110.111.144  Diogenes had cast in his teeth banishment. 
112.113.  Dio. his manner of begging. 
115.  Diony●ius how he entreated his friends. 
ibi.  Diogenes, why he became a philosophier. 
112.  Didymi what it is .119. and of Didymo read in the. 
151.  Diogenes, what he said to a renneawaye. 
120.  Dioge. what he said to a fellow that came to the hot house. 
121  Diogenes hated women. 
122.  Diogenes' salutation to one that rob gra●es & tombs. 
ibi.  Diogenes had neither man nor woman servant. 
122.  Dioge. asked his alms. 
129.140  Diogenes banished for coining of money. 
113.129.  Diogenes, why he used to ear in the open street. 
131.  Diogenes taunted Plato for his course fare. 
132.  Diogenes his answer to them that derided him. 
ibi.  Diogenes deemed men to be saved from misaventures by very chance, and not by the grace of God. 
133.  Diagoras a philosophier. 
ibi.  Diogenes his answer to Alexander. 
136.150.  Dioge● void of superstition. 
137.  Dioge. mocked a wrastlear. 
138.  Diogenes, what country man he was. 
140.  Diog. drinking in a tavern. 
145  Diogenes asked a large alms of a prodigal spender. 
148.  Diogenes what he said being in a school house. 
152.  Diogenes, how he would be buried. 
154●  Dionysius an evil schoolmaster. 
156.  Displeasure 〈◊〉 Philippus with Olympias Alexander. 
177.  dishes made from Augustus his table. 
245  Dictare dis●ipulis. 
272.  Dimitius Corbulo. 
278.  Diadorus. 
307  Difference between histories and Annals 
321.  Dignus crass● est. 
325.  Dolphin fishes, what their property is. 
53.  Dolabella asked a golden chain of Augustus. 
254.  Domitius a senator of Rome. 
28  drachm, what valour it is of. 
42.217.  Drinking much is meet for a spounge but not for a man. 
335.  Durach●●m or Dirrachium a town in Macedonia. 
268.  Diadem, what it is. 
274.    


E  Eating unmeasurable. 
35.  Evil, what it is. 
126.  Eloquence of Plato. 
74.  Empire, a reign or Empire holden with love. etc. 
155.  Ennuchus. 
95.  english men noted of excessive ea●●ng and Germans of drinking. 
55.  Enemies' how a man should be avenged on his enemy. 
155  Enemies how they are to be overcome. 
278.  Enn●●s an ancient poet. 
321.  Epaminondas what he was. 
96  epitaphy is a writing set on deed men's tombs. 
156.  Eris the goddess of strife. 
4●.  Erasmus defence for taking g●fres. 
146.  Erudicio● or learning, what it profiteth? 
151.  ●●●●es put to death by Augustus for eating of a quail. 
22●  Erisychthon a bondemamne of Cich. 
312.  Euripides a philosophier. 
16.  Euthidemus the friend of Socrates. 
33.  Eutichides the servant of Aristippus. 
54  Euclides was in the later days of Plato. 
70.  Eu●inus and Pontus are all one. 
113  Evil, what is evil. 
126.  Every body is best judge of his own faculty. 
176.  Eurylothus. 
190.  Eudimonicus a philoso. 
199.  Excess not being used, maketh all things good cheap. 
18  Exercise of the memory. 
36.  Excuse of sin. 
46.  Excuse of some that profess the contempt of money. 
55.  external things make no man the better. 
68  Exercise of Diogenes his scholar's. 
80.  Excess of drinking is abominable. 
146.  Exhortations made by philippus to his son Alexander. 
171. 17●.  example of chastity in Alexander. 
18●.    


