Fabyans chronicle newly printed/ with the chronicle, acts, and deeds done in the time of the reign of the most excellent Prince King Henry the seven. father unto our most dread sovereign lord King Henry the viii To whom be all honour, reverence, and joyful countenance of his prosperous reign, to the pleasure of god and weal of this his realm AMEN.  
¶ Prentyd at London By wyllyam Rastell. 1533.  
❧ cum PRIVILEGIO.    


MUSEUM britannicum   British Museum blazon or coat of arms   

The table of the first volume of Fabyanes' chronicle.  

ALbyon/ and why this isle of old time so was called, it appeareth in the fourth lief the first chapter. 
 Brute the son of Silvius/ and of his original and first coming into this land. Ca two. 
folio. iiii.  Brute of his first landing. Ca iii. 
fo. v.  This Brute the son of Silvius Posthumus, descended of the noble blood of Trojans, entered first the isle of Albion which he after named britain and now is called England, in the year of the world. iiii. Thousand lxiii/ and before the incarnation of Chryst, as in the beginning of this work is more openly showed/ & reigned years xxiiii Troynuaunt or London of this King was first founded. Ca iiii. 
fo. v.  Locrinus or locrine, the eldest son of Brute/ began his reign over britain in the country called Leogria or Logiers, that after was named middle England, in the year of the world four thousand lxxxvii and reigned years twenty capi. v. 
folio. vi.  Gwendoloena or Gwendoleyn, the wife of locrine, began to reign as Queen over the Brytons or country of Logiers, in the year of the world iiii. Thousand. C.vii and reigned years. xv. Ca vi. 
fo. vi.  Madan the son of Locrine and of the said Gwendolyne, began his reign over the Brytons, in the year of the world four thousand. C. and xxii/ and reigned after the agreement of many writers and most years xl ca seven. 
fo. vi.  In the second year of this kings reign ended the third age of the world, And david began to reign over Israel. 
 Menpricus or Mempricius the son of Madan, began his rule over the Brytons, in the year of the world four M.C.lxii/ & the year before Christ's incarnation. and reigned years. xx. Ca viii. 
folio. vi.  Ebrancus or Ebrank the son of Mempryce, begun to rule the Britons in the year of the world four M.C.lxxxii. & reigned years xii This King made the city of york, the town of Acryncte, & the castles of Dunbarre & Eddynbourgh in Scotland ca ix. 
fo. seven.  Brute vixii scutum or Brute Greneshelde, son of Ebranke, was made ruler of the Brytons, in the year of the world four M.ii C.xlii/ & reigned years xii ca x. 
fo. seven.  Leylus or Leyr the son of the forenamed Brute, began his rule over britain, in the year of the world iiii. M.ii C.liiii. and ruled years xxv this King founded the town of Carleyll. Ca xi. 
fo. seven.  Lud Hurdibras or Rudibras the son of Leyl, begun his dominion over the Britons, in the year of the world. iiii. M.ii C.lxxix. & ruled years xxxix This King made wynchester, Caunterbury, & Septon now named Shaftysbury. Ca xii. 
fo. seven.  Baldud the son of Lud, began his dominion over the britains, in the year of the world four thousand three C.xviii/ and reigned years twenty This King founded the town of Bathe/ and the baths within the same after some writers. Ca xiii. 
folio. seven.  Leyr or Leyer the son of Baldud was made ruler over the Brytons, in the year of the world four M iii. C. and xxxviii/ and ruled years lx This King made the town of leicester. Ca xiiii. 
fo. seven.  Cordeilla the youngest daughter of the forenamed Leyer, began to rule the Brytons, in the year of the world four thousand iii C.xcviii. & ruled years .v. ca xvi. 
folio. viii.  Cunedagius with Marganus his nephews, sons of the two sisters of Cordeilla, began their dominion over britain, in the year of the world iiii. Thousand four hundredth and iii & continued years ii ca xvii. 
fo. viii.  This Cunedagius forenamed, after that he in battle had slain Marganus, began his senyoury over the Brytons, in the year of the world four M.iiii. C.u. and ruled after most writers years xxxiii ca xviii. 
fo. ix.  Reynaldus or Rilalnus the son of Cunedagius, began to rule the Brytons, in the year of the world four thousand four C. and xxxviii & reigned years xlv The xxxii year of this King was Rome builded, of the two brethren Remus and Romulus/ which was the year of the world ca nineteen. 
fo. ix.  Gurgustius Gurgusto or Gorbodian, the son of Rivallus, was made ruler of the Brytons, in the year of the world four M.iiii. C.lxxxiii. and ruled years xxxviii ca xx. 
fo. ix.  Sicillius or Silvius the brother or son of Gurgustus, began his dominion over the Brytons, in the year of the world four thousand .v. C. and xxi and ruled years xlix ca xxi. 
folio. ix.  Iago or Lago the nephew of Gurgustius, was made ruler of britain in the year of the world four thousand v. hundredth lxx & reigned years xxv ca xxii. 
fo. ix.  Kinimacus the brother of Jago, and after some writers the son of Silvius/ began his seygnyorye over the Brytons, in the year of the world iiii. thousand .v. 195 & ruled years liiii In the xiiii year of this King ended the four age/ & the Jews were captived by the Babylon's. Also Isopus or Isoppe the feyner of fables, in the latter days of this Kinimacus in the country of Grece, flourished & feigned his fables. Ca xxiii. 
fo. ix.  Gorbodug whom Geffrey of Mommouth nameth Grobodugo, son unto Kinimacus, began his dominion over the Brytons, in the year of the world four thousand vi C.xlix. & ruled years lxii About the xxvi year of this kings reign was Holiferne slain of Judith the widow in the chamber of Papilion. As hath Jacobus Philippus. Ca xxiiii. 
fo. ix.  Ferrex with his brother Porrex, sons of Gorbodug, begun jointly to rule the Britons, in the year after Adam iiii. M.vii. C. & xi & ruled years .v. Here endeth the line or offspring of Brute. Ca xxv. 
fo. x.  The stories agree, that after the death of the foresaid brethren/ the Britons, because there remained no heir of them, were in great discord a long season, & were subdued under divers Kings. But because the foresaid auctors do nat certify the term of this discord, and also do write diversly of the reigns of the foresaid Kings so that some do assyne very few or no certain years, and some other many years, so that in thaccounting of the years and of times there appeareth a great alteration. Therefore it is to be noted, as affirmeth Ranulph monk of Chester, Guydo, Galfryde and other/ that Cunedagius only begins to reign in the year of the world iiii tyousande four hundredth and .v. And he reigned xxxiii years. Which maketh the year of the world four M.iiii. C. and xxxviii And furthermore the foresaid authors with other affirm, that the ii brethren Belinus and Brennus, did enter Italy with a great number of men, in the xi. Year of Artaxarses the xi King, of Perse. which was the year of the world four thousand viii C. and xu and the viii year of the reign of the foresaid brethren, as sayeth Martynus super Cronicas. whereby it plainly appeareth, that from the last year of Cunedage, until the eight year of the foresaid brethren, there passed iii C.lxxvii. Years And furthermore all writers affirm, that the said Belinus and Brennus did succeed their father Dumuallo/ and that the said Dumuallo reigned xl years. The first year of whose reign was the year of the world four M.vii. C.xlviii. So that from the last year of Cunedage, until the first year of the said Dunuallo, there passed iii C.xxix. Years. Of the which years, there passed from the first year of Rivallus or Renaldus until the last year of Porrex ii hundredth lxxviii years. By which account it appeareth, that the Britons, after the death of the foresaid brethren, were in discord by the space of li years. And so the last year of the foresaid discord was the year of the world four thousand seven. hundredth lxvii 
  
¶ Thus endeth the first part of this work that conteyneht viii hundredth & four years.   

MUlumtius dunuallo, that which of some writers is named Donobant, and son of Cloton duke or King of Cornwall, was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand vii hundredth lxviii. and reigned years xi This was the first that bare crown in britain. This also founded the town of Malmesbury and of Uyes. This also began the four principal high ways. Ca xxviii. 
fo. x.  Belinus and Brennus the two sons of the forenamed Dunuallo, began to reign jointly over britain, in the year of the world four thousand, eight hundredth, and viii and ruled years jointly, and Belynus alone xxvi This Belinus made the town of Carleyll. Also in London he caused to be made the haven of Byllyngysgate/ and ended the four ways begun of his father. This also made a temple in London, & named it the Temple of concord/ which after some writers opinions should be the Temple bar, now the parish church of the temple as appeareth. Ca xxix. cum 
folio. xi.  In the time in which these two brethren reigned, auctors somewhat discord. For Policronicon sayeth that Belinus with Brennus did invade Italy and besiege Rome in the. Cc.i year after the transmigragration of Italy. And also that the same time Furius Camillus was dyctatour of Rome. Whereby it appeareth that Rome was spoiled of them about the year of the world four M.viii. C. and ten But Jacobus Phylyppus with other saith that the foresaid Furius Camillus was dictator of Rome about the year of our lord four M.viii. hundredth lvi whereby there appeareth a difference of xlvi years. But Radulphus monk of the order of Cystercieun erreth very far, that affirmeth in his chronicle that the said brethren began to rain over britain in the year of the world four M.u. C. and four which differeth from other above ii hundredth and l year. And where it is noted of some, that the said Belynus rained ten years/ that is supposed for the times of his rein after his return from Italy. The victory of the said brethren is showed in the story following. 
 Gurguintus or Gurguyn the son of Belyn, was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand viii C. and xxxiiii & reigned xix years. Ca xxxii. 
fo. xiii.  Guithelinus or Guitellius called in the english chronicle Guentolyn, the son of Gurguintus, was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand viii C. and liii and reigned years xxvi Alexander the great began to reign about the xxi year of this King. Ca xxxiii. 
fo. xiiii.  Sisillius or Cecilius the son of Guithelinus, began his reign over the Britons, in the year of the world iiii. Thousand viii C.lxxix. and reigned years vii ca xxxiiii. 
fo. xiiii.  Kymerus or Kymere the son of Sisillius, begun his rule over the Brytons, in the year of the world four M.viii. C.lxxxvi. and ruled years iii ca xxxv. 
fo. xiiii.  Elanius the son or brother of Kymerus, began his reign over britain, in the year of the world iiii. Thousand viii hundredth lxxxix & reigned years ix ca xxxvi. 
folio. xiiii.  Morindus or Marwyth the bastard son of Elanius was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand viii hundredth xci. and reigned years viii ca xxxvii. 
fo. xiiii.  Gorbomannus or after the english chronicle Granbodyan son unto Morindus, was ordained king of britain, in the year of the world iiii. thousand viii C.xcviii. and reigned years xi ca xxxviii. 
fo. xv  Archigallo the second son of Morindus, began his dominion over the Brytons, in the year of the world four thousand ix C.x. & reigned years .v. ca xxix. 
fo. xv.  Elidurus' the iii son of Morindus, began his dominion over the Brytons, in the year of the world iiii. Thousand ix C.xv. and ruled years .v. ca xl. 
fo. xv.  Archigallo beforenamed, was by the compassion of his brother again restored to his former dignity, in the year of the world four thousand ix hundredth twenty and reyngned after years ten ca xli. 
fo. xv.  Elidurus' beforenamed, was again of the Brytons made King, in the year of the world four thousand ix. hundredth xxx and reigned years two. Ca xlii. 
fo. xv.  Uigenius or Migenius with Peridurus his brother, which in the english chronicle are named Hygamus and Petitur, brethren of Elidurus, deposed by strength their said brother, and began their reign in the year of the world four thousand ix hundredth xxxii and reigned jointly and alone years ix This peridurus or Petitur made the town of pykering after the opinion of diverse writers. Ca xliii. 
fo. xv.  Elidurus' beforenamed, was the third time restored to the crown, in the year of the world four thousand ix. hundredth xli and reigned. the third time years four Galfride sayeth the during the life of the foresaid brethren, this was enclosed in the tower of London. Which if it be true, than is nat true that the flower of hystories affirmeth, which sayeth that the tower of London was builded of Cassibelan. Ca xliiii. 
fo. xvi.  Gorbonianus or Gorbomannus the son of Elidure, was made King of britain, in the year of the world iiii. Thousand ix hundredth xlv And after him reigned xxxii Kings, as in the story is after declared/ that which with the said Gorbonmaus by the reason that followeth occupied years lxxxvi. And in this time duke Hannibal of Cartage about the year of the world began to war against the romans. And Scipio African vanquished Hanyball about the year of the world .v. M. & ix. And about this time Judas machabeus duke of Israel began to be their capitain/ that is to say in the year of the world .v. thousand xlvi or there about. Ca xlvi. 
fo. xvi.  To make the stories to agree, and to keep the order of the years begun, first it is to be noted that as showeth Ranulph with divers other, Julius Cesar made britain tributary to Rome in the xlviii year before the incarnation of christ, or in the year of the world five thousand. C.li which was in the ix year of Cassybelan. From whence taking from the time of Cassybelan before the tribute paid ix. Years, & for the time of the reign of Lud xi years/ it followeth congruently that King Lud began to reign in the year of the world five thousand. C.xxxi. And so from the last year of Elidure, until the beginning of the reign of Lud, or in the time of the xxxiii Kings/ there passed. C.lxxxvi. Years. 
 Lud the son of Hely last King of the foresaid xxxiii, was stablished King of britain, in the year of the world five thousand. C.xxxi. and reigned years ix This King made Ludgate the west-gate of London, and walled a part of the same, and named the city Caerlud. Ca xlvii. 
fo. xvi.  Cassibelan the brother of Lud was ordained King of britain, in the year of the world five thousand. C.xlii/ and reigned or he were made trybutary to the Romans years full and more viii ca xlviii. 
folio. xvi.  The beginning of this tribute as hath Peter pyctavyensis, Polycronycon and other authors, was in the year of the world .v. thousand C.li/ & the xlviii year before Cristes' coming. And Eutropius sayeth in his chronicle, that Caius Julius did conquer britain by ii years before he was create Emperor/ and he reigned as Emperor ii years. And furthermore the said Eutropius affirmeth, that Octavian Augustus' successor of the said Julius, began to reign in the year of the world .v. thousand. C.lviii. and that he reigned full xli years before christ was borne. Which saying Jacobus Philippus and other auctors affirm. Whereby it followeth, that Julius Cesar subdued britain xlviii years before the coming of christ, and the year of the world, as before is said, v. thousand. C.li And so it appeareth that christ was incarnate in the year of the world after the account of the lxx. interpreters .v. M.C.xcix. 
  
¶ Thus endeth the second part that containeth iii C.lxxxiii. Years   

CAssibelan, as before is said, was made tributary to the romans, in the year of the world v. M.C.li. and reigned after, years seven. Ca l. 
fo. xviii.  Temancius or Tennancius brother to Cassibelan, was of the britains ordained King, in the year of the world .v. thousand. C. and lvii and reigned years xxiii ca lii. 
folio. xviii.  Kymbelinus the son of Thennancius, was made King of the Britons, in the year of the world .v. M.C.lxxx. & reigned years xxxv All writers agree that reigning this King, our saviour Jesus Christ was incarnate. And than began the vi age. Ca liii. 
folio. xviii.  Of the time of this King Kymbelyus reign, divers auctors treat very darkly, for few of them do nat accounted any years/ for the time of his reign, except Peter pictauiensis, & the auctors of the english book, which affirm him to reign xi years. But Galfrido of Monmouth saith, that when he had reigned. Years he begat ii sons. But the flower of histories witnesseth him to reign xxxv years, and that Jesus Chryst was borne in xix year of his reign, which with other chronicles or times doth somewhat better agree. 
 Guiderius the son of Kymbalyne, was made King of britain, in the year of our lords incarnation xvi/ & in the year of the world .v. M.ii C.xvii. and reigned years xxviii ca liv. 
fo. nineteen.  arviragus the brother of Guiderius, began to reign over the Brytons, in the year of our lords incarnation xliiii and reigned years xxx In this time gloucester was builded of Claudius. And in the xxvi year of this kings reign, which was the lxx year of the incarnation of our Lord/ began the first persecution of the christian men under Nero. ca lv. 
fo. nineteen.  Marius, which the english chronicle nameth westmere, son of arviragus, was made King of britain/ in the year of our Lord lxxiiii and in the year of the world. and reigned years ii Chester town of this King was founded. westmerlande also of this King took his name. And about the xxi year of this kings reign was the second persecution, under Domicianus. And also the third persecution about the xxxv. Year of this King under Tratanus. Ca lvii. 
fo. xx.  Coilus the son of Marius, was made King of britain, in the year of our Lord. C. and xxvi and the year from the first Adam/ and reigned years liii And about the xlv year of this Coilus, was the fourth persecution, under Marcus Antonius Amelius. Ca lviii. 
fo. xxii.  Lucius the son of Coilus, begun his reign over the Brytons, in the year of our Lord an. C.lxxx. & of the world. and reigned years xii This was the first christian King in britain. The image of christ at the north door in the church of Poulys, was found in the river of Thames by this Lucius. But an other author sayeth that it was founden in the xiiii year of Coilus or in the year of the world. C.xl ca lix. 
folio. xxii.  Of this Lucius auctors do doubt fully treat. For Galfride saith that Lucius died in the year of our Lord c.lvi And Guido de Calumpna saith that Lucius was christened in the foresaid year. And Peter pictauiensis saith that Lucius began to reign in the year of our Lord. C.lxxx. & that he received the faith in the viii year of his reign. And the flower of histories saith that he reigned xii years after the faith by him received. Furthermore it is showed in a certain table hanging on the north part of the choir of Paul's in Londont, hat the said Lucius was crowned King of britain in the year of grace. C.xxiii. and that he reigned lxxvii years. And the english chronicle agreeth therewith of his coronation/ but it saith that he reigned but only xii. Years. And so there appeareth a great discord between these writers But all agreen that the said Lucius was converted to the faith in the time of pope Eleutherius/ which after the concordance of many stories was made pope about the year of our lord C.lxxviii. Wherefore Galfrides' saying is to be denayed, that saith, he died in the year of grace. C.lvi and also the saying of Guydo for receiving of the faith. And rather we ought to give credence to the foresaid table or to Peter pictauiensis that affirmeth the said Lucius to reign xii year. But some writers that wrote the acts & the reigns of Kings, have overskypt as it seemeth the time which Lucius reigned before he received the faith. And if he reigned before he received the faith twenty years and that he received the faith in his twenty year, & reigned after xu years/ they have accounted the xu year which he reigned as christian King, and have let pass the other twenty year. And so is it to be thought that the foresaid author Peter pictaviens did. Which reason being allowed, the said table may agree with the said Peter without any great difference which testifieth the said Lucius to reign lxxvii year as King. After whose death in so much that he died without any lawful heir/ a great contention sprang among the Brytons that endured by xu years, as shall apere by the sequel. Troth it is after all histories, that Severus a Roman succeeded Lucius in britain. But because the time is nat certainly set when the said Severus subdued the Britons/ therefore it is to noted, that when it was showed to the Romans of the sedition and discord of the Britons, & of the slaying of the romans than being in britain/ the senate sentte thither the foresaid Severus with ii legions of men. Which bare themself so manfully, that in short while he compelled the Brytons to obey to the senate. Which Policronicon affirmeth to be about the year of our lord 195 In which year as hath Jacobus Philippus, the said Severus began to reign over the romans. But that dysagreeth from other chronicles. For Eutropius, Matheolus & the foresaid Jacobus Philippus saith, that when the said Severus had subdued the Arabyes, Parthys, and galleys, after many battles he came into britain. where he being troubled with divers chances/ at last died in the town of york. where by it is to be supposed that in the end of his reign he came hither, & about the xii year of his reign over the romans which was the year of our Lord ii C.vii and that after he reigned over the Brytons .v. year. wherefore it evidently appeareth, that the foresaid discord dured xu years/ which time britain was without a King. 
  
Thus endeth the third part which containeth CC.lvi. Years.   

Severus Emperor of Rome, as before is showed, in the xii year of his empire, and year of our lord ii C. & vii/ began his reign over the Britons, and year of the world/ and reigned as King years .v. The first persecution of the christian men, was under this Severus, about the year of our lord ii C.x ca lxi. 
fo. xxii.  Bassianus the son of Severus, began his reign over the Brytons, in the year of our Lord ii C.xii/ & the year of the world/ and reigned years vi ca lxii. 
folio. xxii.  Carassius a young and lusty britain of unknown blood, by means as in his story showeth, began his dominion over the Brytons, in the year of our Lord ii C. and xviii and year of the world. & ruled years viii ca lxiii. 
fo. xxiii.  Here again authors forget the years of the Kings following. Of which I nat greatly maruyll. For in this time much dissension was among the Roman Princes/ & also among the Brytons civil war ceased nat. For they were so stirred with dissension and war, that none could occupy the kingdom any determinate tyme. For which cause and such like, authors could not assyne any certain time to the Princes as me seemeth. But that we may come to some knowledge/ Policronicon showeth that constantius that was father to Constantine the great, was sent by the senate into britain, about the year of our lord ii C.lxxix. and in the second year of Probrus Emperor/ that he should subdue to the romans Coelus than there King. From the which time of the coming of the said Constantius until the last year of Bassianus accounting backward, there passed lxi years. In the time of which years there reigned in this Ilelande these four Kings that is to say Carassius, Alectus, Asclepiodotus, and Coelus. 
 alectus a duke or senator of Rome, began his dominion over the Brytons, in the year of our Lord ii C.xxvi. & of the world/ & reigned years vi ca lxiiii. 
fo. xxiii.  Asclepeodotus, or after the english book Asclepades/ began his reign over the Brytons, in the year of our Lord god. CC.xxxii. And the year of the world/ and reigned years xxx The sixth persecution of christian men was about the year of our Lord. CC.xxxviii. Under Maximian. The vii persecution was in the year of our Lord. Cc.lu under Decius. In the which pope Fabyan was martyred. The viii persecution was in the year of our lord. Cc.lx under ualerian which was the xviii year of this Asclepiodotus. Ca lxv. 
folio. xxiiiii  Coelus or coyl Earl of Colchester, by exyting of the Britons was made King of britain, in the year of our lord. CC.lxii. & reigned years xxvii This King after most writers made the town of Colchester in Essex. Ca lxvi. 
fo. xxiiii  Constancius a senator of Rome, by reason of marriage knit with Eleyn daughter of Coelus, began to reign as King of britain, in the year of our lord. CC.lxxxix. and of the world and reigned years thirty. The ix persecution of the crystemmen was under Aurelianus. Saint Albon protomartyr in the time of this Constancius as some have, in the x. persecution which was under Dioclesian and Maximian, was martyred. Ca lxvii 
fo. xxiiii  Constancius surnamed the great, son of Constancius and of the holy Heleyne, began his reign over britain, in the year of our Lord iii C.xix. and of the world./ and reigned as King years ten ca lxviii 
folio. xxv  Octavius duke of Jesses' or Jewesses, and after named westsaxons/ by extort power began his reign over the Brytons, in the year of our Lord iii C. & xxix and of the world. and reigned years liiii ca lxxi 
fo. xxvii  Of this King following called Maximius or after some Maximianus, writers diversly speak/ so that some say he reigned few years. But in the concordance of chronicles, it plainly appeareth that the said Maximis began to reign over the Britons in the year of our lord iii C.lxxxii/ & that he was slain of Theodosius the elder in the third year of his reign, which began to reign in the year of our lord iii C.lxxxviii. And so it appeareth plainly that he reigned ix. Years. 
 Maximius or Maximianus, the son of Leonyne brother to Trahern uncle to Helcyne, began his reign over britain, in the year of our lord iii. C.lxxxii/ and reigned years ix ca lxxii. 
fo. xxvii  Saint Ursula with her fellows in this kings time were martyred of Enanus and Melga. 
 Gracianus an office or feed knight of Maximius, began to oppress the Brytons, in the year of our Lord iii C.xc/ and tyrannysed years iiii. Ca lxxiiii 
fo xxviii  The stories agree, that after that Gracian was slain/ britain was vexed a long while with often dyscensions & civil war. But how long this discord did last authors treat diversly/ for some say it lasted l year, & some xl & some xxx Therefore to know the certeynty it is requisite that we diligently search, how many years passed from the last year of Gracian until the beginning of the reign of Constantyne/ or the certain time when constantine was made King. who as witnesseth Guydo was crowned at Cicester in the year of our lord iiii. C.xxxv. The flower of histories saith also that in the third year of Theodocius the younger Emperor, Constantyne began to rule the Brytons. Which Theodocius began to reign in the year of our Lord four C.xxxi. Whereby it appeareth, that from the last year of Gracian until the beginning of Constantyne, there passed about xl years. But the very trewrule is that in the year of grace four C.li the Saxons first pierced britain, and in the third year of Uortigern. From which taking away for the reign of Uortigern ii years, & fro the reign of Constancius .v. year, & fro the reign of constantine ten year/ it followeth that the said dissension or misery of the Brytons lasted xxxix years full. And here ended the tribute that was paid to the romans, that had endured above four C.lx years. 
  
Thus endeth the fourth part that encludeth. CC.xxv years.   


¶ The line of the Kings of France.  PHaramundus the son of Mercomirus, began his reign as first King of France, in the year of our lord four C.xx/ and the misery of the Brytons the xxvi year/ & reigned years xi ca lxxviii. 
folio. xxxi  Clodius or Clodio, or after some Crynitus and Capillatus the son of Pharamude, was ordained the second King of France, in the year of our lord four hundredth and xxxi/ & the xxxvii year of the misery of the Brytons/ and reigned years xix capi. lxxix. 
folio. xxxi    


Here beginneth the fifth part.  COnstantinus the brother of Aldroenus King of little britain, began his reign over moche britain, Anno domini. iiii. hundredth and xxxiii/ and the year of Clodio than King of France the third year/ and reigned years ten capi. lxxx 
folio. xxxii  Constantinus the son of Constantyne before time a monk, was made King of moche britain, in the year of our Lord four hundredth and xliii/ and the xiii year of Clodio than King of France/ and reigned years .v. ca lxxxi 
folio xxxii  Uortigerus or Uortigernus' duke of cornwall or consul of Jesses', was by treason made King, in the year of our Lord four hundredth and lxviii/ and the xviii year of Clodio than King of France/ and rained years xvii The Saxons or englishmen, in the third year of this kings reign first entered this island. capi. lxxxii 
folio. xxxii  Meroneus nephew or next ally unto Clodio, was made King of frenchmen, in the year of our Lord iiii. hundredth and l/ and the second year of Uortiger than King of britain/ and reigned years ten capi. lxxxv 
folio. xxxiiii  Meroneus nephew or next of ally unto Clodio, was made King of frenchmen in the year of our Lord iiii. C. and l/ and the second year of Uortiger than King of britain/ & reigned years ten ca lxxxv. 
fo. xxxiiii.  Chyldericus or Hylderycus the son of Meroneus, was ordained King of France, in the year of our Lord four C. and lx/ and the xii year of Uortiger than King of britain/ and reigned years xxiiii ca lxxxvi. 
folio. xxxv.  Uortimerus the son of Uortiger, was made King of britain, in the year of our Lord four C.lxxxiiii/ & the iiii. Year of Chylderych than King of France/ and reigned years vii ca lxxxviii. 
fo. xxxvi.  Uortigernus before named, was again restored to the kingdom, in the year of our lord four C.lxxi/ and the xi. Year of Chylderyche than King of France/ and reigned years ix In this kings time about the year of our Lord four C.lxxvi. the kingdom of Kent the first kingdom of the Saxons, began under Hengystas appeareth. fo. xxxvii. Ca lxxxix. 
folio. xxxvi.  Aurelius Ambrose the second son of Constantyne, and brother to Constancius the monk slain by reason of Uortiger, was made King of britain, in the year of our Lord iiii. C.lxxxi/ and the xi year of Chylderych than King of France/ and reigned years xix In this kings time about the year of our Lord four C.lxxxii. Began the kingdom of Southsaxones under Ella and his sons. And also in this kings time that is to say in the year of our Lord four C. lxxx.xii. Began the kingdom of Estangles under U●fa. But Guydo sayeth it began in the year of our Lord .v. hundredth lxx as appeareth. capi. xciiii. 
fo. xxxviii.  Clodoveus the son of Chyldericus or Hyldericus before named, was ordained King of France, in the year of our Lord four hundredth lxxxiiii/ and the third year of Aurelius than King of britain/ and reigned years xxx This was the first christian King which received the faith of saint Remygius about the year of our Lord four hundredth xcix whereby it appeareth that the faith came into britain above iii. hundredth year before it came into France. capi. xcvii. 
fo. xxxix.  Uter surnamed Pendragon, the youngest son of Constantyne & brother to Aurelius, was made King of britain, in the year of our Lord .v. C/ and the xvi year of Clodoueus then King of France/ and reigned years xvi. Ca c. 
fo. xli.  Clotharius or Lotharius the son of Clodoueus, began his reign over the frenchmen, in the year of our Lord .v. C. and xiiii/ and the year of Uter than King of britain/ and reigned years l ca c.i. 
fo. xlii.  Arthurus the son of Uter began his rygne over the Britons, in the year of our Lord .v. C. and xvii/ & the iii year of Lotharius than King of France/ and reigned years xxvi In this kings time the kingdom of Saxons begun under Serdicus about the year of our lord .v. C.xxiii. Ca c.iiii 
fo. xliiii.  Constantius the son of Cador, began his reign over the land of britain, in the year of our Lord .v. C. & xliii/ and the xxix year of Lotharius than King of France/ & reigned years iii Totila King of Ostragathoris, about this time spoiled Rome & other cities in Italy. Ca c.vii 
folio. xlv.  Aurelius Conanus the nephew of Constantyne, begun his reign over britain, in the year of our Lord .v. C. & xlvi/ and the xxxii year of Lotharius forenamed/ & reigned years ii In this kings time the kingdom of Northumber's began under Ida, about the year of our lord .v. C. xivii. Ca c.viii. 
fo. xlvi.  Uortiporius the son of Aurelius Conanus, began to rule the Britons, in the year of our lord .v. C. & xlviii/ & the year of Clothare King of France xxxiiii/ and reigned years four ca c.x. 
fo. xlvii.  Malgo the brother of Uortiporius, begun his reign over the Brytons, in the year of our lord .v. C. and lii/ & xxxviii year of Lothayre forenamed/ & reigned years after most accord of writers xxxv ca c.xi 
folio. xlvii.  Chilpericus the iii son of Clotharius, began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our Lord .v. C. & lxiiii/ & the xiiii year of Malx than King of britain/ & reigned years xiiii. Ca c.xii 
fo. xlvii.  Careticus a Bryton of uncowthe birth began his tyranny over the Brytons, in the year of our lord .v. C.lxxx & vi/ & xxii year of Chylperyche than King of France/ and tyrannysed years iii ca c.xviii. 
fo. liii.  Here it is to be noted that after the said Careticus was expulsed out of britain/ the Britons abode in Cambria & these parts, & fought oftenwith the Saxons. Of whose captains fro this Careticus until Cadwan, the story remembreth none. yet by the concordaunce of other chronicles & histories, it appeareth that between the last year of Careticus & beginning of the reign of Cadwan, there passed about xxiii years as appeareth by the sequel. Furthermore in this time Ethelbert king of Kent received the faith about the year of our Lord .v. C.xcvi. This Ethelbert builded Paul's church. And about the year of our lord vi C.xiii began the kingdom Estsaxons under Sebertus. 
 Lotharius or Clotharius the son of Chylpericus, begun his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our lord v C.lxxxviii/ & the ii year of Careticus than King of britain/ & reigned years xliii ca c.xxii. 
fo. lvi.  Cadwanus duke of Northwalis, was of the Brytons chosen King, and begun to reign over a part of Britons, in the year of our Lord vi C. and viii/ & the xxv year of the second Clothayre/ & reigned years xxii In this kings time the King done of Mercia began under Penda. Ca c.xxviii. 
folio. lxiiii.  Dagobertus the first of the name, & son of the second Clothayre, begun his dominion over the Frenchemen, in the year of our lord vi C. & xxxi/ & the viii year of Cadwan than King of britain/ & reigned years xiiii Saint Denys with his fellows were found by this king by miracle. Ca c.xxxi. 
fo. lxv.  Cadwallus the son of cadwan began his reign over a part of britain, in the year of our Lord vi C. & xxxv. and the four year of the first Dagoberte than King of France/ & reigned years xlviii ca c.xxxiii. 
folio lxvii  Elodoveus the younger son of Dagobertus, begun his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our lord vi C. & xlv/ and the ten year of Cadwall than King of britain/ & reigned years xvi ca c.xxxvi. 
fo. lxxi.  Clotharius the third of that name and son of Clodoueus, was made King of France, in the year of our lord vi. C.lxii/ and the xxvi year of Cadwall than King of britain/ & reigned years four ca xxxvii. 
fo. lxxii.  Theodoricus the brother of the forenamed Lothayre, began his reign over France, in the year of our Lord vi. C.lxvi/ and the xxx year of the foresaid Cadwall than King of britain/ and reigned years iii ca c.xxxviii. 
fo. lxxii.  Chylderycus or Hylderycus the iii son of Clodoueus, began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our lord vi C.lxix/ & the xxxiii of Cadwall yet King of britain/ and reigned years ii ca c.xxxix 
fo. lxxii  Cadwaladrus, or after Bede Cedwalla, son of Cadwallo, began to rule the Britons, in the year of our Lord vi C.lxxx. and iii/ & the xii year of Theodoricus than King of France/ and reigned years iii ca c.xl 
folio lxxiii  Of the time of the reign of this Cadwallader, authors writ diversly and show of him as of ii several persons▪ For Galfryde & other say that when he had reigned xii years, he went to Rome, & thereof pope Sergius was made a monk, and died in the year of our lord vi C.lxxix. which saying differeth far from other authors. For Guido de calūma sayeth in his work that he shortly gathered of the Kings of britain, that when Cadwallader that also is named Cadwalla son of Cadwallon had peassably governed britain three years, he went to Rome & of pope Sergius was made monk/ & ended his life in the year of our lord vi C.lxxxix. Which saying Policronicon in his .v. book & twenty chapter affirmeth, where he nameth the said Cadwallader king of Brytons and westsaxons, and that King Jew or Ive was his successor. And so by these authors & other which Policronicon allegeth for him, as Beda & other, which name this Cadwallader ce walla, it appeareth that it was one person & that this time he reigned over the Brytons and westsaxones, which was last King of the stock of the Brytons And because the Kings of westsa●ō in process of time subdued all the other Kings/ therefore I will observe the order of them until I have brought this island to one monarchy. Here endeth the line of the Kings of britain which continued from the first Brute by. M.viii. C. & xxii years. 
  
Thus endeth the fift part which includeth. CC.liii.   

IEwe or Ive of the blood of Saxons, or after some writers Iuo, began his reign over the westsaxones to rekyn after the departing of Cadwallader, in the year of our Lord vi hundredth lxxx and vii/ and the xvi year of the second Theodoricus than King of France/ and reigned yered xxxvii ca c.xli 
folio lxxvi  Clodoueus the iii of that name, & second son of the second Theodoricus, was made King of France, in the year of our lord vi C.xc/ and the iii year of Jew than King of westsaxones/ & reigned years iii ca c.xlii. 
folio lxxvi  Chyldebertus the second son of Theodoryche, begun his reign over the Frenchemen, in the year of our lord vi C.lxxx. & xiii/ & the vi year of Ive yet King of westsaxones, & reigned years xvii ca c.xliii. 
fo. lxxvi.  Dagabertus the second of the name, & son of Chyldeberte, was authorized King of Frenchmen, in the year of our lord vii C. & x/ and the xxiii year of Jew yet King of westsaxones/ and reigned years xi ca c.xliiii. 
fo. lxxvi.  Daniel that was named Chylperyk a clerk, was made King of French men, in the year of our Lord vii C. & xxi/ & the xxiiii year of Jew yet king of westsaxons and reigned years .v. ca c.xlu 
fo. lxxvi.  Ethelardus the nephew of Jew, begun his reign over the westsaxons, in the year of our lord vii C. & xxiiii/ & the third year of Daniel than king of France/ and reigned years .v. ca c.xlvi 
fo. lxxvii.  Theodoricus the second of the name, and son of the second Dagobert, began his reign over Frenchmen, in the year of our lord vii C. & xxvi/ & the second year of Ethelardus than king of westsaxones/ and reigned years xiiii ca c.xlvii. 
fo. lxxvii.  Cutbertus the nephew of Ethelard, began to reign over the westsaxons, in the year of our lord vii C. & xxix/ & the third year of the second Theodoricus/ and reigned years xvi ca c.xlviii. 
fo. lxxix.  Hyldericus or Chyldericus the second of the name, & son of Theodoricus, was made King of Frenchmen, in the year of our lord vii C. and xl/ & the xi year of Cuthbert than King of westsaxons/ & reigned years ten Here endeth the line of Meroneus, & beginneth the line of Pepyn. Ca c.xlix. 
folio lxxix  Sygebertus the nephew of Cuthbert, began his reign over the westsaxons, in the year of our lord vii C. & xlv/ & the .v. year of Hyldericus the second than King of France/ and reigned years ii ca c.l. 
fo. lxxx.  Kenulphus of the blood & line of Cerdicus, begun his reign over the westsaxons, in the year of our lord vii C. & xlviii/ and the vii year of Hyldericus than king of France/ and reigned years xxxi ca c.li. 
fo. lxxxi.  Pipinus the second son of Charles Martellus, was first made king of France of the blood, in the year of our lord vii C. & l/ and the second year of Kenulphus than King of westsaxons/ & reigned years xviii ca c.liii. 
fo. lxxxi.  Carolomanus with charles surnamed the great sons of Pepyn, began to reign over France, in the year of our lord .v. C.lxviii/ & the twenty year of Kenulphus/ and reigned years jointly and Charles alone xlvii This Charles was the first Emperor of romans of the stock of the French men/ and reigned xiiii years. Ca c.liiii. 
fo. lxxxiii.  Brightricus of the forenamed blood of Cerdicus, was made King of westsaxons, in the year of our lord vii C.lxxvii/ and the ten year of Charles than king of France/ & reigned years xvii About the ix year of this King, the Danes first entered this isle as more plainly appeareth in the story following. Ca c.lvii. 
fo. lxxxvi.  Egbertus, or after the english book Edbryght, the son of Alumundus, begun his reign over the westsaxons, in the year of our lord vii C.lxxx and xv/ & in the. xxvii year of Charles than King of France/ and reigned years xxxviii This King commanded the Saxons to be Anglys/ & britain to be named Anglia, that in England. Ca c.lviii. 
fo. lxxxvi.  Lodovicus the first of the name & son of Charles the great, began to reign as Emperor and King of France, in the year of our lord viii C and xv/ & the twenty year of Egbertus then King of westsaxons/ and reigned years xxvi ca c.lix. 
fo. lxxxvii.  Adeulphus or Ethelwolphus the son of Egbertus, began his reign over the westsaxons and other, in the year of our lord viii C. and xxxii/ and the xvi year of Louis the first than King of France/ & reigned years xxii ca c.lxii. 
fo. xci.  Charles the second of that name, & youngest son of the first Louis surnamed Balled, began to reign over the west part of France, in the year of our lord viii C. & xli/ & the ix year of Adeulphus/ and reigned years xxxviii The country of Flaunders in this Charles days began first to bear name, as after in the end of his story is showed. Ca c.lxiii. 
fo. xcii.  Ethelwaldus the eldest son of Adeulphus, began his reign over the westsaxons, in the year of our lord viii. C. & lv/ and the ten year of Charles the bald than King of France/ and reigned but one year. Ca c.lxvii. 
folio xcvi  Ethelbertus the second son of Adeulphus, was authorized King of westsaxons, in the year of our Lord viii. C. and lvi/ & the xi year of Charles the bald yet King of France/ and reigned years vi In the time of this Kings reign/ the vii Johan which was a woman was admitted for pope, about the year of our Lord viii C.lviii, as saith Jacobus Phylyppus. Ca c.lxviii. 
fo. xcvi.  Etheldredus the third son of Adeulphus, was made King of westsaxons with other, in the year of our Lord viii C. & lxiii/ & the xviii year of Charles forenamed yet King of France/ & reigned years viii In the time of this kings reign, saint Edmond King of east Angles was martyred of the princes Danus and Martyrus. Ca c.lxix. 
fo. xcvi.  Aluredus or Alphredus the four son of Adeulphus, in the year of our Lord viii C.lxxii, began his reign over the westsaxons/ & the xxxi year of Charles forenamed yet King of France/ and reigned years xxviii ca clxxi. 
fo. xcviii.  Louis Balbus, the second of that name & son of Chales the bald, began his reign over the frenchmen, in the year of grace viii C.lxviii/ and the vi year of Alerude than King of westsaxons/ & reigned years ii ca c.lxxiiii. 
fo. ci.  Louis & Charles the sons of Louis Balbus, began to reign jointly over the Frenchmen, in the year of our lord viii C. & lxxx/ & the viii year of alured than King of westsaxons/ and reigned years .v. ca lxxv. 
folio c.ii  Louis the four of the name, & son of Charles last remembered, began his reign over France, in the year of grace viii. C.lxxx. and vi/ & the xiiii year of Aluredus yet King of westsaxons/ & reigned years viii. Ca lxxvii. 
fo. C.iiii  Eudo or Oddo the son of Robert Earl of Angeowe, began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our lord viii C.lxxx. & xv/ and the xxiii year of Aluredus yet King of westsaxons/ and reigned years ix ca lxxviii. 
folio. C.iiii  Edward surnamed the elder, & son of alured or alphred, began his reign over the more part of England, in the year of our Lord ix C. and one/ & the vi year of Eudo than King of France/ & reigned years xxiiii. Ca c.lxxix. 
fo. C.iiii  Charles surnamed the Simple, & son of the four Louis, beganen his reign over the realm of France, in the year of our Lord ix C.iiii/ & the iii year of Edward than King of England/ and reigned years xxiiii ca c.lxxxi. 
fo. c.vi.  Radulphus the son of Richard duke of Burgoyne, began his reign over France, in the year of our Lord ix. C. & xxii/ & the xxi year of Edward yet King of England/ & reigned years xii ca lxxxiii. 
fo. c.viii  Ethelstanus the son of Edward the elder, begun his reign over the more party of England, in the year of our lord ix C. & xxv & the third year of Rauffe than King of France/ & reigned years xvi This King brought britain or England to one monarchy. But yet after some writers alured did it. Ca c.lxxxiiii. 
fo. c.viii.  Louis the .v. of that name, and son of Charles the simple, begun his reign over France, in the year of our lord ix C. & xxxiiii/ & the ix year of Ethelstane than King of England/ & reigned years xxi ca c.lxxxvi. 
fo. c.x.  Edmound the brother of Ethelstane & son of Edward the elder, began his reign over England, in the year of our lord ix C. & xli/ & the vii year of the .v. Louis than King of France/ and reigned years vi ca c.lxxxviii. 
folio. c.xiii.  Edredus the brother of Edmound, begun his reign over England, in the year of our Lord ix & xlvii/ and the xiii year of the forenamed Louis yet king of France/ and reigned years ix ca c.lxxxix. 
fo. c.xiiii.  Lotharius the eldest son. of the .v. Lowis, was anointed king of France, in the year of our lord ix C. & xl/ and viii. Year of Edwardus then King of England/ & reigned years after most writers xxxix ca c.xc. 
fo. c.xiiii.  Edwynus the eldest son of Edmound brother of Ethelstane, was anointed King of England, in the year of our lord ix C.lvi/ & the second year of Lothayre than King of France/ & reigned years iii ca c.xcii. 
fo. c.xvi.  Edgarus the second son of Edmound & brother of Edwin, begun to reign over England, in the year of grace ix C. & lx/ & the .v. year of Lotharius than King of France/ & reigned years xvi ca c.xciii. 
fo. c.xvi.  Edward the son of Edgare surnamed the Martyr, begun his reign over the isle of England, in the year of our Lord ix C.lxxvii/ & the xxii year of Lothayre yet King of France/ and reigned years four ca c.xcvi. 
fo. C.xix  Egelredus the son also of Edgare, was made King of England, in the year of grace ix C.lxxx. &. one/ & the xxvi year of Lothayre yet king of France/ and reigned years xxxvi ca xcvii. 
folio. C.xx  Louis the vi of the name, & son of Lothayr/ begun his reign over Fraunc in the year of our lord ix C.lxxxvi/ & the v. year of Egelbertus then king of England/ & reigned years iii In this King endeth the line of Pepyn ca cc.i 
fo. c.xxiiii.  Hugt Capet the son of Roberte the tyrant, descended of Hugh le grand begun to take upon him or usurp the crown of France, in the year of our lord ix C. & ix/ and the ix year of Egelrede/ and ruled years ix ca cc.ii 
folio. c.xxvi.  Robert the son of Hugh, began to reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our lord ix C.lxxx/ and xviii year of Egelredus than King of England/ and reigned years xxx ca cc.iii. 
folio. c.xxvii.  Edmounde Ironsyde the son of Egelredus, with also Canutus the son of Swanus, begun to reign over England, in the year of our lord. M. and xvii/ & the xix year of Robert than King of France/ & reigned one year. Ca cc.iiii. 
fo. c.xxvii.  Kanutus which in the English book is named Knougth, begun after the death of Edmound to reign alone over England, in the year of grace. M. and nineteen/ & the twenty year of Robert than King of France/ and reigned years xix ca cc.v. 
fo. c.xxviii.  Henry the son of Robert begun his dominion over France, in the year of our lord. M. & xxix/ & the ten year of Canutus than king of England, & reigned years xxxi ca cc.vii. 
fo. c.xxx.  harold surnamed Harefote the son Canutus, began to reign over England, in the year of our Lord. M. and xxxix/ & the ten year of Henry than King of France/ and ruled years iii ca cc.viii. 
fo. c.xxxi.  Hardikynitus or Hardiknought, the son of Canutus & of Emma, was made king of England, in the year of our lord. M. & xli/ & the xii year of Henry than King of France/ and reigned years ii In this King ended the line of the Danes, that had continued in this land in great persecution above two. C.l. years. Ca cc.ix 
fo. c.xxxii.  Edward the holy confessor, & son of Egelredus and of Emma his last wife, begun his reign over the realm of England, in the year of our Lord a M. and xliii/ & the four year of Henry than King of France/ and reigned in virtue and holiness years xxiiii In this kings time the chapel of walsynghm was first builded, in the year of our lord. M.lxi ca cc.x 
fo. c.xxxiii.  Philippe the first of the name and son of Henry, begun to govern the French men, in the year of our lord a. M.lxviii and the xvi year. of Edward the confessor than King of England/ and reigned years xlviii 
 Godfrey of Bulyon & not Boleyn, in this philip's time got by strength the city of Jerusalem/ & was crowned king of the same, in the year of our lord m.xcix ca cc.xu 
fo. c.xxxviii.  harold the eldest son of Earl Goodwin, begun to reign over englishmen in the year of our lord. M.lxvi/ and the viii. Year of Philippe than King of France/ and reigned years ix ca cc.xvi. 
fo. c.xxxviii.   
Thus endeth the vi part that containeth iii C.lxxxi. Years.   

WIllyam duke of Normandy the bastard son of Robert the vi duke of the said province, begun his reign over the realm of England, in the xu day of Octobre, and year of our lord. M.lxvii/ & the ix year of the first Philipe yet King of France & reigned year upon xxii In the twenty year of this King, the church of saint Poule with a great part of London was burned. This kyns founded the monasteries of battle and Barmundesey. Ca cc.xix. 
fo. c.xlii.  wyllyam surnamed the Rede and son of wyllyam conqueror, began his reign over England, in the month of July & year of our lord a. M.lxxx. & ix/ & xxxi year of Philippe forenamed yet king of France & reigned years xii ca cc.xxiii. 
fo. c.xlvii.  Henry surnamed Beawclerke and third son of wyllyam conqueror, begun his reign over England, in the year of our lord. M.C. & one/ and in the xliii year of the foresaid Phylyp yet King of France/ & reigned years xxxv. Ca cc.xxvi. 
fo. c.l.  Louis surnamed the great, and son of the first Philippe, was anointed king of France, in the year our lord M.C. & vii/ and the vi year of the first Henry than King of France/ and reigned years xxix capi. cc.xxx. 
folio c.lu  Stephan Earl of boloing & son unto the Earl of Blesens, & of the wives sister of Henry the first, begun his reign over England, in the year of grace. M.C. & xxxvi/ and the last year of Louis the great/ & reigned years nineteen. Ca cc.xxxii. 
fo. c.lvii.  Louis the viii of the name and son of Louis the great, begun his reign over France, in the year of our lord M.C.xxxvi/ & the first year of Stephan than King of England/ & reigned years xliii ca cc.xxxiiii. 
folio. C.lx  Henry the second of that name, & son of Geffrey Plantagenet and of mould the Empress, begun his reign in England, in the year of our Lord M.C. and lv/ and the xix year of Louis the viii than King of France/ and reigned years xxxv Saint Edward the confessor was translated in the ix year of this King. And about the xvi year of his reign saint Thomas of Caunterbury was martyred. cap. cc.xxxvi. 
folio. c.lxii.  Philippe the second of that name surnamed a Deu done, son of the viii. Louis, began his reign in France, in the year our lord a thousand. C. and lxxix/ and xxiiii year of Henry the second than King of England/ and reigned years xliii ca cc.xli. 
fo. c.lxviii.   
Thus endeth the table of the first volume.    

FOR THAT IN the accounting of the years of the world; from the creation of Adam unto the incarnation of Criste; been many & sundry opinions/ as the Hebrews, which account for the said term iii thousand ix hundred lxiii years/ the seventy interpreters reckon .v. M.C.lxxx. and xix years. Some there be, that reckon v. M.lxxx. and xix years/ and some v. thousand. CC. & xxviii years. In the third book & first chapter of Polycronycon been also showed divers opinions, whereof the greatest number and most certain is v. thousand and. CC. years. And in other places also, some reckon more, and some have less/ by reason whereof the times been diversly set and accounted/ as the first foundation of Rome/ the subversion of the famous city of Troy/ the first building of the city of London/ & diverse other old things. But for I see, that the account of the seventy interpreters is of holy Beda, and many other holy writers allowed and followed: therefore I intending to show in this rude work following, what year of the world Brute entered first this isle, then called albion, and now England/ purpose to keep the said account, whereof the particulars ensue: that is to wit, first from Adam to Noeflowyd xxii hundred and xlii. Years  
From Noah to Abraham flowed ix hundred and xlii years.  
From Abraham to David flowed ix. hundred and xl. Years.  
From David to the captivity of the jews passed four hundred lxxx and v. years.  
And from the captivity to the coming of Christ .v. hundred lxxx & ten years.  
The which in all make .v. thousand, a hundred, lxxx. and nineteen. Years.  
AFter which account moste according to the purpose of this work, all be it that diverse opinions thereof been left in writing and of diverse authors: the famous city of Troy was subverted of the Greeks, as witnesseth holy Eusebius and other, in the year of the world four M. and xxiii  
Also following the said account, as witnesseth the foresaid Euseby & diverse other, the city of Rome was begun to be builded in the xi. Year of Ezechias then King of Juda/ the which year maketh after the said auctors, the year of the world four thousand; four hundred, lxx. And the said auctors affirm, that the said city of Rome was edified after the subversion of Troy, iiii. hundred and xlvii. Years. By which reason it must follow, that is was builded in the year of the world, as is above said.  
Peter pictauiensis and other testify, that Brute entered first the isle of albion, now called England, in the xviii year of the pressed & judge of Israel named Hely. And as after myth divers auctors/ the said Hely began to rule the Israelites, the year of the third age: that is from Abraham to David viii hundred, lxi. Which maketh the years of the world four thousand and xlv  
whereunto if there be joined the above said. cxviii. Years: then must it follow, that Brute should enter this land, in the year of the world four thousand lxiii To this agreeth the author of Polycronicon/ which saith, that Brute entered Albion xl years after the subversion of Troy. Which xl. Years joined to the former saying of Eusebius, maketh the said number of four thousand and lxiii years.  
Also a writer of histories called Jacobus Philippus, affirmeth that Troy was taken by the Greeks, in the third year that Abdon or Labdon, judged the israelites. Which began his rule over the said israelites, after the accord of most writers/ in the year of the world four thousand and twenty whereunto if there be joined three years for the third year of his rule, in which year Troy (as before is said) was taken/ and xl years that passed or Brute pierced albion: it must follow, the Brute entered first. This i of Albyon (as before is said) in the year of the world four thousand and lxiii  
Then by these foresaid reasons Brute took possession of this isle of albion/ in the year of the world, as before is said, before the building of the city of Rome, as by the foresaid reasons may be also proved four hundred and vii years: and before the incarnation of our blessed saviour following the same account/ a thousand an hundred xxx and vi. Years.  
¶ Thus endeth thaccounting of the years of the world, from the creation of Adam unto the incarnation of christ.  

THE prologue  

When I advertise in my remembrance  
The manifold stories, in order duly set  
Of kings & princes, the whilom had governance  
Of Rome and italy, and other further fet  
As of Jews & Greeks, the which have no let  
But that men may see in order seriously  
How long they reigned, & how successively.   

Of France and other I might likewise report  
To their great honour, as of them doth appear,  
But to England if I shall resort  
Right misty stories, doubtful and unclear  
Of names, of times, and of the duraunt year  
That Kings or Princes ruled that famous isle  
Almost uncertain how I should guide my style.   

And for of cunning I am full destitute  
To bring to frame so great a mystery:  
I nill presume without other refute  
To join such a work, or it to rectyfye  
To me it seemeth so far set awry  
In time of years, to other dyscordaunt  
That to my dull wit it is not atteynaunt   

To bring in order a thing of such weight  
And cause it to agree with other old stories,  
But it to remit to them that been sleight  
And sharp in lecture, and have kept their studies  
And sought the books of many old histories  
And have in chronicles full experience  
To frame such a work by their great prudence.   

And I like the prentyse, that hewyth the rough stone  
And bringeth it to square with hard strokes & many  
That the master after may it overgone  
And print therein his figures and his story  
Any so to work it after his proporcynary  
That it may appear to all that shall it see  
A thing right perfit, and well in each degree.   

So have I now set out this rude work  
As rough as the stone not comen to the square  
That the learned, and the studied clerk  
May it over polish, and clean do it pair  
Flowryshe it with eloquence, whereof it is bare  
And frame it in order, that yet is out of joint  
That it with old authors may 'gree in every point.   

beseeching him, that will so take the pain  
Or any other, that list on this to look  
where any error in this by him is say  
It to correct and mend this rude book  
For by him that never yet any order took  
Or 'gree of school, or sought for great cunning  
This work is gathered with small understanding.   

Not for any pomp, nor yet for great meed  
This work have I taken on hand to compile  
But only because that I would spread  
The famous honour of this fertile isle  
That hath continued by many a long while  
In excellent honour with many a royal guide  
Of whom the deeds have sprung to the world wide.   

But of those deeds me list not here to show  
For in the sequel they shall well appear  
And in short process, and in as words few  
As I goodly may, I shall link in fere  
The stories of England, and france so dear  
That to the reader it may well be sayne  
what Kings to guider ruled these lands twain.   

And in the pryncypyll of the reign of every King  
As well of one and other more and less  
what year of the world he took beginning  
To guide his realm: and farther business  
I will eke take, to show and express  
what term of years every Prince did reign.  
And in what honour he did his time maintain.   

The time also how long the Brytons ruled,  
And how by Saxons they lastly were put out.  
Then of Danes/ which both lands defoiled  
By their outrage/ and of their fury stout:  
Of whom both nations stood long in great doubt,  
Till France with them allied by marriage  
And England lastly voided that lineage.   

Then how the normans, by william conqueror,  
Entrede this land, and held the seygnory  
A certain of time, till the high governor  
Restored the blood of Saxons enterly  
And of the Scots, that never could apply  
To keep their allegiance/ but many a time rebelled  
And to be true were full often compelled.   

The fatal war, that hath dured so long  
between France and England, to both their damage  
And of the peace, that hath been underfang  
Both by great oaths/ and eke by marriage.  
Of wales geryshenesse/ and of their light dotage  
How they were scourged for their unsteadfastness,  
with divers other, which I shall after express.   

And for that London, that ancient city  
Hath ever persevered in virtuous noblesse  
To the great honour, as may considered be,  
Of all this land/ in wealth and great largesse  
Therefore I think somewhat to express  
Of their good order, and civil policy  
That they so long have ruled their city by.   

And of their rulers/ as they are yearly chosen  
To rule the commonty by their discretion,  
I shall you show, and to you dysclosen  
The names of mayors and sheriffs of that town  
And all such acts/ as by revolucyone  
In their days fill/ so that there shall appear  
The princes acts, which changed year by year.   

Of France also the chronicle shall ensue  
In his dew order/ so that ye may know,  
when they began their Princes to renew  
And from the servage when they were kept low  
Of the romans/ whom they did overthrow  
And of their names that they whilom did change  
Of their first baptism, and of their names strange.   

Thus in this book may you here and see  
Of both lands the chronicles entire,  
with other matters/ which regystred be  
Of old writers, such as wrote full clear  
Acts of Princes done both far and near,  
And them engrossed with great diligence:  
whereby to their followers might grow experience.   

Into vii parts I have this book divided  
So that the reder may choose where he will.  
The first containeth, how the Brytons guided  
This land from Brute, Moliuncius until.  
And from Moliuncius I have set for skill  
To the ninth year of King Cassibelan  
The second part/ for that the Romans than   

Conquered britain. And thence to Severyne  
The third part I have also assigned.  
The fourth end then at Constantyne.  
The fift at Cadwallader I have also dyffned.  
At the conquest I have eke determined  
The vi part. And of the seventh or last  
At our redoubted Prince I have the end cast.   

Henry the vii whom god preserve and save,  
And him defend from all adversity,  
beseeching them that will the labour have  
This book to read/ or any part to se  
That where default is/ it may corrected be  
without disdain/ and that they will support  
And aid this work with all their comfort.   

And for this book includeth stories feel,  
And to wchyth things done in sundry place  
So that one time must with an other deal  
To keep the years, the time, and the space  
Therefore this name it shall now purchase  
(concordance of stories) by me provided  
The auctor sans nome finally devised.   

And for this work may have the better speed  
To prayer me thinketh it is right necessary  
That I should fall, considering my need  
That I must have, for lack of due study,  
where through that cunning and perfit memory  
Of things taken, when I was young and hind  
Ben far set of, and put from my mind.   

By this is ignorance now comen in place  
And oblivion hath set in his foot  
So that knowledge from me they done race,  
whereby in old auctors I might find some boot  
In latin and French, that in their dities swoot  
These old writers have so compendiously  
Set the old stories in order diligently.   

But in this prayer I think nought to be used  
As dyddyn these poets in their old days,  
which made their prayers to gods abused  
As Jupiter and Mars, that in their old laws,  
were named gods, and feigned in their saws,  
That they were gods of battle and richesse  
And had in them great virtue and prowess.   

For what may help these feigned gods all  
As Saturn or Mercury, or yet bright Apollo,  
Bacchus, or Neptune, or Pluto the thrall,  
Aeolus, Morynos, or blind Cupid,  
Or yet that goddess, the fair Juno,  
Diana, or Pallas, or Ceres the fire,  
Or yet the Musys that been thrice three?   

whereto should I call unto Calliope  
Mother of Orpheus, with sweet armony  
That of eloquence hath the sovereignty,  
Or to Carmentis, which by her first study  
The Latin letters found out perfitly  
sins all these were mynystres of god immortal  
And had in them no power dyvynall?   

wherefore to the Lord, that is celestial  
I will now cry, that of his influence  
Of grace and mercy, he will a drop let fall,  
And sharp my wit with such experience,  
That this may finish with his assistance,  
with favour of the virgin, his mother most excellent,  
To whom I thus pray, with mind and hole intent.   

Assit principio sancta Maria meo.   

Most blessed lady, comfort to such as call  
To the for help, in each necessity,  
And what thou aydest, may in no wise apalle  
But to the best is formed in ilk degree:  
wherefore good lady, I pray it may please the  
At my beginning my pen so to lead  
That by thine aid this work may have good speed    

THE first chapter.  
sins that I have showed unto you, what season and time of the years of the world Brute entered first this isle of albion: me seemeth it is convenient, that I also show how and for what cause it was first named albion. The which so took first name, as witnesseth Strabo and other writers, of the white clives or rocks, that stand upon the sees side, and are far seen in clear wether and bright days. Whereof it was of old writers named albion, as it were the white land. Which saying affirm also ranulph & diverse other: so that it may certainly be known, that it took not that first name of Albyne daughter of Dioclecyan King of Sirye, as in the english chronicle is affirmed. For in all old stories or chronicles is not found, that any such King of that name reigned over the syrians, or yet assyrians: nor yet any such story, that his xxx daughters should slay their xxx husbands, as there is surmised, was put in writing. Which, if any such wonder had been there wrought, should not have been unremembered of the writers & auctors of that parties: considering that many less wonders are put in writing by the said writers. Wherefore it is more apparent, that it took that first name of albion, as above is said/ then of Albyne daughter of the said Diocletian.  
And as to the giants that Brute found in this isle at his arryvayll, they might be brought into this land by some mean of ships or other wise, rather than to be borne of those women, as there also is imagined.  
Of this isle the auctors Alpherd and Beda tell many wonders/ which in the first book of Policronycon are sufficiently touched, where it is said, that this isle is called an other world. For as saith Solinus, the edge of the French cliff should be the end of the world, if this island ne were not. Many other things been there specified, the which I pass over.  
This isle is closed on all sides with the see/ & stretcheth in length out of the sowth into the north/ having in the sowthest side France/ in the south the land of Spain/ in the north the country of Norway/ & in the West the country of Irland. And hath in length from Totnesse to Catenessey xu miles beyond Mychell Stowe in cornwall upon viii hundred miles. And to reckon the breed from saint david's land in wales called Menema to Dover cliffs: it containeth after most writers iii hundred miles. And if it be reckoned from the said place in wales, unto parmouthe in Norfolk, not so much, but less by lx miles, after some writers. And Beda saith it containeth over. CC. miles. And this isle was first as above is said, named Albyon: and secundaryly Britain after Brute: & third 〈…〉 of Anglis by commandment of Egberte King of Anglys, and of westsaxons: all be it that after some writers it was called Anglia, after the name of the Queen of this land name Anglia: albe it that thereof is found little authority.  
This isle was first conquered by the romans/ and so continued unto them as tributary, and under their rule, as after in the end of the story of Gracianus shall appear, over four hundred years: secondly by the Saxons: thirdly by the Danies: & four by the Normans: and was divided first by Brute in three parts/ as in the story shall appear following.   

THE. II. chapter.  
BRute of the ancient and noble blood of Trojans, descended of Aeneas a Trojan and of the daughter of Priam's King of the Trojans: which Aeneas received of his said wife a son named Ascanius, the which was King of the country of italy next after his father Aeneas.  
For so it was, that after the foresaid city of Troy was, as before is said, by the Greeks subverted: Aeneas, which intended to have saved from death the fair Polixena daughter of King Priam's/ was for that deed by Agamemnon, duke or chief leader of the Greeks, exiled from Troy: the which accompanied with a great number of Trojans, within three years after his departing from Troy, landed in the country of italy. And there after diverse conflycties and battles had with Latynus then King of italy: he married by the agreement of the said latinuses, his daughter named Lauina. Upon the which he got a son, and named him Silvius Posthumus: of the which after some writers descended Brutus first King of Albyon. But for a more concordance of this work and convenyencye of years, As testifieth Policronia, Guydo de Colunna, writer of stories, & other: Ascanius the first son of Aeneas, gotten upon his first wife, had a son named Silvius/ which after some writers is named Silvius Aeneas: this Silvius Aeneas was father to Brute. Of this is divers opinions, whereof some are manifestly showed in the xxvii chapter of the second book of Polycronycon.  
Then it followeth in the story: this Brute being of the age of xu years, slew his father in shooting at a wild best. And as some authors have/ he slew also his mother in time of his birth. But for the last deed, by agreement of all writers, he was banished the country: and after by fortune landed with his conpanye in a province of Grece/ where at the time reigned a King named Pandrasus, or after some writers Pandarus: the which King, as affirm Geffrey of Monmouth, was lineally descended of the blood of Achilles.  
In this province Brute found many Trojans, as captivys & thrall to the Greeks, with the which he conspired & fought with the Greeks sundry times: & lastly for a final concord took to wife the daughter of the said Pandrasus, name Ignogen. After which marriage solemnized: the said Brute, by counsel of the Troyans, with a certain of ships well victualed/ departed out of Grece, and sought his adventure. Which after many dangers of the passed/ he landed with his company in a part or isle of Africa named (as saith Guydo and other) Lergesia. Within which isle at those days stood an old temple dedicate in the honour of diva or Diana a goddess of misbelieved people. The which temple, when Brute had apperceived anon he yode into it/ where kneeling before the altar, with great devotion, said these verses following. 
Diva potens nemorum: terror syluestribus apris,  
Cui licet amfractus ire per aethereos.  
Infernasque domos, terestria iura resolve,  
Et dic quas terras nos habitare velis.  
Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in aemon,  
Qua tibi virgineis templa dicabo choris.   
The which verses are to be understanden in our mother tongue as after is exponed. 
celestial goddess, that weldest frith a wood  
The wild bore & beasts thou feryst by thy might  
Guider of shipmen passing the ragyone flood.  
The infernal houses, for and the earth of right,  
Behold, and search, and show where I shall fight  
Tell the certain place, where everlastingly  
A temple of virgin to thee I shall edify.   
After which prayer & observances after the pagan rite, with great devotion done and exercised about the altar of the said goddess or idol in those days used: Brute fill in a sleep. In time of which sleep appeared to him the said goddess, and said to him in manner & form as followeth. 
Brute sub occasum solis trans Gallica regna  
Insula in oceano est undeque clausa mari:  
Insula in oceano est habitata gigantibus olins,  
Nunc deserta quidem, gentibus apta tuit.  
Hic de prose tua reges nascentur, & ipsis  
Totius terrae subditus orbis erit.  
Hanc pete, nanque tibi sedes erit in illa perhennis:  
Hic fiet natis altera Troia tuis.   
The which verses may be englished as here after followeth. 
Brute, far by weffe, over the land of France  
An isle in ocean there is, all closed with the see  
This isle with giants whilom inhabit by chance  
Now being desert, as apt for thy people & the.  
In this of thy body Kings borne shallbe  
And of this isle. thou shall be Lord and King  
search this, for here a perpetual see to the  
And here to thy children a new City shall spring.    

THE. III. chapter.  
WHen Brute awoke and remembered him of this vision: anon he called to him such as he most trusted/ and showed to them what he had seen & hard. Whereof they all being greatly rejoiced: caused great fares to be made, in the which they cast wine, milk, and other liquors, with diverse aromate and spices of moste sweetest odour, as in the old pagan laws and rites were used.  
which observance with other done: with great joy and mirth they entered into their ships, and pulled up their sails, & took their course westward. And so sailed by the space of xxx days passing by many adventures and dangers/ as of Philenes, the lake called Lacus salinarum or salt lake, or the place where salt is made, the river called Malea, & Hercules pillars/ & came lastly to the see Tyrrhen or Turon, where he encountered with a small navy of ships/ of the which a Trojan and nephew to Brute called Corineus was captain. when either of them had saluted other, & rejoiced of their meeting: they to guider made toward land, and landed in the province of Gallia, now called Guyan: of which province at that day a Prince named Groffarius was ruler. The which having knowledge of the landing of these straunges: with his power made toward them, & to them gave battle. But the Trojans were victors and overcame Groffarius with all his knights.  
In this battle was slain a noble Trojan & nephew to Brute named Turonus, and there buried. Wherefore in remembrance of the said Turonus Brute builded there a city, and named it Turon as some authors testify. But it should seem by the saying of Polycronyca/ that thilk city Turon was builded afore: all be it that the author of Cronica cronicarum affirm it to be builded by Brute in remembrance of his said cousin Turonus, which city at this day is yet great fame with in the realm of France.  
This done, the said Brutes & Corineus with their Troyans took again shiping/ the which after three days or few days sailing, landed at an haven or port in cornwall, named at this day Totnesse: & from thence yode searching the land and country, the year as before is said iiii. Thousand lxiii/ before the building of Rome following the foresaid account four hundred and twenty before the incarnation of christ xi hundred, & xxxvi: and before Alexander the great conquered the world, eight hundred and xi: also before any King reigned over the Frenshe men/ or that they were clear quite of their trewage again the romans, xv. hundred and lvi   

THE. four chapter.  
Return we then to Brute/ which after his landing in this isle of albion: circuyd & searched the land over all/ and found it full fertile & plenteous of wood and of grass, and garnished with many fair rivers and streams. And in his travailing the land/ he was encountered with many great and mighty giants/ the which he destroyed. Among the which as rehearseth that english chronicle: was one of passing strength named Gogmagog/ the which he caused to wrestle with Cormeus or Coryne his nephew beside Dover: in which wrestling that giant broke a rib in the side of Cormeus. where through Corineus being sore amoved, with great strength supprysed that giant, & cast him down the rock of Dover. By reason whereof as affirm the said english chronicle, the place was named the fall of Gogmagog.  
But after that the name was changed & called the fall of Dover/ which to this day enduryth. For this deed and other Brute gave unto his said nephew Corineus or Coryn the hole country of cornwall.  
And when Brute had thus destroyed the giants, & searched the said isle of Albyon thoroughly: he coming by the river of Thamis, for pleasure the he had in that river, with also the commodities thereunto adjoining/ began there to build a city in the remembrance of the city of Troy lately subverted, & named it Troynovant/ which is as much to say as new Troy: which name endured till the coming of Lud after King of britain upon the time of a thousand lxviii. Year. But the said King commanded it to be called Luddys' town/ which by shortness of speech is now called London.  
Then when Brute had thus builded his city, & saw that he was stablished in his realm quietly: he then by thadvise of his Lords/ commanded the said isle & country to be called britain and his people Brytons/ and so continued his reign prosperously. In the which time he stablished and ordered his people to live in tilling of their land and otherwise.  
This Brute had received of his wife three sons, whereof the first was named Locrinus or locrine/ the second Cambrius or Cambre/ and the third Albanactus or Albanakt. To the first and eldest, he beset this isle of britain, the which after was named middle England/ which is to mean Troynovant, with all the countries there about dying, containing est, west, & sowth. And for this cause, and for it should sound toward the name of the said locrine: this part of britain was long after called Loegria or Logiers.  
To the second son Cambre, he beset or appointed to him the country of wales/ the which was first named after him Cambria. This in the east side was sometime departed from England by the river of Severne: But now in the north side the river named Dee at Chester departeth England and wales: and in the sowth the river that is called Uaga at the castle of stryngling parteth England and wales.  
To the third son Albanakt, he beset the north part of this isle, and named it Albyon/ or more verily the said country took after the name of the said third son, and was called Albania. This country was after named scotland/ and is divided from Loegria or Logiers, as saith holy Beda by two arms of the see, but they meet not. The east arm of these two beginneth about two. Miles from the minster of eburcuring, in the west side of Penulton. The West arm of those twain hath in the right side or sometime had, a strong city named Acliud, which in the Brettysshe tongue was called Clynt●ton, & standeth upon the river called Clynt  
Thus when Brute had divided this isle of britain, as before is showed in three parts, and had holden the principate thereof nobly by the term of xxiiii years after most concordaunce of writers: he died, and was entered or buried at troynovamt or London.   

THE. V chapter.  
Locrinus' or locrine the first or eldest son of Brute was made King of britain of the country of Logiers/ the year of the world four thousand lxxx and vii The which held to his part, as saith Policronicon, and also Guydo de Columna, the country that stretcheth from the south see unto the river of Humbre, as before is expressed.  
while this Locrinus thus reigned in Logiers: his brother Albanactus being ruler, as before is said of Albania or Scotland, was warrayed by a duke, whom the chronicle of enganld nameth Humbre/ the which slew Albanakt in plain battle.  
ye shall understand that this Humber at the day of his coming into Albania was not named Humber/ but after old writers he was called King of Hunnys or King of Sithia without other addition. This King as before is said, after he thus subdued Albanactus'/ held the land of Albania, till after the Locrinus with his brother Cambre, gathered a great power of men of arms, and yode against the said King of Hunnys/ and by strength of their Britons chased and subdued the said Hunnys so sharply, that many of them with their King were drowned in a river, which departeth England and Scotland. And for so much as to the writer of the story of Brytons, his name was declared to be Humber: therefore the said auctor affirm, that the said Humber the river took the first name of him/ which yet continueth to this day.  
Furthermore testifieth the said author, that after this victory thus obtained by these two foresaid brethren: this Locrinus enamowred himself upon a fair wench named Estrylde, and daughter of the forenamed Humber/ and her kept unleefully by a certain of tyme. where with his wife named Guendoloena being sore discontent/ excited her father and friends to make war upon the said locrine her husband. In the which war lastly he was slain/ when he had reigned or ruled Loegria or Logiers after the concordance of most writers twenty years: and was buried by his father in the city of troynovaunt/ leaving after him a young son gotten upon his wife named Madan.   

THE vi chapter.  
GUendoloena or Guendoleyne the wife of Locrinus, & daughter of Corineus duke of cornwall/ for so much as Madan her son was young to govern the land: was by common assent of all the Britons made ruler of the isle of britain, the year of the world four thousand, a hundred and vii And so having possession of the said isle, we'll and discreetly she ruled it, to the comfort of her subjects/ till the time her son Madan came unto his lawful age. At the which season she gave over the rule and dominion to him/ after she had ruled (as before is said) this isle xv. Years.   

THE VII. Chapter.  
MAdan the son of locrine & of Guendolyne before named: was made ruler of Britain, in the year of the world iiii. Thousand. C. and xxii Of this is little or no memory made by any writers/ except that some write of him, that he used great tyranny among his Brytons. Nevertheless all or the more part of writers agreen/ that he ruled this isle of britain by the term of xl years. At the end of which term, he being at his disport or hunting, was of wild beasts or wolfs slain or devoured: and left after him two sons, as saith Policronica, named Menprecius & Manlius.   

THE VIII. Chapter.  
MEnprecius the eldest son of Madan was made ruler of britain/ in the year of the world iiii thousand. C.lxii But he reigned not long in peace. For his younger brother Manlius, of a malicious and covetise mind intending to be King, and to expel or subdue his brother: excited the Britons, in such wise to rebel again Menprecius, the great and deadly war continued long among them. How be it lastly by mediations of friends, a day of communication in loving manner ner attwene these two brethren was appointed. At which day of assemble Menpricius by treason slew his brother Manlius/ after whose death he lived in more tranquylite and rest. where through he fill into sloth, and by mean of sloth into unleeful liking and lechery/ and by that vice into hatred of his subjects by taking of their wives and childer: and finally became so unhappy, that he forsook his leeful wife and concudynes, and fill into the sin of sodomy. Thus from one vice he grew into another/ so that he became audible to god and man: and lastly going on huntynge, and lost of his people/ was destroyed of wild beasts, when he had reigned twenty years: leaving after him a goodly yonling begotten of his leeful wife named Ebranke.   

