¶ A Letter sent by I B. Gentleman unto his very friend Maystet R. C. Esquire, wherein is contained a large discourse of the peopling & inhabiting the Country called the Ardes, and other adjacent in the North of Ireland, and taken in hand by Sir Thomas Smith one of the Queen's majesties privy Counsel, and Thomas Smith Esquire, his Son.   

Such doubts and exceptions friend K. C. as I have heard alleged & put for the to unable that enterprise of peopling & replenishing with the English Nation the North of Ireland, which with the assistance of Sir Thomas Smith one of her majesties Counsel, Master Thomas Smith his Son hath undertook to bring to pass, maketh me that I can not hold from you my so singular friend those arguments wherewith through conference had with him upon his said attempt by reason of our great familiarity he hath fully persuaded and satisfied me. chiefly because I would confirm you in that which he hath a little broke unto you, and partly because I would not have you waver in your promise, thorough the vain allegations of some, which either are ignorant altogether of his purpose or whose understanding can not stretch to a matter of so great advice, or of such who are of base and cowardly courages in the executions of matters of great importance: or else of envious disposition, partly also because I would not have his most commendable enterprise in his absence defaced for the great affection I bear him, whom I know most sufficient to answer every point, article, and objection, can be laid against him in this behalf, although I have nothing but that which through much conference I have drawn from him.  
And first by the way hold this for a maxim, that there hath been at no time any notable attempt taken in hand without envy, doubt, and defaring. The reason is, that because they are actions appertaining to the increase or furtherance of a whole government, they are also much noted, wherein every man will have his verdict. Some as is aforesaid not knowing half, will answer at the first as they are affectionate to the party or country. Others that have bet their brains a little to understand that which their conceit will not stretch unto, take it unpossible. The third that ground the lengthening of their lines term by home dwelling, and their country service performed, if as a cipher in Agran they fill the room of a man, & proserue their own, although many times they conceive the likelihood, and commend the thing, yet they never are inwardly resolved of their doubts superstitiously afraid to enter into any unusual doings, but the last grieved to see honest works attempted, & likely to be brought to pass (while they line idle) to hide their negligence, enuiouflye slander and deface all good purposes. Such is the nature of man, but I will now to the matter.  
Ireland is a large Country, commended wonderfully for the fertileness and commodious site thereof, wherein the Kings of England have had footing and continual govenement these four hundred years and more But so as the barbarous Nation at no time fully subdued, through their often rebellion, have been rather an annoy and charge to this Kealme of England, than otherwise, which some men have imputed to the impossibility thereof, or to the evil government of Deputies, which either have been negligent or corrupt. But Master Smith to see and know the truth, travailed thither in the company of Sir V Villiam Fitzwilliams now Lord Justice there, minding after search 〈◊〉 of made (for now began the desire of this attempt to root in his heart) to declare his opinion, if he thought it might be accepted, and hath found that the decay of the government there hath not chanced because that the planting at the first of the English Nation (so much as it was) was not for the time substantially done, nor by the negligence and corruptness of the governors there, whereof within our remembrance hath been a successive order of noble, just, wise, and sufficient persons. But hath grown by the necessity which hath constrained the governors to give protections & pardons unto most heinous rebels and outlaws, after they have spoiled, murdered, & made havoc of the good Subjects, for lack of sufficient forces where with to attach and execute the said malefactors, by reason of the spare supply at all times made to them by the Prince, who at the first inhabiting thereof minding more the kingdom of France and thinking all to little for that purposed Conquest, neglected Ireland as a matter of small importance, than worst looked to, when England itself was a prize or reward to them that best could bestir themselves of the houses of York and Lancaster. And if you will mark the Stories, you shall find great reasons that have moved the Prince too he spare of charges in that country, and a consequence of decay in that government.  
About the time of the first entry of the English in Ireland made that they began to settle, arose the Baron's wars in England, that weakened and decayed all at home. France was chargeable too be maintained with many garrisos, a great waster both of men & money, yet a thing whereto the Princes were more bend than to Ireland: so that we may easily perceive and judge, that the Jrishe which yet remained unsubdued, taking advantage of the time, whiles the chief that had authority there, were called over to uphold their factions here, possessed again their land, and expelled the new inhabitants: found without head and scarce yet well settled, which could not be recovered again so soon, because such as were come over after they had wasted themselves in Civil wars, and had in the mean time lost their lands in Ireland, lost also their credit with such as at the first adventured under them, by reason they had forsaken and left them open to the spoil, nor the Princes being eaten out also with civil discord & with the charges of France, unto which they were more addicted, had the treasure to spare for the reformation thereof. Only king Ruhard the second in his own person attempting the same, was overtaken with evil descension & deposed, which hath ever since discouraged his Successors personally to attempt the like. Thus home wars still increasing, with the Armies in France, (a devouring grave of this Nation) and lastly the loss thereof, so weakened and impoverisshed the Crown of England, that both people and money wanted therein, much good land lying waste for lack of inhabitants, that it was more time to recover by rest that which was wanting at home than to sand abroad that could not be spared. And the Princes contented themselves if they might only preserve a footing or entry into Ireland with some small charge, whereby the governors were constrained for want of supply by protections and pardons to appease every rebellion, which otherwise to repress and punish they were not sufficiently furnished. This perceived of the Irish, made them that upon every light occasion they will fly out, and satisfied with blood and burning, will not without protection & pardon be brought in. The English race overrumie and daily spoiled, seeing no punishment of maletactors did buy their own peace, allied and fostered themselves with the Irish, and the race so nourished in the bosonie of the Irish, perceiving their immunity from law and punishment degenerated: choosing rather to maintain themselves in the Irish man's beastly liberty, than to submit themselves and to live there alone, and not the Irish in the godly awe of the laws of England. This degenerating and daily decay of the English manners by little and little in the country, discourageth those that have not perfectly weighed all that is aforesaid, to attempt any new enterprise. The Prince seeing no man forward therein, is wearied with the continuance of the yearly great charge which her majesty liberal above her predecessors hath borne more willingly, and to this, the first entering of the English, their first inhabiting, the order and manner thereof, is almost worn out of memory and forgotten, their decay and wasting daily to be seen.  