F  FAme honest, how it is to be purchased. 
5.  Fashion that the athenians used with condemned men. 
●●. 2●  Fashion of staige players in old time. 
5●.  Face of a man ought to be most clean. 
●6.  Favour, the favour of a stroumpet is better lost than had. 
14●  Familiar jesting between A●●igonus & Antagoras. 
●●●.  Fabia Dolabella mocked of Cicero. 
●●●.  Faint handling of a plea, argueth the cause to be weak. 
●●●.  Feed only to maintain life. 
2●.  felicity of kings, what it is. 
8●.  Feeling in a matter. 
114.  felicity maketh men false hearted. 
221.  felicity and good fortune of Augustus. 
230.  Fi●gues we choose and take of the best. etc. 
112.  Fla●cus a poet. 
153.  foolish haste and needless. 
16.  foolishness of men. 
71.  foolish shame to no purpose. 
87.89.  folly of the parents in chastising their children. 
88  Fortune is not to be imputed to every thing. 
101.160.  Fortresses do nothing avail without hardy captains. 
193.  Forum hath a double signification. 
236.  Friends are an high treasure. 
6.  frugality of Socrates. 
13.  Friends that are true are great possessions. 
14.  Fruitless being in a strange country. 
18.  Fruit of philosophy. 
43.  Friends should be wried ere they be familiar. 
61.  freedom of the mind is the right freedom. 
66  Frequent assembles of the people. 
71.  Friends, how men should not put forth their hands to their friends. 
79.151.155.  frugality of Diogenes. 
90.  Friends should not desire any unjust thing one of another. 
299.  Furniture of the mind. 
27.    


G  GAza, a country where odours grow. 
18●.  Galba had a misshaped body. 
235.  Garland civic. 
254.  Gallius. 
284.  giving a thing after it is once asked, is to late. 
18.  Geometry that Socrates would have studied. 
38.  germans noted of much drinking and englishmen of much eating. 
55.  Gentlemen are pleased with their own doings. 
152.  Gifts not profitable, aught to be refused. 
12.  Gifts, Socrates would none take. etc. 
18.  Gluttons. 
20.  Glory, is to many persons more sweeter than life. 
192.  God is to be foloed as near as we may. 
2.  Good men rejoice when they are troubleed. 
23.  Good things are rejected because of the lewd persons that abuse them. 
56.  Gold, w●y 〈◊〉 looketh pale 
120.  Gold overcometh all things. 
166.  Good fortune written about the bucler of Demosthe. 
335.  grammarians what they were. 
76.  Grand thieves lead the petty thieves to prison. 
104.  Gross meats make the body strong, but the w●ites dull 
114.  Granicus a blood. 
183.  Great things are not always good, but good things are always great. 
345.    


H  HAste maketh waste. 
38.  Harmodius. 
115.  harlots. 
155.  Heinous transgressions must be suppressed by due correction. 
168.  Harp of Achilles and of Paris. 
206.  Hesiodus his verses. 
10. 16.  Heraclitus a philosophier. 
12.  Hemina, what it is. 
18.  He that can abite a cursed wife need not. etc. 
25.  Helicon Cyzi●enus a philosophier. 
61.  He is not in pemi●ie, that may have when he needeth. 
66.  Hercules the son of jupiter. 
106.  Hegesias a philosophier of the Epicures sect. 
112.  Hercules, how he was worshipped in old time. 
116.  Hecateroes. 
164.  Hephaestion highly in favour with Alexander. 
187.  Her●de killed his own son. 
237.  H●ll●spontus. 
206.  Hephaestion taller man them Alexander. 
207.  Herenni●s. 
234.  〈◊〉 ●uice, the price of 〈◊〉 ounce. 
302.  High cares of a good pr●nce. 
242.  Ho●gre is the best sauce. 
3.13.27  Honest name and fame, how ●o be purchased. 
5.  Honest mattress to set forth, every man is loothe. 
8.  Homer his verses. 
10. 122. 123. 146.149.188.302.  Honest geastes take all fare in good worth. 
20.  holy died Socrates. 
31.  Honest and virtuous love. 
32.  How an evil husband may borrow money of himself. 
40.  Honest men may use delicate fare. 
45.  Homeres Rhapsodies what they are. 
76.  Horse unbroken, apt to no service. 
45.  Husband, the rule for the wife. 
39  Hours best to eat meat. 
98.  Honest and verteons men are the true images of God. 
11●  Honey mouthed persons. 
119.  Hot houses. 
121. 12●.  Honest men are not the worse for the infamy of any place that they resort unto. 
142.  Homer feigneth death & sleep to be br●ther germane. 
154.  Housholding is not maintained with singing. 
157.  Horatius the poet his sayings. 
19.166.  Homeres Ilias highly esteemed of Alexander. 
204.  humility of Socrates. 
●5. 40.  husbandry is profitable. 
40.  humanity and patience of Philippus. 
177.  Humili●ee of ●ntigonus. 
212. ●●●.  Humbleness and modesty of Augustus. 
229.  humanity will hope the best of a friend. 
288.  H●dria in foribus, exponed. 
48.  Hypocrisis the chief point in eloquence. 
343.    