THE. IX. Chapter.  
EBranke the son of Menprecius was made ruler of this land of britain/ in the year of the world four thousand a hundred, lxxx. and ii: and had, as testifieth Policronica, Gaufryde, & other writers xxi wives: of the which he received twenty sons and xxx daughters/ whereof the fairest was named Gwales, or after some Gualea. He sent these daughters to Albia Silvius, which was the xi King of italy, or the vii King of latins/ to the end to have them married to the blood of Trojans. This Ebranke was also a man of fair statute, & of great strength, & by his power and might he enlarged his dominion/ in so much that he wan and occupied a great part of Germania by the aid and help of the latins/ and returned thence with great prey & riches. After which return, he builded the city of Caerbrank now called york: which should be, as saith the author named Flos historiarum, or the flower of histories written in French/ in the xxiii year of the reign of the said Ebranke. which account to follow, it should seem that Troynovant or London was builded before the said city of york, about an hundred and xl years: supposing the city of London to be begun in the second year of Brutus' reign.  
Also he builded in Albania or Scotland the castle of maidens, the which is called Edynborgh. After which edifices ended and made: he with a great army sailed into Gallia now France, and subdued the Gallis, and returned with great triumph and richesse. And when he had guided this land of britain nobly by the term of lx years, after most concordance of writers, he died, and was buried at Caerbrank or york/ leaving after him for his heir his eldest son (as saith Gaufryde) named Brute Greneshyelde.   

THE. X. chapter.  
BRute Greneshyelde, the son of Ebranke, was made governor of this land of britain/ the year of the world four thousand ii hundred and xlii. Of this Brute is no memory made touching any fame/ except the Gaufryde saith that he ruled this land of britain (his father living) a certain time/ & after his father by the term of xii years. The which years expired or ended: he died, and lieth buried at Caerbrank or york, leaving after him a son named Leyll.   

THE. XI. Chapter.  
LEillus or Leyr son of Brute Greneshielde/ was made ruler of britain, in the year of the world iiii. M.cc & liv. This was a just man & a lover of peace & equity/ & in his time made the town of Caerleyr or Carlyle, and ruled this land well and honourably by the term of xxv years, as testifieth the forenamed Gaufryde: and after died, and was buried at Caerleyr be foresaid.  
But of this Leyr speaketh some deal the above named author flower of histories saying, that in the end of his reign he fill to sloth and unleeful liking of his body: by mean whereof civil strife began to grow with in this realm/ the which was not pacified by some terms after his days: the which saying is not denied by the foresaid author Gaufrid. This Leyll left after him a son named Lud, or after some writers he was named Lud Hurdibras.   

THE. XII. Chapter.  
Lord or Lud Hurdibras the son of Leyll, was made ruler of the land of britain, in the year of the world four thousand ii hundred and. ixxix. This also of Gaufryde is called Hurdibras: the which after he was stablished in his reign/ appeased and drew to accord of the discord and variance that had sprung in his father's lives tyme. The which discreetly appeased and ended/ he builded the town of Kaerkyn, now called Caunterbury: the town also of Kaerguen, now called wynton or wynchester: and also a town called Mount Paladour, now named Septon or Shaftisbury. In the time of building, of which town of Septon, as affirm mine author Gaufride, an eagle there spoke certain words, the which he saith he will not declare or write for any certainty. Thus when this said Lud had ruled this land nobly by the term of xxxix years, he died, & left after him a son named Baldud.   

THE. XIII. Chapter.  
BAldud the son of Lud Hurdibras, was made governor of britain in the year of the world iiii. thousand iii hundred and xviii This as testyfyed Gaufryde, Polycronica, and other, was well and sufficiently instruct in the connynges or sciences of astronomy & nigromancye. By them he made the hot baths within the town of Caerbadon, now named Bathe: the which town or city he also builded. But to that repugnyth wyllyam de Malmesbury, saying that the foresaid hot baths were made by the industry, or of the industry of julius cesar first Emperor of Rome. This Baldud as affirm the foresaid author Gaufride: taught this lore of necromancy through his realm: & finally took in it such pride & presumpsyon/ that he took upon him to i'll in the air. But he fill upon the temple of his god Apolyn, & thereon was all to torn/ when he had ruled britain by the space of twenty years, leaving after him a son named Leyr.   

THE. XIIII. Chapter.  
LEyr the son of Baldud was made ruler over the Britons, the year of the world four M.ccc. & xxxviii. This Leyr was noble of conditions, & guided his land & subjects in great wealth. He made the town of Caerleyr now called leicester or Leycester. And all be it that this man held long the principate of britain: yet of him is nothing left worthy memory, except that Gaufryde saith, that he received of his wife iii daughters only without any son/ which were named Gonorilla, Ragan, and Cordeilla, the which he much loved/ but most specially he loved the youngest, Cordeilla by name.  
when this Leyr or Leyth after some writers, was fallen in competent age, to know the mind of his three daughters, he first asked Gonorilla the eldest how well she loved him: the which calling her gods to record, said she loved him more than her own soul. With this answer the father being well contented, demanded of Ragan the second daughter, how well she loved him. To whom she answered, and affirming with great oaths, said that she could not with her tongue express the great love that she bore to him: affirming furthermore, that she loved him above all creatures. After these pleasant answers had of those two daughters, he called before him Cordeilla the youngest. The which understanding the dissimulation of her ii sisters, intending to prove her father, said: most reverent father where my two. Sisters have dissimuled with the with their pleasant word fruitless, I knowing the great love & fatherly zeal, that toward me ever before this time thou hast borne (for the which I may not speak to the otherwise than my conscience leadeth me) therefore I say to the father I have loved the ever as my father, & shall continually while I live, love the as my natural father. And if thou wilt further be inquisytyfe of the love that I to the bear: I ascertain thee, that asmyche as thou art worthy to be beloved/ even so much I love the and no more.  
The father with this answer being discontent: married his ii elder daughters, that one unto the duke of cornwall, & that other unto the duke of Albania or Scotland & divided with them two in marriage his land of Britain after his death, and the one half in hand during his natural life. And for the third Cordeilla reserved nothing.  
It so fortuned after/ that Aganippus, which the chronicle of England named Agamp and King of France/ hard of the beauty and womanhode of Cordeilla, and sent unto her father, & axed her in marriage. To whom it was answered, that the King would gladly give to him his daughter, but for dowar he would not depart with: for he had all promised unto his other two daughters.  
Aganippus thus by his messengers informed: remembered the virtues of the forenamed Cordeilla/ & without promise of dowar married the said Cordeilla.  
But here is to be noted/ that where this Aganippus or Agamp is called in diverse chronicles King of France: it can not agree with other histories, nor with the chronicle of France. For it is testified by Polycronica, by Peter Pictavyence, by Master Robert Gagwyne, by Bishop antonine and many other chronicles: that long after this day was no King in France/ nor long after it was called France: but at this day the inhabytauntes thereof were called Galli, and were tributaries unto Rome without King, till the time of Ualentinianus Emperor of Rome/ as hereafter in this work shall be manifestly showed.  
The story of Britons saith, that in the time that Leyr reigned in Britain: the land of France was under the dominion of xii Kings, of the which Aganippus should be one. The which saying is full unlike to be true, which might be proved by many reasons, which I pass over for length of tyme.   

THE. XV. chapter.  
than it followeth in the story, after this Leyr was fallen in age, these foresaid two dukes thinking long or the lordship of britain was fallen to their hands: arrose again their father (as testifieth Gaufryde) and bereft him the governance of the land upon certain conditions to be continued for term of life: the which in process of time more and more were minished, as well by Maglaunus as by Henninus husbands of the forenamed Gonorild & Ragan. But most disposed Leyr the unkindness of his two daughters, considering their words to him before spoken and sworn/ and now found & proved them all contrary.  
For the which he being of necessity constrained: fled his land, & sailed into Gallia, for to be comforted of his daughter Cordeilla, whereof she having knowledge, of natural kindness comforted him: & after showing all the manner to her husband, by his agreement received him & his to her lords court/ where he was cherished after her best manner.  
Long it were to show unto you the circumstance of the utterans of the unkindness of his two daughters, and of the words of comfort given to him by Aganippus and Cordeilla, or of the counsel and purveyance made by the said Aganippus & his Lords for restoring of Leyr again to his dominion. But finally he was by the help of the said Aganippus restored again to his lordship/ and so possessed, lived as ruler & governor thereof by the space of iii years after. In which season died Aganippus. And when this Leyr had ruled this land by the term of xl years, as affirmeth diverse chronicles, he died and was buried at his town of Caerleir or leicester: leaving after him for to inherit the land his daughter Cordeilla.   

THE. XVI. Chapter.  
COrdeilla the youngest daughter of Leyr/ was by assent of the Brytons made lady of britain/ in the year of the world four thousand three hundred &. lxxxxviii: the which guided the land full wisely by the time or space of .v. years complete. The which time expired and run her ii nephews called Margan and Cunedagius, sons of her ii sisters came upon her land/ and made therein great waste and destruction/ and at the last took her and cast her into a strong prison/ where she being despaired of the recovery of her estate (as testifieth Gaufryde) slew herself, when she had reigned as before is declared, by the term of five years.   

THE. XVII. Chapter.  
CUnedagius and Marganus nephews as before is said, of Cordeilla, departed this land of britain between them, in the year of the world four thousand four hundred and iii That is to wit the country over and beyond Humber fill to Margan toward Catenessey: and the other part of the land toward West as rehearseth Gaufride, fill to Cunedagius.  
After two years were run & ended/ some evil disposed came unto Margan, and said, that to him it was great reproach and dishonour (considering that he was comen of Gonorilla the elder sister, & of Maglaunus her husband/ & Cunedag was descended of Ragan the younger and Hemnius her husband) that he had not the rule of all the land: to which seditious persons Margan giving credence, was surprised with pride and covetise/ and anon by their counsel assembled a great host & made war upon his said brother/ brenning and destroying his land with out mercy. Whereof Cunedag being ware, in all hast gathered his people: & after certain message sent to him of the reconciliation/ saying there was no peace to be made, but by the judgement of battle, he met with his brother in plain field: where the gods were to him so favourable, that he slew much of the people of his brother, and compelled him to i'll. After which victory thus had, he pursued Margan from country to country, till he came within the country or province of Cambria or wales: in the which country the said Margan gave one other battle unto his brother Cunedag: but for he was far the weaker, he there was overcomen and slain in the field. Which field or country, where the said Margan fought & was slain, is to this day called Glaumargan/ which is to mean in our vulgar tongue, Margan land. And thus was Margan slain, when he had reigned with his brother two years.   

THE. XVIII. Chapter.  
CUnedagius before named the son of Hemnius and Ragan younger daughter or middle daughter of Leyr, was made ruler and Lord of all britain, in the year of the world four thousand four hundred & .v. Of the which is nothing worthy memory left in writing: but that he guided the land after the death of his brother well and honourably by the term of xxxiii years. After which term ended, he died and was buried at Troynovant or London: leaving for his heir a son (as testifieth Gaufryde) named Rivallo or Rinallo/ or after some writers Reyngnolde.   

THE. XIX. Chapter.  
BIuallus the son of Cunedagius, was made governor of the Brytons/ in the year of the world four thousand four hundred and xxxviii: the which of writers is called fortunate and restful. This Rivallus ruled the Britons with great soberness, & kept the land in great wealth and prosperity/ all be it that of him is left no special memory of act done in his time/ except mine author saith, that in the time of his, reign it rained blood by the space of iii days continually within the land of britain. After the which rain ensued so great exceeding number of multitude of flies/ the which were to the people so noyous and contagyous, that they slew much people. And after that (as saith an old author, whose name is unknown) ensued great sickness and mortallytie, to the great desolation of this said land.  
Then it followeth in the story, when this Rivallus had reigned, after most concordance of writers, by the term of xlvi years: he died, & was buried, as testifieth the said old author, at Caerbrank or york/ leaving after him a son (as witnesseth Gaufride) named Gurgustius.  
In the time of the reign of this King, after most concord of writers: the famous city of Rome should be builded/ as is showed more plainly in the treatise in the beginning of this work.   

THE. XX. chapter.  
GUrgustius the son of the forenamed Rivallus, was made ruler of britain/ in the year of the world four thousane four hundred lxxxiii. This in the chronicle of England is named Gorbodiam son of Reygnold, Of the which is little memory made, other of his regne or of his deeds by any authors or writers of the history of britain/ except the above named old author, and the author called the flower of histories, witnesseth, that he reigned xxxviii. Years: leaving after him none heir of his body begotten/ and lastly died and was buried by his father at Caerbrank or york.  
Rome as above is touched, was first builded & edified in the time of Rivallus/ and after most writers In the year of the world four thousand four hundred lxx: after the building of troynovamt or London four hundred vii years: which following that account should be in the xxxii year of the foresaid Rivallus.   

THE. XXI. Chapter.  
SIsillius, or after some writers, Silvius the brother of Gurgustius, as affirmeth the foresaid old chronicle, was made chief ruler of britain/ in the year of the world four thousand .v. hundred and xxi  
This in the english book is named Seyzill. Of the which is no mention made neither of his reign nor deeds, except that Geffrey of Monmouth writer of the histories of Brytons, saith that he reigned two years. Which saying is not accordaunte with other writers. But more to the convenience of time and agreement of other cronyclers, according to the saying of the forenamed old author: he reigned by the term of xlix years/ and after died & was buried at Caerbadon or Bathe/ and left after him none heir of his body begotten.   

THE. XXII. Chapter.  
IAgo or Lago/ the cousin of Gurgustius, as witnesseth Gaufryde, as next inherytoure, was made governor of Britain/ in the year of the world four thousand .v. hundred lxx This also is unmynded of writers, other for restfulnesse of time, or else for rudeness of his deeds, that clerks list not to spend any time in writing of such deeds. Of him is nothing specified, saving the forenamed old author joineth to his time of reign xxv years: and also he saith he died without issue, and was buried by his cousin at Caerbrank or york.   

THE. XXIII. Chapter  
BInimacus the son of Sisillius as some writers have, but more veritably as saith the old chronicle, the brother of Lago, was made ruler of britain/ in the year of the world four thousand four hundred lxxx and xv: the which (as his brother before him) passed his time without any notable acts or deeds: so that of him is no more memory made, than of his brother. For the more party they that wrote the fayte & deeds of Brytons, make but a short rehearsal of these .v. Kings/ that is to say, from Ryvallo to Gorbodug/ saying that after Ryvallo succeeded Gurgustius/ after him succeeded Lago, to Lago succeeded Kinimacus/ & after Kinimacus succeeded Gorbodug. Of these .v. Kings or rulers is made little other mention. Then it followeth in the said old chronicle/ that when this Kinimacus had reigned liv. Years: he died and was buried by his brother at Caerbrank or york: leaving after him a son, as testifieth Flos historiarum/ which son was named Gorbodug.   

THE. XXIIII. Chapter.  
GOrbodug the son of Kinimacus, was made ruler of britain/ in the year of the world following the foresaid account four thousand .v. hundred and xlix which all so passed his time like unto the forenamed dukes or Kings/ without any special memory of honour noted by writers. This by most likelihood to bring histories to accord: should reign over the Brytons the term of lxiii years. Which term ended, he died and lieth buried at new Troy or London/ leaving after him two sons named Ferrex and Porrex/ or after some writers Ferreus and Porreus.   

THE. XXV. Chapter.  
FErrex with Porrex his brother, sons of Gorbodug: were jointly made governors and dukes of Britain/ in the year of the world four thousand vii hundred and xi/ and continued in amity a certain tyme. After which time expired, as witnessyth Policronica and also Gaufride, Porrex being covetous of lordship: gathered his people, unweting Ferrex his brother/ intending to destroy him. Whereof he being warned, for lack of space to assemble his people/ for safeguard of his person, fled suddenly into Gallia or France, and axed aid of a duke of Gallia named by Gaufryde Gunhardus or Suardus: the the which duke him aided and sent him again into britain with his host of Gallis. After whose landynge his brother Porrex with his Britons him meet, and gave to him battle: in the which battle Ferrex was slain with the more part of his people.  
But here discordeth mine author with some other writers, and with the chronicle of England: for they testify, that Porrex was slain, and Ferrex survived. But whether of them was living, the mother of these two brethren named widen setting a part all motherly pity: with help of her women entered the chambre (of him so living) by night/ and him there sleeping slay cruelly, and cut into small pieces. And thus died the two foresaid brethren/ after they had thus ruled britain in war and peace to the agreement of most writers .v. years.   

THE. XXVI. Chapter.  
HEre now endeth the line or of spring of Brute/ after the affermaunce of most writers. For Gaufride saith after the death of these forenamed brethren/ great discord arose among the Brytons/ the which long time among them continued: by mean whereof the people and country was sore vexed and noyed under v. Kings. And further saith Guydo de Columna, that the Brytons abhorred the lineage of Gorbodug/ for so much as first that one brother slew that other/ and more for the innaturall disposition of the murder, that so cruelly slew her own child.  
The chronicle of England saith, that after the death of the two forenamed brethren/ no rightful inheritor was left on live. Wherefore the the people were brought in great discord/ in so much that the land was divided in four parties. So that in Albania was one ruler/ in Loegria or Logiers one other ruler/ in Cambria the third duke or ruler/ & in cornwall the four duke or ruler. But of these four dukes the english chronicle alloweth Cloton duke of cornwall for most rightful heir.  
Policronyca saith that after the death of the foresaid two brethren, great discord was in the land/ which grieved the people sore under .v. Kings. But he neither reheseth the names nor the times of their regnes/ except he addeth to, that the said discord continued till the time of Moliuncius Dumuallo. So that here appeareth no time certain, how long this variance and discord among the Brytons continued. But who so list to look upon a draft made by me in english in the beginning of this book: he shall see there (if he please to cast over the times and years there expressed) that this foresaid discord continued near to the term of li years. In which draft or conceit if any man here find error: of his goodness let him amend & correct it/ and all other places where he shall by good proof find place of correction.   

THE XXVII. Chapter.  
THus here endeth the first part of this work, containing or divided in vii parts, as before is showed. And in a way of a thank to be given to our most blessed advocate & helper of all wretches, that to her list to call/ I mean the moste blessed virgin our lady saint Mary mother of christ/ for that her grace hath furthered this work hitherto/ and for to impetrate of her the grace and aid of her most merciful continuance to accomplish this work begun as before is showed, under support of her most bounteous grace here will I with humble mind salute her with the first joy of the vii joys which beginneth, 
Gaude floor virginali etc.  
Most virginal flower of all most excellent  
Piercing of angels the highest Hierarchy  
joy and be glad, for god omnipotent  
Hath the life up, and set most worthily  
Above the number and glorious company  
Of his blessed saints, with most high dignity  
next after him most honoured to be.   
This first part to be accounted from the first year of Brute, unto the last year of the foresaid discord, or unto the first year of Mulmutius: includyth of years vii hundred and four.   
¶ Thus endeth the first part   

THE second part.  

THE. XXVIII. Chapter.  
MUlmutius Dunuallo or as some have Dunuallo Mulmutius, the son of Cloten as testifieth the english book, & also Gaufride: was venquesshour of the other dukes or rulers/ and began his reign over the hole monarchy of britain, in the year of the world four thousand seven. hundred & xlviii This is named in the english chronicle Donebant: the which was a noble man, & caused to be made within the city of Troynovant a temple, and named it the temple of peace. The which after some opinions is that place or field/ where the market of woollen cloth is holden called or named Blakwelhall. He also made many good laws the which were long after used & called Mulmutius laws. These laws holy Gyldas wrote with great diligence out of the brettishe speech into Latin. And long time here after thee, Aluredus King of England turned those laws out of Latin into english. He also gave privilege to temples, to plows & cities, and to the ways leading to the same. And as some authors witness/ he began the four high ways of britain/ the which were finished and perfected of Belinus his son, as after at length shall be declared. The old chronicle testifieth that this Mulmutius, which he in his book nameth Molle, made the two towns of Malmesbury and Uyes. And all other writers affirm, that this Mulmutius, after he had stablished his land, and set his Brytons in good and convenient order: by the advice of his Lords/ he ordained him a crown or diadem of gold/ & caused himself to be crowned with great solemnity after the usance of pagan law then used. And for this cause, after the opinion of some writers/ he is named the first King of britain. And all the other before rehearsed are named rulers, dukes, or governors.  
Then it followeth in the story/ when Mulmutius had guided the land well and honourably by the term of xl. Years: he died and was buried in the foresaid temple of peace within Troynovant or London/ leaving after him two sons named Belinus and Brennus.   

THE. XXIX. Chapter.  
BElinus and Brennus the two sons of Mulmutius: began to reign jointly as Kings of britain/ in the year of the world iiii. Thousand viii C. & viii: so that Belinus held to him Loegria or Logiers, wales, and cornwall/ and Brennus held to his part all the land over & beyond Humber. with which partition either of them was contented & pleased, as testifieth Polycronica, by the term of .v. years. After the which term ended and expired Brennus' intending to have more land or all: arose against his brother Belyne, and made upon him mortal war. In the which war Brennus was overset, and was compelled to fly the land and sail unto Armorica now named little britain or as saith Gaufryde, into a country called Allebrog, as after shallbe more plainly declared/ and there allied him after the foresaid term (as before is said) of .v. years was expired as affirmeth Policronica. For Gaufryde sayeth in his book made of the history of Brytons/ that after the term of .v. years afore said were expired and run, Brennus by steering of young and evil counsel, intending as before is said: sailed unweting his brother into Norway, and there married the daughter of Elfunge or elfing then ruler or duke of Norway, when this was showed unto Belyn, considering the sudden departing: in all haste he seized Albania and all the other land appertaining to Brenne into his own hand, and strengthened the cities and other strong places with his own soldiers. Whereof when Brenne was warned: he in all possible haste assembled a great people of the Norway's, and took his shiping to sail into britain. And as he was keeping his course upon the see: he was encountered with Guilthdacus King of Denmark, the which had lain in await for him, for love of the wench that Brennus had married: for before time he had required her of Elfungeher father. when those ii flotꝭ were met: strong shot and fight was upon both parties. But finally the Danes overcame the Norway's or Norganies, and took the ship by strength which the wench was in/ that which anon was brought unto the ship of Guilthdake: and Brenne with a few of his ships left was fain to safeguard himself by flight.  
when Guilthdake had thus obtained the victory, intending to have sailed toward Denmark: in short while after the tempests came so hideous upon the see, that his navy was divided and scattered that one from the other/ in such wise that he was in fere to have been drowned. And at the end of five days not witting where he was/ with few ships landed in the country of Northumberlande, where at that time was Belyn providing defence again his brothers coming. Whereof when word was brought unto Belyn of the landing of the foresaid Danoys Prince with a small company: he rejoiced it, and commanded him with his ships & company to be put in sure hold & keeping.  
It was not long after but Brenne had recoiled and gathered to guider the more part of his navy before (as ye have hard) chased. And when he had them newly rigged and victualed/ he hearing of the aryvayll of Guilthdacus in Norththumberland with his wife, sent wordis of menace unto his brother Belyn/ willing him to send unto him his wife wrongfully ravished by Guilthdacus/ & also to restore unto him his land & patrimony/ or else he would shorthely invade his land, it for to waste, & his enemy to destroy. The which desire or request of Belynus was plainly and shortly denied. Which knowledge had: Brennus shortly after landed in a part of Albania, and made toward his brother/ and his brother toward him: so that their hosts met near unto a wood named at that day Calater or Calaterium, where between them was a mortal battle/ in so much that much people fill upon both parties. But lastly the Brytons wan the field, and chased the Norganies or Norways unto their ships/ chasing & sleyenge them without pity. And as affirmeth mine author, the fight was so cruel and sharp: that there was slain to the number of xl M. men.  
After this dyscumfyture Brenne was constrained to flee/ and with few in number recovered the land of Gallia.  
Belinus' having thus victory of his enemies/ after thanks and oblations made unto his gods, after the pagan law: he then assembled his Lords at Caerbrank or york, to have their advise what he should do with the Prince of Denmark. In the which counsel it was concluded/ that the foresaid Guylthdacus should hold and do homage to the King of britain for the land of Demmark, and yearly bear to him a certain tribute. Which done with surety and hostages taken: the said Guylthdacus with his love was set at liberty and leave, to return into his own country: which yearly tribute as testifieth the english chronicle, was a thousand pound.   

THE. XXX. Chapter.  
Then it followeth in the history, when Belyn had thus victory of this enemies, and was alone possessoure of this realm of britain: the laws before made by his father he confirmed, and ordained justice to be ministered through the land. And for so much as the four ways begun by his father, were not perfected and ended: he therefore caused workmen to be called, and set them to pave with stone the said ways, that they might sufficiently be known of all waygoers or traveyllers of the countries as hereafter ensuyth.  
The first of these four ways was named Fosse, the which stretched out of the south into the north/ and beginneth, or at that days began, at the corner of Totnesse in cornwall, and passed forth by Devonshire, somersetshire, & so forth by Tutbury upon Cotteswolde, beside coventre unto leicester, & from thence by wild plains toward Newerke, and end at the city of Lyncoln.  
The second way was named watlyngstrete/ the which stretcheth over thwart the ways of Fosse out of the southest into the northest. This began at Dover, and passeth by the middle of Kente over thamies beside London by West of westminster/ and so forth by saint Albanies in the West side of Dunstable, of Stratford, of Towceter, and of we done/ by south Kyllyngburne of Kyllebourn, by Athicston, unto Gylbertes hill, that now is named wrekyn/ and so forth by Sevarn passing beside wrokceter, & forth unto Stratton to the middle of wales unto a place called Cardycan/ at the irish se.  
The third way was named Ermyngstrete. The which stretcheth out of the West northwest unto the east southeast, & bygynneth at Menema, the which is in saint Davies land in West wales/ and so stretcheth forth unto south Hampton.  
The fourth and last way is called or was called Kykenyldis street. The which stretcheth forth by worceter, by wycombe, by Birmyngham, by Lychefyld, by Derby, by Chesterfyeld, by york. And so forth unto Tymmouth: the which was sufficiently made. He granted & confirmed them all such privileges as before were granted by Dunuallo his father. The which privyleges with other laws by him made, who that is desirous to know: let him read over the translation the holy Gildas made of Mulmutius laws out of british speech in to Latin/ and there he shall see the circumstance of every thing.  
In this while that Belyn was thus occupied about the needs of his land/ his brother Brenne being, as before is said, in a province of Gallia taking sore to mind his expulsyon from his natural country, not having any comfort how he might attain to his former dignity, lastly resorted (with xii persons only accompanied) unto the duke or ruler of that province or country.  
For ye shall understand that at those days (as testifieth Eutropius and other writers) the Gallis occupied divers countries. And therefore Titus Livius, which wrote the acts and deeds of the romans, made distinction of the Gallis/ and nameth them that Brenne lad, when he besieged the city of Rome and after the capitoyll, Cenonenses Galli/ which is to name the Gallis of that country where the city of Cena than stood & yet doth (as testifieth the author of cronica cronicarum, and other) in a country of Italy named at this day Etruria. The which city, as affermen the said authors, was first builded of the foresaid Gallis, in the time of Brenne being their duke or leader, before the coming or incarnation of christ iii hundred lxxx & vi. Years: which maketh the year of the world following the account of this work four thousand viii hundred and xiii years.  
Then it followeth in the story, when Brenne was comen to the presence of the duke named by mine author Gaufride Seginus duke of Alebrog/ the which is to understand duke of Armorica, now named little britain, as by Policronica and the english chronicle is sufficiently declared/ and showed unto him his adversity & trouble: the said duke received him into his court. And for he was personable & well mannered, having great experience in hawking and hunting, and other properties appertaining to a gentleman: he had him in short while in especial favour before any noble man of his court. By mean whereof, he lastly married his daughter/ upon condition that if he died without Issue-male, that he then should be ruler of the country. And if it happened him to have an heir male: that then it not withstanding, to aid and help him to recover his land before lost.  
The which conditions well and surely upon the Duke's party, by the assent of the nobles of his land assured: the said duke within compass of the same year died. After whose death when by a convenient term, it was known that the Duchess his wife was not with child: all the Lords to Brenne did homage, & became his men. To the which Lords the more to win their loves, he departed much of his treasure: and shortly after with their assent gathered a great army/ and so in all hast sailed into Britain to make new war upon his brother Belyne/ & after a certain time there landed. Of whose landing when Belyne was informed: he in all haste gathered his Brytons in great number, & made toward him as to his mortal enemy. But the mother of the two brethren named Connwenna, or after the English book Cornewey/ considering the mortal hatred attwene her two childer, and in party of their both persons: of a motherly and natural pity, went attwene her two sons, and used her in such discrete manner and motherly compassion, as showing her breasts and other demeanours, that at length she accorded them. After which accord both brethren with their Lords and friends sped them unto Troynovant or London/ and there after many things ordered and made for the weal of the land: they condescended & agreed to lead their both hosts into Gallia for to subdue to them the said country. And in as goodly haste as they might prepare for the journey, they took shipping, & so sailed into a part of Gallia brenning & wasting the conntre without pity. And as witnesseth mine author Gaufryde, in a short while they subdued a great part of Gallia Italy and Germania.  
But here I intend to leave the farther process of mine author Gaufrid for so much as here he varieth from other writers of authority, as Eutropius, Titus livius, & other, that did great diligence in writing of the deeds & acts of the romans, and of other people dwelling at those days in Italia, Gallia, & Germania. For where the said Gaufryde saith, that at such time Belyn and Brenne made war in italy/ Gabius & Porsena were at that day consuls of Rome: that saying is far dyscordaunt unto the other foresaid authors. For as they affirm at the time when Brenne besieged Rome, Claudius Emilius, & Lucius Lucretius were consulis/ & Furius Camillus was at the time dictator of Rome/ and none like unto the other were consuls many years before nor after.  
But troth it is that the said ii brethren did many great acts in the forenamed countries/ but not all according with the saying of the said Gaufride. For where he referreth all those deeds to both brethren: the forenamed Titus livius speaketh but of Brenne only, as it shall some deal be touched hereafter. wherefore to follow the most writers/ when Belyn had dwelled a certain of time with his brother Brenne in those parties: by agreement of them both, Belyn returned into britain and Brenne remained there.   

THE. XXXI. Chapter.  
WHen Belinus or Belyn was returned into britain: he repaired old cities, and builded upon the river of Uske a city, and called it Caeruske near unto the river of Severne. This city was after named the city of Legions, for so much as the legions of Romans were lodged within the same city/ & now it is called Caerleon or Carleon. Also he builded an haven with a gate there over within troynovamt/ in the summer or pinnacle whereon was set a vessel of brass/ in the which was closed the ashes of his brent body when he was deed. This gate was long after called Belyns or Belinus gate/ but at this day it is called Belyngesgate.  
In this while that Belinus was thus occupied in britain, his brother Brenne desirous to win fame and honour builded in Italy and other parts of Gallia these cities and towns following.  

Mediolana or Mylleyn in Lombary  
Papya or Papy.  
Burgamum or  
Sena or ☞  
Comum or  
Briria or  
Uerona or  
Uincentia or ☞  
Cremona or  
Mantua or   
The which cities and towns were builded of the Gallis, or at the lest new repaired, in the time that Brenne was their leader or duke/ all be it that some writers would mean that Comum & Cremona were builded after Brenne was deed. Policronica witnesseth, that the Senons; which he meaneth by the Gallis dwelling about the city of Sena/ by the leading of Brennus overcame the Romans xi mile from Rome, at the river Albia, & chased them to Rome and took the city unto the Capitol/ & after laid siege to the same Capitol. And upon a night while the wardens of the Capitol slept: the Frenshemen or galleys by a way under the earth/ came into the Capitol & were likely to have won it. But a noble Roman named Mallius or Manlius Torquatus, awoke by the crying or noise of a gander or ganders. The which Manlius awaking the other Romans, put of the galleys. For which cause the romans long time after held a feste of ganders, the first day of June.  
Nevertheless afterward they called it Inons' feste, for so much as they thought that Juno the gods had by her influence given that grace unto the ganders, that they should by their noise awake the romans. But yet the Gallis or frenchmen held the romans so short, that they were compelled to give unto Bren their duke a thousand pound weight of gold, as thereof is witness Titus Livius. And further more saith the said livius, that the Gallis slew of the senators many in number, the which first they supposed had been gods because of their rich apparel, which they sat in. But shortly after this the forenamed Furius Camillus, which was called again from the city of Ardea, where he was outlawed before, & by the comontye of Rome in this need made again dictator.  
The which pursued Brenne and his people, and to them gave battle, slaying of them a great multitude, and wan from them all the gold and jewels that before time the Gallis had won of the Romans. The which deed was done, as witnesseth the foresaid Titus Livius, the year after the building of Rome iii. hundred and .lxv. which was the year of the world, following the account of this work four thousand viii. hundred and xxxv: and before crysties incarnation keeping the same account iii hundred and lxiiii  
Then it followeth in the story of Brenne, when he was thus discomfited of the Romans: he turned his people toward the Macedones or Greeks, and divided his people in two hosts. Whereof he retained that one with him, and that other he sent into a country called then Gallacia, and after Gallogreci, and lastly Galates. Then Brenne overcame the Macedons with their duke Sosten and after spoiled the gods & their temples/ & said in his game, rich gods must give to men somedeal of their richesse. Also he spoiled the temple of the god Apolyne Delphicus standing in the hill of the mount Parnasus. Wherefore as testifieth the writer Policarpus: the people of that country prayed to god for help/ and suddenly the earth began to quake, and a great part of the hill fell upon the host of Gallis, and then slew. And after that ensued and fill to ground hail stones of such greatness, that it slew one other great part of the said host/ & duke Brennus was sore wounded: where by he fill in such despair, that he slew himself with his own sword. No man shall wonder, though this Apolyn took wretch of them that spoiled the gods and their temples. For god suffered Apolyn to destroy many nations, because of their trespasses and evil living. For it is certain that spirits of the eyre may use their shrewdness in them that be of misbelieve and use evil deeds. For grace is withdrawn from such manner of men: wherefore the spirits have the more power to hurt and grieve them.  
Then sins I have here showed unto you the fine or end of Brennus, I shall now return my style unto his brother Belynus, the which, as before is touched, endeavoured him about the weal of his land of britain and his people during the time of his reign, in executing of many notable deeds, the which for length of time I over pass: so that lastly he died and was buried, as before is said at Belius or Belinus gate within troynovante or London/ when he had reigned with his brother and alone, after the most concordance of writers xxvi years, leaving after him a son called Gurguyntus, Gurguynt Brabtruc, or aftersome writers Gurguynt barbarous, which is to mean Gurguynt with the red beard.   

THE. XXXII. Chapter.  
GUrguintus or Gurguynt the son of Belyne, was made King of the land of britain, in the year of the world four. M.viii. hundred and xxxiiii This in the english chronicle is named Corynbratus or Corynbatus. The which for so much as the tribute before granted by Guilthdak King of Demmark, unto the Kings of britain for a perpetuyty, was denayed: he arrayed his army and navy, and sailed into Denmark/ and there wasted and harmed the country with iron and fire: in such wise that at length the King of Denmark, with the assent of his Baronage, granted to pay and continue the foresaid tribute yearly of a thousand pound. After which victory thus had of the Danies: he with great triumph returned toward britain. And in keeping of his course/ he encountered with a navy of xxx sail beside the isle of Orchades full of men and women/ of which float the chief captain was called after most writers Bartholomew. The which when he was brought unto the kings presence, showed that he with his people were put or exiled out of the country of Spain, and were named Balenses/ and had sailed long time upon the see, to the end to find some Prince, that would give to them a dwelling place, and they to become his subjects & hold their land of him/ beseeching the King to have compassion of them, and to grant to them some place to inhabit them in/ & that they should no longer dwell in their ships, considering their victual was spent by reason of their long lying upon the see. After which request thus made by their captain/ the King with the advise of his barons, granted unto them a void and waste country, which was and is the farthest isle of all the isles/ toward the West/ the which isle as saith the english chronicle, was then named Ireland, after the name of their captain called in the english chronicle Irlamal. But who so will know the first cause of the naming of this isle Irlande: let him read the xxxii and xxxiii. chapters of the first book of Policronica/ and there he shall find the more certainly of the first naming thereof, with many other things touching the said isle, the which I overpass for length of the matter. For there he shall be sufficiently informed of that, and also of other things.  
Then it followeth in the story, after this Gurguintus was returned into his land of Britain: he ordained to be stablished & kept the laws made by his forefaders/ & exercised justice to his subjects, and guided his land well and nobly by the term, after most writers, of xix years/ and then died, and was buried at new Troy or London, or at Caerleon/ leaving after him a son named after mine author Guynthelinus, but after some he is named Guyntellius.   

THE. XXXIII. Chapter.  
GUinthelinus or Guintellius the son of Gurguintus/ was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand viii hundred and liii This is named in the english chronicle Gwentolyne, the which guided his land and Brytons with great meekness and soberness. He had also a noble wife called Marcia, instruct and learned in many sciences/ the which among other noble deeds by her done, studied and brought forth a certain good and convenient law among the Brytons/ the which was named long after the Marcyan law. This law for that it was thought both good and necessary, Aluredus, which long after was King of England, translated out of Bretyshe into Saxon speech/ and then was it called after that translation in the Saxon tongue Marthehelage, which is to mean the law of Marcia. To this woman for her wisdom was committed all the governance of the land/ in so much, as witnesseth mine author Gaufryde and other, she reigned as Queen of britain a certain time after her husband was deed. But the years of her reign be accounted with the years of her husband, or with the years of her son Sisillius/ so that no time ascertained is to her deputed or set.  
Then it followeth, when this Guinhelinus had reigned well and meekly by the term of xxvi years, he died and was buried at new Troy or London, leaving after him a son named Sisillius or Cecilius.   

THE. XXXIIII. Chapter.  
SIsillius or Cecilius the son of Guynthelinus, was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand viii hundred & lxxix. This in the English chronicle is named Seyzyl. Of which no mention nor worthy memory is made. All be it that Gaufryde meaneth, that this Sisillius was but vii years of age when his father died. Wherefore the charge of the realm was committed unto Marcia his mother/ the which guided it well and sufficiently till her said son came to his lawful age, and then resigned to him all the rule: which so continued/ but how long he reigned Gaufryde expressyth not. Wherefore I now follow the saying of the forenamed author called the flower of histories, which affirmeth him to reign only vii years/ all be it the english book sayeth he reigned xu years, which agreeth not so well with the concordance of other histories & times.  
This Sisillius, as Gaufryde witnesseth, left after him a son named Kymarus/ whom the English book nameth Kymor.   

THE. XXXV. Chapter.  
RImarus the son of Sisillius/ was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand viii hundred lxxx & vi. This in the english book is called Kymor/ of that which is made no mention neither of his time of reign, nor of his deeds.  
For the more party of writers rehearse in most brevest & shortest manner, that after Kimarus reigned Elanius. After Elanius Morindus. But the old chronicle, which I have before time spoken of saith that this Kymarus, which he nameth Kymarchus Elanius▪ was a wild young man, and lived after his pleasure. Wherefore as he was in his disport of huntynge, he was by his evil willers slain, when he had ruled scarcely iii years.   

THE. XXXVI. Chapter.  
ELanius the son of Kymarus, as witnesseth the foresaid flower of chronicles, but the brother of Kimarus as saith Gaufride/ was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand viii hundred lxxx and ix the which in the english book is named Howan. Of this also is no mention made nor memory neither of act nor of reign, but as the forenamed old chronicle saith, that Kymarus and Elanius was one person/ and reigned as before is said: but the abovesaid writer called flower of histories saith, he reigned fully two years.   

THE. XXXVII. Chapter.  
MOrindus the bastard son of Elanius, as saith Gaufryde and other/ was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand viii hundred lxxx and xi the which in the english chronicle is called Morwith. This as witnesseth Gaufryde, was gotten upon the concubine of Elanius named Tanguestela, and was a man of worthy fame in deeds of chyvalry/ but he was so overcome with wrath & cruelness, that lightly he slew all men that him tened or angered. He was also beauteous of person and liberal of gifts/ and with that he was of a marvelous strength, in so much that he had not his peer within his realm of any man of noble birth.  
In his time came into britain a Prince out of a country called Mauritania/ the which country at those days is assigned by Strabo the writer▪ to be between the kingdoms of Hungary, and of beam/ the which Prince with his cruel & fierce people wasted the land of Britain with iron and fire without pity. Whereof Morindus being warned/ in all haste gathered his people, and him met/ and fought in such wise, that he chased the said Prince again to the see, and took many of his soldiers as prisoners, the which in satysfyeng of his cruelness and tyranny, he caused to be put to death in his sight by diverse manners of torments/ as by heeding, fleeing, brenning, and other cruel executions. lastly as testifieth Guydo de Columpna and other, this Morindus walking or riding upon the see strand espied a wonderful monster, the which of his courage and knyghthod he thought to slay. And by a manly courage and force assailed this monster or best, fighting with it a certain of tyme. But in conclusion he was devoured and swallowed of the said monster: after he had reigned, after most writers, by the term of viii. years/ leaving after him, as witnesseth Gaufryde, five sons, whereof the first was named Gorbomamnus: the second Archygallo, the third Elidurus, the fourth Uigenius or Nigenius, and the fift or youngest, Peredurus.   

THE. XXXVIII. Chapter.  
Gorbamamnus the first son of Morindus/ was made king of britain/ in the year of the world four thousand viii hundred lxxx and xviii This in the english chronicle is named Granbodyan/ the which as testifieth Gaufryde, was a just and rightwise man to the gods and to his people, and yielded to either party that was his/ that is to say to his gods he yielded due reverence & sacrifice/ and to the people justice & equity. And he renewed and repaired all old temples through his realm, and builded some new. And in his time was more wealth and plenty in his realm, much more than was in any of his predecessors days. But finally to the great sorrow of all his Brytons/ he was taken with sickness, and died without issue of his body, when he had reigned after most writers by the term of xi years.   

THE. XXXIX. Chapter.  
ARchigallo the second son of Morindus, and brother unto Gorbomamnus, was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand ix hundred and ten This in the english book is named Artogayll/ the which followed nothing the works of his brother, but gave himself all to dissension and strife/ and imagined causes again his nobles to put them from their goods and dygnytyes and in their places to set and ordain unnoble and of rude birth and manner/ and from the rich by sinister and wrongful means he plucked their riches and goods. By which inordynate means he enriched himself and impoverished his subjects. For which conditions his Lords & subjects murmured against him/ and lastly of one assent took him, or more verily, deprived him of all honour and kingly dignity, when he had reigned after most concordance of writers five years.   

THE. XL. chapter.  
ELidurus the third son of Morindus, and the brother of Archigallo/ was by one assent of the Brytons made King of britain, in the year of the world four M.ix. hundred and xu This in the english chronicle is named Hisider or Esodyr. The which became so mild and benign to the Brytons, that they gave to him a surname, and called him Elidure the meek. For he among other deeds of meekness, as he was upon a day in his disport of huntynge, in a wood near unto Caerbrank or york called Calater, or after some writers Caltras: he fande his elder brother Archigallo late King, maskeling or wand'ring in the thykest of the wood/ whom lovingly and charitably he in secret manner conveyed unto his own mansion into the city than named Aldud or Acliut. And as affirmeth mine author Gaufryde, to th'intent to bring his brother to his former dignity as after followeth: the said Elidurus feigned himself sick/ and in all haste sent his messengers about his realm to gather and assemble the Barons of his land. And when the day of assemble was common, and his Lords according to his commandment were present: he called them one by one, as they were of honour, into his secret cubycle or chamber/ & there by his wise & discrete words as well in benign and loving manner, as other words and countenance appertaining to his royal power and dignity/ he got grant of his said Lords, that they should aid & strength him to their powers, to bring his brother Archigallo to his former honour and regally. After which grant by the Lords made: he assembled a counsel of his Brytons at Caerbrank or york/ & there caused such means to be made to the commons, that in conclusion when the said Elidurus had ruled the land .v. years as King, he there resigned his crown and all kingly power unto his said brother Archigallo.   

THE. XLI. Chapter.  
WHen Archigallo was thus restored to his kingly dignity, he remembered well the evil life that before time he had lad, and the punishment which he had suffered for the same. Wherefore in eschewing of like danger: He changed all his old conditions, and became a good and rightwise man, ministering to the people equity and justice/ & bore him so nobly again his Lords and rulers under him of his lands, that he was beloved & dread of all his subjects/ and so continued during the term of his natural life. But finally he paid the debt of nature, when he had reigned now lastly after most writers ten years/ & was buried, as saith the said old chronicle at Caerbranke or york.   

THE XLII. Chapter.  
Elidurus' before named was again by one assent of the Brytons made King/ in the year of the world four thousand ix hundred & thirty. But his two younger brethren Uigenius and Peredurus, having of him indignation, that he was for his virtue and good governance so well favoured with the Brytons: of malice conspired again him/ & gathered an army of soldiers, & made a field with him. And in the field took him, and commanded him unto the tower of troynovamt as saith Gaufryde, there as a prisoner to be safely kept. After & when he had reigned now last by the space, as witnesseth the old chronicle ii years.   

THE. XLIII. Chapter.  
UIgenius and Peredurus the youngest sons of Morindus, and brethren of Elidurus before said/ were jointly made Kings of britain/ in the year of the world four thousand ix hundred & xxxii These two brethren are named in the engleshe chronicle Higanius and Petytur/ the which as testifieth Gaufryde departed the land between them, so that all the land from the water of Humber westward, fill to Uigenius or Nigenius: & the other part of the land with also Albania or Scotland, fill unto Peredurus. But after the saying of Guydo de Columna, Uigenius or Nigenius was not King, but alonely Peredurus/ the which, as he saith, held his brother Elidurus in prison by his own assent, for so much as Elidurus was not willing to be King. And as affirmeth the said Guydo/ this Peredurus was cruel and tyrannous to the britains, and slew and entreated the Lords in most cruel manner. Wherefore he became so odious to them/ that they rebelled against him and slew him.  
This saying contraryeth and enpugnyth mine author Gaufryde, saying that Uigenius died after he had reigned vii years. After whose death Peredurus seized all the land into his own rule/ & ruled it with great soberness, in such wise that he excelled or was praised above all his brethren, so that Elidurus was clean forgotten of the Brytons. The English chronicle also saith that this Peredurus founded the town of Pikering. But finally he was taken with sudden sickness/ whereof he died, when he had reigned with his brother and alone, after the accord of most writers ix years/ leaving after him no child to be his heir.   

THE. XLIIII. Chapter.  
ELidurus before named so soon as Peredurus was deed, for as much as he was next heir to the crown/ was taken forth of prison and made the third time King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand ix hundred and xli The which as before time he had used himself so he continued still in ministering to all persons right and justice all the days of his life. And lastly being of good age he died, when he had now reigned after most concordance of writers four years/ leaving after him a son named Gorbonianus or Gorbomanus. And as witnesseth the old chronicle, and the english chronicle/ the fore named Elidurus was buried at Caerleyl or Karlele.   

THE. XLV. Chapter.  
YE shall understand that to the death of the foresaid Elidure, the writers of the story of Brytons written diversly/ so that the one varieth greatly from the other, both in the names, and also in the time of their reigns/ the which would ask a long time to rehearse in order the diversity of that one from the other/ & also to some readers the matter thereof should be but small pleasure. Wherefore to such as been desirous to know of the time and season that passed between the last year of Elidurus, & the first year of Lud/ in which pass time reigned in Britain xxxii or after some writers xxxiii kings: let him look in a table before the beginning of this work. And there he shall see my conceit for the declaration of the years passed or spent between the foresaid two Kings Elidurus and Lud/ praying him or them that so shall look in the said draft, that if I have in any point erred, that of their goodness they would with good delyberation correct and amend it. But for it seemeth to me, that of all such authors as I have red or seen, Guydo de Columna rehearseth most briefly the pastime of the said Kings: therefore I purpose here to rehearse his saying, as he hath left it to us in latin.   

THE XLVI. Chapter.  
GOrbonianus or Gorbomamnus the son of Regny son of Elidure/ was made King of britain, in the year of the world four thousand ix hundred and xlv After whom succeeded Margan. After Margan Emerianus brother to the said Margan/ the which Emerianus was deprived for his cruelness. And after him reigned twenty Kings successively the one after the other/ of the which, as saith mine author Guydo, is no mention made/ either for their rudeness, or else for cruelty or dyscordaunte means or manners used in the time of their reigns/ the which misorder clerks disdained to write or put in memory. And next the last of these foresaid twenty Kings suceeded Blegabridus a cunning musycyan: the which for his excellence in that faculty, was called of the Brytons god of glemen.  
After Blegabridus was thus King and died, succeeded ix Kings/ of whom for the former consideration is neither name nor time of reign put in memory. The last of which ix. Kings was by the agreement of all writers named Hely/ which Hely after some writers reigned xl years, & after some but bare vii months. In the which xxxiii Kings times, passed or flowed (that is to say from the last year of Elidure unto the last year of the foresaid Hely, as by the forenamed table appeareth) a hundred and lxxxvi years. Which said Hely left after him iii sons, named Lud, Cassibellanus, and Neurius.   

THE. XLVII. Chapter.  
Lord the eldest son of Hely, was made King of britain, in the year of the world .v. thousand a hundred and xxxi This man was honourable in all his deeds/ for he edified new temples, and repaired the old. He also repaired old cities & towns/ and specially in the city of Troynovant he caused many buildings to be made/ and gird the said city about with a strong wall of lime and stone. And in the West part of the said wall he arreared a fair and strong gate, and commanded it to be called Luddys' gate, which at this day is cleped Ludde gate. And for he loved much this city: he used much & most to lie there. By reason whereof it was called Caerlud or Luddys town/ and after by corruption or shorting of the speech, it was named London, which name at this day remaineth and abideth.  
This Lud also, as witnesseth Gaufryde, was strong and mighty in arms in subduing his enymyes. He was also liberal of gifts and plenteous in his household/ so that he was much loved and dread of his Britons. But when he had continued his reign with great honour by the term of xi years: he died, & was buried in his gate called Portlud or Ludgate/ leaving after him, as witnesseth Gaufryde, two sons, Androgeus, & Temancius or Tenancius.   

THE. XLVIII. Chapter.  
cassibelan the brother of Lud was made King of britain, in the year of the world .v. thousand a hundred and xlii For so much as the ii sons before named of Lud were to young or insufficient for to take on hand so great a charge. But as witnesseth the old chronicle, and also the author of the flower of histories: this Cassybellan was not made King, but ruler or protector of the land, for the time of the nonage of the foresaid brethren: all be it mine author Gaufryde saith, that after cassibelan was set in authority/ he became so noble and liberal, that his name sprang far/ and by his exercising of justice, the Brytons ought to him more favour, than to either of his nephews. How be it he cherished them, & brought them forth according to their birth. And when they came unto years of discretion, he gave to Androgeus the city of London, with the dukedom or the earldom of Kent/ and to Temancius the dukedom of cornwall.  
In this season was Caius julius, the which is most commonly called Julius Cesar, sent by the senate of Rome as fellow and consul with Lucius Bubulus into Gallia now called France, for to subdue them unto the empire of Rome. The which Julius being upon the see side, after he had overcome the Gallis, and beholding the white clives or rocks of britain: inquired of the country, and what people dwelled therein. And when he was sufficiently informed of all the commodities thereof: he had great will to bring the said country under the yoke of the Romans, for so much as at those days a great part of the world was tributary to Rome. But as saith mine author, first he exhorted the Britons by writing & messengers, to give tribute unto Rome. Wherefore Cassybellan having indignation wrote unto him sharp & short answers, showing that he and every noble man was bound specially to keep his country from servage/ and to keep his subjects, that they might enjoy liberty and franchise. The which to observe, he would do the uttermost of his power & might. With the which answer Julius being nothing contented, in all hast made ready his navy and people, and sailed toward britain. And when the Romans were common near the land of britain, & should have landed: the Brytons pight sharp stakes and long upon the banks/ which caused them to win land with great danger. And not long after their landing, cassibelan with a strong host of Britons encountered the Romans/ giving or yielding to them such fight and battle that they were fain to resort to their ships for their surety. Not with standing thee, as witnesseth Gaufride and other/ julius after he had renewed his knights, and also rigged his navy: he came again the second time, intending to subdue the land to the empire of Rome. But as before time he was by the manhood of the King and his Brytons manfully and knightly wythstanden and chased: so this second time he was in like wise overcome, and compelled to flee without honour. For which victory thus twice obtained by the Brytons, cassibelan intending to give thank unto his gods, and reward to his knights: in goodly haste caused an assemble to be made of his Lords & knights at the city of Caerlud or London. where after dew observances done to their gods, after the use of their pagan laws, a great and solemn feste was holden by the King to all that would come, with most liberality and plenty in all that was necessary to such a feste. And the more to increase the kings honour/ and to the more comfort and delectation of his Lords and other there being present: there was all manner kynꝭ of games that at those days were exercised and used. Contynewing which feste, two noble and young knights among other happened to assey either other in wrestling/ whereof that one was nephew to King cassibelan named Hirelda/ and the other named Euelinus, was allied unto Androgeus' Earl or duke of London. By mean of this wrestling division or unfytting words fill between the two young knights, that after words ensued strokes/ by mean whereof parties were taken on either side, which ran to guider in great ●re and malice, so that on either part many and divers were hurt & wounded. Among whom Hirelda nephew to the King was slain/ which caused great disturbance in the court and among the Lords.  
when the knowledge of the death of Hirelda was brought unto the King: he was therewith greatly amoved/ & intending dew justice to be had & ministered by thadvice of his Barons, caused the forenamed cousin of Androgeus Euelinus to be summoned for to appear before him & his counsel, and there to acquit him of such crime as to him was laid for the death of Hirelda before slain. But Euelinus by counsel of Androgeus withstood that commandment/ and shortly after the said Androgeus and Euelyne departed the court without taking leave of the King.  
The King disdaining this demeanour of Androgeus/ after divers monitions to him given, gathered his knights and made war upon Androgeus. Wherefore he considering after many ways & means thought that he was not of power to withstand the kings great indignation/ sent his letters unto Caius julius Cesar, showing to him the circumstance of the matter/ and avoiding him of all guilt, besought and prayed him in most humble wise, that he would shortly return with his army into britain/ & he with his hole power should be ready to aid and help him again the Brytons.  
Of this message was Julius very glad/ and in all haste made toward britain with a great power. To whom the wind was so favourable/ that in short time after this message he drew near the land. But as affirmeth mine author Gaufryde/ or he would land, fearing the treason of Androgeus, he received from him in hostage his son named Scena, with xxx other of the most noble of his lordship/ & that done he landed with the help and aid of Androgeus. Whereof when cassibelan had warning, in all haste he made toward the Romans/ and in a valley near unto Dorobernia now named Canterbury, there he found the host of the said julius lodged, & with him Androgeus with all his power. After which knowledge had either of other/ with their habyllementes of war either grieved other, till at length both hostis met hand for hand and fought vygerously, in such wise that many fell on either party.  
But when the Brytons, as saith Gaufryde, had long fought & knightly defended the Romans: Androgeus with his people came by a wing of the Brytons/ and them so sharply assailed, that they were constrained to forsake the field and place that they before had kept. The which flight dyscomforted so the other, that finally all fled and gave place to the Romans, the which pursued & slew them without pity. So that cassibelan with his Brytons that were left, were fain to get them to a place of surety/ there to rest till they might newly provide to with stand their enemies.  
But finally as all writers agree, Julius held the King so short, that for an unity and concord he was fain to become trybutary to the Romans, and to pay to them yearly a certain tribute, which Gaufryd affirmeth to be iii thousand pound. And when the said tribute was set in a surety/ so that the said Romans were with it contented, and Julius had accomplished his will & pleasure in things to him thought necessary: he with Androgeus departed the land, and so sped him toward Rome/ where soon after he was again, by the will of the most of the senators made Emperor. And this tribute thus was granted when cassibelan had reigned as King of Britain fully viii years and more.   

THE. XLIX. Chapter.  
THis beginning of this tribute paid by cassibelan unto the romans, should seem by most concordance of writers to be upon xl. and viii years before Crystes incarnation, or after some l But for proof of the first saying/ I have showed my conceit in the table before named/ the which I remit to the correction of such as have perfect undertanding in calculing of histories and times.  
And here I make an end of the second part of this work/ in yielding graces to our most consolatryce, that most blessed virgin our lady saint Mary, the which here I again salute with the second of the foresaid vii joys, which beginneth, 
Gaude sponsa chara dei. etc.  
Be joyous thou spouse of god most 〈◊〉  
Which like to the son, most clearest of sight  
When in the day he shineth most clear  
The world illumynest by means full right  
And thorough the virtue of thy full might  
Causest the world to be resplendissaunt  
By mean of thy peas, which is full abundant.   
This second part to be accounted from the last year of the discord of the Brytons to the end of the ix year of Cassybellan, includeth of years iii hundred lxxx and iii    

THE third part.  

THE. L. chapter.  
THus may we understand, that by the appointment before made/ cassibelan continued still as King and governor of this land of britain/ which by most concordance of writers had reigned before or he were made tributary upon ix years/ which said ix years made the year of the world following th'account before expressed, five thousand a hundred & l And after he reigned by th'agreement of all writers as King of this land, fully vii years. So that in all before the grant of the tribute, and after/ he reigned upon xvi years.   

THE. LI. chapter.  
Now then have I showed to you how that Julius Cesar by aid and help of Androgeus Earl of Kent/ made this land of britain trybutarye to the Romans, when Cassibelan had been King of the said land upon ix years/ which ix years I have set for the end of the second part of this work. So that the ten year of cassibelan is the first year of the third part of the said work. Then as all writers testify/ cassibelan continued after the departing of Julius, as King by the term or space of vii years, as before is declared. In the time of the which seven. years is none noble act nor deed of him put in memory or writing.  
But for some would think that after Caius Julius Cesar, had through help of Androgeus Earl of Kent, and eldest son of Lud, thus as before is said, subdued cassibelan: that the said Julius would have restored the said Androgeus to the crown of britain, as his rightful inheritance/ and clearly to have expelled and put out the said cassibelan from all kingly dignity. To this answereth the old chronicle and saith, that cassibelan was not the son of Hely, but that he was the eldest son of Lud, by reason whereof he was first made King/ and so as rightful heir continued during his life, King of britain. The which when he had reigned ix years or he were tributary, and vii years after as affirmeth the said old chronicle in all xvi years/ he then died without issue, and was buried at Caerbranke or york.   

THE. LII. Chapter.  
TEmancius or Tennancius the youngest son of Lud, as affirmeth Gaufryde, was made King of the Britons, in the year of the world five thousand a hundred and lvii This is named in the english chronicle Tormace, and not King, as the said book affirmeth. But his elder brother, which in the said book is named Androgen, was after the affirmance of the said english chronicle made King. But the foresaid Gaufryde and other testyfyen/ that for so much as Androgeus feared to be ever hated of the Brytons, for his treason wrought against the King and the land: he therefore chase to go with Caius Julius to Rome, rather than to be King of such as he thought would never have him in their love and favour.  
Then it followeth in the story, this Tennancius ruled the land with great diligence and justice/ and defended the land well and knightly again all alyauntiss and strangers/ & paid his tribute to the Romans that cassibelan had granted/ and lastly died when he had reigned after most writers xxiii years, and was buried at Caerlud or London/ leaving after him a son, the which was called Kymbeline.   

THE. LIII. Chapter.  
Kymbelinus or Kymbelyne the son of Tennancius/ was of the Britons made King, in the year of the world .v. thousand a hundred and lxxx This man as witnesseth Guydo was brought up at Rome among the Romans, & there made a knight/ and had of them such favour, that he was at liberty to pay the tribute or not. Of him is little memory made/ except all writers agreen, that in the season that he was King, our saviour christ Jesus was incarnate of that most blessed virgin our lady saint Mary. which should be to accord histories, in the nineteen. Year of his reign.  
Of the reign of this Kymbelyn authors write diversly/ so that some show no years, and some but few, which can not accord with the time of other chronicles. But the author of the history called flower of histories witnesseth, that he reigned xxxv years. The which saying who list to see the table before rehearsed: he shall there have knowledge, that this said author accordeth best with other stories and chronicles.  
And when that this Kymbelyne had reigned gloriously over the Brytons by all the season before expressed, he died & was buried at Caerlud or London/ leaving after him two sons named Guyderius and arviragus.  
NOw before have I showed unto you in the later chapter, that Criste was incarnate, in the xix year of Kymbelyne/ which maketh the year of the world, that is to say from the first creation of Adam to the incarnation .v. thousand a hundred lxxx. and xix the which account is approved by holy Isodore, Beda, and other.  

Then christ was incarnate the year of the world, as before is expressed.  
From noah's flood or after ii thousand ix. hundred and lvii  
After Abraham ii thousand & xvii  
After David King of Israel, a thousand and .lxxv.  
From or after the transmigration of the Jews to Babylon, v. hundred lxxx. and ten  
After Brute entered Britain xi hundred and xxxvi  
After Alexander the great, near upon iii hundred and xxv  
After the building of Rome vii hundred and xxix  
And in the beginning of the xlii year of Octavius Augustus, than Emperor of Rome.    

THE. liv. Chapter.  
GUyderius the first son of Kymbalyne/ began his reign over the Britons, the year of the world .v. thousand. CC. & xvi And the year after Cristes' incarnation the xvii. Year. This man was wealthy & trusted much in his strength. And for he thought the romans had the forenamed tribute with wrong: he therefore of a knightly courage denied to the Romans the said tribute. Wherefore Claudius which was uncle unto Caius Caligula the four Emperor of Rome: came into britain with a great army of Romans/ & as witnesseth Policronica, conquered and wan again the said tribute without great fight. And that done/ he also subdued the yles of Orchades or Orkeys, which stand beyond Scotland within the great ocean/ and after turned again to Rome the vi month after that he came thence.  
The chronicle of England, and also Gaufryde say, that in the host of the Romans was a captain named Hame or Hamo/ the which intending hurt and destruction of the Brytons, changed his shield or armour, & did upon him the armure of a Britain. And by that mean as a Briton mysclad, he entered into the thickest of the host/ and lastly unto the place where as King Guyderius fought, & shortly after slew the King. But arviragus saying this sudden mischief, to the end that the Brytons should not give back: he hastily caused himself to be armed with the cognysaunce of the King. And so for King continued the fight, with such manhood, that the Romans were put to flight.  
Thus by accord of writers Guyderius was slain of the foresaid Hamo/ when he had reigned over the Brytons by the concordance of other histories xxviii years, leaving after him none heir of his body to guide the land after his death.   

THE. LV. chapter.  
arviragus the youngest son of Kymbelyne, and brother to Guyderius before slain, was ordained King of Brytons, in the year of our Lord xliiii This in the english book is named Armager/ the which as there is showed, well and knightly maintained the war again the romans, and after slew the forenamed Hamo near unto an haven or port of the see. And him so slain, threw gobbet meal into the same see. And for this skill, was this haven long time after called Hamon's haven/ which at this day is called Southampton.  
Then it followeth in the viii chapter of the four book of Policronicon, that Claudius after divers haps of battle, took arviragus to his grace/ & brought his daughter Gennissa by name from Rome, and married her unto arviragus. And for he would make the place of the marriage more solemn, he therefore called the town of marriage Claudiocestria after his name, the which before was called in bretyshe tongue Caerleon, & after glovernia after a duke of Demecia that height Glorio/ but now this town is named gloucester.  
All otherwise telleth the english chronicle/ & saith that Armager discomfited Claudius, and compelled him to give his daughter Gennissa or Gennen to the said Armager to wife/ with condition that the romans should never after that day claim any tribute of britain, except alonely feawte/ which saying appeareth doubtful for divers causes. Whereof one is, that the said Armager should not constrain Claudius to give his daughter to him/ for so much as the said Armager had never seen the said Gennen before time, nor knew not of her conversation. Then marvel it were, that he should force her father to give him a wife, that he had cast no love unto before tyme. One other reason is, that the said chronicle testifieth/ that after he had married the said Gennen, he was at London crowned King of England. For I would think if he had overcomen Claudius, as there is surmytted, he would first have crowned himself King, and then have married his daughter. But by the same reason it certifyeth more strenger the former saying of Policronica. For by all likelihood Claudius would not suffer him to be crowned King, till he had full performed his promise in marriage of his daughter.  
And all be it that mine author Gaufryde varieth not much from the english chronicle: I think in the doing he took example of Homerus, that wrote the dediss and acts of the Greeks/ the which showed and put in memory all the noble acts by them done, and specially in the recuyll or book made by him of the siege of Troy. But the other deeds concerning their dishonour/ he hid it as much as he might. And in like manner do many other writers, which I pass over. And so Gaufride for he was a Bryton, he showed the best for Brytons.  
Then it followeth, after the solemnisation of this marriage, which was with all honour finished: Claudius sent certain legions of his knights into Irlande to rule that country, and returned himself to Rome.   

THE. LVI. Chapter.  
IT was not long after the departing of Claudius: but that arviragus road about his realm, and with great diligence repaired cities and towns before decayed & broken with the strength of the Romans/ and entreated his subjects with such justice and good order, that they loved and dread him more than any of his progenitors. This in tract of time made him wealthy. And by mean of this wealthiness ensued pride/ so that him thought great shame to be under the rule or guiding of the romans/ wherefore lastly he denied the tribute before granted. Whereof when knowledge came unto the senate of Rome: in all haste was sent a duke of Rome called Uespasyan, with a certain of legions to subdue arviragus.  
ye shall understand, that a legion of knights, is vi thousand vi hundred lxvi  
when Uespasyan was landed in britain, as testifieth Polycronica/ he sped him so, that in short while he subdued arviragus to the empire, and caused him to grant payment of the foresaid tribute. which was done, as saith Gaufride by entreaty of the Queen Gennissa, and of no constraint nor coaction.  
when Uespasyan had thus recovered the tribute, he then also made subject to the empire/ a isle in the see dying upon the southside of Britain, now called the isle of weight, and after returned to Rome.  
when arviragus was thus secondly brought under the yoke of the romans: he became more mild toward them/ so that while he lived after he paid his tribute with less grudge, and continued him in their favours, in such wise that he was of them well beloved. And so lastly died when he had ruled the Britons well and nobly by the term of xxx years/ and was buried at Caerglon, Caerleon, Claudiocestria, or gloucester/ leaving after him a son named Marius ⸫   

THE. LVII. Chapter.  
Marius' the son of arviragus was ordained King of Brytons, in the year of our Lord lxxiiii This in the chronicle of England is named westmer. Which Marius, as witnesseth Gaufryde, was an excellent wise man/ and guided his Brytons most honourably, and in great prosperity and wealth. In the time of the reign of this Marius a duke or King of a nation called Pyctes/ which as witnesseth Uirgilius, are descended of a people called of old times Scythis. They also are named Gothis or Hunys. This foresaid leader of Pictes is named of Gaufryde Londricus/ the which landed with a great navy, in the province of Albania now called scotland/ and it began to waste with iron and with fire. Whereof when Marius was warned/ he in all haste assembled his knights, and made toward his enymyes/ and gave unto them strong battle. In the which Londricus or after some Rodicus was slain, and a great part of his people were slain. In remembrance of which victory, King Marius let arrere a great stone/ and in this he commanded to be graven Marii victoria, which is to mean the victory of Marius.  
wyllyam of malmsbury saith, that this stone was arreared in mind of Marius the consul of Rome.  
The english chronicle saith, that this battle was fought in a place, the which now is called Stanysmore. But where so this stone is set/ the country there about was long after called westmaria, and now westmerlande.  
Then it followeth in the story, that when the residue of the people of Lodricus, which were fled from the field, understood that their head & captain was slain: they made humble request unto the King, that he would accept them unto his grace/ and that he would grant to them some land and country to dwell in. Which granted unto them a place in the far end of Scotland, which is named of mine author Cathenesia, where the said Scythis or Pictes first inhabited them. And for so much as the Brytons disdained to give unto them their daughters in marriage: therefore they acqueynted them with the Irish men, and married their daughters, and grew in process into a great people. And for this alliance attwene the Irish and them: their country, as witnesseth Policronycon the xxxvii chapter of his first book, was called Irlande, and after Pictavia, & lastly Scotland.  
And when Marius had thus subdued his enemies/ he attended and set his mind to the common weal of this land and subjects/ and continued the residue of his life in great tranquillity and rest. And so lastly paid his natural tribute, & was buried at caerleil, leaving after him a son named Coillus or coyl, when he had reigned after most writers lii years.   

THE. LVIII. Chapter.  
COyllus the son of Marius was after the death of his father made King of Brytons, in the year of our lords incarnation a hundred and xxvi This was from his infancy nourished and brought up among the Romans in Italia or Rome/ by reason whereof he was to them loving and kind, and they unto him. And he, for so much as he knew the power of the romans great/ in avoiding of war & other danger, paid unto them the foresaid tribute during his life. This coilus also, as witnesseth Gaufryde, was a liberal man of gifts/ by reason whereof he obtained great love of his nobles, and also of his commons. And as some authors have: this coil made the town of Colchester/ which at this day is a fair town in the shire of Essex. But other ascribe it to coel or coil, that was King next after Asclepeodotus.  
But when this coilus had reigned in sovereign peace by the term of liiii years, he died and was buried at Caerbrank or york/ & left after him a son, the which was named Lucius or Lucy.   

THE. LIX. Chapter.  
Lucius' or Lucy the son of coilus, was made King of Brytons, in the year of our Lord a hundred and lxxx The which in all acts and deeds of goodness followed his forefaders/ in such wise that he of all men was beloved and dread. Of this is little or none act notable put in memory/ except that all writers agree, that this Lucius sent to Eleutherius then pope of Rome certain pistles or letters, praying him that he & his Britons might be received to the faith of Crystes church. Whereof the pope being very joyous and glad/ sent into britain two noble clerks named Faganus and Dunianus: or after some, Fugacius and Dimianus. These two good and virtuous clerks were honourably received of Lucius/ the which by their good doctrine and virtuous examples giving, converted the King and a great part of the Brytons.  
But for so much authors & writers write diversly of the time of this receiving of the faith by Lucius/ so that the one varieth greatly from the other: therefore I have showed in the forenamed table, that it shall under correction appear, that the faith was received by Lucius, as affirmeth Petrus Pictauiens. the viii year of the reign of the said Lucius. And that year after Cristes' incarnation a hundred & lxxxviii The which lucy after the faith thus by him received, by the advice of the foresaid clerks, and with the instructions sent to them by the foresaid pope Eleuthery: instituted and ordained, that all or the more party of Archeflamynys and Flamynies/ which is to mean archbysshoppes and bishops of the pagan law, which at that day were in number, as witnesseth Gaufryde and other iii of the archeflamynies, and xxviii of the flamynies/ were made and ordained archbishops & bishops of the church of Criste, as after followeth.   

Archeflamynys bishops constituted. THE. LX. chapter.  
THe first of the archeflamynies see, rule, or jurisdiction/ was as witnesseth Gaufride & Policronica, at London, the second at york, and the third at Caerurst or Kaerglon or gloucester. To these iii archbyshopes were subject the foresaid xxviii flamynies or bishops. To the archbishops see of London was subject cornwall and all middle England unto Humber. To the archbishops see of york was subject all Northumberlande, from the bow of Humber, with all Scotland. And to the third archishops see, which was at Glowceter, was subject all wales. In which province of wales were vii bishops, where as now been but iiii. And at the day Sevarun departed britain and Cambria or wales. But in the time of Saxons, after they had the rule of the land of britain, as testifieth wylhelmus de Pontific, all be it that saint Gregory had granted unto London privilege of that archbishops see: nevertheless saint austin, the which with other was sent into England by the foresaid Gregory, turned the archbishops see out of London into Caunterbury, after the death of saint Gregory, by means of prayer of King Egbert or Ethelbert, and other cytyzeyns & burgesses of Caunterbury/ where it hath continued to this day/ except that for the time of Offa King of Mercia or Mercheryk, for displeasure that he had to the citizens of Caunterburye bynamme and took from them that dignity/ and worshipped Adulphe bishop of lichfield with the pall of Caunterbury by the assent of Adryan the first of that name then pope. Nevertheless in the time of Kenulphus, which not long after was King of the said Mercia or Mercheryk/ it was again restored to Caunterbury.  
The worship of the see of york hath endured there alway and yet doth, though Scotland be withdrawn from his subjection. The archishops see of Caerglon or Glowceter, was turned from thence to Menenia, which is in the west side of Demecia upon the Irish see, which now is called saint David's land. In this province from the days of saint David, unto the days of Samson bishop/ sat xxiii bishops. But in the said sampson's days then archbishop, fill such mortality thorough wales of the yellow evil called the Jaundyes/ that much people thereof died. Wherefore the said Samson took with him the pall, & sailed into Armorita or little britain/ and was there bishop of Dolence or Dolences. And from that time unto the first Henrys time King of England/ had sitten at Menenia or saint David's xxi bishops, and all without pall. But whether it were for lack of cunning, or else for poverty, it is not ascertained. Nevertheless alway from the time of the said Samson unto the foresaid Henry the first time/ all the bishops of wales were sacred of the bishop of Menenia or saint David's. And the archbishop of Menenia was at all times sacred of the bishops of wales, as of his suffragans, and made no profession nor objection to any other church. But after these days other bishops that sat there/ were compelled to be sacred at Canterbury. In token of which subjection Bonyface archbishop of Caunterbury, & legate of the cross/ sang in every cathedral church of wales a solemn mass, which was done by the said Boniface in the time of Henry the second being King of England.  
But now ye shall understand there been but two primates or archbysshoppes in all England and wales. That one is at Caunterburye, and that other is at york. To the primate of Caunterburye been subject xiii. bishops in England, and four in wales. And the primate of york hath but two suffragans in England, which be the bishops of caerleil and Durham.  
And who so will be further instruct of the order and changes of bishops see of England let him read over thee. Lii.liii.lu.lvi. and lvii. chapters of the first book of Polycronycon/ or a part of holy Bedys work, which he compiled of the same matter called historia Anglicana: and there he shall have every thing set out clearly and truly.  
And for to continue my process of Lucius as witnesseth mine author Gaufride/ when he had, as before is said established & ordered the foresaid archeflamyns and flamyns/ and that they were also confirmed of the pope: he than endowed them with such lands and possessions, as before time were occupied or given to the maintaining and upholding of the pagan rites and law used before tyme. And the temples of idols through his land he caused to be dedicate to Jesu Criste and his saints/ & honoured them with much great and large gifts. And when he had done, after most accord of writers by the term of xii years: he died and was buried in the city of Claudiocestre or gloucester without heir of his body/ the which after grew to great damage of the Brytons, as after shallbe showed.  
Of this Lucius it is showed in a table hanging upon the wall of the north side of the isle, in the back of the quere of saint Paul's church in London/ that the said Lucius reigned over the Brytons lxxvii years. And over that the author of cronica cronicarum testifieth, that after Lucius had received the faith, he assembled a great host of Brytons and sailed over into Gallia or France/ and thence into other countries passing by Becia and the city called Augusta/ & there subdued many of the enymyes of Crystes faith/ where after many virtuous deeds he rested in good peace. And his sister called Emerita, as saith the said author, was also martyred for Cristes' sake. But of this saying & other the doubt is assoiled in the foresaid table in the beginning of this work/ where it shall apere, that he reigned but xii years, as above is showed.  
And for so much as in this Lucius endeth for a time the line of Britons, and the land after this day was ruled some deal by the romans: therefore I will here end the third part of this work. And for the good speed I have hitherto had/ and to the end to inpetre the more grace in acomplishing the other deal of this work: I here salute our most blessed lady with the third joy of the foresaid seven. Joys, which beginneth.  
Gaude splendens vas virtutum etc.  
Hail and be glad thou vessel most shining  
Of virtues and grace, at whose commandment  
The hole court of heaven is ever and bidding  
And thou also art among them meant  
Most benign and happy to every good intent  
As dign mother of Jesu, with most excellence  
Honoured in glory, with all their assistance.  
This third part to be accounted from the end of the ix year of cassibelan, to the last year of Lucius, includeth of years two hundred & xli  
Troth it is, as affermyn all writers/ that after the death of the forenamed Lucius, for so much as of his body remained none heir: the Brytons among themself fill at great distance and war. The which war and trouble endured to the great dystourbaunce of the land. But how long, the certain is not set out by any writer that I have seen/ except the english chronicle saith, that it endured l years. The which saying under correction can not stand with the concordance of other writers/ as it is more plainly declared in the foresaid table. where also it shall appear, that the said discord among the Britons continued but only xu years.  
After which term of xu years expired, as after more clearly shall be showed: Severus being them Emperor of Rome, began his dominion over this land of britain. So that ye shall now understand that the last year of this discord was the year of our Lord two hundred & seven. By reason whereof it followeth, that the said xu years joined unto the foresaid third part: that the third part containeth and includeth of years ii hundred and lvi   
¶ Thus endeth the third part.   