All these things when my friend being then in Ireland, had informed himself of, by diligent inquifition, he fell to consider what way were fittest for our time to reform the same, and if it were reformed, I mean the whole country replenished with English men, what profit that could be to the estate of England, hath sithence his return told me divers times, that he thought Ireland once inhabited with English men, and polliced with English laws, would be as great commodity to the Prince as the realm of England, the yearly rent and charges saved that is now laid out to maintain a garrison therein, for there cannot be (sayeth he) a more fertile soil thorough out the world for that climate than it is, a more pleasant, healthful, full of springs, rivers, great fresh lakes, fish, and foul, and of most commodious herbers. England giveth nothing save fine wool, that will not be had also most abundantly there, it lacketh only inhabitants, manurance, and policy.  
As for the means how to subdue and replenish the same (saith he) they were easy to be devised, if the queens majesty would once take it upon her, with army maintained at her charges: but sith her highness is not bend thereto, what other means is to be followed, he hath heretofore in his first offer to the queens majesties Counsel declared: which is that which he now followeth, and so many that have not in themselves the will or grace to do so well, do impugn, which I will here defend and persuade you in as a thing most reasonable, faisable, and commendable.  
He hath taken in hand without her majesties pay to win and replenish with English inhabitants the country called the Ardes in the north of Ireland, and some parts thereto adjoining: ●s there any think you, that hear only thus much of the enterprise, and will not commend the manifest good disposition of his towards his country and his Prince's service. Yes, and if he find means to bring it to pass without the queens pay, his invention is the more to he commended. But upon this do they ground all their arguments, that either are not capable of the means, or else had rather speak against it, than learn the likelihood.  
What (say they) it is not possible to win or inhabit any part of Ireland, without the queens pay, her forces and expenses. And yet the first entry with the English men made into Ireland, was in Henry the seconds time, with his licence, by Strangbowe Earl of Chepstow at his own charges, and the charges of his adherentes, at what time the Country was replenished with inhabitants, & divided only into five kingdoms: who with a small number entered into the same, & subdued the kingdom which is now called Lemster, which he possessed and held quietly, planting it with english inhabytants, and placing English Laws, until the King envying his proceedings, and fearing to have so great a Subject, enforced him to surrender his right, which he did. And this was the first foting of English men in that Land, not by the King's power, without which as I have said, divers hold an opinion, no good can be there done. Some I say, that have been Captains there, will persuade you in the same, whom if you will ask what good service they have done, will answer you, with xl. footmen to have kept a Castle, and reaped the commodity of the Land adjacent in the mids of the enemy's territory, yea and with a hundred footmen and a few Horse, to have kept whole countries of the Irish in awe and obeisance, and yet aver, that without the Princes pay, it is not possible to inhabit in any Country there: as though there were more virtue in a quantity of the Prince's money, than in so much of other men's, or that the like to their deeds, have not been done in Ireland before them, and daily since, that it were a greater matter for too bring too pass now, in that which is least Irish, & divided into an hundred factions, and having not the means to hold themselves together ten days if they should assemble, than it was in Strangbowes time, when the whole was divided into five parts only, in the prime of their forces and government. But how frivolous their sayings been, you may by this easily conjecture.  
Much more than that which Strangbowe won, remaineth not at this day civil in Ireland, but many parcels have been won by the English men therein, without the King's forces, which either by the occasions afore rehearsed were lost, or else for lack of inward policy degenerated, as great countries in Munster, by the Gerardine's and Butlers. In Connalt, by the Burges. In Meth, by Nogent, in Ulster sometimes by Lacie Earl of Lincoln, after him by Mortimer, yea a great part of the Arde was and is possessed by the Savages, in whose offspring which at this time hold it, save the name remaineth nothing English, with divers other parcels which for shortness sake, I let pass. But the cause why they lost it again or else degenerated, is declared before.  
Let thus many examples suffice to show that the enterprise is possible, and hath often been done. If they will not, yet let reason serve, that if a hundred or two of footmen, and fifty or a hundred Horse having the queens pay to maintain, can keep and defend the Arde, then so many horsemen and footmen aswell paid and maintained, can also and as sufficiently steep and defend the Arde, and thus by proportion, a greater number a greater Country, except there be other mystery in the queens pay than I can hear or perceive, where many times four score and ten, and those not always complete make a good hundred.  
Well (will you say) I grant that three hundred are sufficient to defend the Arde. But when every man is retired, to dwell upon his own, then will the enemy (which waiteth his time on every side) in the winter nights, spoil this time one, & the next time another, so that you shall never have rest nor profit of the soil, nor live without fear, as it happeneth many times upon the frontier of the english pale, for all the queens majesties garrison. To this as near as I can, I will repeat his words, who at the time I alleged it to him smiled and said, I have not yet forgot all mine Accidence by this text. Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum, which was wont to make me take heed, to do that in school, for which I saw another beaten, I stand as it were in a three want way, whereof one part leadeth right, and I have seen two take several ways, & both loose their labours because they were out of the right way. What letteth now, that I perfectly instructed and warned by other men's errors, should not boldly proceed the third way and not go awry?  
Most of those that have taken in hand before this, to win and inhabit in Ireland, have after the place once possessed, divided themselves each to devil upon his own land, & to fortesie himself thereon, trusting with his own strength, if any invasion were made to preserve himself therein. But this made not the enemy afraid, who lay continually under his Nose, and all alongst upon the border watching the time to serve his turn, sometime stealing and praying the cattle, other times laying wait to entrap and murder the Master himself, sometime setting Fire on his Keekes or Towns, whereby they that lay next the Frontier were forced either to for sake their own, or else compound & foster with the Irish. So they degenerated as is aforesaid, and in time all was frustrate. Yet the Country of Ophally using that order, lieth at this day so safe, that they put for the their cattle in the night with out fear of stealing, but I judge that brought to pass rather by Cowleys singular good government, otherwise than by that only order, for the inhabitance of the Country of Le●ss which was divided in the same order, are not altogether so assured.  