I  IAmbique verses. 
13.  Idleness is evermore worthee blame. 
10.  Idees that Plato devised. 
123.  Ignorance is the only evil thing of the world. 
14.  Immoderate and greedy eating. 
35.  Inordinate living is more painful, than to live ●tuously. 
4.  Incommoditees of wedlock, & out of wedlock. 
17.  Insatiable mind of Alexan. 
94  Inexpectato, a place of rhetoric. 
110.  Ingratitude of the athenians towards Philippus. 
163.  Incommodities that come by playing at dice. 
194.  Insolency, a dangerous disease. 
212.  Ingratitude of many persons. 
288  Ingratitude of the people of Athenes. 
338.  Italians use abstinence for all diseases. 
278.  judgement of the comen people. 
4  judgement preposterous of the common people. 
14.88.  justice executed by Antigonus. 
218.  julia the daughter of Augustus. 
252.253.  julia banished out of the court of Augustus. 
261.  julius Caesar most like infations to Alexander the gre. 
263  julius Caesar. a man of a wondrous haut courage. 
265.268.  julius Caesar put away his wife Pompeia. 
265.  julius Caesar's ambition. 
266.267  julius Caesar would that high enterprises should be dispeched without casting perils. 
267.  julius Caesar matched Pompeius. 
269.  julius Caesar, what he said when he saw in Room straungiers carry young puppes. 
271  julius Caesar, how he encouraged his soldiers. 
272.  julius Caesar said that Sylla was not half a good clerk. 
27●  julius Caesar refused to be called a king. 
274.  julius Caesar's ho●sse. 
276.  julius Caesar oppressed the commonweal. 
278.  julius Caesar's dream. 
279.  julius Caesar and Pompeius at variance. 
310.  julius Caesar called Senates for every small matter. 
317.  jubius Curtius proved a liar by Cicero. 
319.    


K  acknowledge of moral philosophy, what it profiteth. 
10  We know no more than is in our memory. 
80.  Kings may not show favour to all persons. 
167.  Kings, how far they may extend favour. 
168.  Kings must use honest persons & abuse the unhonest. 
ibi.  kings learned, is an unestimable treasure. 
172.  Kings are evil reported for well doing. 
196  Kings are not the rules of justice, but the ministers. 
213.    


L  LAercius a greek autour. 
16  Lais an harlot of Corinth. 
55●342.  Lacedæmonians exercised their children in hunting. 
80.  Lawyer's contending. 
125.  Labouring for good qualities. 
13●  Law, is there none without a city. 
153.  Lasanum and Lasanophorus. 
212.  Law for such as killed their fathers. 
256.  Laberius a player. 
271.316.  Laodicia a city in Asia. 
317.  Lenocini●m, what it is. 
32.  letters or writings help not the memory. 
36.  Lenticula, what it is. 
90.  Learning is no shame. 
37.  Lessons for young princes. 
166.  Learned kings an unestimable treasure. 
172.  Leonides the governor of Al●●ander. 
182.  Lex julia. 
229.252.  Lex Pompeia. 
256.  〈◊〉 
284.  〈◊〉 a man of great ●●toritee i● Athenes. 
296.  〈◊〉 gi●● to a sword. 
314.  〈◊〉 of the mind. 
67.  Li●ertee is the state of bliss. 
107.131.152.  Liber pater, one of the names of Bac●hus. 
141.  Li●e and death both are painful to tyrants. 
157.  Li●eralitee of Philippus. 
171.  Like beareth l●●e to like. 
192. 330.  Li●a the wi●e of Augustus. 
238. 25●.257.  Licinius of a bondservant m●de free. 
246.  liberality of Augustus toward learned men. 
251.  Li●ya a p●rte of Africa. 
281.  Lybians had their ears bored full of h●les. 
308.  love honest a●d virtuous. 
32.  love purchased by virtue. 
ibi.  Love, the occupation of idle persons. 
117.  Lust must be refreined. 
3.  lupines a kind of poultz. 
111.  Lucius Lucullus. 
286.  Lucius Cotta a great drinker of wine. 
330.  living inordinately, is more painful then to live virtuously. 
4●  Lysias an orator. 
25. 26.100●  Live, to live is no miserable thing. 
1ST.  Lysippus. 
197●    