THE fourth part.  

THE. LXI. Chapter.  
Severus a roman at this day Emperor of Rome/ began to rule this land of britain in the year of our lords incarnation ii hundred and viii. The which as witnesseth Gaufryde, was before time sent from the senate of Rome with two legions of knights into britain, to appease the war and strife among them/ and also for to withstand the Pictes and other enymyes, which daily invaded the land. For divers writers agree, that this severus was made Emperor, the year of Crystes incarnation a hundred lxxx and xv/ and ruled the said empire after the most writers xvi years. By which rule it should appear that he should be taken for governor of this realm of britain, the xii year of his empire.  
It is said of this man, that after he had subdued the Parthis and the Arabis, he was named Particus/ & was sent, as before is said, of the senate of Rome into britain/ where he caused to be made at the cost of the commoute, a wall of turfs and great stakes of the length, as witness sith Policronica of a hundred & xii miles/ as in the xviii chapter of his four book appeareth. This wall after the exposition of the said Polycronica, began at the river of Tyne, and endured to the scottish see/ or from the end of the lordship of Deira, unto the said scottish see/ or after some writers from Durham, to the see beforesaid.  
Then it followeth, the Pictes with their leader Fulgenius/ issued from Albany or Scotland into the land of britain/ and destroyed much of the country beyond Durham. Wherefore this Severus with and host of Brytons and of Romans met with the said Fulgenius in a place near unto york, where after sore fight the said Severus was slain/ when he had ruled this land after most concordance of writers by the term of .v. years/ and was after buried at york, leaving behind him two sons, that one named Geta, and that other Bassianus.   

THE. LXII. Chapter.  
BAssianus the son of Severus and of the moders side a Bryton/ began to rule this land of Britain in the year of Cirstes incarnation two hundred and xii Of this man speaketh nothing the english chronicle. But troth it is, as witnesseth Gaufride and other, that after/ the death of severus strife arose between the Brytons & the Romans, then being within the land of britain. For the commons held for their King Bassianus, for so much as he was borne of a Bryton woman. And upon that other party in like manner the romans allowed Geta for their King, because he was descended of a Roman. And as far there affirmeth the forenamed Gaufryde/ for this dissension a battle was had between the said two brethren/ in the which Geta was slain, and Bassianus remained for King of all the land.  
But from this saying varieth greatly Eutropius, and other that write of the chronicles of Rome. For by them it is witnessed, that Geta was slain at a city named Edessa, when he fought again the parthians/ and Bassianus succeeded his father in the dignity of Emperor/ which as in the said chronicle of Rome is testified, was also called Marcus Aurelius Antonnius and Caracalla a man of right evil condition, and unreasonable of lechery, so that he lay by his stepdame named Juliana and wedded her, and did other many cruel deeds/ and lastly he was slain at the forenamed city of Edessa, when he had been Emperor upon vii years.  
In the time that Bassianus was thus King of britain, one named Carassius a Bryton of low birth, but valiant and hardy in mercial deeds: purchased of the senate of Rome the keeping of the costs of britain, and to withstand the malice of strangers, as Pictes and other. By mean of this, Carassius drew unto him many knights, & specially of the Brytons/ promising to them, that if they would make him King he would clearly deliver them from all servitude of the Romans. where through the Britons (as witnesseth Gaufryde) rebelled again Bassianus/ and with their duke and leader Carassius, arreared again him deadly war. By mean whereof Bassianus was slain, when he had ruled this land by most concordance vi. Years.   

THE. LXIII. Chapter.  
CArassius a Briton of unknown birth was of the Britons made ruler, in the year of our lord ii hundred and xviii the which as before is touched, was by the senate of Rome deputed for a substytute or a ruler under the Romans, as it is showed in their chronicles, in the absence, or while Bassianus then Emperor of Rome and King of britain, was occupied about the needs of the empire. This Carassius for that he was not of power to withstand the Pictes/ or for the favour that he bore toward them for aiding him again the romans: he gave to them the country of Albania, that now is called Scotland.  
But ye shall understand, that here is not meant all Scotland. For as witnesseth Policronica/ this part that was given thus to the Pictes, was the south part of Albania, and began at tweed, and endured to the Scottysh see. Of the kind of those Pictes is somewhat showed before in the story of Marius/ but more after shall be showed of them in convenient place, both of their offspring and manners.  
Then it followeth in the story, when the Romans had knowledge of the death of Bassianus/ anon they sent a duke from Rome named Alectus with three legions of knights, for to slay Carassius, and to subdue the Brytons to the empire. To the which Alectus fortune was so favourable, that he chased Carassius, and lastly slew him/ when he had ruled the Brytons by most accord of writers viii. Years.  
But Jacobus Philippus author of a book named Supplementum cronicarum saith, that in the time that Maximianus or maximian surnamed Herculeus, and Dioclecyan Dalmatheus were Emperors of Rome: they hard that this Carassius had taken upon him to were the purpur that only was reserved to emperors/ & also that he ruled the realm of britain as to his singular use/ and furthermore were credybly informed, that Narsetus an other substytute had or occupied the east lands with cruel battle/ and other Princes the great country of Africa/ and many other also by the instigation and leaving of one named Achilleus had subdued the country of Grece. For which said novellies & tidings/ these two emperors, to the end to reform all these said rebellions, chase unto them two noble men/ of the which that one was named Galerius, and that other Constancius, as Caesars or fellows to rule the empire. And that done/ the said ii Caesars were sent with great powers, that one into Africa, and the other into Egypte. This forenamed maximian came with great power of people into Britain, and overcame the said Carassius more by guile then by strength/ when the said Carassius had ruled the Brytons, as saith the forenamed author jacobus Philippus, by the term of ten years.  
In the which saying appeareth error, for diversity of time and years. For after most accord of writers/ and also by the affirmation of the said Jacobus Philippus, the said Emperors Dioclesian & maximian, ruled the empire of Rome about the year of Crystes incarnation two hundred and. lxxxx. And this Carassius was ruler in Britain long before, as in the time of Bassianus Emperor of Rome, the reigned about the year of our Lord two hundred & xiii as testifieth Polycrocon and other.  
Also a book in French called la Mere de histories, which may be englished the mother of histories, saith that this Carassius was first a treasurer or such a high office among the romans. By reason whereof he sought great abundance of riches, and fill by reason thereof in favour of the senators of Rome/ so that finally he was made senator, and became a man of great authority/ in so much that Bassianus then Emperor made him protector of the city and country of alexandria. But then he was surprised with such pride, that he exercised tyranny and other unleeful means, in so exceeding manner that the country waxed weary of him, and conspired his death. Wherefore after punishment done upon some of his enymyes/ he fearing the sequel and revengement of the same: left that country and returned unto Rome/ where after he had a season rested, he was by the senate of Rome assigned for his sternness unto the rule of britain, with the aid of iii legyons of knights. And so being garnished with all abyly mentes of war, entered this isle of britain/ and with great travail subdued them to the empire/ and so continued the lives time of the Emperor Bassianus.  
But so soon as he was ascertained that the Emperor was slain at Edessa, as before in the story of Bassianus is showed/ thinking that among the Romans should grow strife & dissension for the election of a new Emperor/ by reason of which strife he might the rather live so far from them without any correction: confedered with the Scots and certain other of the Britons/ and slew many of the Romans, such of them as he thought would not consent to his treason/ and by that mean finally was made King of britain. And so continued, as affirmeth the said author to account from his first having rule under the Romans, unto the time that he was slain of Alectus viii years, not without exercising of his old accustomed tyrannies and other unfitting conditions.   

THE. Lxiiii chapter.  
ALectus a duke or consul of Rome, sent as before is said from the senate/ began to rule the Brytons, in the year of our Lord ii hundred & xxvi This in the English chronicle is named Allec. Which when he had restored the land to the subjection of Rome/ he then pursued certain of the Britons, that had favoured Carassius again the romans. And in that doing used and exercised many tyrannies and exactions/ by reason whereof he fill in great grudge of the Brytons. Wherefore they intending to oppress and subdue the power of the Romans/ purchased and excited a noble man of the Britons called Asclepiodotus and duke of cornwall. The which gathered a great host of the Brytons, and made war upon the Romans, and chased them from country to country, & from town to town/ and lastly Alectus with his romans drew him to London, and there kept him for his most surety. Whereof being warned Asclepiodotus: he with his Brytons came near unto the said city/ where by means of provocation on either party used, lastly the Romans issued out of the city & gave battle to the Brytons. In the which fight many fill on either party/ but the more on the party of the Romans/ among the which was also slain Alectus. Wherefore a captain of the Romans called Livius Gallus, advertising this mischief, & the great danger that the romans were in: drew back into the city with the Romans that were left on live, and defended it with their powers.  
Thus then appeareth, that Alectus was slain of the Brytons/ which was by most accord of writers when he had ruled this land under the Romans by the term of vi year.   

THE. LXV. Chapter.  
ASclepiodotus duke of cornwall, as saith Gaufryde (but after the saying of Eutropius and Beda, he was presydente of the Pretory of Rome) began his dominion over the Brytons, in the year of our Lord two hundred and xxxii The which as before is said, with his Brytons girt the city of London with a strong siege/ and kept the foresaid Livius Gallus and his romans in strait hold/ & finally, as affirm mine author Gaufride, with knightly force & violence entered the said city, and slew the forenamed Livius Gallus near unto a broke there at that day running, and him threw into the said broke. By reason whereof long after it was called Gallus or wallus broke. And at this day the street where some time ran the said broke, is now called walbroke. And after he had thus venquyshed the romans: he held this land a certain of time in peaceable wise, and ruled the Britons with good justice/ in rewarding & exalting the good men, and punishing of the evil.  
In this while by stirring of dysclaunderous & dyvylyshe persons/ a grudge was arreared attwene the King and a duke of his land called coil or coilus, the which was duke or Earl of Kaercolym or Colchester/ whereof the cause is not apparent. But how it was, great people were assembled on both parties/ and finally met in the field, where was faughten a great and strong battle. In the which Asclepiodotus was slain/ when he had reigned to the concordance of other histories, and after the affermaunce of the old chronicle by the space of xxx years.   

THE. LXVI. Chapter.  
COelus Earl of Colchester began his dominion over the Brytons, in the year of the incarnation of christ ii hundred lxii This in the english book is called Coyll/ the which guided the land to the pleasure of the Brytons a certain tyme. But as witnesseth Gaufryde, when the senate of Rome had under standing of the death of Asclepiodotus, they were joyous of the death of him, for so much as he had ever been an enemy to the empire. But for so much as at that days was great dissension among themself, as witnesseth the chronicle of Rome: they could not conveniently send any army of knights for to war upon this Coelus. Wherefore he continued the longer in rest & good peace. After the chronicle registered within the monastery of saint Alboon/ the said holy martyr suffered his passion in the year of our Lord ii hundred lxxx. & vi/ which should be the xxiiii year of this present King. But this discordeth from such writers, as affermen the holy man to be martyred in the ten persecution under Dioclesian and Maximian emperors.  
Nevertheless at length was sent from the senate a noble wise man called Constancius/ the which as affirmeth the forenamed author, had before time subdued to the empire a great part of the country of Spain. But that saying dysagreeth to the writing of Eutropius. For the country of Spain was not subdued by him till after that he was Emperor.  
Than it followeth, when this Constancius was arrived in britain with his army/ anon Coelus assembled his Brytons. But for he dreaded the strength and fame of this Constancius, he sent to him an enbassad, affirming unto him conditions of peace, with grant of payments of the tribute, which before was denied/ or else as meaneth Polycronica, within a month after the landing of this Constancius, Coelus was deed. Wherefore the Brytons to have the more peace/ willed this knight to take to wife Helen the daughter of Coelus, with the possession of the land of Britain/ which by him was granted. Then as before is said, Coelus died, when he had ruled the Brytons after most accord of writers xxvii years.   

THE. LXVII. Chapter.  
COnstancius a senator of Rome, as saith Policronica/ began to rule the Brytons in the year of our Lord two hundred lxxx and ix This as before is showed married Helen the daughter of Coelus last King of britain. But ye shall understand, that this Constancius was first married unto Theodora the stepdoughter of Herculeus Maximianus/ and had by her six sons. So that this Helen was his second wife, which was fairest of all maidens, and therewith learned, and suffycyenly lettered. She is also noted of many writers to be a captive or a prisoner to the Romans.  
Of this Constantius little memory is left in the bretyshe or English chronicles/ except that he received of the foresaid Helen a son named Constantinus/ the which after for his knightly & martial deeds, was called Constantyne the great.  
But for the noble deeds of so victorious a duke should not be hid, as was this Constantius: therefore I shall now follow the story of Rome, which saith, that for so much as in the time of Dioclesianus and Maximianus being emperors, many countries rebelled again the empire: therefore the said Emperors admitted this Constantius, and one Galerius as Caesars, which was a dignity next of authority to the emperors. And so the empire was at those days guided by two emperors, & by two Caesars. This Constantius, as witnesseth Policronica made subject to the empire the Almains, & slew of them in one day lx thousand. And after other many victorious deeds, when the said ii emperors had of their free wills resigned and given over all imperial dignity: this said Constantius with his forenamed fellow Galerius, were made emperors/ that is to wit Galerius was Emperor of all Iliricum, which now is named Grecia or Grece with all the east lands, and Constantiꝰ had to him all the west lands. But he held him content with Gallia or France, & Spain with britain/ & granted Italia unto Galerius afore said. Then he subdued the country of Spain, as before is touched in the story of Coelus, and a part of Gallia/ and after sojourned and abode in this land of britain in guiding & ruling the same with great soberness, and ordained his son gotten upon Helen to rule Gallia and Spain.  
But for to make this story more apparent & open to the readers, and also to the hearers: it is here to be noted, that Dioclesianus or Dioclesian began his empire over the Romans after most writers, in the year of our Lord two hundred lxxx and vii and he was Emperor twenty years. And this Constantius was sent into britain from the senate as before is said, in the second year of the said Dioclesian, or the year of our Lord two hundred lxxx and ix  
which Constancius after he had in due manner sped the needs of the empire, as in subduing this land of britain, as before is said: he returned again to Rome/ where he was shortly after made cesar, and so continued his life, as before is touched.  
And in the time of his being thus cesar and ruler of britain under the Emperor, the blessed and holy protomartyr, of britain saint Alboon at Uerolan was martyred/ in the ten persecution of the church, as witnesseth Policronicon. Which persecution began, as testify Eusebius and Beda, the xviii year of the forenamed emperors Dioclesian & maximian, and endured ten years/ that is to say in the east under Dioclesian/ and in the West under Maximyan. The which was so sharp and fervent, that within the space of one month, in divers places of the world were xvii thousand holy men and women martyred for Crystes faith. And when the said emperors left or resigned their imperial dignity, and lad a private life: this said Constancius with his fellow Galerius, departed the empire between them, as before is touched/ so that he reigned as ruler of britain by the term of xvii years and more or he were Emperor. And after as Emperor of the West party of the empire▪ and King of britain xii years and more. And so in all the said Constantius reigned over britain thirty. Years. And lastly died and was buried at york, leaving after him the foresaid son called Constantinꝰ without more that any mention is made of.   

THE. LXVIII. Chapter.  
COnstantinus the son of Constancius, and of Heleyne daughter of King Coelus, in the year of our lord iii hundred & xix was made King of britain. Antoninus' Archbishop of Florence, & writer of histories, showeth in the first chapter of the ix title of his work called S●● Antonini/ that this Constantine was made Emperor, or began to rule the empire, in the year of our lords incarnation iii hundred and ix which saying also affirmeth Uyncent historyall and other authors/ whereof the cause is that the said authors account not the years of the reign of Constancius, but follow the account of Galerius fellow of Constancius/ which reigned as Emperor but iii years. After the which rule it must nediss follow, that this Constantyne began his empire, as the said Antoninus witnesseth/ and following the other account it should vary.  
Then to pursue or continue the story of this Constantyne/ it followeth that at the time of the decease of Constancius his father, he was occupied in wars in Gallia & those parties. After whose death he by a certain term ruled britain, & the other lands, the which his father before held in due manner. And all be it that at the day he was a mysereant & pagan: yet he used no tyrannies, nor compelled not the Brytons to refuse the law, and to worship idols, as other tyrants at those days used. In this while that Constantyne ruled thus the West part of this empire/ one Maxentius which was the son of Herculeus Maximianus, sometime fellow in the empire with Dioclesian as before is showed/ was of the knights of the pretory declared Emperor. This Maxentius was there worst of all men. And as testifieth Eusebius & other/ he first began meekly, to win thereby love & favour. But when he was stablished in authority/ he exercised all tyranny, & pursued all Christians with all kind of torment. Also he expulsed and put out from Rome & all honour his father Herculeus Maximianus, that enriched again to have been Emperor. Of the tyranny of this Maxentius when Constantyne had witting: he assembled a great host of Brytons and Gallis, for to oppress the malice of the said Maxentius.  
And for to rule and guide this land of Brytane in his absence, he deputed and ordained a man of might called Octavius/ the which Polycronica nameth duke of Jewessis, that after were named west Saxons. And when the said Constantyne had all prepared for his voyage: he betook the land of britain unto the said Octavius, and after sped him upon his journey. And as he was toward his said journey, he saw in his sleep the sign of the cross shining in the firmament, as it had been a brenning light of fire/ and an angel standing thereby and saying: Constantyne toicanata/ which is to mean, Constantyne by this token thou shalt win victory. when he awoke, he called this vision to mind, and told unto his secrets/ by whose counsel he commanded the sign of the cross to be painted and set in his banners and pennons, and all his knights.   

THE. LXIX. Chapter.  
WHen Constantyne had thus ordained the sign of the cross: he sped him forth toward the said tyrant Maxentius/ and met with him at a bridge called Ponte Miluium. where after long fight, he chased the said Maxentius/ & him with a great part of his host drowned in the water of the said bridge, when he had reigned as Emperor upon .v. years. After which victory thus had: the said Constantyne went unto Rome/ where he was received of the senate with most triumph. And there caused the sign of the cross to be painted in the right hands of the images, which the senators of old time had arreared in worship of their victories. And under the feet of the images/ he caused to be written: This is the sign and token of the living god, that may not be overcomen.  
Soon after this, constantine was converted from his pagan law unto Crystes faith, by virtue of the blessed Uernacle as some have been/ or by the good doctrine of that blessed pope saint Silvester first of that name/ the which was made pope in the year following Crystes incarnation iii hundred and xiii Then Constantyne opened the prisons, and desstroyed the temples of false gods, and dedicate them in the worship of god and his saints. He also opened them that tofore were shit and kept close/ and caused divine service in them to be said, and gave to the church of Rome first possessions. And also he ordained that the bishop of Rome should be head of all bishops, & all other to be obedient unto him. He also bare clay upon his shoulders to the foundation of saint Peter's church, as witnesseth Policronica and other.  
Of this first indowement of the church are divers things showed, as rehearseth Gwaldus Cambrens. Saint Hierom, and other/ the which I over pass for lengthing of time of this work.  
And while that Constantyne was thus occupied in Rome: his mother Heleyne then being far from him, and hearing that he was become a christian man: sent unto him letters of recommendation, that he had forsaken the worshipping of idols. But she dispraised him, in that that he worshipped a man that was nailed upon a cross. But after receit of these letters/ he wrote answer to his mother, that he should sufficiently prove, that he believed and worshipped him, that was first creator and maker of the world. And not only a man but also god & man, with divers other points touching the faith, which I overpass.  
For reasoning and proof of this, was after assigned vii score Jews/ and Silvester with a certain number of christian clerks, to dispute the articles of Crystes faith. where after divers miracles showed, & good proof made by holy scripture: the said Jews were confounded/ and the said Heleyne was converted unto the faith of Crystes church/ and travailed soon after to Jerusalem, where she by her industry and labour fande out the holy cross, with the iii nails that our Lord was nailed with to the same cross. Whereof she left there a part/ and the other deal was brought unto Bizancium now called Constantyne noble. Which city the said Constantyne greatly augmented with excellent building/ and therein also caused to be arcryd a church of marvelous beauty, & named it Sophia. when the Emperor had received the foresaid part of the cross with the iii nails: he after some authors put two of the said nails in the bridle of his horse, which he used in battle. And the third he cast or caused to be cast (as wytnessyth saint Ambrose) in a swallow of the see called mare Adriaticum. Which swallow was before that time so perilous, that unneaths any ship escaped that danger/ and garnished the cross with many rich stones freyt with gold/ and after with great reverence conveyed it to Rome, as in diverse histories is declared. Then this Constantyne removed the imperial see unto his city of Constantyne the noble/ and there for the more party kept his imperial honour, and other emperors in like wise after him. By reason whereof the emperors were long after called emperors of Constantyne noble. This man was so mighty & mercial in his feats and all his deeds/ that for his more honour he had an addition put to his name, and was called for his great might and power, Constantyne the great. He was also the first christian Emperor/ and did many notable acts for the weal of Crystes faith. Among the which seven are noted by the forenamed Antoninus, in the ix. Title of the second part of his work before named: whereof the first was that christ should be worshipped as god through the city of Rome.  
The second was, that who so of Jesu christ spoke any blasphemy, he should be grievously punished.  
The third was, what person that did any injury or wrong to a christian man/ he should be deprived or put to the loss of half his goods. The fourth, that like as the Emperor of Rome is heed of all temporal Princes: so the bishop or pope of Rome is head of all bishops. The fift, that what person fled to the church for his safeguard or surety/ that there he should be defended from all peril and danger. The sixth, that no man should presume to build any temple or church within any city or town, without the special licence of his bishop. The seventh, that every Prince should give the ten part of his possessions to the building and meynteyning of churches.  
The which law he first executed/ and after with a pykax or mattoke with his own hand, broke the ground where as now standeth saint Peter's church. and xii cophyns or treys full of earth he bore away upon his shoulders/ as witnesseth the foresaid Antoninus and other.  
But after those manifold good deeds/ he fill into the heresy called Ariannys heresy. By mean whereof he was so blinded, that he then became an enemy to Cristes' church, & persecuted christian men, & exiled the pope Silvester/ or as some mean the said Silvester fled the city for fere.  
For this as witnesseth Jacobus Philippus and other writers/ this Constantyne was smitten with the evil of lepry. For curing whereof three thousand children were brought to th'emperors palace to be slain, that he in the blood of them might be bathed, and so cleansed of his lepry. But when he saw the children and the moders sorrowing for them, he was moved with pity, and said: the dignity of th'empire cometh of mildness. For it is deemed, that he should die the sleeth a child in battle. Then what cruelty were this to slay so many innocentes wilfully? yet better it were to us to die and save those childer's' lives/ then to get a cruel life by the death of so many innocentes.  
For this mildness it is red that saint Peter and Poule appeared to him the night following, warning him to send again for Siluestre the pope, and he should be by him restored to perfect health. Which was done, and he heeled as the legend of saints beareth witness.  
Thus have I showed to you a part of the deeds of Constantyne/ which if I should continue the hole process of his reign, that endured as Emperor by the space of xxx years: I should thereof make a large volume. But it concernyth nothing of th'intent of this work, as touching the land of britain: therefore I will return my style to Octavius from whom I have made a long digressyon.   

THE. LXX. Chapter.  
IN this pastime while Constantyne occupied him in needs of th'empire as above is showed: Octavius being lieutenant in the land of britain under Constantyne, ruled the land to the pleasure of the Brytons a certain of tyme. But when he perceived that he was in favour of them, and that Constantyne was far from him/ casting also in his mind, that the said Constantyne being then Emperor, would or might not lightly return into britain: he therefore with help of his affinity and friends, withstood the Romans left in britain of Constantyne/ and usurped the rule & dominion of the land. Whereof when certainty came to the knowledge of Constantyne: he in all hast sent into britain a duke named Trahern, the which was uncle unto Heleyne mother of Constantyne. when this Trahern was arrived in britain with three legions of knights: anon Octavius made toward him with his Brytons/ and with him met near the city, then called Kaerperis, now called port chestre or Porchestre/ but more verily in a field near unto the city of Kaerguent, that now is called winchester/ which field then was named Maesurian. The ii hosts met with great ire, and foughten long while. But in the end Trahern was compelled to forsake the field/ and after drew with his Romans toward Albania or Scotland. Whereof Octavius being warned, followed him/ and in the country of westmerlande gave unto him the second battle, where then Octavius was chased & Trahern was victor/ the which pursued Octavius so eagerly, that he compelled him to forsake the land of Britain, and to sail into the country of Norway for his safeguard.  
But it was not long after, that the said Octavius gathered a new people of Brytons & Norways, and was ready to return again into Britain. In which time, as testifieth mine author Gaufryde/ an Earl of britain that entirely loved Octavius, by treason slew the said Trahern a little before the landing of the said Octavius. Which shortly subdued the Romans and the land to his own use. This should be after most concordance of writers, when Constantyne with also the aid of Trahern, had ruled this land of britain by the term of ten years.   

THE. LXXI. Chapter.  
Octavius duke of the Jessis, otherwise westsaxons/ began his reign over the Brytons, in the year of our Lord iii hundred xxix This in the english book is called Octavian/ the which as testifieth Gaufryde, gathered in short while after so great plenty of treasure and richesse, that he feared no man/ and ruled this land in peaceable wise. So that of him or of his acts is left little memory/ except that when he was fallen into age, by the counsel of Brytons he sent unto Rome for a noble young man of the aliy of Heleyne, mother unto Constantyne called Maximianus, as after more plainly shallbe showed: all be it that some advised him to make one Conan Meryadok his cousin, King after him. But by the instant labour of Caradok then duke of cornwall/ octavius lastly sent unto Rome Mauryce the son of the forenamed Caradok/ to bring or convey the said Maximianus into britain, for to marry the only daughter of Octavius/ and by reason thereof, to enjoy the realm of britain. This Maximianus is of some author named Maximius/ the which as witnesseth Gaufride, was the son of Leonyne, brother to Heleyne, and uncle unto Constantyne the great. Which saying affirmeth also Jacobus Philippus author of a book called Supplementum cronicarum/ wherein he nameth the said Maximianus a knight of the Bryton blood.  
Then it followeth, when the forenamed Maurice had sped his needs, so that he came to the presence of Maximianus, & showed theffect of his Message: the said Maximianus to him granted, & in all haste prepared for his voyage into britain/ & shortly after with convenient company landed at Southampton. Whereof being warned Conan Meryadok: he with a certain of knights of his affinytye, was purposed to have frayed with the said Maximianus, & to have distressed him/ for so much as he well knew, that by him he should be put from the rule of the land. But this purpose was let by the commandment of the King or otherwise, so that the said Maximianus was conveyed safely to the kings presence, & shortly after with consent of the more party of his Lords, gave his daughter unto the said Maximianus with possession of this isle of britain. The which marriage solemnysed & ended, the said octavius died shortly after. But how long he reigned, none of the foresaid authors testystye/ except divers of them agree, that he continued his reign till the time that gracian and Ualentinyan ruled the empire/ the which began to reign the year of our Lord iii hundred lxxx and ii By which reason it must follow, that the said Octavius reigned at the least liiii years.   

THE. LXXII. Chapter.  
Maximianus or Maximius the son of Leonine & cousin german of Constantyne the great/ was made King of Bryton, in the year of our Lord iii hundred lxxx and ii This in the english book is named Maximian/ the which as testifieth Gaufryde and other, was stalworth and mighty of his hands.  
But for he was cruel and pursued somedeal the christian: he therefore of all writers is called Maximianus the tyrant. Attwene this & Conan before named, was strife and debate/ and divers conflicts attwene them was fought, in the which either of them sped diversly/ all be it that lastly they were made friends. So that Maximianus reigned a season in quiet, and gathered richesse, & treasure not all with out grudge. lastly he was moved & exyted to war upon the galls/ thorough which council he with a great host of Britons sailed into Armorica that now is called little britain/ and bore him so knightly, that he subdued that country unto his lordship/ & after gave the said country to Conan Meryadok, to hold of him and of the kyngeꝭ of great britain for ever. And then commanded the said land to be called little britain.  
For this victory his knights proclaimed him Emperor. where through he being the more exalted in pride/ passed farther in the lands of the emprye, & vyctoryously subdued a great part of Gallia or France, and all Germania. For this deed/ divers authors account him false and perjured. Wherefore it should seem that before his departing from Rome, he was sworn unto Gracian and Ualentynyane emperors, that he should never after claim any part of the empire. And also for the breaking of this oath/ he was after challenged or blamed of saint Martyne Bishop of Turon. To whom he answered that he was compelled of his knights to take upon him as Emperor/ or else he should of them have been slain. Nevertheless the said bishop showed unto him, that for his untruth he should not long prosper or reign.  
After that word was brought unto the emperors, that Maximianus had with hard battles thus subdued Gallia and Germania: Gracianus with a great host came down to resist him. But when he hard of the martial deeds of Maximianus/ he was a drade and fled back to the city of Lugdun or lions in France. where after the said Gracianus was slain/ and his brother Valentinian was compelled to flee to Constantyne the noble. Then Maximianus to have the more strength to withstand his enemies: made his son named Uictour fellow of the Emperor. In this while that Maximianus warred thus in Italy: Conan Meryadoke, to whom as before is said Maximianus had given the land of little britain/ for so much as he & his knights had no will to marry the daughters of Frenschmen, but rather to have wives of their own blood: therefore this Conan sent messengers unto Dionotus then duke of cornwall, and chief ruler of britain/ willing him to send his daughter Ursula with a certain number of virgins, to be coupled to him & to his knights in marriage. The which soon after prepared according the request of Conan, the foresaid Ursula accompanied with xi thousand virgins, and were sent by her said father toward little britain/ as witnesseth the english chronicle, Gaufryde, and also Policronica.  
But it should appear by the saying of Antoninus, jacobus Philippus, and other writers/ that this Ursula with her company should not be sent forth of much britain, nor married about this time/ but in the time of Marcianus being Emperor/ the which began his empire after most accord of writers, in the year of our lord four hundred & li Of the martyrdom of these maidens divers authors write diversly. Wherefore I remit them that will have farther understanding in this matter, unto the legend of saints red yearly in the church, where they may be suffycyenly taught and informed.   

THE. LXXIII. Chapter.  
ANd as before is showed Maximianus being occupied in wars in Italy: two dukes named Gwanus, and Melga/ the which as Gaufryde testifieth and other, were sent from Gracian and Valentinian emperors, to punish and subdue the Brytons that favoured the party of Maximianus/ warred sore upon the costs of great britain, and occupied a great part of Albania. Whereof when Maximianus had knowledge/ he sent into great britain a knight and captain named Gracianus or gracian. The which with two legions of knights bore him so knightly/ that in short process he chased the said ii dukes into Irlande/ & held the land of britain in good peace to the behalf of Maximianus.  
In this while Maximianus continuing his war again the empire/ & intending to be Emperor: Theodocius named the elder than Emperor of the east part of the world, hearing of the death of gracian, & chasing of Ualentynyan, with a great power sped him toward the said Maximianus. And shortly after at a city in Italy named Aquilia/ took the said Maximianus, and him beheaded. when knowledge of the death of Maximianus was comen to gracian, that then had the rule of much britain: he seized the land & made himself by strength King of britain/ when or after that Maximianus had governed the same, by most accord of writers by the space of viii years.   

THE. LXXIIII. Chapter.  
GRacianus the which of Gaufryde is called Municeps, that may be taken for an hired or waged knight, or for the keeper of gifts, or bearing the chief rule of a city: began to rule the Brytons, in the year of our Lord iii hundred lxxx & x. The which exercised all tyranny and exaction upon his subjects/ for the which he was had in wonder full hatred among the Brytons/ and among them cast and sought many ways and means for his destruction/ but he by divers means escaped their dangers, and punished grievously all such fautors. Wherefore lastly as saith Gaufryde they fill upon him of an hole assent and killed him/ when he had reigned or more verily usurped by the term of four years.   

THE. LXXV. Chapter.  
AFter that Gracian was thus slain of the Brytons/ the foresaid Gwanus and Melga knowing the Brytons to be without head or ruler: assembled also people and returned into much Brytayne/ wasting and brenning on every side, and destroyed great plenty of Brytons, as witnesseth Gaufryde and other.  
But Policronica saith that when the romans knew of the death of gracian/ they sent a knight called Constantyne to have the rule of britain and other countries there about. But he was after deemed an enemy to the empire, for harm and scathes by him done in France. Wherefore by commandment of Honorius then Emperor/ a knight or Earl called Constancius was sent again the forenamed Constantine/ and slew him at a place or town called Arelet. After this the Britons were again vexed by the Pictes & other strange nations. By reason whereof they were constrained to send again to Rome: requiring them of aid, upon condition that they should always be subject unto Rome. The which request and promise thus heard of the senate: Honorius aforenamed was sent into Britain with a legion of knights/ which is vi thousand vi hundred lxvi The which legion with help of the Brytons/ chased the foresaid Pictes and other enemies/ and taught the Britons to make a wall overthwart the land from see to see/ that is to mean from the water of Humber to the scottish see, and ordained them wardens and keepers of the wall/ and after returned to Rome. This wall as testifieth Policronica, was made of turuys/ and stretched from Pemilton or Penulton, unto the city of Acliut or Acliud. But for this wall was of small strength: the enemies before named destroyed certain parties of this said wall, and overrode the country, and took great prays daily, & did as much harm as they had done before tyme. wherefore the Brytons were constrained to seek for new succour to the romans. Then did Foloaynes send an other legion/ the which again chased the said Pictes and other enemies/ and made than a wall of stone of the thickness of viii foot, and in height xii foot, in the self place where before Severus had made a dyke and wall of turfs. And that done the Romans comforted and exhorted the Brytons to be manly and courageous to withstand their enemies/ showing to them further that they should trust to their own strength, for so much as the romans being so far from them, might not lightly come from so far with an army of knights/ & also not without great cost and travail. After which monition and exhortation thus given to the Brytons, by the mouth of the archbishop of London, with other instructions appertaining to the feytes of war: the said Romans took leave of the Brytons, as though they should after the time no more return into Britain  
But it was not long after that the romans were thus departed/ that the Pictes and Scots began to break out of their dens and caves. These two nations after some authors, should seem to be one. But by the declaration of ranulph in his lviii chapter of his first book, they should appear to be two manner of people's/ or at the last dwelled in two sundry countries. As the Pictes in the northside of Scotland, or after Beda in the southside, which containeth Galeway and Lodeway. And the Scots by leading of their duke Renda should possede Irland: all be it after an arm of the north part of the see passing by Deyra, should depart the Pictes. But in the time that the Saxons ruled the land/ the Scots by manner of treason slew the mighty men and rulers of the Pictes/ and so after kept that country for their own. These two nations discord in manners, but not in clothing & in faith, and in covetise of the shedding of man's blood, they be one.  
Then as before is said, these Pictes and Scots entered the land, and broke the wall before made, and slew the wardens thereof/ and after spoiled and rob the countries, and chased so cruelly the commons and other, that they were comfortless. By mean whereof the Britons were brought in such danger and misery/ that either of them rob and slew other. And over this the ground was untilled and unsown/ whereof ensued great scarcytye and hunger: and after hunger ensued death.  
Thus after one mychyef came an other/ as death upon death, and sorrow upon sorrow, which fill upon them by strife meddled with the great hunger. The which misery in this wise continuing the chief of them took advise among themself/ and finally concluded that for remedy of this mischief, they would send unto Aecius then being King in France. Which Aecius was master of the chyvalry of Honorius then Emperor, and occupied in wars in a part of Gallia. To this Aecius was sent writing, whereof theffect was this. To thy manhood Aecius be it understanden the misery of the Brytons/ the which strange nations chase unto the see/ and the see driveth us again to strange nations. Of the which ensue two manner of carayns/ the one by violence of the enemies sword, and that other by wilful drowning. But all their writing was but in vain/ so that from the said Aecius, nor yet from the Romans, had they no refuge nor comfort. In this while the hunger increased/ and the people were so overset with their enymyes, that many of them were as yoleden & took party again their own neighbours. And the other that were of more power, and dwelled farther within the land/ defended them in their best manner. lastly the noble and wisest of them/ and specially the Archbishop of London with other of the land, kept a counsel at London. By the which it was concluded that an ambassade should be made unto the King of little britain, to impetre and ask of him aid and comfort in their great necessity. Of which ambassade the said archbishop was appointed for the chief and principal/ the which is named of Gaufryde Guethelinus/ and of the english chronicle Gosseleyne. which said bishop with the other unto him assigned, so sped them, that in short and convenient time they came unto the presence of Aldroenus then King of little britain/ and to him declared the effect of their message. The which having compassion of the lamentable request made unto him by the said ambassade/ after advise taken of his Lords, he granted unto the bishop, upon condition that if god sent to them victory of their enemies, that they should crown his brother King of great britain/ the which he intended to send thither with a convenient army. Which condition the said bishop with the other gladly accepted & firmly granted.  
So that thus it is apparent unto you, that this land was long without head or governor/ which length of time is of some authors determined to be long, and of some but short/ so that little certainty is thereof left.  
wherefore I have showed and driven certain reasons after mine opinion and dull mind, in the table before expressed/ wherein it shall appear under correction, that the said season and time of this land being without King, to rekyn from the last year of Gracian unto the first year of Constantyne no we next ensuing, was fully xxxix year.  

FINIT tribvyum.  
YE shall also furthermore understand, that here endeth finally the tribute and dominion of the Romans. For after this day they had no tribute to them paid/ nor no roman Prince after this days ruled this land of britain. The which tribute and dominion endured from the ix year of Cassybellan, unto the time of Severus by the term of two houndred and lu years. And from the time of Severus unto the first year of gracian a hundred lxxx and iii years. And from the first year of gracian unto the last year of this misery xliii years. So that from the year that Julius Cesar made first this isle of britain tributary unto the empire/ unto the last year or end of this foresaid misery, flowed four hundred xxxi years. But Polycronyca saith that the Romans ruled and had tribute of this land about four hundred lxx years. Which saying is full like to be true, if the end of their dominion be determined at the last departing of the romans out of this land.  
ANd thus here an end of the iiii. Part of this work/ for so much as the forenamed Gracianus was the last of Roman Kings that reigned in much britain/ or that no tribute was after this day paid unto the Romans.  
wherefore in giving thanks to that most blessed virgin our lady saint Mary, for the good exploit and speed had to this time, and to obtain her most habundaunt grace for the performance of the rest or other deal of the same: I here with all humbleness salute her with the iiii. Joy of the forenamed seven. Joys, the which beginneth, 
Gaude nexu voluntatis. etc.  
O excellent princess and Queen celestial/  
Be joyous and glad, for thou eternally  
By knot of charity, and dignity principal  
Art to the highest joined celestyally  
That thou may impetre, what is necessary  
For thy servants, thou virgin most pure  
Of thy swetteste Ihesu, and obtain it sure.   
This four part to be accounted from the first year of Severus, unto the last end or year of this misery: includeth of years. CC. and xxvi    
Thus endeth the fourth part.   

THE fift part.  

THE. LXXVI. Chapter.  
HEre according to the promise made by me in the beginning of this work: I shall bring in & show unto you the beginning of the reign of the Kings of France/ and set them in such a direct order, that it shallbe apparent to the reder, that it shallbe certainly known what King reigned in France when such a King reigned in England. And also I shall somedeal touch the acts and deeds of the said Kings of France/ so that the chronicles of both realms shall in this work appear, and the names of the Princes which at once reigned in England and in France.  
Then for the performance of the same, first is to be noted, that after the subversion of Troy by the Greeks (as in the beginning of this work is showed) divers Troyans being under the rule of nobles of the same lineage, as Helenus' son of Pryamus, Aeneas, Anthenorus, & other/ searched the world & landed in divers countries. As Helenus in Grece or Grecia/ Aeneas in Italia or Italy/ & so of other among. The which nobles one named Turchus, & an other named Franco cousin germans/ as Turchus the son of Troilus, & Franco or Francio the son of Ector/ which said two cousins searching their adventure: after many & divers dangers & jeopardies passed by the see, lastly landed in a country called Tracea or Tracia in Grece. And there with their company inhabited them near unto a river called Dion. And after they had continued there a season of time: Turchus departed with a certain of Trojans from his said cousin Francio/ and sailed after into a country called Faso the less. where he with his people dwelled long tyme. which Faso should be in the country of Sithia. Of this Turchus descended as saith the French chronicle four manner of people. That is to say, Austrogothis', Ipogothis', wandalis, and Normans. And Francio or Franco removed after with his company into a country named Pannoma/ which country now should seem to be a part of hungry or joining near to it. There near unto a river called Thanais they builded them a city, and named it Sicambria/ by reason whereof they were long after called Sicambri. They were also named Franci, as saith the French chronicle, after this man Francio. Turpinus that wrote the gests of the great Charles/ saith that when Charles had made the country of Spain subject, and was returned into France: he made all the bond men dwelling about or near unto Paris or in all Gallia fire, in the worship of saint Denis and of saint jamys of Galis/ upon condition that they should yearly offer four pence to this work of saint Denis church. By reason whereof they were named Franci, as men freed that to fore were bond. Policronica saith they were named Franci of Ualentynyan the Emperor, as it were for fierceness. But how so ever they came by that name they were called Franci as Frenschemen.  
This said people were also named long time Galli/ & were trybutaries to Rome & under their rule, till the time of Ualentinyan Emperor, about the year of christ iii houndreth & lxvi This Ualentinyan having the rule of the west part of the world made war upon a people called Aleynys, that dwelled near unto the forenamed Gallis. These Aleynys were eager of fight/ and over that they were so closed with fennys & marrys, that the Romans might not win to them by force/ whereof they often rebelled again the empire. Wherefore in the end Ualentinyan considering the fierceness of the Gallis, with their near dwelling unto the said Aleynys/ covenanted with them if they would subdue the said people, they should have release of ten years tribute. Which covenant well and sufficiently confirmed to the Gallis/ they in short while after by their knighthood and policy, subdued or utterly chased the said Aleynys. For the which deed they continued the foresaid ten years without paying of any tribute. Which ten years run and expired/ the Romans again claimed the former accustomed tribute. To whom it was answered, that they had redeemed the said tribute with the price of their blood, and ought not any more to be charged with any such tribute.  
with which answer the Romans being sore discontented/ made new war upon the said Sicambris. Of which war the Sicambris or Gallis had the worse, and were chased from their city of Sicambria. Then as witnesseth Polycronica & other, they drew near unto the water of Ryne/ and grew in short process to such a multitude & of such strength, that they in short while after by leading of their iii dukes named Marcomirus, Somomus or Simon, and Genebaur/ warred upon the lands of the empire, & such as were subject unto the same. Whereof Theodosius surnamed the younger than Emperor being warned: he anon sent ii of his dukes with a great host for to subdue the said Gallis or Sicambris. But they defended them so knightly, that the said dukes were chased/ and as witnesseth Master Robert Gagwyne, a great number of the Romans were slain.   

THE. LXXVII. Chapter.  
AFter this victory thus obtained by the Sicambris: they waxed so strong that they won from the Almains divers towns and strong holds within Germania. And after that they obtained the famous city named Treueris/ which as witnesseth the author of Cronica cronicarum, was first founded in the time of the patriarch Abraham, before the incarnation of christ a thousand ix hundred .lxv. years. And so daily won upon the nations adjoining to them, till they came to the river of sayn/ where they rested them, and builded the country all there about. In so much that they than named themself Franci/ as men freed and out of all danger of the empire of Rome/ and their land after them they named France, which sins that time is greatly increased. So that at this day it is a country of great wealth & honour, and containeth many provinces & lordships/ as after the affyrmauns of Policronica is touched in the xxvii chapter of his first book/ where it is showed that Gallia which now is France, had that name Gallia of whiteness of people. This Gallia or France hath in the North side, Germania/ in the east, the river of Ryne/ in the Southest, the Alpis or the high mountains/ and in the west, the see ocean, which is called both Brytannicum and Gallicum, which is to mean, english see & French see. For it departeth England and France, in the south see of middle eerth, that washeth about by the the province of Narbon. In the time of Julius Cesar, Gallia was departed in three/ but for divers haps that befell after in that land/ the country and land that stretcheth from the Ryne to Seyn, is now called Gallia Belgica, which is very France. And that country that stretcheth from Seyn to the river of Leyr, is called Gallia Lugdunensis/ whereof the over part height or is named Burgundia that is Burgoyne, and the nether part is Nestria or Normandye.  
And the country that stretcheth from the river of Leyr to the river of Geround, is called Gallia Aquitania/ which is guian, and stretcheth out of the east from the river of Roon, unto the west ocean. Whereof the over part thereof height Celtica, which is to mean heavenly, because that high mountains be therein.  
From the water of Gerounde to the see of middle eerth, and to the mountains called montes Pireni or great hills of Spain/ is cleped Gallia Narbonensis. And now a part thereof is called Gothia, and some Uasconia, which is to mean Gascoigne.  
And so Gallia is closed about with three noble waters/ with the river of Ryne in the north side/ with the river of Roone in the east/ and with the british ocean in the West. In Gallia or France been many noble cities, whereof Paris is head and principal/ which in the first foundation was cleped Parydes, after Parides a Trojan, that departed from Troy with Aeneas and other, as witnesseth Carinus and other writers of histories. But the French chronicle saith it was first founded by the Sycambris, and named by them Lutecia, before the incarnation of christ iii hundred lxxx and xu years. And in the while that the forenamed Marcomyrus was as there chief head and governor: for the more beauty of the name/ and also in mind of Paris son of Priam's King of Troy, of the which he was lineally descended, he therefore changed the name, and commanded it to be called Paris.  
In Gallia also be these provinces and lordships following/ Braban, Flaundres, Normandye, Pycardye, britain the less, Poytowe, Gascoigne, Guyan, Tolowse, Burgoyne, Angeo, and main, province, champagne, and Aluerne. All which sygnouries and lordships belonged or appertained unto the crown of France/ all be it that divers of them hath been given out by marriage or otherwise. So that the King of France claimeth to be chief Lord of them, and at this day hath the possession of them/ except Burgoyne, Flaundres Braban, and Normandye/ for the which he is tributary unto the King of England.  
Then it followeth, when the said Gallis or Frenchmen had thus conquered these foresaid countries, or the more part of them, or at less made them unto the said Gallis trybutary: then the forenamed Marcomyrus as their chief head or governor, closed cities with strong walls, and builded strong holds and castles/ and after died, leaving after him a son garnished with all knightly virtue, named Pharamundus or Pharamonde.   

Francio. THE. LXXVIII. Chapter.  
PHaramundus the son of Marcomyrus beforenamed/ was after the death of his said father, made or ordained the first King of Frenchmen, by the agreement of histories/ & also as affirmeth Master Robert Gagwyne and other, in the year of our lords incarnation four hundred and twenty And of the world, or after the creation of the first Adam following the account of this work, as before is showed, five thousand vi. hundred and xix After Brute began his dominion in this isle of britain, a thousand, five hundred and lvi And the year of misery of the Brytons xxvi  
Of this Pharamundus is little thing left in memory/ except that mine author Gagwyne testyfyfyeth, that he made certain laws which long time endured after. But for the names of the laws and use of them be dark to english understanding: therefore I overpass them, and follow the story/ which affirmeth, that when the said Pharamonde had ruled the Frenchmen well and nobly by the space of xi years, he died/ and left after him a son named Clodio Crinitus or Capellatus.   

THE. LXXIX. Chapter.  
CLodio the son of Pharamonde was made King of France, in the year of our Lord four hundred & xxxi. And the xxxvii year of the foresaid misery of Brytons. The which as before is said was surnamed Crinitus and Capellatus/ by reason whereof the Kings of Frenchmen long time after, were called Criniti. This to augment his lordship, made war upon a people called Turynges/ and by great & sore fight made them at length subject to him/ which country as saith the French chronicle, is a part of Almaigne. And at this day or time of this Clodio his reign/ the Romans had no more of the land of Gallia or France in their rule, then that which lieth from the river of Leyr unto the river of Ryne, which is called Gallia Lugdunensis. And when he had thus subdued the Turynges/ he then sent his espies over the Ryne to see what strength they were of, that inhabited that country. And after report to him brought of the said espies, that the country was fertile and rich, and the people thereof but of small defence: he with his army over spread the country/ and after shortly besieged the cities of Cambrey, and tourney and them wan. But in the city of Turney was a certain number of Romans/ which manfully defended the town long tyme. And when they perceived that they might no longer hold the town/ they then manfully issued out, and gave to the Frenchmen hard battle. But fortune was to them froward/ so that they were distressed. After which countries and towns thus gotten by Clodio, with other victorious deeds by him done: he lastly died, when he had ruled the frenchmen xix years without issue of his body.  

Anglia.  
Now then let us return unto th'archbishop of London and the other Brytons being in Britain the less/ the which upon the promise before rehearsed, received of Albroenus King of little britain, his brother named Constantyne/ the which with a certain number of knights shortly after landed at Totnesse in much britain, & gathered to them the flower of the Britons which before their landing were hid in diverse places of the land. By whose power & martial knighthood/ the enymyes of the land were shendfully chased and utterly confounded. Which victory thus by the Britons obtained: they of one mind conveyed their chefetayne Constantyne unto the town of Kaercegent now called Cicestre/ and there crowned him (according to the promise made unto his brother) King of this isle of the more britain.    

THE. LXXX. Chapter.  
COnstantinus the brother of Aldroenus King of little britain, was crowned King of much britain, in the year of our Lord four hundred and xxxiii/ and the third year of Clodio then King of France. The which guided the land with such manhood and police, that he kept it from danger of enymyes/ and for time of his life held it in god quiet & rest. Of this Constantyne is little mind made or left in writing/ except that he received of his wife three sons/ the which he named Constant, Aurely, or Constantius, Aurelius, Ambrose, and Uter, which was surnamed Pendragon.  
But for he saw and perceived, that his eldest son named Constant was dull and insolent of wit: he therefore made him a monk in the monastery of saint Amphyabyll of wynchester/ which monastery at this day is called saint Suythynes abbey. And to the other two brethren he betook unto Guethelinus archbishop, to nourish and bring forth.  
In the court of this Constantyne, as witnesseth Gaufryde, was a Pict that was much loved and greatly favoured of Constantyne/ so that he might at all times come to the kings presence. The which being an errant traitor/ and seeking convenient time to execute his detestable treason: by a secret mean slew the King in his chamber/ when he had been King, after most writers ten years   

THE. LXXXI. Chapter.  
COnstantius son of Constantyne, by mean of Uortigernus was made King of britain, in the year of our Lord four hundred and xliii This as before is touched, for so much as his father thought he was not very apt to take so great a charge as to govern the land after him, became a religious man in the monastery before named. Or as some writers mean, the said Constant of pure devotion that he had to god and saint Amphiabyl, made himself a monk unwytting the King his father and other his friends.  
But how or in what manner so ever he became a monk/ troth it is that Uortigerus or Uortigernus after the death of Constantyne, found such means that he was taken out of the abbey, and crowned King of britain. By mean whereof the said Uortiger had all the rule of the land so that Constant had but only the name. This Uortyger then considering the innocency and mildness of the King/ cast in his mind how he might be King himself. And among other means/ found to have about the Kings person an hundred Pictes, or after some Scots/ the which he ordained for a guard for the kings person. which done/ he bore him in such wise again the Pictes by means of great gifts & otherwise, that they at length had Uortyger in such favour, that they feared not to say openly that Uortyger was more worthy to be King than Constant. In this while Uortyger got into his possession the kings treasure/ and what was of him commanded was done, though other thereat murmured and grudge. And ever in right and wrong he favoured the foresaid Pictes or Scots. The which at length perceiving his corrupt mind, when they saw that they had convenient time, fill upon the King, and him slew or murdered.  
After which cruel deed by them done/ they presented the head of Constant unto Uortiger, then being at London. Whereof when he was ware/ to the end that the Brytons should think that deed to be done again his mind and will: wept & made semblant of all sorrow and heavens/ and caused the said hundred knights to be taken in all haste after, and them by doom and law of the land to be be headed/ by reason whereof he was taken not culpable, or innocent of the kings death. when the kings death was known to such persons as had the keeping of the two younger brethren, Aurelius and Uter: they in all haste for the more safeguard of them, fled into little britain/ & there kept them till it pleased god ortherwyse to purvey for them. And thus as ye have herd was King Constant slain/ when he had reigned after most writers five year.   

THE. LXXXII. Chapter.  
Uortigernus' duke of the juesses, or Uortigerus Earl of Jewesses, after called westsaxons/ was made King of britain, in the year of our Lord four hundred and xlviii and the xviii year of Clodio King of France/ which after the death of Constant by strength and otherwise was made King, and ruled the land not all without trouble. For it was not long or the Pictes, which having knowledge of the death and judgement of their knights and kinsmen, that they invaded the north parts of the land, doing therein great harm and damage. And over that many & diverse of the great of the Brytons, perceiving that the King Constant was not murdered all without consent of the said Uortyger: rebelled again him/ and daily sent and say led over into little britain, to the aid and assistance of the foresaid children of Constant/ which put the said Uortiger to great unrestfulness/ and the more for that, that he wist not nor knew not in whom he might put his trust and confidence in.  
with these perturbaunces was meddled plenty of corn & fruit, that the like thereof had not been seen many years passed. wherewith was joined lechery & pestilence, with many other inconveniences/ so the vice was accounted for small or none offence. The which reigned not only in the temporalty, but also in the spirituality & hedes of the same. So the every man turned the point of his spear against the true & innocent man/ & the commons gave them all to drunkenness and idleness/ where thorough ensued fighting, strife, and much envy. Of which foresaid mischiefs ensued much mortality and death of men, that the living scantly sufficed in some countries to bury the deed. And over this the King was so hard beset with the forenamed enemy's/ that he was constrained, as affirm Policronica, to send for paynims, as the Saxons, to help to withstand his enemies and defend his land/ and also he daily ferid the landing of Aurely and Uther.  
Uortyger thus being beset with many adversities in visiting his land/ and then being for diverse causes him moving at Dorobernia or Caunterbury: tidings came to him of the arryving of three long ships full of armed men at the isle of Tenet. Whereof first he made countenance as though he had been in doubt whether it had been the two brethren of Constant or none. But when the same was blown about, that they were none enymyes: anon he caused the leders of them to be brought unto his presence/ freyning of them the cause of their landing & of their nation and country. The which answered unto the King and said they were of the country of Germany/ and put out of their country by a manner sort or lot at sundry times used with in the said land/ the which was used for so much as the people therein increased so fast, that without such provision had, the country should not suffice for the people/ the which was such as followeth.  
At sundry times when the said country was replenished of people: the Princes and rulers thereof would assemble at a certain place, and call before them the lusty young folks. Of the which they would choose out a certain number/ and appoint to them certain dukes or leders, with all thing necessary to the war. And them so garnished/ would command to search their adventure, & to win some land by their knighthood, where they might inhabit themselves. By which use & custom thus long used/ now was fallen to their lot, to do as their fore fathers had done before them.  
wherefore sins fortune had brought them to this land/ they besought the King, that he would take them to his service, & they would be ready to fight for the defence of him and his country. And when the King had inquired farther: he found that they had two leders named Hengistus and Horsus/ and they and their people were called Saxons.  
The King thus being ascertained of the manner of these strangers, and that they were of the gentle of pagan law: said he was very heavy & sorry, that they were miscreants. But he was joyous & glad of their coming/ for so much as he had need of such soldiers to defend him and his land again his enymyes. And so received them to his wages and service, as is witnessed of Gaufryde and other more writers.   

THE. LXXXIII. Chapter.  
BEda the holy man saith, that Uortyger sent for the Saxons strong men of arms, that had no land to dwell in. The which came in three long ships called Obylas/ and received a place of him to dwell in, in the east side of britain called the isle of Tenet beside Kent. Guillelmus de regibus a writer of histories saith, that the Saxons came out of Germany by will to win worship & land/ and not by lot or compulsion.  
And also that they worshipped at that days a god named wooden, and a goddess named Frya. In the worship of the which god the third feryall day in the week they named wodnesd aye/ which at this day we call wednysdaye. And in worship of the said gods they called the fifth day friys day/ the which we call now frydaye.  
Of these foresaid people came three manner of people, or three manner of names/ that is to say Saxons, Anglys, and jewetes. Of the Saxons came the east Saxons, westsaxons, & the south Saxons. Of the Anglys came the east Angles, the middle Anglis or Merceys, which held middle England, that stretcheth westward toward the river of Dee beside Chestre, and to severn beside Shroysbury, and so forth to bristol/ and eastward toward the see, and southward to Thamys, and so forth to London, and northward to Humber, and turned downward and westward to the river Mercea/ and so forth to the West see.  
And of the Jewetys' come the Kentyshmen, & men of the isle of weight. Of the first coming of these Saxons into great britain, authors in party varrey. Wherefore in the table before named/ it shall appear under correction, that the forenamed Hengistus and Horsus with their company first landed in the foresaid isle of great britain in the year of our Lord four hundred and l, & the third year of Uortiger.  
Then it followeth these Saxons with the kings power beat down the enymyes before said, and defended the land in most knightly wise, so that the King had the Saxons in great love and favour. Which favour Hengistus well apperceyving/ upon a season when he saw convenient time, he axed of the King so much ground as the hide of a bull or other best would compare/ which the King to him granted. After which grant, the said Hengyste to the end to win a large ground/ caused the said beasts skin to be cut into a small and slender thong. And with the same met out a large and great circuit of ground/ upon the which he shortly after builded and set a large and strong castle. By reason of which thong the said castle was long afternamed thong castle/ which was set by the agreement of all writers in the country of lindsay. After these tidings sprang into Germania, of the plenty and fatness of the land of britain, with other commodities pertaining to the same. By mean whereof the Saxons daily drew to the said land/ and convenaunted with the Brytons, that the Britons should intend their worldliness and other necessaries/ and the Saxons as their soldiers, should defend the land from incursyon of all enymyes. For the which the Brytons should give to them competent meet and wages.  
Then by the sonde of hengist, came with xvi sails Ronowen the daughter of the said Hengist/ which was a maiden of excellent beauty. After whose coming/ hengist upon a day besought the King that he would see his castle, which he had newly edified. To whose request the King was agreeable/ & at the day assigned came to the said castle, where he was joyously received. And there among other passetymes the said Ronowen with a cup of gold full of wine presented the King, saluting and saying wassail. The King which before that time had herd no like salutation, nor yet understood what she meant/ axed of her father what she mente by that word wassail. To whom it was answered by Hengistus that it was a salutation of good & gladness/ and that the King should drink after her, joining there unto this answer, drink hail wherefore the King as he was informed took the cup of the maidens hand and drank/ & after beheld the wench in such manner, that he was wounded with the dart of the blind god Cupid, that never after he could withdraw his love from the wench/ but lastly by instigation of the devil, axed her in marriage of her father. And by force thereof, as witnesseth Policronica, he put from him his lawful wife/ of the which he had before time received iii noble sons called Uortimerus, Catagrinus, and Pascentius. Then the King gave unto Hengistus the lord ship of Kent, though Garangonus then Earl thereof thereat grudged with many of his Brytons.  
For this and for that that the King had married a woman of uncought believe: well near all the Brytons forsook him and his works. Nevertheless some there were as well nobles & other, that comforted the King in his evil doing. By which mean and other unleeful deeds then daily used/ the faith of christ began sore to apalle. And over that an heresy called Arianes heresy, began then to spring in britain. For the which, two holy bishops named Germanus and Lupus, as of Gaufryde is witnessed/ came into britain to reform the King and all other that erred from the way of troth.  
Of this holy man saint german/ Uincent historyall saith, that upon an evening, when the weather was passing cold, and the snow fill very fast/ he axed lodging of the King of britain, for him and his comperies/ which was denied. Then he after sitting under a bush in the field, the kings herdsmen passed by/ and saying this Bishop with his company sitting in the weder/ desired him to his house to take there such poor lodging as he had▪ whereof the bishop being glad and fain/ yode unto the house of the said herdman, the which received him with glad cheer. And for him and his company wysled his wife to kill his only calf/ and to dress it for his gests souper, the which was also done. when the holy man had souped, he called to him his hosts, willing and desiring her that she should diligently gather to guider all the bones of the deed calf/ and them so gathered, to wrap to guider within the skin of the said calf/ & than it lay in the stall before the rack near unto the dame. Which done according to the commandment of the holy man I shortly after the calf was restored to life, and forthwith ete hay with the dame at the rack. Of which marvel all the household was greatly astonied/ and yielded thanking unto almighty god, and to that holy bishop.  
Upon the morrow this holy bishop took with him the herdman, & yode unto the presence of the King/ & axed of him in sharp wise, why that over night he had denied to him lodging. wherewith the King was so abasched, that he had no power to give unto the holy man answer. Then saint Germayne said to him: I charge the in the name of my Lord god, that thou and thine depart from this palace/ and resign it & the rule of thy land to him that is more worthy this room than thou art. The which all thing by power divine was observed & done/ and the said herdman by the holy bishops authority, was set into the same dignity. Of whom after descended all the Kings of britain.   

THE. LXXXIIII. Chapter.  
This story is also confirmed of Antoninus archbishop of Florence/ and at length by him showed in the xvii chapter and ix day of the second part of his work called some Antonini. But by whom so ever this story was first written: I think he was none that descended of the walshmen, nor yet of their blood. For they come all of Pryamys blood, and not of an herdman, except that they fetch their line from david the holy King & prophet. This story seemeth to be of more fame than of credence. For other writers tell this story to be done in the region of powies by Buly their King. And also for so much as the foresaid author maketh no mention of the more britain nor of the less: it is doubtful whither this hap fill in that one region or in that other. All be it in the life of saint Germayne it is red, that the said saint Germayne deposed Uortiger & enhanced the herdman, as before is declared, as affirmeth Polycronica. Then it followeth in the story, when saint Germayne had restored some part of britain to the true faith: he returned into France, fro whence he was before comen. But in this said saying should appear discord in chronicles. For as at this day was not the faith of christ received in France, as after more clearly shall appear/ wherefore no bishop of Crystes faith might then keep any see in France. And also as affirmeth Jacobus Phylyppus and other/ holy Remigius was the first that turned France to Crystes religion/ and that, after most concord of writers, to be in the year of our Lord four hundred lxxx. and xix and the xu year of the reign of Clodoueus Lewis first christian King of the realm of France.  
Then to furnish or perform the story of Uortiger, needful it is or necessary to return to the matter where we before left. And to show that for so moche as the Brytons withdrew them from Uortyger/ he was therefore constrained to hold with him the Saxons. By whose counsel he after sent for Octa the son of hengist/ the which brought with him an other company of Saxons.  
when the Lords of Britain saw and considered the great multitude of Saxons, and their daily repair into this land: they assembled them together, and showed to the King the inconvenience and jeopardy that might ensue to him and his land, by reason of the great power of these strangers/ and advertised him in avoiding of greater danger, to expel and put them out of his realm or the more part of them.  
But all was in vain/ for Uortyger bore such a mind to the Saxons, by reason of his wife/ that he preferred the love of them before the love of his own natural kinsmen and friends. Wherefore the Brytons of one will and mind crowned for their King Uortimerus the eldest son of Uortyger, and deprived him of all kingly dignity/ when he had reigned after most concord of histories xvi years.   

THE. LXXXV. Chapter.  
MEroneus next of ally unto Clodio last King of France, for so much as of Clodeo remained none issue/ was made King of France in the year of our Lord four hundred and l/ and the second year year of Uortiger than King of britain. The which was strong and martial in all his deeds/ and there unto right profitable for the realm. And among other notable deeds by him done/ he slew in one day of Hunes (the which by the commandment of Attila invaded & destroyed divers countries, as Italy, Germany, and other) an hundredth and lxxx. Thousand/ as is witnessed of Master Robert Gagwine compyler and gaderer of the acts and deeds of Frenshmen. This forenamed Attila was King of Hunes/ and led in one host ii hundred thousand men of war, as testifieth Policronica. And after divers baytayles by him won/ he came into the fields called Catulyntes, the which contained an hundred legys' in length and lxx in breed, whereof every league containeth iii english miles. In the which fields or plains he was encountered with the power of the Romans/ in whose aid was the King of France Meroneus, the King or duke of Burgoyne, and other. where after a long fight was slain on both sides the foresaid hundred and lxxx thousand. Of the which number the said King or duke of Burgoyne was one/ as is more plainly showed in the xxxiii chapter in the four book of the said Polycronicon, with other wonders which I overpass.  
Of this Meroneus descended all the Kings of Frensshemen, till the time of Pepyn the which was father unto Charles the great or Emperor. And finally died this Meroneus when he had reigned after most writers ten years/ leaving after him a son named Chylderych or Hylderych.   

THE. LXXXVI. Chapter.  
CHyldericus or Hildericus the son of Meroneus/ was ordained King of France, in the year of our Lord god four hundred & lx/ & the xii year of Uortiger than King of britain. The which ensued no thing the wars of his father/ but allied him with all vice and cruelness, in such exterme wise that he became audible unto his subjects. Wherefore the said Childerich/ perceiving the murmur & grudge among the people/ and fearing his sudden destruction: counseled with a friend and Lord of his named Guynomadus or Guynemeus/ by whose counsel in avoiding greater paryll, he avoided secretly his land, and yode unto the King of Thurynges named Besygne, of whom he was joyously received. But the at departing of the King from the said Guynemeus, he took a piece of gold and broke it in two pieces/ whereof the one piece he delivered unto the King, & that other piece he kept to himself/ saying to the King that when so ever that he received from him that piece of gold, that he should be sure to be restored again to his regally and dignity.  
After the King was departed his land/ the Frenshmen of one assent, chase for their governor and head a Roman named Gylf/ which at that day had a part of Gallia or France in his rule to the behoof of the Romans/ which part was named or now is named Soisons. When this Gilf was stablyssed in his authority/ the forenamed Guynemeus behaved him in such wise toward this Gylf, that he had him in special favour above all the nobles of France/ and would execute no thing of charge without his and counsel. Whereof the said Guynemeus being ware/ and remembering how he might restore Chylderych to his former dignity, advised the said Gill to set more grievous tasks upon the Frenschmen/ enfourming him further, that if any grudged there at, that he should punish some of the myghtyeste of them/ by reason whereof he should fere the other.  
which thus done according to the foresaid counsel/ shortly after to bring his purpose the better about, the said Guynemeus accused certain rulers of France such as he well knew were great enymyes unto Chylderych/ the which he caused to be taken and sent unto Gill, & Gill upon them did sharp execution. In the which he so persevered, that the Frenschmen for remedy complained them to Guynemeus. To whom it was by him answered, that he greatly marveled of their unstastablenesse that they had chosen to them a King, and now so suddenly would have him deposed/ showing furthermore that other they must call again Childerich that exercised his life in voluptuousness of living/ or else they must dwell under the King, which is cruel and full of blood shedding, with diverse other exhortations concerning the again calling of Childerych to his former dignity, which for length I omit and pass over.  
By mean of which exhortation, Childerich was secretly sent for/ and received from his trusty friend the foresaid piece of gold/ and sped him hastily into France. Again whom the foresaid Guynemeus in likewise sped him/ so that they met at a castle in the country of Champion, where they with other to them allied/ gathered a great host, and made toward the foresaid Gill or Gillion. The which having knowledge of the said conspiracy/ ordained an army of knights, and yode again his enymyes. But he was overset and compelled for his safeguard to i'll into the country of Soisons beforenamed, where he after ended his natural life/ & Childerych was again restored & made King.  
Childerych then thus restored unto his regally/ subdued soon after a Saxon Prince named Onager/ & besieged the city of orleans, and it received unto his subjection and after passed the river of Leyr, & subdued to his signory the country of Angeo and Maine.  
when the fame of Childerich was brought unto Basyna the wife of Besygne King of Turryngꝭ: she anon forsook her own Lord, and sped her into France, and so to the presence of Childerich, whom he received with all gladness. And when he had of her frayned the cause of her coming: she answered, for that that she knew and understood to be in him more virtue and honour, than in any other man at the day living/ she was therefore common unto him to continue the remanant of her life in his company/ adding also thereunto that if in any country she knew his better, she would then search see and land to have him to her lord or husband. But for she was assured, that he had no peer/ she besought him to accept her in his company.   

THE. LXXXVII. Chapter.  
THen Childerych putting a part and forgetting kindness to him before showed by her husband Besing/ married the said Basina yet being a pagan. And when the first night was comen that they should go to bed/ she exhorted him that he should that night abstain from all fleshly liking, & watch the gates of his palace/ and to make report to her of such visions as he saw there that night. To the which he was agreeable. where he so standing, saw first a multitude of unicorns, lions, and lybardes, passing foreby the palace gate. And within a short space of time after, he saw a great company of bears & wolves running after the other. And thirdly & lastly he saw a multitude of dogs & other small ravenous beasts/ the which in his sight fill upon the other ii companies and utterly devoured them all.  
when he had seen the fine of his vision/ not a little astonied, he returned to his wife/ showing to her what he had seen. To whom she said/ sir of me ye shall receive a son/ the which in all his deeds shall be noble and honourable, like to the unicorns and lions showed to you in the first vision. Of the which shall descend one other son, the which shall be ravenous and shall set his mind all to pillage & ravin, like unto the ravenous wolf and here. And after him shall come a child or children that shall be of such insolency and wasting, that like as the ravenous hound stroyeth and wasteth all that he may tear with his teeth/ so shall these persons waste and destroy by their follies all that other noble men hath purchased to their hands. And the multitude which that ye saw of other small ravenous beasts/ betokeneth the common people, which in those days for lack of a good and wise Prince shall run either upon other and rob and sle each other.  
Of this exposition the King was somedeal troubled. But yet he rejoiced of the issue that should come of his body. Then it followeth when this Chylderych had overcomen some baytayles in Almaigne, and them subdued to his empire: he lastly died when he had reigned, with the viii years allowed to his reign for the time that he was exiled/ and with the residue that he reigned before & after in all xxiiii years/ leaving after him a son begotten upon the forenamed Basina called Clodio or after most writers Clodoueus.   

Anglia. THE. LXXXVIII. Chapter.  
UOrtimerus the eldest son of Uortiger/ was by assent of the Britons made King of britain, in the year of our Lord four hundred lxiiii/ and the four year of Chyldericus than King of France. The which in all hast pursued the Saxons, and gave unto them a great battle upon the river of Darwent/ where he had of them victory. And secundaryly he fought with them upon the ford called Epifoord or Agliffhorp. In the which fight Catrignus the brother to Uortimer, & Horsus brother to hengist or cousin, after long fight attwene them ii either of them slew other/ in which fight also the Brytons were victors.  
The third battle he fought with them near unto the see side/ where also the Brytons chased the Saxons, and compelled them to take the isle of wight for their surety.  
This battle as witnesseth Alfredus; was more won by virtue of the prayers of the holy Bishop saint Germayne, than by might of the Brytons. For when the holy man saw the Brytons give back/ he held his hands toward heaven, and cried thrice hallelujah/ which is to our understanding as much to say, as save us good Lord. Through which prayer the Britons by divine help obtained the victory of their enemies.  
The fourth battle was near unto a Moor called Cole Moor. The which was long and sore fought by the Saxons/ by reason that the said Moor closed a part of their host so strongly, that the Brytons might not win unto them for danger of their shot/ All be it that finally they were chased, and many of them of constraint drowned and swallowed in the said Moor  
And over and beside these four principal battles: Uortimerus had with the Saxons divers other conflicts/ as in Kent, at Thetfoord in Norfolk, and in Essex near unto Colchestre/ & left not till he had bereft from them the more part of such possessions as before time they had won/ and kept them only to the isle of Thanet, the which Uortymer often grieved by such navy as he then had.  
when that Ronowen daughter of hengist apperceived the great mischief, that her father and the Saxons were in, by the mraciall knighthood of Uortymer: she sought such means, that shortly after, as testifieth Gaufryde and other, Uortimer was poisoned/ when he had ruled the Britons after most concord of writers seven years.   

THE. LXXXIX. Chapter.  
UOrtigernus father of Uortymerus last deed, was again restored to the kingdom of much britain/ in the year of our lords incarnation four hundred lxxi/ and the xi year of Childericus then King of France/ the which all the time of the reign of his son Uortimer, had rested him in the country of Cambria or wales. where in this pass time after some writers, he builded a strong castle in a place called Generon or Gwayneren, in the west side of wales near unto the river of Gwana, in an hill or upon an hill called Cloarcius. But the old chronicle before spoken of, saith that this Uortiger was kept somewhat under rule of certain tutors to him assigned in the town of Caerlegion or Chester/ and demeaned him so well toward his son in aiding of him with his counsel and otherwise, that the Brytons for it cast to him such a favour, that they after the death of Uortimer made him again King.  
It was not long after that Uortiger was thus set in authority, but that Hengistus pierced this land with a great multitude of Saxons. Whereof hearing Uortyger/ in all haste assembled his Brytons, and made toward them. And when Hengistus had experience of the great host of Brytons: he than ordained means of treaty and peace. where lastly it was concluded that a certain number of Brytons, and as many of Saxons, should upon a may day assemble upon the plain of Ambrii, now called Salesbury. Which day certainly prefixed/ Hengistus using a new manner of treason, charged all his Saxons by him appointed, that each of them should put secretly a long knife in their hose/ & at such season as he gave to them this watch or by word, Nempnyth your sexis, that everich of them should draw his knife and slay a Bryton, not sparing any one/ except Uortiger the King. And at the day before appointed the King with a certain of Brytons not ware of this purposed treason, came in peaceable wise to the place before assigned/ where he fande ready Hengistus with his Saxons. The which after due obeisance made unto the King/ received him with a countenance of all love. where after a time of communication had/ hengist being minded to execute his former purposed treason, showed his watch word. By reason whereof anon the Brytons were slain as sheep among wolfs, having no manner of wepyn to defend themself/ except that any of them might by his manhood and strength get the knife of his enemy. Among the number of these Brytons was an Earl called Edoll or Edolf Earl of Caerlegion or Chestre/ the which saying his fellows and friends thus murdered, as affirmeth mine author Gaufryde and other: he by his manhood wan a stake in the hedge or else where/ with the which he knightly saved his own life, and slew of the Saxons xvii, and fled to the city or town of Ambry now named salisbury. After which treason thus executed/ the King remained with Hengistus as prisoner.  
Of the taking of Uortyger, and slaying of the Lords of britain/ an author called Guillelmus de regibus saith, that Hengistus agreed with Uortyger and his Brytons/ and that he should enjoy the castle by him before made, with a certain of land thereunto adjoining for him and his Saxons to dwell upon. And when the said agreement was surely stablished/ this hengist intending treason/ desired the King with a certain number of his Lords to come to him to dinner within his said castle. The which of the King was granted. And at the day assigned the King with his Lords came to the said Thongcastell to dinner/ where he with his was well and honourably received and also daintily served.  
But when the King & his Lords were in their most mirth/ this hengist had commanded before, that his own knights should fall at variance among themself. Which so done the remnant of his Saxons, as it were in parting of frays, should fall upon the Britons & slay them all, out take only the King. The which was done like as ye have before hard devised/ and the King was holden as prisoner.   