Others whom the queens forces do defend, when the enemies grow strong upon them and begin to spoil them, have of the garrison sent vown to defend them, so flieth the enemy to trouble an other quarter, or else for bears for the time, till the garrison be called away to a place of more need, or that the husbandmen eaten out with cease, when he is weary, by petition hath obtained too be cased of them, who be no sooner gone, but the enemy returneth to waste him again. Thus every way goeth it backwards with them.  
The third way is that we must take, first to choose a place so near as we can that is naturally strong, When after it is won not too suffer the Soldier too be dispersed, well to let the owner repair to his portion, but so as a soldier in his steed be always on the frontier, lest of all to trust to be daily defended by the queens garrison for divers inconveniences. And herein sith we have leisure enough, I will open to you some what of my design, and the reasons have persuaded me thereto.  
The Arde which is my demand, and the nearest part of all Ireland to Lancashere, and the Cast part of England, I take to be a piece of ground as easy to be won, inhabited, safely kept and defended, as any plat within the Kealme of Ireland, being a reach of land (as it were of purpose bayed out from the main into the Sea, to wall in so much of it as would make so fair and commodious a lake and herber as the haven of Strangford is) fashioned like an Arm bent in the Elbow, annexed no where to the main but at the one end as the Arm to the shoulder. The breadth of which entry is about five Miles, as by the plat here unto annexed may be more plainly seen. That strait once kept and defended, all the rest of the Country must of necessity become quiet and safe, and thus shall it be defended.  
Upon the said entry shall be raised strengths where all the soldiers which are maintained by the Country, shall lie in garrison for divers good considerations, keeping there continual scout watch, & ward so narrowly, that one single person undiscried shall not be able to enter or flee out of the Country. By this means the Country is not only safely preserved, the border aswell as the midst, but the Irish will always keep themselves aloof, for fear of Scarbrough warning, if they should harbour themselves any thing near a garrison that lieth ready to take every advantage upon them. And to the end the Soldiers should be the more bigilant, I am minded to lay all the very frontier Land denied by proportion, to the strengths where the garrisons lie, so that every Soldier shall put in his share towards the sowing and manuring thereof, and receive his part of the Corn and other profit that is too be gathered thereon, which shall come to him besides his maintenance from the Country. This for his own gain sake which lieth in most danger of all, will make him have better eye to his charge, and be the more jealous of the enemy,  
As for having the queens aid and garrison, I have good hope it shall not need for sith that every Soldier is made Master and owner of his land, to him and to his heirs for ever, will he not think you look as well and as carefully to that, as he would if he had six pence sterling a day of the queens Majesty, whereof he should be sure not past for a year or there about, and then to go whither he would. Now if he keep and desende this, he is a Gentleman, a man of livelihood & of inheritance, and who hath and shall have, his ground ploughed and eared for him without his pains, for that we have provided for, if he loose it, he loseth his own inheritance, and hindereth his posterity. And if by his own charges and costs he do obtain it, and bring it to civility and good obedience to his Prince, how much more ●auour, grace, and renown doth he delerue at her majesties hand, & as without her highness charge, this he shall do, so as reason is, he hath it the better cheap, the larger estate in it, and the less encumbered.  
What difference I pray you is there in the end between the charges without the Queen's aid, to go to win the said Country, and inhabit it, or else to go devil, being set in by the Prince, in a country which her majesty huth won and left unto the inhabiters to defend, nothing but the charges of the first winning which is one years charge or two, for which charges to have in recompense a larger estate, and to pay an easier rent, In faith I judge you now sufficiently informed, and that you do take this a better, more reasonable, and surer way, than to covet herein at the first getting the Prince's aid, which if you shall have done it were reason we should both pay bigger rent, & have worse estates, as they have already in other places of Ireland, on that sort lately won.  
Now you see I have not only answered you to your question, and resolved you of your doubt, but have opened to you a secret of mine enterprise, which maketh many that know not so much, condemn me for taking it in hand.  
There resteth yet master Smith said I one point to be alleged herein which is this, that there are not many can bear this first charge, and be willing to do it also. With that he paused a while, and there replied again as followeth. If there be any thing that may hinder in deed this enterprise, or make it vain, it is that, that you have now spoken of, namely good council slowly followed: but you shall hear what likelihoods and hope I have to the contrary.  
I am sure you are persuaded, that all enterprises are very much either furthered or hindered by the times in which they are taken in hand. For if Amintas, grandfather to the great Alexander, (the estate of the Macedonians being then small and weak) had taken in hand the overthrowing of the Persian Empire, he had never done it: nor Philip which prepared the Macedonians to such an enterprise, whom by sundry conquests upon his neighbours, he had fleshed to the war, and by continual exercise had made them almost perfect soldiers, for now desired they nothing but work, and the spoil of some rich kingdom. Which when Alexander perceived, he took the advantage of the time, and had good success: so you may see the time and inclination of the Macedonians, was in deed of more effect to bring the enterprise to pass, than Alexander's only disposition could have been, who was but a young man, and not much experienced at that time.  
Moore examples I will not use, but declare unto you that my greatest hope is in the time wherein I am, which I consider on this sort.  
England was never that can be heard of, fuller of people than it is at this day, and the dissolution of abbeys hath done two things of importance herein: It hath doubled the number of gentlemen and marriages, whereby cometh daily more increase of people: and such younger brothers as were wont to be thrust into abbeys, there to live (an idle life) sith that is taken from them, must now seek some other place to live in. By this means there are many lack abode, and few dwellings empty.  
With that our law which giveth all to the elder brother, furthereth much my purpose. And the excessive expense both in diet and apparel, maketh that men which have but small portions, can not maintain themselves in the emulation of this world, with like countenance as the grounded rich can do: thus stand we at home.  