M.  MAny men give greater waiges to their horsekeepers, then to the teachers of their children. 
●●●  Many pretend the contempts of delicates. etc. 
55. 5●  Many good things are rejected because of the lewd persons that use them. 
56●  Man is most sapiente and most foolish. 
7●.  Man's wit apt to all things. 
ibises  Mathematici, what they were. 
76●  Mastre that is wise, willbe advised by his servant. 
82.88.  Macedonians conquered Grece. 
ibi.  Man, what it is. 
82.  Man's life standeth not in carnal pleasures. 
104.  Man of all creatures th● most miser. 
108.  Manes the servant of Diogenes 
127.  Many rebuke in others, that the● emend not theimselues. 
129.130  masters given to viciousness what they do. 
148.  Macedonians were plain feloes. 
167.  Machaetes wrongfully condemned of Philippus. 
173.  Macedon was ever to little for Alexander. 
200.  menacing of great men. 
268.  Mamertines a people in Sicily. 
281.  Magnus the surname of Pompeius. 
282.  Manly heart of Pompeius. 
286.291.  Many men punish in others that they offend in theimselues. 
7  Marcellinus put to silence by Pompeius. 
287.  Marcus Tu●lius Cicero. 
203.  Marcus Aemilius Scaurus 
305.  Marcus Tullius would not forsake his surname. 
305.  Marcus Tullius his great care and study. 
312.  Marcus Caelius an orator. 
318  Marcus Crassus an orator. 
324.  Marcus Appius mocked of Cicero. 
329.  Marcus Aquilius called of Cicero Adrastus. 
329.  Meat and drink must be taken with reason. 
3.  Maecenas of Room. 
5.  meddling to much in other men's matters. 
10.  men that desire to live, must frame. etc. 
14.  men that are good, do suffer slanders gladly. 
23.  Merry sayings of Socrates. 
24. 25.35.  Men whereof they should smell. 
28  Merry speaking of Aristippus. 
46.  Measure is in all things a treasure. 
50.  men may justly refuse their sons if. etc. 
65.  men should have no vain communication 
72●  men take pains in vain things. 
76.  men should not put forth empty hands to their friends. 
79  men's words declare their minds. 
81.  men, should wear sweet flowers in their bosoms, rather than on their caps. 
96.  men there are but a few. 
98. 99 135.  Megara, a town in the country of Attica. 
98.  Megarians were reckless keepers of their children. 
ibi.  Medicine for good appetite. 
116  Merry sayings of Diogenes 
125. 138. 139. 149.  mercifulness of Antigonus. 
214.  men taken prisoners in war, how they were used. 
223.  Metellus withstood Caesar from taking money out of the treasury. 
268.277.307.  men, be they ne●er so high are with famine made tame enough. 
287.  Menillus a captain. 
298.  Miserable is the poverty of the mind. 
45.  mice how they resorted to Diogenes his tub. 
97.  Midias, how Diogenes handleed him. 
99  Misery, what thing is most miserable in this world. 
118.126.  Misery of war. 
166.  Mise●us a circe. 
184.  Mithridates' king of Ponr●s. 
218.  Minerus by the fiction of the poems a perpetual virgin. 
342  Moderat●●xercitaciōs of the body. 
35.  Money bringeth a living. 
45.  Money, the right use of it. 
51.  Moral philosophy, what it profited the philosophers. 
63.  Diogenes, how he was mocked. 
126.  Moderation of Alexander. 
191.196  Moderation of Pompeius. 
284.  Myndu●● tou●e in Asia. 
130.  〈◊〉 of man, wherein it is showed. 
145.    


N.  NAme and fame honest, how to be purchased. 
5.  Nature ●●the provided for us at necessary household stuff. 
90  New comedy, what it is. 
23.  Neptunus', jupiter & Plut● were brethren. 
59  Nemea a region in Arcadia. 
113  Nicolas Leonicenus. 
4.  Ni●en●sse & tenderness hurteth men. 
8.  N●sa a town in India. 
203.  N●●a●les the trusty servant of P●ocion. 
301.  Nothing more sapiente then man. etc. 
71.  Nobleness of birth, Diogenes called a cloak. 
153.  Nomencl●●●●es. 
240.  N●●mus● how it is taken. 
248.    