THE. XC. Chapter.  
HEngistus then having the King as prisoner, & a great part of the rulers of Britain thus as before is said subdued: was some deal exalted in pride/ and compelled the King to give unto him, as witnesseth Policronica, three provinces in the east part of britain. Which three provinces should be Kent, Southsaxon or Sussex, and Eestanglys, which is to mean Norff. and Suff. as affirmeth the author of the flower of histories. But Guydo de columna saith, that the foresaid three provinces was Kent, Eestsaxon or Essex, and Eestanglys/ which is Norff. and Suff. Of the which said provinces when Hengist was possessed/ he suffered the King to go at his liberty. And then hengist began his lordship over the province of Kent, and sent other of his Saxons to beweld the other two provinces/ that is to say Eestanglys and Eestsaxons, till he had sent for other of his kinsmen, that he enriched to give the said ꝓuynces unto.  
The kingdom of Kent here beginneth   

THE. XCI. Chapter.  
THus Hengistus being in the possession of this province of Kent: commanded his Saxons to call it Hengistus land/ whereof as some authors mean the hole land of britain took his first name of England. But that saying shall appear contrary, as shallbe showed hereafter in the story of Egbert King of westsaxons. The which after he had subdued the more part of the kyngedomes of Saxons, & made of all but one monarchy: he than commanded this land to be called Anglia, & his Saxons Angles/ which after by corruption of speech was called England, and the people Englishmen.  
This lordship or kingdom of Kent had his beginning under hengist, in the year of our Lord after most concordance of writers, and by reason of the time four hundred lxxvi And the fift year of Uortygers last reign.  
But Denys and other, that account this kingdom to begin in the year of our lord four hundred and lu allow the beginning thereof to be when Hengistus had first gift of the same, by reason that Uortyger married his daughter.  
This lordship contained the country that stretcheth from east ocean unto the river of thamies/ and had upon the southeast Southerye/ and upon the West London/ upon the north-east the Thamys aforesaid and Eestsaxon now Essex. And this lordship contained also the isle of Thanet.  
which lordship or kingdom endured after most writers, from the time of the first year of the reign of hengist, till the xxv year of Egbert before named, by the term of iii hundred and xlii years following that account. At which season the said Egbert then King of westsaxons, subdued Baldredus then King of Kent, and joined it to his own kingdom.  
All be it that the author of Policronica affirmeth it to endure by the space of three hundred and lxviii, under xu Kings, whereof Baldredus was the last: which followeth near unto the account of Denys before named. The first christian King of this lordship was Ethelbertus, or Ethelbert/ the which received the faith of christ by that holy man saint austin or Augustayne, near about the year of our lords incarnation four hundred lxxx and xvi The which Ethelbert caused soon after to be edified the monastery of saint Peter and Paul, in the eestsyde or end of the city of Dorobernia now Caunterbury. He gave unto this austin and his successors bishops of Caunterbury, a place for the bishops see at Christ's church within the said city, & endowed it with many rich possessions.  
This hengist and all the other Saxons which ruled the xvii pryncypates of britain, as after shall be showed, are called of most writers reguli/ which is to mean in our vulgar or speech as small or little Kings. So that this Hengist is accounted a little King. The which when he had thus rule of the foresaid iii provinces, he sent for more Saxons/ & gathered them that were sparkled abroad/ so that in these provinces the faith of christ was all quenched and in sleep.  
Then Hengist with Octa his son gathered a great strength of Saxons/ and fought with the Brytons, and overcame the Brytons, and chased them in such wise, that hengist kept his lordesshyppe in peace and war by the space of xxiiii years, as most writers testify.   

THE. XCII. Chapter.  
Now then let us return again to Uortiger/ the which when he saw the Saxons in such wise increase their strength, and the Brytons daily dyscreace/ for as writeth mine author Gaufryde, that Saxons had the rule of London, york, Lincoln, or Lindecoln, and Kaerguent, that is winchester, with other good towns/ wherefore as affirmeth the said Gaufryde, the King for fere of the Saxons, & also for that that he was some deal warned of the coming of the ii brethren Aurely and Uter sons of Constantyne: he therefore considering these many and great dangers, fled into Cambria or wales, and there held him for the more surety/ where as witnesseth the said Gaufryde he then builded the castle before minded. Of the which building and impediment thereof/ and also of the getting or birth of merlin, and of his prophecies he made a long work, the which I pass over for diverse considerations, & return again to Uortiger.  
Troth it is, that while Uortygernus was thus busied in wales/ the forenamed brethren Aurely and Uter prepared their navy and men of arms, and passed the see, and landed at Totnesse as saith the English chronicle. Whereof when the Brytons were ware that were disparkled and severed in many countries/ they drew to them in all hasty wise. The which said brethren when they saw that they had a competent number of knights/ they made toward wales to distress Uortyger.  
whereof he being warned/ for so much as he well knew, that he might not make sufficient defence by strength of knights: he therefore garnished his castle with strength of men and victual/ intending to safeguard himself by that mean/ but all in vain. For the said two brethren with their army, besieged the said castle/ and finally after many assaults, with wild fire consumed the said castle with Uortiger, and all that was therein.  
Of him it is red, that he should lie by his own daughter, in trust the Kings should come of his blood. For the which deed he was accursed of saint Germayne/ and lastly ended his life as before is expressed, when he had reigned now last ix. Years.   

THE. XCIII. Chapter.  
Aurelius' Ambrose the second son of Constantyne, and brother to Constancius slain by the treason of Uortyger/ was King made of the Brytons in the year of oar Lord four hundred lxxx & one/ and the xxi year of Childericus then King of France. Of this it is said, that when he hard of the division that was in the land of britain between Uortiger and the Saxons/ and in what manner the Saxons had subdued the Brytons he in all goodly haste with aid of the King of little britain, sped him into this land. where after the above said victory had of Uortiger/ he sped him toward york, as affirmeth Gaufride, and there chased the Saxons that held the city with Octa or Osca son of Hengist/ and took the said Octa, & kept him as a prisoner somewhat of tyme.  
But how so it was by treason of his keeper or otherwise he broke prison. And he with his father gathered after a great host/ and met Aurelius & his Brytons at a place called Crekynford, where was fought a strong & mighty battle/ to the loss of both parties/ but the more loss fill to the Saxons. For of them was slain four dukes, and four thousand of other men, & that other deal chased to their great danger. yet this not wytstanding hengist continued his lordship in Kent/ and Aurelius Ambrose, which the english chronicle nameth Aurilambrose, kept the country called Logiers or middle England with Wales/ and chased the Saxons what dwelled in the ii foresaid provinces of east Saxon and eest Anglis, out of those countries.  
The second kingdom.   

THE. XCIIII. Chapter.  
IN this pass time a Saxon named Ella, with his three sons called Symen or Simon, Plettynger, and Cissa/ came with three ships called Obilas, and landed in the south part of britain, and slew many Brytons at a place that then was named Cuneueshore/ & chased many unto a wood then called Andresleger/ and after occupied the country, & inhabited him & his Saxons within the said province/ making himself King and Lord thereof. By reason whereof by his might & power the said province or country was after named the kingdom or lordship of South-Saxons. The which after most concord of writers should have his beginning the xxxii year after the first coming of Hengist. which following the account should be in the year of our Lord four hundred lxxxii/ and in the second year of Aurely then King of britain.  
This kingdom or lordship had in the eestsyde Kent, in the south the see and the isle of wight, in the west Hampsyre, and in the north Southrey/ and contained as witnesseth Guydo Southampton, somersetshire, devonshire/ and Cornewayl. Of which said kingdom Ethelbaldus or Ethelwaldus was the four King, and the first christian King. This kingdom endured shortest season of all the other kingdoms, and passed soon into the other. For it endured not above an hundred and xii years, under .v. or vii Kings at most.   

THE. XCV. Chapter.  
THen to return where we left Aurely, which as before ye have hard held and occupied the middle part of britain with Cambria or wales, did his diligence to repair ruinous places, as well temples as other/ and caused the service of god to be said and done, which by mean of the Saxons was greatly decayed through all britain. And after this Aurelius besieged the Saxons in the hill of Badon or Badowe, where he slew many of them. But daily the Saxons increased & landed in much britain, as after shall appear. For shortly after a Saxon named Porth/ landed with his two sons at an haven in Southsex. After whom as some authors mean, the haven was after called Portismouth, which keepeth the name at this day. And in likewise they came to land in divers places of Britain/ so that Aurelius had with them many conflycties and battles, in the which he sped diversly/ for he was sometime victor, and some season over set. It is written of him in the english chronicle and other, that he by the help of Merlin should fetch the great stones now standing upon the plain of salisbury, and called the stone hinge, out of Irlande, and caused them to be set there as they now stand/ in remembrance of the Brytons that there were slain and buried in the time of the communication had with hengist and his Saxons, as before in the story of Uortiger is touched. But Polycronica alledgyth that honour unto Uter Pendragon his brother. In the time of this Aurelius, as witnesseth also the said Policronica/ died Hengist in his bed, when he had reigned over the kentish Saxons xxiiii years. After whose death Octa or Osca his son, ruled the said kingdom other xxiiii years. All be it that the british books, and also the chronicles of Enlande showeth/ that after that Aurelius had in battle slain hengist: he took unto his grace Octa his son, & gave unto him a dwelling place in the country of Galewey for him & his Saxons then left on live. which seemeth not to be true, for matter that shall after ensue/ and also for that that before is touched of the Pictes and Scots, in the time of the misery of the Brytons. Then it followeth, this Octa neither augmented nor minished his lordship/ but held him therewith contented as his father had to him left it.  
lastly & in the end of the reign of Aurely, Pascentius the youngest son of Uortiger, which after the death of his father was fled into Irland for fere of Aurely, purchased aid of Guilamour King of Irlande. And with a great army invaded this land of britain by the country of wales/ in taking the city of Menenia, and in wasting the said country with iron and fire. In the which season and time Aurelius lay sick in his city of Kaerguent or wynchester. For which cause he desired his brother Uter to gather an host of Britons, & to appease the malice of Pascencius & his adherentis. The which accordingly prepared his host/ & at length overcame the host of Pascencius, and slew him and the forenamed Guillamour in the same fight.  
In this while and season that Uter was thus gone again Pascentius/ a Saxon or other stranger feigning him a Bryton, & a cunning man in physic, by the intycemet of Pascencius came unto Aurely, where he lay sick/ & by his subtile & false means purchased such favour with those that were nigh unto the Prince, that he was put in trust to minister medicines unto the King. This is named of writers Coppa or of some Eoppa.  
The which when he had espied his time convenient to bring about his false purpose/ he gave to Aurelius a potion enpoysoned/ by violence whereof he shortly after was deed, when he had reigned after most writers upon xix years.  
The third or fift.   

THE. XCVI. Chapter.  
IN the time of the reign of this Aurelius as witnesseth the author of Policronica & other/ the kingdom of Eestanglis began under a Saxon named Uffa, about the year of our Lord four hundred lxxx and xii, and the xi year of Aurelius. The which kingdom contained Norlf. and Suff. now called. This had in this east and north sides, the see/ in the northwest, Cambryge shire/ and in the West, saint edmund's dytche, and Hertfordshyre/ and in the south Essex. This lordship was called first Uffynys lordship/ and the Kings thereof were named Uffynys, or after some authors the people. But finally they were named east Anglys.  
The first christian King of this principate was Redwaldus the third King/ but he was not so steadfast as belonged to his religion. His son named Corpwaldus was more steadfast/ which after was slain of a misbelieving man, and for Crystes faith as some write. But Guydo saith that Sebertus was first christian King of this lordship/ & that he made saint Poulys' church of London. This under xii Kings endured, till the martyrdom of blessed saint Edmund last King thereof/ the which was martyred near about the year of our lord viii hundred and lxix. By the which reason it should follow, that this kingdom should endure by the term of iii C.lxxvii. Years. And of this lordship, at that days was Elman or Thetford the chief town. But after Guydo, this lordship should begin the year of Grace .v. hundred & lxx/ & then should it endure but ii hundred four score and xix years.   

Francia. THE. XCVII. Chapter.  
Clodoveus the son of Childericus or Hildericus before named, was after the death of his father ordained King of France, in the year of our Lord four hundred lxxx and iiii/ and the third year of Aurelius then King of britain. This of some writers is named Clodoveꝰ Louis. The which shortly after that he of this realm was authoried for King/ hearing report of the beauty and great virtue of Clotildis nephew to Cundebald King or ruler of Burgoyne: sent unto him a knight named Aurelius to treat a marriage between the King and Clotyld or Crotild. The which Cundebald more for fere then for love assented.  
The cause whereof as mine author saith was, for that this Crotyld was inheritor unto the said land of Burgoyne/ and that she be reason of that marriage should recover her right and put him from the rule thereof. This Crotild had before that day received the faith of christ/ and so continuing her religion was married to Clodoueus than a paynim, and so endured a certain of tyme. But yet she left not to induce and turn her Lord to the faith in all that she might.  
And after a certain of time she was delivered of a son/ the which by means of the holy man Remigius Bishop of Raynes, and of the Queen Crotyld, was christened and named Clodomerus/ the which died with in short process after. For that hap the King said that his gods were discontented with him, that he had suffered his child to be christened, & for wrath thereof had taken from him his child. The Queen taking the kings saying in patience/ conceived the second son, which also by the kings agreement was also baptized.  
This also after a certain of time was vexed with a grievous sickness, in such wise that it was likely to have died. Wherefore the King was then more impatient, and blamed the religion of his wife in most impatient manner. The which sayings the Queen took patiently, and put all her confidence in god/ to whom both she and Remigeus prayed so effectuously, that the child was restored unto perfit health.  
Thus Clodoueus persevering in his erroneous law/ made war upon the Almains. In which war being one day occupied in fight again his enymyes/ he with his people was put to the wrose. Whereof when Clodoveꝰ was ware/ having great dread of himself, called to mind the often exhortation of his wife, and of the great virtue of her god's law/ and suddenly lift his eyen toward heaven and said, god the which Clotylde my wife doth honour, now help me. And if this day I may pass this danger and obtain victory/ I shall ever after worship the with true faith. The which prayer scantly finished the frenchmen by divine power were so unied and knit together, and so knightly withstood their enemies/ that in short while after they obtained victory. Which victory had/ the King with great triumph returned into France. Whereof when Clotylde was warned/ she anon received him with all joy and gladness, thanking her lord god of his great victory/ but more for that the he had forsaken his idolatry, and was becomen servant of the only god former of all the world.   

THE. XCVIII. Chapter.  
IT was not long after that blessed Remigius was sent for. The which informed the King sufficiently in the faith of christ/ & upon an Easter day following, with great solemnity baptized the King. In time of which solemnisation doing/ the holy Crysine or oil by negligence of the ministers or otherwise, lacking/ a dove descending from heaven, brought in her beck or bill a viol filled with oil of most sweetest savour/ and delivered it to saint Remigius. The which was construed to be done by virtue of the holy ghost. And with this holy oil when the King was anointed/ the surplusage thereof was kept with most reverence. I have heard reported, that this oil is kept at the city of reins or at Paris, and that it never faileth or wasteth/ and that all rightful inheritors of the crown of France be therewith at their coronation anointed. But & it happen any mighty man to usurp the crown by might/ when the bishop cometh for this holy oil, he findeth that viol or glass dry, and else not.  
To this report every man may give credence as him liketh/ for I fande not this written in the gospel, nor yet in no book of holy scripture.  
Then it followeth after this solemnity done/ the King had certain words to the people, in exhorting them to leave their idolatry, and to believe in christ and his faith, by whose might and power only he had venquysshed his enemies. By the which exortation and other means of the holy bishop Remigius/ much people were some after converted and baptized.  
Then the King builded certain new monasteries/ and dedycat the old temples of idols in honour of Crystes saints. Among the which one was near unto the city of Paris, in the honour of the apostles Peter and Paul. It is witnessed of Master Robert Gagwyne/ that before these days all French Kings used to bear in their arms iii todies But after this Clodoueus had received Crystes religion iii flower de lice were sent to him by divine power, set in a shield of azure/ the which sins the time hath been borne of all French Kings.  
The said author mindeth also that in a monastery of France called the monastery of saint Bartylmewe/ was sometime kept a cloth of red silk, which was named the aurysflambe, and borne for a banner in the field again the Barbaris or heathen people/ by virtue whereof the French Princes won many victories. But after when this precious relic or aurysflambe was borne again christian princes/ the virtue thereof seized, and lastly was lost. But yet the like thereof is kept at saint Denys/ and had in great reverence of the bishops and abbots of the same place.  
Then it followeth in the story/ when Clodoueus had set his realm in due order: Clotyld calling to mind the treason done to her father, and also the wrongful wythholding of her rightful inheritance by her uncle Cundebalde/ exorted her Lord Clodoueus to send an ambassade, & to require restitution of her said right/ that which was soon after done. And when the King had received an answer, that the said Cundebalde would not restore the said right of his wife: he in all goodly wise prepared an army, and made war upon the said Cundebalde. And after great waste and destruction of the country: Clodoueus finally besieged him in a city/ & after took the said city by strength/ and the said Cundebalde within the same as prisoner. But by mediation of friends and great gifts/ with also a yearly tribute to be paid to Clodoueus, the said Cundebalde was released and set at liberty.   

THE. XCIX. Chapter.  
THis voyage thus sped and ordered: the King left behind him an army of .v. thousand knights, under the guiding of Gundefyll brother of the foresaid Cundebalde/ and after returned into France. But soon after the Kings departing/ Cundebalde contrary to the promise before made, gathered a power of knights, & made war upon his said brother/ and lastly besieged him in the city of Uienne/ where upon either part was by skirmishes & assaults great people slain. All be it in the end Cundebalde wan the city/ and his brother therein being, he afterward beheaded. About this time great dissension grew atween Clodoueus and the King of goths called Alericus. Which variance by agreement of both parties was put to the judgement of Theodorycus than King of langobards or of Italians. The which after the said causes were well and sufficiently argued and debated before him and his counsel: he finally gave sentence that a knight of Clodoueus should stand upon an hill holding a spear upright in his hand/ and that the King of goths should throw or lay so much silver as should in process cover the point of the said spear. Which sentence as testifieth Master Robert Gagwyne, the Gothis despised saying that they had not sufficient silver within their land to perform the said sentence. And for despite of the same/ certain goths espying a Prince of France named pattern, being associate with some diverse Frenshmen in a loft or chamber/ the which pattern had been solycytour for the Frenshe King in the foresaid matter: the said goths by crafty and false means caused the floorth of the said chamber to fall/ by which mean the said pattern was grievously hurt, and many of the other in likewise, & some slain.  
whereof when Clodoueus had writing/ he being therewith greatly amoved, and also because the goths dysobeyde the foresaid award: he gathered shortly after a great host. And after certain offerings done to saint Martin/ with also passing the river of Uian by miracle and leading of an heart: he lastly came to the sight of his enemies. then Clodoueus lodged his host near unto the monastery of saint hilary/ where in the night before the battle, he received tokens of victory, the which I pass over.  
And upon the morn he set his people in array, and made toward his enemies/ and met with them in a field called Noglodien, near unto the river of Cleve or clive. where after sore and long fight/ he slew the abovesaid Alaricus King of goths (as saith mine author) with his own hand.  
But here should seem some discord of time with other writers. For Cronica cronicarum, Jacobus Philippus, and other/ testify that this Alaricus was deed many years before. For he should be King of goths by their saying in the time that Honorius brother unto Archadius was Emperor which was about the year of our lord four hundred & ix that he began his empire. Wherefore Master Robert Gagwyne meaneth some other King of goths than Alaricus. For the said authors also affyrmen, that this Alaricus died of sudden sickness at a city named Cesancia/ when he had reigned after most writers vi year.  
Then it followeth in the story/ when Clodoueus had thus obtained victory of the goths, and set the country of Guyan in order: he sped him again into France.  
And when he was comen into the country of Turon/ he was encountered with ambassadors of themperors Anastasius, and presented from the said Emperor with gifts & great price and honour, and also admitted for a consul of Rome, which at that days was a dignity of most honour. Which done, he remitted the said ambassade with great gifts. This saying is affirmed of the other writers/ the which show this honour to him to be done, for as much as he had overcomen the goths, enemies of Crystes faith. But they name not the kings name that then reigned over the goths.  
This business overpassed/ Clodoueus continued his journey till he came to the monastery or church of faint Martin. where with great devotion according to his former promise/ he offered his stead that he occupied that journey again the goths. And after for that he intended to occupy the said horse if he had like need: he redeemed him with a competent sum of gold. But yet the horse might not be removed. Then the King added to an hundredth pieces of gold/ which at those days were named golden shillings/ and so received his stead. Wherefore the King said after in game, that saint Martin was a good helper at need/ but he was costelewe.  
Thus this noble and first christian Prince continued his life in noble and martial deeds/ in augmenting his kingdom by knightly battles and other worldy provisions/ and lastly died of god's visitation with all steadfastness of faith, when he had reigned xxx years/ leaving after him four sons of Clotylde his wife/ that is to say Clodomyrus, Chyldebertus, Theodoricus, and Clotharius/ or after some Latarius/ and was buried in the monastery that he before near unto Paris had builded, with such epytaphy or superscription upon his tomb as after shallbe showed.  
But or I proceed to the declaring of the foresaid epitaphy/ for so much as I have hard divers hold an opinion, that the faith of christ was received in France or it were received in this land of britain: therefore I shall note here the time that this Clodoueus first took baptism. Which was as ranulph monk & other testify, in the xu year of his reign/ or near about. Which was the year of our lord four C.lxxx. & xix  
whereby it appeareth, considering the time of Lucius first christian Prince that ever was of britain as before is showed/ that Cristes' faith was by a long time honoured in britain, or it were honoured in France/ except that such as hold the foresaid opinion, account the first coming of Crystes faith into britain at the first conversion of the Saxons, when it was preached by the holy monk saint Augustyne and his fellows/ which is not to the purpose. Than to the foresaid epitaphy or superscription as followeth.  
Dives opum, virtute potens, clarusque triumpho,  
Condidit have sedem, rex clodoveus idem.  
Patricius magno, subsimis fulsit honore.  
Pfemis amore dei, contempsit credere nusso  
Lumina qui varijs horrent potenta figuris,  
Mox pur gatus aquis, & Christi font renatus  
Fragrantem gessit, infulso crisinate crinem.  
Exemplū'que dedit, sequitur quod plurima turba  
Gentisis populi/ spretoque errore suorum.  
Doctorem cultura deum; verumque parentem.  
Hijs felix meritis, superavit gesta priorum  
Semper concilio, castris bellisque tremendus.  
Hortatu dux ipse bonus, ac pectore fortis  
Constructas acies formavit in a gmine primus.  
The which verses may be thus exponed in our mother tongue as here after followeth.  

Rich of goods, strong in virtue, in triumph re shining,  
King Clodoueus, this temple buyste of stone  
father of common prophets, clad with his honour excelling.  
replenished with god's love, despised his old soon  
And his pagaun law, with the strange fygurs eachone.  
Purgid with holy water, by Christ's font born new  
And holy crisine anointed flowered with virtue dew   

Example giving, him followeth many a man,  
Forsaking their error and their false gods all  
And by his teaching honour but one god than  
Thus by his merits he excelled his parental/  
And through his counsel made city and castle thrall.  
He was a noble duke, & therewith of great might  
And in front of battle was ever the first knight    

Anglia. THE. C. chapter.  
VTer the last or youngest son of Constantyne, and brother of Aurelius/ was made King of britain in the year of our Lord .v. huudred even/ and the xvi year of Clodoueus than King of France. This as before is touched, was surnamed Pendragon. The cause thereof was as witnesseth the english chronicle, for so much as Merlin likened him unto a dragon under a star appearing in the firmament. Whereof there is made a long process, and by Gaufryde in his british book also affirmed/ the which to me seemeth of little credence. But trought it is, that after Uter was (as before is said) made King/ he was enamoured upon the Duke's wife of cornwall named Igwarne or Igorne/ & for to obtain his unleeful lust, sought many & divers means. So the lastly he made war upon her husband named Garolus or Gorleis/ & at length slew the said duke at his castle called tintagel, standing in cornwall/ & after married his wife, and received of her the noble knight Arthur, and a daughter named Amye, as saith the english chronicle.  
More is not left of any writer of authority in remembrance of this Uter/ all be it that some testify, that he by the help of merlin should fetch Coria gigantum otherwise called the stone hinge, out of Irland as before I have showed in the story of Aurelius. And of Gaufryde is showed, that Uter also should win the foresaid Lady by the enchantment of Merlin. Which is not comely to any christian religion to give to any such fantastical illusions any mind or credence. Wherefore I pass over, leaving all the other matter, which also is there rehearsed of the war between Uter and Osca, son of Hengyste, for so much as it is dyscordaunt unto other writers/ and finally conclude that this Uter Pendragon died by force of venom, when he had ruled this isle of britain by the full term of xvi years/ and after was buried by his brother Aurely in Coria gigantum or stone hinge, leaving after him the forenamed son the puissant Arthur.   

Francia. THE. CI. chapter.  
LOtharius or Clotharius the youngest son of Clodoveꝰ/ was made King of a part of France called Soisons, in the year of our Lord .v. hundred and xiiii/ and the xiiii year of Uter then King of much britain. ye shall understand that after the death of Clodoueus last King of France/ the land by him was divided to his four sons. That is to say to the eldest son Clodomirus was appointed the lordship of orleans/ to Theodoricus the second son Austracye/ to Childebertus the third son middle France, or the country dying about Paris/ and to this Lothayr, the above said lordship of Soisons. Of which said lordships either of them possessed/ they were of their subjects called Kings, and so continued in good rest a certain of tyme. In the which season Clotyld their mother, bearing in mind the unnatural death of her parents/ willed her sons to venge their death. Which death as testifieth Uincent historyall, and also Antoninus, was in this form following. Gundenchus the grand father of Clotildis had four sons/ that is to say Cundebaldus, Gondigisillus, Hilpericus, and Godomarus: To these four sons Gundenchus beset the land of Burgoyne. Gondigisillus and Godomarus died/ wherefore the land of Burgoyne fill to Cundebaldus and Hilpericus. Then Cundebaldus for covetise of the hole lordship, slew his brother Hilpericus/ & fastened a great stone to the neck of his wife, and cast her into a deep water. And of his ii daughters, whereof the eldest height Trona/ he exiled in poor weed or clothing. And the younger he kept in servage within his own court. The which after as before is showed was married again his will unto Clodoveꝰ father to this Lotharius.  
Then it followeth, this Lotharius son of Clotild made sharp war upon Sigismonde son of Cundebaldus, which then was deed. In the which war the eldest son Clodomyrus was slain/ leaving after him iii sons named Theobaldus, Guntherus or Guntharre, and Clodoaldus. Which iii sons took to her tuition and guiding. But the other brother maintained the war again that burgoynions/ in such wise the finally they obtained the right portion of their mother Clotilde.  
After this war was finished in Burgoyne: Childebertus the third son hearing that Almarcus King of Spain miss entreated his sister/ made war upon him, & lastly him subdued and set his sister in her former estate.  
But while the said Childebert was thus in Spain occupied: Theodorus his brother took from him a city to him belonging called Mountclere/ and slew the knights which Childebertus had left there to keep the said city. For this mischievous deed arose great debate between these two brethren/ but by mediation of friends they were at length accorded. Then Theodorus sought new means of displeasure again his said brother, as well treason as other wise/ the which Childebert by his policy and wisdom & with good fortune escaped.  
Childebertus than casting in his mind how he might win to him the patrimony or the lordship that lately belonged unto his eldest brother Clodomyrus: took counsel of his brother Clotharius. In such wise that they to guider or of one assent, sent unto their mother Clotyld for their nephews, children of their brother And she nothing mistrusting them/ sent the said children unto the said two. brethren. But within short time of their coming unto their said uncles, as testifieth Master Robert Gagwyne, and also the French chronicle/ Lotharius tyrannously with his sword slew two of the said children. And then the third fled for his safeguard unto such as him favoured. He was after again taken and compelled to make a solemn oath, that he should become a religious man, & never claim any part of his right or inheritance. By which unleeful mean the ii brothern obtained the hole lordship of orleans/ and parted the revenues thereof between them/ but that endured but a while. And here I pass over the sorrow that Clotylde made for the children of her son Clodomyrus/ and also the ordering of the youngest son called Clodoaldus, which escaped the danger of his uncles, as before is showed/ the which would ask a long season.   

THE. CII. Chapter.  
IT was not long after but that the second brother King or duke of Austracy, died of god's visitation/ leaving after him a son named Theodobertus. The which of his two foresaid uncles was grievously warred by long tract of time, the which he defended through his martial knighthood. And when he by divers means had sought peace, and might not purchase it: he than found such means by rich gifts and otherwise, that he wan the favour of his uncle Childebert/ and cherished him as his friend. Then fill unkindness between Childebert and Lotharius/ in so much that either of them assembled a great host to subdue that one the other. But the forenamed Theodobertus made all the power he might, to aid and assist Chyldebert. So that upon both parties was a great multitude of knights armed ready to fight. Clotilde then hearing of this mortal war between her two sons/ and also considering the likelihood of the great effusion of man's blood that might ensue, by the reason of the joining of these foresaid two hosts: in all haste yode unto the sepulture or shrine of saint Martin. where with due devotion she made her special prayers/ beseeching god and that blessed saint to send by heavenly power some let or impediment, that the said hosts should not join in battle. By mean of which prayer when the said two hosts were in preparing for to have run together: suddenly fill such a tempest of wind and hail with thunder and lightning, that both hosts were so grievously beaten with the said tempest and weathering, that either of them had most mind how they might defend themself from danger of the said weathering. And over that, as testifieth the above named author/ either of the hosts thought in their minds, that they were chased of their enemies/ in such wise that either of them fled from other by a long space.  
After this either of them sent means of treatise either to other/ and at length confirmed a peace between them. The which peace surely on both parties assured Childebert excited his brother to war upon a people or country called Terra conens in the province of spain, and besieged the city of Saragounce otherwise called Augusta/ & finally kept the citizens so short, that they to appease their enemies, caused the bishop of the city to open the sepulchre of saint Uyncent, and give to Lotharius a part of the holy martyrs body.  
But yet that notwithstanding/ though the siege were withdrawn and the city spared: yet the country there about they pilled and wasted without pity. And after with great richesse of pray, returned in to France. where at Paris by Childebert soon after was builded a monastery in the worship of god and of saint Uincent/ where the foresaid relic was set and reverently kept. Which monastery at this day is called saint germans de Pree.  
In this while, I can not say by what hap/ these two brethren newly maligned again their nephew Theodobert the son of their brother Theodorich. And intended by their malice to bereave him of the lordship of Austracy. And to that intent gathered their people to war upon the said Theodobert. Whereof when the said Theodobert was ware, considering he could not so shortly assemble his people to withstand the malice of his said uncles▪ he in lowly and good manner road again them in a peaceable wise. And to them behaved him so well in word and deed, that they alonely forgave not his trespass/ but also sent him again with great richesse of gifts.  
Soon after this time died Clotilde the wife of Clodoueus/ the which with great pomp of her two sons was buried by her said husband▪ And shortly after died Theodobert aforenamed/ leaving after him a son named Theobalde. In this pass time Lotherius of his wife received vii sons & two daughters. Of the which Cramyris the eldest son he sent into Guyan, to have the rule thereof under his father. But he contrary to his father's mind/ oppressed the inhabytauntes thereof with grievous exactions and tribute/ wherefore his father being discontent, called him thence. Cramyris with this being sore amoved/ in great anger departed his father's court, & yode unto Childebert his uncle, exciting him to make war upon his father/ imagyning falls occasions to bring the two brethren at distance/ and made a solemn oath to his uncle, that during his life he should strength his party again his own father. Which assurance thus made, Chyldebert prepared his host to war again his brother Lotharius. But the said Lotharius of this being warned/ for such let as he then haddde, sent again his enymyes two sons of his, named Gunthranus and Aribertus/ & while these two fonnes made toward Childebert, he in that while made great waste in the country of champagne/ and taking great pryses, returned into his own country of middle France. Whereof hearing the forenamed Guntranus and his brother/ and also that in Guyan was moved war by cramyr: sped them thither with all their people. But they did nothing worthy memory or laud.  
In this season died the foresaid Chyldeberte brother of Lotharius without heir/ when he had ruled middle France. xivii. Years, as sayeth the French chronicle/ and was interred in the monastery of saint Uyncent, otherwise called saint Germayne de Pree.   

THE. CIII. Chapter.  
AFter the death of Childebert/ for so much as he died without heir, Lotharius forenamed seized all middle France into his possession. And after he had somedeal set it in order/ not forgetting the innaturall rebellion of his son Cramyris: chase unto him a puryd company of knights and of competent number/ & in all haste made toward Guyan, where the said cramyr was then abiding. But when he hard of the coming of his father again him with his chosen army: he withdrew him to the uttermost parties of France/ and requireed aid of a King or duke to that party adjoining named Gonobalde/ the which to him promised aid to his power.  
Lotharius of this affinity being warned/ pursued the said Gonobalde so sharply, that he constrained him at length to take the church of saint Martyne, and to hold it for his safeguard. But when Lotharius had assayed by diverse means, as well by fair promise as words of Manasses, and might not get the said Gonobalde out of that holy place: he set the church on fire, and brent the duke in the same/ the which shortly after he re-edified and made in more better manner than it before had been.  
when Cramyris was thus dispointed of the aid of Gonobalde: he than fled into little britain, and required aid of the Earl thereof named Cenabutus/ where by comfort of that said Earl he assembled a great host to withstand his father. Whereof the father being ascertained drew toward him. And when both hosts were near: they sent messengers to the father to entreat a peace. But Lotharius included so many hard conditions within the said peace/ or as some writersmeane, Cramyris desired such unleeful desires of his father/ that the said treaty might take none effect. And for trust that he had in the Brytons and his strength he was utterly bend to try his cause by dint of sword.  
Lotharius having experience that fortune of battle is in victory doubtful & uncertain: he therefore made his prayer to god/ beseeching him of aid again the innaturall and obstinate rebellion of his son. After which prayer ended/ he commanded in the name of god to set upon his enymyes. Which met with so great ire/ that shortly the green field was died into a perfect red/ and many knights upon both parties lay slain, and grunting upon the earth. The father comforting and calling upon his knights upon the one part, and the son upon his knights upon that other part/ either of them intending the death and utter destruction of each other/ thus this battle hanging in suspense to whether of them the victory should turn: suddenly the Britons gave back/ and gave place to the frenchmen. With the which the French party being comforted/ enforced that Britons with so sharp fight, that they were compelled to forsake the field, and took them to flight/ whom the frenchmen chased and slew without mercy.  
In the which chase Cramyris with his wife and children were taken and presented unto Lotharius. The which shortly after, setting a part all fatherly love, compassion, and pity, caused a great fire to be made/ into the which he commanded to be cast the said Cramyris with also his wife and children. Or as witnesseth the French chronicle, they were all enclosed in a house/ and the house and they together consumed with fire.  
Thus the most cruel father without pity chastised the inobedient son, to the example and learning of other, to bear dew obedience unto their parents. After this victory and cruel chastisement executed by Lotharius: he returned into France. And so to the sepulchre or shrine of saint Martyne/ yielding to god and him thanks of this victory, and offered there many & rich gifts. And after sped him to Soisons/ where he as King of all France/ except the lordship of Austracy, which Theobald son of his brother sons Theodorich then held. The father of this Theobald was Theodobert. Then Lotharius saying his land in rest and quietness/ gave him to hunting and chase of wild beasts, a game of great use among all French Princes.  
In which disport he being one day greatly travailed, caught some surfeit/ of the which ensued a mortal sickness, so that he died shortly after, when he had reigned as before is specified over the lordship of Soysons and other, by the term of l winter full. And was after buried at Soisons with great pomp/ leaving after him four sons, Gunthranus, Aribertus, Chilpericus, & Sigebertus.  
It is testified of Master Robert Gagwyne, that saint Radegunde borne of the country of Thuring, of a pagan father named Bernigarius, was wife to this Lothar. whose virtuous life Antoninus in his book called sm Antonini, in the viii chapter & xii title of the second part of his work, showeth compendyously.   

Anglia. THE. Ciiii chapter.  
ARthurus the son of Uter Pendragon a strepeling of xu years of age began his reign as King of britain, in the year of our Lord v. hundred and xvii/ and the third year of Lotharius, than King of France, or of a part thereof, as before is declared. Of this Arthure is by Gaufryde recited a long story, and allowed by the English chronicle, the which from other writers is greatly dyscordaunte. But yet all authors agreen that he was noble an victorious in all his deeds.  
Fain I would declare the fame of this noble Prince, to the comfort of other to follow his martial dediss/ so that I might somewhat justly fie my report by some author of authority. But the more I am in doubt, because of the saying of ranulph monk of Chestre/ which vouchyth it upon wyllyam writer of histories of Kings, as is rehearsed at length in the vi chapter of the .v. book of Policronicon/ which is there open to every man that is desirous to know the said report or opinion/ the which for the length thereof I overpass. And somewhat to the honour of so great a champion as was this Arthur, I shall lay unto the reder, that he may with authority show unto the hearers/ and therewith glad the welsheman that he should descend of so noble a victor/ which so many deeds of honour executed in his days.  
Then as testifieth Polycronycon and other/ Arthur fought xii no table batayllis again the Saxons, and of them all was victor.  
wherefore the first was upon the river of clevy/ and four the next were fought upon the river Douglys, which rynneth under the town of wygan, upon ten miles from the river of Merse in lancashire.  
The vi battle was upon the river called Bassa.  
The vii beside Lyncoln in a wood called Celidon.  
The viii and the ix were fought about york.  
The ten was about Nycolf town, which is named warwick as after some writers.  
The xi was at Bathe/ where he long besieged Cerdicus King of westsaxons.  
The xii and last was at a place called Badon or Babowe hill/ in which he slew many Saxons. But that notwithstanding he might not clearly void them his land/ but that they kept their Counts, which they were before possessed of/ as Kente, Southerey, and Norff: all be it that some authors testify that they held these countries as tributaries unto Arthure.  
This noble warrior as witnesseth holy Gildas, slew with his own hand in one day by the help of our Lady saint mary/ whose picture he bore painted in his shield, a hundred and xl Saxons. Which shield he called Prydwen/ his sword was called Caliboure/ and his spear was called Ronvere, after the british tongue or speech.  
The third or fourth.   

THE. CV. Chapter.  
ABout the .v. year of this Arthur, after the agreement of most writers began the lord ship of westsaxons, under the Saxon called Cerdicus & Kenricus his son. For Denys and other witness, that this lordship or kingdom should have his beginning the lxxi year. after the first coming of hengist/ or the year of our Lord five hundred xxii which agreeth with the .v. year of Arthure aforesaid.  
This lordship contained the West country of England/ as wilt wiltshire, somersetshire, Berkꝭ, Dors. and other/ as devonshire, and cornwall/ and had in the east side Southampton/ in the north Thamys the famous river/ in the south and West the see ocean.  
This foresaid Cerdicus, which of some authors is named Childricus/ landed first at Cerdyshore which now is called yermouth, an haven town in the country of Norff. And by help of other Saxons then inhabited in that country then called east Anglys: the said Cerdicus at length obtained the foresaid country and named it westsaxon or westsaxonia/ and reigned therein as Lord or King a certain of years, and Kenricus his son after him.  
The first christian King of this province was named Kyngilsus/ and converted by means of that blessed man Berinus bishop of Dorchester. To whom Quichelinus brother of the foresaid Kyngilsus, gave the said city to make there his see, after he also had received baptism of the said Berinus. And as Guydo witnesseth the said Quichelinus gave after to the bishop of wynchester vii miles compass of land, to build there a bishops see/ the which was accomplished and finished by Kenwalcus his son. This kingdom endured longest of all the other/ which were vii in number, or vi beside this. Some writers account the term of the durance of this kingdom, from Cerdicus to Egbert/ and some to the last year of Aluredus. But Guydo accomptyth the endurance of this kingdom, from the first year of Cerdicus unto the last year of Edward the confessor. By reason whereof it should endure five hundred and & liiii years. But most accordingly it should be reckoned from the first year of Cerdicus to the last year of Aluredus. For he made one monarchy of all vii kingdoms/ in which time did flow or pass three hundred lxxviii. Years.   

THE. Cvi chapter.  
Now than I will return unto Arthur/ the which by a long time dwelled in war and mortal battle with the Saxons, by mean of their daily repair into this land. The which also allied them with Pictes and other nations, and made their party the strenger by the mean. But yet Arthur by his martial knighthood brought them in such frame/ that he was accounted for chief lord of britain.  
Finally when he had by a long time maintained his wars again the Saxons/ and specially again Cerdicus or Childricus King of westesaxons: he for a final concord gave unto the said Cerdicus as testifieth Policronica in the vi chapter of his .v. book. the two countries of Hampshyre and Somerset. And when he had set his land in some quietness, he betook the rule thereof unto his nephew Mordred/ and with a chosen army sailed, as saith Gaufryde and other, unto France/ where by the report of Gaufryde he wrought wonders.  
But the writers of French chronicles touch nothing of such notable deeds/ nor yet the writers of Romans mind nothing of such acts done again their consul or Emperor called by Gaufryde Lucius Hybertus. Therefore I will spare all that long matter: remytting the welshmen as touching the process unto the said Gaufride. And here I will follow Policronicon, where he saith, that for as much as the forenamed Mordred was desirous to be King/ & feared some deal the might of Cerdicus King of westsaxons: he therefore drew to him the said Cerdicus by great gifts, as of towns and castles & other means/ where through the said Cerdicus to him assented, so that Mordred was at London crowned King of britain/ and Cerdicus after the use of pagans' was at wynchester then called Kaerguent crowned King of westsaxons.  
when relation came to Arthur of all this treason wrought by his nephew Mordred: he in all haste made toward britain, as it is red in the english chronicle/ & landed at sandwich, where he was met of Mordred and his people/ which gave unto him strong battle in time of his landing, and lost there many of his knights, as the famous knight Gawyne and other. But yet this not withstanding Arthur at length wan the land, and chased his enymyes/ and after the entering of his cousin Gavin and other of his knights there slain, he set forward his host to pursue his enymyes. Mordred thus being overset of his uncle at the see side/ withdrew him to wynchester. where he being furnished of new soldiers, gave unto Arthur, as saith Gaufryde, the second fight/ wherein also Mordred was put to the worse, and constrained to flee. thirdly and lastly the said Mordred fought with his uncle Arthur besides Glastynbury/ where after a long and dangerous fight, Mordred was slain/ & the victorious Arthur wounded unto the death/ and after buried in the vale of Aualon beside Glastynbury beforesaid.  
Of this last end and burying of Arthur in the british books are told many fables. But to oppress the errors of Brytons the think or believe that Arthur yet liveth: Policroniconshe with in his forenamed chapter of his .v. book, that in the second Henry's time King of England the bonies of the said Arthur and Gwaynour his wife were founden/ and translated into the foresaid church of Glastynbury, and there new buried in the year of our lord xi hundred lxxx And more specially it is noted in the xxiii. chapter of the vii book of Policronicon above said.  
wherefore to be at conclusion of a fine of this noble warrior/ he was as before is showed slain or wounded to death, when he had reigned over the Britons by the term of xxvi years/ willing before his death that Constantyne the son of Cador duke of cornwall, for so much as of his body remained none heir, that he should be his heir and inherit the land of much britain after his death.   

Anglia. THE. CVII. Chapter.  
CONstantinus the son of Cador duke of cornwall/ by assent of the Brytons was of them crowned King of much britain, in the year of Crystes incarnation five hundred xliii/ and the xix year of Lotharius then King of France. This was near kinsman unto Arthur/ and was by the two sons of Mordred grievously vexed, for so much as they claimed the land by the right or title of their father. So that between him and them were fought many and sundry battles. Whereof neither of place nor of time is left any convenient memory/ nor yet of the names of the said two sons.  
But as diverse authors agreen, after these foresaid batayllies thus fought/ fynylly the two sons of Mordred were constrained of pure force to seche strong holds for their refuge▪ wherefore that one took London, and that other winchester.  
whereof Constantyne being warned/ left not till he had slain that one within the monastery of saint Amphiabil● at winchester/ and that other within a temple or church of London, which temple is named of Gaufryde an house of freres. But the saying is doubtful/ for at that days it is to be supposed that there was none house of freres within London nor by a long time after.  
when Constantine had thus subdued his enymyes, and thought himself in a manner of surety of his region: then fortune as she had envy his glory, arreared again him his own kinsman named Aurelius Conanus/ the which again him made mortal battle/ and finally or at the last slew him in the field, when he had reigned after most accord of writers iii years/ the which was then huryed at Stone hyenge by the sepulture of Uter Pendragon/ with great solemnytye.   

THE. CVIII. Chapter.  
Aurelius' Conanus the cousin of Constantync last named/ was crowned King britain, in the year of our lord .v. hundred & xlvi/ & the xxxii year of Lotharius before named then King of France. This was noble and liberal. But he was a man that cherished such as loved strife and dissension with in his land/ and gave light credence to them that accused other, were it right or wrong. And as testifieth Gaufryde and other/ he took by strength his uncle which of right should have been King, and cast him in a strong prison/ and after slew tyrannously the ii sons of his said uncle. But he rejoiced his reign but short while. For as witnesseth the said Gaufryde, when he had reigned two years he died, were it of the sonde of god or otherwise/ leaving after him a son named Uortiporius, as hath the author of the book named flower of histories.  
Of this Uortiporius speaketh nothing the english chronicle/ but telleth of two Kings that should reign next after Constantyne both at ones/ whereof that one he nameth Adelbryght, and that other Edyll. whereunto none other writer agreeth except that he nameth them for some of the Kings of the Saxons. For about that time reigned in kent or soon after, Ethelbert or Athelbert/ which might be taken of some for Adelbryght. And that other which he named Edylf, might be taken for Ella King of South-Saxons. But this Ella should not by concord of writers be living at this tyme. It might with more convenience accord, that it should be a King of Deira or of Northumberland named Ella, the which reigned more about this time and season.  
Of these two Kings, the said english chronicle telleth a long process/ the which for I find none author of authority that writeth or speaketh of the same, I pass it over.  
ye shall also furthermore understand, that after this day the Brytons daily discreased of lordship and rule within britain, & drew them toward Cambyr or wales/ so that the country about Chestre was the chief of their lordship within britain. For daily the Saxons landed with companies, and occupied the principal parts of the same/ as shortly here after shall appear.  
The fifth kingdom of the Saxons.   

THE. CIX. Chapter.  
IN the time of the reign of this forenamed Aurelius Conanus/ as witnesseth Polycronica, Guido, & other: began the kingdom or lordship of Brenicia under a Saxon named Ida/ the year of our Lord .v. hundred and xlvii/ and the second or last year of the said Conanus. This lordship was in the north part of britain/ and grew in short while more & more, so that finally it was named the kingdom of Northumberlande. But ye shall understand, that this lordship was first divided in two kingdoms/ whereof the first, as above is said was called Brenicia, and that other Deyra. The meris or marks of this kingdom of Northumberland were by east and by west the ocean see/ by south the river of Humber, and so downward toward the West by the ends of the shires of Notynghm and Derby, unto the river of Merse or Mercia/ and by north the scottish see, which is called forth in scottish/ & in Brettyshe the werde.  
The southside of this lordship was called Deyra, which is now called the bishopric of Durham, and the north side was called Brenicia/ which were than departed or severed by the river of Tyne. Deyra contained the land from Humber to the river of Tyne/ and Brenicia included the country from Tyne to the scottish see.  
In Brenicia reigned first as is above said Ida or Ida's/ & in Deyra reigned first Ella/ which lordships began both within iii years. But in process of time both in one were named the kingdom of Northumberlande/ which so continued somewhile under one King, & somewhile under two, by the term of iii hundred and xxi years, as saith ranulph monk of Chester. And after forth continued the name under Saxons and Danes, till the coming of Edredus brother of Ethelstane & son of Edward the elder. The which Edredus in the ix or last year of his reign, joined this to his own kingdom. By which reason it should seem, that this kingdom endured under that name upon four hundred and ix years.  
The first christian Prince of this kingdom was named Edwynus/ that received the faith of saint pauline, as testifieth Guydo. In this lordship also were included these shires and countries now called york, Notyngham shire or Snothyngham shire, Derby shire, the bysshopryke of Durham, Copelande, and other.  
Among the many kings that reigned in this lordship, which after some writers were to the number of xxiii. reigned one accounted the viii King by Guydo, named Ethelfridus & son of Ethelricus. Which Ethelfridus destroyed more Brytons than all the other Kings of Saxons. This was father to saint Oswold & Oswi.  
He slew also many of the Britons at a battle that he had again them beside Kaerlegyon or Chester, and two thousand and a hundred of monks of the house of Bangor, as it is testified of Polycronicon in the ten chapter of his .v. book/ the which monks were comen thither to pray for the good speed of the Brytons. And over this foresaid number of monks l fled/ whereby they with their leader named brucyvall were saved. Of such a number of monks of one house/ might be deemed a wonder. But the said Policronica, with Guydo, and other writers/ affermyn that in that house of Bangor were at those days for the more party three times. seven, hundred monks, the which lived by the travail of their hands only.  
The forenamed Oswye, was after Oswolde King of this province/ which gave with his daughter Elfleda a nun xii lordships into the church, to build with xii monasteries/ whereof vi of the said lordships were in Brenicia, and vi in Deyra/ as saith Guydo. And also ranulph in his .v. book of Polycronyca and xvi chapter affirm the same.   

THE. CX. Chapter.  
UOrtiporius son of Aurelius Conanus after the opinion before said/ was ordained King of britain in the year of our Lord .v. hundred and xlviii and the xxxiiii year of Clotharius then King of France. Of the which is little memory left in any cronycler or writer/ except that Guydo testifieth him to be a victorious knight/ showing briefly that he in sundry battles discomfited the Saxons/ and defended his land and Brytons from the danger of them and other that the Saxons allied them with.  
In the time of the reign of this King/ a Saxon named Ella the son of Iffus, began to reign in the south side of the kingdom of Northumberlande called Deyra/ as before is touched in the chapter of the said kingdom.  
Then it followeth/ when this Uortiporius had ruled the Brytons knightly by the term of four years/ he died, and was put to his father/ leaving none heir of his body.  
For as much as all writers agreen, that the Kings of westsaxon at length subdued all the other kingdoms/ and made of the hole land of much britain but one kingdom or monarchy/ and all other as well of Brytons as of Saxons failed or left of, that all only excepted: therefore I intend to bring in, the name of every King of westsaxon from the first Cerdycus or Chyldricus, & join them with the Kings of Brytons/ for so long as hereafter the said Brytons continued their reign within any part of britain.   

THE. CXI. Chapter.  
MAlgo a duke of the Brytons and nephew of Aurelius Conanus, as saith the author of the flower of histories/ begun his reign over the Brytons in the year of our Lord .v. hundred lii/ and the xxxviii year of Clotharius then still King of France/ and also the xu year of Kenricus the son of Cerdicus and second King of westsaxon aforesaid: accounting xu years of the reign of his father, as Guydo allowyth. This Malgo after the accord of all writers that make mention/ was the comlyest and most personable man of all Brytons than living, & therewith endowed with knightly manhood. The which withstood the Saxons and kept them of, that they damaged not the land/ the which he then had possession of. And as witnesseth Gaufryde & other/ he by his manhood subdued the isles of Iseland, Orchades or Orkeys, and Norway with other.  
In the time of the reign of this Malgo/ reigned in the lordship or kingdom of Kent Ethelbertus/ the which as witnesseth Polycronycon, assembled an host of his knights, and gave battle unto Ceawlmus son of Kenricus and then King of westsaxon/ the cause whereof is not expressed. But this battle was the first battle that was fought between the Saxons, after that they obtained land and dwelling with in britain/ which was fought in a place called wylbaldowne. And in the fight was slain ii dukes of Ethelbertus/ and himself with his people chased.  
Also yt'ys witnessed of the said Polycronica, that the year following Cutwolfus the brother of Ceawimus before named/ fought strongly again the Brytons at bedford/ and bereft them four cities or towns named Liganbroght, Egelsborgth, Besyngton, and Euysham.  
Then to return again to Malgo King of the Brytons/ the author of the flower of histories saith, that not withstanding the many virtues, the which god had endowed him with/ he lastly forgot god for saking all virtue, and gave him to sundry vices and sins, whereof the audible sins of Sodomy was one/ wherefore fell to him great persecution of his enemies the Saxons, as before somedeal is showed & more ensueth  
It was not long after the forenamed battle done at bedford/ but that the foresaid Cutwolfus died. But yet his said brother Ceawlmus covetous of worship, maintained his war again the Brytons/ so that after he made a new voyage again them, and made of them an other scomfiture/ & took from them the famous cities of Bathe, of gloucester, and wurceter/ which should be by the meaning of Ranulfe about the year of the reign of this Malgo xxix  
Of all this speaketh nothing the chronicle of England/ but he maketh his process of a King named Cortyf. By the which as it should seem by the rehearsal following that he maketh of Gurmunde/ that Careticus ruled the Britons next after the death of this Malgo/ as when the time cometh more plainly it shall appear. Then it followeth about the xxxiii year of this Malgo/ Ceawlmus before named gathered his Saxons, and fought with the Brytons at a place called Fechanlege. where after long fight Ceawlmus chased the Brytons, & won of them victory. But his brother called Cutha, was slain in the fight/ for whom he made great sorrow. Thus in his latter days Malgo being oppressed & pursued of his enemies lastly died/ when he had reigned after most concord of stories xxxv years.   

Francia. THE. CXII. Chapter.  
Chilpericus the iii son of Lotharius or Clotharius before named/ begun his reign over the part of France called Soysons, in the year of our Lord god .v. hundred lxiiii/ and the xiiii. Year of Malgo then King of britain. This not being content with such as his father had him be set/ so soon as the obsequy and enterrement of his father was finished, he sped him unto Paris and possessed him of his father's treasure. Whereof his iii brethren being warned / purchased to them such friendship of the nobles of France, that they unweting their said brother had entry into Paris/ and likely to have take him there in, if he had not the sooner escaped.  
For this inconvenience great dissension was likely to have grown between these four brethren/ had not been the mediation of friends upon both parties. The which by good & politic ways, at length pacified all varyaunces among them/ & concluded for a final pease, that either of the said brethren should hold him content with such portion as was before assigned to them by their father. That is to say to the eldest brother named Aribertus or after some writers Cherebris, should fall the country that is dying about Paris called middle France/ to Guntranus should fall the province of orleans/ and to this Chylpericus/ the province of Soysons/ and to Sygebertus the youngest brother, should belong the country of Mees or of Austracy. Which lordship beginneth at Champeyne as affirmeth the French chronicle, and stretchyth to the lordship or province of Lorraine upon one part, & to Almaigne upon that other part. After which concord & agreement thus finished/ either of the said brethren dept unto his proper lordship  
If I should here describe the manners & conditions of these four princes/ or to express the unlawful lechery of the eldest brother Aribertus, in refusing his lawful wife Ingebryda or Ingeberta/ or of the ravyshement of wives & virgins by him done/ or yet the unstableness of living that was also in the second brother Guntranus, with virtues and vices of the other: I should thereof make a long work. Wherefore to bring this story to some convenience, I thus begin.  
Troth it is that this Chilpericus or after some Hilpericus/ took to wife the daughter of the King of Spain called Athanahildus, whose name was Golsanda. The which had to her handmaiden a maid called Fredegunda, the which was of passing beauty, and shape of body. But to her was joined subtle wit and evil conditions/ contrary to her lady and masters, which was simple and of virtuous conditions.  
To the youngest brother named Sigebert was coupled in marriage the sister of the said Golsanda named Brunechildis, or after the French chronicle Brunecheuste/ a woman of perverse & wicked condition as after shall appear. Then it followeth, Chilperich within short time that he was thus married unto Golsanda, caste unlawful love unto her woman Fredegunda. By reason whereof fell such unkindness between them, the lastly she was founden in her chamber deed and strangled with a cord/ which was done by the hand of her husband, as testifieth the French book.  
Then secondly he married another wife named audovera a woman of great birth: how be it mine author nor yet the French chronicle declareth not her progeny/ with the which he continued & kept her after her honour. But yet he withdrew not his unlawful love from the forenamed Fredegund.  
In this pastime/ cause of war was moved between Sigebert the younger brother, and men of the country of swevy/ for the which the said Sigebert required aid of his brother Chilperich. At whose request he in all haste assembled his people and sped him toward his brother/ leaving his wife great with child, in the keeping of the soresayde Fredegunde. Of the which wife as testifieth the French book, he had before received iii sons named Theodobertus, Meronens, and Clodoueus.  
It was not long after that Chilperiche, as before is said, in aid of his brother was departed/ but that his wife was delivered of a daughter. And when this child should be confirmed of the bishop/ this Fredegunde intending to make a divorce between Chilperich & his wife, by her subtile and false coniectoure counseled the Queen that she should for the more honour confirm her own child. And the Queen trusting her counsel/ supposing her counsel had been for the best, confirmed her own child.   

THE. CXIII. Chapter.  
IN this while the King with his brother occupied in war again the Suytzers or men of swevy/ bare them so knightly, that they subdued their enymyes, and after returned into their countries. Whereof when Fredegunde was ware, she in secret manner met with the King/ & showed to him all the demeanour of his wife, but nothing of her own crafty working, wherewith King was grievously dyscontente in showing of his outward countenance/ and said, if that were true, she should from him be divorced/ and that she should be Queen in her stead.  
After this the King coming to his palace/ the Queen to the intent to be the more accepted in his presence, not knowing of the malicious working of Fredegunde, brought in her arms the young baby, to the which she was mother both naturally and spiritually/ and welcomed the King her Lord in right humble manner, saluting him with words of all comfort. But the King being warned of her simple demeanour/ & as some authors write, glad that he had occasion to find matter to her of displeasure/ blamed her in grievous manner, and commanded her out of his presence for that time/ & after by counsel of spiritual men, caused her from him to be divorced/ & her with her young daughter to be put into an house of religion, to the which he gave possessions for the finding of her and of her young daughter named Childeynda.  
And when Chilpericus had thus finished this foresaid business/ he shortly after took to wife the forenamed Fredegund, not without grudge of some of his Lords and other.  
It was not long after this marriage, that strife and dissension fell between this Chilpericus and Sigebert his brother/ the which grew for certain land that Chilpericus claimed to have of his brother afore said. Then Chilpericus assembled his knights and made war upon the land of his brother Sigebert/ the which then was busied in like war again a people called Hunes/ by reason whereof Chilpericus had the more fordell, and wan by strength the city of Reynys.  
But it was not long after or Sigebert was warned of his brother's unkindness. Wherefore he after his enymyes were by him somedeal subdued/ went with his army into the country of soysons' belonging to his brother Chilpericus/ and warred in likewise in that land as his brother did in his/ and at length took the city of Soysons, and therein the eldest son of Chilpericus named Theodobert, and held him as his prisoner. Then Chilpericus hearing of the scomfiture of his people and taking of his son, was again his brother more fervently amoved/ and cast in his mind all ways & means how he might revenge him upon his brother. But it was in vain. For his brother at that time had such advantage of him/ that he well apperceived, that he had no better mean then a treaty of peace, by mean whereof he shortly after obtained his son out of danger, with other things concerning his profit/ assuring to his said brother by solemn oath, that after that day he should never were arms, nor yet warray his brother.  
This concord and unite in due manner finished, & sufficiently by both counsels stablished/ yet Chilpericus being always minded to be revenged upon his brother Sigebert/ sent his youngest son named Clodoueus, and caused him to war upon a city called Bordeaux, in the pronice of Neustria/ now called Norman die. But by the manhood of a captain of Sigebert named Singulphus, the said Clodoueus was over comen and compelled to void the country, and so fled to Paris.  
For this hap Chilpericus was fired with all malice/ and in all hast commanded his forenamed son Theodobert with a great army to invade the said country of Neustria, or Normandye. The which according to his father's commandment sped him thither/ and there by his extort might and power, took many cities and strong holds/ not sparing churches, houses of religion, as nuns and other/ and robbed and spoiled the country in most cruel wise.  
Lastly this persecution thus done, a chieftain or duke named Gundoaldus of the earldom of Poitowe/ assembled a great power, and withstood Theodobert/ and finally slew him in plain battle, and a great part of his people. Whereof hearing Chilpericus gathered a great host, and yode into the country of champagne/ wasting and destroying the country with fire and iron to the uttermost of his power, and at length took the city of reins, and spoiled it without mercy.   

THE. CXIIII. Chapter.  
SIgebertus advertising/ and casting in his mind the innaturall disposition of his brother/ perceiving well that he intended his utter destruction: provided in his best manner for to withstand his malice. And for to bring his continued malice to a final end/ he gathered to him a puissant power/ and after sped him toward his said brother. Whereof Chilpericus being advertised/ by his covert means sought ways of entreaty and peace, in such wise that or the hosts met, a peace was concluded.  
Then these two brethren thus accorded/ condescended in short time after to make war upon their brother Gunthranus then Lord of orleans/ the which signory at that day belonged to the country or province of Burgoyne. The cause of this war is not expressed/ except that they envy their brother to have so great lordship. But by mediators on both parts/ after great array purveyed on all sides, a concord and peace was concluded in the temple of saint Lowpe at the city of Trois in Uyncent.  
when this said peace was finished/ the said iii brethren in sight departed as friends either of them from other. But as peace sometime contentyth not saudyours/ & specially such as delight them in pillage and robbery: right so among the knights of Sigebert was sprung a great rumour/ saying that they were not content and rewarded for their great labour and travail according to their desert/ and specially for the first journey of these ii had again his brother Chilpericus/ thinking the peace with him made was nothing honourable, considering the great doubleness and untruth that in him was proved. For the which they excited Sygebert in all that in them was/ to break those bounds of peace, and to make new war upon him. And in like manner some evil disposed persons were more agreeable to war then to peace, upon the party of Chilpericus, and murmured in likewise. And for they thought to have been better rewarded of Sygebert, than they were of their own master, they therefore left him and yode to the host of Sygeberte. By whose eveyting & report, Sygebert was more kindled to set upon his brother.  
Chilpericus having notition of his brother's purpose/ with also the murmur and departing of his knights, and having in the other some mistrust: he anon with his wife and children and chief of his treasure, went unto the city of Tourney/ intending to keep that for their and his safeguard. But when Sygebert knew thereof, he was nothing in the pursuing of him found slow/ but followeth straight after, and closed him within the said city with a strong siege/ where Chilpericus was in a manner despaired of the welfare of him & his Fredegunde. But she that was replenished of all iniquity, called to her two wicked persons/ and promised unto them great gifts, if they would by venom or otherwise slay her brother Sigebert. The which two fellows deceived with the fair speech and great gifts of the said Fredegunda, took upon them that unleeful charge/ and by their subtle & false imagination, brought their cursed purpose to an end/ but to their own confusion. For after they had wounded the King Sygebert to death, and would then have escaped/ the kings knights espying their treason, fell soon upon them, and all to hewed them. And when the death of the King was known/ a great noise and cry was arreared in the host. By mean whereof the kings death was blown in to the city, and after to the ears of Chilpericus/ whereof he was not a little amarveled, nor would to it give firm credence, till he was informed of his wife Fredegunde of all her subtile working.  
It was not long after or the knights or some of the captains of the host of Sygebert presented them unto Chylpericus, besieging him of his grace and pardon/ the which he gladly accepted. And when he had set his charges in order/ he then commanded provision to be made for the burying of his said brother within the monastery of saint Medarde of Soysons.  
And when all that business after a kingly manner where finished and ended/ he then exiled Brunechyeldies and Childebert, the wife and son of his brother Sygebert, unto the city of Roan/ taking from them great treasure that they were possessed of. But shortly after the son of Sygebert by help of Gun debolde or Gundealde duke of Poy tow here before named/ was delivered from the danger of the said Chilperycus, and sent into his own lordship of Austracye, which his father Sygebert was Lord of.  
In this pastime he had sent his son Meroneus into a country called Buturynges, to appease certain rebellions there raised. But when he hard of the death of his uncle Sygebert/ and of the being of his wife Bruncchyelde at the city of Roan/ he set a part all the charge of his father, and sped him straight thither, keeping company with her. In whom he took such consolacoin and pleasure/ that lastly he married her, and kept her as his wife. And when his father was thereof warned/ he feared lest by the counsel of his said wife, he would arise again him/ wherefore he in all haste assembled his people, and sped him toward Roan.  
when tidings came to Meroneus of the conuning of his father with so great array/ and he as then vupurucyed of strength of knights to resist his father/ for his most surety fled with his unleeful wife to the temple or church of saint Martyne, taking the privilege thereof for their defence. And when Chilpericus had tempted by many sundry means to have them out of the said privilege, and might not without breaking of the same: he to bring about his cautelous purpose, made to them assured promise, that if they wylfully would renounce the said place, and put them in his grace/ he would utterly pardon their trespass, and suffer them from that time for to continue their life together as man and wife. Upon which promise the said Meroneꝭ with his wife renounced the said privilege, and put them hole in the kings mercy/ the which them received with all countenance of love and favour, and them feasted and cherished lovingly, by the space of two days only. But the third day the feast was finished/ for than he sent his son unto Paris under sure guides/ and there caused him to be professed in a house of religion. But by the means of his uncle Gunthranus he was after taken thence/ and so restored to his former knighthood. For the which his father him newly pursued and constrained him to take for his safeguard the church of saint Martyne in Turon.  
And when he was warned that his father perforce would take him thence/ he then fled unto a city of champagne accompanied with vi servants only/ where he was in so great fere to be taken and in such despair to obtain grace of his father, that he caused one of the said vi. persons to slay him with his sword/ & the foresaid Bruncchyeldis his wife put in sure keeping.   

THE. CXV. Chapter.  
Chilpericus then being ascertained of the doth of his son Meroneus, & the sure keeping of Brunechieldis, he thought himself somedeal assured/ for the mistrust that he had in them many times inquieted him. But yet he was not in quiet or rest. For shortly after the people of Turon rebelled again him. Again whom he sent his son Clodoueus/ & a noble man of his court named Desiderius, the which he sent as a guide & a counsayloure of his said son. And upon the party of his enymyes was a captain of the King Gunthranus/ for so much as the said Gunthranus claimed part of those lands about Turon. This captain named Momelues hearing of the coming of the foresaid host, with a chosen company made taward them/ and gave unto Clodoueus a great sharp fight/ and not without great loss of his men wan of him the field, and compelled him to forsake that country.  
Thus Chilperyche was wrapped in war and troubles of the world, sometime with right, & some while with wrong/ so that he some time wan worship and other while he lost. Whereof to tell all the circumstance I think it should be tedious both to the readers/ and also to the hearers. Wherefore I pass over, in abrydging and shorting somedeal of this story.  
Then followeth within the story/ after Chylpericus had by intycement of Fredegunde/ wrongfully tormented the archbishop of Rouen named Breteste, & him after the sufferance of many vylanyes exiled (for the which and other god sent unto him some correccyom, in taking away by sudden death the children that he had by Fredegunde) he then began to know god, and took great repentance/ in promising to god amendment of his life. And to th'intent that he might have the more prayers of the common people to stand in state of grace: he first released a grievous tribute or imposition that he had lately set upon all wines through his region. And that done he reedyfyed old churches and some he made new, and endowed them with great possessions. And over this he relieved greatly the poor people, by enlarging of his liberal alms/ and became very humble and meek, where before time he was right stern and cruel. But like as often it happeneth that hot love is soon cold/ so this sudden devotion was soon assuaged. For like as his troubles began to assuage, and his prosperity to increase: right so his old conditions began in him to revive and quicken/ so that at length he returned to his old accustomed vices.  
In this time a people called langobards, and now italians/ warred sore upon the lands of the empire. Wherefore Mauricius then being Emperor of Constantyne the noble/ for so much as he taught that the French Kings might was less cost and pain to subdue them, than he might being so far from them/ he therefore sent to him a great sum of gold/ with letters of recommendation, exhorting him in the defence of the church of Rome, to assemble his people and to withstand the said langobards/ and not to seize there of till he had expelled them from the lands of the empire.  
which some of gold he goodly received/ promising to the bringers thereof, that he with all diligence should execute the uttermost of his power to accomplish the request of the Emperor. And according to a parcel of his said promise/ he assembled a great people, and made toward the said langobards. Of whom the said langobards fearing the great might, made mean of entreaty/ offering to him great sums of money. By reason whereof he left them in rest, and so returned into France. when Mauricius had understanding that the foresaid enymyes remained still in the foresaid lands, and continued in their malice: he sent again to Chilpericus/ requiring him other to perform his promise or else to restore his money, which he had taken for the performance of the same. But all was in vain/ for he would neither execute that one nor that other. But at length as affirmeth mine author, he was by god's ordinance compelled for to restore the said money or a great part thereof, by mean of his sister with her child that was as a prisoner to the said Emperor, which sister was before time married unto the King of Spain.   

THE. CXVI. Chapter.  
CHilpericus thus increasing in vice and dishonour, lastly repugned again god/ so that he fell into that detestable heresy of the Arianes/ and commanded certain articles of the same touching the division of the trinity to be preached through his region. But the holy bishop of towers withstood that precept, and blamed him grievously for that deed/ all be it the said bishop named Gregory with great assistance of the other bishops of France, had great labour to remove him from the said opinion.  
This with many other crimes passed by Chilpericus/ Fredegunde, which ever increased in perverse & malicious purpose, sought many unleeful means how she might bring to confusion the third son of her husband/ knowing well the while he levied, her children should never inherit the crown of France. This purpose to bring about many and diverse ways she attempted, which were long to rehearse. But finally she caused him wrongfully to be accused, & by mean thereof to be cast in prison. where he so being, she hired a fellow to slay him/ and after showed to her husband that the said Clodoueus had stain himself. In proof whereof she had appointed the foresaid murderer to leave a sword sticking in him, as though he had wilfully slain himself upon the same sword. Which when the King saw/ he deemed him guilty of such offence as before was put upon him.  
ye have hard before of the son of Sygeberte named Childebert, that was delivered from the hands of Chilpericus his uncle by the means of Gundoald duke or Earl of Poitowe/ the which in this time was grown to man's stature and ruled at this day his inheritance of Austracye, not without great strife had between him and his said uncle, which were to long to write the circumstance thereof. Whereof at this day somedeal was undiscussed/ all be it they at this day used either other as friends.  
About this time the other uncle of Chyldebert called Gunthranꝰ/ sought occasion again him, for cause of a Bishop named Theodorus, & Bishop of Marsill or Marsyle/ the which was put from his see by Gunthranus, and received of Chyldebert, and by him again restored to the said see of Marsyle. For the which Gunthrane was sore amoved/ and intended to make war upon him. But by mediators it was somedeal appeased and set in quiet/ upon certain conditions to be observed and also performed upon the party of Gunthranus/ the which after were not upon his side kept nor performed. Wherefore after request to him made for reformation of all such points/ and answer again received of no reformation: Chyldebert to have his party the strenger/ and also for that that he well knew, that his uncle Chilpericus bare toward the said Gunthranus not very fraternal love/ he therefore sent unto him a noble man of his court named Gyllon, requiring him of aid again his uncle/ the which by many-seasons had as well broken promise again him, as now he had again Childebert. Of this Chilpe rich being right fain, assented to the desire of Gyllon/ and after in all haste prepared their hosts/ and by two sundry companies invaded the countries of orleans, whereof Gunthranus was King or ruler. But the inhabytauntes of that province defended them in so strong manner/ that their enymyes had of them little advantage. In which mean season Gunthranus assembled a mighty host, and sped him toward his enymyes, at a place called Mediolan, he supprysed a part of his said enemies/ and after drew near to the great number of both hosts, where was made preparation on both sides to have fought. But as before time ye have often hard, that by discrete & wise men the fight was put by, and means of accord was founden: so now at this time by labour of good and wise prelate's and other/ these kinsmen were set in unity, and departed without great shedding of christian blood.  
In this pastime/ death which sparyth no creature, bereft Chilpericus a son borne of Fredegunde and named Theodorus/ for the which the King and also the Queen took great heaviness. But as she that was prompt & ready to all evil/ cast in her mind that this child was slain by poison, or by some other purposed malice. For the which lastly was accused a bailiff or lief office called Monuole, with divers wytches and sorseresses, that should imagine this child's death. The which she pained and tormented in such wise/ that lastly the said wytches confessed, that they had destroyed the child, and not without consent of the said Monuole. Wherefore she after caused the said sorceresses to die by cruel death, as by fire and otherwise/ and the said bailiff to be so tormented that he died soon after.  
The French chronicle saith, that by the mean of the taking a way of the life of the kings child/ a child of the said Monuole was restored to health, which before was in great jeopardy/ which is for fools to believe. This sorrow and heaviness of Chilpericus and Fredegunde his wife/ was somedeal assuaged by the birth of a son shortly after borne of the said Fredegunde/ which the King let call Lotharius, or Clotharius. For joy whereof the King let open the prisons/ and suffered the prisoners to go at their liberty/ and specially such as concerned causes touching himself for debt or otherwise, with other things concerning his honour.  
But like as dame Fortune is accustomed to meddle her joys of this world with some bitterness: so did she now with Chilpericus. For where he was now in great tranquillity and rest/ and thought to have lad the residue of his life in pleasure: so deynly word was brought unto him that his brother Gunthranus, and his nephew Childebert/ was allied and firmly accorded to make war upon him/ for the which they had assembled a great army. Wherefore he in all haste commanded all his treasure and chief jewels to be had to the city of Cambria/ where he with his wife and friends intended to continue the residue of his life. And that done sped him thither in all haste/ and fortyfyed the said city in such wise, that he feared little or nothing his enymyes/ where he so kept him within the said city a certain of tyme. And when he saw nor heard not of the coming of his said brother nor nephew/ he then walked more at large/ and sported him in hawking and chase of the wild beasts, as wolves and other/ which at those days was greatly used of the Kings of France, and yet is continued.  
Upon a day as he was purposed toward this disport, and all thing ready prepared for the same/ so that the Queen thought verily he had be gone out of the palace/ for what hap I can not tell, the Queen yode into her chamber, and there rested her upon her bed. where she so lying the King passed by/ & with a little wand, which he bore in his hand, in manner of game struck the Queen with it upon the back. The Queen supposing the King had been gone to the field, and not looking up said, Laundrye why darest thou thus strike me. This Laundrye was a great man in the kings court/ and had been paramour to the Queen long tyme. But the King hearing these words, made semblant as he had not heard them, and so passed on his way.   