Then went I to examine the estate of Countries abroad, and found, that all the countries adjacent round about, were as well peopled or better than we be, or else more barren, so that except we might master and expel the inhabitants, it would not avail. But therefore, or for any other cause, to fall in variance with France or Spain, were but as the rubbing of one bough against an other with the wind, where both fret, neither increaseth. Scotland besides that is barren, is ruled by a friend king, and peopled sufficiently. freland is the queens inheritance, many countries there, as that which I demand, given to her by act of Parliament of the same realm, others hers by dissents, the which lie almost desolate: To inhabit & reform so barbarous a nation as that is, and to bring them to the knowledge and law, were both a godly and commendable deed, and a sufficient work for our age.  
All these things happening together in my time, when I had considered, I judged surely, that God did make apt and prepare this nation for such a purpose. There resteth only to persuade the multitude already destined thereto, with will and desire to take the matter in hand.  
Let us therefore use the persuasions which Moses used to Israel, they will serve fitly in this place, & tell them that they shall go to possess a land that floweth with milk and honey, a fertile soil truly if there be any in Europe, whether it be manured to corn, or left to grass, There is Timber, stone, plaster, & state commodious for building every where abundant, a country full of springs, rivers and lakes both small and great, full of excellent fish and foul, no part of the country distant above, viij. miles from a most plentiful sea, or land water able to bear load.  
You say well, (said I then.) But men are more moved by peculiar gain: than of respect they have to common profit. Mary answereth he: they shall have their peculiar portions in that fruitful soil, being but as a vootie to be divided amongs them.  
And this shall be the quantity which a foot man shall have, videlicet, a plough land, which containeth a C. and. xx. Acres Jrishe, but you will understand it better by English measure. A plowland shall contain. CC. &. lv. acres of earable ground. Then can there not lie in any country almost, (especially so full of bottoms as that soil is) so much earable land together, but there will lie also intermingled therewith slops, slips, and bottoms fit for pasture and meading, and commodious to be annexed to the same plowlande, so that the whole may amount to. CCC. acres at the least. I pray you tell me, if you had so much good ground in Essex, would you not take it for a pretty farm, and yet a horse man shall have double, videlicet, six. C. Acres of ground one with an other at the lest, whereof there is. u CCCCCx. acres earable, the rest meadow & pasture, I believe you would call that in Essex a good manor, and yet these are the lest divisions, I purpose to make, saving a ploweland or two in every parish that I think good to divide to labourers and artificers, but I am not of the manner thereof yet fully resolved.  
This is good said I, if a man might have it as easily rented. Judge you I pray you saith he. They shall pay for every Acre of eareable land one penny starling, as for the pasture and meadow, they shall have it as reasonable as the eareable in some places better cheap, according to the goodness of the ground. But this is the greatest rent: I must have upon every such plowland one able English footman, or upon his two plowlandes, one horse man, maintained to be ready at all times for the defence of the whole country, abiding either upon the same plowland, or else upon the frontier, which may be peradventure. x. or. xy. mile's distant at the uttermosts, most commonly nearer.  
I intent not that this lying in the frontier shall be continual, but one shall relieve an other by quarters, some in garrison, and some resting themselves at home in the Country, & it may be, (which I hope in my time to see) all Ireland reformed, and no need of garrison in all the country, when the service shall cease also.  
This portion said I, that you speak of, me think if it be in fee, so easily rented should make your enterprise a fit match for younger brothers, such as have but annuities, stipends, and dead stocks to live on. For by this means should they be proutded of an house, and pretty land belonging unto it, sufficient to yield wherewith to make a friend drink, and many such farms make a man rich. But I fear me it can be only profitable to such as devil upon the same, as it is in some places of England, where the Gentlemen have upon their wide Lordships, great provision of corn and cattle, wherein most of their rent is paid, but that is so cheap there, that a great deal to be sold, yieldeth but a little money, whereby they may give meat and drink to a number, but pay wages to a few, so that he that should not devil there himself, after the souldioure were found, and the rent paid, should either have little or nothing for his own share: besides if the owner himself be not there, to manure or to see the same manured, how should he gather profit thereof? or who would farm it for him, or yield him rent for his land? This is a doubt in deed that will make many stay I tell you, who would otherwise adventure. Nay in good sooth is it not (said he) as you shall hereafter perceive.  
So soon us we shall arrive in Ireland and have proclaimed, that all such at the Irish as will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and manure the ground under us shallbe welcome, defended from the enemy, & have no coin, livery nor cease laid upon them, but whatsoever bargain they make, that justly performed. There is no doubt but there will great numbers of the Husbandmen which they call Churls, came and offer to live under us, & to farm our grounds: both such as are of the Country birth, and others, both out of the wild Irish and the english pale. For the Churl of Ireland is a very simple & royleseme man, desiring nothing but that he may not be eaten out with cease, Coin, nor livery.  
Coin and livery is this. There will come a Kern or Galliglas which be the Irish Soldiers, to lie in the churls house, whiles he is there be will be master of the house, he will not only have meat, but money also allowed him, and at his departure the best things he shall see in the churls house, be it 〈◊〉 cloth, a shirt, mantle, or such like. These is the Churl eaten up, so that it Dearth fall in the Country where he dwelleth, he should be the first starved, not being Master of his own. From which exactions that he might be free, there is no part of the Country but he would seek to, and give for Land wonderful rents, paying them in such commodity as the ground will yield, be it Corn, Butter, or cattle. You may have Farmers out of the isle of Man, and other poor men out of England, so they may be aided at the first with some stock of Corn and cattle. It is but a little care at the beginning after the land is divided, I for my part will endeavour myself to persuade the one friendly to departed his commodity with an other: but I fear the sweetness which the owners shall found in the Irish Churl, giving excessively, will hinder the Country much in the peopling of it with the English Nation, making men negligent to provide English farmers, but thereof there is one proviso in our instructions from her majesties Counsel.  