O.  Observation of sepulchres. 
236  octavius Augustus Caesar. 
225.  Oedipus. 
91.92.  Office of a school master. 
21.  Office of kings, is to hear every man. 
178.  Office of a biddell. 
240.  Olympia, games of running a wrasileing. 
7.113.  Old superstition. 
101.  Olympias, what she might do with Ale●ander. 
205.  Omnis jacta sit al●a. 
267.  Oration made by Lysias for Socrates. 
●6.  Orators, Diogenes called them thrice double men. 
108.  Oracle what it is. 
188.341.  Oulette taken by a soldier. 
248  Ouinius the servant of Watinius. 
321.  Oulette dedicate to Pallas. 
338.    


P.  Patience of Socrates. 
11.12.19.22.24.25.34.  Patience of Aristippus. 
43.47  Parents folly in chastening their children. 
88  Pa●ience of Diogenes. 
47.99.  Parmenio, the only captain of Philippus wars. 
160.  Parmenio excused Philippus for sleeping in the day time. 
176.  Parrhesiastes. 
179.  Paedagogus, what he is. 
182.  Parillus' one of Alexander his friends. 
183.  Parrasites, what they were. 
199.  Patroclus the friend of Achilles. 
203.  Paris, what he was. 
42.207.  Pacinnius Taurus. 
133.  Patience of Pho●ion. 
300.  Personnes that aught to be received into friendship 
7.  persons that live in all ease and pleasure. 
13.  People that live to be gluttons. 
20.  pains of teaching, is worthy great wages. 
51.  Penelope the daughter of Icarius. 
63,  Personnes desperate, what they should do. 
72.  Personnes feeble & maimed who they be. 
84.  Penaltee of a blow in the old time. 
100  Perdicca, grand master under Alexander. 
103.  Peloponnesians. 
174.  Perdicca one of Alexander his captains. 
202.  Pericles a noble man of Athenes. 
271.  People condemned to death. 
22.301  Philosophy altereth nature. 
33.  Phthia. 
39  Philosophy, what fruit it bringeth. 
43.140.  philosophers would live well without laws. 
44.  philosophers haunt rich men's houses. 
45.47.  philosophers are physicians of the mind. 
48.  Philosophy is above Rhetoric. 
50.  philosophers are more excellent than orators. 
52.  philosophers know when to speak and when not 
ibi.  Phryne an herlotte. 
59.136.  philosophers are never in extreme penury. 
65.  Philosophy, what commodities it bringeth. 
83.145.  philosophers, how they pay for their meals. 
86.  Philosophy healeth all diseases of the mind. 
89.  Philosophy known, what it profiteth. 
10.63.  philosophers have the overhand of men. 
102.  Philippus king of Macedon. 
102.159.335.  Philippus challenged Diogenes for ● spy. 
102.  Phalangium a venomous spider. 
103  philosophers beg not, but require their own. 
107  philosophers are best that need fewest things. 
127.  philosophers are eaters of all manner of meats. 
128.  Philosophiers what are their offices. 
154.  Philippus his prayer when he had sundry good chances. etc. 
160.  Philippus contemned a fellow that railed on him. 
162.  Philippus his clemency and moderation. 
ibi  Philippus oughed moste thanks to such as railed at him. 
163.  Philippus called Athenes the staige of his glory. 
165.  Philippus his judgement upon two flagitious feloes that accused either other. 
165.  Philippus suffered no man that gave him any thing, to pass unrecompensed. 
169.  Philippus deposed a judge for diy●g his head. 
172.  Philippus guildrens. 