THE. CXVII. Chapter.  
FRedegunda apperceiving & after saying it was the King, to whom she had thus said/ sore was abashed, and in great fere and agony. And after she had by a long season conjected in her mind what remedy she might find for this mishap: she lastly dyvely shely determined to slay her said husband and Lord. And this to bring about she sent in all haste for the said Laundrye, and showed to him in order all the circumstance of the foresaid matter. wherafter he was stricken with such a fere/ that his wit and counsel failed him to devise in such a case any remedy. Wherefore the Queen as she that was fully determined to execute her detestable & cursed purpose/ said to him boldly: Laundry thou seest well that this case is brought to so straight a point, that other thou must think to destroy my lord and husband, or else thou and I must both be shamefully confounded. Of which thou well knowest our own is most to be regarded/ therefore dispose the to do after my counsel. Thou knowest well that the King is accustomed to come late from his disport. Wherefore provide to the a certain, that thou well trustyst/ and in the evening when he returneth aspye thy time and fall upon him suddenly, and so rid him. And after make an out cry, & send to search about as thou wouldest take the homicydes/ & cause some of thine own company to flee from thee, as though thou shouldest them pursue. Laundry hearing this cursed counsel, allowed it well & thereunto assented/ and incontinently went about the performance of the same. And when he had purveyed his accessaries/ he toward night assembled them, giving to them information how they in that mischief should behave them in that thing, taking of them assured oaths, for keeping of his counsel. The King not mysdeming any thing of this conspired treason/ took his delectation and pleasure in following of his game, so that he lost much of his company/ and toward night as he before time was accustomed, with few accompanied drew homeward. Whereof Laundry being warned/ met the King saluting him and saying that he was comen with his company to condute him home, for so much as he doubted how he was garnished of his meyneyall servants or other.  
What should I longer make delay or farther reharsall in this matter, or to tell the circumstance of this purposed treason. But finally when the King was near his palace/ or as rehearseth the French chronicle within the court of his palace/ as he light from his horse he was suddenly wounded to the heart, that he straight fell to the earth deed.  
After which murder thus committed: a great cry was arreared, the King is slain/ so that this Laundrye made in great haste to be called certain persons to attend upon the corpse, while he with other pursued such as were dempte guilty of this offence. But lastly he returned, and said that this deed was done by the knights of Chyldebert/ the which by the darkness of the night were escaped.  
To show here the vain and dissymuled sorrow that Fredegund made for the King, it were but letting of tyme. For every wise man knoweth well, that all such as been of that disposition, can feign right well in such semblable cases. But to my purpose/ when the King was thus slain, and at that time neither the Queen nor yet Laundrye suspected/ provision was made for entering of the corpse. The which was shortly after shipped at the next river/ and so conveyed unto saint germans de pray before spoken of/ and there with great solempnyty buried, when he had reigned, as before is said xxiiii. years/ leaving after him a son before minded called Clotharius or Lotharius.  
Thus as affirm mine author Master Robert Gagwyne ended Chylperych miserably his life/ which in pride and misery before time it continued. And where in his life he cherished no friend/ at his end he fande few or no friends. This gave the patrimony of the church to lewd & simple clerks, and was an enemy to all holy religious places/ and favoured more such as had lately been converted to the faith, than he did them that had continued by holy life a long season therein/ & gave unto such persons the rule of Crystes church. Among the which, one there was of perfect living and Bishop of Paris/ that garnished his tomb with this cpytaphy as after in metre followeth.  
Ecclesiae specusum, patriae vigour, ara reorum,  
Et pater & medicus, pastor, amorque gregit,  
Gernianus Virtuti, fide cord ore beatus:  
Carne tenet tumulum, mentis honore posunt.  
Vir cui dura nihil nocuerunt fata sepulchri.  
Vivit enim, nam mors quam tulit ipsa timet.  
Crevit ad hue pocius, justus post funera: nam qui  
Fictile vas fucrat, gemma superba micat.  
Huius open ac meritum mutis data verba loquuntur.  
Redditus & caecis, praedicatore dies  
Nunc vir apostolicus, rapiens de carne tropheum.  
jure triumphale confidet arce throni.  
The which verses in our mother tongue, may thus be expounded in metres as followeth.  

Mirror to the church, and of the country the strength.  
compassion of guilty, to them showing mercy,  
A father and a leech, an herd and lover at length  
Of his people/ cousin to virtue and of ally  
In faith and in heart, and eke in mouth holy,  
Of whom the flesh now holdeth this sepulture.  
But the spirit is in heaven ever to endure.   

To this nothing noyed, nor fault of sepulture.  
He liveth southly/ for death which he not dread/  
Hath him hence ta'en. But yet he hoped sure/  
This rightwise man, though sometime he were lad.  
As a brittle vessel, which myth the earth was clad  
And somewhile fell, yet oft he rose anon/  
Wherefore he now shineth as doth an Orient stone.   

By help and merit now hath the dumb his speech  
Of this blessed man, and to the blind his sight  
restored of god/ as this day doth us teach.  
And he of the flesh hath gotten now the fight  
And upperhand with a triumphant might  
By virtue whereof he like a conqueror.  
Of the high heaven, now fytteth in the tower.   
Thus may ye well apperceive and know/ that as earthly men favour, so will they write/ as now showeth by this superscription. But to god all thing is manifested and known/ and nothing to him hid, whatsoever earthly man writeth/ or deem/ to whom all the premisses I remit.   

Anglia. THE. CXVIII. Chapter.  
CAreticus or Lareticus after that writing of Guydo, of whom neither that progeny nor yet other addition of honour is of writers of him remembered/ began to rule the Brytons, the year of our lord .v. hundred four score and vi as the said author recordyth/ and the xxii year of Chylperyche than King of France/ and also the ix. Year of Ceawlmus then King of westsaxons. This as witnesseth all writers was a lover of civil battle & was worst of all men/ so that he was audible to god and his subjects, in such wise that they excited the Saxons to war upon him, as testifieth Guydo/ & chased him from city to city, & town to town, till they had bereft him the most part of such land as his predeces sour Malgo had held before him.  
But Polycronycon, Gaufryde and other, add more there unto/ & sayen that for as much as the Saxons knew of the discensyon between Careticus and his Brytons/ they in all haste sent into Ireland for the King called Gurmundus Affricanus/ the which of some writers are named two persons, as Gurmundus and Affricanus. But by the rehearsal that Ranulfe monk of Chester maketh in the xxiii chapter of his first book of Polycronycon, it should seem, that he should be named Gurmundus/ the which by his meaning should war in britain and France, while his brother Turgecius reigned as King in Ireland, as in the said chapter is more at length declared. Which said Gurmundus with the strength of the Saxons, warred so sore again the Britons/ that lastly the said Careticus was fain to take the town of Kaersegent now called Sichester/ & therein besieged him with his Brytons by a certain of time/ where by daily skirmishes and assaults he lost much of his people.  
when Careticus had a season assayed and proved the strength of his enemies/ and saw that they increased, and his knights lassed & minished: he suddenly left that town/ and with a certain of Brytons took over Severn water, and so into wales then called Cambria. Which should be after most accord of writers, the iii. year of the reign of this Careticus.  
About this time as meaneth Antoninus/ the great Gregory then being a monk and after pope, saw at Rome childyrn of Anglis or Saxons to sell at Rome. And when he had aryd of them what country they were of, and it was answered to him that they were named Anglis/ he said the Alleluya should be song in that country, that so fair children were borne in Alleluya before in the four score and viii chapter rehearsed/ is there taken after the exposition of saint austin, for aid and help of god. But here it is meant for loving and praising of god/ as to him the laud and thanks should be given unto, that sendeth to men so fair frewte. Wherefore as after shallbe showed the said Gregory being Pope/ sent that holy man austin with other, for to preach to the said Anglis the faith of christ.  
Then to return to Careticus, whom the English chronicle nameth Cortife. Troth it is, that after he with his Brytons were driven into Cambria or walis: yet he left not continually to make reyses and assaults upon the Saxons next to him adjoinant.  
In this time or soon after/ ruled Ethelfridus the north Saxons. For as witnesseth the foresaid author Guydo/ he began the reign of Deira and Brenicia, in the year of our Lord .v. C.lxxx. & xiii This is Ethelfridus son of Ethelricus, the pursued so sore the Brytons, & slew so great a number of the monks of the town of Bangor, as is before rehearsed in the. C. and ix chapter of this work The which daily warred upon the Brytons, & the Brytons upon him/ so that he destroyed or subverted much of Crystes faith with the help of the foresaid Gurmunde through Loegria or middle England/ in so much that the bishops of London and york with other ministers of the church, with such goods & relics as they might carry, fled into diverse countries/ so that their chyrchdores were shit after them, or else occupied in worship of their false gods  
Thus the faith that had endured in britain from the time of Lucius first christian King in britain till this day, near upon the season of iiii. C. years and odd/ was well near extinc through all the land.  
And when the forenamed Gurmunde had finished his tyranny within the land of britain/ he then sailed into France, where he was after slain, as witnesseth Polycronycon/ all be it the french chronicle speaketh nothing of any such man during this persecution, as witnesseth Guydo.  
The church or monastery before builded in Uerolamy now called saint Albans, was by the said miscreants beaten down/ which there was builded of the Britons in the honour of the holy protomartyr saint Albon, with diverse many other the which are lost out of memory.  
During also this trouble between the Saxons & Britons/ the lordship or kingdom of Eest Saxon began to take place as after shallbe showed.   

THE. CXIX. Chapter.  
IN this time also after the accord of most writers, as witnesseth Polycronyca & other, Ethelbertus reigned in Kent/ & by knighthood and great might bare him/ and behaved him so victoriously, that he enlarged his kingdom to the bounds of Humbyr. In which time Gregory, which for his notable deeds was surnamed great/ was made pope of Rome. The which as before is touched in the preceding chapter/ having compassion that the country from whence so fair children came as he before had say, should be inhabit with Pagans or people of misbelieve/ sent into britain that holy man austin with other of his brethren, to preach to the Anglis the faith of christ. But as witnesseth Antoninus in the iii chapter & xii title of his foresaid work, when austin was iii days journey gone and passed/ such a sudden fere entered in him and his feloushyppe, that they turned again. Then Gregory comforted the said company/ and sent them with letters to the bishop Arelatensis/ willing him to help and aid austin in all that in him needed. The tenor of which letters and other sent to Ethelbert King of Kent with their answers/ are written with other questions in the register of Gregory, & in the books of Beda and other.  
austin thus comforted/ sped his journey, and landed in the east side of Kent in the isle of Thauet with xl fellows/ whereof some were interpreters or such as could speak all languages. near unto the place before named where holy austin landed stood at those days the manoyre or palace of the said King Ethelbert/ whereof at this day appear some of the ruinous walls, & is called of the inhabytaunces of that isle Rychbourgh. It is apparent between the isle & the town of Sandwich, upon a mile & a half from the said town eastward from Caunterbury. Then when austin was landed, he sent the said interpreters unto Ethelberte/ saying that they were sent from Rome for the heel and salvation of the King & his realm. The King before time had herd of the faith of christ/ for he had to wife as saith Polycronycon a french woman that was christened/ and had received her upon condition that he should suffer her to live after her law.  
Then after a certain time the King spoke with austin/ but that was without the house after the manner of his law. Again his coming he arreared a banner of the crucifyx, & sang the lateny, & preached to him the word of god. Then the King said it is fair that ye promise. But for it is to me uncowth & new/ I may not so soon assent to you. But for ye be comen so far for my sake/ ye shallbe fair entreated, and have all thing that is to you necessary/ & we grant to you leave to torn of our people whom ye may. when they had received this comfort of the King/ they went with processyon to the city of Dorobernia or Caunterbury, singing Alleluya/ where they lad their lives as holy fathers did in the beginning of the church/ as in fasting, praying, watching, & preaching of the word of health/ & sang masses/ and crystened such as they converted in the east side of the city in the old church of saint Martyne, unto the time that the King was converted. At length when the King had well considered the conversation & holy life of austin and his fellows, he hard them more gladly/ and lastly by their good exhortations and ghostly love, was by them converted & crystened/ in the year of our Lord after most accord of writers .v. C. lxxx. & xvi/ and the xxxvi year of his reign, as affirmeth Policronicon.  
Then he gave to austin a place for his Bishops see at Cristes' church in Dorobernia/ and builded the abbey of saint Peter and Paul in the east side of the said city/ where after austin and all the Kings of Kent were buried/ and that place is now called saint Augustyne.  
In this while Augustyne sailed into France to the bishop arelatens/ and was of him sacred archbishop.  
when holy Gregory was certified of the good expedition of Augustyne/ he sent then to him more helpers as Melytus, justus, & Paulinus, with books and relics of holy saints/ and answers to saint Augustine's questions/ that was that all such goods as fell to the church should be divided in founre ꝑtes/ that is to mean the first should go to the household of the bishops house and charge of the same/ the second to the clergy/ the third to the amendment of churches/ the fourth to the relief of the poor people and other deeds of mercy.  
when austin had baptized a great part of the kingdom of Kent/ he after made two archbishops by the commandment of saint Gregory, as witnesseth Polycronicon: that one at London, and that other at pork/ and by the help of Ethelbert, he assembled and gathered together the bishops and doctoures of britain, that were before dysperkled. The place of assemble was called long after Austeyns' oak, which is exponed to be Austeyns' strength, and is in the March of wykeres and of the westsaxons.  
In this place he charged the said bishops, that they should with him preach the word of god to the Angles/ and also that they should among themself amend certain errors then used in the church, and specially for keeping of their Ester tide. where again the bishops of britain held opinion, till austin by his prayers showed there a miracle by a blind Angle or Saxon. After the which miracle showed/ the said bishops applied them to the will of austin in that cause. But for all this there was of them that said, that they might not leave the custom, which they so long had continued, without assent of all such as had used the same. Then he gathered a synod/ to the which came seven bishops of Brytons, with the wisest men of that famous abbey of Bangor, But first they took counsel of an holy man and hermit/ whether they should be obedient to austin or not. The hermit said if ye find him humble or meek, as to Crystes disciple belonged/ that than they should assent to him. Which meekness they should perceive in him, if he at their coming into the synod or council, arose again them. when the said bishops entered the said synod/ austin sat still in the chair and removed not. Wherefore they were wroth and disdained him, and would not obey to his requests. Then he said to them/ sins ye will not assent to my hests generally/ assent ye to me specially in three things.  
The first is, that ye keep Ester day in due form and time as it is ordained.  
The second, that ye give christendom to the children in the manner that is used in the church of Rome.  
And the third is, that ye preach unto the Angles the word of god, as a fore times I have exhorted you. And all the other deal I shall suffer you to amend and reform within yourself/ but they would not thereof. of. Then saint Augustyne said unto them, and warned them by manner of inspiration/ that sins they would not receive peace of their brethren, they should of other receive war & wretch/ the which was after put in experience by Ethelfrydus King of Northumberlande.  
Long it were to tell the circumstance of the life of this blessed man, wherefore I pass over. Lastly when he had in one day christened ten thousand of Saxons or Anglys, in the West river that is called small beside york, and knew that he should shortly die after/ he ordained a successor named Laurence while he lived/ for the state of holy church in britain was as yet but rude & boisterous. But in that doing he followed the ensample of Peter that was first pope/ which made Clement by his life helper and successor. Also this Augustyne made Mellitus bishop of London and of Eestsaxons/ which after most writers were then newly entered the land. The river of Thamys departed them and Kent/ and after died and was buried in the monastery before rehearsed, without the wallys of Dorobernia or Caunterburye.   

THE. CXX. Chapter.  
EThelbertus then confirmed in the faith/ among other costly deeds began he foundation of Paulys' church within the city of London/ and ordained it for the bishops see of London. For the archishops see that before time was at London/ was by Augustyne and Ethelbert at the prayer of the cytezyns of Dorobernia translated to the said city/ as in the lix chapter of this treatise it is more at length declared. But of the building of this church of saint Paul, diverse opinions been. For some writers testify, that it was builded or begun to build, by Sygebertus King of Eestanglys, but more verily King of Eestsaxons or Eestsex. This Ethelbert also founded the church of sayne Andrew, in the city of Dorubres in Kent now called Rochester/ of the which Justus was bishop ordained before of saint Alban.  
About the time or a season after/ the forenamed Ethelfrydus, which in the english chronicle is named Elfryde/ fought with the Brytons at the city of Legyscestre or Chestre/ & slew of the Brytons a great number. At which time and season, a great number of the monks of Bangor were also there assembled, for to pray for the good speed of the Brytons. Whereof when Ethelfrydus was warned/ he fell also upon them, and flew of them at that time, as witnesseth divers authors xxi hundred as it is before showed in the. C. and ix. chapter of this book.  
This forenamed Ethelbert excited a dweller or citizen of London, to make a church or chapel in the worship of saint Peter, in the west end of London then called Thorney, and now the town of westminster/ the which that time was forgrown with bushes and breres exceedingly. where the said citizen be gan, and builded the first church of westminster in the honour of saint Peter, which was after by saint Edward the confessor enlarged or new builded. But of the third Henry, when he reigned as King of England/ it was new edified & made as it now is a beauteous monastery, and richly endowed both with possession and relics, and rich jewels.  
It is showed in the english chronicle of England/ that this Ethelbert should be slain in a fight between him and Ethelfryde King of Northumberlande. But Policronicon saith that he died and went to heaven/ when he had reigned over the lordship of Kent lvi years/ and the xxi year after that he had received christendom.  
The kingdom of Eestsaxons.   

THE. CXXI. Chapter.  
During also the foresaid persecution of the Britons, or any ruler of them were specially named/ began the reign of Eestsaxons as witnesseth Policronicon, under Sebertus their first King/ near about the year of our lords incarnation vi hundred and xiiii All be it that Guydo de Columna saith that it began near about the time and season, when the kingdom of Eestanglys began. But I follow Polycronicon/ for he layeth holy Beda for his author in much of his work. This kingdom which is to mean Essex/ had in the east side the see/ in the West Myddelsex and London/ in the south the cyver of thamies/ & in the north Suffolk/ and endured after most writers by the term of two hundred and odd years. But by the saying of Policronica it should not endure over two hundred years. Nevertheless it should appear by the story of Edward the elder son of Aluredus, that it should continue under the Danies and other wise, till the viii year of his reign. And by that reason it should endure two hundred lxxx & xiii years. The continuance thereof is more doubtful to be justly determined, for so much as writers be of divers opinions of the beginning thereof. All be it the Polycronycon in the li chapter of his first book, saith that it began under Sebertus, and under ten kings/ till Egbertus King of westsaxons subdued it and joined it to his own kingdom.  
The first christian King of this lordship was the forenamed Sebertus, converted by means of Mellitus bishop of London, as saith Guydo. But after his saying this Sebertus should be the third King of Essex. All writers agreen that the Kings of this lordship were more comynly named under Kings, and were more subject to other Kings/ and chiefly unto the Kings of Mercia or Mercheryke.  
Then to return again unto the Brytons, which by all this season occupied a part of Cornewayl and the countries of Cambria/ as Uenedocia, which now is called Northwalys, ad Demecea which now is called Southwalys/ and there held them in making assaults upon the Saxons, as before is touched, some while in one cost, and some while in that other, under sundry dukes, as witnessyth Gaufryde and also the English chronicle. The which so continued after most accord of time, and to accord this history with other, by the term of xxiiii years/ over and above three years allowed for the reign of Careticus aforesaid. So that from the first year of Caretycus, to the last of these xxiiii years./ expired or flowed xxvii years. At which time the Brytons of one assent chase for their head or ruler, the duke of Uenedocia, or Southwalys, named Cadwanus.   

Francia. THE. CXXII. Chapter.  
CLotharius or Lotharius the son of Chilpericus, & second of that name/ was made King of a part of France in the year of our Lord .v. hundred lxxx. and viii/ and the ii year of Careticus then King of the Brytons. This Clotharius by the report of Master Robert Gagwyne, is noted to be descended of Clodoveꝰ Lowis first christened King of France/ & not expressly to be the son of Chilpericus.  
But for so much as in the chronicle of Chilperych, I have showed to you somewhat of the deeds of Fredegund wife of Chylperiche: therefore I intend in the declaring of this story of Clothayre, to express the remanaunte, in as short wise as I goodly may. And first ye shall understand, that after this fredegunde had as before is showed, caused her Lord to be slain: she fearing that at length her untruth should be discovered/ with all her goods in short time after yode unto Paris/ and there in the monastery or house of our Lady held her. And for she would be in more surety/ and also her son the said Clotharius should be the strenger in his dominion and kingdom: therefore she sent messengers unto Gunthranus King of orleans & brother to her Lord Chilperich/ requiring him of favour and aid/ & that he would of his goodness be tutor & defender of her young son Clotharius. The which not denying the request of Fredegunde, sped toward Paris in all haste/ where with the assent of other nobles of the realm, he took the guiding of the young King. By whose advise and commandment, the said Clotharius was conveyed & showed through many of the chief cities of his land. But in likewise as Gunthranus with other bysyed themself to strength Lotharius in his right/ even so were other of the nobles of France (by the means of Brunechyeldis, wife some time of Sygebert, youngest son of Lothayre the first/ the which Sygebert received of his said wife two sons named Chilperich and Chyldebert/ of the which two, Chilperich survived the other) that did all their intent to promote Chyldebert to the portion of his father/ that Chilpericus father of Lotharius occupied after the death of Sigebert forenamed.  
Here discordeth the French chronicle from mine author Gagwyne. For there it is said, the Brunechield with the other of her assent/ would then by their means have prefered a bastard son of the forenamed Sygebert called Theodoricus, to the kingdom of France. another author saith that this Theodorich was the son of Childericus afore named, which was the son of Sygebert.  
But to follow Master Gagwyne/ This Childebert which by the former saying rehearsed in that. C. and xiiii chapter of this treatise, was delivered from the hands of Chilperich his uncle, by means of the Earl of Poytow named Gundebald: this with a small company came unto Paris/ where of the cytesens he was kept out. For the which soon after he sent a noble man of his named Gillon with other, as ambassadors unto Gunthranꝰ. And where among other things of him required, they axed of him Fredegund to suffer death, for that she had by her subtilty caused to be murdered both Sygebert father to their King, and also Chilpericus her own husband: it was of him utterly denied. Wherefore this said Gyllon said unto Gunthranus/ sir King know thou for certain, sins thou haste refused this peace to the offered of thy nephew/ that the death of thy brother shall cleue to thy head. With these words the King being greatly amoved/ commanded the ambassadors to be put out of his court/ and when they were in the street, all filth and ordure to be cast upon them as enymytyes.  
And variances thus kindling between these two Kings/ Gunthranus soon after sent Fredegunde into Neustria or Normandy/ & caused her there to be kept not far from the city of Rouen, whither to her came many noble men of France in comforting her, and also moving her for the trouble she was in/ promising to her aid to the uttermost of their power. But when that Fredegunde apperceived the great favour that Brunechyelde stood in, of the nobles of orleans or France, she envying her wealth and honour, called to her an homicide & a fellow called Holderyche/ to whom the said Fredegunde promised great treasure, if he could by venom or otherwise bring to death the said Brunechieldis. By mean of which promise he granted to bring her intent about/ & shortly after drew unto the court of the said Brunechyeldis. where he fill in such familiarity with diverse of her court, that he came many seasons to the presence of the Queen. But by what hap I can not say/ lastly he was taken in suspection/ and so tormented & pined, that he confessed the cause of his thither coming, and by whom he was sent/ with all the other circumstance of the matter. After which confession so made/ he was to betyn & arrayed in most vile manner, and so sent again to Fredegund. And when he was comen to her presence, and showed what torment he had suffered for her cause: she incontinent in fulfilling of her malicious purpose/ commanded that his hands and feet should be stricken of and so let go/ to the end that it should be thought that she had not desired him to that business. About this time & season arose a young man in a corner of France/ the which by his subtile wit named himself to be the son of the first Lotharius, and brother unto Gunthranus. The which by sinister means and crafty, got the favour of the Lords of Guyan/ and by their assistance held and occupied a great part thereof.  
And after somedeal of his counsels to Gunthranus by his espies disclosed/ this said young man being named Gundoaldus, sent unto Gunthranus an ambassade/ and required him to be restored to a portion of his fathers goods. Adding thereto that if he denied/ the said Gundoaldus would with a strong army repair out of Gwyan, and get his right with strength/ & that to bring about he should also have great aid of Chyldebert his nephew above named. When King Gunthranus had at leisure heard the message: he in disdaining the same commanded them to be set upon horse backs their faces toward the tail/ and so with beating and villainy to be driven through the town. It was not long after that a day was appointed between Gunthranus and Childebert/ at which day both Princes met with great companies & Lords. And when they were set in their counsel/ Gunthranus commanded the foresaid messengers of Gundoaldus to be brought to fore them, & there again to recite, their foresaid message. Which done, he showed furthermore that the said Gundoalde had before time despoiled the daughter of I'll peryche named Rygonde, of all such richesse as she with her conveyed, when she went toward Spain to be married/ of the which some Lords of Childebert were of counsel. Which unto the said two Princes was thought true/ for so much as the said Lords then accused, were absent from that great counsel.   

THE. CXXIII. Chapter.  
AFter many and great acts concluded by this counsel between these two foresaid Princes: Gunthranus in open audience admitted his nephew Chyldebert for his heir, for so much as he had none heir of his body/ committing the rule thereof to him before all that were there. And after took him aꝑte, and showed to him which of his nobles he should take to counsel, and which he should refuse. And specially he warned him to be well ware of his mother Brunechyeldis, for that he knew in her so great untruth & subtilty/ and also of Gyllon the bishop, the which he also said he was not to be trusted. when he had thus advertised his nephew, they both returned unto the place of counsel/ where by them and their counsayllies certain things concerning the comone weal were set in an order. And that done, the said counsel was finished/ and purveyance for their dinner pronyded, the Princes with their barony went unto dinner. In the season of which dinner the said Gunthranus said unto the great number of Lords being present/ ye my Lords and nobles of France, the which to me have ever more been true and dear/ hear is mine nephew, the which as mine heir I have allowed and ordained, whom I pray you to honour, and with true faith be unto him obedient as to your King. For of the great worthiness that of him is to come, I am in great hope/ which is allied with might and virtue. And to the augmentation of these words/ shortly after restored to him all such cities, as Chilpericus by his life had with holden from him. And soon after either from other in most humble & loving manner departed.  
Of this peace between these two Princes thus stablished, the fame ran wide. Wherefore certain Lords being upon the party of Gundoaldus refused him/ and went unto the party of Gunthranus.  
Soon after with his people Gundoaldus resorted unto a city over the river of Gerounde named Conuena/ where for the strength thereof, he thought to abide his fortune. Whereof when Gunthranus was warned/ he in goodly speed made thither ward, and laid his people near unto the said city. But when he had espied the strength thereof/ and knew well it was dangerous for to obtain: he then used guile, where strength might not prevail/ and devised or forged certain letters in the name of Brunechyeldies, wherein was feigned, that the said Brunechyeldies should desire Gundoaldus in all hasty wise, to resort unto the city of Bordeaux.  
Of which fraud Gundoaldus no thing suspecting/ commanded his treasure with other his stuff under safe guiding thitherward to be conveyed. Whereof the knights of Gunthranus having knowledge, with a strong company made over the foresaid water of Gerounde, & laid such watch for them, that they encountered the said people that carried the said treasure and stuff/ and parforce took it from the knights of Gundoaldus and presented it unto Gunthranus.  
Like as before ye have hard that certain Lords of the host of Gundoalde fled unto the host of Gunthranus/ so in this pass time four capitains or rulers of the host of Gunthranus fled unto Gundoalde/ that which mine author nameth Desiderius, Mommolus, Bladascus, and Sagyttaryus. Which four after their coming to Gundoalde stood in such favour/ that he was by their counsel much what advised and gyded. It was not long after that the knights of Gunthranus had thus won the foresaid treasure & stuff/ that Gundoald was so sore pursued that he was fain to close him with in a strong city/ the which Lendegylsus master of the host of Gunthranus assailed by diverse feats of war to win. But when he saw his labour lost/ than he cautelously fande the mean to speak secretly with one of the foresaid four capitains named Mommolus, and with him treated of the betraying of the city. The which after many and long exhortations, with the assurance of their lives and other, granted unto the said treason/ whereof the manner should be thus. This said Mommolus with the forenamed Bladascus and other of that affinity/ should set a fire an old temple within that city. And when the people of the city were busied to quench the fire/ the said Mommolus with his adherentes to open the gates, & so to let in Lyndegylsus and his knights. But yet this treason set a part/ Mōmolus goeth to gondoalde, and showeth to him the great danger that he standeth in of his enemies. Wherefore he counseled him that he with the other rulers about him go unto the tents of Gunthranus and yield them all unto his grace and mercy. And also to the intent that he should there show and prove, that he was the indubytate son of the first Clothayre/ the which to the King and all his host was very doubtful, and the more because he so fled from them. When Gundoaldus had at leisure hard the counsel of Mommole, giving to him credence/ for so much as by his counsel before times he had furthered his causes/ and also by comfort that he reported to have by means of Lyndegylsus before named: he setting a part all fere, with certain number in peaceable wise issued the city. And when he had a little space gone: two. Earls of Gunthranus host named Bole and Boson received him, and delivered him to the power of Lyndegylsus/ and Mommole returned with the other of his confederey, unto the city/ and closed fast the gates between the city and the pavilions of Gunthranus. where was a little copied hill/ to the height whereof when Gundoalde was comen, the said bosom him suddenly threw down. And as he was rolling down the hill/ with a great stone he struck him on the head, by violence whereof he was forthwith slain or deed. And Mommole, the which as before is touched was re-entered the city/ first despoiled the goods of the said Gundoalde/ and after fell upon the citesyns, and rob and spoiled them in like manner, not sparing priests nor other/ and after brent churches, temples, and houses without pity/ which done he sped him unto the tents of Lyndegylsus. But he not being sure of the safeguard of the said Mommole and his company from the murmur of his knights/ or more verily for he would not be a known of the provided death of them/ commanded the said Mommole with his adherentes to tarry without, & not to come in the press of his knights, till he had somedeal pacified them. Which was done, but not all without strife/ for some there were that began to quarrel with him and his. But when Lyndegylse saw that this Mommole and his company were somedeal withdrawn from his pavilion, he made a token to his knights/ whereby they knowing his mind, fell upon him & slew him. Sagyttarius one of the foresaid four of that company, the which mine author reporteth to be a bishop, fled to have savegarded himself/ but in his flight he was slain. And when these enymyes where thus brought out of life/ Gunthranus commanded the goods of the said Mommole to be brought unto his treasury/ which were of great valour, and after were equally divided between him and Childebert his nephew. It was not long after but certain tokens & figures appeared in the firmament, the which by astronomers were judged the fine of some Prince/ which after a year showed to be true. For the said Gunthranus died upon a year following the said figures or signs/ when he had been King of orleans by the term of xxxvii years/ and was buried with great pomp in the city of Cabylon within the province of Burgoyne, in the monastery of saint mark, which he before had builded/ and left for his heir of that kingdom his nephew the foresaid Chyldebert.   

THE. CXXIIII. Chapter.  
CHildebertus then having the rule & possession of his own inheritance, that is to say of Austracy, and also of orleans/ casting in his mind how he might be revenged of Fredegunde, the which as before is showed in the. C. & xiii chapter of this libel slew his father Sygebert: called unto him his old friend and councelloure Gundebald Earl of Poytowe/ and then commanded that he should with his power invade the country of Soysons, the which was in the rule of Clotharius. Whereof Fredegunde being warned/ assembled to her the Lords of the country, and exhorted them to withstand the malice of their enemy's/ showing to them furthermore that that thing they should of justice and equity do, considering that their King Clotharius was yet tender of age, and had as yet no knightly prowess to defend himself and his land. And after a long exhortation to them made/ she with her son prepared to go again the said enymyes. And when all thing to the war was prepared and ready/ she with a great army made toward the host of Gundebalde. And when she knew she was near unto the host/ she commanded her captains to rest & fortify her people upon all ꝑtes for breaking in of her enymyes. And again night she called to her Laundry her old paramour with other/ willing them that in the deed of the night they would manfully set upon the other party/ for so much as she said to them that she was certainly informed by her espies, that her said enymyes were sore wearied by reason of that days labour. After whose counsel the said Laundry with other wrought/ and supprysed their enymyes so unwarely, that of them she slew a part & chased the remanant. And that done sped them unto champagne near unto reins, and spoiled and brent a part of that country. This feat of war thus compassed by the subtile wit of Fredegunde was near to a place called Truet.  
Then Childebert intended after certainty had of the overthrow of Gundebalde, for to have made new war upon Fredegunde. But he was let by mean of the Longobardis, which than made war upon him. Of the which war he had somedeal his intent/ and more should if Mauricius Emperor of constantine the noble had kept all promise with him before made. After the which war in party ended, he returned into his own country/ and shortly after he and also his wife died, and not without suspection of venom/ leaving after him two sons named Theodobert and Theodorych/ giving to the eldest the lordship of Austraci, and to the younger the province of Burgoyne.  
About this time the Hunes broke out of their places, and warred upon certain parties of middle France and did therein great harm. But lastly by means of great gifts by them received/ they left the country & drew toward Soysons. Again whom Fredegunde gathering a great powar/ sent Clotharius her son & King, to the intent to defend the said Hunes/ that they should not invade their countries. And shortly after both hosts met in the field/ where after long and sharp fight the Frenchmen were victors, and chased the Hunes in such wise, that the more part of them were slain and taken, for the which victory Fredegunde made exceeding joy to her son Clothayre/ & received him with great pleasure, and exceeding gifts. After the which passed not long while, but that she fell sick & died/ and than buried by her husband Chylperich.  
when the forenamed brethren had knowledge of the death of Fredegunde/ they by the exhortation and stirring of Brunechieldis their grandmother, calling to mind the wrongs to their ancestors done by Fredegund, and somedeal by Lothayre: assembled a great powar, & met with Lothayre and his powar at the river of Arrune or aruenne. In the which place was so sore fight and so many slain, that the course of the river was let, by the multitude of the caryens or deed bodies that were therein cast. But the more part fell of the knights of Lothayre/ so that he was forced to forsake the field, and thence to flee to the city of Meleon, & from thence to Paris: whom the said brethren followed/ & compelled him to make peace after their pleasure. The effect of which peace was this. Theodobert the elder brother of these two, should enjoy all the land lying between the river of sayn & Leyr, unto the Bryttysh ocean, or the see of little britain. And Theodorich the younger brother, to have all the land from the said river of sayn unto the river of Isayr to the brynk of the see. And to Clothayr should remain xii provinces, which the said two rivers of Isayr and Seyne flown by or thorough.  
which peace thus confirmed and granted/ Theodobert to whom Neustria or Normandye belonged, sent thither a chevetayne of his court called Berthalde, to defend the said country. But Clothayre of this former accord being nothing contented/ sent his son Meroneus under the guiding of Laundry perfect or ruler of his palace into Neustria to war in that country. And for so much as Berthalde saw well he lakked power to withstand so great an host/ he therefore took the city of orleans, till he had gathered more company. Then Laundry seized that part of the country, & came to the wallys of the city/ and by diverse words of reproach, excited the said Berthalde to give battle to him in the plain field. The which he refused because of the inequalyte of number of knights. But he offered to issue out of the city, & to fight with Laundry hand to hand/ with that he might be assured again his people/ the which offer Laundrye refused.  
It was not long after or both Kings with great hosts drew into that country/ and at the river of Stampis met, where between them was fought a strong battle. But by the policy of Theodobert/ Lothary was put to a disvantage. For while the said Lotharye was conveyeng his people over the river at a narrow passage/ Theodobert began so fiercely and kept the passage so strait, that the people of Clotharye came not two parts of them to the field. Nevertheless the fight continued by a long season/ in which time Berthalde encountered many times Laundrye, and provoked him to battle/ but ever that other refused. Lastly he saying and knowing well that he should win great worsshyppe and also profit, if he might slay or take this Laundry/ he therefore put himself in the more danger of his enemies, and finally of them was slain. But Theodobert in pursuing Lotharye and in comforting of his knights bore him so well, that he caused his enemies to lose ground/ and at length put them to flight, the which he followeth to the gates of Paris, to the great damage of the people of Lothary. In this chase was taken Meroneus the son of Clotharye with many other/ but Laundry was gotten within the city. And when Theodobert had thus gotten the victory of his enemies/ he list no longer to tarry about them at that season/ but shortly after returned to his country.  
In the court of Theodorich brother of this Theodobert, was at this day dwelling an Italian named Prothadius/ the which as mine author saith was paramour unto Brunechyeld before said. The which, Brunechyeld by her means had exalted from poor estate unto high authority/ the which was of a subtile & far casting wit, and therewith exceeding covetous/ and in great favour of the King, but to all his Lords odious & hateful: for the which unleeful means by him to the nobles and commons of the land used/ & for the ill conditions and bad council that Brunechyelde & this Prothadius used within the court of Theodobert/ he bannysshed them both as well of his land as of his court. Wherefore ever after they maligned again Theodobert. And for the execution of their malicious purpose/ they told unto Theodoryche, that his enemy and not brother Theodobert, had withdrawn from him the chief of his fathers treasoure/ alleging also, that he was not the son of Chyldebert his father, but gotten of a gardener/ and willed him therefore to send unto him and to ask restitution of the said goods. By the which wicked council Theodoryche was so lad, that he sent unto his brother/ and in such wise so vexed and stirred him, that deadly malice was kindled between them. In so much that either of them assembled great hosts/ and lastly met near unto a town named Carysse. where the said hosts being ready to have run togethers/ the Lords of Theodoberte so demeaned them unto him, that by their wise counsel he agreed to send to his brother, and to have a communication of peace. And when the ambassade was comen to the pavilion of Theodoryche, and there had showed the unkindness of this war, with the jeopardy that might ensue of the same/ anon the foresaid Prothadius took upon him the answer, & said: it is not requisite so lightly to grant peas/ but necessary it is to attempt the will of our enemy by battle, whether he will be agreeable to condescend to our desires. The which words thus expressed of him, anon the more party of the Lords disdained it/ and conspired within themself how they might put him to death. And forthwith arose among them such a murmur, that the King apperceived well that they intended some harm to Prothadius. For the which he called unto him a knight named Uselyne/ charging him to go unto the Lords, commanding them that they in no wise should do any harm to Prothadius. The which Uselyne being of the mind of the other/ said that the King would that they should slay Prothayde. After which message done/ they ran in all haste and him slew, as he sat playing at dice or tables with one Peter a physician/ and that done all holy ran unto the Kings tent, beseeching him to take no displeasure of the death of so evil a man, that as well was known, was enemy to all friendship and peace. But for Theodoryche apperceived well, that he could not revenge his death without punishment of a multitude/ he therefore took patience, and suffered the offence to pass unpunished. After which man thus murdered/ both Princes without notable act departed either into his country.   

THE. CXXV. Chapter  
TO this day Theodoryche had taken no wife/ all be it of his concubine he received two sons. He therefore by th'advertisement of his friends, set his mind to marry some noble woman/ & soon after sent certain ambassadors unto Berthricus then King of Spain/ willing to grant unto him Memberge his daughter in marriage. The which upon certain conditions was performed, and with great riches to him shortly after sent and married/ ● by a certain time well entreated & cherished. But that season run & spent/ Brunechyeld so turned the kings mind from the Queen, that lastly he with such treasure and jewels as he of her received, sent her home again. The which injury Berthricus her father took at heart grievously/ & shortly after sent his messengers unto Clothary King of Soysons, requiring him of aid to war upon Theodoriche, which had done unto him great displeasure/ and the rather for the war that the said Theodoryche with his brother lately made again him/ the which with both their strengths they might then well revenge. To whom Clotharius granted. And to have his party the stronger, he sent unto his nephew Theodobert and brother to Theodoriche, to stir him again his said brother.  
whereof when Berthricus had received knowledge of his said messengers/ he then sent unto Agon king of Longobardys/ or more verily Adoaldus the .v. King after Alboynus/ requiring him in like manner. And he desirous of wretch/ made fast and sure promise to give aid to the uttermost of his power.  
when Theodoryche was warned of the conspiracy of these four Kings, that intended to war jointly upon him/ he was therewith greatly amoved, and provided for his defence in his best manner. Then Theodobert trusting the appointment before made, assembled a great host/ and made speed first toward the place between them appointed, which was near to the castle of Salas. But or any preparation was made toward battle/ a mean was found that the forenamed two brethren should meet either with other, accompanied with ten thousand knights. But Theodobertus intending to deceive his said brother, & to force him to grant to his pleasure/ brought with him far above the number. Wherefore Theodoricus being overset with strength/ granted all his brother's will. Which was that over certain things and appoyntementes concluded between Berthricus and him/ Theodobert should hold to him and his heirs two lordships called champagne and Turon. Which conclusion finished/ either taking leave of other departed unto their countries/ but not without great unrestfulness of the said Theodorych, bearing in mind the wrong doing of his brother. Wherefore he shortly after made means to his nephew Clothayre desiring him that he would not assist his brother again him/ but to suffer his quarrel to be deemed by dint of sword between them two. This request, Lothayre by the advise of saint Columbane monk of Ireland than being in those costs, granted.  
And the french chronicle saith, that he was warned of this foresaid holy monk and abbot, that he should not meddle between the said two brethren/ for so much as it was provided of god, that he should be heir to them both.  
when Theodorych had received this answer, he gathered his strength and sped him upon his journey to the city of Langresse, and from thence to Uerdune or Uerdoune. Theodoberte having knowledge of his malicious brother's purpose, gathered in Austracy a great host/ and so sped him till he came to the city of Toull. where both hosts shortly after met/ and in the fields or plains near to the city fought a strong battle. In the which was slain great people upon both sides/ but the more part upon the side of Theodobert. Wherefore he finally was compelled to forsake the field, and fled unto Coleyne. where he gathering a new powar/ fought again with his brother. In the which fight he had like fortune/ & was again chased to his great shame and loss/ whom Theodoricus as his mortal enemy followed, fyring and wasting the countries as he went/ in so much that the inhabytauntes of the countries fell before him, beseeching his grace, that for the offence of one man, he would not destroy so many innocentes/ assuring him furthermore that they would become his lyegemen, and hold their land of him for ever. At which request he said gladly he would to them grant their petition, if that they would present to him the head of his brother. After the which answer by them of Theodorych received/ they among themself appointed out a certain of persons most apt to their purpose/ and willed them to go unto Theodobert to execute their intent. The which sped their journey till they came to the presence of Theodobert/ & showed unto him that if he would be agreeable to depart with such stuff and jewels as he had of his fathers, so that Theodoryche might be partner thereof/ he should have perfect amity and rest with him. To the which words he giving confidence and trust/ called with him the said persons/ and brought them into the houses, where the said stuff and jewels lay. And while he was busied to divide out and appoint the portion of his, one of the said persons slew him suddenly/ and after of one agreement struck of his head, and in secret wise caused it to be conveyed unto his brother. When Theodoryche had received the head of his brother, he sped him to Coleyne where this treason was wrought/ and received the city into his possession, with all the kingdom of Austracy to his brother belonging. And when he had there ordered his needs after his mind/ with two sons and an exceeding fair daughter of Theodobert, he sped him unto Mees the chief city of Austracy/ where with him met his graundmoder Brunechyelde. The which persevering in all malice and mischief/ caused the said two sons to be shortly slain.  
Theodorych than restored or delivered unto Clothayre, all such lands as to him he had before promised.  
Theodoryche thus ending his war, the which by a long season spent his time in keeping of concubines/ was now ravished with the beauty of his brother's daughter, the which he had brought from Coleyne. But that doing Brunechyeld withstood with all her power, because the maid was so near of his kin. For the which he being with herfore dyscontent said, o thou most wicked & false woman/ did not thou make me to believe, that Theodobert was not the son of my father/ but that he was the son of a gardener. For what cause hast thou caused me to persecute my brother, and lastly to slee him. After the which words he would have slain her, if he of his Lords had not been letted. Which deed not forgotten of this ungodly woman/ ever after imagined how she might bring Theodoryche out of life. And lastly she hired such as were about him to consent to her iniquity/ so that upon a season when he came out of his stew or bayn, he axed drink by the force whereof he was poisoned & died soon after, when he had reigned xviii years. How be it Antoninus in the vi chapter & xii title of the second part of his work, saith that he was brent with fire by the divine power.   

THE. CXXVI. Chapter.  
NOw that I have showed unto you the fine & end of these two brethren/ by reason of whose death the hole principate of France fell unto the abovenamed Clothayr: I shall now express unto you the deeds by him done after he had all the rule only.  
So it was that the forenamed Brunechyelde maligned ever again Lothayr. And to the fortheraunce of her malice▪ she behaved her in such wise with some of the rulers & Lords of Austracy, that she caused them to admit own named Sygebert to be rightful inheritor of that land▪ But for that some of them had good experience of theyll disposition of this woman/ they therefore sent two noblemen of that land name Pepyn and Arnold unto Clothayre/ willing him to send hastily into that province. After the which message by these two Lords reported, Clotharius shortly after sped him into Austracy/ and at a castle called Cathomat he lodged him with his people. whereof hearing Brunechielde sent unto him/ & gave unto him monition that he should void the land, for so much as Sygebert the eldest son of Theodoryche was thereof rightful inheritor.  
ye have hard before that Theodoryche used lemans/ of the which he received four sons, that is to say Sygebert, Corbe, Chyldebert, and Merone. Wherefore the foresaid Brunechyelde intending to disturb Lothayre and all the land/ fortified the said Sygebert to claim the land of Austracye. And when Clothayre had received knowledge of this mandment from Brunechielde or Bruncheuste/ he sent to her answer that he would assemble the Lords of Austracy, and be deemed by them, whither this land belonged to him, or Sygebert. And she fearing that sentence/ excited people of the province of germany to strength her party, with all the people that she might make of the said country of Austracy. And that to bring about/ she sent one Garnery an other Albon. Of this Garnery she had suspection that he should favour the party of Lothayre/ wherefore to Albone his fellow she sent letters, that he should put the said Garnery away. when Albone had over rad the letter/ he broke it in pieces & threw them from him. And afterward a friend of Garneryes gathered the pieces/ and so joined them that he conceived the sentence of the letter, and forthwith showed it unto Garnery. when Garnery perceived the malicious intent of Brunechielde, he kept it secret to himself: all be it that he by his secret means caused the Germanyes that they should take no party with Brunechyelde. And that done he returned into Burgoyne/ where with her and in her company he solycyted so the Lords of Burgoyne, that some of them abhorred the crudelite of that woman. And when Garnery had in this wise compassed his matters/ he sent unto Lothayr, & showed that if he might have his grace and safecondute/ he would come to him and show to him things concerning his advantage. All the which was granted.  
Then Clothayre by counsel of the said Garnery assembled his power/ & shortly sent a strength of them in to champagne and Cathaloyne/ where it was showed that Sigebert had gathered great strenghties. Then forsook the party of Sigebert many nobles of Austracye/ among the which mine author nameth Rucco, Sigoldus, and Enulanus, and yielded them to the mercy of Clothayre. Then shortly after the hosts of Clothayre and Sygebert met/ where Garnerye, by tokens between him and diverse of the captains of Sygebert before assigned, the said captains with their people withdrew them, so that Sygebert with his two brethren Corbo and Meroneus gave back while they came to the river of Sigoune/ where after little resistance the foresaid two brethren were taken. But the French chronicle saith that all four brethren were there taken. All be it Master Gagwyn saith, that Sygeberte by the virtue of his horse escaped/ so that he was not after that day seen.  
And soon after this victory Brunechyeldes, which also of the French chronicle is named Bruneheuste/ was brought as prisoner unto the presence of Lothayre, with a sister of Theodoryche, which Garnery or Gerney had taken in the tents of his enymyes. Then Lotharius forthwith commanded Corbon to be beheaded/ and preserved Meroneus, for so much as he was to him godfather/ and ever after cherished him as his kinsman.  
Lotharius thus having the victory of his enemies, made great joy. And after he had somedeal set that country and other in quiet/ he then took advise of his Lords how he should be demeaned with Brunechielde, that had been authoryce of so manifold mychyefes' and crymynous dedis. The which of one consent and mind condescended & agreed, that she should be put to most painful and vile death. And finally after fore betynges she was set upon a horse/ and so conveyed through the host/ that all men might behold and see her/ and after brought again to the Kings presence. where then the King rehearsed unto her a long process of all her murdurs, conspyraces, and wicked deeds/ affirming that she had been the occasion and cause of the death of ten Princes, beside other mean persons. And when he had said his pleasure/ he then commanded her to be bounden to a wild horse tail by the here of her head/ and so to be drawn while she were deed.  
And when this judgement was executed/ she by the licence of the King was buried in an house of religion within the city of Hosdon or Osdon, that she before time had builded in the honour of saint Martyne, beside other many that she in her life builded in diverse other places, endowing them with great and rich possessions.   

THE. CXXVII. Chapter.  
THus dame Fortune favoured the party of Lotharius/ that this kingdom, which had from the time of Clodoueus Lewes continued under four governors or rulers for the more party, now was fallen to him/ so that he had all under obeisance and rule/ then anon this Lotharius made Garnery prefect and master of his palace/ and released unto the Longebardes or lombards a tribute of xii thousand pound yearly paid to the Kings of france/ the which was first set upon them by Gunthranus his uncle.  
And in this while to his more increase of wordly joy/ he received of his wife Bergeruda a son, the which he named Dagobertus. The which when he came to covenable age/ he betook to the lore of arnold than bishop of Mees. And when the first wife of Lotharius was ded/ he married a second named Sichilde, of whom he received a child and named it Haybert. when Dagobert the first son was comen to a lawful age/ after usuell custom of all Princes of France, he gave him much to the chase of wild beasts. And as by chance one day he followed the chase of an heart/ and tried it so sore that he brought him to a bay in a place that then was called the street of Catulyen. In the which street was then an old little chapel/ to the which the foresaid heart entered, and there held him/ all be it that a great number of hounds followed him to the chapel door, & none of them would enter, but there stood bayenge. And when Dagobertus came after and beheld the manner of the hounds, and did what he could to cause them to enter the chapel and might not/ he thus departed without more doing at that season, not without great marveling in his mind.  
It was not long after, that Clothayr considering the frowardness of growing in his son Dagobert/ assigned to him a tutor or learner of worldly and knightly manners, whose name was Sadragesyle. And for his son should have him in the more awe and fere/ the King gave unto the said tutor the dukedom of Guyan. But so it was one day that for a cause this Sadragesyle would have chastyzed this Dagobert/ whereof he being ware, associated unto him certain wanton persons and beat his master/ & after in way of despite caused the beard of his tutor to be shaven of. For the which deed Lothayre was again him grievously displeased/ & in greatire and haste, sent for his son Dagobert. But he fearing punishment, withdrew him, and went unto the forenamed chapel/ trusting verily that wheretofore a beast was showed such comfort, that he by holy prayers should there be comforted till such time as he might attain unto the grace of his father.  
ye shall understand that before time after he had experience of that wonder showed by the heart/ he learned that the holy martyrs saint Denys, and his two fellows Rusticus and Eleutherius should be buried within the said chapel/ the which were martyred in the persecution of Domycyane the Emperor, about the year of Crystes incarnation lxxx and xvi In the honour of the which martyrs the foresaid poor chapel was arreared, as witnesseth the French cronycel, by the means of a devout french man whose name is not expressed. Thus Dagobert in this chapel abiding in prayer/ in the first night he being in sleep, appeared unto him iii old fathers, saying unto him/ young man we be those martyrs, which many years passed were slain for the faith of christ, and buried in this place by Catula that good woman. Which place is not duly nor sufficiently honoured/ nor yet the people of France hath not us in due reverence and worship. And therefore when thou art of might and power, then remember us, and help this place to be otherwise builded/ which shall not be long to. And for thou shalt not take this for a dream or fantasy/ dig hereafter this ground, and thou shalt find our three bodies hole and uncorrupt/ and upon everich of us our names with letters freshly written. And after this they vanished away.  
when Dagobert awoke/ he called well to mind this vision. And promised inwardly between god and him, that if he were reconciled to his father as to him they had promised/ he would fulfil that they had desired. After this the father being warned that Dagobert was in this chapel/ sent unto the place certain of his knights to pull or take him thence per force. And when they came within a mile of the said chapel/ they were so astonied that they might not go one foot forward to do the best they could.  
when they had long striven with out prevayling/ they returned to the King, and showed to him the truth in all thing as they had done.  
The King being dyscontent with their report, blamed them, and said that they feared his son, for the which cause they had feigned that excuse.  
And incontinently he sent forth an other company/ the which were dealt with in like manner as the other. were Lotharius somdele troubled with the report of his servants/ considered the chapel to be near unto Paris where he than lay/ & commanded his horse to be brought, for he would prove the matter himself. But like as his servants were served, even so became of him/ so that he might go or ride froward or sydewarde/ but toward the chapel might he in no wise attain.  
when this was known to the King/ he considered well it was the handiwork of god. Wherefore by fair and easy means he called home his son, and reconciled him, and forgave all trespass. To this accordeth the legend of the life of saint Denys, with more that shall after follow in the story of this Dagobert.  
After this reconciliation, Lotharius ordained under him his son Dagobert to be ruler of the signory of Austracye. But whither it were by the elation of his own mind, or by bad counsel, he shortly after rebelled again his father/ and would have retained that province to his own use.  
For this were chosen xii noble men of France, to arbiter and dame between the father and the son. The which Lords after they had long debated this matter/ by fair entreatyse contented so the father, that he gave unto the son the said lordship of Austracy.  
Soon after this accord, Clothayre made war upon the Gothis or Saxons/ and them at length subdued. For it is to be known, that like as the said Saxons invaded much britain or England/ in likewise warred they in France/ and lastly subdued the province of Neustria and named it after them Normandye, as after in the story of Charlis the simple shall more evidently appear.  
Of this victory of Saxons is made a long rehearsal/ and how lastly when Clothayre had slain the King or ruler of them named Berthrande, he after yode into the country of germany, and slew man and child that passed the length of his sword.  
Of this and other deeds by this Lothayre done, I might make a long work/ but I pass over.  
Then it followeth, when Lothayre had set his country in some rest/ he assembled his Lords at a city or town called Traacas or Trecas. And after divers matters discussed and ended/ he axed of them perfit allegiance and fydelite to him and his heirs to be kept. The which by the said Lords firmly promised and assured/ he commanded everich of them to repair to their own countries. And soon after he made an assemble of his bishops and spiritual men at the city or town of Troy's/ by whose counsayllies he ordered things and matters concerning the weal of the church. And shortly after he was vexed with grievous sickness/ whereof he finally died, when he had reigned after most writers xliii years, leaving for heir the forenamed Dagobert/ the which deferred his father with great pomp at the abbey of saint Uincent without the wallys of Paris/ the which abbey is at this day called saint Germain'S.  
The foresaid years accounted for the reign of Lothayre/ be accounted from the first day that he was ordained King of Soysons, unto the day of his death. Whereof he reigned after some writers over a part xxvii years/ & overall France xvi. Years. Which make the full of xliii. Years.   

Anglia. THE. CXXVIII. Chapter.  
CAdwanus or Cadwan, the which of Guydo is named duke of Uenedoyce or of Northwalys/ was by one assent of the Britons lastly made their sovereign or governor, in the year of our Lord vi hundred and xiii/ and the xxv year of the second Clothayre King of France/ and also the first year of Colwolphus then King of westsoxons/ accounting for the reign of Ceawlmus King of the said westsaxons xxxi years. And for Colricus next succeeding him .v. years.  
ye have before hard what discord and trouble was among the Brytons in the time of Careticus last King & long after, by reason where of the Saxons wan the more land/ and as before is rehearsed in the. C. and twenty chapter, how Ethelfryde King of Northumberlande over set the Brytons at the city of Chestre/ & forced them to take over Severn, and so into Wales/ where they then chase this Eadwane to their duke and leader. The which after he was put in authority/ assembled his Brytons, and came again into Britain/ and gave battle unto the said Ethelfryde. In the which they sped diversly, so that some season the Saxons wan/ and some while the Brytons. But the Brytons held Chestre & other good towns/ which they had recovered seen their last coming.  
It should seem by the meaning of Policronica, that this Cadwan or Cedwall should at length slay the said Ethelfryde and Osricus both Kings of Brennicia and Deyra. But Guydo and also Gaufryde witnessen, that after this Cadwan had the better of Ethelfryde/ by mediators it was agreed that Ethelfryd should enjoy all the land over and beyond Humber unto Scotland/ and Cadwan should have the land from Humber toward the sowthe. To the which saying agreeth the english chronicle, affirming also that he should be the son of brucyvall King of leicester, the which of other writers is not testified.  
It is also there showed that after the said accord between Ethelfryde & Cadwan confirmed/ that they continued during the life of Cadwan as two especial lovers and friends/ and during the reign of this Cadwan the two sons of Colricus, Kyngilsus and Quichillynus, after the death of their father's brother Colwolphus, ruled jointly the principate of westsaxons. The which in their beginning fought again the Brytons at Ampton beside Oxynford/ & wan of them the town & other holds, which the Brytons in that country occupied. But by agreement of writers this Cadwan was not at this conflycte, nor yet meddled him so far within the land. But as it should seem by Guydo/ these Brytons should be some company that should live under tribute of the Saxons/ the which for the manhood that they hard reported of Cadwan, rebelled again the Saxons. Then it followeth, when this Cadwan had thus continued his amity with Ethelfryde/ a change fell, that this Ethelfryde for hatred or otherwise put from him his wife being great with child, & took to him an other. wherefore this woman being reedlesse/ calling to mind the great love, that was between her husband and Cadwan, she went unto him, and specially besought him to recoenyle her Lord & husband, that she might be restored to his company. But for Cadwan after many means and requestis might not bring that about/ he therefore tendering her necessity, kept her in his own court till she were lighted. The which at time brought fourth a man child whom she let call Edwin. And soon after was the wife of Cadwan delivered of a son, whom the father called Cadwalyn. But the author of the flower of histories saith that these two children were long borne before this tyme. The which should seem to be true, for so much as this Cadwalyn was of lawful age to beweld his land when his father died/ the which he could not do, if he had now be borne. But as affirmeth Policronycon, it should seem like to a fable, all the rehearsal that Gaufride maketh in the end of his book/ as well for Cadwalyn and Edwin, as for the other circumstance of the matter there rehearsed. Which varieth from other writers both for the time, and also for the matter, as somedeal is more in the history hereof before made mention/ and also by the continuance of this story. For as Giraldus Cambrens and other sayn/ this Edwin was the son of Elle or Ella King of Deyra/ the which was persecuted of Ethelfridus before named them King of both provinces, that is to mean Brennicia and Deyra, so sore that he was compelled to flee to Redwaldus then King of Gestanglys. The which for meed or fere of the said Ethelfride, was lastly consenting to have betrayed Edwin/ of which danger the said Edwin was delivered by warning of a friend of his.  
After this escape as Edwin sat upon a time in a great study alone/ a stranger appeared to him suddenly, and said, I know well the cause of thy thought and heaviness. Therefore if thine enymyes were slain, & thou restored unto thy kingdom & set the in better manner than any of thy forefathers/ wouldst thou not admit such one for thy friend, and assent and do by his read and counsel. yes truly said Edwin/ and that I surely and fastly promise the. Then this man laid his hand upon Edwynes head and said to him, Edwin when this token is brought to thee/ then have thou mind of this time of tribulation, and of this promise thou haste made. And anon as this was spoken this man vanished out of his sight suddenly.  
In a convenient season after, Edwin assembled his host and gave battle unto Ethelfryde in the country of Mercia by east the river of Idle/ and slew him in that fight, with a great number of his knights/ and then seized in his possession both the foresaid pryncypates/ and was King of Northumberlande by the term of xvii years.  
ye shall understand that the forenamed Ethelfride had iii sons, which are minded beside other. The first & eldest was named Eaufricus, the second Oswaldus, and the third Oswye. The first was of lawful age/ so that he might help and shift for himself. But Oswald was but xii years of age/ and Oswy far younger. Wherefore their wardens immediately after their father's death, sent them into Armorica or little britain, there to be brought up/ or more verily into Albania or Scotland.   

THE. CXXIX. Chapter.  
About this time and season, as witnessen Policronica, Guydo, and other/ began the kingdom or lordship of Mercia, under the strong paynim and Saxon called Penda. The which Mercia or Mercherike contained Huntyngdon shire, Hertfortshyre, Gloucetershyre, with divers other/ and was greatest and largest of all the other/ & was closed in the west side with the river of Dee, stretching to Chestre & Severn, and so to Shrovesburye and Brystowe/ in the east it was closed with the see ocean/ in the South with thamies unto London/ and in the north with the river of Homber/ and had his beginning under the forenamed Penda, as the accord of diverse authors witnesseth, in the year of our lords incarnation vi hundred & xxvi/ and after the first coming of Hengyste a hundred and lxxvi. Years. All be it that of the first King diverse opinions there been/ whereof a cause may be, for so much as this lordship in the first beginning was departed in iii/ that is to say the first was called east Mercia, the ii was named middle Mercia, and the iii West Mercia. But after it was brought to one principate & called Mercherike, or of some writer middle England. Of this lordship the first christian King was called wolpherus that was the son of the forenamed Penda. But of all the Kings of this kingdom of Mercia, which were xviii in number, as testifieth Policronica/ Offa was of most might and power, as after shall more plainly appear.  
This lordship endured to reckon most certainly, till the year of our Lord viii hundred and lxxvi In the which year alured or Alhered then King of westsaxons, joined it unto his own kingdom/ which by that account should be two hundred & l years. All be it that some account the enduraunce thereof, to the last year of Burdredus that was put out by the Danes/ by which reckoning it should then endure four years less. And some writers account the term thereof while the time of Edward called the elder/ which after the death of his father Alured put out the Danes from the said lordship, and joined it again to westsaxon/ and by that account it should last ii hundred lxxx years and odd.  
ye shall also understand, that in this kingdom reigned diverse holy Kings, which now be allowed by the church for saints/ as Offa, Kenelphus, Kenelmus, and other, as hereafter somedeal shall appear.  
I have seen an old register within the church of Poulys of London/ wherein is contained many things concerning the first foundation of that church, with certain old chronicles of this land. Among the which it is there noted, that in the time and season when Cadwan was King or ruler of the Brytons/ that in the same moment and time reigned in divers parts of this land these vii Kings under written. As first Sybertus, that then was King of Eestsaxons no Essex, Redwaldus was then King of Eestanglys now Norff. and Suff. Ethelbertus was then King of Kent, Ethelwaldus was King of Southsex. Kyngylsus was King of westsaxons. Penda was King of Mercheryke. And Ethelfridus was then King of the North country or Northumb. All which regyster this work accordeth with, if the stories of this Cadwan, Careticus, & Cadwall be duly searched.   

THE. CXXX. Chapter  
Let us than return to the performance of the story of Cadwan/ and of such deeds as were done in his days. About the xiiii year of his reign, Quincellinus that was brother unto Kyngylsus, and King with him, as before in the. C. and xxviii chapter is touched, ruled the westsaxons/ sent upon an Easter day a swerdman to slay Edwin King of Northumberland. This swerdeman came to a city beside the water of Darwent in Derbysshyre, and waited his time/ and lastly found the King smally accompanied, and intended to have run through the King with a sword enuenemed. But one Lilla the kings trusty servant, dysgarnysshed of shield or other wepyn to defend his master/ start between the knyg & the sword, and was stricken through the body and died/ and the King was wounded with the same stroke. And after he wounded the third/ and was taken and confessed by whom he was sent to work that treason. The other knight that was secondly wounded died/ and the King lay after long sick or he were healed. And the same night following the Queen was delivered of a daughter/ the which King Edwin caused to be crystened of Paulinus the bishop, in token that he would fulfil all such promise as he before had made. And she was named Enfleda/ and hallowed unto god. And after whitsuntide the King being scantly hole of the wound, assembled his host & made toward the Kings of westsaxon/ and after a great and sore fight venquysshed them and their host. But Edwin for all this victory and other things given to him of god/ as he that was in health of the world, forgot his former promise, and had little mind thereof/ except that he by the preaching of Paulinus forsook his maumentrye, and for his excuse said that he might not clearly renye his old law that his forefaders had kept so long, and suddenly be crystened without authority and good advise of his council. He also received letters of exhortation and comfort to take the baptism, from the .v. Boniface than pope. The which also sent to the Queen like letters, with a mirror garnished with silver and a comb of ivory, and for the King a shirt wrought in sundry places with letters of gold. But all this prevailed nothing.  
Then Paulinus made his special prayers to god/ and had it showed to him by revelation, of the token that was given to Edwin in time of his tribulation. After the which knowledge had/ Paulinus shortly after came unto the King/ and laying his hand on his head, frayned of him whither he had any like remembrance of any like token. The which when the King had confessed/ the holy bishop said unto him. Lo thou hast overcomen thine enemies and won thy kingdom, & holdest it in most large wise/ therefore perform thy promise, and be true to him that hath helped thy.  
It was not long after that the King assembled his council/ and by their agreement he was of the said Paulinus Bishop of york baptized within the said city the xi year of his reign/ and the year of grace, as testifieth Guido vi C.xxvii. He was the first christian King that reigned in that country. And after him many of his Lords & subjects were also crystened of the said Paulinus/ and the flamyns or bishops of their false gods, were turned to Crystes faith. In token whereof they armed them as knights, & bestrode good horses/ where before by their law they might use none armour nor ride but only on a mare.  
From that time forthwardes by the term of vi years, during the life of King Edwin, Paulinus christened continually in both provinces of Deyra and in Brennicia in the rivers of gwevy & Swala, which he used for his fontes/ and preached in the shire of lindsay/ and builded there a church of stone at Lyndecoln or Lyncolne.  
In this time was so great peace in that kingdom of edwin, that a woman might have gone from one town to an other without grief or noyance.  
And for the refreshing of way goers/ this Edwin ordained at clear wells cups or dishes of iron or brass to be fastened to posts standing by the said wells sides, and no man was so hardy to take away those cups/ he kept so good justice and with that he was knightly of his deeds.  
He was the first that wan this isle of Eubonia now called the isle of man. And by his means/ Orpewaldus or Corpewaldus, the son of Redwaldus King of Eest anglis or Norphis/ to whom as before is touched Edwin had fled for succour, was converted to the true faith, and a great part of his men with him. And for this Edwin excelled the other Kings/ they envy at him, and specially Penda King of Mercia/ the which excited Cadwan King of Brytons again him. So that they two assembled a great host again Edwin, and lastly met in a place called Hatfelde/ and after sharp fight on both sides there edwin was slain, when he had reigned over the Northumbris xvii years, in the year of our Lord, as saith Guydo vi C. xxxiii. when these two Kings Cadwan or Cedwalla and Penda, had thus overcomen the King and him slain and much of his people/ they became so cruel to men of that country, that they destroyed therein much people, as men, women, & children, as well religious as other. Wherefore Paulinus the archbishop beholding their cruelness/ took with him the Queen & Enfleda her daughter, & fled by water into Kent. And for the bysshoprych of Rochester was than void, by reason that Romanus the last bishop was adreynte/ pauline was there ordained and made bishop of that see, and there died. And also left there his Paul, as affirmeth Policronycon and other/ the archbishops see of york was void xxx years after. But the Queen which was named Etherberga became a menchon, & sailed into Gallia or France/ wherein an abbey called Brydgence or Bryggence, she lived an holy life and died/ and her daughter Enfleda continued her profession, and was afterward abbess of Strenshalt in the vale of whitby.  
After the death of Edwin Osrycus that was the son of Elfricus which was brother of Ethelfridus, took upon him to be King of Deyra/ and Eaufricus the eldest son of Ethelfrida, as before in the. C. and. xxviii. Chapter is touched, was made King of Brennicia/ the which turned them both from Crystes faith, and became miscreants. For the which gods wrech fell upon them in short while after/ for they were both slain in the year following, of the forenamed Cadwan and Penda.  
And when these said two Kings were thus slain/ Oswalde the second son of Ethelfrid began his reign over the province of Brennicia, as chief of that kingdom of Northumberlande/ and had the rule of Deira in like wise. Whereof when Cadwan or Cedwalla was ware/ he gathered his Brytons and thought to slay oswald as he had before slain his brother Eaufricus. But Oswald when he was warned of the great strength of this Cadwan/ he made his prayers to god, and besought him meekly of help to withstand his enemies. And or he yode to prayer he arreared a cross of tree/ before the which he kneeled a long while in a field/ which long after was called hevynfelde, and at this day is had in great worship. That place is near unto the town or church of Agustalde in Brennicia/ the which church was there builded by Oswalde after the winning of that battle. And of the spoons of that cross are told many wonders the which I over pass.  
Than after oswald had prayed for the salvation of his people/ the two hosts met in a field named than Denysborne or Denyslake, where was fought a strong battle. But finally Cadwan, which Polycronyca nameth Cedwalla, was slain and his people chased/ which were far exceeding the number of Oswaldus host/ when the said Cadwan had reigned over the Brytons after most accord of writers and also of the time, by the term of xxii. years/ leaving after him a son, as affirmeth Gaufryde, named Cadwallus or Cadwalyn.   

Francia. THE. CXXXI. Chapter.  
DAgobertus the first of that name, and son of Clothayr before rehearsed/ began his reign over the hole monarchy of France in the year of our Lord vi hundred xxxi/ and the xviii year of Cadwan than King of Brytons. The which at the time of his father's death was in the province of Austracy, given to him by his father, as before is showed in the. C.xxvii. chapter preceding. But anon as word came to him of his fathers decease/ he sped him well accompanied into France. And when he was comen to the city of Reynes thither came unto him many nobles/ as well out of Burgoyne as out of other parties of France, and did unto him fealty and homage.  
It is showed in the. C.xxvi. chapter of this work, how Clothayre had by his second wife a son named Heybert/ the which claimed his part of the kingdom of France, and for the same began to make some stirring. But by the good policy & means of one Brunulphe uncle to the said Haybert, and brother to Sichyld his mother, the matter was appeased/ so that he had unto him certain cities assigned, with lands in Guyan. with the which he was contented/ & ordained Tholouse for the chief city of his principate. And after that peace confirmed/ Dagobert was in quiet by the term of three years following. But the four year the Gascoynes rebelled again him/ the which by his manhood he shortly subdued. And when he had set his land in a quietness/ he called to mind the promise before time which he had made to saint Denys and his fellows. Wherefore he with great solemnity caused the ground, where these holy bodies lay to be opened/ and with great reverence to be taken up. Upon the which bodies he found freshly written either of their names, so that he might perfyghtely know that one from that other/ and then caused than to be laid in a sumptuous shrine. And over them in the said place he builded a royal minster of lime and stone, and converyd it with plates of silver in stead of sclate or lead/ and assigned unto the priests and ministers thereof great and rich possessions. And for so goodly a temple that was of such beauty outward, should not lack of garnishing within: he therefore caused hangings to be made to hang within the same temple/ of the which tapets such as scruyd for the quere, were garnished & set with diverse stones in those days used. And by the foresaid place or shrine where the holy martyrs bodies lay he ordained a chest or trunk of clean silver/ to the intent that all such jewels and rich gifts as were offered to the holy saints, should therein be kept to the use of the ministers of the same place, and over that endowed that same place with many great liberties & privileges. And this place thus finished/ he caused a cross of gold to be made, & to be garnished with most precious stones of a great bigness and value/ and caused it to be set over the high altar within the said monastery.  
This translation of these blessed saints should be as witnesseth the French chronicle, in the .v. year of the reign of the said Dagobert/ which made the year of our Lord vi C.xxxvi. The which when he had clearly with all honour and due reverence finished/ he than visited and cyrcued his land in ministering justice to all persons/ and ordained such means as bills of supplication and other, that the causes and matters of poor men might come to his knowledge by mean whereof he gate great love and favour of his commons.  
But among his many notable deeds/ one deed by him was committed, the which somedeal long after blemished his honour. And that was that he without judgement or process of the laws/ caused to be slain the forenamed Brunulphe uncle unto Haybert his brother, for malice that he bore to him, for the favouring of the said Haybertis party.  
After this the King was divorced from his wife named Gertrude, for that she was barren & brought forth no fruit/ and was after married to a fair wench named Ranetrude, of the which he received at convenient time after, a son that was named Sigebert. Of this child it is told that when he was brought to the holy bishop Amandus to be confirmed, being than of the age of xl days/ and the bishop said over him certain prayers concerning the office of confirmation, and none of the cyrcumstauntes by negligence gave answer unto the bishop at convenient time: the child by divine power said, Amen, in so loud manner that all the people about standing might well under stand it/ whereof the bishop and all the people were hougely amarveled.  
Than it followeth, this Dagobert all this pastime was ruled by a noble man of France, or more properly of the province of Austracy, named in the French book saint Arnulphe bishop of Mees/ and by Pepyn, which was ruler of the Kings palace. By which season, he and also his land were in great honour and prosperity, till the death of the forenamed Arnulphe/ which died about the season that the King began to alter and change his conditions, to the hurt of his commons and of his land.   