Now will I tell you what rend the owner may reap of his Land, videlicet, Money, Corn, Butter, Parne, cattle, & such like, my counsel shallbe that every man, sith their land is delivered, such as is errable, should continued the same under tillage, and receive his rent in Corn, which tilling of their Land that it be so done, is also provided for in the said instructions, because it settleth the occupier, and what with tending his fallow, reaptyde, seed time, & thrashing, it bindeth always the occupier to the Land, and is a continual occupation of a great number of persons, a helper and a maintainer of Civility in my opinion. As for the rent, I would have one rate thereof thorough all the Country, of every plowland a like. I think two pecks Irish do contain four English bushels, of an Irish Acre, which is two English Acres and a half quarter, were reasonable between the Lord and Tenant, so that the Tenant should pay only that rent for the errable ground, having the Meadow and Pasture into the bargain for maintenance of his Team. Of this rent by my counsel the one part should bear Wheat, and the other part Oats and Barley. By which means one plowlande may yield yearly to the owners thirty quarters of Where, and asmuch Oats and Barley, towards the finding of his Soldier, and payment of his rent. As for the victualling of his sootman soldier, I parpose to undertake for u quarters of Wheat and five quarters of Barley, sufficiently to find every such footman, and for ten quarters of Wheat and ten of Barley & Oats, to found every horse man and his horse in continual garrison, for one whole year. The footemen wages and the rent will be disdischarged for ten quarters more, the horseman's wages and rent for twenty. Peradventure you will say I allow with the most, and that less will serve, yet hath the owner of one plowland forty quarters of Corn de claro at the years end, and the owner of two plowland four score.  
But what shall he do with that Corn, will you say, Marry cell it, for ordinarily Corn beareth the same price there that it beareth in England, & save of very late years, it hath been accustomed too be always dearer. And yet there is another way more advantageous, than the sale of Corn in Ireland, that will be acloyd therewith, if at the beginning before our part be thoroughly peopled, we fall to turning all the Land as afore is said to Tilling, not being able to spend it, therefore is it necessary, and I am fully persuaded, that the queens Majesty furthering the inhabiting & civility of the North (which increaseth more by keeping men occupied in tillage, than by idle following of herds, as the Tartarians, Arabians, and Irish men do) will give full liberty for the transportation of Corn out of the said countries into England, France, Spain or other place, whereas the Market shall serve best, and thereupon will lay a reasonable Custom. For this cause shall there be one Haven with common Oranyers made upon the Key, sufficient for the receipt of the Corn of the Country, and one port Town builded, so soon as we may begin to be any thing settled. Moore of the order herein I will tell you another time, but comfort yourself with this in the mean time, that Corn in Spain is always good merchandise, and bringeth away ready money. The cut between the countries, short, straight, & not five days journey. How say you now, have I not set forth to you another Utopia? but I looked when you would bid me stay and declare first how to get it before all these be donesith you will not ask me, of mine own proper motion I will tell you.  
If these declarations of mine in so fit a time and Country, where God hath prepared the Nation to such enterprise, may allure any number to take it in hand, were they but six or seven hundred, which I take to be but a small number to be got in all this Realm. What should let that in a country almost desolate (except but of such of the English race as will be glad of this enterprise) we might not inhabit & dwell in safety? It may be said that at the first, the Irish will assemble and put us back. Alas six thousand of them dare not set upon seven hundred English men, having the advantage of a trench, scarce in the plains. But if we will keep ourselves close for a while, they must of necessity for lack of victual disperse themselves, and give us liberty with the advantage over them to break forth & proceed with our enterprise, & who is there now of the Lords in the North can make two thousand men. Onell though he joined with him all the Lords of the east side of Ulster, and the Scots is not able to make three thousand fight men. As for Odennel, Mon Guyer, O Rayly, & the Baron's sons, which be the greatest of the North, I take it certain, that they will not hazard their countries with any new Rebellion, but had rather live contented with peace, savouring and finding aid at the english men's hands, as they have been accustomed to do. And yet I hope well of the rest, because I will not (so near as I can) do them any injury.  
If you will have examples of defending Countries with fewer men, take Lease & Ophally, the Country of 〈◊〉 our next neighbour, sometime kept by Bruton with a hundred horse, the Kerry by Sir Warham Sentleger, till his coming a way, with less than a hundred Horse, and the Arde itself where Goodrig captain Barrowes Lieutenant, with fourtéen men kept and defended the Castle called Castle Reau, in the entry thereof, and went daily one quarter of a Mile for in fetch his water, against five hundred that lay daily upon him, with many others. But if you will have example of winning if, & the valour of our Nation in comparison of them, see the overthrow given to the Butlers, with less than three hundred horse, in the last general rebellion, the appeasing and winning again as it were of all Munster, at that time rebelled, by Sir Humphrey Gilbart, with less than u hundred English men. The overthrow of a thousand Scots in Connaught the lafte year by Captain Colyer and his foot band. The overthrow given unto Shan Oneil with three thousand Irish by captain Randall and three hundred English men only. The driving of Shan Oneil out of Dundak after he had taken it, when he was in his greatest forces, by two bands of English men: with infinite other examples, as the taking of thirty of their Castles in one day by two English footbands. Wherefore sith their Castles can not preserve them, nor themselves in the fight prevail, upon the plain nor other where, all men may easily judge that the winning or defending of any Country is easy enough in Ireland, if therefore there be any competent number of english Soldiers together. And I will in these comfort you somewhat, that the Arde & the Country adjacent is a plain Country, wherein are very few Castles to be won, if it should chance the Irish would defend them, I think not above four if there be so many. What resteth now sith I have proovee by examples that it is faisable, and that without danger almost, except we should more despair of ourselves, than smaller companies have heretofore done, sith I have showed you by reason that it is profitable, but that I knit up our talk, because it is late, with veclaring unto you with how small charge it may be taken in hand, and how that it may be rather a saving to some, than expense.  