197.  Philippus wounded in fighting against the Trybalies. 
206.  Pharnaces king of Pontꝰ. 
269.  Phra●tes king of the Parthians. 
285.  Photion a counsellor of Athenes. 
291.  Photion was never seen laugh ne weep. 
ibi.  Photion used few words. 
292  Photion liked nothing that the gross people either did or said. 
292.  Photion refused money that Alexander offered him. 
294.298  Photion his counsel to the athenians. 
295.  Photion condemned to death by the athenians. 
300.  Pho●ion died an innocent. 
301.  Photion, what he said to the hangmanne. 
302.  Photion the are of Demosthenes his reasons. 
334.  Pirates. 
201.  Piso married the daughter of Cicero. 
311.314.  Pleasure and pain foloen either other. 
30.  Plato and Aristippus were in court with Dionysius. 
44.  Place maketh not the person of less dignity. 
52.  Plato lo●ed money better than Aristippus did good fare. 
58.  Plato refused to dance in purple. 
62.  Plain speaking all men cannot allow. 
65.  Plato a man of sober diet. 
72.  Plato checked of Diogenes. 
73.  Plato loved cleanliness. 
ibi.  Plato his eloquence. 
74.  Plato his definition of a man. 
98  Possessions, none so good as a true friend. 
14.  Poison that Socrates drank. 
21.22.30.  poverty of the mind is miserable. 
45.  Polyaenus the Sophiste. 
57  pointing with the fingers. 
87.  Pontus and Euxinus are all one. 
113●  poverty, a virtue soon learned. 
158.  Porus his answer to Alexander. 
195.  Porus one of the kings of India. 
196.  Pompeius had the benevolence of men. 
230.  Pollio Asinius. 
259.  Pontifices, what they were. 
265.  Pompeius' won the first field against Caesar. 
26●  Pompeius could not skill said Caesar, how to use a victory. 
269.  Pontius Aquila made no reverence to Caesar. 
273.  Pomponius a lance knight. 
276  Pompeius refused honour till he had deserved it. 
282.  Pompeius' triumphed being but a young man. 
282.283.  Pompeius had more regard to the commonweal then to his own safeguard. 
287.  Pompeius' his vaunts of himself. 
288.  Pompeius what he said of Cicero. 
289.  Pompeius' brought to utter despair. 
ibi.  Pompeius' wished to had been borne a poor man's son. 
290  Pompeius and julius Caesar at variance. 
310.  Pollio wrote Chronicles in Greek. 
314.  Prayers, of what sort they should be. 
2.  Pride may be in sackcloth. 
22  Pritanei, what it is. 
26.  Pride of Diogenes. 
73.  Prince's learned, the highest treasure to a commonweal. 
43.  Prive ambition in Diogenes. 
73.99.  Prayers preposterous. 
104.  proverbs. 
78. 106. 110. 116. 135. 155. 167. 185. 207. 257. 267. 309. 324.342.  Profit, by a man's enemy. 
163.  Prince's may not take their full rest in time of war. 
175.  Pryn●es minds should not be uttered in time of war. 
211  prisoners taken in battle, how they were used. 
223.  Princes done perpetually care for their subjects. 
225.  Praesens, how it may be taken. 
243.  Praetor. 
266.  Prive thieves love the d●rke. 
342.  Purchacing of lands ought to be moderate. 
38.  Purple, none wear but kings in old time. 
62.  Purple, death and princely desteiny. 
130.  Publius Manlius the host of Cicero. 
317.  Publius Sextius mocked of Cicero. 
328.  Pythia. 
85.  Pyrrhus' king of the Epirotes. 
220.  Pytheas, what he was. 
334. 34●    