THE. CXXXII. Chapter.  
DAgobertus that before exercised him in all honour and virtue, began now to exercise injustice and tyranny/ in pilling his commons by exactions and tributes, in such wise that those that dwelled in the outward parties of his realm, and near unto the turks and other strange lands and nations, were fain to be under the rule of them then of their own natural Prince. But how so ever he bore him again his subjects, in pilling and taking from them what he might yet he ever had such a favour to saint Denys, that he gave to him what he might purchase, were it with right or otherwise. continuing which season/ he went into the country of Poitiers and robbed and spoiled there the church of saint hylary, of many great jewels/ and after took with him the body of that blessed man, and caused it to be had into the monastery of saint Denys, & there shrived him. And that done/ he destroyed the country of Poitiers with iron and fire/ and the wallys of the city he made plain with the ground. And for that more cruelty or terror to the people to be showed/ he eared the streets of the said city, and sew them wythsalte for a sign and token that he would have that city subverted for ever. The which ruin to this day appeareth/ for there where the old city stood, is now called the old Poitiers/ and where that other standeth now, is called the new city of Poitiers. The cause of this destruction of the city & country as sayeth master Roberte Gagwyne/ was for, that that the Earl of Poitiers rebelled again the King.  
Thus this man that whilom was a lamb/ was now turned to a tiger. And over his cruelness he was given to all sensual lust of his body/ in so much that where so he road he had following him a company of strumpettes, beside such as he kept in diverse places of his realm, appareled and fed like unto Queens.  
For this rule & other vices used by the King/ Pepyn then master of the palace was put in great wite and blame of diverse Lords of the land/ thinking that by his counsel and sufferance, the King was so lad and guided. This was the first Pepyn. The second was master of the Placies in that time of the second reign of the first Theodoricus/ and was surnamed Uetulus and brevis, which is to mean old and little. And the iii Pepyn was son of Carolus Marcellus. The first pepin was graundefader to the second by the mothers side/ and the second was graunsyr to the iii by the man's side. Which third Pepyn was by hole assent of Frenchmen ordained King of France as after shall appear/ & was father unto the King named Charlis the great and Emperor of Rome. All which Pepyns descended of the blood of Austracye/ and had great possessions within that province. when the forenamed Pepyn understood the grudge and mumur of the Lords, which they bore again him for the kings demeanour/ he by their advices took unto him another great Lord named Martin, to be unto him assistant/ and over that he caused the blessed man Amandus to accompany the King. By whose counsel the King somedeal refrained him from vice/ but not all as the good Bishop him advertised.  
In this time Heybart the kings half brother died, and also his son shortly after named Chilperych. By reason of whose deaths/ the lordship and country of Tholouse fell to the possession of Dagobert. It was not long after that a people called asclavons or slavons, made war upon the country of Austracy. These also are called Bulgaris, and join upon a part of Austracy. Of these tidings when Dagobert was learned/ he sped him into Austracy, and there assembled a mighty host of knights/ & so sped him till he came near his enymyes. But the said slavons having knowledge of the Kings great host, agreed by orators to him sent, to continue the tribute that they before time paid/ the which was yearly five hundred oxen. where through the war was appeased for that time/ and new alliance upon both parties confirmed.  
After the which peace thus stablished/ the King made his son Sigebert as King & ruler of that lordship of Austracy/ assygning to him the Bishop of Colayn named Cunbert, and the Earl Palatyne named Agasyle, to be his tutors and rulers continuing his years of youth. And that done, the King returned into France, where soon after he received of his wife a son named Clodoueus, the which of many writers is called Lodovicus or allows. To this allows the father at covenable time after gave the counties of Burgoyne and Neustria or Normandy.  
Then the King granted to the house of saint Denys, a fair to be kept yearly in the month of June in a field near unto the said monastery/ and that no merchant of Paris nor good town there about; should sell any merchandise but only in the fair/ with many other customs to the great advancement of that house.  
And after the King had subdued the Gascoynes, and the Brytons of Armorica or little britain/ he then assembled a multitude of bishops for to dedicate and hallow the monastery of saint Denys in most solemn wise. where a great miracle was showed of the cleansing of a leper or lazar/ that during the night lay within the said church, and there being in his devout prayers, saw our saviour christ accompanied with Peter and Paul, and also the holy martyrs saint Denys with his two fellows, enter the church by one of the windows/ and after hallowed the said church. Which after came to the said lazar/ and commanded him to show unto the bishops, that he in proper person had hallowed the said church/ and for a token and knowledge of the same, he had received his health. And for more record of the troth of this matter/ our saviour christ, as witnesseth Master Robert Gagwyn, & also the French chronicle, drew of the skin of the face of the said lazar, and threw it again a stone, where it remaineth at this day to be seen. The which token when Dagobert and his bishops upon the morn after beheld and saw/ they being greatly marveled, laft of any further business touching the dedyfyenge of the said church. For this miracle great concourse of people yearly in the vi kalendis of March cometh with great devotion unto the said monastery, there making their oblations/ firmly believing that the said church was hallowed with Crystes own hand. when Dagobert had this business with other ꝑfyted & ended/ he then called a great counsel of his Lords spiritual and temporal at his city of Biguage, where he being set between his ii sons Sigebert & Clodoueus/ he made a long preposition & oration concerning the allegiance/ which he exhorted his Lords to owe and bear to him for the term of his life, and after to his two sons there being prensent. And then he exhorted his ii sons charitably to love/ and that they should in most fraternal wise continue their lives. The which preposition finished/ he there in that presence made his testament, that before he had caused to be written in iiii. Sundry skins indented, to be rad, and then sealed with certain of their seals/ whereof that one he willed to be kept in the treasury of saint Denys, the ii in the treasury of the city of lions, the iii in the treasury of Mees in Austracy, which how is named Lorraine, and the four in the kings treasury. And when the King had ordered his matters some deal to his purpose/ he dissolved this counsel, and commanded everich estate unto his own country/ and after was somewhat busied with the rebellion of the forenamed Britons and Gascoynes & such other matters, the which I pass over for length of tyme.  
Then the King lastly was sick of the flix/ and was brought by his desire unto the monastery of saint Denys. where after he had committed his wise Nantyld with her son Clodoveꝰ unto the guiding & tuition of a noble man of France, & then master of his Paleys named Agaynus/ he died, when he had reigned xiiii. years/ & was buried with great pomp in the forenamed monastery.  
Of this Dagobert is reported by mine author, & also the French chronicle beside other writers, that an holy anchor or hermit of France being in his meditations, should see a company of fiends/ which being in the see should have among them in a boat the soul of Dagobert, and were conveying it toward pain. But this spirit ceased not to cry & to call to saint Denis and his fellows for help/ the which lastly came clad in white vestiments & delivered that soul from the pains of his enymyes, and conveyed it unto everlasting joy/ as more at length and with more circumstance it is declared in the bokys beforesaid.   

Anglia. THE. CXXXIII. Chapter.  
CAdwallus or Cadwalyne the son of Cadwan lastly spoken of in the chronicle of much britain as testifieth Guydo, Gaufryde, and other/ began his reign over the Brytons in the year of Crystes incarnation vi hundred & xxxv/ & the first year of the first Dagobert than King of France/ and also the xii year of Kyngilsus & Quichillinus then Kings of westsaxon. This Cadwallus was strong and mighty, & warred strongly upon the Saxons near unto him/ and wan from them both castles and towns, and drove them back into the land toward London. Whereof hearing Penda King of Mercia/ he assembled his Saxons and made toward Cadwall. But he was in the end distressed/ and fain to seche and purchase the favour of Cadwal, and live under his tribute. This Penda after this was in great favour with Cadwall/ in so much that he took part with Cadwall again his other Saxon Kings, as after shall appear. About this time Kyngylsus one of the Kings of westsaxons / was by the doctrine of the blessed man Berinus converted to the right believe, and cristyned of him at the city of Dortyke or Dorchester. And Oswald King of Northumberland was his godfather/ and wedded his daughter afterward. And then that city was given to the Bishop, to the end that he should there ordain his see/ where the said Berinus sat xiiii years after, & there was buried/ till Beda bishop of wynchester translated his body to the city of wynchester: all be it that the canons of Dorchester say, that the said body of holy Beryne was not taken thence but another in the stead of him. And yet in token thereof/ a beers of wonder work standeth at this day over that grave/ where the holy man was first buried. It should seem that this city of Dorchester is now called Dorset. This see was in the time of wyllyam conqueror changed to Lyncolne.  
About this time Sigebertus or after some Segebertus King of Eestenglande or Norfolk, which reigned there next his brother Corpwaldus/ ordained letters to be learned, and set schools in diverse places of his kingdom/ and ordained over them school masters & pedagoges, as he sometime had seen in France. The which Sygebert was converted to Crystes faith by the doctrine of an holy man named Felix/ the which he was first acquainted with in France or in Burgoyne. The which Felix came soon after that acquaintance into Eestanglia or Norfolk/ where the King made him Bishop of Dunwyche now called Thetford. lastly the King betook his kingdom unto his nephew Egritus/ and became a monk in an abbey which he himself builded.  
But when Penda King of Mercia warred after in that country/ the said Sygebert was again his will pulled out of the said monastery, and went in arms, or as some testify unarmed with a white rod in his hand nicely, & so was slain, and well near all his host of knights that came with him to that field.  
By this rehearsal appeareth here discord of writers of the beginning of this said kingdom of Eestanglis. For if it were true that this began as witnesseth Policronycon in the four chapter of his fift book, in the year of grace four hundred lxxx. and xii, as before also I have showed in the lxxx and xvi chapter of this work: then might it not agree with convenience of time, that this Sygebert or Sebert should reign as King at those days now minded. Wherefore the saying of Guydo is more concordaunte/ which showeth this kingdom to have his beginning in the year of grace .v. C. & lxx, as in the end of the foresaid chapter it is there shortly touched.  
Then it followeth in the story/ after the death of this Sigebert, Anna was made King of Eestanglis.  
And during the reign of Sigebertus, befell the wonder that is told of that holy man Furceus/ as is showed at length in the xiii chapter of the .v. book of Policronicon aforesaid/ and in the xiii title of the vi chapter of the ii part of the famous work called Summa Antonini.  
And about this season reigned or began to reign the cursed sect of the detestable & false prophet Machomet/ the which sins the time hath so enfected/ that it hath infected ii principal ꝑtes of the world, as Asia, & Africa/ & the more part of the third named Europa/ & daily winneth upon the christian people great lands & possessions. About the vii year of this forenamed Cadwall King of Britons/ reigned in Kent a Saxon King named Ercombertus, the which had that principate twenty years nobly.  
And among other of his famous deeds/ he revived and quickened again the faith of christ, that in some places of his kingdom was sore appalled. For he destroyed the temples of false gods through all that country/ and ordained by the advise of his clergy, the time of lente to be fasted. He wedded the daughter of Anna King of Eestanglis named Sexburga/ of whom he received a daughter and named her Eukengoda/ the which after was a menchon or nun in the abbey of Brydgence in France before minded, where Ethelburga the wife sometime of Edwin King of Northoumberlande served god, as in the hundred and xxx chapter preceding it is showed/ and either of them was abbess of the same place. And though at those days there were many abbeys in this isle of much britain/ yet many both of men and of women sailed into other lands/ as France, and Burgoyne and other places, because the conversation and living of those countries were of more fame and perfection than was then used in this isle of britain.  
About this time as it were about the viii year of Cadwall/ died kyngylsus King of westsaxons, when he had reigned with his brother and alone xxxi years. And Kenwalcus his son was King after him/ the which in the beginning of his reign would not be christened/ & forsook his wife the daughter of Penda, & took to him another. Wherefore Penda in advenging his daughter/ gathered his host, and chased Kynwalcus out of his kingdom/ & kept him thence iii years. By which season was Anna King of Eestanglis/ & there converted to the faith of christ, & cristyned of Felix aforenamed then bishop of Dunwyke or Thetford/ and after he recovered his kingdom, by the aid and assistance of the said Anna. when Kenwalcus was restored to his land/ he made a bishops see at Kaerguent or wynchestre/ and ordained there a Bishop named Agilbert a French man of birth, but he was called out of Irland. The which when he had sitten there a certain of time/ he was put thence I ne wot for what cause/ and in his place was set an other named win. Of this win, as sayeth Policronicon, the town of wynchester took the name, as he declareth in the liii chapter of his first book/ as it were wins city. But he was also putthens/ and then was Leutherius Bishop, and after Leutherius succeeded Cedda. And after Theodorus the Archbishop of Caunterbury ordained two bishops to that province of westsaxon. That one at winchester/ & to that was subject two countries Southrey and South hampshyre. And that other see he ordained at Shyreborne, to the which were subject vi countries, that is to say Berkshyre, wiltshire, somersetshire, dorsetshire, devonshire, & cornwall. But in wyllyam the conquerors time the see of Shyreborne was turned to Salysbury with the see of Rammysburye.  
It was not long after that Kenwalcus was warrayed with the King of Brytons/ the which fought with him at a place called wight Gosneborough, and were of him there overcomyn. Then Cadwall assembled a new host of Brytons/ and met with Kenwalcus at a place called the hill of Pent/ where after long fight the Brytons were put to flight.   

YE have hard before how that blessed man Oswall the son of Ethelfryde, was ordained King of Northumberlande/ the which continued his life in justice and virtue as King, by the term of ix years. But Penda King of Mercia, that to him & to all christian men had great disdain and envy/ about the ix. Year of Cadwall made war upon Oswald, and slew him in a field called Meserfeld/ where after his death god showed for him many miracles. But after one year of his death Oswy his younger brother recovered the kingdom/ and buried his head in the churchyard of Lyndesar, for the body was conveyed by the Pagans and divided in sundry pieces. But it is said that the head is now at Durham between saint Cutberttus arms. And the other part of the body which was long after founden/ was had to the abbey of Bordeaux, by Ostrida daughter of Oswy & Queen of Mercia. where strangeness was made by the ruler of that house for the receit of those relics, till a miracle or divine token there was showed. But after the said body & bones were brought to Glowceter to an house of canons/ and one of his arms is at Peterboroughe, hole of flesh & fell as some have and tell. When Oswy had a season ruled his kingdom/ he found unleeful means to slay Oswyn that was King of Deyra. This Oswyn was the son of Eaufrycus eldest brother of Oswalde/ which Oswyn was good of condition, and there with both meek and mild. when this Oswyn was slain by the consent of his nephew Oswy/ then Oswy took to him as fellow of that kingdom his brother's son Odylwaldus the son of Oswalde. This Oswalde gave unto Cedda bishop of whynchester before named a ground in a place of the North country in the high hills called Lastyngaye, for to build upon an abbey, which he there builded/ & after there taught his brother Chymbyllus how he should rule that place. Penda King of Mercia, which forgot not the strengthing and favouring that Anna King of Eestanglys had showed to Kenwalchus his daughters husband and his enemy/ gathered a power of knights, and yode again the said Anna, & slew him in plain battle. And the same year one Botulphus builded an abbey beside Lindecolne or Lincoln, in a place that height I canno.  
And as witnesseth Beda in the four chapter of his third book/ this year which should be the xxi year of the reign of Cadwall, Penda that of this former victory was surprised with great pride, came with his host into the bounds of Northumland/ intending to slay Oswy, as before he had slain his brother oswald. Whereof when Oswy was ware he assembled his knights & made toward him. And for affynyte of marriage the was between their children, as after shall be showed, and other causes/ Oswy offered to him many great offers, to the intent to have had him refused that battle, & to have had peace with him. when Oswy perceived the obstinacy and pride of Penda, and saw that by no reasonable offers he might of him win no peace/ he said/ since this paynim can not receive our gifts and proffers that we have offered to him, we shall offer them to him that can receive them.  
And anon he made his avow unto god, that if he might have victory of his enymyes, he should offer his daughter Elfleda to him with sufficient possessions for to build xii abbeys/ and after joined in battle with the said Penda in the country of Ledis not far from york/ which was so sore fought, that the like thereof was not seen many years before. But finally Penda was slain, and thirty. of his chief captains with him/ and yet he had thrice the people that Oswy had. And those that scaped the shot and the sword/ were for the more party drowned in the river of wynwed, which was near unto the place of that battle. And among the prisoners that were taken at this field/ the wife of Penda was one, and her sons uncle named Egfridus was an other. Then Oswy yielded his thanks to god/ and according to his former promise, he offered his daughter Elfleda or Enfleda of the age of iii years unto god, and took her to the lore of Hylda abbess of Hertsey or Hertis' island. And after that the said Hylda removed to the abbey of Stremshalte in the vale of whitby xxx mile from york/ where she was after abbess, & the said Elfleda also. And Oswy as he had promised/ gave lands and rents to build xii abbeys. Whereof vi were in the province of Brennicia, and vi in the province of Deyra.  
This forenamed Penda had diverse sons by accord of writers/ that is to mean wolferus weda, and Egfridus, beside other not minded. To this second son weda, Oswy had beforetime married a daughter of his by consent of Penda his father/ The which weda by help of Oswy was made King of south Mercia, the which lordship is severed from the north Mercia by the river of Trent, and contained by record of holy Beda five thousand households. This weda also promised when he married the said daughter of Oswy, that he should become a christian man/ the which he performed after the death of his father. But when he had scantly reigned three years over the said Southmercis/ he was by the treason of his wife slain. And after that kingdom fell to wolferus the other brother/ the which had wedded the daughter of Ercombert King of Kent named Ermenylda. This wolferus was shortly after christened or before/ so that he is accounted for the first christened King that reigned in Mercia. This was father to Keneredus, & that holy virgin and menchon wereburga.  
And for it is long that I spoke of Kenwalcus King of westsaxons/ it is to be noted that after he had overcomen the Brytons, as before is showed, and at that time had not perfected the bishops see of Kaerguent or wynchester, he then busied him there about. And according to the will of kyngylsus his father/ he gave to the sustentation of the said see all the land which lay within seven. Miles of the said city, as affirmeth the author of the flower of histories/ and finished it somedeal to his purpose.  
But let no man think that it was builded as it is now. For neither that nor none other been at this day standing monastery, palace, nor other/ but that they have been since those days altered, and new changed, and some clearly thrown down, and some new builded/ all be it that many stand upon their first foundation as this yet doth.  
Soon after that Kenwalcus had ended this work/ he made war upon wolferus of Mercia. But in that journey fortune was not to him favourable/ for he lost thereby, & won nothing of his intent.  
It was not long after that Ercombert King of Kent died/ and his son Egbert was King after him ix year.  
And soon thereafter fell great mortality and sickness in this land of britain/ the which continued and increased more and more during the life of Cadwall now King of Brytons and of Cadwaldyr his successor or son, after some writers. In the which season and beginning of this mortality and sickness, died many bishops in this land/ in so much that Uitalcanus then being pope, ordained Theodorus archbishop of Caunterbury to have the rule of the churches of britain.  
Somewhat before this time, Benet that was in good favour with King Ofwy, & descended of rich kin forsook service and house, and all his kindred, and became Crystes servant. He went .v. scythes to Rome and came again/ and at every time he brought with him relics or books of Crystes lore. And lastly he was made monk/ and builded ii abbeys, that one over again the other upon the river of wire, that runneth in the country of.  
This Benet was the first that brought the craft of glazing into this land/ and he was Abbot of both the foresaid abbeys/ and took to his lore Beda when he was but vii years of age, and taught him during his life. Of the virtue and patience of this holy monk and bishop Benet, I might make a long rehearsal. But for the holiness of his life is declared in the legend of saints and other books of authority/ here for lengthing of the time I over pass it, and will return again to Oswy. The which when he had long reigned over the Northumber's/ he made Cedda that was abbotte of Lastyngay, Archbishop of york, more by will then by skill/ and put out wylfrida the archbishop of that see. But it was not long after that Cedda was deprived of that dignity by the authority of th'archbishop Theodorus/ as he deprived diverse other that time, which came to their benefices again the ordinance of the holy laws of Crystes church/ and made him by great instance after this, bishop of westsaxons. And about the xxx year of the reign of Cadwall Cissa that was father to Ine King of westsaxons/ builded the abbey of Abyndon. In these days the monks and clergy of britain, set all their minds to serve god and not the world, the heart and not the womb. Wherefore they were then had in great reverence & honour/ so that they were then received with all worship. And as they went by the streets & ways/ men that saw them, would run to them and desire them blessings. And well was him that then might give unto them possessions, & builded to them houses & churches. But as they increased in riches of the worldly treasure/ so they dyscreaced in heavenly treasure/ as in the days of Aluredus somedeal began, and sithen that time hath sprung not all to the pleasure of god/ whereof all is to be committed to his pleasure. Then they plied nothing that was worldly/ but gave them to preaching and teaching of the word of our saviour/ and followed the life that they preached, by giving of good example. And over that they were so void of covetise, that they received no possessions, but if it were perforce.   

THE. CXXXV. Chapter.  
OSwy King of Northumberlande died/ and Edfrydus his son was King after him xu years his father had reigned with his fellows Oswynus and Odyswalde xxviii. Years. Edfrydus or Egfrydus had to wife that holy woman Ethelfryde, that before was the wife of Tonbertus Prince of the south Eyrwayes, the which when Egfrydus had holden xii years as his wife, and might not in that while have leave of her to deal with her carnally for prayer nor great gift/ he then gave to her licence to be a menchyon at Colud under Aebba, that than was awnte unto him. And after she remened to Ely, and there was abbess, & lived in great penance and abstinence/ and died there, after she had been vii year abbess.  
And Kenwalcus King of West Saxon, died about the year of the reign of Cadwall King of Britons, the xxxix when he had reigned over them xxx years. And his son Kenewinus succeeded him/ after that Sexburga his mother or wife to his father, had ruled that province one year.  
Cedda the bishop of westsaxons died/ and his deacon wenfrede was his successor. And when he was put down/ the abbot of Medampstede that now is called Peterboroughe, was there bishop after him.  
soon after this time died wyna bishop of London/ after whom was bishop Erkenwald, the which was brother to Ethelburga or Alborough the Menchen, and after abbess of berking in Essex. This holy bishop Erkenwalde founded the monasteries of Chertsey in Southery, and berking afore said/ which place hath been preserved since the first foundation. But that of Chertsey was thrown down by the Danes and re-edified by Edgar King of England, as after followeth.  
After the death of wolpherus King of Mercia/ reigned his brother Etheldredus. And the wife of wolpherus named Ermenilda, was made a menchon at Ely/ and wereburga his daughter was also made a nun at Trikyngham, and died at hamburgam, where she lay in the earth iii hundred years hole and sound/ and after that she was conveyed to Chester. This Etheldredus King of Mercia had iii holy daughters/ that is to say Mylburga, Myldreda, and Mylguida/ and a son of great holiness named Meresyn. But after some writers all these foresaid children should be the children of wolpherus and not of etheldred. And wolpherus also had ii holy sisters named Kynedda and Kyneswyda, both nuns and buried at Peterborough/ where saint Ethelwolde builded after an abbey of maidens.  
ye have hard before how wylfryd was put out of the see of york/ wherefore he went to Rome and complained him to Agathon the pope/ and was well allowed in some things. But the King and Theodorus had there such protectors and friends/ that he returned without speeding of his cause. Wherefore he returned unto the South Saxons, and builded an abbey in Silesey, and preached to the south Saxons xu years, and converted much people/ and showed there a great wonder. For where by the term of iii years before his coming there fell no rain upon the ground/ by his prayer/ god sent to them rain, & the ground began to burgeon and wax green, that before was barren & dried for lack of water. He also taught to them the craft of fishing.  
Egfrydus King of Northumberlande claimed the land that Etheldrede King of Mercia held/ for the which diverse assembles of treaty between them were had, but all were dissolved without agreement. wherefore either ꝑty gathered his strength and met upon a plain near unto the river of Trent/ where was fought between them a long and sharp fight. In the which among a great number on both parties, was slain the brother of Egfryde named Elswynus/ but Edfryde or Egfryde had the better. Than after this battle means of peace were again treated/ so that finally Edfryde had great sums of Money in recompencement of his brother's death/ & so rested the said ii Kings accorded. In this battle was taken as prisoner a knight of Egfryde, the which after his taking was sold to one Fryson by the knights of Ethelfryde. This Fryson to th'intent to have his prisoner the shortelyer redeemed kept him in bands of iron which prisoner had to his brother a priest & a virtuous man, that for the deliver of his brother prayed daily By mean of whose prayers as often as the said pressed sang mass/ so often were the bands of iron loosed from the prisoner during the time of the mass. The which so continued, till he was clearly delivered, and his ransom paid.  
And in this year appeared stella comata a blazing star, which betokeneth death or mortality of the people And in the year following died of the Epedemye sickness, the holy abbes of Ely saint etheldred/ her sister Sexburga that sometime had been wife to Ercobert King of Kent, was her successor. And this year also died Helda the holy abbess of whythy before spoken of, which was nephew to edwin lately King of Northumberland. In this abbey were also brethren under the rule of Hylda, as at these days been at Zion under the abbess there. Wherefore sundry of them were made bishops, as Besa, wylfryde, and other. Among these brethren was one named Cedman a man of great perfection/ the which by inspiration was taught to make dytyes and songs to move men to devotion, wherein he passed all other at those days.  
Soon after this time Theodorus for diverse causes, kept a synod or council of bishops and other men of the church at Hatfelde. By authority of which council he divided the province of Mercia, that Sexwolphus then ruled alone, into v. bishoprics/ that is one to Chestre, the second to worcetyr, the third to lichfield, the fourth to Cedema in lindsay, & the .v. to Dorchester.  
About the xlvi year of the reign of Cadwall, Kenewynus King of westsaxons had occasion of war again the Brytons, so that they met near unto the west see/ where after a sharp skirmish the Britons were chased. And soon after Egfrydus King of Northumberlande made war upon the Pyctes or Scots/ because they favoured greatly the East Angles again him. But lastly by colour or fleeing back/ they brought Edfryde into a strait among hills and mountains, and slew him there with a great part of his people. And after his death a bastard brother of his named Alfridus Notus was King of Northumberlande, & reigned there xviii years, as witnesseth willyam writer of stories of Kings And shortly after died Cadwall or Cadwalyne King of Britons/ when he had reigned as testifieth Galfryde, Guydo, & other xlviii years. But neither Polycronyca, nor none of the other authors of authority, which Policronica alleged/ showeth any like acts of this Cadwall as Galfryde doth/ nor yet that he should be buried to the terror and fere of the Saxons/ or an image of brass set of him upon an horse over the west gate of London called Ludgate or yet the church of saint Martyne there now standing should be builded by the Brytons, to the end to pray for the said Cadwall and his friends/ or the Cadwaladrus, which of Beda is named Cedwalla, should be his son/ as of the said Gaufryde is affirmed.   

Francia. THE. CXXXVI. Chapter.  
Clodoveus the younger son of Dagobert, & of Nautylda his wife/ began his reign over the middle part of France and other parts thereof, in the year of our Lord vi C.xlv/ and the ten year of Cadwall than King of Brytons. And his elder brother Sigebert was made King of Austracy or Lorraine according to the will of Dagobert their father. This as before is said of some writers is called allows/ the which was guided by his mother & by the counsel of Agaynus than master of his Paleys/ to whom the father had by his life committed him, for he at this day was young of age and of discretion. And shortly after he was made King/ all such portion as belonged to the right of his brother Sigebert, which was the third of his father's treasure and jewels, was to him delivered. Which distribution made/ he sped him to orleans, and thither called to him the Lords of Burgoyne, and received of them fealty and homage/ & ordained there for his leutenaunte or deputy a noble Burgonyon named Flantas'/ & gave to him in marriage the nephew of his mother Nautylda named Ranebert. And after with a due charge to him given for guiding of the said country/ sent him and the other Lords into Burgoyn. But within a season of time after wilibaldus a great man of birth and might, envy this Flantas'/ in such wise that he had him in disdaining, and began to disturb the country & the kings peace. Whereof hearing Clodoueus/ in all hast commanded the said wilibaldus to appear before him. But while wilibaldus sent an Earl & a bishop to the Kings court to purchase him friends about the King/ he was in that while slain by the guile of his enemy Flantas'.  
About the four year of the reign of Clodoueus died his mother Nautylda, a woman of great wisdom & of virtuous condition/ and was honourably buried by Dagobert her husband in the church of saint Denys. Soon after ensued such scarcity of corn/ the wheat & other greynes were at an exceeding price. For after the rate of money now currant, a quarter of wheat was worth ii marks & a half/ by mean of which scarcity much poor people were famisshed & died for default. wherefore the King intending a remedy for the needy people/ caused the house or church of saint Denys that his father before time had covered with plates of silver, to be razed of & covered with lead/ & that silver to be distributed among the poor commons, to succour them again the great and huge famine that then reigned/ all be it that this deed was somedeal withstanden by Agulphus Abbot of that place for that tyme.  
About the viii year of his reign/ the first pepin that than ruled the house of Sigebert King of Austracy, died. And soon after died Agaynus master of the palace of clodoveus. For which ii princes in either countries that they ruled, great dole and sorrow was for them made. After the death of which said Princis/ a noble man & cousin to Dagoberte late King, was chosen master of the palace with clodoveus  
Thus King Clodoueus otherwise called allows, continued his reign in great peace & prosperity, till lastly it fell in his mind that he would visit the sepulchre of saint Denys where after he had done certain observances, and made his prayers/ he would needily see the holy relics and handle them. With the doing whereof it seemed the holy martyrs were not contented. For immediately ensued such a darkness, that the King and all that were about him were with it greatly astonied and afeard, in so much that the King lost the use of reason, and went from himself more than two years following. It is written of some authors, that the King handled the body of saint Denys so rabbysshely that he broke one of his arms. But the French book and Master Roberte Gagwyne say, that he dissevered one of the arms from the said holy body/ the which he after when he was somdele restored to his health, closed in gold and precious stones, and restored it to the said monastery/ and lived upon two years following that he was amended, but not like unto his former being/ so that he lastly died when he had reigned sick and hole by the term of xvi years, not without vice as gluttony, lechery, & exceeding avarice. And was buried by his parents in the monastery forenamed/ leaving after him three sons named Clotharius, Chyldericus, and Theodorych. After whose death his wife named Batylde/ became a nun in the monastery of Corbye, that she before time had newly renewed or re-edified/ and ended there in holy life.   

THE. CXXXVII. Chapter  
CLotharius the eldest son of Clodoueus/ was ordained King of France, in the year of our lords incarnation vi hundred lxii/ and the xxvi year of Cadwall than King of Britons. The which anon as he was somewhat stablished/ he made the master of his palace, a mighty man and tyrannous of condition named Eboryn/ as shall appear by his conditions ensuing, when the time convenient of the expressement of them shall come. But of this Clotharius is left nothing in writing of worthy memory/ except that the French chronicle saith that he reigned four years.   

THE. CXXXVIII. Chapter.  
THeodoricus the second son of Clodoueus/ began his reign over the frenchmen, in the year of grace vi hundred lxvi/ and the xxx year of Cadwall than King of Brytons. The which by council of his Lords sent his younger brother Chylderych into the lordship of Austracy or Lorraine, to guide that country/ with the aid and assistance of wolphanus a noble man of the country. For Sigeberte last King of that province/ was before this time deed without heir of his body. This Theodorych gave him all to sloth & rest/ so that the governance of the realm was all in the power of the master of the palace, which was still continuing, the forenamed Eboryne. The which among other cruel deeds by him done/ he imprisoned the holy Bishop of Oston called Leodegayr. And lastly after many torments and vylanyes to him done/ he razed his eyen out of his head. This deed with many other to the kings dishonour he ●momysyd/ which all were laid to the Kings charge, for so much as the King kept most what his palace. Except the one season of the year in the month of may/ he should be brought with great pomp into a place where the people should behold him, and give and offer unto him gifts/ and return unto the palace that he was brought fro, and there to rest all the year following. By mean whereof Eboryn did what to him was liking/ and vexed and troubled the people grievously. Wherefore by one assent the Lords assembled them/ and by authority deprived the King of all dignity/ and closed him in a monastery, there to continue the residue of his life, when he had borne the name of a King without execution of the act thereunto belonging iii years/ and the cruel Eboryn they exiled to Luxon or Luxunborgh in the province of Burgoyne/ and not to depart thence upon pain of his life.   

THE. CXXXIX. Chapter.  
CHildericus or Hildericus the third son of Clodoueus, that was sent to rule the province of Austracy/ was ordained King of France in the year of grace vi hundred lxix & the xxxiii year of Cadwal before named. Of the which deed the said Lords shortly after repended them. For this Chylderych which was young and of light manners, oppressed his subjects grievously/ and used the laws of his progenitors after his pleasure and will/ & would nothing be advertised nor ruled by wolphanus before named, the which was before time assigned to him for his counsellor and guide. But in augmenting his malice/ he caused a noble man of his realm named Bolyde, without guilt or trespass or grievous offence doing, to be bounden to a stake, and there betyn till he yielded the spirit. For the which cruelty and other/ the Lords with the commons murmured sore again him, fearing like punyssyon without deserving. Wherefore they conspired against him, and most specially two noble men of birth & of might named Jugebert & Amabert. which two with other awaited their time & season when they might find time convenient to bring the King out of life. And upon a day when that King with his wife and small company with them, were in the wood in their disport and game/ the said two Lords accompanied purposely fell upon him & slew him there and his wife also great with child, the which ran between her lord and them, to the intent to have saved her lord and husband from the dint of the sword. The which deed was done when the said Childeriche had reigned over the frenchmen after most writers two years.   

THE. CXL. Chapter.  
THeodoricus before deposed/ was by the Lords of France again restored to his former dignity, in the year of our Lord vi hundred lx and xi/ and the xxxv year of Cadwall forenamed. Thereof when Eboryn was warned, he anon drew unto the kings presence. By whose favour & his own strength he was again restored to his former dignity & honour/ so that he was in like authority as he before time had been.  
Then he gathered to him great strength, and chased Lyndesyle then master of the palace unto a place named Boccavyle/ and shortly after was possessed of the kings treasury. After the which season, this Eboryn feigning love and amity unto the said Lyndesyle, traitorously slew him. And when Eboryne had thus delivered lindesyle/ he thought he might the better exercise his old tyranny and wilful acts. So that then he exiled diverse prelate's and men of the church/ and set in their places such as him liked. Whereof the nobles of France being advertised/ and specially Martyne and Pepyn two of the most nobles of the region: they called to them assistance to withstand the tyranny of Eboryne/ the which if it might be so suffered, should destroy the comonwele of the land. Then this pepin (which after the rehearsal before made in the. C. and xxxii chapter, should be the second of that name, and surnamed Uetulus and brevis/ also yet by convenience of the time to me it seemeth to be one man that ruled in the time of Dagobert and now, all be it the French chronicle meaneth two sundry persons) with the forenamed Martyne, assembled a great host, and gave battle unto the said Eboryn. But that was to their harm/ for the lost they field, and were coacted to flee, the one to the city of Laon, and that other to Austracye.  
And Eboryne which among used his accustomed treason, under dissimuled love slew the said Martyne, as he before had slain Lyndesyle.  
In this time flowered Harmefreditus a near kinsman of the holy Bishop Leodegayre, that Eboryn before had martyred, as before is showed. The which Harmefreditus bearing in mind the passion of his said kinsman/ waited his time, and slew the said Eboryne. After whose death dissension grew among the French men, for the admission of a master of the palace/ all be it that after the said variance one Graccon was chosen and admitted. But it was long after that Gyllomarus his son, put his father from the rule thereof. This after he had a while occupied/ he died of sudden death. After whom succeeded again his father Graccon or Garacon/ the which also died shortly after.  
Then began new questions among the nobles of France for this office/ so that lastly they chase a man of low birth and unmeet to that Rome named Bethayr or Barthayr. But pepin which by all this season was in the country of Austracy, and hard of the controversies and diverse opinions of the French men/ assembled to him a strong host, and sped him toward the King/ intending to have the rule of him, rather than such other that were of less authority and honour. Whereof the King being warned/ by the provision of Barthayer foresaid, he gathered his army and met with Pepyn. And after a sharp fight between both hosts had/ Barthayre was slain and the King chased/ and finally was forced to admit Pepyn for the master and governor of his palace. But for as much as Pepyn had then the rule of Austracy, and might not well oversee both charges/ he therefore purveyed under him a substitute named Nordobert, while he returned into Austracy or Lorraine. And shortly after died the King/ when he had borne the name thereof by the term of xix years/ leaving after him two sons named Clodoueus and Childebertus.   

Anglia. THE. CXL. Chapter.  
CAdwaladrus that of the reverent Beda is named Cedwalla/ began to arise and rule the Brytons and also the westsaxons, in the year of grace vi. hundred lxxx and three/ and the xii year of Theodoricus then King of France/ and also the last year of Kenewinus or Kentwinus then King of westsaxon. This of Gaufryde and other authors with the english chronicle is called the son of Cedwall. But wyllyam that wrote the acts & deeds of Kings saith, that he was the son of Kenebryght/ and descended lineally of the blood of Cerdicus the first King of the westsaxons. The which Cadwaladyr or Cedwalla made war upon Lotharius King of Kent, and destroyed much of that province/ and won the isle of wight, and gave the fourth part thereof unto saint wylfryde/ in the which said four part were accounted iii hundred households.  
The while that Calwaladyr was busied in one part of Kent/ his brother named Mulkyn with a certain of knights was besieged, and lastly brent in another part thereof. In revengement whereof, Cadwaladyr of new destroyed a more part of the said province.  
continuing the which war, Lotharius forenamed was wounded and died. After whom Edricus was King/ the which reigned but a short season.  
About this time saint Cuthbert was Bishop of Hogulstald or Durham/ & after Bishop of Lyndefarn. But lastly he refused that/ and became an anchor in the isle of Farne, and there died. This i'll now is called holy island.  
Then Cadwaladyr made war upon Athelwold King of South-Saxons or Southsex/ and slew him in plain battle, and after made his province thrall to him. But this agreeth not with the former saying rehearsed in the lxxx & xiiii chapter of this work preceding/ where it is said that the kingdom of South-Saxons endured but a hundred xii years. By which reason this Ethelwolde or Athelwolde should not at this season be King of South-Saxons. For the term of a hundred and xii years was expyrd more than lxxx and viii years before this day. But ye shall understand that this foresaid term of a hundred and xii years/ is meant for the continuance of this kingdom or they were subdued, and the Kings thereof named under Kings as this Ethelwold was.  
Then it followeth when Cadwaladyr had ruled the Brytons and also the westsaxons, by the term of three years, as witnesseth ranulph monk of Chester/ he then of pure devotion renounced the pomp and pride of the world, and yode in pilgrimage to Rome/ where of the first Sergius than pope, he was confirmed and after made a white monk, and continued there his life time in perfit holiness.  
Of this Cadwaladyr or Cedwalla many and divers opinions are written of authors, both of his reign and also of the continuance thereof/ and over that, of the time when he forsook his land. Wherein is great variance, as I have showed in the table in the beginning of this simple work. So that it should seem that these two names should sound to be sundry persons/ whereof the contrary is a certayned by the foresaid ranulph/ where as he sayeth that Cadwaladrus or Cedwalla was but one person, the which was last King of Britons and of westsaxons. Also for so much as they joined next unto Cambria or wales.  
If I should here bring in the cause of the avoiding of this land by Cadwaladyr, as is rehearsed by Gaufryde/ it would ask a long tract of time/ and also to me it appeareth the more doubtful, that it is not testified of the author of Policronycon/ considering the great number of authors, which he sought and alleged for his authority, as it showeth in the first chapter of his first book. And specially sins that holy Gyldas and Bede is among the said authors accounted/ the which did great diligence in searching of the deeds and acts of the Brytons/ and of the aungellis monition that to him was given/ with also the prophecy of Merlin, that the Brytons should not recover this land till the relics of Cadwaladyr with other of holy saints, were brought hither out of Rome. I hold that for no part of my believe though many welshmen it do. Wherefore to follow the most authority as before is said/ when this Cadwaladyr had reigned three years, he went to Rome/ & there lastly died, and was buried in the church of saint Peter, with this epythaphye or superscription upon his tomb, as followeth in metyr, 
Culmen opus sobolem pollencia regna triumphos,  
Eximias proceros moenia castra lares,  
Quaeque patrum virtus, & quae congesserat ipse.  
Cadwald armipotens, linquit amore dei.  The which verses may be englished in manner as followeth. 
worshipful riches, kindred, triumphs assured,  
Plenteous wealth, with clothes richly dyghte,  
Houses, castles, and towns strongly mured,  
And other honours which by his parents might/  
And his owns this martial virtuous knight,  
Cadwalde the strong, descended of kings blood,  
For Crystes love renounced all his good.  And thus here endeth the life & rule of the Brytons now called welshemen/ which took that name of their duke or leader as saith Guydo called wallo or Guallo/ or else of a Queen of wales named Galaes' or walaes. But how so the name came first to them, onws are they called Welsh men, that sometime were named Brytons or Brutons, descended first of Trojans, and after of Brute, & lastly of Dunwallo Moliuncius or Molmucius Dunwallo. All be it they were greatly mingled or meddled with other nations, as romans, Pictes, & other/ as by the reading of the premises ye may well perceive & know. And now be they english, that in their beginning were named Saxons or Anglis  
But yet for so much as Welshmen extol so hougely their blood & alliance, fetching it from Priam but not from Aeneas, & regarded so little the progeny or lynyall descent of the Saxons or Anglis: therefore to the intent to keel somewhat their high courage, or to oppnsse in ꝑty their brutish blastꝭ, I will bring in here the saying of Guydo & other, the advance the blood or dissent of the Saxons to be far above the Britons/ as they that are descended of gods & men immortal/ where the Britons claim the offspring to come of men they were mortal/ & not moste to be allowed in honour, if they think upon Aeneas' untruth and treason.  
Then to follow the foresaid author Guydo, that saith. Wooden, of whom the Saxons taken their original, was the son of Frealoffes the son of Fredewolfe, the son of Flyn, the son of Flokwald, the son of Geta, that was the son of Minos, that is next in honour to Pluto god of hell, and chief judge of his infernal jurisdiction.  
Therefore ye Welsh men here after nurture lere.  
And despise not Saxons that been to god so near.  
Thus then appeareth by the conveyance of this work, that the last or third year of Cadwaldyr was the year of grace vi hundred lxxx & vi. which maketh the year of the world .v. thousand viii hundred lxxx & .v. By which reason it appeareth, that the Britons had the rule of this land for the more party, to reckon from the first coming of the duke or leader Brute, by the space of a thousand viii hundred & xxii. Years.  
And thus here an end of the fift part of this work, for the consideration before rehearsed, that Briton Kings after this day, reigned none in this realm/ and the Saxons or Anglis began fully to have dominion thereof.  
wherefore as before time I have used and done in the other parties before specified, so now I here again salute and give thanks to that most excellent virgin our lady saint Mary, with the .v. joys of the forenamed seven joys, beginning. 

Gaude matter miserorum etc.   

Thou mother to wretches and other disconsolate,  
hail and be glad, for god of worlds all  
To them that here in this present state  
Done to the worship, he reward shall,  
With condign merit passing all temporal,  
In heaven to be stalled, with most felicity,  
Evermore to reign with thy son and the.   This .v. part to be accounted from the last year of the misery of Brytons, or the first year of Constantyne brother to King of Armorica/ unto the third or last year of Cadwaladyr, includyth of years. CCliii.   
Thus endeth the fift part.   

THE sext part.  
After that Cadwaladyr was thus departed the land/ as some authors mean, this land of britain was in great dyscensyon, by mean of the Brytons and Saxons, by the term of a xi years. And over that the mortality before spoken of increased so hugely, and therewith great hunger & famine over sprad the land/ that by occasion of one and other the people of this realm was wonderfully minished & lassed/ so ferforthly that as witnesseth Gaufryde & also the english chronicle, the quick bodies sufficed not to bury the deed. But in so much as of this speaketh not the munke of Chester nor other authors as before is showed in the foresaid table, the which I remit to the correction of such as be learned/ and not only to english readers as there is fortherly declared: I therefore, as before is said follow the said Ranulph munke of Chester/ where he saith that Jew or Ive was King of westsaxons next after the forenamed Cadwaladyr. The which I shall first show the story of, and so of the successors of him in that kingdom, for that that they subdued lastly all the other kyngedomes/ and somdeale touch of the other kingdoms or lordships as time convenyente shall require/ in expressing of the stories of the said westsaxon Kings, till the land be brought again to one monarchy.  
And for the division of the said kingdoms stand somedeal far asunder/ so that to the readers it were somewhat painful to search for everich of them: I therefore have set them out in the compass following, that it may appear to the reder the beginning of everich of them/ and how long a season or time either of the said kingdoms continued or endured/ the names also of every kingdom/ and in what part of this land every lordship was stablished for the time and set.  

THE. CXLI. Chapter.  
Ive or Jew descended of the blood of Saxons/ was ruler or King of westsaxons, next after that the forenamed Cadwaladyr had renounced the pomp of the world. The which to follow the opinion of Policronicon, began his reign the year of grace vi hundred lxxx & seven, and the xvi year of the second Theodoricus than King of France/ and ruled the westsaxons knightly, and maintained such war again the kentish Saxons, that the men of Dorobernia or Caunterbury granted unto him to have peace. And also for a recompensement of the death of mulking brother to Cadwaladyr before slain, as is showed in the preceding chapter by the said kentish Saxons/ they gave unto him for the said considerations three thousand pound.  
About the year of the reign of Ive/ the holy man Cutlake about the xxiiii year of his age, renounced the pomp and pride of this world/ and took the order of monks in the abbey of Repyndon. And the iii year after he went to Crowlande/ and there lad for the while an holy Ankers life, and did there many miracles, and there finally was buried.  
In which isle and place of his burying standeth now a fair abbey, the which for the great resort of gests that thither draweth, and for the good and friendly cheer that gests there receive and take/ the said place hath purchased a surname and is named Crowlande the courteous/ the which is a place of good fame. And there lieth also the holy confessor Neotus, sometime disciple of Erkenwalde bishop of London.  
In the xi year of the reign of Ive, befell the wonder and marvel that is told of Bryghtwaldus/ the which after he had been a long while ded, was restored to life again, and told many things of great wonder to many men/ whereby he caused great alms, and many other deeds of charity to be executed.  
And after the disposition of his own goods, by the agreement of his wife he went unto the abbey of Maylroos/ and there in great holiness continued the residue of his life.  
About the xvi year of the reign of Ive/ Etheldredus before minded in the. C. & xxxv. Chapter King of Mercia, forsook this worldly honour, and became a monk at Bardeney/ when he had long time ruled the men of Mercia or middle Anglys. His brother Kenredus was King after him/ the which also after he had reigned five years, left his kingdom unto Colredus the son of his uncle/ and he with Offa the son of Ive now King of westsaxons, and with Egwinus Bishop of wykcies or of wyke, which see is now at worceter/ with this foresaid company this Kenredus yode unto Rome in pilgrimage and there ended his life.  
And about the xviii year of the reign of Ive died the holy Bishop Aldelme, which first was monk and abbot of Malmesbury, and the last bishop. Of him it is written, that when he was stirred by his ghostly enemy to the sin of the flesh/ he to do the more torment to himself and of his body/ would hold within his bed by him a fair maiden, by so long time as he might say over the hole sauter/ all be it that such holiness is no article of saint Benettis' lore, your yet for diverse inconvenience most allowed by holy doctors. And among many of his virtuous & holy deeds/ Ranulph munke of Chester she with, that for the same of his holiness sprang wide, Sergius the first of that name being pope, sent for him to Rome. In which season of his there being/ the said Sergius was accused or defamed of the getting of a child, the which the ix day of the said child's age, was brought to holy Aldelme to be christened. By virtue of whose prayer, the said child answered unto certain questions, and cleared the pope of that crime that was before put upon him.  
near about the xxiii year of Ive/ Colredus then King of Mercia, for cause of variance between him and Ine unremembered of mine author, assembled his knights, and began to war upon him. Whereof the other having knowledge, in likewise gathered his power/ and lastly met to both their harms, at a place called wodynsburgth. where after long fight either of them sped so unhappily, that it was not known whether host had most damage.  
And near about the xxv year of Ive, as witnesseth holy Beda/ saint Johan of Beverlay that then was bishop of york, died/ and was buried in the porch of the minster of Deyrwood or Beverlay. Then Jew or Ive calling to mind the counsel of holy Aldelme, that beforetime had counseled him to build an abbey at Glastenbury/ began the said work about the xxxii year of his reign/ and founded there an abbey, the which continued prosperously till the coming of the Danis/ by whose cruelty it was then sore blemished. But afterward by the help of saint Dunstane, in the times of Edmond and Edgare, it was again sufficiently repaired, & so continued till the coming of the Normans/ after which season it was again beset with hard haps. But now at this day it standeth a place of great wealth and honour.  
Then it followeth, when Ive had ruled the westsaxons nobly by the term of xxxvii years/ by the assyduate labour of his holy wife Ethelburga, as she that long had laboured him to leave the world and could not bring about her purpose/ upon a season when the King and she had rested them in a fair palace richly behanged, and were upon the morn thence departed, she by her commandment caused the said palace to be replenished with all kind of filth and dung/ and hogs and vile beasts there in to be laid, as well in the chambers as other houses of office. And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed/ she besought the King to visit the said palace. And when she had brought him thereunto, she said to him: I pray you my Lord behold now this house. where are now the rich tappets and clothes of gold and of silk and other rich apparel that we left here this other day. And where be the delyces and pleasant seruytours and costly dishes, that you and I lately were served with. Be not all these passed and gone? My Lord in like manner shall we pass and suddenly, as ye see these worldly things been passed. And our bodies which now been delicately keeped/ shall fall and turn into filth of the earth. Wherefore have in mind my words that before this time to you I have often showed & told/ and busy you to purchase that palace the ever shall endure in joy without transmutation.  
By mean of these words & other/ the Queen turned so the Kings mind, that shortly after he resigned the governance of his kingdom unto Ethellardus his nephew/ & he for the love of christ took upon him the habit of a poor man/ and setting a part all pomp and pride of this world, accompanied him in the fellowship of poor men, and yode unto Rome in pilgrimage with great devotion, when he had been King of the westsaxons, as before is said xxxvii. Years. After whose departing the foresaid Etheldreda his wife went unto barking vii mylies from London/ where in the abbey before of Erkenwalde founded, she continued and ended an holy life, when she had been abbess of the same place a certain of tyme. It is said & testified of wyllyam writer of Kings, that this Ive was the first King that granted a penny of every fire house thorough this realm to be paid to the court of Rome, which at this day is called Rome stote or Peter pens, and yet is paid in many places of England. But why it was granted the cause is not here showed, how be it it shall be showed after.   

Francia. THE. CXLII. Chapter.  
Clodoveus the third of the name, & son of the second Theodoricus/ began his dominion over the realm of France, in the year of grace vi hundred lxxx and x/ and the third year of Ive then King of westsaxons. Of this Clodoueus is of writers left no manner of memory sounding to good or evil/ but Pepyn before named continued as master of the palace by all the time of the reign of the said Clodoueus. The which after that he had borne the name by the space of iii years, he died without issue/ and was buried by his father. By reason of whose death the said kingdom fell by succession unto his brother Childebert.   

THE. CXLIII. Chapter.  
CHildebertus the second son to Theodoryche, and brother of Clodoueus foresaid/ began his dominion over the realm of France, in the year of grace vi hundred lxxx and xiii/ and the vi year of Ive then King of westsaxons. In time of whose reign also the foresaid Pepyn continued as chief ruler of the kings house/ all be it the he for such other charge as he had of overseeing of the realm, set in his place a substitute or depute, as his son Grimonart and other.  
This pepin contrary to the law of the church/ held beside his lawful wife called Plectrude, a woman named Alpayd. For the which the holy bishop of Treet named Lamberte, blaming and rebuking the said Pepyn/ of the brother of the forenamed Alpayde, which is called Dodon or Dodoin, was slain & martyred, in the year of our Lord vi hundred lxxx and xii/ as testifieth Antoninus in the vi chapter of the xiii. Title of the second part of his work called summa Antonini. And as affirmeth the said Antoninus & also the French chronicle/ the said Pepyn received of the said Alpayde a son, whom he named charles/ which charles was after surnamed Marcellus, & was right profitable to the realm of France, as after shall appear.  
Of the foresaid King Chyldebert is nothing left in writing worthy memory/ except that he received of his wife a son named Dagobert/ and kept the name of a King by the term of xvii years, as saith the chronicle in French/ and than died/ and was buried in the abbey of Caus in the church or chapel of saint Stephan.   

THE. CXLIIII. Chapter  
DAgobertus the second of that name, and son of Chyldebert before named/ began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of grace vii hundred and x/ & the xxiii of Ive than King of westsaxons. The which was under the rule of Plectrude the wife of Pepyn than deed, and of Theodowald than master of the palace. This Plectrude as before is showed was stepmother to charles son of Pepyn and of Alpayde, wherefore she bearing malice to the said charles, caused him to be holden as prisoner within Coleyne, where he so as prisoner remaining/ the foresaid Theoldowalde exercised such tyrannies, and put upon the people such exactions, the dyscensyon grew between him and the Lords of France, so that divers conflyctes and skirmishes were had among the nobles of France/ for parties were taken upon either sides, whereby the kings party at length was wicked. And finally the said Theoldowalde was deprived of his room/ and one Rangafredus was made master of the palace. The which being accompanied with convenient strength/ took with him the King, and conveyed him thorough the forest of Charbonnur, till he came unto the river of Mensae. In the which pastime the forenamed charles being, as above is said prisoner/ by favour of his keepers or otherwise, broke prison and escaped. And shortly after died the King/ when he had reigned or borne the name of a King as other of his progenitors had done, by the term of xi years/ leaving after him neither child, as than knowing, nor near of a lie/ which was cause of misorder of the title of France, as afterward shall appear.   

THE. CXLV. Chapter.  
DAnyell that of the Frenchmen was after named Chilperich was by assent of them made King, in the year of grace vii hundred and xxi/ and the xxxiiii year of Ive than King of westsaxons.  
Thus as testifieth Master Robert Gagwyne and also the French chronicle, was a pressed or clerk/ and for his wisdom was cherished before time in the Kings palace/ in the which time and season he suffered his crown to be over grown. Or else after Antoninus, this Danyell after the death of Dagobert, for so much as he left after him none of the royal blood/ the frenchmen supposing him to be apt for the rule of the land, for such experience as before time in him had be proved/ kept him secret a certain of time till his heir was fully grown/ and than declared him to be the brother of Dagobert, and changed his name/ and called him Chylperych/ & so by one assent admitted him for King of France.  
Charles before spoken of son of Pepyn, being escaped the danger of prisonment/ sought and compassed by all manner of ways, how he might obtain the room that sometime his father occupied. And this to bring to effect/ he purchased to him a youngling of fair & goodly manners & stature named Clothayre, and said that he was descended of the royal blood of France/ by mean whereof in short time he gathered to him great strength. Whereof hearing Chylperych/ commanded Rangafrede to assemble his knights to withstand the purpose of charles. And soon after both hosts met, near unto the forenamed river of Mensae/ where was fought a strong and cruel battle/ of the which Rangafrede was victor, and compelled Charles to forsake the field. But he shortly afterward assembled and gathered again together all such as before were disparaged/ and fought eft with the said Rangafrede at a Place called Ablane. Of the which battle with great difficulty charles was lastly wyctour/ and chased Rangafrede, and his host greatly demynysshed & lassed. Than thirdly these two hosts met in a field called the wine field/ where also was present the said Danyell or Chilperych having in his aid among other Princes the duke of Gascoigne/ and there fought a sore & cruel battle. Whereof lastly was victor the said charles/ and constrained the King with the said duke to i'll unto orleans. where they taking with them such treasure as belonged to the King/ fled from thence unto the duchy of Gascoigne.  
when charles conceived that the King was escaped his danger, & knew that Raganfrede was in the city of aungiens'/ he sped him thither in all haste: and compassed the city with so strong a siege, that finally he obtained the city with all that was therein. But it was not long after that charles showed unto raganfrede such benevolence, that he was set at his liberty and freedom.  
The next year following the duke of Gascoyn before minded, having perfit information by ambassade or otherwise/ that charles enriched to make sharp & cruel war upon the Gascoynes, for that that they favoured and kept with them Danyell or Chilperych/ he in avoiding the said danger of war, in short time after sent unto charles, under certain conditions between them agreed, the said Chylperyche/ with all such treasure & jewels as to him or the crown of France belonged.  
In this pastime & season died the forenamed Clothayre, that Charles before had made King. Wherefore to the more restfulnesse of the realm, he allowed the forenamed Chylperyche for King/ and he as master of the Kings palace, as other his predecessors, ruled the land of France. Than charles having thus the rule and governance/ ruled it well and substantially, and defended it from all enemies during the life of the said Chylperyche. And after the which/ Chylperych when he had continued as King by the term of v. years died/ and was buried, as saith the French chronicle in the city of Noen or Noyen/ without issue of his body.   

Anglia. THE. CXLVI. Chapter.  
EThelardus the nephew of Ive/ began his reign over the westsaxons, in the year of grace vii hundred and xxiiii/ & the third year of Danyell otherwise called Chylperyche than King of France. This after some writers is named Etheldredus.  
In the time of his reign, Ofricus as King reigned in Northumberlande/ to whom holy Beda wrote the story called historia Anglicana/ or more verily to his successor Colwoifus. Of the which Beda and of his works ranulph munke of Chester showeth a compedyous process, in the xxiii chapter of his .v. book called Policronycon.  
The foresaid Ofricus is named in the english chronicle Osbryght/ of the which in the said chronicle is rehearsed a long work. But for I see no author of authority affirm the same/ I therefore in this work pass it over.  
It should appear also by the meaning of Polycronycon, that about this time died Etheldredus before touched King of Mercia/ the which when he had long time ruled that country, he lastly renounced the pomp of this world, & was shorn a monk at Bardony.  
Of the foresaid Ethelarde King of westsaxon, is left no memory of any acts or deeds by him done. But as agree many writers, he died when he had reigned .v. years, without issue of his body.  
And in northumberland after the forenamed Ofricus, reigned Colwolphus/ after whom Egbertus/ & after whom Oswolph/ and after Oswolphe reigned Ethelbald or Ethelwalde. All be it that divers authors of these names of Kings & continuance of their reigns so diversly & sundryly report & write.   

Francia. THE. CXLVII. Chapter.  
THeodoricus, the which of Master Robert Gagwyne is allowed to be the son of the second Dagobert/ began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of grace vii hundred and xxvi/ and the second year of Ethelardus than King of westsaxons. The which was from his young and tender age fostered and nourished in a house of nonnys in woman's clothing/ and lastly espied, and by consent of charles master of the palace admitted for King.  
After the which solemnity finished/ charles hearing of the rebellion of a people called the swevys or Swetesers/ assembled an host, & lastly them subdued. Which done/ he turned him toward an other part of the Almains, and in like wise overcame them/ and after returned into France with great triumph and riches, that he had won at those two journeys.  
It was not long afterward, that charles had thus subdued the foresaid people of Almaigne, with also a great part of Germany/ but that tiding came to him, that Endo duke of Gascoigne rebelled again the King of France. Wherefore he in all goodly haste prepared his army, and sped him into Gascoigne/ where he made so cruel war, that he in short time damaged greatly the country/ and held the duke Endo so strait, that he was compelled to hide him in secret places of the country/ where after great search he might not be found, wherefore he setting the country in some restfulnesse, returned him into France.  
when Endo was sure of the return of charles into France/ for so much as he had proved the martial knighthood of him, and knew well he might not himself withstand his knightly power/ he therefore allied him with the King of Spain than being a pagan or miscreant and named Abyderamus, and excited and stirred him to make war upon the land of France/ promising to him not all only victory, but also that land to him and to his heirs for ever. Upon comfort of which promise, and also aid of the said Endo/ this forenamed Arbyderamus thrysting christian man's blood, and intending utter desolation and destruction of the realm of France/ assembled an exceeding host of people, and with their wives children and cattle entered the land of France. And what they won, they enjoyed it as their own. And so in process came unto the city of Bordeaux/ the which after a certain time of the cytesens defended, the said miscreants won into their possession, and destroyed the people thereof, with all their churches and temples of the same. And from thence passing the country in wasting it with iron and with fire, lastly came unto Poitiers. Which city as before ye have hard in the story of the first Dagoberte in the. C. and xxxii chapter, was by him subverted/ and at this day newly re-edified.  
This city also of them possessed/ they in like manner as they had dalte with Bordeaux, so did they with this/ not sparing that holy place of saint hylary, but did unto it great shame & villainy. And from thence they yode unto Towers/ wasting and slaying the people without mercy by all the way that they passed, and wasted that city as they had done the other.  
In the which pastime charles hearing of the cruelty of this Arbideramus/ assembled his power, and shortly met with him near unto Towers. where he bore him so knightly/ that he slew of the Pagans to exceeding a number to be accordant with reason. But for I see it testified of so many writers it boldeth me to express the number/ which was iii hundred four score and .v. thousand and odd. And of the frenchmen were slain but xu hundred only.  
For the which victorious act/ the said charles obtained a surname, and was called after that day Carolus Martellus, the which is to mean Charles the hamer. For like as the hamer maketh all metals pliable/ so charles made his foes or enemies pliable to his hestis. And as the hamer cutteth, breaketh, or dysseveryth iron and other hard metals/ so did this charles dysmember & cut or break the enemies of France through his high prowess.  
It is showed in the books called Cronica cronicarum, Supplementum cronicarum, Policronica, and other/ that this victory was obtained by Charlis of the Saracens, but not as inhabytauns or incolers of Spain/ but that they were issued out of Africa, and then warred and had won great countries in Spain. The which is more accordant with histories. For in the plegys' or rehersayllies of the names of Kings of Spain, I find no King of that name. Then it followeth in the story/ when Charlis martel had thus obtained victory, he commanded all the pillage to be brought to one place. That done, he divided it among his knights. And shortly after Endo knowledging his offence, and seeking means of mercy/ was again restored to the land of Gascoigne.   

THE. CXLVIII. Chapter.  
Charles' martel having the duke of Gascoigne thus reconciled/ sent him with a certain of knights again the rest of the said saracens/ the which by his manhood he oppressed and subdued, and clearly voided the land of them. Then soon upon this began the burgonions to rebel/ and made sharp war upon the frenchmen next adjoinant to them, and did unto the country and inhabitants of the same great harm. The which war/ the said martel that therein took great pain, not without great pain, lastly it appeased and them subdued.  
In time of the which war so continuing/ Endo before rehearsed duke of Gascoigne died. Wherefore Charlis to set that province in an order and due obeisance, yode thither. where he being busied about the needs of the same/ tidings to him were brought that the wandalies which been of the kind or lineage of the Hunys before touched, had entered the land with an huge power and in wasting the country, approached the city of Senons or Sens, and it environed or beclipped with a strong siege. But by the virtue and strength of the Archbishop of the city named Ebe, ebb, or Obbo, with the assistance of the citizens of the same/ the said city was defended and delivered from the power of the said wandalys/ & the power of them abated and subdued.  
For these manifold incursions and assaults of enymyes, and rebellion of the countries that were subject to the crown of France/ the treasure of France, & specially of the temporal people was sore minished and wasted. Wherefore in defence of all the land/ Charlis martel made request to the spiritual men/ & with great difficulty had it granted, that he might levy certain dymys to wage therewith soldiers, & prepare other necessaries for the war. This after the opinion of some writers, was the first time that every spiritual man's money within the realm was occupied to temporal use. Wherefore as it is reported of diverse cronyclars/ the said Charlis when he was ded, was seen by the bishop of orleans named Ethereus, to be in great pain and torment.  
Then Charlis moved his host toward the burgonions, that again were of new stirred and exhorted by diverse persons to new rebellion. And after his coming thither, did execution upon such persons as he found culpable/ and not without battle, set the country again in quiet/ & then returned into France.  
But he rested not long there, or he hard word that the Almains, which dwelled over or beyond the river called the Ryne/ broke over in to France. These people are named in the French book Sesues/ the which did great damage upon the countries adjoining to the said river. But it was not long after, or he had them chased and subdued/ with all so another people called the Hunis or goths, that he before had also vanquished. The which after this second scomfyture/ they assocyat unto them the King of Longobardes' named Luytprandus. By whose assistance and power, the foresaid Gothis won the city of Auygnon and other strong holds, to the great hurt of the French men.  
And for at this season Charlis was grieved with sickness/ he therefore sent his brother named Chyldebert to withstand the said enymyes/ the which bore him so manfully, that he chased the said enymyes.  
But this saying dyscordyth with other authors, which shown that between this Charlis and Luytprandus was continual amity & friendship/ in so much that Luytprandus aided & assisted the said Charlis to avoid the Saracens that were entered a country of France called then Gallia cisalpina.  
In this time that France was thus wrapped in these hard haps and batayllies/ died the King Theodoricus, when he had occupied the name only of a King xiiii years.   

Anglia. THE. CXLIX. Chapter.  
CUtbertus the nephew of Ethelardus/ began his reign over the westsaxons, in the year of grace vii hundred & xxix/ and the third year of the second Theodoricus than King of France. In time of whose reign Colwolphus reigned in Northumberland/ to whom as before in the story of Ethelarde is touched, holy Beda wrote the story called Historia Anglicana. About the ii year of the reign of this Cutberte appeared in the firmament ii blazing starrys or ii starris with crests/ & cast as it were brenning brands toward the north.  
And about the vi year of the reign of Cuthbert died the foresaid holy Beda/ the which in his time made & wrote lxxviii books, over and beside his manifold works of virtue that he used by all his life tyme. It is told of him, that in his later days when he was blind, he was brought by the fraud of his leader unto a great heap of stonies/ the which his leader showed to him was an assemble of men and women, that were thither common to hear him preach the word of god. Then he thinking his report to be true/ anon with great devotion began there a collation. And thereof when he came to the end the stonies by divine power, in likeness of a great multitude of people said Amen/ or after the saying of Antoninus, Deo gratias.  
He was so noble of learning and excellent in cunning/ that the first Sergius pope of Rome sent for him to assoil qnstyons there made in the Pope's university. Also his cunning is apparent in the books which he wrote super Genesim, super Thobiam, super Esdriam, super Neemiam, with other, which would ask a long tract of time to rehearse, with also the omelies made upon the gospels/ but I pass over▪ when he was deed/ he was buried at the abbey of Gyruy/ all be it the comyning is that he resteth now with saint Cuthbert of Durham. About the ix year of this Kings reign/ the holy virgin saint Fredeswide died. Of her it is said, for villainy that to her should have been done, by a King in Oxynford/ that Kings of England at the seasons sins have spared to enter that town for dread of mishap. who so will know the circumstance of the matter, and the holiness of her life/ let him search the works of holy Gyldas, where he shall be sufficiently informed.  
Soon after this time and season/ Colwolphus King of Northumberland when he had reigned viii years, he resigned his dominion to his cousin Egbertus/ and was shorn a monk in the abbey of Geruy, or after some writers in the abbey of Lyndesar or holy island.  
Thus for as much as little is showed of the dediss of Cuthbert King of westsaxons, therefore I have made the more rehearsal of other things done in his tyme. For of him is nothing left in writing worthy to be remembered or minded/ saving that he often and many times made war upon Ethelwalde King of Mercia and sped therein diversly/ & lastly died when he had reigned after most writers xvi years.   

Francia. THE. CXLIX. Chapter.  
HIldericus or Childericus the second of that name, & son of Theodoricus/ began his reign over the Frenshemen in the year of our lords incarnation vii hundred and xl/ and the xi year of Cutbertus then King of westsaxons. Of the which for his dullness and his other enormities in him exercised/ little or no thing of his acts or deeds are put in memory.  
ye have before in the story of Theodoryche, hard of the puissant and strong deeds of Charlis martel/ the which still during his life, continued in great honour, to the great surety of the realm of France, and to the great terror and fere of their enemy's/ whereof to rehearse all the circumstance it would occupy a long tyme. wherefore shortly to conclude/ lastly after his manifold travayllies sustained for the weal of the realm of France, he died/ leaving after him three sons, that is to wit Charlemagne, Pepyn, and Gryffon/ to the which he bequeathed his possessions and goods. But for the youngest named griffon held him not contented with such bequest as his father to him gave/ he therefore made war upon his other two brethren. The which behaved them so wisely/ that without notable battle, they took their said brother, and put him in a safe keeping. And that done/ the said two brethren assembled their knights, and sped them again Hanualde duke of Guyan, then rebelling again the crown of France. The which duke with the country, they brought under their first obeisance. After the which victory of the said country obtained, the said two brethren sped them to the city of Poytyers, where they by advise of the nobles of the land, considering the unableness of Hilderyche the King, that he was unsufficient to rule so great a charge/ divided the land of France between them. So that either of them should under the King, rule and govern such portion as then there was to them appointed.  
After the which portion Charlmayne hearing of the division and strife among the Almains/ as thing belonging to his charge, sped him thither in all haste. And after a part of that country wasted and spoiled/ and diverse of their strong Holdies cast plain with the earth/ he brought them to due subjection.  
And soon after he went again the bavaries/ the which by his knightly strength, he appeased in likewise. In all which time and season/ Pepyn his brother was occupied in defending of the other parties of France.  
Then this foresaid Charlmayne stirred by divine inspiration, or as some authors mean, as he before time had avowed/ suddenly renounced and gave over all worldly prosperity and dominion, and with pure devotion yode to Rome. where of the pope then named zacharias/ he with all honour and joy was received, and of him shorn a monk, and dwelled a season in an abbey of himself builded in the mount Sarapte. But for he saw that daily drew to him many great Lords of France/ by mean whereof he was let from his divine service and contemplation: he therefore yode thence to the mount Cassyne, & there ended his natural life.  
After whose thus departing or giving over of the said Charlemagne/ Pepyn as only ruler, took upon him the charge of the hole realm.  
In this pass time Gryffon the younger brother was enlarged from prison/ and by favour of his brethren was assigned to such possessions, as to him was deemed sufficient to lead an honourable life.  
How be it when he saw that his brother Pepyn had all the rule and he nothing: he disdained his said brother/ and thought no longer to continue in that manner, but to be partner of the rule of the land as Charlemagne his brother had been. And this to bring to his purpose, he fled unto the Saxons, which as after shall appear were named Normans. And with the Prince of them made alliance/ so that with their aid he moved war again his brother, and assembled a strong host. Whereof Pepyn being warned, gathered his people/ and passing thorough came to the river of Sunaha, or after the Latin tongue Smussaha/ and Gryffon sped him till he came to a river called Onacre.  
when these ii hosts were thus near, means of treaty were sought on both parties. During which communication/ Gryffon having susspection to the Saxons that were on his part, lest they would betray him and yield him into the hands of his brother, made for that time a sleight agreement/ and shortly after departed from the said Saxons, and fled to the bavaries or into Bayon. where he allyeng him with diverse nobles and barons of France/ vexed and distourbed sore the duke and Lord of that country called Tassylon/ and lastly diseased him of that lordship. Whereof Pepyn being warned, sped him thither with great strength/ and so bore him that he had the better of his brother, and restored the said Tassylon unto his right/ & after returned into France, leading with him his brother griffon as his prisoner.  
But ye was not long after, that by mediators the said griffon was reconciled to his brother. And for he should be content & have no more cause to vary with his brother, there was assigned to him, as witnesseth the french chronicle and other, xii. erldomes with in the realm of France. With the which bounteous gift he not being content/ the selfsame year fled unto the duke of Guyan named Gayffer/ and with him newly conspired again his said brother. But lastly he was there slain as after shall appear.  
Pepyn then considering in his mind in what danger and trouble his father before him had ruled the land, & he now for his time in like agony and trouble/ and the King, to whom belonged all the charge, kept his palace & followed all his delights and pleasures, without taking of any pain/ wherefore considering the premisses, & for a reformation of the same: sent his ambassade to the pope then being zachary before named, asking his advise, whether it was more necessary or welfull for the realm of France that he should be admitted for King that did nothing but apply his mind to all pleasure of his body, without cure or charge taking upon him for the guiding of the land and the people of the same/ or he that took upon him all the charge and pain, in defence of the land, and keeping of the people in due subjection. To this the pope answered and wrote unto Pepyn, that he was best worthy and most profitable for the realm to be admitted for King, that ruled well the commonalty by justice and prudence, and the enymyes thereof defendyth and subdueth by his policy and manhood. The which answer thus received from the pope, and declared unto the Lords and barons of the realm: anon they of one assent and mind proceeded and went to the deposing and putting down of their King and governor Hylderyche. And in short space after closed him in a monastery or house of religion, when he had been occupier of a kings room by the name only ten years. And that done, the French men elected and chase Pepyn for their sovereign and King.  
In the which Hilderyche or Childerych ended the life or progeny of Meroneus/ of whom the French Kings lineally descended by continuance of time as followeth.  
Meroneus. 
x. years.  Childericus 
xxiiii. Years.  Clodoveus 
thirty. Years.  Dagobertus 
xiiii. Years.  Clodoveus 
xvi. Years.  Clotharius 
iiii. Years.  Theodoricus 
three years.  Childericus 
two. Years.  Lotharius 
l. years.  Chilpericus 
xxiiii. Years.  Lotharius 
xliii. Years.  Clodoveus 
iii. years.  Childebertus 
xvii. Years.  Dagobertus 
xi. Years.  Danyel 
v. years.  Theodoricus 
xiiii. Years.  Theodoricus 
nineteen. Years  Hildericus 
x. years    

Anglia. THE. CL. chapter.  
SIgebertus or Sigbertus the cousin of Cuthbert last King of the westsaxons/ began his reign over the said Saxons, in the years of the incarnation of christ vii hundred and xlv/ and the .v. year of Hildericus then King of France. He was cruel and tyrannous to his subjects/ & turned their laws and customs of his fore fathers after his own will and pleasure. And for the one of the noble men of his dominion somedeal sharply advertised him to change his manners, and to behave him more prudently toward his people/ he therefore maliciously caused him to be put to cruel death.  
About this time Egbertus, after the younger wylfryde, was made archbishop of york. The which brought again thither the pall that his predecessors had foregone, sins the time that the first Paulinus had left that see and fled to Rochester in Kent, and there left the said pall. This Egbert was brother unto Egbert King of Northumberland/ by whose assistance and comfort, he did many things for the weal of the see, & made there a noble library.  
Then it followeth, for so much as the King Sygebert continued in his malice & cruel conditions/ his subjects conspired again him, and put him from all kingly dignity. So that he fell after to great desolation & misery/ in such wise that he was founden after in a wood or desolate place wandering alone without comfort. where he being so founden by a swine herd or villain, some time belonging to the Earl Combranꝰ that he before time wickedly had slain/ in avengement of his said Lords death slew him in the said place. which said Sigebertus was thus deprived from all honour/ when he after most writers had reigned or tyrannysed ii years.   

THE. CLI. Chapter.  
KEnulphus of the line or blood of Cerdicus first King of westsaxons/ began his dominion over the said westsaxons in the year of grace vii hundred & xlviii/ and the seven. Year of Hildericus then King of France. The virtue of this man passed his fame. For after he had with the agreement of the westsaxons deprived Sygebert their King from his authority and regally/ he first appeased divers murmurs and grudgiss that kindled among his subjects/ & set his lordship in great quietness and rest touching their civil discord.  
About the viii year of the reign of this Kenulphus/ Offa slew a tyrant named Beoruredus, that before had slain Ethelwald King of Mercia. After whose death the said Offa as nephew to the said Ethelwald, reigned as King of that province. Of this Offa is told many notable deeds, whereof somewhat I intend to show. He had war with the Northumbres, & then for a time subdued. He also had war with Etheldrede King of east Angles/ and with Egbert otherwise called Pren King of Kent. Whom he took prisoner, and led him bounden with him into Mercia.  
Then after these victories, Offa builded the church of wychcom. In time of the which building, in presence of xiii bishops and many other great estates/ King Offa enlarged the said Egbert of imprisonment. In token whereof the people being there present/ made such an exclamation of joy and gladness, that the church thereof range.  
This King Offa had such displeasure unto the citizens of Caunterburye/ that he removed the archishops see by the agreement of the first Adryane than pope, unto lichfield. He also chased the Brytons or welshmen into Wales/ & made a famous dyke between wales and the utter bonds of Mercia or middle England/ the which to this day is named Offedyche. And after he builded there a church, which long time after was called Offekyrke. This Offa also by angelical inspiration, translated the holy protomartyr saint Albone/ and was first founder of that famous monastery over that holy body. The which sins the first foundation hath by sundry times been perished and hurt by Danies & other/ and newly sins that time re-edified. This holy Albon was martyred as before appeareth in the lxvii chapter and story of Constantius, about the year of our Lord two hundred lxxx and xvii By which reason he should lie or he were translated, over four hundred and lx. Years. This Offa also married one of his daughters to Bryghtricus that was King of westsaxons. And for that in his time was variance between him and the French men, that passage of merchants was foreboden: therefore he sent that famous doctor Anselmus unto Charlis the great than King of France, to common the means of a peace. Which Charlis had after this Anselmus in such favour/ that he became his disciple.  
Then return we to Kenelphus'/ that which before time had had often war with Offa, and with him many conflicts, and lastly agreed. About the xi year of this Kenelphus/ Egbert King of Northumbres renounced his kingly dignity, and became a monk.  
And lastly the said Offa, when he had reigned over Mercia xxxix years, as saith Guydo/ he left the kingdom to his son also named Kenelphus, and yode to Rome.  
And this Kenulphus King of westsaxon/ kept strongly his lordship again the power of all his enymyes, & had his subjects in due order of obedience. Lastly Kenulph was surprised with the love of a woman that he kept at Merton/ and haunted her more secretly than stood with his honour. Whereof having knowledge a kinsman of Sygebert late King, intending to revenge the deposing of his kynnesman/ awaited the time, and beset the house where Kenulphe & his paramour was smally accompanied. But so soon as Kenulph had espied his enymyes/ he serte upon them, which as saith Policronicon were lxxx in number, and fought with them a long while. But in the end he was slain of Clyto or Clyton his enemy.  
It was not long after or word sprang of the kings death. Wherefore Offricus then being master of the kings knights/ took with him a certain of the said chyvalry, & pursued upon the said murderers/ & lastly encountered with them, and slew the said Clyto their captain with the more part of his company. And that done he returned to Merton/ and there took the corpse of Kenulphe, and with great solemnity conveyed it unto winchester/ where it was with all reverence interred/ when he had ruled the westsaxons (all be it that of him the english chronicle maketh no mention) xxxi years.   