There be many that not considering what facility it is by good order and willing means to bring great things to pass, but wondering rather at the greatness of the sum, which must furnish so many soldiers, carry them over, and maintain them there for a year or there abouts (that must of necessity be supplied from England) are of the opinion, that it can not be done without the Princes pay. But I will inform you an easy way, to bring this without her majesties expenses to pass.  
All that land of the Arde, and other places which her majesty hath given unto my father and me, we are purposed to divide unto such as shall be contented either to accompany me, or be at the charges of a souldioure, be he foot man or horse man, in this journey, reserving some small thing of a plough land to ourselves, as a chief rent, contenting ourselves rather to be accounted the motioners and ring leaders of so many English families, to be planted for ever in the Ardes. etc. than forcing of any gain. Which while some in the like matches have groped to narrowly after, they have marred the whole enterprise. Marry he that will look to have though said lands at the rents and rates, which I have already told you, must be at the charges of finding himself, or some other in his room, for the winning and defence of the country, first to come furnished of all things necessary be he footman or horse man. Thus when all my company shall come furnished, with armour and weapon as soldiers aught to be, what is there then lacking to this voyage? Marry shipping for transportation: when we are there, corn and other victual for the first year, ships and boats to fish for our better victualling, corn to put in the ground against the next year, ploughs and all things necessary thereto. For I mind to have that done also of common charges, that if it be possible we may have no more, or else very little levying of many for the next years victuals but that the common stock may serve, this I assure you am I purposed to do, and to play the good husband with the companies stock, that it may reach far, and yet are there many more things to be provided, as powder, some furniture of Armour in store, Iron pieces, and of all munition be longing to the wars, you and yet more, as all manner of things belonging to building and fortification, with the Carpenters, Masons, Smiths. etc. who will look for wages. Item that belong to the bands, as Croaks, Bakers, Surgeons. &c, that will also look for wages. And because all these provisions might be orderly done, and nothing in time of need be to seek, I have taken it in hand therefore to 〈◊〉 of every man, according to the rate of land he looketh for, videlicet ten pound of one foot man, and twenty pound of a horse man, so to see all necessaries abundantly provided. If less would suffice, I would take less, for I mean at the years end, that the Treasurer shall yield account, and what is not spent, shall serve the second year, and the less levied of the company towards the provision of the said necessaries. After which time there is no manner doubt but the Country will yield to serve our turn sufficiently, without any more levying, and as for them that will deliver corn, or any other thing necessary to the rate of the said sums, it shall be accepted in am of money. And this is the charge and adventure of a foot man, videlicet, ten pound for his victaile, six pound thirteen shillings and four pence, the rest of his furniture for one whole year, and for that money will I undertake to find a footman, arm him, give him his livery, pay him three pound six shillings and eight pence wages, and victaile him one year, to serve in room of him that neither goeth himself, nor sendeth an other furnished.  
Now let us gather and make one sum of all the collection of one year, & see whether it may be judged sufficient or not, of seven hundred, grant three hundred horse men, which pay twenty pound a piece, that is six thousand pound. And four hundredth 〈◊〉 after ten pound a piece, which amounteth to four thousand pound, the whole x. thousand pound. Look you now, every man putting in a share, that is not much, what a sum riseth it to? which I hope with good using will not only be sufficient to victual the seven hundred souldieurs, but all other Artificers and Labourers, and to pay them their wages, with all other store of Munition, shipping, and necessaries for one whole year at the lest. Two years charges is the uttermost can pass without game, wherefore let us compare the charges and yearly profit (to be looked for) together, and see what evil bargain this can be.  
Two years charges of a footman is, three and thirty pound six shillings and eight pence, for as for rent there is none to be paid till the fourth year, the commodity to be looked for, is forty quarters of grain at the lest de claro per annum. But the horseman gain and charge is double, & this is the worst bargain. For he that goeth in his own person as younger brothers and such like, do rather save than loose, for with less expenses if he have no Horse in England, can he not live for his diet, than ten pound: if he be a horseman, his Horse and he under twenty pound, yet live he must whither he spend the time in England or Ireland, and this I am sure of, that whatsoever he may save of his diet in a year here in England by lying in his friends house, he shall spend in apparel: for that Country of Ireland requireth rather lasting & warm clotheses than gorgeous and dear garments. Besides this, in consideration of leading his life in Ireland, he is too enjoy a good and commodious piece of Land, yielding three score quarters of grain yearly towards his maintenance, being a footman, or a hundred and twenty if he be a horseman, and so by proportion. Shall I tell you my conscience herein? I can not see how Fathers that have many Sons, or landed men that have many younger brothers can do better for their punées, than to prefer them, and set them forth in this Journey with me, who seek to persuade nothing but that I will go in person to execute, not a whit the more fearful, because I am the only son of Sir Thomas Smith. And now that I have resolved you of your doubt as I hope, and performed my promise in the end, I will leave you for this time.  
Thus much Master R. C. was our conference at that time, which so near as I could remember I have repeated word by word, but to divers other objections, his answers which I have learned at sundry meetings, will I now declare.  
Many say, that they shall go into a place where they shall want meat, housing, & all things necessary, for that no Prince yet hath been able to victual his Army there, sufficiently in their journeys, besides that the Soldier is always constrained, to march thorough the Bogs and rivers, and in the night to lodge upon the Grass without meat and Fire. This in deed is great misery, but they that threaten this in his journey, are altogether ignorant of his proceedings, nor consider not the difference, that is between the Deputies journeys, (who seeketh still to apprehended the Rebels' bodies, following them thorough Bog, thorough plain & wood, hoping with perseverance and long journeys to weary them, and bring them in) and his enterprise, who desireth the Land only, not any revenge upon the Irish, and who purposeth not to spend himself with long journeys, but to proceed slowly, inhabit, build, and fortify himself as he goeth, contenting himself too obtain his portion of Land well defended in safety, & not coneting otherwise with loss and discourmoditie of his men, too seek to annoy the Jrishe as afore is said, proceeding on this sort.  