Q  QVintus Luctacius Catulus. 
304.  Quintus Cicero, the brother of Marcus Cicero. 
314.    


R  Railling against men without truth, toucheth them not. 
23.  repasts, measurably to be taken. 
8.  Reach not at those things that are above our compa●e. 
11.  Rebuking evil, & yet to commit the same. 
35.  Reason is a law to a Philosophier. 
44.  Relative opposita. 
132.  Reign or Empire, saving for the dignity, is a mutual servitude. 
225.  Repentance followeth of unhonest pleasures. 
342.  Reviling one another, who so overcometh, getteth the worse. 
344.  Rhapsodies of Homerus, what they are. 
76.  Rhymirales king of the Thracians. 
226.  Rhetoricians for their exercise, are wont to take feigned arguments. 
326.  rich men are more foolish than others. 
48.  Right use of money. 
51.  rich persons void of learning, Diogenes called sheep with the golden flyces. 
109.  rich men have need of many lessons. 
158.  Romans had three names 
305.  Room how it was divided. 
312  Rostra. 
315 325.  Rule for the wife is the husband. 
39  Rubycon a flood. 
268.  Riot and prodigalitee causeth penury. 
100  Riot is in young men folly. 
286.    


S.  SAcrifice to God, ought not to be oversumptuous. 
2.  Sacrificing meat & drink. 
30  Sapience and learned princes. 
43.  Sapience defined. 
47.  Sapience cometh not by fortune. 
62.  Sapient, nothing more than man. 
71.  Sapient men have all things. 
91.  Samos ●n isle in the sea. 
133.  Satiri. 
141  Sacrifice●, which are best. 
293  Science the only good thing of the world. 
14.  Schoolmasters & their office. 
21  Scolding of brothels. 
24.  Scipio a noble captain in Room. 
269.  Scylla and Charib●is. 
119.321.  servants how to be bought. 
8  Sextarius. 
18.  Seneca. 
i●i.  Sect of the Ciniques. 
12.  secret hiding an civil thing. etc. 
86.  Serapis or Apis. 
141.  sensuality bringeth wretchedness. 
150.  Senerus Cassius 
215.  Sertorius. 
284.285.  Sextus julius Frontinus. 
279.  Seruilia the mother of Marcus. 
322.  Shame is it none to learn. 
37.  Sheep with golden flyces were in Colchos. 
109.  sirens, what they were. 
40.  Sinopa a city in Pontus. 
68  syllogism, what it is. 
90.95.  Sinopa a barren region. 
11●.  Sickness putteth us in remembrance not to be proud. 
21●.  Silenus' the foster-father of Bacchus. 
22●.  Slender fare is to much for evil geastes. 
●.  sleep is an image of death. 
203.  Small variances grow to scabs. 
66.  sophists what they are. 
14.  Socrates refused to take gifts. 
18.  Socrates' made stone images. 
19  Socrates had two wives at once. 
24.  Socrates' died in perfit securitee. 
●1.  Socrates, whereunto he was inclined. 
35.  Socrates' familiar ghost. 
ibi.  Socrates' thought it evil done to teach for money. 
ibi.  Solle of man, how it passeth away. 
36.  Solle of man, what it is. 
ibi.  Solle of man shall return again. 
37.  Socrates had a vision at his death. 
39  Sophocles his verses. 
66.  Solle and body, what they differ. 
89.  Sophistications are not to be soiled. 
94.  Sostratus an Alexandrine. 
237.  So●ldyours answers to Augustus. 
247.248.  Sol omnia videt ac revelat. 
309.  Spuesippus. 
158.  Sphinx the monster. 
92.309.  State of blissfulness. 
41.  Staige to serve, what it is. 
78.  Stones hurled at a gibette. 
105.  Stroumpettes. 
140.  Sthemus Lord of the Mamertines. 
281.  Strabo. 
285.  Superstition of old time. 
101.  Superstitious fear that many folks have. 
112.  Suppositii partus. 
139.  Suyceners. 
276.  Sulpitius a Tribune. 
277.  Sweet savours more meet for women then for men. 
28.  Sweet savours defended by Aristippus. 
68  Swoerde of lead, out of an ivereye sheath. 
145.  Sweet savours, what they do. 
147.    


T  Talking showeth what a man is. 
28.29.  Taxiles one of the kings of India. 
192.  Tarraconia a country in Spain. 
153.  Terence. 
35.  Tegea a cit●e of Arcadia. 
138.  Things made ripe by art are bought to dear. 
16.  thanks that Diogenes gave to Plato. 
74.  Thersites, whose description ye may read. 
179.  The Thebans rebelled against Alexander. 
191.  Thrasillus a Cynic. 
216.  Theocritus the Chian. 
224.  Tharsus the chief city in Cilicia. 
227.  The Tarraconians flattered Augustus. 
253.  Themistocles a man of great authority in Athenes. 
310.  Title that Diogenes was sold buy. 
79.  Tiros an isle where the best purple is made. 
240.  Timagines for hatred of Augustus burned the books that he had written of his chronicle. 
258.  Tiberius succeeded Augustus. 
260.  Tigurines, a people of Germany. 
276.  Tiberius for Biberius. 
323.  To give place to a ruler. 
47.  Tollius for Tullius. 
323.  True liberty is of the mind. 
67.  Tria nummum millia, how much it is. 
88  tranquillity of man. 
93.  Tragical execrations met with Diogenes. 
91.  Treasure, where it is surest kept. 
198.  tribals, a people nigh to Hungary. 
206.  Tragedy of Augustus called Ajax. 
232.  Tribunes of Room. 
273.  Triumphing, what it is. 
283.  Turonius Flaccus his answer to Augustus. 
249.  Tullia the daughter of Ci●ero. 
314.  Tullius his jesting. 
322.  Time well spent, is a good possession. 
15.    