Francia. THE. Clii chapter.  
PIpinus the second son of Charlis martel, began his reign over the frenchmen, in the year of grace vii hundred and l/ & the second year of Kenulphus then King of westsaxons. This as before ye have hard, was elected to that honour, by assent of Pope zachary, & the consent of the nobles of France/ and after he was confirmed of the second Stephan, when he sat after as Pope.  
The first year of his reign/ the Saxons otherwise called Danies or normannies, began to war upon him. The which he encountered at the river of Isayr/ and them knightly overcame, and chased and brought them finally under his subjection. And in his returning into the country of France/ word was brought to him of the death of his brother Gryffon/ the which as before is said fled unto Gayferus duke of Guyan, and there held him to the end for to have caused the people of guian to have rebelled, and to make war again his brother Pepyn. Whereof when some of them considered the malicious and unstable conditions of him/ in avoiding more danger, that to their country by his means might ensue, they fell suddenly upon him and slew him.  
when Pepyn was returned into France/ he by the advise of Remigius then bishop of Rouen, amended the state of the church/ and caused gods service to be song, that before time had been with little devotion and reverence done and uttered. And other spiritual things that before were misordered/ he caused them to be set in a better form. And shortly after Stephan above named, confirmed this pepin and his heirs for Kings of France/ and of him axed aid and assistance to withstand the power of Aystulphus then King of Longobardes'/ the which then warred upon certain lands belonging unto the church of Rome. The which kenge Pepyn to him with good will granted/ & the beginning of the next year following, with a great host entered the bounds of Italy/ and in the same made sharp and cruel war. In defence whereof the said Aystulphus made his best provision/ and defended the straits and mountains, by the which the French men should have further entry into his land/ and there gave unto his enymyes a strong fight. All be it he with his people was forced to give back/ & for his refuge took the city of poppy. Whereof Pepyn having information/ beclipped the said city with a strong siege. when Aystulphus had a season defended his city/ & saw by experience daily his enemies increase, & his power minish and feeble/ in avoiding of extreme danger, he sought means of peace/ and in such wise pursued the same, that he finally had peace to him granted/ upon condition that he by a day limited, should restore to the pope all right to his church belonging, that he or any for him held or before time had wytholden/ with other things concerning the said peace. And for the performance of the said conditions/ he delivered immediately good hostages and pledges. After which peace thus substantially confirmed/ Pepyn with his host with great triumph returned into France.  
But not withstanding this assured peace, by the confirmation of oath and other circumstance before showed/ the next year following he trusting upon better fortune of war, denied and revoked all his former grants/ and refused to do as before he had fyrmyly promised. For this unstableness and untruth to remedy/ the pope of new made request unto Pepyn. The which without long tarrying resembled his knights, & made good sped toward Italy/ & not without danger passed the mountains/ and finally besieged Aystulphus within the foresaid city of Papy. By mean whereof he lastly was constrained to restore certain cities and other possessions that before time he had taken from the pope.  
After the which agreement ended and perfected/ within a short term the said Aistulphus being in his disport of huntynge, fell from his horse or with his horse. By violence whereof he was so brosyd, that he died shortly after/ when he had ruled the langobards, Lumbardys, or italians viii years.  
After this victory thus obtained by Pepyn/ the Lords and Princes that dwelled about him, feared and dread him, and sought to him for alliance & amity. Among the which Tassylon duke of Bayon before spoken of, that newly had conspired again him/ yielded him to the King, and became his true lyege man/ and swore to him and to his two sons feawte.  
But the Saxons, which in the French book are named Soysons/ could never hold them content without dystorbing of the frenchmen. Wherefore King pepin assembled a great host and made toward them, and had with them diverse conflicts and battles. So that at length they were driven to ask peace/ upon condition that yearly after they should yield unto the King of France iii. hundred good horses in way of tribute.  
And that done he returned into France/ and immediately after ordained by the advise of his council a court or counceyle/ the which at this day is called the parliament of France, and is like unto the court of requests now at this day holden in England. How be it that of much greater resort of people, and therewith very delayous/ in so much that as I have heard credible persons say/ some one matter hath hanged there in disputation over twenty years. The which parliament at this day is kept at Paris, at Rouen, and other two places of the land. And for judges of this council or parliament, is deputed of the kings cost in every place where it is kept an hundred persons, what of one and what of an other.  
Than it followeth, Gayfer duke of Guyan before minded/ of will more than of reason, set a tribute or imposition upon the spiritual lands within his land without agreement of the clergy. Wherefore the bishops for a redress and remedy complained them unto King Pepyn. Then pepin sent unto him/ monesting him in fair and goodly manner, that he should eschew and forbear such doing. And for the duke would not abstain for the kings commandment/ he in short while assembled his army, and entered the territory of Guyan/ in wasting and spoiling the country. And in so short while after put the duke in such fere, that he was fain to apply him to the Kings mind and pleasure/ and bound him to restore to the clergy all that he had before taken by extort power. But when the said duke was assured of the Kings return into France/ he gathered a strength of knights, and sent them to the city of Chalours in Burgoyne/ and did that he could or might to the damage of that town and country. In which season the King was at the town or city called Dury/ whither and to the which town tidings were brought to him of the untrue dealing of this foresaid duke. where with he being sore discontent/ returned with his people into Guyan and therein beat down many strong Holdies & castlellies/ and took or won at length bourbon, Cancaruyle, and Cleremount/ and from thence wasting the country with iron and fire, yode till he came to Lymoges. And for the winter came on hand/ the King for the ease and safeguard of his people, strengthed these foresaid cities, towns, and holds, that he before had won/ and than yode to a place called Cause or Caus, & there kept his crystmasse and ester. And when the new season was come/ not forgetting his former purpose, re-entered the foresaid duchy of Guyan, in wasting the land as he before had done/ and after took by strength the cities of Burgies and towers. In which season and time the duke would never apere in plain field, but kept him in strong holds/ & as one was won, he fled into another.  
This war thus continuing/ the country and people were sore empoverysshed. Wherefore they lastly considering the obstinacy of their duke/ with also the great danger which they stood in: murdered their said duke/ and after yielded them & the country to the kings obeisance, with all such treasure and jewels as to the said duke belonged/ where of Pepyn offered a great part of them unto saint Denys.  
This war thus ended, with many other notable works whereof the rehearsal in order would ask a long tract of time: this victorious Prince Pepyn was vexed with grievous sickness. Wherefore in all haste he sped him unto saint Martynes, where he made certain oblations and prayers/ and thence his sickness increasing, was conveyed unto Paris/ where he shortly after died, when he had reigned as King by the term of xviii years/ leaving after him ii sons, that is for to say Charle main and charles.   

THE. CLIIII. Chapter.  
CArolomanus and charles sons of Pepyn/ begun their reign jointly over the Frenchmen, in the year of our Lord vii hundred lxviii/ and the twenty year of Kenulphe than King of westesaxons/ so that Charlemagne had to his part middle France, and charles had Austracy with the other deal of France.  
Of the elder brother Charlemagne little is left in memory/ for he died when he had reigned little over ii years. Wherefore to charles fell the hole realm of France/ the which of all the nobles was joyously admitted.  
It was not long after/ Hunyldies whom pepin by his life had ordained ruler of Guyan, rebelled again the King, wherefore charles prepared anon his army, and sped him thither/ and in process of time constrained the said Hunyldus to forsake the country, and for his tuition to flee unto Lupus than duke of Gascoigne, wherefore charles being advertised, sent his message to the said Lupus/ willing & commanding him that he in speedy manner, should send to him his rebel Hunyldus, or else he would with his army invade & spoil his people and country. Upon resceyt of which message, Lupus by council condescended to the kings pleasure/ so that he caused Hunyldus to submit him unto the kings grace and mercy. Wherewith the King was so well contented, that upon assurance taken of the said Hunyldus, that there after he should be of good abearing toward the King/ he clearly forgave unto him all his former offence. And after he had set that country in a rule and order/ he returned into France. where to him soon after came an ambassade from the first Adryan than pope/ requiring him of aid again Desyderius than King of Longobardys/ the which than had taken from the church of Rome many cities and other possessions.  
Than charles accepting the Pope's request/ or he began any war again the said Desyderius, sent unto him an ambassade/ willing and requiring him in all honourable wise to restore unto the church of Rome, all such possessions as he from the same church before time had taken and yet withheld/ and also to refrain him from all such war as he daily made upon the lands of the said church. But for he saw no fruit ensue of the message/ he made provision for all thing needful to such a journey. And shortly after passed the mountains, not all without battle/ and in process constrained Desyderius to take the city of Uercyle. where after he had refreshed his italians/ he gave unto the frenchmen a sharp and cruel battle. But in the end, Desyderius was compelled to forsake the field, and fled after to the forenamed city of Papy/ where he kept him as after shall appear a long while.  
And for to show you somewhat of the foresaid battle/ ye shall understand that for the great occysyon of men that there was slain/ the place was called long after Mortaria, that is to mean in our vulgar or mother tongue the place of death. In this fight were slain among other two knights greatly famed, amiss and Amylyon/ of whom some fables are reported, because they were so like of semblant.  
These two knights as witnesseth the French story and also Antoninus/ were brought up in the court of the foresaid Charles, and with him well cherished/ and finally here slain and buried after some writers in the two chappellies, which in the foresaid place were builded to pray for the great multitude of the souls of these knights that there were slain. But who that is desirous to know the hole life of those two foresaid knights/ let him oversee the third chapter of the xiiii title of Antoninus/ and he shall there find a compendious and goodly story/ the which for length I overpass and return my style again to charles. The which when he was ware that Desyderius had taken this city of Papy/ and it greatly strengthed both with men and victual, in such wise that he well understood that it might not be shortly won: he therefore laid about it a strong siege with the oversight of sure and wise captains/ and after yode to Rome to visit the holy apostles Peter and Poule, and also to speak with the pope for divers matters. where he tarried a great part of the winter following, and after returned unto Papy/ which as yet was not delivered nor given up.  
But it was not long after his return that the city was won/ wherein was take as prisoner the said Desyderius with his wife and children. The which to make short process, he at length forced him to restore unto the pope all such possessions as he before time had taken from his church/ and added more there unto, the two cities of Spoletys' and benevent. And finally deprived him of all kingly honour, and lad him as prisoner into France/ and as a prisoner or exile from his natural country kept him at the city of lions, as witnesseth Cronica cronicarum, Jacobus Philippus, and other. And after by agreement the pope gave that kingdom unto Pypynus his son/ the which continued so in the French men's rule and possession, over the term of two hundred years.  
For this victorious deed thus obtained by Charlis/ the forenamed pope granted unto him many great privileges. Among the number whereof, one was that no pope during the life of charles, should be in no wise elected or chosen till there came from him a commandment to go to that election. And also he granted unto him investiture of benefices spiritual. Which grants and privileges were confirmed and authorized in a synod of an hundredth and liii bishops, kept in France by commandment of the foresaid Adryan.  
Of this charles long and tedious it were to tell the hole of his acts and deeds. Wherefore I intend to touch but a part of them/ and for the other deal I remit to them that have further desire of knowledge, unto the books of Turpyn and Egyveaux chaplain to the said charles/ or else to the said bishop Turpyn, which wrote a long work of his virtuous deeds.   

THE. CLV. Chapter.  
THis charles marcyall after his return into France/ without there long tarrying sped him again to the forenamed people called Soysons or Saxons, which newly rebelled/ and warred sharply upon them, and fought with them sundry battles. Among the which two been specially noted/ whereof that one was fought at a place called Onacre, and that other at the river of Esam or Hesayre. By which two battles the Saxons lost much of their people, and were so sore feblysshed that they were fain shortly after to put them in the mercy of charles. By reason whereof he bond them unto certain laws and ordinances/ whereof specially one as principal of them, was that they from that day forth, should renounce and forsake their worshipping of idols and false gods, and believe in the faith of Crystes church, with many other. For the performing of the which covenants/ the King took of them good pledges & hostages. And more over to the end to minish & make less their strength/ he chase out of them ten thousand of the most apt men for the wars, and conveyed them with him into France. And after he had clothed them with the mantel of baptism/ taking of them assured oath to be true to him and to his heirs: he after inhabited them in divers places of his realm. Of the which people, as affirmeth mine author, descended the flemings and Brabanders. And thus ended the war of the Saxons or Soysons, that had continued by the term of many years passed.  
And forthwith by assent and advise of his council/ he prepared all abilymentes and ordinance of war, to go again the Hunys that then had won great ground in Spain. And for to bring this war to the more effectual end/ he chase xii peries, which after some writers are called dozeperies or Kings. Of the which vi. were bishops & vi temporal Lords. Of the which bishops three were named dukes, which were archbyshops/ & iii earls, which were bishops. Of the temporal Lords three were dukes and three earls/ that is to say the duke of Burgoyne, the duke of Neustria or Normandy, and the duke of Guyan/ & for iii earls, the Earl of Palantyne, the Earl of Tholons, and the Earl of champain. Of that which also some writers affirm, that the famous knights Rowland and Oliver were ii/ as Roland Earl of Palantyne. & Oliver Earl of toulouse. when Charlis had prepared all things necessary to this great journey/ he first made his pilgrimage unto saint Denys, and there offered rich great gifts, and after proceeded toward his journey/ and first besieged the city called Pampilona/ the which after iii months he subdued to his obeisance. This city stood in the entry of Spain in the mountains called montes Pyreni. After the obtaining of which city, and by miracle of saint jamys as saith Antoninus/ Charlis commanded all such as to Crystes faith would be converted, should be saved/ & the other to pass by sentence of the sword. And after he had won the first city he wan all the country adjoining to the same/ by reason whereof he cast great fere unto the myscreantis/ and wan by his strength and by appointment (so that they became his tributaries) these countries and provinces hereafter ensuing/ that is to say as witnesseth Uyncent historyall, Antoninus, and other the land of Laudeluffe, the land of Pardis, the land of Castyll, the land of Maurys, the province of navarre, the country of Portyngall, the land of Byscaye, & the land of Palarge/ and destroyed in them all idollis and builded in them churches and monasteries/ and brought the more party of them to Crystes religion. And most specially the church of saint jamys he builded in Compostella with sumptuous cost/ & gave there unto great possessions, to the maintaining of the divine service of god and the ministers of the same. And over that with the treasure that he gate in these foresaid countries/ he builded many diverse churches, as well in other places as there.  
Long it were to tell all the circumstance of this viage and victories of the same. Wherefore I pass over. And when charles had sped his nedys'/ he had good will to return into France. In the which return Carlis casting no dought nor apparel/ by the treason of Gavelon a knight or ruler of Gascoyn/ the which gavelon had received of a paynim King named Marsyll, great & rich gifts for to betray the host of Charlis, was deceived as after showeth. This gavelon the better to compass and bring to effect his purpose/ advised Charlis with a certain of his people to pass the port of Cesayre, and to leave behind him in the rearward Roland & Oliver with twenty thousand of the residue of his host. And when the King was passed with his host/ he gave warning unto the forenamed Marsyll and other, that they should close the said rowland in the place called Rouncevale. The which according to that false counsel/ with an host of lx thousand or more, beclipped rowland and his people on every side, and there fell upon the christian men and slew them without mercy or pity. In the which fight, not withstanding the great slaughter that they made of the sarazens/ finally was there slain the said rowland, Oliver, and many of the nobles of France. But this gavelon scaped not without punishment. For he was after taken/ and with other to him condescending, were put to most cruel death at the city of Aquisgrany.  
Of this great victory of Charlis in subduing of spain/ be divers opinions. For the French chronicle and Antoninus agreen, that it should be after that Charlis was ennoynted Emperor of Rome. But Master Robert Gaywyn and other say, that it was before he was Emperor.  
Thus this victorious Prince returning into France, subdued than after diverse countries, as Gallia Narbonensis, Campania or champain, and beneventana, and other/ which of one mind had rebelled again him.  
About the xxxi year of his reign as most writers agre/ certain persons of Italy conspired again Leo the iii then Pope of Rome, and him ungodly entreated. But he lastly escaping their danger/ came unto Charlis, and required him of his comfort and aid/ whereof he was not dangerous. But when he had well searched, and understood that the pope had sustained wrong/ he with all diligence sped him thither. And after he had subdued the Pope's enemies/ he restored the said pope to his former dignity. For the which deed and other that he had done for the defence of the church of Rome/ he was by the said pope Leo or Leon sacred or anointed Emperor of Rome.   

THE. CLVI. Chapter.  
CHarlis then thus sacred as Emperor, in the year of our lord viii hundred and one/ when he had accomplished his needs for the weal of the church and the pope, he then with great gifts returned into France.  
In this time or soon after as witnesseth the French chronicle, landed in France the famous clerks Alcinnus or Albinus, Rabanus, & Johannes, and other of the disciples of Beda. The which Charlis received with great honour/ and by their counsels instituted and ordained first the school of Paris, and an other at Papia in Italy before minded. Wherefore it should seem that the said Alcinnus was not sent for any entreatyse of peace between the two realms of France and great britain, as in the story of Kenulphus before is showed.  
After this time and season many great and noble dediss were done by this said Charlis, and by his sons and capitains under him, and by his commandment.  
And for the parsonage of so noble a Prince should be had in mind/ therefore diverse authors testify that he was fair & welfaring of body, and stern of look & of face. His body was viii. foot long/ & his arms & legs well lengthened & strengthened after the proportion of the body. His face of a span breed/ & his beard very long. Of his strength wonders are told. He would at one meal eat an hole hare or two hens, or a hole goose, or like quantity of other meet/ & drink there to a little wine mingled with water.  
Among his other notable dediss, he made a bridge over the river of Ryne of .v. hundred pace long, by the city of Magunce. And he builded as witnesseth Antoninus and other/ as many abbeys or monasteries as there been letters in the cross row of the A.B.C.  
And in the front of either of the said abbeys, after the time of their foundation / he pight or set a letter of gold of the value of an hundred pound turnoys, which is near to the value of English money now current twenty mark. For a pound turnoys is much like ii s.viii. s.viii. d. starling/ and a pound Parysyen is near upon xl d. starling. But it standeth at no certainty, for hyghting & lowing of their coins.  
He also builded or new re-edified the city of Aquisgrany/ & endowed the church of our lady there with many great gifts and precious relics, which yet remain there to this day/ in which city and near about, he used much to abide & lie. And for his great deeds & victories/ he deserved to be named Charlis the great. And for all his great might and honour/ yet that not wythstanding he was meek and lowly in heart, and mild & gracious to the poor, and merciful to wretches & needy/ & set his sons to learn, as well letters as martial & knightly featies. And his daughter he set to spinning & will work. And he was expert in all spechies/ so that he needed none interpreters to explain or express to him the message of strange ambassadors. And in the time of his dinner or meals/ he used to have red before him lessons and pistles/ and specially of the works of saint austin de civitate dei. In him was nothing to be discommended/ but that he held his daughter so long unmarried.  
This noble man Charlis iii years before his death/ he had peace with all countries, as well such as were obeissant unto the empire, as such as longed to his dominion of France. In the time of rest among other goodly & virtuous deeds, he made his testament/ & distributed his temporal movable goods in iii ꝑtes. Whereof two part he gave to the maintaining of Bishops and other ministers of the church, and for the reparation of churches & necessaries to the same, and to the maintaining of the divine service of god, with also aid and feeding of poor & needy people/ and the third part to his children and other of his ally.  
ye shall understand, this Charlis had in his treasury specially noted before his other jewels, iiii. tables or boards/ whereof three were of silver and the fourth of gold. In one was graven the likeness of the city of Constantyne the noble, the which he bequath to the church of Romen. In an other was graven or wrought the lykenysse of the city of Rome/ & that he gave to the Bishop of reins and to his church. And the third table of silver, wherein was graven the mappa mundi/ and the fourth of gold he gave to his sons.  
Many things there were and causys of the exalting of the fame of this Prince. But among other one is specially remembered of mine author Gagwyne/ that the King of percy then ruling a great part of the Orient/ sent unto Charlis an ambassad honourable with many rich presentis. Among the which was an horologe of a clock of Latin of a wonder artyfycyall making, that at every our of the day and night when the said clock should strike, images on horse back appeared out of sundry places, and after departed again by mean of certain vices.  
He sent to him also tents of rich silk and balm natural, with certain Olyfauntys'/ requiring him of amity and friendship. And in like wise did the Emperor of Constantyne the noble/ all be it thathe in his mind was not well contented, that the pope had in the wise divided the empire, and set such a man of might in the room thereof.  
This Charlis had divers wives. But of the second named Eldegard he received iii sons/ that is to say Lewis, Pepyn, & Charlis/ the which pepin he made King of langobards or Italy, as before is showed.  
Of this great conqueror what should I hold longer process? For like as I before showed/ of his notable deeds might I make a great volume, if I should of them show the clearness, and the circumstance of every conquest that he in his time achieved. But death that is to all persones equal/ lastly took him in his dim dance, when he had been King of France with his brother & alone xlvii years. Of the which he ruled the empire as before is showeth xiiii years, in the year of his age as say the French chronicles lxxii/ and was buried at Aquisgrany with great pomp, in the year of our lords incarnation viii hundred and xu with this superscription upon his tomb.  
Caroli Magne christianissimi imperatoris Romanorum corpus, sub hoc sepulchro conditum est. which may be englished as followeth.  
Of Charlis the great and Emperor most christian.  
Of Rome, the body is hid this tomb within.  
Of the forenamed sons of charles survived the eldest Lewis by name/ and the other two Pepin & charles died, before their father.   

Anglia. THE. CLVII. Chapter.  
BRigthricus of the blood of Cerdicus first King of westsaxons descended/ began his reign over the said Saxons, in year of our Lord vii hundred and lxxviii/ and the ten year of Charlis the great than King of France.  
This before time had married one of the daughters of Offa King of Mercia, as before is touched/ by whose aid and power he put out of his rule Egbert the son of Alcumundus/ the which Egbert at that day was an under King or ruler in the lordship of westsaxon, which Egbert was descended of the blood of the holy Genulphus/ of whom some part of the story is declared in the xxv chapter of the .v. book of Policronica. And after he was thus of Brigthricus expulsed/ he sailed into France, and there exercised himself in featies of war with the knights of charles court, during the life of the said Brigthricus.  
About the ii year of this Brigthricus, was seen in great britain a wonder sight. For suddenly as men walked in the street/ crossys like unto blood fell upon their clothes, and blood fell from heaven like drops of rain.  
This after some expositors/ betokened the coming of the Danes into this land, the which entered shortly after. For as witnesseth Polycronica, about the ix year of Brigthricus the Danies first entered this land. In defence whereof/ this said King sent forth his steward of household with a small company, which shortly was slain. But by the strength of Brygthricus and the other Kings of Saxons/ they were compelled to void the land for that time and season.  
Brigthricus thus well & knightly ruling his land/ his wife named Ethelburga not with him contented as she ought to be, sought diverse ways and means how she might bring her Lord out of life/ so that finally she poisoned him with many other of his household meinie. Wherefore she fearing punishment, fled into France/ and by such friendship as she there had, was well cherished in Charlis court surnamed the great.  
Of her it is told, that when he had had some information of the unstableness of this woman's conditions/ he at that season being a wydowar, upon a season in passing of the time with her/ said, now I put to your choice whither ye will have me unto your wedded Lord, or else my son standing here in your presence. And him that you chose/ him shall you have and enjoy for your husband. But she chase the son and left the father. Then said the King/ if thou hadst chosen me, thou shouldest have had my son. But for thou haste forsaken me thou shalt have neither of us. And after he closed her in an abbey, where in process a lewd man kept with her such company, that she was voided that place/ and after demeaned her so viciously, that in process of tynie she fell in such poverty, that she died in great penury and misery. For the which miss demeanour of this woman, that she had innaturally slain her Lord and husband/ the King of Anglis and specially of westsaxons, would not suffer the wives to be called suevys/ nor yet suffer them to set by them in places of great honour or kingly seat by a long time after. Thus as before is showed by the empoisoning of his own wife, died the King Brigthricus/ when he had ruled the westsaxons after most concord of writers by the term of xvii years.   

THE. CLVIII. Chapter.  
EGbertus the son of Alcumundꝰ as before is showed/ began his reign over the westsaxons in the year of grace vii hundred lxxx and xv/ and the xxvii year of Charlis the great than King of France. This as before is said was driven out of the land of Britain by the strength of Brigthricus. But he having knowledge of his death/ sped out of France, and in so knightly wise him demeaned, that he obtained the regiment and governance of the above said King.  
Bernulphus King of Mercia had this Egbert in derision/ and made thereof diverse scoffies & iaping rhymes, that which he sustained for a time. But when he was somedeal stablished, and had proved the minds and hartis of his subjects/ he lastly assembled his knights, and gave to him a battle in a place called Elyndome, in the province of Hampton. And all be it that in that fight was great diversity of number, as vi or viii. Again one/ yet Egbert had the victory. For his knights were lean, megre, pale, and long breathed, so that they might endure to fight. But Bernulphus knights were fat, corpulent, & short breathed/ so that they were soon overcome with sweat and short labour.  
Here is to be noted, that after the death of Offa King of Mercia or middle England (of whom somewhat is touched in the story of Kenulphus) reigned his son Egfertus/ & after Egfertus reigned Kenulfus or Kēwolfus the which Kenwolphus was father to the holy martyr Kenelm, & to ii fair virgins Ouindred and Burgenulda or Ermenilda. And after Kenwolfus suceeded the foresaid Kenelm/ and after Kenelm reigned Colwolphus/ and after him succeeded Bernulphus before named.  
Then to return again to Egbert/ the which when he had as before is said overcome Bernulphus, he seized that lordship into his hand. And that done, he made war upon the kentish Saxons/ and at length in like wise of them obtained victory. And as witnesseth Polycronica, he also subdued the northumbries/ and caused the Kings of these three kingdoms to live under him as tributaries or joined them to his kingdom as testifieth the author of the flower of histories.  
This Egbert also wan from the Brytons or walshemen the town of Chester, that they had kept possession of till that day. For the which victories thus by him obtained/ he shortly after called a counsel of his Lords at winchester/ and there by their advysies crowned him King and cheese Lord of this land, that to fore this day is called britain/ and sent then out into all costs of this land his commandments and commissions, charging straightly that from that day forthward, the Saxons should be called Angles/ & the land Anglia.  
About the xxiiii year of the reign of Egbert, which should be the year of our lord as meaneth Policronica viii. hundred and xix Kenelmus before minded the son of Kenwolfus, was admitted for King of Mercia, being then a child of the age of vii years. The which by treason of his sister Ouendreda was slain in a thick wood, by a tyrant called Hesbertus/ and his body after found by a pillar of the son beam, or of light divine that shone from his body toward heaven. It is also red of him, that a coluer bore a scroll written in english then used/ and let it fall from her upon the altar of saint Peter in Rome/ whereof the words were these. At cleanse in Cowbacch, Kenelm Kenebern lieth under thorn hewed bewevyd. Which is to mean in english now used: at Clent in Cow vale under a thorn, lieth Kenelmus heedless slain by fraud.  
when this holy body was found, and was borne toward the place of his sepulture/ his forenamed sister intending some derision or other villainy to be done to the corpse, leaned out of a window where by the corpse should pass. And to bring her malicious purpose about, I note by what sorcery she meant/ there she red the psalm of the Sauter/ beginning Deus laudem, bacward, But what so her intent was/ she there incontinently fell blind, and her eyen distilled drops of blood, that fell upon the Sauter book. The which in token of god's wretch, in that book remain at this day to be seen. Of the holiness of this martyr & of his virtue, the legend of saints reportyth the surplusage.  
In the xxix year of the reign of Egbert, or after the english chronicle Edbryght/ the Danies with a great host entered the second time this land, and spoiled the isle of Shepey in Kent or near to kent. Whereof hearing the King Egbert/ assembled his people, and met with them at a place called Carrum. But he wan of that fight little worship/ for the Danies compelled him and his knights to forsake the field. And by presumption of the victory they drew westward/ and made a confederey with West Brytons that lived in servage. By whose power they assailed Egbertus lands, and did much harm in many Placies of his dominion and else where/ so that after this day they were continually abiding in one place of the realm of England or other, till the time of hard Kynytus last King of the Danies blood/ so that many of them were married to English women, and many that now been or in time passed were called english men, are descended of them. And all be it that they were many and sundry times driven out of that land, and chased from one country to another, as after ye shall here: yet that not withstanding they ever gathered new strengths and power/ so that they abode still within the land.  
Of the King of these Danies, and of what people they be descended, diverse opinions of writers there be/ which now I pass over, for so much as I intend to show somewhat of them in this work following.  
Then it followeth in the story/ the time continuing of the persecution of these foresaid Pagans and Danes, Egbert or Edbryght died/ when he had well and nobly ruled the westsaxons and other the more part of England, by the term after most writers of xxxvii years/ and was buried at wynchester as saith Guydo, and left after him a son named Athenulphus.   

Francia. THE. Clix chapter.  
Lodovicus the first of that name, and son of Charlis the great/ began his reign over the realm of France, & also his empire over the Romans, in the year of grace viii hundred and xv/ and the twenty year of Egbertus then King of westsaxons. This for his meekness was called Lewis the mild or meek.  
In time of his father's decease he was occupied in Guyan/ the which he before time had the rule and dominion of by commandment of his father. But when he was advertised of his father's death, he anon sped him toward Aquisgrani/ so that the xxx day after his departing out of Guyan he came unto the foresaid city, where he was met with all the nobles and barons of France. And first or he meddled or took upon him any cure or charge of his own business/ he with most devotion caused great observances and much divine service to be done about the sepulture of his father, which observance & prayers finished and ended/ the said Lewes commanded to come before him diverse ambassadors, that from diverse Princes were sent unto his father Charlis, and to them gave answers concerning their legations and messagiss/ and then proceeded unto the needs of his realm for the weal thereof and of his people.  
wherein he being busied/ word was brought to him of an ambassad royal, that was comen from Michael the Emperor of Constantyne the noble. Again the which he sent certain of his Lords to receive them/ and so with all honour to bring them unto his presence. Of whose coming the intent was, to present him with certain rich gifts, and to desire him of his amity and friendship.  
Also soon after came unto him messengers from the Beneventanies/ offering unto his magnificence obligations and bonds to be his true lieges, and to pay to him yearly in way of tribute vi thousand ducats of gold. A ducat is of sundry valuys/ but the lest in value is iii s. iii. d. ob, and the best four s. seven. d.  
Then the Soysons or Saxons that were so diverse of condition/ began to murmur and rebel again this Louis. Wherefore or he would assemble any people again them/ he sent thither certain persons to know the cause of their rebellion. And when he was informed, that it was for the taking away from them of certain lands and possessions by his father/ he then restored again the said lands/ and so reconciled the country to his subjection. For this deed some of his Lords grudged/ and said such mildness was not to be used to people of such obstinacy and sternness/ but to have forced them by dint of sword to have lived in due obedience.  
In this pastime died pope Stephan the fourth of that name/ after whose death was elected to that dignity the first Paschal, without consent or knowledge of this Louis, & somedeal to the dyscontenting of his mind & pleasure. But in short time after he received such words and presents from the said pope, that he was well satisfied and pleased. And for at those days in France was used of priests and men of the church precious and showing vesture, and golden and rich staring girdles, with rings and other ornaments of gold/ the said Louis purchased of the pope a correction for all such as used such disordinate apparel/ and caused them to use and were brown & sad colours, according to their honours and sadness.  
This Louis had three sons, that is to say Lothayre, whom he made fellow of the empire/ Pepyn the second, whom he made duke of Guyan/ and Louis the third, to whom he betook the rule of Bayton. To this youngest son word was brought, that bernard a ruler in Italy had assembled a great power/ & with the aids of two other captains named jylies and Reyner, the which Charlis the great by his life greatly favoured/ occupied the strengthies of the mountains, and intended to keep the country of italy from the subjection of his father the Emperor. Whereof he giving his father knowledge/ strong power was gathered, as well by the father as by Lothayre his son, and sped them toward the mountains. But when the said bernard was ware of the emperors coming with so great a strength/ and considered his lack of power to maintain his purpose/ with also the great mercy and pity that he knew to be in the Emperor: he submitted him holy to his grace and mercy, and discovered to him the authors of that rebellion/ the which this Louis caused under safe keeping to be had unto the city of Aquisgrany. The which rebels were the Bishop of milan, the Bishop of Cremoun, and the bishop of orleans.  
The King passed all the winter following at the foresaid city/ and lastly caused to be brought before him the foresaid transgressors, & examined the circumstance of the foresaid treason, and after remitted them to the rigour of allows/ where by process they were condemned to death as many of them as were temporal men.  
Then the Emperor having compassion of the forenamed bernard, for so much as he was the son of Pepyn last King of Italy, and his near kinsman/ transmuted the sentence of death unto perpetuity of prison and losing of his sight. But for the said bernard, Reyner, and other, chase rather to die than to live in prison with that deformity/ they passed by dint of the sword, & were beheaded within or near to the said city of Aquisgrani. And the said bishops were deprived of their dygnyteys & put into private houses of religion.  
And while this Lewis was occupied in little britain, in subduing of that country/ Lothayre the eldest son of this Lewis was sent to rule the lands of the empire. where he bore him right nobly, and executed divers acts for the weal of the empire. But in this season ii friends of his father and his/ were for certain crimes to them put, most cruelly condemned to vile death with in the city of Rome. Whereof hearing Lothayre than being at the city of Papy, sent word thereof to his father in all hasty wise/ the which was like to have turned the pope to great trouble, if he by politic and wise means had not shortly pacified the matter. That one of the foresaid two persons so condemned was scribe to the pope, and that other was Donar.  
ye shall understand that this Lewis had two wives/ by the first he had the forenamed three sons, and of the second he received a son and named him charles/ the which when he came to man's stature, was surnamed charles the bold. He loved entirely this charles, & would often kiss him in the presence of his brethren. For the which they envy their said brother/ and also disdained their father as here after shall appear.  
Thus in process of time Lewis gave unto this charles the country of Neustria or Normandy/ the which caused great dissension among the brethren/ and also for this and other causes, Lotharius took party again his father.   

THE. CLX. Chapter.  
This second wife of Lewis was named Indith/ the which was accused to the pope to be within such degree of alliance to her husband, that she might not lawfully continue his wife. Wherefore contrary to the will of Levys, by the labour of some bishops & other Lords of France, she was divorced from him/ and put into a house of nonnys, and there straightly kept.  
But Lewis for a time sustained this injuries, to the end that he might know whither his sons favoured the cause or not. But in process of time when he had experience of his friends/ and of his sons/ he than assembled to him a strong host, and recovered his wife malgre to all his enemies. For the which deed Lothayre, with divers of the Barons of France, assembled their people/ and intended to deprive Lewis from all imperial and kingly dignity. Wherefore Lewis fearing his son and his assistants/ & also for the intent that he might assemble the strength of the empire: he yode unto Magunce. And after he had purveyed and garnished his retinue/ he returned toward France, and met with some of his enemies and them subdued/ and so kept on his journey till he came to Aquysgrany, where he rested him and his people.  
Thus continuing this dissension/ the sons sent writing to the pope than being named Gregory the fourth, requiring him of aid and council to devise a concord and peace between their father and them.  
At whose request/ and for to cause a natural charity to be quickened between the father & his iii sons/ he came in his proper person into France, and endeavoured him to the uttermost of his wits to agree to the said parties. In the time of this entreaty made by the pope/ I can not say for what cause, many of the Lords/ on the party of Louis forsook him, and fled to the sons party/ so that the Emperor was in great fear of himself, & of his parson. When Lewis had seen his friends thus in time of his need refuse & flee from him, and left him in great fear and danger of strangers he than thought better for him to put himself under the Rule and tuytion of his own children, than to abide the doubt of the said strangers. Wherefore he sent unto his said sons/ requiring them to provide for his safeguard and assuring of his person, and that he were not there oppressed or murdered. And within short space after this message sent to them without answer of them again received, he road toward them smally accompanied. where of than Lothayre and his brother having warning in all homble wise encountered him, and received him upon their knees/ and so conveyed him with all reverence unto their pavilion or tent. And after for a beginning of a peace to be stablished between him and them/ he to satisfy their minds, refused the forenamed Indith, and closed her in a place of religion called Torton, as testifieth mine author Master Robert Gagwyne. But the French book saith that this deed was done by frederic bishop or Utryke/ where fore he was after piteously slain by such as favoured the Queen/ and not all without her consent, as witnesseth the said chronicle.  
And when Lewis had in this & other things agreed unto his sons/ and thought himself to be in surety of their amity and favours: suddenly he was conveyed unto the monastery of saint Medrid/ or as saith the French book he was conveyed to a town called in French Melanguy, with his young son charles. And that done/ the said three sons divided their father's possessions among them three. That is to say Lothayre the eldest, had to his portion the lands of the empire/ Pepyn, the country of Guyan/ and to Lewis the youngest, fell the country of Bayon.  
which misery of the Emperor when the pope had beholden & seen/ he with great morning returned into July & so unto Rome. In which time of prysonement of the Emperor the said Lewis made dyteys & pystelles of great sorrow and lamentation, to the ensample of all earthly princes/ and to the intent that his sons should of him have the more compassion and pity. The which I over pass for length of time/ and the rather, for in time of prysonement of Edward the second called Carnarvan was by him made a like complaint/ where of when time & place cometh, I intend to express some part thereof.  
when Lewis had thus a season remained in prison/ for so much as the commons should not think that this should be done by the authority of the three sons only: therefore they caused a counsel to be called at the city of Compeyne/ & there by their means and labours caused their father by authority of spiritual & temporal lords, to be discharged of all rule and dominion, as well of the empire as of the realm of France, by authority of the said counsel or parliament/ and after caused him to renounce all his temporal habit, and to become a monk in the monastery of saint Matke/ where he was left of his son Lothayre, not with out sure watch and keeping.  
But full often it is seen, that when the earthly power of man faylyth or wekyth/ god of his great mercy the repentant sinner to grace calleth, & him by his divine power aideth and strengtheth/ and so he did this Lewis. For after this misery and tribulation thus to him fallen/ the people in diverse Placies of this land murmured and grudged very sore, again the innaturall dealing of the sons again their father.  
In these days was a great ruler in France named Guyllyam, & steward or constable of that land/ the which with one Egebard or Edgare a man of great birth and alliance, counseled together for the enlarging of the Emperor. And lastly with aid of their friends assembled a great people. And than drew unto them ii noble men of Burgoyne called barnard and Gueryn, the which sometime had been well cherished with the Emperor Lewis.  
All this season Lothayre had rested him for the more party at Aquysgrany. But when he hard of the assembling of these foresaid Lords, he sped him toward Paris. And when he was thither comen/ the foresaid Lords sent unto him two noble men rowland and Gantelyne/ the which made request unto Lothayre in the name of the other Lords, that it would like him to restore his father unto his former dignity/ with other things concerning their legation. To the which two Lords Lothayre gave answer, that of his fathers restoring to his first or former dignity, no man living would be thereof more fain than he would. But the deposing of him was done by the hole authority of the land. Wherefore if he should be again restored/ it must be by the same authority, and not by him only. All be it that they might know of his benevolence and favour that he bore toward his father/ he willed them to stand a part, while he had some communication of his Lords for the same matter. By reason whereof were it for fere or for favour/ the Emperor was shortly after put at his liberty, and restored to all his first honour and dignity/ & than with great honour conveyed to a city or town called Ciriciake, where met with him his other two sons Pepyn and Lewis/ and there rested him certain days in making all feast and joy/ and after road unto Aquysgrany, and there rested an other season.  
In which time of his there being/ was brought unto him from the place where she had been prisoner, his wife Indyth. But when Lotharius knew that his father had her again received contrary to his mind and pleasure/ he in wrath & displeasure entered the country of Burgoyne/ & made in it sharp and cruel war, & executed therein many spoylynges and other inordynate deeds. The which cruelty to withstand & let/ his father with his son Pepyn with a great host sped him thither ward. But anon as he had knowledge thereof/ mystrusting his strength, he yielded him unto his father's grace and mercy/ whom the meek father received and forgave to him his trespass.  
And after that of him and diverse of his Lords he had taken assured oaths and other sureties/ he than sent the said Lothayre into Italy with a certain number of knights, to defend the country from danger of enemies, and strengthing of the straits and mountains.  
And that with other things ordered and done for the weal of his realm/ Lewis than took upon him to ride about his land, to th'intent that he might be somewhat informed of the rule of his officers/ and how the countries were ruled by the rulers of them. And where he found any misgovernance/ he punished the executors thereof, as well the bishops as other, as far as his authority in that behalf stretched.  
Than Indith considering the Emperor fell into great age/ and her son and his Charlis by name, had as yet no sufficient lands nor possessions to maintain any estate with: she compassed many ways in her mind, how she might achieve her intent, and to bring it to good purpose. where finally by council of her friends, to the end to purchase the love and favour of Lothayre/ she axed of her Lord and husband, that the said Lothayre might be tutor and guider of his young son Charles. Of this request the Emperor was very glad, and granted her, her petition. And so it fell soon after, certain messengers came to the Emperor from Lothayre his son. To the which when Lewis had given answer to such matters as they were sent fore, and given unto them other instructions/ he sent them forth again, and with them certain other to will his said son to come unto him in as goodly wise as he might. But at that season he excused him by sickness/ and when he was recovered he feigned an other excuse.  
In this mean time word was brougth to the Emperor, that his son Lothayre had grieved the church of Rome/ and take from it certain possessions. Wherewith Lewis being before amoved, sent unto his son/ commanding him in sharp words, that he should have in mind the oath before by him made/ & that he should in exchewing his displeasure, make restitution of all things that he before had taken from the church/ the which commandment Lothayre promised to obey in all wise. And where Lewis was determined to have gone unto Rome, to have seen the said promise fulfilled/ & also to have spoken with the pope for divers matters needful for the church: he was let by occasion of Danes or Normannes, that than had newly invaded the lands of France/ the which he shortly after expelled and drove out of his lands.  
And that done, the Emperor yode unto Aquysgrany/ where by the friends of Indith & other of the nobles of France, the Emperor gave unto his youngest son Charlis a portion of the empire, which after shall more clearly appear. And soon after at a counsel holdyn at Cirycyake, before named in the presence of his son Lewis/ he gave to him the order of knighthood, & adjourned him with kings clothing.  
And over all this in the presence of many Lords of France/ he gave to the said charles the hole country of Neustria that now is named Normandye. Of which honour and gifts though his mother were joyous and glad/ yet his brother Lewis was therewith nothing contented, which of Indith and of her friends was well apperceived and known. wherefore as she before time had done/ than of new she made request unto her Lord and husband, that he would of his most especial grace grant unto her, that Lothayre might have the governance of her son charles/ the which of him was the second time granted. Upon which grant thus to her made/ the Emperor sent unto his son Lothayre pleasant letters, willing him in all goodly haste to resort unto his court. The which obeying his father's commandment/ returned into France shortly after the receit of the said letters, and came unto his father to the city of Uernayse, of whom he was joyously received. And after he had a season dwelled with the Emperor, he gave unto him the country of Austracy/ the which country as shall after be showed in this Lotharius story, was after his name named Lorraine. But a part of the said province or country that stretched toward hungry/ the said Louis gave unto his youngest son charles. And immediately after this gifts before many Lords confirmed/ the Emperor in presence of the said Lords, took charles by the hand, and delivered him unto his brother Lothayre/ willing and straightly charging him that he should take him unto his cure, and be to him as curious as he would be unto his own child, and to guide him and his possessions, as the father should guide the child. And to charles he commanded that he should take & obey him as his father, and love and worship him as his brother/ the which upon either party was promised to be observed. And shortly after the said Lothayr with his brother charles, took congee of father and mother, and returned again into Italy.  
About this time died Pepyn the second son of Lewis, and duke of Guyan/ the which if all should be expressed, put his father to great trouble and vexation/ wherefore for him was made the less mourning. This left after him a son named Pepyn, of whom somewhat the story speaketh after. But now I will return to Lewis the third son of the Emperor.   

THE. CLXI. Chapter.  
Troth it is that when the younger brother Lewis saw the bounty of his father so largely extend toward his two brethren, and to him nothing/ he was therewith in his mind greatly dyscontent, all be it that for the time he kept it secret to himself. But when he was departed from his father, and returned to his own lordship/ he gathered a mighty power, and began to make war upon the dwellers near about the Ryne. Wherefore the Emperor with a convenient power approached unto the city of dodaing/ and sent from thence unto his said son words of reconciliation/ by mean whereof the said allows put him holy in the grace of his father, and was to him reconciled without shedding of man's blood.  
But while the Emperor was beside at the city of Cleremount in the county of Avernus, to set a direction among the Gascoynes, for opinions that were reared among them for the son of Pepyn there lately King or duke deceased, which son as above is said was also named Pepyn/ and there about had taken great pain and labour: thither to him tidings were newly brought, that his said son Lewis had with the Saxons or Soysons, & with the Thorynges made alliance/ and was entered into Germany, and therein made war in most cruel wise. With which tidings Lowis was so grievously passyoned/ that to his great age was by mean of this unkind anger, fixed a sickness that left him not while he lived.  
After yet this not withstanding/ he like a strong hearted knight showed forth a good and comfortable countenance. And after he had in knightly wise prepared all thing necessary to the war/ he sped him toward Almaigne, and continued his journey till he came unto thoring/ where a season he rested him and his people till he might be better assured where his son Lewis rested him. But the son having knowledge of the great power of his father/ and also being in despair of purchasing of mercy, considering his many offences: fled by the country of sclavony, and so by that costs returned into Bayon or bavery/ and so escaped the danger of his father.  
Then the Emperor being surely informed of the escape of his son/ held on his journey till he came to Magounce. And after came unto the city of Uermayse/ where he called a counsel of his Lords spiritual and temporal, and ordained there diverse things for the state of the empire. And more intended to have done/ but sickness increased so sore in him, that by the space of xl days he took no temporal sustenance. But in that time he used often to take the blessed sacrament/ the which as he often said, strengthed both the soul and the body.  
Then he sent for Lothayre to come unto him/ the which without tarrying obeyed his commandment, and abode still with him.  
Of this Lewis Policronicon maketh a short rehearsal/ and saith that by his first wife named Hermyngarde, he had iii sons/ Lothayre, Pepyn and Lewis. The first being fellow with his father of the empire, was crowned of pope Paschal upon an Ester day/ and he was also King of Italy. And Pepyn he made duke of Gascoigne and Guyan. And Lewis was made ruler of Bavary.  
And by his second wife named Indyth and daughter of the duke of Bayon, he had Charlis the bald/ to whom he gave the country of Burgoyn as the said Policronica saith. And for this Lewis was mild/ he was often troubled of his own men and of other, till he dealt with them more sharply and wisely, and ruled the people more straightly.  
It is there also showed, that when this Lewis had promoted a young man named frederic to the see of Utryke/ and to him had given sad and good exhortation, that he should follow the stableness of his antecessours, and that he should purpose the sooth and troth without exception of persons/ and punish misdoers, as well the rich as the poor: the said bishop should answer to him and say, I beseech thy majesty sir Emperor to take in patience, that I may disclose to the that thing that hath long wallowed & turned in my mind. Say thy pleasure said the Emperor. I pray thy sir Emperor show me thy mind/ whither is more according, to attame this fish here present first at the head or at the tail. The Emperor answered shortly and said, at the head the fish shall be first attamed. So it is Lord Emperor said the bishop, that christian faith may cause the to cease of thine error, that thy subjects be not bolded to follow thy misdoing. Wherefore first forsake thou thy unlawful wedlock, that thou haste made with Indyth thy near kins woman.  
By mean of those words the King was reconciled, and left the company of his wife, till he had purchased a licence of the pope. And the Emperor forgave the said Bishop all trespassies/ but the woman hired two knights that slew him in his vestiments, when he had ended his mass.  
After this the Empress was falsely accused of wrong crime, and made a menchon. But the same year the Emperor delivered her from that habit, when he had sufficiently proved the said crime to be false.  
Then to return where I left/ when this Lewis had long lain in this agonyous sickness, and knew well that he amended nothing/ but feebled more and more/ he commanded his jewels to be brought before him. Whereof by his own hand he have a part unto the church of Rome/ and to Lotharius his son there present he gave his crown & his sword/ commanding him straightly upon his blessing that he should have in honour his mother Indith, & that to Charlis his brother he should owe true love & amity, & that he should him & his lands defend to the uttermost of his power.  
Then the Lords spiritual and temporal, and specially the archbishop of Meaws/ made a lamentable request to the Emperor for his son Lewis, that he would accept him to his grace and mercy, and to forgive him his insolent and wanton wild deeds. Whereof when the Emperor hard/ he fell in such weeping, that he might not speak of a good while after.  
And when he had refrained him thereof/ he remembered to the Lords the many and great benefits that he had done to him, and the innaturall unkindness that the said Lewis had again showed unto him/ & how often times he had pardoned his unkind sons trespass. And finally all this not withstanding/ he was at the our in perfit charity with him, and forgave him as he trusted to be forgiven/ praying the Lords there present, and specially charging the said Bishop, that he would show unto his said son that great danger that he was in against god for the displeasures done to him/ and specially that he was a cause of the abrygement or shorting of his days.  
Then to bring this story to effect, whereof if I should declare the special ties thereof, would ask a long time (for ye shall understand that these ii stories of the great Charlis and of this Lewis, occupy in French of levys of great scantelyn over lxiiii) wherefore I conclude that he died like a good christian Prince, when he had been Emperor of Rome and King of France by the term of xxvi years/ and was buried with great solemnity at Meaws or at Mettis by his mother Hyldegarde as saith Master Robert Gaguyne, in the year of his age lxiiii/ leaving after him the foresaid three sons Lothayre, Lewis and charles the bald.   

Anglia. THE. CLXII. Chapter.  
ADeulpus or Ethelwolphus the son of Egbertus/ began his reign over the westesaxons or Anglies, in the year of our lords incarnation viii hundred and xxxii/ and the xvii. Year of Lewis the mild than King of France.  
This in his youth was willing to be a pressed, and was entered the order of subdeacon.  
But there after by dispensation of Paschal the first of that name pope/ he was married to Osburga a woman of low birth. By whom he had four sons/ that is to mean Ethelwalde, Ethelbert, etheldred, and alured/ the which after their father reigned as Kings of England that one after that other, as after shall appear.  
This Adeulphus after he had a certain time been King/ he went to Rome, and took with him his youngest son Alurede or alphred/ and tarried there by the space of a year. In the which season he repaired the Saxon school/ the which before time was there founden by Offa King of Mercia, as Guydo sayeth and other/ but more verily of Ive King of westsaxons, as saith the author of the flower of histories. And for that he granted of every house of his kingdom a penny, as in his story is before showed.  
But this school was sore decayed, and the house thereof lately brent/ the which this Adeulphus newly repaired, and set it in better order than it before was used.  
This King also to reform the grievous corrections that he saw there executed to english men for spiritual offensies, as in wearing of irons and guyves: he granted of every fire house of his land i d, as Ive foresaid had done.  
By the which saying it should seem/ that by these two Kings should be granted unto Rome ii d. of every fire house through their land.  
But that may not be so understand/ for this Rome scot is gathered of every house a penny without more.  
wherefore it must follow, that it is miss taken of writers, that allege this deed to that one King for that other. How be it, it may stand by reason, that Ive made the first grant, and this King after confirmed the same. But the author of Cronica cronycarum saith, that this Adeulphus granted to saint Peter these said Peter pens/ and speaketh no word of Ive nor of none other.  
It is also showed of this King by Policronica/ that he should for the acquyting of the churches of England of all manner of kings tribute, paid yearly to Rome three hundred marks. That is to mean to saint Peter's church a hundred marks/ to the light of saint Paul a hundred mark/ and to the popes treasorye a hundred mark. And over all this of his pure devotion, he offered to god & to saint Peter the ten part of his movable goods.  
And also one cronycler saith, that this King founded first the unyversytye of Oxynforde/ which was likely to be done by Offa King of Mercia, for so much as in his days flowered that famous clerk Alcumus or Albinus/ the which as saith the French chronicle, was first founder of the school of Paris and of Papya, as is before showed in the story of charles the great, in the third chapter of the said story.  
when Adeulphus had thus sped his business and pilgrimage at Rome, he returned by France/ where at that time was King of that land charles the bald, of whom he was ioyouslye received. And after he had disparaged him there a season/ he spoused the daughter of the said charles, in the twenty year of the reign of the said Adeulphus, as testifieth Policronica in the xxx chapter of his .v. book/ which should be the year of the reign of the said Charlis the xi But of this marriage is nothing touched in the French chronicle.  
Then Adeulphus taking leave of the King/ took shiping and landed in England with his wife Indyth by name. And for that he contrary the law made in the time of Brigthricus, set his wife in the kings trowne, and magnified her like a Queen/ the Lords of his land arose again him, and pulled from him a great part of his dominion, and made his eldest son ruler thereof. Which all was done in reproach of Ethelburga, which slew her Lord Brigthricus as before is showed. Lastly the matter was appeased, and he to his kingly honour restored.  
About this time Bertulphus King of Mercia, slew wickedly in the holy time of Penthecoste saint will stone/ whose holy body was buried at repyngedom. And in the place where this holy wylstone was slain stood a pillar of light xxx days after.  
And in the year following died the said Bertulphus. After whose death, Burdredus was made King of Mercia or middle England/ the which before time had spoused the daughter of King Adeulphus.  
In the later days of this Adeulphus, the Danies did much harm in lindsay, and also in kent/ and from thence came to London, and rob and spoiled the city. Wherefore Adeulphus gathered his people, and lastly met with them in Southerey upon a down called Oclea/ and there discomfited them, not without shedding of great plenty of the Anglis blood, and forced them to take the see/ so that after they landed in east Anglia as after shall appear. Then lastly died this good King Adeulphus or Ethelwolphus/ when he had ruled his subictes nobly by accord of most writeth fully xxii year/ and was buried at wynchester, leaving after him four sons aforesaid.   

Francia. THE. CLXIII. Chapter.  
charles the youngest son of Lewis the mild/ began his reign over the chief part of France, in the year of our Lord ix hundred & xli/ and the ix year of Adeulphus then King of westsaxons/ the which as before is said was surnamed bald.  
Anon as his father was buried/ his brother Lothayre, to whom the father, as ye fore behave hard, had committed the guiding of this charles, by the enticing of his brother Lewis maligned again this Charlis/ and sought many ways to put him from such lands as his father had given him. This said Lothayr was after the death of his father Emperor/ and Lewis the younger brother was duke or knight of Bayon. But for Charlis was youngest, and had to his part the principal portion of France, which was called middle France/ therefore his ii brethren & specially Lewis, maligned grievously again him. Whereof this Charlis being somedeal informed/ bare him so wisely & so equally to his subjects, that he had their loves and favours/ and trusted always by their good aid that he should be of power to withstand their unkind malice. And like as the hid fire in process breaketh out and showeth great light and flammy blaze, even so did this covered malice at the last break out, to great ire and open wrath. For after four years was passed/ the said two brethren with out defiance or groundely cause of war, assigned or assembled a great host/ such like before this day had not been seen/ and entered the limits of King charles.  
Then Charlis assembled in all the haste his Lords/ and required their aids and counsel to withstand the malice of his brethren. And when he had knowledge of their good minds, anon their knights were gathered and all thing was ready to the fight.  
Now in this while the two brethren with their people were comen to a place called fountains or fountanet, where to Charlis sped him. And when both hosts were near/ either party made provision to subdue his enemy.  
Then were the battles on both parties ordered & assigned to their standards and capitains, and the wings set to the most advantage. what should I longer process of this ordinance make, finally the shoot of arblasters began on both sides which over threw many an horse and man/ and specially the fore rydars, that put themself in press with their long and sharp launcies, to win the first brunt of the field.  
pity it was to behold the goodly bright armed knights, lying and wallowing with their great steeds in the field, with deadly wounds gaping again the son, that were slain at the first encounter. But when the shoot was spent, and the spears to shattered/ then both hosts ran together with Rowlandes song/ so that in short while the green field was died into a perfit red. For there was heads, arms, legs, & trunkies of ded men's bodies dying, as thick as flowers grow in time of may in the flourishing medowies/ miserable and piteous it was to behold the persons half living and half ded/ with their grisly wounds piteously groaning and crying without comfort. So that there was showed all rigour without mercy, and all cruelties without compassion.  
Thus dured this mortal fight by a long season/ that doubtful it was to know which party had th'advantage of other. Howbeit charles was put to an afterdeale by ii means. The first was for so much as Charlis intended to have forborn, for the reverence of the high feste as the day of the ascension of our Lord, & that day not to have fought. And the second was, that he was far less in number. Which two causes of disadvantage not with standing/ yet in the conclusion he wan the honour of that journey. But not without great loss of his people and many of the nobles of his land/ where of the French book rehearseth the names. But for they be to us unknown, I pass them over. And as yet is testified of many writers/ there was slain that day more Frencheman, then was slain at any field ever before that day. Whereof the number is not expressed/ for it was so great. Then Lothayre was forced to take Aquisgrany for his safeguard, and Lewis else where. But charles with a small company that to him were left/ followed his brethren, and constrained Lothayre to forsake the city, & thence to go unto lion a city the standeth at this day in the utter most border of France, & after to Uyenne. To the which city of Uyen shortly after came unto him his brother Lewis/ where they two assembled a new host.  
In the which pastime, as Charlis was coming toward his brethren/ messengers met with him, sent from his brethren to common of a peace. So that finally he was accorded, that the realm of France should be divided in iii, as the father had before disposed it. That is to mean, Lothayr should enjoy over the lands belonging to the empire the country of Austracy/ the which in process of time was called Lothayre or Lotharingia, which is to mean Lorraine after his name. And to Lewis should remain the province of Germany, with the country of Buyan or Benery. And to charles should remain the country called middle or chief France, with the provinces of Normandy & Burgoyne. Which said middle France is reported to be in space from the ocean of britain to the river of Mawze.  
The which concord thus firmly stablished and finished/ either of other took their departing, and resorted unto their own lordships. But Lothayre died shortly after/ leaving after him three sons, named Lewis, Lothayre, and Charlis. But this death of Lothayre is not taken for temporal death/ for it is said that he forsook the travail of the world, and became a monk at the abbey of Pruny, and lived there a solitary life many years after.   

THE. CLXIIII. Chapter.  
CHarlis the bald thus being in peaseble possession of the chief part of the realm of France, and guiding it with all soberness and indifferent justice/ was well dread and also beloved of his subjects.  
In process of time, as upon viii years after that Lothayr abovesaid renounced the pomp of the world/ died first charles the youngest son of the three of the foresaid Lothayre. And after died Lothayre the second son/ so that the said Lewis only survived, which was after his father anointed Emperor.  
when Charlis King of France knew certainly of the death of these two foresaid brethren, and that with out yssu/ anon he assembled his power and entered the province of Austracy or Lorraine/ the which his brother Lothayre had given to Lothayre his son. And in short while after crowned him King of that province, within the church of saint Stephan of the city of Meaws, chief city of that lordship & kingdom. With the which deed Lewis his brother, and King of Germany and Bayon was discontented/ thinking himself more rightful inheritor than Charlis, for so much as he was the elder brother, and also brother to the first Lothayre of father & of mother/ where as Charlis was but half brother, and by the father's side only.  
For this the said Lewis sent to charles the bald certain messengers/ giving to him monition that he should call to memory the covenants between them before time established/ and that he should not meddle him nor have to do within the lands of his cousin lately deed, unto such time as it were determined by their both counsels, whither of them had the better right/ & this to be observed upon pain of excommunication or cursing.  
But for to Lewis was well seen, that his brother Charlis nothing abstained him from the occupying of the forenamed country/ he therefore gathered an army to war upon his said brother.  
In the which pass time charles took to his second wife a woman named Rychent or Ricent/ the which he before time had used as his concubine or paramour.  
And soon after the Danies or Normans invaded the lands of charles/ the which for that time he was fain to appease & please with rich gifts and other pleasures.  
Then charles received from his brother a second ambassade or message/ the which showed unto him except he would void his knights and strengths, that he had set and put in diverse places of the land of Austracy, he should be sure to have of his said brother an enemy/ and that in all haste he would enter his land with great force and war. whereupon was such answer sent, that by both their agreements the matter was had in such communication/ that finally it was agreed that the said lands should equally be departed between them. Which conclusion perfected. Lewis with his people returned into Germany.  
But it was not long after that Lewis repented him of his agreement/ so that new legations were made upon both parties/ and lastly with much pain newly agreed. After which agreement and accord finished/ Lewis the Emperor and son of the first Lothayre, sent an ambassade to both the forenamed brethren/ admonesting and warning them that neither the one nor the other should intermyt with the foresaid lands, for so much as the right thereof belonged to him as next heir to his brother/ and not to them that were a degree further. The answer of this was deferred by charles/ how be it his brother Lewis as saith mine author, gave over his part shortly after to Lewis the Emperor.  
In this pass time charles the son of Charlis the bald by his first wife, whom the father had made ruler of a country called Belge/ had ruled him insolently, and done in that country diverse outrageous deeds. For the which he being complained of, was brought unto his father/ and so by him commanded to prison. But shortly after he was delivered at the request of some nobles of France/ & kept after in his father's court, where he continued but a short while. For within a little season after his father being at lions/ he departed from the said court, and gathered to him a wild company of evil disposed persons, and went again into the said country of Belge/ and did more harm than he had done before season/ and so continued a long while. But lastly he was taken and cast again in prison/ where after long punishment he was reaved of his sight/ and then sent unto the monastery of Corbenyke, there safely to be kept. But at length by the entycement of his uncle Lewis King of Germany, and the treason of two monks of the place/ he scaped thence, and fled unto the said Lewis his uncle. In the which time charles his father was occupied in the defence of the Danies or normannies, that then by strength had won the city of Angyers and done therein much harm/ whom the King closed within the said city with a strong siege, and finally compelled them to seek means of peace at the kings pleasure. After which peace concluded, and the said Danies avoided/ the King repossessed the said city.  
It was not long after, that tidings were brought unto Charlis of the death of Lewis the Emperor. After knowledge whereof/ the King sent his other son named Lewis into Austracy, to have the rule and the guiding of the country. And after other things ordered for the weal of his realm/ he with a strong company of men of arms passed the mountains, and so into Italy toward Rome. But Lewis his brother and King of Germanye being thereof warned/ sent in all haste his son Lewis with a strong host to let his passage. But how it was for fere or other mean/ the said Lewis yielded him to his uncle charles the bald. wherewith the father being grievously displeased/ sent his second son named Charlon, to withstand the passage of the said charles. But this for fere or other cause that he saw that he might not prevail again his uncle/ returned him again to his father. After whose return, he for so much as the said Lewis King of Germany well perceived that his brother charles was passed his danger/ he than with a more number joined unto his sons host, entered the land of France, in domaging it to the uttermost of his power.  
In which season charles the bald kept on his journey toward Rome. Whereof hearing the viii Iohn than pope/ sent again him certain persons of honour, and welcomed him as Augustus or Emperor. And after his coming thither the said pope received him with great reverence/ and crowned him with the imperial diadem and denounced him as Emperor.   

THE. CLXV. Chapter.  
charles the bald thus being authorized for Emperor/ exercised him for a time for the needs of the church of Rome/ & after took his leave of the pope & returned unto Papye a city of Italy. where he calling a general council of the Lords of the empire & other/ he by their advices provided and ordered diverse things for the weal of the said empire. And over that by their agreements he ordained for his lyeutenaunt or debit of the said empire in his absence, a noble man brother to his wife recent named Besonne or Beson/ and assigned to him such people as was thought necessary and convenient.  
when charles had sped his needs in poppy, he hied him into France. But or he came within the territory thereof/ word was brought to him that his brother Lewis was returned into his own country, without great damage done to the realm of France.  
In process the Emperor came to Paris/ where he was received of the citizens with most triumph & joy/ and kept his Easter tide at saint Denys.  
It was not long after that charles was thus returned into France/ but that he received messengers from his brother King of Germany, the which in his name claimed his part of the empire as his right and inheritance. Which answer for that time was deferred with pleasant words/ so that at the next word that he had from his said brother, was that he was deed and buried in the church of saint Nazer in Frankeborught. Whereof when charles was ascerteyned, anon he yode unto Fountenays'/ and sent his messengers to the Lords of the country, commanding them that they should meet him at the city of Mettes.  
This foresaid Lewis left after him two sons named Lewis and Charlon as before is touched/ the which divided between them their father's patrimony/ so that Lewis had Germany, and Charlon had Bayon.  
This Lewis fearing his uncle charles/ gathered to him a strong power of Saxons and of Thorynges. And in the time of their assemble/ he sent an ambassade of certain byshhoppes & temporal Lords unto his uncle charles, praying him of his love and favour/ with other requests to him made, of the which they might purchase no grant. Whereof when they were returned he having by them knowledge/ the said Lewis incontinently with his host drew near unto the Ryne. But this Lewis was not so covert in his work and assembling of his people/ but that his uncle had thereof witting, and purveyed his people as fast upon that other side/ so that he with an host was ready to fight with the said Lewis.  
when Lewis was ware of the great power that the Emperor had assembled, he made no haste to pass the water/ but hoved and caused his people to fall unto prayer. And charles also fearing his nephew/ under a colour sent allegation of entreaty. During the which entreaty/ the Emperor contrary to his honour, led his people by a secret way thinking to have fallen upon his nephew suddenly, and by that mean to have distressed him. But Lewis being ware of his uncles treason/ provided so for his people, & kept them in such array, that they received their foo men upon their spears points & to their great damage. For where the great rain and tediousness of the hard and straight ways, which they had passed, had sore tired and wearied them: than the fresh fierceness of their enemies, which they thought they should have taken sleeping and unpurveyed, abashed them in such wise that they were soon overcomen, and fled from the field as sheep i'll from the wolf. By mean of the which flight great slaughter of them was made/ & many nobles & great estates of France both slain and taken prisoners/ and the Emperor himself scaped with great danger. And of the prisoners that were taken they were so near spoiled/ that they were fain to take vine leaves to cover with their secret members.  
ye shall understand that this war between the Emperor charles the bald and his brother's son Lewis/ was for the province of Austracy or Lorraine, the which sometime belonged to the Emperor Lothayr and half brother to charles. The which country after this battle, was by mediators set in an order.  
Than the Emperor with great travail came to a town called Tyguy. And Lewis kept his way to Dandonyquyke/ and from thence to Ayes the chapel.  
In this while the Danes or Normans knowing that charles was occupied in the war again his nephew/ appareled them a strong host, and entered oft the lands of France. But for charles was at the time letted with chargeable business/ he therefore sent a noble man again them called Comarde, unto the river of Sayne, to withstand the said enemies. And also to him was given council, to have with them communication to make a peace if he might.  
And to this trouble immediately was joined another. For in this time and season a city belonging to the church of Rome rebelled. Wherefore to withstand their malice/ the pope than being Iohn the viii of that name, sent messengers to charles for the defence of the said lands and other. And soon after the pope for to haste the said Emperor, or else to quicken his deputy before named to assemble the italians and other people there adjoinaunt/ came down to the city of poppy, & tarried there the emperors coming.  
charles then beset with troubles/ assembled his knights & sped him toward Italy. And when he was passed the mountains/ word was brought to him of the Pope's being in Papy/ wherefore he sped him thither with all diligence.  
In this time & season Charlone the brother of Lewis and son of Lewis King of Germany/ which Charlone as before is showed was duke of Bayon or Bayory/ gathered a strong host, and entered the bounds of Italy. Whereof hearing the pope and the Emperor, than (as before is said) being at poppy, busied in a great council/ dissolved the same. And the pope incontinently took leave of the Emperor/ & departed again to Rome. And charles with a great power that he had gathered, as well of italians as of his own people/ made toward his nephew. Whereof hearing the said Charlone/ turned again by the way that he had comen, till he came to his own country, as saith mine author & also the French book. But more verily Charlone keeping together his host, and having favour of divers Lords of Italy/ the Emperor charles removed to the city of Mantue/ where he was grudged with a fever. For remedy whereof he took a potion of a physician Jew named Sedechias, which was intoxicat/ by mean of which venomous potion he died shortly after when he had reigned as King & Emperor after most accord of writers, by the space of xxxvii years, whereof he reigned as Emperor iii years/ leaving after him a son named Lewis, which as before is showed was ruler of the country of Austracy or Lorraine.  
when this charles was deed/ his friends intending to have carried the corpse into France/ caused it to be seryd and anointed with rich and precious balms, and other ointments and aromatykes. But all might not stop the intolerable air of his body/ so that they were fain to bury him at Uercyle, within the monastery of saint Euseby. where he lay over vii years after/ and then taken up and conveyed to saint Denys in France, and there honourably buried.   

THE. CLXVI. Chapter  
IN the time of this charles the bald, as witnessen many writers, began the earldom of Flaunders/ the which ever before these days, the ruler thereof was called the forester of the King of France. Which earldom had his beginning by this mean.  
ye have hard before in the story of Adeulphus King of westsaxons/ how in his returning from Rome, he married the daughter of charles the bald named Indith. The which Indyth after the death of her said husband returned by Flaunders toward France/ thinking to pass without danger, because the said country was under the obedience or her father. But at those days was ruler or forester in that parties a noble young amorous man called Bawdewyne/ the which hearing of the great beauty of this Indith, gave attendance upon her. And received her in his best manner, making to her all the cheer that to him was possible/ and finally cast to her such love, that when she supposed to depart and to have gone into France/ he delayed the matter in such courteous and wise manner, that he won such favour of her, that she made no great haste to depart from him/ all be it that most authors agree, that he kept her perforce.  
when charles had witting that Bawdewyne thus held his daughter Indith/ he sent to him, straightly charging him to send home his daughter/ but that holp not the matter. Than he purchased again him the censures of holy church, and accursed the said Bawdewyne. But when the King conceived that the young man had such love to Indyth that he set not by that punishment/ and also was certainly informed that her heart was given unto him: he in process by the mean of some bishops and friends of the said Bawdewine, agreed that he should take her to wife/ and in the name of her dowar, he should hold and enjoy the said country of Flaunders. And for he would have his daughter to be the more honoured/ he created the said Bawdewyne an Earl, and commanded him to be called after that day Earl of Flaunders.  
It is also showed in the French chronicle and of other writers/ that three days before his death, his spirit should be ravished from his body, and unto places of pain and tourment/ where this charles by the leading of an angel, should see hills and mountains burn, & pits full of sulphyr, pitch, and hot boiling lead. In which pains the said charles should see many of his progenitors and bishops, that counseled Princes to debate or strife, or gave council to them to raise of their subjects unleeful tasks or impositions/ with many other things, which I pass over for length of the matter.   

Anglia. THE. CLXVII. Chapter.  
EThelwaldus or Ethelwoldus the eldest son of Adeulphus, began his reign over the westesaxons or over the more party of England, in the year of our Lord viii. hundred and lv/ and the ten year of charles the bald than King of France. The which became so unhappy/ that he married the woman which his father had sometime kept or holden for his concubine, as witnesseth the author of the flower of histories. But Polycronycon saith that he wedded his stepmother/ which dysaccordyth with the saying of other writers, which testify his stepmother to be married to Bawdewyn Earl of Flaunders, as in the story of charles last before is showed.  
This Ethelwolde though it be not expressed by what hap he died, when he had reigned one year, as saith Polycronyca. But another chronicle beareth witness, that he was slain as a martyr, of hunger and Hubba Princes of Danies.  
About this time the holy King saint Edmund continued his reign over the Eest Anglis or Norfolk.   

THE. CLXVIII. Chapter.  
EThelbertus the second son of Adeulphus/ began his reign over the more party of England, in the year of our Lord viii hundred lvi/ & the xi year of Charlis the Ballid then King of France. In whose time the Danies with more strengths entered the west part of this land/ and robbed and spoiled the country before them till they came to winchester/ & took the city by strength, and did therein what they would. But the King made such provision/ that by him & his dukes they were forced to forsake the city. And as they yode toward their ships/ they were fought with, and a great part of them slain and taken.  
Of this King is nothing else left in memory more than before is showed/ but that he died when had reigned after most writers vi years/ and was buried at Shyrborne, leaving after him none yssu of his body. Wherefore the rule of the land fell to his brother etheldred.   

THE. CLXIX. Chapter.  
ETheldredus the third son of Adeulphus/ began his reign over the west Anglis and the more part England, in the year of our Lord viii hundred & lxiii/ & the xviii. Year of Charlis the bald then King of France.  
In the beginning of this kings reign, the Danes landed in east England or Norff. and Suff. But they were compelled to forsake that country/ and so took again shiping and sailed northward, and landed in Northumberlande. where they were met with of the Kings then there reyning called Osbryghte and Ella/ which gave to them a strong fight. But that not withstanding the Danies with help of such as inhabited the country, won the city of york, and held it a certain of tyme.  
Then the people of Northumberland varied with in themself/ & had more liefer aid the Danies then to reign under the King of westsaxons. For here is to be noted that all such Kings as reigned there after Egbert, which as before is said subdued that province and other/ reigned as tributaries to the King of of westsaxons or Anglies.  
wherefore Etheldredus hearing of the advantage that the Danies than had, assembled his people and sped him thitherward/ and sent unto the foresaid two Kings, commanding them also to prepare their people again his coming. But how it was or the King came with his host/ the Danies so provoked the Northumbres to battle, that they met in plain field & fought a long battle. But finally the Danies won the price/ and slew both the foresaid Kings with a great multitude of their people.  
After which victory they subdued much of the said country, and destroyed the town of Aklynt or Aclynd/ the which, as testifieth Beda, was sometime one of the strongest towns of the north.  
when etheldred had prepared all thing for the war/ and was purposed toward the North, for consideration aforesaid: word was brought unto the said King Etheldrede of the discomfiture of the Northumbres/ and also of diverse of the said Danies with other that were comen to Mercia, and had won the town of Snotyngham or Notyngham/ which tidings letted him of his forth sped in that journey. But this saying is dysagreable unto Policronicon. For he saith that the Northumbres were yet of their King Osbrutus or Osritus after some authors/ and chase unto them a tyrant named Ella/ by mean whereof great dissensyon grew among them to the great hurt of the country. But when the Danies had passed the country, and won the city of york, that then was feebly walled: then by constraint and of fere, for the defence of their country, they were fain to agree and to gather strength on all sides/ so that both the foresaid Kings went again the foresaid Danes, and both were slain. After which scomfiture the people as desolate/ some fled the country, and some made peace with the Danies, and lived under their tuition. And so the Danies kept the possession of that country/ in such wise that no Angle had rule thereof, till the time of Adelstone or Ethelstone, or after some writers till the time of Edredus/ so that they held the possession thereof over the term of lx years.  
Then the Danies being thus possessed of the north country/ manned the same, & fortified the strong holds thereof. And the other of them came down into Mercia or middle England/ and wan a part thereof with the foresaid town of Nothyngam/ and dwelled there the more part of the year following.  
wherefore King Etheldrede with aid of Burdredus then King of Mercia, laid siege unto the town. The which when the Danies perceived should be won/ they refused the town, and took the tower or castle, and defended it in so strong manner, that they held it till a peace or appointment was concluded between the two Kings and them. Which was that they should go free where they would, and carry with them their horse and harness without any pillage. And when this peace was thus made, either of the Kings departed to their own/ and the Danies returned unto york, & dwelled there the year following.  
And the year following that said year/ a part of the said Danies taking shiping in the north, intending to sail toward east England/ met in the see with a float of Danies, whereof the captains or ledars were named Hynguoar & Hubba. The which by exhortation of the other coming out of the North/ made all one course, and lastly landed in east England or Norfolk/ and in process of time came unto Therforde.  
Thereof hearing Edmundus then King of that province/ assembled an host, that gave unto them battle. But Edmund and his host was forced to forsake the field/ & the King with a few persons fled unto the castle of Framilynghan or Framyngeham/ whom the Danies pursued. But he in short while after yielded himself unto the persecution of the Danies. And for this blessed man Edmund would not renye or deny christ and his laws/ they therefore most cruelly bond him unto a tree, and caused him to be shot to death/ and lastly caused his head to be smitten from the body, & cast among the thick of the bushes. But when his friends came after to bury this holy treasure and lacked the head, and made for it busy search/ the head being in the claws of a wild wolf spoke, & said three times distinctly, here, here, here. By reason of which speech they came unto the place where the head in the said beasts keeping lay. Which said wolf contrary to his kind/ anon as he saw the people, fled from the head and suffered them to take it up/ and followed them after a certain of time as he had been rame.  
Then they with great solemnity carried the body and head unto Eglydon or Eglysdon now called saint edmund's bury/ and there buried him, about the year of our Lord as witnessen Policronica, Guydo, and other, viii. hundred. & lxix/ as before it is showed in the chapter of this work four score & xiv, for whom daily god showed there many miracles.   