He doth mind at his first landing, to fortify himself upon the sea shore, and the frontier of his country, and build there his store house and houses of provision, which he will carefully and speedily see brought thither, to be ready before it be wanting, a place for Artificers to lie safely in, and in the mean time that it is building and raising, to lodge all his men in camp, under canvas tents and hales, wherein he hath promised to take order with his associates, that will peradventure be one three months work. Then after the store house and key of his country built, and left sufficiently guarded, he will remove. u vi. more or less miles, as the country shall some, and there erect upon the list an other fortress, able in receive and now a sufficience crew of soldiers, to be ready always in defence of the frontier, encamping and lodging his men there as before, tell that fort also be done and furnished Thus will he proceed in his journey all the Summer, till the entry of his country be sufficiently fortified. Towards the winter 〈◊〉, dividing his soldiers into the said strengths, there to lie in garrison upon the enemy, for the more safety of the country, as at the beginning I have already sold you.  
What misery (I pray you now) can this bring the soldier in? what scant and scarcity of victaile shall they be at any time constrained to, by reason it can not be brought to them? if otherwise it be wanting which I am sure shall not be, it is by his fault and slackness, not by the discommodity of the carriage▪ or how evil need the soldier be lodged. This his proceedings are others than hath been heretofore used, and other men's errors have taught him to take this order, to mark and consider them well is the only way to perfectness (saith he) and nothing hath been so well done, but if it were to do again might be better done: for time is it that in the most advised governements discovereth faults, which while we patch and mend by little and little, the first order is altered, and become an other thing, the very vanity of the world.  
And as for the present necessity & lack of many commodities of the Country which are in England every where, if you mark that hath been heretofore said in describing it, you can not say but the only default thereof is the uncivility of the inhabitants, and lack of good orders. Which assoon as he shall have amended, by bringing this his attempt to good end, and that it may be replenished with buildings, civil inhabitants, and traffic with law, justice, and good order, what shall let, that it be not also as pleasant and profitable, as any part of England, especially when it shall be furnished with a company of Gentlemen, and others that will line friendly in fellowship together, rejoicing in the fruit & commodity of their former travail, which (through noble courage,) for estimation sake, and the love of their own country the first enterprised, deserving if I may speak it, that am resolved one of the same company, to be crowned with garlands of honour and everlasting fame. But what do I digress? Is there any more doubts yet trow ye? yes, this.  
There be some that like well enough of this taking the Arde in hand, because it is both defensible with a few men, and those free holder's that yet remain therein, being of English race, have always defended themselves from praying by the irish, but more they say, he shall never be able too compass nor defend, to whom I will repeat this short answer.  
He that hath but a little Country can maintain therewith but a few men, and is constrained gladly to accept such conditions of peace as he can get at the enemy's hands, but he that hath a large country, may maintain a great number of men, and at pleasure command whether to make peace or war with his enemy. As for master S●●th he will proceed and hold so much only as his forces will stretch unto, for the old Proverb sake that sayeth: He that too much gripeth, fasteneth on little.  
Be of good courage therefore, & resolve yourself to be a partaker with him in person. The enterprise is commendable, and not only to the increase of his nation and honour of his country, but very profitable to them that are doers therein, if it be brought to good pass, which is assured, if reason may serve, or the like at any time (as before hath often been seen) hath taken effect, and the adventure is small, not to the tenth part of the gain. He is provided already I know, of singular good Captains, and the promiss of an hundred Gentlemen already at the least, having not yet opened the matter but to his friends. As for himself you shall find him vigilant and careful, coveting more the well doing hereof, and the safety of his company, than the glory of victory in any rash attempt, more desiring to please and profit every man, than looking for ceremonious courtesy and reverence. Lo conclude, I know him to be such as disdaineth no man, or that seeketh to feed the world with fine language, fair speeches and promise, but a man that is open plain, more affable than he seemeth, such a one infaith, towards whom your love and liking will increase still, with acquaintance and familiarity, to be then most, when you shall know him best. I speak this by experience and long proof that I have had of him.  
Grant it (will you say) that he for his part be such an one, but all those whom he shall have assembled out of every part of this Realm, shall not be of so good a Nature, as peradventure he is of, some be disdainful, proud, and insolent, some covetous, and other of quarrelous disposition, a few of these are enough to disturb the whole company. Quarrels begin of small trifles, and by parts taking, come in the end to great matters. Besides in the partition, one will be angry because he was not preferred to that commodious seat or this good dwelling, and because he hath not so much Land as an other, but of this hope I also to satisfy you. For master Smith mindeth first to give unto every man so much at the lest as he promiseth by the order he purposeth to give out, and for which the Soldier was willing to adventure his part, then can he not 〈◊〉 fault with the quantity. Notwithstanding to him that deserveth well in this journey, he will 〈◊〉 am sure be more liberal, for I know he giveth willingly. The place where their 〈◊〉 shall lie must fall to them by lot, as it shall be their chance first or last to be served, from a place appointed to begin at before the lo●tes so drawn, so can he not mistake of his chance, nor be angry for the place which fell not to him by any man's appointing. And to take a●ray all occasion of Quarrels, Mutineries, or other disorder, that might otherwise ensue, he hath promised to 'cause one book of orders or Discipline to be drawn, by the advise of the best Captains, and shall be read unto the whole company. Which after it is allowed & agreed to by them, shallbe kept safely as the Statutes of this journey, and according to the letter of that Book, shall all misdemeanours of the Camp be punished. For every person abiding in the same shallbe solemnly sworn, to observe every Article and ordinance contained therein, and to his power assist and aid to see them duly punished, that shall offend contrary too the Tenor of the foresayne Book.  
Adventure therefore boldly with him, as for your portion of Land, I knows that his Father and he are bound to her Majesty by a Covenant, in her highness grant expressed, in no less bond than in the forfeiture of the whole, that they shall distribute to all aiders herein according to the rate before mentioned.  