V  UArie●ee of learning maketh not a learned man. 
49.  Vain sophistications are not to be soiled. 
94.  Valerius Maximus. 
160.  Vat●nius had the gout. 
241.  Varinius the enemy of Cicero. 
308. 314.315.318.320.327.  Varius, hath a double signification. 
332.  Virtue and temperate diet to be used. 
3.  Virtuous living is profitable. 
4.  Verses of hesiodus. 
10.16.  Verses of Homer. 
10.122.123. 140.146.149.  Virtue must be sought for. 
17.85  Virtue is learned of a few. 
27.85.  Virtue purchaseth love. 
32.  Virtue in young men is commendable. 
35.  Virtue auoydeth● naughty pleasures. 
●9.  Verses recited by Plato. 
62.  Verses recited by Aristippus. 
ibi.  Verses out of a tragedy of Sophocles. 
6.289.  Ve●ues consist in the mean. 
87  Verses recited by Diogenes. 
127.130.157.  Verses of publius Mimus. 
139.  Verses of the poet Martial. 
147.  Virtuous persons love shamefastness. 
153.  Verses cited by Alexander. 
202  Ve●tius broke up his father's grave. 
236.  Vedius Pollio, alias A●edi●●●●ollio. 
259.  Veries cited by Augustus. 
262.  Verses out of a tragedy of Euripides. 
279.  Verres a gentleman of Room. 
306.323  Verses cited by Cicero. 
309.  Verses cited by Demosthenes● 
335.  Vinum Chium. 
1●.  Vitrwins. 
68  Vices of the mind are only evil things. 
95.  Ulysses' the son of Laertes. 
321.  unfruitful doings is idleness. 
10.  unfruitful being in strange ●ountrees. 
18.  Vnwrathfull speaking. 
2●. 23.62  Vni●ersall calamities. 
37.  Unlearned men are called stones. 
50.  Unmeasurable laud & praise is to be reproved. 
143.  Unseasonable husbandry. 
189.  V●o digito caput scalpere. 
324.  Voconius and his three foul daughters. 
309.  Use assuageth griefs. 
114.    


W  Ways to still unquiet persons. 
109.  wasteful lavessers of their goods. 
134.  Way to win victory. 
270.  Weapon needeth not, where law may serve. 
290.  Whether one body may be in many places at once. 
60.  William Warrham archbishop of Caunturburie. 
5.  Wisdom, when it should be used. 
72.  Wise men esteem things for the necessity of them. 
88  Wise princes make profitable instruments aswell of the good persons as of the evil. 
168.  Womankind is apt to learn all things. 
29.  Words spoken by Menedemus to his son. 
65.  Words foolishly spoken, bring men to trouble. 
72.  Words declare the mind. 
81.  Woomennes, how they should be won. 
125.  Wy●es are to be borne withal for their children sakes. 
24.  Wyttye speaking of Aristippus. 
62.64.  Wine, which is best. 
126.  wives in the old time lay apart from their husbands. 
182.  wits excellent, marred by evil masters. 
9.200.  Wine of Falernum. 
313.  Wine of two hundred years old. 
314.    


X  XAntippa, Socrates his wife. 
●0.  Xantippa threw a p●ssebolle on Socrates his head. 
24.  Xantippes' cancardnesse. 
34.  Xenophon became scholare to Socrates. 
27.  Xenophon his book entitled the banquet. 
28.  Xeniades. 
●9.  Xeniades sons were taught of Diogenes. 
ibi.  Xenocrates refused to take money of Alexander. 
195.  Xenophantus. 
209.    


Y  images are bought at high prices. 
88  images, the true images of God. 
117.  Young men's chiefest virtue. 
35.  Young folks to vie●e themselves in a glass. 
19  Young age, most apt to learn. 
64.  Young rufflers rebuked of Diogenes. 
125.    


Z  ZEnon confuted by Diogegenes. 
94.  Zele of Alexander towards Homer. 
198.    
¶ The end of the Table.   

●EX FRUCTIBUS EORUM COGNOSCETIS EOS  
LONDINI. In officina Richardi Graftoni.  
Anno post natum Christum, M.D.XLII.  
Mense Septembri.  
〈…〉