Besides I know he is liberal & will deal frankly with his friend, or any other whom he shall have a good liking to.  
And the ●iquer or 〈◊〉, either with his Father's hand or his, or with the hands of any Treasurer appointed his Deputy therein, testifying the quantity of the adventure, shallbe sufficient to charge them in this behalf Your assuranre shallbe made by deed, signed, ●●aled, an● delivered so soon as possibly it can be dispatched, after the said Land shallbe assigned by lot and laid out. And if it so chance that any die in this voyage, before the partition de made, his part shall notwithstanding be reserved and performed too his next heir or any of his kindred (that shall have presently word sent to him thereof) if within three months after the said word given, they either personally repair or send their deputies thither to receive the same. To the end no man's adventure and hope so willingly taken in hand through his own mischance should be lost from his posterity, nor untimely death be prejudicial to his deserved inheritance.  
Here will I end, hoping that I have fully satisfied you of all doubts, that might have dissuaded you herein. And this is the effect of all, that I have with thus many Arguments gone about to persuade you, that you should employ two or three years of your youth, in that most honourable seriuce that can be in our times done for England, therefore to receive thanks, estimation, and a profitable inheritance, besides the contentation of mind in your possibility, to be the patron & first founder of a family in that country, which in time to come with God's favour, may spring up to great authority. Far you well.  
Sigh the writing hereof he hath sent me word as to a friend, partaker of his joy, that his book is by the queens Majesty favourably signed, and already under the great Seal. And that he mindeth to proceed to the gathering of men, levying of money, and making his provision necessary for this journey with all speed. And therewithal hath sent me a Copy of the order, or rather offer, to be given forth for the dispatching hereof, which is this that I sand you, herewith nothing differing I warrant you, from that I had wrote to you before in this discourse.   

The offer and order given forth by Sir Thomas Smyth Knight, and Thomas Smyth his son, unto such as he willing to accompany the said Thomas Smyth the son, in his voyage for the inhabiting some parts of the North of Ireland.  
THe Queen's Majesties grant made to sir Thomas Smith Knight, & Thomas Smyth his son in Ireland, is all that is her Majesties by inheritance, or other right in the country called the ARDES, and part of other countries adjacent in the earldom of ULSTER▪ is that they eam possess and trpienishe them with English men. The which thing that it might the more surely be done, the said sir Thomas & Thomas his son have bounden themselves to her highness to distribute all the said land within the said Countries, which they shallbe able to obtain and possess, to such as shall take pains to help them to possess the same, to have and hold to them and to their heirs for ever.  
That is to say, to each man who will serve as a soldier on foot, one Plowland containing a hundredth and twenty acres Irish of eatable land, for which the said sir Thomas and Thomas, must pay to the queens majesty two pence Irish for an Irish acre, after four and twenty foot to the pole. In consideration of which rent by them to be paid unto her Majesty, the Soldier shall pay for the said plowlande unto Sir Thomas Smyth and Thomas, and their heirs, one penny sterling for every English acre of the said plow-land, after the measure of sixteen foot and an half to the pole, and no more. The first payment to begin four years hence, videlicet. 1576.  
To each man who will serve on horseback two plowlands, videlicet two hundredth and forty acres Irish, which is at the least five hundredth acres and more English, paying for every acre English as the footman doth.  
And the earable land being divided, each foot man and horseman shall have also allotted unto him pasture, meadow, and such like necessary, as the Country will serve, as reasonably as they have arable ground, so that they may therewith be contented.  
The charges that is required of a footman at his first setting forth, if he be furnished of sufficient Armour, for a Pike, Halberd or Caliver, with a convenient Livery Cloak of read colour, or Carnation with black facing, is ten pounds for his vitayling for one whole year after his arrival and his transportation: after which year, there is hope to find provision enough in the Country, which they shall obtain with good guidance.  
The charges of a Horseman well horsed & armed for a light horseman with a Staff and a case of Dags, is twenty pounds for victual of him and his Horse for one whole year, and for his transportation. His livery had need be of the colour aforesaid, and of the fashion of the riding dutch Cloaks now used.  
And to avoid the Flix & such dangerous diseases as doth many times chance to Soldiers by reason of lying upon the ground and uncovered, and likewise to Horses for lack of Hales. If any Soldier footman will give before hand ten Shillings, and the Horseman twenty shillings, they shallbe lodged under Canvas, and upon Beds, until houses may be provided.  
And if any will bear the charges of a soldier, that cannot go himself, nor send another in his room, he shall have his part of Land allotted to him as well as though he went himself: but then for a footman he must pay in ready money xuj pound xiij s four d. This is one part. And if any will have two parts or more, then according to this rate to pay the money. The Colonel to find the said footman or men in all points for the first year according as the money is received.  
And to the intent that no man willing to adventure in this most honourable and profitable voyage may doubt hereof, if it please him to resort into Paul's churchyard to the sign of the Sun, there he shall see both the Letters Patents and the Indentures of covenants betwixt the Queen's Majesty and the said Sir Thomas Smith & Thomas Smith, and pay such money as he is disposed to adventure, and receive his assurance from Thomas Smith the Son, who taketh the adventure and voyage upon him to go in person, or if the said Thomas be not there, one of the receivers of this voyage remaining there, shall do herein as appertaineth, whom he hath made his Deputy in this behalf.  
Note that all such kinds of provision as be necessary in this journey, the treasurer may receive in live of money, according as he shall have need of such provision, be already furnished there with, and according to the place where the said provision shall lie, for the commodious transportation thereof.  
¶ God save the Queen.  
We request all our partakers to make so speedy payment of their adventures, as possible they may, that nothing be wanting at the time of our forth setting, which they shall learn of the Treasurer, or receiver, where they pay the money, with the place & day of our general meeting and embarking.   

¶ Imprinted at London by Henry Binneman for Anthon● ●●●son, dwelling in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Sun.