THE. CLXX. Chapter.  
When this blessed Edmund was thus martyred for the love that he bore toward his Master Criste and his laws/ his brother named Edwoldus setting a part the liking and pleasure of the world, all be it that to him belonged the right of that kingdom, took upon him the habit of an hermit, and lived only by breed and water at the abbey of cern in the county of Dorset/ by the clear well that saint Austyne by his prayers made to spring, when he converted first the Saxons of that province to the faith of christ.  
Of this said abbey of Cerum, Policronica saith that it was after these days rich and right wealthy. But the governors thereof misspent the patrimony thereof in excess gluttony, & not among the servants of god.  
wherefore he saith farther, that covetise and pride had so changed all thing in England in these days/ that all things that before time were given to abbeys, were then more wasted in gluttony and outrage of the owners, then in sustenance and aid of needy men and of gests or needy waygoers. Albe it he saith the first doers or giver lose not their reward. For their will and intent is full evenly poised in a balance, before him that is the rewarder of all good. But though Trevysa that was the translator of this book of Polycronycon out of Latin into our vulgar tongue/ report this to be done, or this misorder to be used in this days, which lived in the time of that honourable Prince Edward the third/ if he now lived, he would not in no governors of monks black or yet white, lay no such outrage. For now at these days pride and gluttony is clearly banished from their monasteries and cells/ and in the room of pride with his friend disobedience, have they now lodged humility with his suffer obedience. And in the stead of gluttony and uncleanness of living/ have they now newly professed them unto all chastity, temperance, abstinence, avoiding all sloth and idleness/ and exercise them in ghostly study and preaching of the word of god with all diligence. So that now the holy rules & ordinances made by that holy father and abbot saint Benet, which by ignorance have long time slept/ now by grace of good governance are newly renyved and quickened. And here and end, lest I be accused of dissimulation.  
Then to return unto the Danies, from whom I have made a long digression/ troth it is that when they had as before is said, martyred the blessed man Edmund, and rob and spoiled that country/ and they took again their ships and landed again in Southerye/ and there continued their journey till they came to the town of reading, and wan the town with the castle.  
Policronyca saith that the third day of their thither coming/ Hingwar & Hubba as they went in purchasing of prays, were slain at a place called Engelfelde. Which Princes of Danies thus slain/ the other deal of them kept hole together, in such wise that the West Saxons might take of them none advantage. But yet within few days after the Danies were holden so short, that they were forced to issue out of the castle, and to defend them in plain battle. In that which by comfort of King etheldred and of Alurede his brother/ the Danies were discomfited, and many of them slain. Whereof the other being ware/ fled again to the castle, and kept them with in the same a certain of tyme.  
Then the King commanded Etelwold then duke of Baroke or Barkshyre, to attend with his people upon that castle/ & to see that the Danies break not out at large while he went in other costs of that country to subdue other of the said Danies But when the Danies knew of the kings departure/ they broke out so daynly anon of their hold, and took the duke unpurveyed & slew him and much of his people/ and caused the other to with draw them farther from that town or castle.  
Then these Danies drew them to other that were their Lords in that country/ and enbatelled them in such wise, that of them was gathered a strong host.  
It was not long after duke Ethel would was slain, but the King was ascertained thereof. The which renewed his heaviness, and made him full heavy/ to consider the loss of his friend, and the increase and multiplying of his enymyes. For the day before report of these tidings as affirmeth an old chronicle/ word was brought to him of the landing of a Dane named Osryk, which of Policronyca is named King of Denmark. The which in short time after with assistance of the other Danies/ had gathered a great host, and were embattled upon ash down. To his battle Alured was forced by great need to come before his brother the King, that then was hearing of a mass with great devotion, not knowing of that hasty speed of his brother. where the King thus being in his meditations/ the hosts of Anglys and Danies struck to guiders with huge violence. And how be it the Danies had won the hyllande & the christian men were in the valley/ yet by grace and virtue of the Kings holy prayers and manhood of themself, they at length wan the hill of the Danes, and slew their duke or King called Osryke, or after the english chronicle Oseg, and five of their dukes, with much of their people/ and chased the other deal unto reading town.  
wherefore the Danies resembled their people, and gathered a new host/ so that within xu days they met at a town called Basing Stoke/ and there gave battle unto the King, and had the better.  
Then the King gathered his people, the which at that field were chachyd & disparkled/ and with fresh soldiers to them accompanied, met the Danies within two months after at a town called Merton/ and gave to them a sharp battle, so that much people were slain as well of the christian as of the Danies. But in the end the Danies had the honour of the field/ and the King of Anglys was wounded, and fain to safeguard himself by policy when might failed.  
After these two fields thus won by the Danies/ they obtained great circuit of ground, and destroyed man and child that to them were inobedyent. And churches and temples they turned to use of stables, and other vile occupations. And to this sorrow was added an other.  
For where the King hoped well to recover his losses by aid of his subjects, as well of other ꝑtes of his land as of his own of westsaxon/ when he had sent his commissions into Northumberland into Mercia, and éest Anglia: He had of them small or little comfort/ so that the country of west Saxon was brought in great desolation. For the King was beset with enymyes upon every side/ and over that his knights and soldiers were tired & palled with over watch and labour. Which manifold adversities and troubles sinking in the kings mind/ with brose or hurt ensuing of the wound before taken at the battle beside Merton, shortened his days/ so that he died when he had reigned in great persecution of the Danies after most writers viii years, without issue of his body. By reason whereof the rule of the land fill unto his brother alured.  
It is witnessed of some chronicles that not withstanding the great trouble and vexation that this King etheldred had with the Danies, he founded the house or college of canons at Exeter, and was buried at the abbey of wynbourne or wobourne.   

THE. Clxxi chapter.  
ALuredus the four son of Adolfus & brother to Etheldredus last King/ began his reign over the westsaxons and other provinces of England, in the year of our Lord viii hundred & lxxii/ and the xxxi year of Charlis forenamed, than King in France. This Alured or after some writers Alphred was xii. Year of age or he were set to school. But for all that he sped so well his time, that he passed his brother and other that were long set forth before him. And by the counsel of Neotus or Notus/ he ordained the first grammar school at Oxenford, & other free scoles, and franchised that town with many great liberties/ & translated many laws, & Marcyan law and other, out of Bretyshe speech unto Saxon tongue. He was also a subtle master in building and devising thereof, and excellent cunning in all huntynge. Fair he was of stature/ and most beloved of his father of all his children.  
Long time it would ask to rehearse all his virtue. But for he was in his youth disposed to the sin of the flesh, and thereby letted from many a virtuous purpose: he lastly after many resystences by him done to avoid the temptation thereof/ besought god enterly, that he would send to him some continual sickness in quenching of the vice, & that he were not unprofitable to wordly business & serve god the better.  
Then at god's ordinance he had the evil called Fycus/ with the which sickness he was grieved many years, and lastly cured of that holy virgin saint Modwenna then dwelling in Irlande. But after this cure by her done she came into England, for so much as her monastery or church that she there dwelled in was destroyed. Wherefore Adulfus father to Alured, knowing the virtue and holiness of this maiden/ gave to her ground to build upon ii abbeys of maidens. That is to say one in Arderne at a place called Polliswortham, another at Strenesalte in the north. But this holy maiden died in the island of Andrese beside Burton, after many years of the building of these said two abbeys, & after vii years that she had been closed within stone walls in the isle before named.  
when alured was cured of this sekynes, to him fill an other/ the which continued with him from the twenty year of his age till the xlv year of his said age. But that not wythstanding he wedded a noble woman named Ethelwyda/ of the which he received two sons, Edward surnamed the elder, & Egelwarde/ & iii daughters, Elphleda that after was Lady of Mercia Ethelgota a menchon or nun, & the third was named Elfrida. The which he caused all as well daughters as other▪ to study the art or science of grammar, & to be nourished with all virtue. And when this alured was admitted to be King, he well considered the great danger that his land was in. Wherefore he gathered to him his Lords/ & such as he might not win without strife, he wan with great justice and fair hosts. So that he shorlty assembled a strong host/ and in the second month that he was made King, he met with the Danies beside wylton, & yielded to them battle, but not without great loss of men on both parties.  
Then he removed his people, and in sundry places fought with the Danies in the first year vi times. By mean whereof his people were so sore minished and wicked/ that he was forced to take peace with his enymyes, upon covenant that they should avoid the countries & provinces that he had dominion of.  
Upon which agreement firmly concluded the Danes for a time voided those countries/ & drew toward London, & rested them about the cost the more part of the year following/ & from thence to lindsay, in robbing and spoiling the towns & villages as they went, & holding the common people under their servage/ & so continued over the term of two years. But or the third year were ended they yode unto Repindon/ and there put down or slew Burdredus then King of Mercia/ and betook the kingdom unto a servant of his named Colwolphus, upon condition on that he should keep it to their behoof. And then they besieged a town thereby called Hambourgth, & assaulted it right sharply. Wherefore the people thereof being in great dread and fere/ took the body of that holy virgin saint werbourgth, by virtue of whose body the enymyes were somewhat put a back. And after for a more surety/ the inhabytauntes of the town of Hamburgth with that holy treasure, fled unto westchester/ where at this day she lieth honourably shrined.  
Then the King made oft peace with the Danies, in trust whereof he road with the fewer people, whereof they being ware, laid bushementes for him, & set so near him, that they slew a great part of his company in a night as he road toward wynchester.  
For this treason the hang was sore amoved again the Danies/ & in as secret manner as he might he assembled a chosen company of knights/ & as witnesseth Guydo, fill upon them suddenly, & distressed many of them, and left them not till he had chased them to Chester, or after an other author to Exetour. And there King Alurede kept the Danies so short/ that he constrained them to give to him pledges to keep the peace, & to dwell no longer there than they might purvey shiping at the next port to sail into Denmark.  
After which accord thus finished the King returned unto Mercia or middle England. And for he hard that Colwolphus was deed, to whom the Danies had taken that lordship to keep: he therefore seized that kingdom, and joined it to his own of west Saxons. By which reason the kingdom of Mercia surceased the had continued from their first King named Penda, as in the chapter of this work. C.xxix. preceding, is more at length declared.  
About the .v. year of the reign of alured/ the Danies as affirmeth Policronica, sailed fro warham toward Exetour/ in the which journey they lost vi score of their small ships by a tempest in the see. But some of them occupied the town of Chepynham and the country thereunto adjoining/ and chased the Angles, or made them as subjects to the Danies. And so sore the power of them augmented/ that the Angles lost daily and they increased/ and the more by reason of the landing of a Prince of the Danies named Gutteron or Gowthram, which is named King of Denmark.   

THE. CLXXII. Chapter.  
alured being thus overset in multitude of enymyes, as affirmeth Policronica & other/ lad an uncertain life and uneasy with few folks about him, in the wood country of somersetshire/ and had right scant to live with, but such as he and his people might purchase be hunting and fishing. In which misery he thus by a certain of time continuing/ he was by a vision to him showed of saint Cuthbert comforted, as followeth. Upon a time when his company was from him departed & busied in purchasing of victual, and he for a pastime was reading on a book/ a pilgryme came to him and required his alms in god's name. The King lift up his hands toward heaven and said, I thank god that of his grace, he visiteth his poor man this day by an other poor man/ and that he will wytsave to ask of me that he hath given to me. Then the King anon called his servant that had but one loaf and a little what of wine/ and bad him give the half thereof unto the poor man. The which received it thankfully/ and suddenly vanished from his sight, so that no step of him was seen in the nesshe fen or more that he passed thorough. And also all that was given to him/ was left there by in such wise as it was to him given. And shortly after his company returned to their master/ and brought with them great plenty of fish that they had then taken.  
The night following when the King was at his rest/ one appeared to him in a bishops weed, & charged him that he should love god, and keep justice, and be merciable to the poor men, and worship priests. And said more over, alured Criste knoweth thy conscience and thy will, and now will put an end of thy sorrow and care. For to morrow strong helpers shall come to thee, by whose help thou shalt subdue thine enymyes. who art thou said the King. I am Cuthbert said he, the pilgrim that yesterday was here with that/ to whom thou gavest both breed and wine. I am busy for the and thine wherefore have thou mind hereof when it is well with the. But how he had his pilgrim in mind after, by the fredam that he gave with the possessions unto Durham church/ it is well and evidently seen.  
Then alured after this vision, was well comforted, and showed him more at large/ so that daily resorted to him men of wilshire, somersetshire, & hamshire/ till that he was strongly companied. Then the King put him in a great jeopardy, as saith wyllyam de regibus. For he did on him the habit of a minstrel/ & with his instrument of music, he entered the tents and pavilions of the Danies/ and in showing there his interlude & songs, he espied all their sloth and idleness, and hard much of their counsel/ and after returned unto his company, and told to them all the manner of the Danies.  
Then the King with a chosen company/ fill upon the Danies by night, and distressed and slew of them a great multitude, and chased them from that cost. And when the King had thus chased the Danies/ by counsel of his knights, he builded there a tour and named it edeling, which is to mean in our speech a tour of noble men. Out of which tour he and his soldiers made many assaults upon their enymyes, & did to them much harm & scathe/ and clearly voided the country of them between that and Selwood.  
This edeling or Ethelyngyssey, standeth in a great marsh or more/ so that men may not win to it without ship or boat, and conteynyth no great ground/ but yet therein is venison and other wild beasts, and fowl, and fish great plenty.  
Thus King alured daily pursued his enymyes by help of god & his subjects/ which hearing of his victories and manful deeds, drew to him daily out of all costs. By whose powers and assistens he held the Danies so short/ that he wan from them winchester, & many other good towns/ and forced them lastly to seche for peace, the which was concluded upon certain covenants. Whereof one and principal was/ that their King named as before is said Guttrun or Gothram, or after the english chronicle Gurmunde, should be christened, and a certain of his dukes with him. And for the King would have the Danies banished out of the west parties of England/ he granted to him east Anglia to abide and dwell in.  
Then this Prince of Danies according to the covenants, was christened at winchester/ and twenty of the greatest of his dukes. And to this said Danies Prince alured was godfather at the funte stone, and named him Athelstane. And after he had a season feasted the said daves/ he according to his promise gave unto their King the country of east Anglia, which then contained Norfolk and Suffolk, & part of Cambrydshyre. And also as witnesseth Policronica he granted to the Danies that were crystened the country of Northumberlande. And the other that would not be christened, departed the land & failed into France/ where they rested them with their cousins and kinsmen, that at those days wasted the land of France, as in the French stories is somewhat apparent. when this Danies King Athelstane had the possession of these countries/ ye shall understand that all such Angles as dwelled there, and within the precinct of them, were under his obedience. And all be it that he held the said province as in fee of the King, and promised to dwell there as his lyege man/ yet that promise not withstanding, he continued like a tyrant by the term of xi years full, and died in the xii  
In the which time King alured amended the city of Septon that now is called Shaftesburye/ and other towns and strong holds that by the Danies were sore abated and impaired. And as witnesseth Guydo and other/ he builded the house of nuns at Shaftesbury, or was first founder thereof.  
He also founded an house of religion in the above named place of Ethelyngesey/ and another in wynchester, that was named the new monastery. In the which he was after buried. And over this he endowed the church of saint Cuthberte in Doreham, as before is touched.  
About the xu year of the reign of alured/ the Danies which before as ye have hard sailed into France, returned into England and landed in Kent/ and so lastly came unto Rochester and besieged that city/ and lay there so long, that they builded a tower of timber and not of stone, again the gates of the city. But by strength of the citizens that tower was destroyed, and the city defended till King alured restowed them. The which had made such purveyance for the dystressing of them by water and land/ that they were so near trapped, that for fere they left their horses behind them and fled to their ships by night. But when the King was thereof ware/ he sent after them & took xvi of their ships, and slew many of the said Danies. After this journey, the King returned to London/ and repaired certain Placies thereof, that before had been hurt or feebled with the Danies/ and betook the guiding thereof unto Etheldredus than Earl or duke of Mercia, to whom as wife he had given his daughter Elfleda.  
About this time died Dunbertus than bishop of wynchester/ and the King made Dunwolfus bishop after him. The which as saith Polycronycon the King fande in the wood keeping of beasts, in the time when he himself kept the woods for fere of the Danies.  
About the xxi year of the reign of this King alured/ the Danies landed in four places of this land, that is to wit in the east England and the North, and in the west in ii places. But for the King before their landing had warning of the death of Athelstan King of Danies of Eest England, and of other complaints of the Danies/ he therefore yode thither in which time of his there being these tidings came unto him.   

THE. CLXXIII. Chapter  
When King alured was ascertained of these tidings/ for so much as some of the said Danes were landed in that cost, and knew well that the ferther they drew unto these parties, the more they should be aided and strengthened: he therefore sent messengers in all haste unto Etheldred Earl or duke of Mercia/ charging him to assemble an host of the men of Mercia and the border there about/ and to make resistance again the Danes, which landed in the west. And that done/ the King sped him toward his enemies, and pursued them so sharply, that in the end he drove them out of east Anglia. The which than landed in Kent/ whither the King with his people sped him, and in like manner drove the Danes from thence. How be it of any special fight or battle authors thereof leave no memory. After this again the Danes took shiping & sailed into North wales, and there rob and spoiled the Britons/ and from thence returned by the see into the east Anglia, and there rested them, for so much as the King than was gone westward.  
In this while some of the foresaid Danies had won the town of Chester. But for the countries adjoinaunt pressed so sore upon them/ the said Danies were compelled to keep them within the said town or city, and to defend them by that manner. But that holding of the town lasted so long, that the Danies were compelled to eat their horses for hunger. But by appointment they lastly gave over the town, & went thence into Northumberland. And in the while that the King with his host sped him thitherward/ they leaving the strong holds and castles garnished with men and victual, took again shiping & fet their course in such wise that they landed in Sussex/ and so came unto the town of Lewes, and from thence toward London/ & builded a tower or castle near unto the river of Lewes. But the Londoners hearing of their doings, manned out a certain number of men of arms/ the which with assistance of the men of the country, put the Danies from that tower and after beat it down to the ground.  
Soon after the King came down thither/ and for he thought that river should be a mean to bring enemies eftsoons into that country: therefore he commanded the stream to be divided into divers streams/ so that by reason thereof there a ship might sail in time afore passed, than a little boat might scantly row. Than by presence of the King, the Danes were forced to i'll that country, and from thence took again way toward wales, and kept a part of the river of Severne/ & upon the border thereof builded them a castle near unto wales, & so rested them there for a tyme. So that iii years after this land was vexed with three manner of sorrows/ with war of the Danes, pestilence of men, & moreyne of beasts. Which troubles & adversities not withstanding/ the King knightly and manfully resisted the malice of his enemies/ and thanked god always what trouble so ever fill to him or to his realm/ and sustained it with great humility and patience.  
It is told of him that he divided the day and night in three parties if he were not let by war or other great business. Whereof viii hours he spent in study and learning of science/ and other viii he spent in preayer and alms deeds with other chartable deeds/ & other viii hours he spent in his natural rest, sustenance of his body, & the needs of the realm. The which order he kept duly by waxed tapers kept by certain persons.  
Thus this martial knight continuing in all prowess and virtue, lastly died/ when he had reigned over the more part of this land by the term of xxviii years full. And was first buried at wylton, and after certain years removed and carried unto winchester/ leaving after him a son named Edward, surnamed Edward the elder. For the other brother called Egelwarde died before his father.   

Francia. THE. CLXXIIII. Chapter.  
LEwys the second of that name, and son of Charlis the Balled/ began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our Lord viii hundred lxxviii/ and the vi year of Aluredus than King of the more part of England. This was named Lodowicus Balbus, which is to mean Lewis the stamerer/ for so much as he had an impediment in his tongue.  
ye have before in the story of charles the bald herd, How Charlon the nephew of charles foresaid, with his host had entered Italy, and intended toward Rome. The which after the death of his said uncle charles, kept on his way, & lastly came unto Rome. But for the pope than being Iohn the viii of that name/ favoured the above named Lewis Balbus, and intended to make him Emperor: therefore he refrained that anointing of the said Charlon. For the which deed he finally was compelled to avoid the town & country, & fled into France. where he being honourably of Lewis received/ declared and admitted him for Emperor, as showeth the chronicles of Rome. But after two years of his reign or short time of this admission to that dignity, this Lewis died. Wherefore the said pope to enjoy his papasy in rest/ returned to Rome, and anointed the forenamed Charlon, and crowned him with the imperial diadem/ the which in the roman chronicle is named Carolus tertius, the third Emperor, that is to mean of that name.  
But of all this speaketh nothing the French chronicle/ except that it is there testified, that he was of the said pope admitted for Emperor.  
Polycronycon showeth, that the second Lewis King of France, was accursed of the pope Nicolas the first of that name/ for so much as he refused his lawful wife, & took to him his concubine named waldrada. But that is understand by Lewis the second Emperor of that name/ which was son of Lothayre, which Lothayre was eldest son of Lewis the mild, as in the story of charles the bald appeareth. And for the genealogy of Charlis the conqueror, or of his ofsping may the clerelyer appear/ and also that the reder may have the more certain of the names, which were emperors, which Kings of France, & which were Kings of Germany: I shall in the story of Lewis the .v. (in whom for a time surceased the blood) make a remembrance of every Emperor, & Kings of France & Germany, that reigned from the said Charlis the great or conqueror, till Hugh Capet/ the which Hugh usurped the crown of France, as after shall appear.  
Than it followeth in the story, that for partition of the land of Austracy or Lorayn, grudge and variance continued alway between the Kings of France & Germany/ which both Kings at this day were named Lewis, albeit that the King of France was surnamed Balbus, as before is showed. For the which variance by labour of friends these two Kings met at the city or place called gundevyle. where after long communication it was finally agreed, that the said province of Austracy should than be divided, as it sometime had been parted between charles the bald and Lewis King of Germany their both fathers.  
After which peace thus concluded, either parted from other in friendly wise. And Lewis Balbus yode unto Ardern, where he hallowed the feste of christmas. And from thence he yode unto Compeyne/ where he heard of the rebellion of a marquis of his realm called barnard, or more verily after the roman story a marquis of Italy. For this barnard with one Helberde had before time taken from the church of Rome certain possessions/ which by mean of this Lewis & the sentence of the church denounced again them by the foresaid pope Iohn, were again restored, and the parties also reconciled. But now of new this barnard rebelled again. Wherefore the pope as to Lewis for the defensor of the church of Rome sent for aid/ for, as before I have showed you, this Lewis of the said pope Iohn was authorized for Emperor. But for he was not crowned at Rome with the imperial diadem/ he is not accounted among the emperors.  
For this new rebellion of barnard, Lewis assembled his army at Compayne foresaid/ and from thence road to the city of Troy's in Uincent, where he was taken with sudden malady, of the which he died shortly after, and not without suspection of venom, when he had been King of France fully two years/ leaving after him two sons, that is to say Lewis and charles, or after some writers Charlemagne.   

THE. CLXXV. Chapter.  
LEwys and charles/ the sons of Lewis Balbus or Lewis the stamerer/ began their reign over the frenchmen, in the year of our lords incarnation viii C.lxxx/ and the viii year of the reign of alured than King of England. The which for they were young of age, were put under tuyssyon and guiding of barnard the Earl of Auuergii/ to whom the father by his life had them committed. Wherefore the said barnard with other of his affinity assembled shortly after at Meaux in Lorraine/ & thither called unto them the Lords of the land, to treat matters for the common weal of the same.  
In those days was a man of great might in France named Gosseleyn/ the which envy the foresaid Earl barnard & other, for certain harms to him by them done in time be fore passed. In avenging whereof the said Gosseleyn intended to put him and other from the rule of the land, which he knew well they should occupy while the said two children had rule of the same.  
And this evil purpose to bring to effect/ he went unto Conrade Earl of Paris, and showed to him moche of his will. And among other things let him wit, that if Lewis King of Germany might with his help be made King of France/ that he should by him be greatly advanced. By which means he caused the said Conrade to take his part/ so that he & other of his affinity when they came unto the foresaid counsel at Meaux/ said that Lewis King of Germany, was more apt to rule the land of France than any other was. And also after some writers/ these Lewis and charles afore said were not the legyttymate sons of the forenamed Lewis Balbus, but gotten in baste of a concubine of the said Lewis.  
This matter thus debated and argued amongs the counsel/ lastly by most in number it was agreed, that Lewis King of germany should be by ambassade required to come and take upon him the rule of the land of middle France. The which with small request was agreeable/ and in short time after came unto the said city of Meaux, and after to Uerdune. But as soon as the knowledge was come to barnard and other of his affinity/ by council of Hugh and Terry two nobles of France, the bishop of orleans with an Earl and other were sent to Uerdune unto the said King of Germany with this message. That if he were content to take unto him all such part of the province of Lorraine, as charles the bald kept from his father Lewis, without more claim of the land or realm of France/ he should gladly have it. And if nat, he should abide the judgement of Mars and his battle. With which offer Lewis was well contented/ and being of it in a surety, departed again into germany.  
Through that doing, the forenamed Gosselyne and Conrade with other of their frendꝭ, were with it sore discontented of the departure of Lewis foresaid. But the said bernard with other of his side, in goodly haste after conveyed the said two children unto the city of Ferrer/ & there crowned and proclaimed them for Kings, as witnesseth Master Robert Gaguyne. But the forenamed Gosselyne and Conrade not leaving so the matter/ sent messengers unto the Queen of germany, complaining them unto her of the unstableness and tymerousnesse of her Lord/ whereby he had not alonely lost the possession of the realm of France, but also he had put them and all their friends in great fere and danger. Whereof hearing the Queen/ in her mind was sore discontented with her Lord and husband, and as she durst showed it to him as his reproach and dishonour. And finally to satisfy the minds of the said Gosselyn and Conrade, she sent into Guyan her brother named Boso/ by whose aids and assistance he was of that province proclaimed King.  
Enduring which troubles/ the Danies entered the land, and came unto the river of Lyger, and rob and spoiled the country without mercy. Wherefore the Kings assembled their people/ and gave to them battle near unto the river of Uyen. where they distressed the said Danies and slew of them ix thousand, and drowned of them over that a great multitude in the said river. After which victory by the Kings obtained/ a new vexation & trouble was to them ascertained, that Lewis King of Germany with a great puissance was comen unto a place called Ducy/ and to him was gone the forenamed Gosselyn and Conrade with all the power that they might make/ & by their leading was from thence conveyed unto Rybemaunt. But how so it was, for lack of performance of promise made by the said two Earls unto the King of Germany & not observed/ he hearing of the Kings of France drawing toward him with strong host, concluded a peace, and returned into Germany. And the two brethren road to guider unto the city of damen or Demeus/ where they divided the land of France between them. So that Lewes held to him the country near & about Paris, with the province of Neustria or Normandye/ and Charles had unto his part Burgoyn and Guyan/ with promise made & assured on either party, that either of them should aid and assist other.   

THE. CLXXVI. Chapter.  
AFter this partition between the two brethren thus made/ by the means of Lewis King of Germany the foresaid Earls Gosselyn & Conrade were unto the said brethren recouncyled and agreed. And for to them ready word was brought, that Bose before named King of Guyan had won the city of Uyen/ & therein left his wife while that he occupied the hills and mountains being there about: they jointly assembled their knights, & sped them thither, & laid their siege about the city. But during this siege the Danes often wasted the land of France. Wherefore Lewis the elder brother, departed from that siege/ leaving there his brother charles. But or the said Lewis might win to the said Danies, they as tyrants and cruel enymyes to Crystes faith, had spoiled many churches and temples, and a monastery of saint Peter in Corby, and thrown it down to the ground. After which vile and cruel deed by them done/ Lewis gave unto them battle, and slew of them great number, and chased the remanant.  
But after this victory ensued a great wonder. For when the christian had as before is said chased the pagans or Danies/ they returned as confused and dysparkled, like as all the host of Danies had them pursued/ so that well was him that might run fastest, and hide himself from the danger of his enemy. For it was thought to them and apparent to their sight, that their enymyes followed at their backs with all kind of wepyn/ and yet followed them no man. The which fere & flight of French men, as saith mine author, was sent to them by divine purveyance/ for so much as they so often before time had won the price of their enymyes, and had not therefore given due thank unto god, but referred it to their own strengths and virtue.  
Then the Danies hearing of this dysparkling of the christian host/ reassembled their power and ppayred them to new fight. Wherefore the King called together his knights, so as before is said dysparkled/ and met with them near unto the above named river of Lyger. But when both hosts were within a days journey/ the King was advised by some of his counsel, that he should not as then fight with them. For the which cause he yode unto compeing, and there kept the feast of Crystemasse.  
And while the King was lodged in compeing/ he delivered his host unto a noble man of his land named Theodorych/ willing him to go again the Danies. Of whose exploit or speed mine author maketh no mention/ but sayeth that soon after the foresaid feast, the King sped him to Turon/ where he sent to raise the Britons of little britain to with stand the foresaid enymyes.  
In the which pastime he was there taken with a malady, & from thence in a litter carried unto saint Denis, where he died & was buried. Or as saith Master Gaguyn, he died at Turon, and was after conveyed unto saint Denys, and there buried. But for all writers join the reign of these two brethren in one/ therefore I will now show unto you the fine or conclusion of the other brother called charles or charlemain/ the which all this while maintained the siege about Uyenne, where his brother as before is touched left him. To whom the Lords of France sent in all haste, giving to him knowledge of the death of his brother/ and also of the great danger that the land was in by reason of the Danies. Whereof when the said charles had thus witting/ he left a part of his people at the said siege, and with the other deal he sped him toward champagne, for so much as he was informed that the Danies were drawn toward that cost. And as he was in his journey/ word was brought unto him that Uyenne was delivered unto such persons as he had there left to maintain the siege.  
And after this came another messenger/ which showed to him that the Danies had destroyed divers churches in champagne and other places/ and how the bishop of Meaws that again them had lad an host of people, was of them slain, and his people chased/ and over this at the foresaid river of Lyger an other host of Danes, with their leader called Hastynges was assembled. The which in that parties wasted the country as the other in other places did/ which somedeal apasled the heart of the King charles. How beyt by the comfort that he had daily received from the Lords of France/ he kept on his journey, and made toward the next of his enymyes.  
But when he drew near unto them/ were it for his own cowardice, or of the counsel of his Lords/ he fell to a communication of peace. And finally concluded that Godfrey the Prince of Danies, to confess the faith of christ and to be crystened/ should enjoy the hole province of Fryse. And with in the same/ he with his Danies to inhabit them.  
The which condition of peace was the beginning of great sorrow and loss unto France, as after shall appear. For all be it that the said Godfrey to deceive the Frenchmen, showed outward countenance to be christian man for a while/ he shortly after with an host of xl thousand Danies, entered the land, wasting the country till he came to Paris/ and laid there his siege about the same city. But by the archbishop of Paris then named Josselen, and the inhabytaunces of the same, the city was manfully defended/ so that he with his Danies was fain to break his siege/ and from thence yode to the city of Laon, and won it by strength/ and after it spoiled and rob, and after brent. And fro thence to Soysons in pilling and destroying the country as they went, in so cruel wise, that the bishops and presties fled from their churches, with relics and anournamentes or ornaments belonging to the same/ as the bodies of saint germany, saint Remigius, and divers other.  
In the time of this persecution/ like as the land of England was in great danger, so also was the land of France/ by mean of these pagans or miscreants Danies. The which resorted from that one realm to that other/ and relieved themself in that one land, when they were chased out of that other. But one mishap amongs other befell in France at these days. For charles their King was taken from them in such wise, that no writer leaveth of him any mention how he died, nor when he died/ nor no mention is made in the French chronicle nor of mine auhoure, how long while he and his brother Lewis reigned. All by Uyncent historyall, and Antoninus, which grounded him upon the said Uyncent, and Jacobus Philippus say/ that these two foresaid brethren reigned together and alone, by the term of .v. years without more.  
And the French chronicle and also mine author say, that Lewis died without heir/ and that charles left after him a son, which was named Lewis, and after for his simple deeds surnamed in Latin Nihil faciens, or in French Ryen fezant/ which is to mean in our speech nought doing.  
But who that listeth weal to advertise & remember the order of this chronicle/ he shall find in this latter saying some discord. For where it is said that this Charlis should leave a son after him, to my it seemeth, that considering his youth he should not be of any lawful age to get a child. For by all likelihood of convenience of the story/ if all be verified as it is before declared/ he could not pass the age of viii years at the most.  
wherefore it must follow of a congruence / that other they reigned longer time, or else this child or heir Lewis above named, was the son of some other man. But to follow mine author I shall proceed as followeth.   

THE. CLXXVII. Chapter.  
LEwys the fourth of that name, and son of Charlis as before is said/ began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our Lord viii hundred lxxx & vi/ and the xiiii year of Aluredus then King of England. Of this Lewis it is testified of divers writers, that he should enamour himself upon a menchon of the monastery of Chyell, and her draw out by force, and mary her unto his wife. For the which deed and other, he purchased the above said name/ & was called Lewis nought doing.  
In this time the Danies, contrary to their promise before made/ made new war within the land of France. Wherefore the Frenchmen having little hope in their King/ sent unto Charlon or charles the Emperor, son of Lewis King of Germany as before is showed/ requiring him in all humble wise to visit the realm of France/ and to defend it from the persecution of the Danies.  
In these days also was living in France the forenamed Hugh/ which as ye before have herd/ maintained the quarrel of Lewis & charles last Kings, again Lewis King of Germanye. The which Hugh of some writers is called Hue le grand, that is Hugh the great. This man gathered an host of Frenchmen, and gave battle unto the Danies, and slew of them a great number.  
It should seem by the writers of the French story, that these noble men of France, as this Hugh and other, should have the rule of the spiritual possessions of abbeys and other houses of religion. For of mine author master Gagwyne, they are in Latin named abbots/ and in the French book abbiss, which is to mean abbots.  
And also it is testified of the said writers/ that this Hugh and Robert Earl of Paris, were the first that left the distribution of those spiritual goods unto their knights/ & gave over that name of abbot, the which in some other estates continued till the days of Roberte King of France.  
Then it followeth, according to the request made unto the Emperor as above is showed/ he gathered a strong host of italians, and parced the land of France/ and bore him so vyctoryously again the Danies, that he forced them to obey to all their former promise & conditions. But Eusebius and other that wrote the acts of the emperors/ sayen, that this Charlis which they name the third of that name, and also Grossus, that is great/ subdued the Danies of France, & compelled their leader or Prince named there Rodefredus, to take the habit of Crystes religion, and received him at the cold water/. In which time or soon after (whereof the time is not duly ascertained) died the forenamed King Lewis surnamed nought doing/ when he had reigned after most writers viii. years/ leaving after him a son named Charlis, that which after was surnamed simple. But for he was to young to take upon him such a charge/ the Lords put him under good & convenient guiding/ and chase an other as followeth to guide the land till he were come to his lawful age, which was named Eudo.   

THE. CLXXVIII. Chapter.  
EUdo the son of Robert Earl of Angeowe/ began his reign over the French men, in the year of our Lord viii hundred lxxx & xv/ and the xxiii year of alured than King of England.  
ye shall understand that the above named Robert Earl of Angeow was as tutor and guider unto the forenamed Kings of France Lewis and charles/ and lastly was slain of the Danies. The which Robert left after him ii sons, Eudo and Robert. Which Eudo for the great fame that he was of, and also for the great troth that in him was proved and known/ the Lords of one assent chose him to be King of the land for the term of his life. And as affirmeth the french book & other he was crowned of walter than archbishop of Senys.  
How be it this is somedeal doubtful to be given credence unto, for divers reasons that thereunto might be made. Master Gagwyne saith, that he hath seen some authors, that testify this forenamed Charlis the simple, to be the lawful son of Lewis Balbus/ and the foresaid Lewis and Charlis late Kings of France, to be the bastard sons of the said Lewis Balbus.  
Then to follow the matter, this Eudo in consideration that the said Charlis the simple was insuffycyent to guide the land, he was put under the guiding of this said Eudo/ and he was made King in his stead. The which mightily defended the land from all danger of enymyes. And over that he caused the said charles the simple to be nourished and brought up with most diligence/ so that he was informed & exercised with all virtues doctrine, and other things necessary unto a princes son. And finally when this noble and virtuous knight Eudo knew that he should die/ he called before him the Lords & nobles of France/ that which he charched by solemn oath, that after his death, they immediately should crown Charlis for their King/ and died soon after, when he had reigned as affirmeth authors by the term of ix years.   

Anglia. THE. CLXXIX. Chapter.  
EDwarde surnamed the elder and son of Aluredus/ began his reign over the more part of England, in the year of our lord ix hundred & one/ & the vii year of Eudo then King of France. This was lower than his father in letter and cunning/ but he was higher in honour & worship. By his first wife he had a son named Ethelstane, the which was King after him. By his second wife he had two sons Edredus & Edwynus/ & seven. daughters. And of the third wife he received two sons, Edmund & Edrede/ and two daughters Edburga and Edgina.  
The first of these iii wife's height Edwyna the second height Edgina/ & the third was named Ethleeswyda. Of the forenamed vii daughters, which he had by his second wife/ one named Alunda or Almyda, was married to the first Otto the Emperor. And another named Algina, was married to Charlis the simple King of west France. And the youngest of his daughters as saith Policronica/ he wedded unto Lewis King of Guyan. But thereof speaketh nothing the French chronicle. He set his sons to school/ and his daughters he set to will work, taking exemple of Charlis the conquestour.  
By authority of Formosus the pope, he made vii bishops in Enlande. Whereof he ordained .v. in west Saxon, one in south Saxon, & one in Mercia at Dorchester. He also for that the monks of wynchester said that his father Alurede walked/ caused him to be removed unto the new abbey. About the .v. year of his reign Clyto Ethelwaldus a near kinsman of his/ rebelled again him, and occupied the town of wymborne besides Bathe/ & took thence by force & nun/ & went thence unto the Danies dwelling in Northumberland, & excited them to rise again King Edward. But the King pursued him so sharply, that he was constrained to leave the country/ and sailed into France, and left the nun behind him/ the which the King caused to be restored again to the house that she was taken fro.  
The next year following, the said Clito with his company landed in east England, & gathered to him the Danies of that country, and with their aid destroyed and pilled the country about Crekynforde & Criklade. And then passed the river of Thamis & spoiled the land to Bradenestoke/ and so from thence returned into east Anglia, that is Norfolk & Suffolk.  
The King followed his enymyes and spoiled of their lands, which they held by composition from the river of Owse, to the bordure of saint Edmundus land/ commanding his knights of his host that none should drag or tarry after his host, for fere that they were not beclipped of their enemies. But the kentish men, which trusted to much in their own strength, disobeyed that commandment. Wherefore the Danies awaiting their pray/ fill upon them by bushementes, and slew the more party of them, wherewith the King was sore discontented.  
Soon after both hosts met. where after long fight Clyto with many of the Danies was slain, and the remnant constrained to seche peace/ the which was granted upon certain conditions, that they should hold them within the bounds to them limited/ and over that pay yearly a certain money in way of tribute.  
After which peace with them stablished/ he repaired cities, towns, and castles, that by the said Danies were shatered and broken.  
And about the viii year of his reign/ King Edward repaired the wallys and also the city of Kaerlyon, that now is called Chester. To the which were great helpers Etheldredus duke of Mercia, & Elfleda his wife, daughter of alured as before is showed, & sister of this King Edward. And that done the King builded a strong castle at Herforde in the egg of wales. And he enlarged so greatly the walls of Chester/ that the castle which before time was with out the wall, is now within.  
And the ix year of his reign/ Etheldredus duke of Mercia by counsel of his wife translated the bones of the holy King Oswald, from Bradony to Gloucestre/ & there builded a fair monastery in the worship of saint Peter.  
In the xii year of King Edward's reign/ the Danes repenting them of their covenants before made, minding & intending the breach of the same/ assembled an host & met with the King in Staffordeshyre, at a place called Toten hall, and soon after at wodenesseylde. At which ii places the King slew two Kings, two earls, and many thousands of the Danies that then occupied the country of Northumberlande.  
And soon after died the noble man Etheldredus duke or Earl of Mercia or middle England. After whose death, the King for so much as he had often proved her wisdom/ he took the rule of that country to his wife Elfleda, London alonely excepted, the which he took under his onwe rule.   

THE. CLXXX. Chapter.  
OF this noble woman Elfleda, if I should show all the virtues, it should ask a long time and leisure. But amongs other of her noble deeds/ she builded and newly repaired many towns, cities, and castles/ as Tomworth beside Lychefeld, Stafforde, warwyke, Shrowesbury, watrysbury, Eldysbury, in the forest beside Chester, that now is over turned and destroyed. Also she builded a city with a castle in the north end of Mercia upon that river Merce, that in those days was named Runcofan, but now it is called Runcorn. And she also builded a bridge over the river of severn, which is or was named Brymmysburye bridge. This strong virago favour of citizens and fere of enymyes/ halpe much the King her brother, in giving of counsel & building of cities. Of her is told that when she had once assayed, the woe and sorrow that women feel and suffer in bearing of a child, she hated the embracing of her husband ever/ and took witness of god and said, that it was not convenient or seemly to a kings daughter to use such fleshly liking, whereof such sorrow should ensue or follow.  
In the xiii year of the reign of this Edward/ a great navy of Danies, which in time of alured were driven into France, now returned again and sailed about the west country/ and landed in divers places, & took prays, and went to their ships again. And at one time amongs other they rob and spoiled at a place called Irchynfeylde, and took a british Bishop and carried him to their ships, and finally ransomed him at xl pound. But as soon as King Edward had knowledge of their being/ he assembled his knights, and sped him westward by land/ and sent another host by ship to encounter the Danies upon the see. Whereof hearing the said Danies fled into Irlande/ and by that course voided the land and hands of the King.  
Then the King for strengthing of the country/ made a castle at the mouth of the water of Auene, and another castle at Bokyngham/ and the third fast thereby, that is to mean upon either side of the river of Owseone. And after returned into Northamtonshyre and Bedfordshyre, & fought there with the Danies of these countries/ and at length subdued them with their leader or duke called Turketyllus.  
About the xvii year of this Kings reigned/ Elfleda lady of Mercia before minded, gathered her knights. And where the Brytons or welsh men broke into the land about Brekenoke, she with her people withstood them/ and among other prisoners & prays, took there the Queen of walshemen.  
And the year following King Edward builded or newly re-edified the towns of Towsetour and wygmore/ and destroyed the castle that the Danies had made at Temesforde. And that year the noble Elfleda wan the town of Derby from the power of the Danies/ where they put her in such adventure, that four knights, which were called gardens of her corpse, were slain fast by her.  
And the xviii year of his reign died that noble princess Elfleda in the month of June/ and was buried in the monastery of saint Peter, which her Lord and she before time had builded within the town of Gloucetour as above is touched, over the bones of that holy King saint oswald/ which monastery was after thrown to ground by the Danies. But Aldredus Bishop both of york & of worcetour, made there an other/ which is now chief house or abbey of that town or city.  
when Elfleda was deed/ her daughter named Elswyna held the lordship of Mercia a season. But for the King considered it to be to great a thing for her to rule/ he therefore discharged her thereof, and joined it to his kingdom, but not all without strife. For divers towns kept of the King for a time/ as Snotyngham or Nothyngam, Tomworth, Derbye, and other/ supposing the daughter would have defended them as the mother by her life had done. But finally they came to the kings subjection.  
Henry archbishop of Huntyngdon, that wrote much of the chronicles of England/ in praise of this noble woman Elfleda made divers dytyes/ of the which some been expressed as followeth.  
Cesers' triumphs were not so much to praise,  
As was of Elfleda, that sheldes so oft did raise  
Again her enymyes this noble venqueress  
Uirago and made whose virtue can I not express.  
WHen Edward had reconciled these foresaid towns/ he then builded a new town for again the old town of Nothyngham, on the south side of the river of Trent/ and made a bridge over the said river between the said ii twones. And as witnesseth Policronica, the year following in the said town or city of Notyngham, two Kings, that is to say, of Scotland and wales yielded them unto King Edward. The cause why, nor of war between them to be continued, is not of him expressed.  
How be it divers books of writers of chronicles of England, as of Marianus the Scot, wyllam of Malmesbury, Henry of Huntyngdon, & other it is showed that this Edward subdued the Kings of Scotland and of Cumbrys, about the ix year of his reign. And of the said authors it is also testified, that about the twenty year of the reign of the said Edward, these said Kings of Scots and Cumbries, should choose this King Edward for their chief lord and patron, which should be about this season before expressed.  
Then this noble Prince Edward, after these things set by him in an order/ he in the north end of Mercia by the river of Merce, builded a city or town, and named it Thylwall, and strengthed it with knights. And after repaired the city of Maynchester/ that sore was defaced with war of the Danies. After which notable dediss by the puissant Prince finished/ with the marriage of his childer and many other, which I omit and pass over for length of time: finally this noble man died, when he had reigned with great travail by the term of xxiiii years at Faryngdon/ and from thence conveyed to wynchester, and there entered in the monastery of saint Swythyne/ leaving after him divers sons as before is showed, of the which Ethelstane was eldest.   

Francia. THE. CLXXXI. Chapter.  
charles surnamed the simple, & son of Lewis the four or Ryen Fayzand/ began his reign over the frenchmen, in the year of our lords incarnation, as witnesseth jacobus Philippus and other ix hundred & iiii/ and the third year of Edward the elder than King of England. In time of whose reign the Danies, which continually over the term of l winters/ that is to say from the x. year of charles the bald sometime King of France, unto the said days, had wasted and spoiled the land, not withstanding the agreements made between charles the Emperor and them, as before in the story of the four Lewis is showed: yet they with great hosts arrived in the country of Neustria or Normandy, & rob and spoiled the country before them, and slew the people thereof without pity/ and from city to city kept on their journey till they came unto the city of Rouen. Whereof the bishop being in great dread, of subversion of the city and destruction of the christian people with in the same/ delivered the city by appointment, that he with the people might depart thence without bodily harm/ which unto the said Danies was a great strength, and hurt to the land of France.  
Of this host of Danies was ruler and leader a miscreant named Rollo/ the which was a man of low birth, but he was of great strength. The which when he had a season rested him and his host, & refreshed them within the city of Rouen/ he than set forth his way, commanding his vawnewarde to keep their journey toward Paris. And for the more speed to be made/ he shipped his Danes right there/ and one part he sent by the river of Sean, the second by the river of Lyger or Leyr, and the third by the water Geronde.  
Than the Danies that passed by the river of Leyr came at length to the city of Nauntes/ and won that city by strength, and slew therein moche people. And the Bishop of the same named Guymerte being at mass, they slew at the altar. And when they had spoiled that city & the country there about/ than yode they to the city of Angiers, & brent and robbed it most cruelly. And that done they yode unto towers, and laid siege to that city. The which by the presence of the holy body of saint Martyne, which at that time was within the city/ it was a while preserved. But soon after the monks fearing the sword of the Danies fled the city secretly, and took the body with them. And soon after the Danes had the town at their will/ and brent the abbey before the town or standing without the town/ and spoiled and rob the city & towns through the country of Guyan.  
when the Danies had thus subdued the more part of Neustria or Normandy. They with their duke Rollo by the river of Seyn drew toward Paris. And first entered the lands of Burgoyne and Avernus & in effect to Senons. Whereof hearing the monks of the monastery of Flory, where the body of saint Benet than rested, they took that holy treasure and bare it unto orleans/ & laid it in the church of saint Anyan, till the persecution were over passed.  
Of this monastery was at that days living a defensor by promise before made, whose name in Latin is called Sigillosus, & in French Sigillophes an Earl/ which was taken for patron of the same abbey. To whom in the night following that the monks were fled, as before is said/ saint Benet appeared, & blamed him that he none other wise had defended the place of his Sepulture. With which vision the said Earl being feared/ gathered unto him upon the day following such small power as he than might make, & set upon the Danies and drove them back, & slew of them a great number. And the prays that he there wan, he offered to god and saint Benet/ by whose prayers he knew well that he obtained that victory.  
In time that the Danies thus persecuted the country of France, and the King was not of power them to resist/ for so much as Charles knew well that the bishop of Rouen named Frank, was in good favour of Rollo: he therefore sent him in ambassade to the said Rollo, to require a true or truce for three months/ the which was granted. The which truce ended, the said Rollo besieged the city of Chartrys. During which siege/ the duke of Burgoyne named Richard with his retinue assailed the Danies. In time of which fight Ebalde Earl of Poytowe was present, and drove back the Danies. wherewith the bishop of the city being encouraged/ took with him the smock of our lady, which at those days was kept there with great reverence/ and with the citizens & other issued out of the city, & made upon the Danies a great scomfiture So that by the prowess of the foresaid two temporal Lords, and assistants of this spiritual man/ Rollo was compelled to i'll and forsake his siege, & not without huge slaughter.  
Rollo then having great disdain and displeasure of this overthrow and scumfyture of his Danies/ reassembled them that were abroad scattered, and commanded them to over ride the country, and to destroy it in all that they might. After which commandment thus to them given/ this cruel people slew man, women, & child, that were not apt to do to them service/ and brent the churches and temples, and ravished virgins as well religious as other/ So that miserable it was to behold the great abomination of these tyrannous Danies, that brent, rob; and slew that innocent people without mercy.  
The Lords and commons thus beset with cruel fury of their enemies, assembled them by sundry companies and went unto the King/ showing unto him their misery, and blamed as they durst his ferefulnesse and negligence, that he nor none for him otherwise withstood the cruelty of the Danies/ that had destroyed a great part of his land.   

THE. CLXXXII. Chapter.  
charles hearing this exclamation of his subgettes, and considering his lack of power to withstand that malice of his enemies, was right pensive and heavy in his heart/ and casting in his mind many sundry ways, he lastly determined to send again the above named Frank Bishop of Rouen unto Rollo Prince of Danies/ showing him that if he would renye his pagan law and become a christian man, he would to him give in marriage Gylda his daughter, with the hole country of Neustria for her dowar.  
when Rollo had received this tidings from the King by the mouth of his friend Frank/ he somewhat attempered his fury and cruelty, and condescended to a true, by the counsel of his Lords for the term of iii months/ in the which time he might have some communication with the King, for ferther process of this matter. So that after it was concluded by the counsel of both princes/ that their meeting should be upon the river or flood named Ept. where shortly after the said Princes had communication the one with the other/ their people standing upon either side of the said river. where it was concluded, that Rollo should forsake his pagan law, and take upon him the livery of Crystes baptism/ and after to mary the forenamed Gylda, and to receive with her as is above showed. Which conclusion thus taken either fro other departed/ and shortly after at the city of Rouen, all the foresaid covenants were executed and fulfilled. And when the said Rollo was crystened/ his name was changed and called Robert, after the Earl of Poytowe/ which received him at the font stone.  
Of this Rollo or Robert, descended lineally duke wyllyam of Normandy, which conquered England/ as after shallbe more clearly showed.  
Than this Robert thus crystened, was seized of the country of Neustria/ whom the King created duke, and named him duke of Neustria.  
But it was not long after, that this name of Neustria was changed & called normandy/ after the name of normans, or men coming out of the North/ or of Nor, that is to mean North, and men, which two syllables together make Norman, or a man of the North.  
which Normans or Danies after the exposition of Master Gagwyne/ should be descended of the nation called the Goths. Which Goths of the city or men of Sithica been descended. The which goths in the days of the great Constantine/ for their feersnesse and cruelty, were driven from their country then by them inhabited near unto the river called Thamys, in the North parties of Europe/ and now been inhabited in Dacia, which in our speech is called Denmark. And where some men hold an opinion, that Danies and Saxons should be one manner of people/ it may congruly follow. For Saxons been of the country of Germany/ and contain the land after the saying of Strabo, in the west part of Germania. From the flood called Uistergus or wysera, unto the famous river called the Ryne. And Dacia or Denmark is in the North parties.  
Than to return to this Rollo or Robert/ the story saith that he became a good christian man. In token whereof as affirmeth the French book/ he gave unto divers churches and monasteries of France great gifts, as well of possessions as of movable goods/ & continued his pease with the King as he before had promised.  
After which pease thus stablished between the King and the Danies/ Robert brother unto Eudo last King of France, contrary his troth and allegiance, seized certain cities and other holds of the kings inheritance. Wherefore the King saying that he could not reform him of that error, by no means of entreaty or other like ways/ assembled an host and met with him in plain battle/ in the which the said Robert was slain. This Robert had a sister, which was married unto Hebert Earl of Uermendoys/ which Earl hearing of the death of his brother in law, by enticement of his wife, as the story deemeth, met the King at the return of the field/ and required him in most humble wise, that he would vouchsafe to lodge with him in his manor called the castle of Perone.  
The King casting no apparel, thanked him of his kind request, and granted to go with him/ where he was received and feasted with all honour. But when this Earl had conveyed the kings friends and strength from him/ he than kept him there as a prisoner or murdered him/ so that he never came at large after. Which tidings certainly known/ Algina wife unto the said charles the simple mistrusting the Frenchmen/ with few accompanied took secret shipping/ and with her young son named Lewis sailed into England, there to be comforted of her father Edward surnamed the elder. And thus ended the reign of this charles the simple/ when he had reigned after the saying of Uynsent historical and other, by the term of xvi. Year full/ leaving after him the foresaid child named Lewis.   

THE. CLXXXIII. Chapter.  
RAdulphus the son of richard duke of Burgoyne/ began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our Lord ix hundred & xxii/ and the xxi year of Edward the elder than King of England.  
Here is to be noted that for so much as Algina wife unto charles the simple, was thus secretly voided the land of France with her son Lewis/ and that the land might not be with out a ruler/ the Lords assembled at Paris, and there took their counsel for the admission of an head or King of the land. which Lords after long debating of this matter, finally agreed that this abouer●amed Radulphus or Rauf. son of the duke of Burgoyne, as above is said/ as next heir to the crown should be admitted for King, and so was admitted. Of the which little of his deeds are put in memory/ except that in the time of his reign the saracens entered the land of Burgoyne with a great army, and did much harm in that duchy. Wherefore the King gathering his host, met with them at a place called in Latin Carrolas, and in French calo the lass/ where the Frenchmen were victors, but nat without great loss of their people.  
Than it followeth, when this Rauff. had ruled the land of France by the space of xii years/ he died with out issue male. And was buried in the church of saint Calumb in the province of Senys.   

Anglia. THE. CLXXXIIII. Chapter.  
Ethelstan the son of Edward the elder, began his reign over the more part of England, in the year of our Lord ix hundred & xxv/ and the third year of Rauff. than King of France.  
In the first year of the reign of Ethelstan/ the holy child Dunstane was borne in the country of Glastenbury, whose life shone after with many miracles.  
This was sometime abbot of Glastonbury/ & lastly Archbishop of Caunterbury. whose holiness & ꝓphecyes are showed at length, in the vi chapter of the xvi title of the work called sin Antonini, and in the legend of the church also.  
In the second year of the reign of Ethelstane/ for an unity and a peace to be had between the King and the Danes of Northumberland, he married to Sithyricus their King his sister. But after .v. years this Sithyricus died. After whose death he seized the country into his own hand/ and put out the son of the foresaid Sythyricus. And when he had thus accorded with the Danies of Northumberlande/ he shortly after made subject to him Constantyn King of Scots. But the said Constantyne meked him so lowly to the King/ that he restored him to his former dignity. Wherefore the said Constantyne said in praise of the King/ that it was more honour to make a King, then to be a King. Which act was done by the affirmance of Polycronycon, in the year of grace ix hundred & xxvi/ which then after that saying should be the second year of the reign of this Ethelstane. It is testified of Policronica, that this Ethelstane should mary one of his sisters named Editha or Edyth, unto Otto the first of that name Emperor of Almaigne, and received from him many precious jewels and relics. But of this speaketh nothing the chronicle of Romans. How be it it is showed there, that the foresaid Ottho or Otto had a wife named Alunda/ which as before is said in the story of Edward the elder, might be the daughter of the said Edward and of Edgina his second wife. But Uincentius historialis saith/ that Henry duke of Saxony, which was father unto the first Otto/ sent unto Ethelstane, requiring of him his sister to marry unto his son Otto. By which reason I may follow, that this Ottho married the sister of Ethelstane, but not Edythe.  
Of these foresaid jewels sent by Otto/ one was a precious vessel of stone called Onechynus/ which was of such clearness, & also so subtilely & craftily wrought, that it appeared to man's sight as green corn had grown within it, and moved and waved as corn doth standing in the field. More over in it appeared wines burgeoning and bearing fruit/ and men also to sight moving and stirring. He also received the great Constantine'S sword/ wherein was graven with great letters of gold, the name of the owner. And the hilts thereof were covered with great plates of gold. And one of the nails was fastened to the cross of the said sword, that Criste suffered with his passion. But in this report or saying, Polycronycon varieth from his former saying/ were he reporteth two of the said nails to be spent upon the bridle of the said Constantyne, and the third nail to be cast into a dangerous swallow of the see, as before is rehearsed in the lxix chapter of this work. He also received the spear of charles the great, which after the opinion of some writers, was the spear that Longeus opened with Crystes side. And the banner of saint Morys, a relic of great price/ with a part of the holy cross, and a part of the crown of thorn of our saviour.  
Of the which jewels King Ethelstane gave a part unto saint Swithunys of wynchester/ and some he gave unto the abbey of Malmesbury.  
I have seen a chronicle of England, which testifieth, that this Ethilstan was the first King that ever was anointed in this land. All be it I find thereof little authority/ except that Guydo and other testyfyens, that he was crowned at the kings town now called Kyngestone, x. miles from London, of Athelyne their archbishop of Caunterbury. But that proveth not or argueth him to be the first for that reason. For right so was his father Edward crowned of Plemounde archbishop of the said see. But Guydo aforesaid affirmeth that alured grand father to this Ethylstane/ was anointed King by authority of Leo the .v. then pope. Wherefore it agreeth better that he should be the first.  
Then it followeth in the story, that about the viii year of the reign of this Ethilstane, died Frystane bishop of wynchester/ and Brystane was bishop after him. Of whom it is radde, that he sang every day mass for all christian souls. And as the bishop Brystane went upon a night about a church yard, and said his devotions for all christian souls, and lastly said, requiescant in pace/ he hard a voice as it had been a great host of people saying. Amen.  
Soon after Constantyne King of Scots, broke covenant with King Ethylstane. Wherefore he assembled his knights and made toward Scotland. And in his way he turned to saint Iohn of Beverley and offered there his knife upon the altar/ saying that if he returned with victory, he should redeem his knife with a noble price/ and that done proceeded upon his journey, and in conclusion discomfited the Scots, and brought them again unto dew subjection. And after according to the promise before made/ he returned to york, and so to the church where the corpse of saint Iohn of Beverley lay/ redeeming his knife worthily as he before had promised.  
In the vi chapter of the vi book of Polycronycon/ it is remembered that King Ethilstane after this subduing of the Scots, being with his Lords and familiars near unto the castle of Dunbar/ prayed to god and saint Iohn if Beverley, that in that country he might leave some remembrance or token, that those that then were living, and also such as should come after, might know that the Scots by right should be subjects to Englyshmen. And soon after with his sword he smote upon a great stone standing near unto the said castle/ with which stroke the stone was riven to an elle in length, that in the time of Edward the third was there remaining to be seen. And whither at this day it is so/ that I am in doubt.  
ye have hard before, that King Ethilstane after the death of Sythericus King of Northumberlande/ seized that land or province into his own hands, and put out his son. Which after allied him with Constantyne King of Scots, and married his daughter. By whose stirring and exhortation, he gathered a company of Danies, Scots, and other/ and entered the mouth of Humber with a strong navy.  
whereof hearing Ethilstane, in all goodly haste prepared his army/ and at length met with him and his people at a place called Brymforde, where he had a great and solemn victory. For as it is showed in the foresaid chapter and book/ after the King by help of god and saint Adelyne had defended the subtle assault made upon him by night of his enymyes/ he upon the morn by help of his brother Edmund & Dodo the archbishop, chased his said enymyes, and slew there Constantyne King of Scots, and .v. small or under Kings, and xii dukes, with the more party of all the strange nations at the time there gathered. Which battle should be done by the meaning of the said Policronicon, about the last year of his reign.   

THE. CLXXXV. Chapter.  
IT is also testified of divers writers, that Ethylstane after this victory thus obtained of the Danies and Scots, or Scots & Danies/ he also subdued the north Brytons that dwelled at Herforde & there about/ and compelled them to pay to him yearly for a tribute iii hundred pound of silver, xxv. hundred heed of neat, and twenty pound in gold. But Guydo saith that King Ethilstane caused to come before him at Herforde city the rulers of all the North britain/ & there had with them such communication/ that he forced them to grant unto him as a yearly tribute twenty pound of gold. iii. hundred pound in silver, & of heads of neat xxv hundred/ with dogs & hawks to a certain number. After which victories he went unto Exeter, and repaired it & the wallys thereof sufficiently.  
Dane Iohn Lydgate a monk sometime of saint edmund's bury, made a goodly treatise of this King Ethilstane/ showing that he was in so great persecution of the Danies, that he was constrained to call at wynchester a great counsel of his Lords. where after long debating of the matter, & divers ambassades and messages sent about by the King & the Danies/ It was fastly concluded that the King should purvey him a champion to fight with Colibronde or Colbronde a giant & Dane, which the Danies had appointed for their chevetayne. Wherefore the King enserching through his lands for such a knight, & might none find/ was in great danger & distress & heaviness. And for so much as he well perceived the man's power failed/ he by the advise of Lords spiritual & temporal fill to fasting & prayer, and continued therein by a certain of time, with perfit & charitable devotion.  
In time of which said abstinence/ a vision was showed unto Ethilstane, comforting him, & also commanding him, that early upon the next morning he should stand at the North gate of the city of winchester and there he should find amongs the porayll/ a pylgryme clad in palmers weed, whom he should choose for his champion. After which vision thus to him showed, he did accordingly/ and found a man of goodly stature, and somedeal stricken in age, and called as he was monished by the vision. Whereof he first gave unto god thankings/ and after made request to this pilgrim, that he would take upon him this battle for the defence of the land/ which laid for him many reasonable excuses, as well for his age as otherwise. How be it finally he granted the King to fulfil his request and commandment. And at the day before limited and assigned met in the field with the forenamed giant called Colbronde, without the gate of the city in a meadow or pasture called Hydemede/ where between them two was foughten a long and cruel fight, so that the King was in great fere of his champion. But finally by help of god the pilgrim wan the honour of that fight/ and slew that giant that was of exceeding stature, and thereunto of great and passing strength. Which victory by the pilgrim thus by grace obtained/ the King with his barony fet him into the city of wynchester with solemn procession, and conveyed him unto the cathedral church of the same/ where he thanked god with great devotion, & offered there the axe, with the which he had slain the Danies champion. After which oblation with dew reverence & other observances by him and other finished/ the King caused him to be conveyed unto his court, where he tarried that night with much danger. And upon the morn early he made such means/ that he would needily depart, and that in the same apparel that he came thither. when the King was advertised that his pilgrim would so hastily depart/ whom he intended to have holden with him in his court, and to have endowed with rich possessions: he commanded him to be brought unto his presence. And when he saw he could not cause him to tarry, he required him to show his name/ whereof also he besought the King to pardon him. Wherefore the King considering his hasty departing, with many other things in him to be considered/ was the more desirous to have of him some knowledge. And for that he was effectuose in his desire, when the pilgrim perceived that he could not with the kings pleasure depart without disclosing of his name/ he said he might not discover his name within the walls of the city, without the offence of his conscience.  
wherefore the King granted to go with him till he were in the broad fields. Upon which grant thus made/ the King commanded divers great gifts to be to him presented, which all he utterly refused. Shortly to conclude/ the King with a certain of his Lords conveyed this said pilgrim unto the towns end. And when he was thither comen/ he there required of the performance of the promise. where this pilgrim sitting one his knee/ besought the King of his especial grace, that he would put a part his Lords and other, so that he might show unto him his name only.  
which done/ he in most humble wise besought him, that he would keep his name secret for the space of xxiiii ours. where of by the King affirmance to him firmly made/ he showed unto him, that he was his natural lyege man and subject, and that his name was Guy of warwike. Of which tidings the King was very joyous, and offered him then of new many rich rewards and gifts. But all was in vain, for he would nothing receive/ so that the King and he lastly departed with weeping eyen. And after as affirmeth my said author/ not far from warwyke in a wilderness, he purchased by god's purveyance a lodging in a hermitage/ where by the term of two years and more he dwelled & kept an hard life.  
And hearing that dame Felyce his own wife fed daily xiii poor men for Cristes' sake/ he went thither sundry times and fet there his aims/ his said wife then dying at the castle of berwick, not knowing of any man what he was/ till lastly he was visited with so sore sickness, that he knew well that he should die. wherefore he sent his wedding ring unto his wife/ requiring her in all haste to come and speak with him. Which she obeyed in humble wise/ and sped her unto the said hermitage with all womanly diligence, and fande him deed at her coming/ whom she besprent with many a salt tear. And as she was informed of the messenger as he died she buried him right there. And more over as saith my said author he monished her by the said messenger, that she should provide for herself/ for she should also alter her mortal life the xu day following. which also she obeyed, and made such provision, that she was in that place buried by him. All which matter the said Dane Iohn Lydgate affirmeth, that he took out of the book of Gerarde Cambres/ which wrote much of the deeds and stories of the Princes of England, as Policronica and other author testyfyen/ and as the said Lydgate in the end of his said treatise witnesseth, as by the matter following appeareth.  
For more authority, as of this matter This translation, such as in sentence Out of Latin made by the cronycler Called of old Gerardus Cambrence/ which wrote the deeds, with great diligence.  
Of them that were in West Saxon crowned Kings,  
Greatly commended for their knightly excellence  
Guy of warwyke, in his famous writings.  
ALL which said treatise is showed at length in metre of viii. staffs, after the manner of the precedentes, by the diligent labour of the said Dane Iohn Lydgate. The which I have here set in/ for so much as it concernyth matter that was done in the time of the reign of this Ethylstane. The which after the accord of most writers▪ brought this land again to one monarchy/ and reigned as King thereof by the full term of xvi years/ and was buried at the monastery of Malmysbury, leaving after him no child. Wherefore the rule of the land fill unto Edmund his brother.   

Francia. THE. CLXXXVI. Chapter.  
LEwys the son of Charlis the simple/ began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our Lord ix. hundred and xxxiiii/ and the ix year of Ethelstane then King of England. ye have hard before in the end of the story of charles the simple, how Elgina the Queen with Lewis her younger son, was fled into England to her father Edward the elder. Wherefore the Lords of France not knowing where she with the child was gone/ chose the forenamed Rauf. for their King. After whose death the said Lords of France being ascertained of the being of the said Lewis in England/ sent unto him the Archbishop of Senys, & Hugh surnamed le grand/ desiring him to restore into France, and take thereof possession.  
Then Elgina hearing the message of the Lords, and trusting unto them/ by counsel of her friends made her ready with her son, & sailed shortly after into France. where she was received with much honour/ & shortly after crowned her son Lewis King/ at the city of Laon.  
This Lewis is named the .v. Lewis. In the third year of whose reign fill a scarcytye of corn & victual/ by reason whereof ensued a great famine in so much that people voided the realm, & many died for default. For as witnesseth the French chronicle/ a quarter of wheat was then worth twenty pound. of the money/ which is of value after sterling money l s. or there about. This King bearing in mind the murder and treason done again his father by Hebert, as before in the story of Charlis the simple is declared/ cast and imagined in his mind how he might without shedding of blood, revenge the death of his father/ and after many imaginations and thought is revolved in his mind, he lastly devised a letter/ the which he charged a servant of his to bring to his presence when he was set among his Lords in counsel. when King Lewis had compassed this in his mind/ he for needs of his realm called a great counsel of his barony at Laon/ whither amongs the other, the said Heberte Earl of Uermendoys was warned to come. And when the King was ascertained of their commynges/ he appointed a secret company in harness to be in a secret chamber, near unto the place of the said counsel/ and at convenient time after yode unto the same, and all his Lords with him. And when he had a season commoned with his Lords of such matters as him liked/ suddenly came one to him and said that a man was comen with a letter directed to his grace out of England/ the which he commanded to be brought unto his sight.  
when the King had unfold the letter, and read a part thereof, he smiled. whereof the Lords being ware purposed the King to have received some iewyllies or joyous novellies out of England.  
while the King was about to deliver this letter to his scribe or secretory/ one of his Lords said unto him. Sir we trust ye have some jocande & merry tidings out of England, that ye have cause of smiling. I shall show the cause to you said the King. There is dwellyngin England a kinsman of mine named Harman/ the which is a man of great might, and mine especial friend. He showeth me by this letter, that an husbandman or a villain bad or required his Lord unto his house to dinner/ and under the colour thereof he slew his said Lord. And for the said Harman thinketh the law of that land to favourable for such an heinous deed/ hetherfore writeth to me to have mine advise in this matter. Wherefore since ye be all present/ I pray you show to me your opinions in this matter. Which with one voice said that the murderer was worthy to suffer the most shameful and cruel death, & to be hanged and strangled in a rope. But for the King would be certainly informed of the consents of them all/ he began at the hygest, and so pursued them till he came to Hebert Earl of Uermendoys/ the which allowed the sentence as the other had done.  
Then the King made a token to the welshmen between him & them before appointed/ so the anon they were present. & set sure hold upon the said Hebert. To whom the King said, Hebert thou art the husbandman or vilayne that I have spoken of/ which slew his lord under colour of bidding or jesting him in his house. For traitorously thou diddest require my Lord and father under thine house or castle of Peron/ and there not remembering the kindness to the by him before days showed, nor thine allegyauntes and truth that toward him thou shouldest have borne/ kept him like a prisoner and lastly murdered him, to the great danger again god, & to the world shame. Wherefore according to thy desert, and after thine own sentence and judgement/ take now thy reward and guerdon.  
After which sentence thus given by the King/ the said Hebert was by the executors lad unto an hill without the city of Laon/ and there most shamefully hanged. Which hill for that cause was named Hebertes hill long time after.  
About this time the second duke of Normandy named wyllyam longa Spata, the son of Rollo or Robert first duke of Normandy/ was slain by treason of one arnold Earl of Flaundres/ for encheson that the said wyllyam aided a noble man of Pycardy named herloyn, again the said arnold.  
This wyllyam left after him a son named richard/ which at the time of his father's death was not of sufficient age to rule so great a dukedom. Wherefore Lewis King of France desirous of that province, which of late days belonged to his antecessours and progenitors/ sought busily the ways and means, to have this child richard under his tuition & guiding. And this to bring to effect sped him unto Roan/ calling there before him the Lords and rulers of the country/ having unto them many pleasant and fair words, in promising to them aid and assistance to revenge the death of their Lord and duke/ and in the conclusion desired of them that he might have the nourishing and bringing up of the child, till he came to his lawful age.  
which thing thus by the King desired/ the Lords anon conjectured in their minds, that he desired the keeping of their young lord, to the end that he might the more easily obtain the possession of that dukedom. For the which, the Lords and other of the city were in great rumour and grudge again the King. Whereof he being monished, to appease the multitude/ the King took the child in his arms, and so bore him into the place of the assemble of the people/ & there showed unto them with affirmance of great oaths, that his intent was only for the weal of the child and for defence of his country, and not to claim any right or title of the duchy/ except only the homage thereof, which belongeth to him by just title.  
By mean of which fair speech, the King obtained his purpose, and carried the child with him into France, not forgetting the unkind dealing of the Normans.  
when Arnolde Earl of Flaundres understood that to the King of France the guiding of the young child was committed, fearing that he with power of the Normans would run upon him revenging of the child's father's death/ sent unto the King x. pound weight of gold, whereof every pound containeth xii ounces, and every ounce in value of fine gold xl. s/ so that after this rate his present should be in value to the sum of ii hundred & xl pound. All be it master Gagwyne saith he sent unto him but xl mark/ beseeching him to be his good and gracious Lord, and not to give to hasty credence to his accusers. For he in such wise would declare himself, and deliver unto the King the murderers of duke wyllyam/ he mean whereof he should certainly know, that he was innocent of the said Duke's death. And over this he made a friend about the King, which spoke good words for him, & put in the kings mind the great hurts & injuries that he and his progenitors had sustained of the Danies or Normans. By mean whereof this murdour was forgotten/ & more and more the King maligned again the Normans/ and to the child he bore not so good mind as some men thought that he would do.  
Upon a day when the King was returned from his disport of hunting/ a light complaint was brouht to him of the child richard, of an offence that he had committed. For the which he rebuked him otherwise then was sitting to his honour, and called him opprobryously, and threatened him grievously/ and after that caused him to be kept more straightly, than he before had used to be.  
To this child richard was assigned a master or teacher named Osmunde/ which Osmunde had a familiar named Juon. These two apperceiving the kings indignation that he bore toward the child/ studied for his enlarging, and lastly counseled him that he should fain himself sick. The which was done, in such wise that all such as awaited upon him, supposed him to be very sick, by reason whereof his keepers took the less cure of him.  
whereof Osmunde being ware, and also being sure of the King/ made a great truss of herbs or grass, wherein he wrapped the child, and so conveyed him out of the city of Laon/ and there received him an horse ready for the journey/ & so sped him unto Cosuy, and delivered the child to the captain of that town. And from thence he road all night till he came unto Senlys'/ & there showed all his doing unto the Earl of that country named Bernard, which was near kinsman unto the young duke.   

THE. CLXXXVII. Chapter.  
bernard having knowledge of the escape of his kynnesman richard/ sent in all haste unto Hugh le grand Earl of Paris, for to have his aid and assistance. The which without tarrying assembled his knights, and conveyed the child from Cousy to Senlys or Saynlys to his nephew bernard/ where he was received with much joy and honour.  
when Lewis was ascertained of the escape of richard, and how he was in the guiding of Hugh the great or grand/ anon he sent unto him, giving him in commandment that he should restore the child to him. The which excused him, and said that the child was in the keeping of Earl bernard and not in his.  
The King saying how he was deluded/ sent for arnold or Arnulfe Earl of Flaundres/ which at his commandment counseled the King to win Hugh le grand with rich behests or gifts. After whose counsel working/ King Lewis willed the said Hugh to meet with him at the cross of Compeyn, where the said Hugh shortly after met with the King. To whom the King promised great part of the duchy of Normandy/ with that that he would refuse the party of the Normans, and take his part again them. By mean of which promises this Earl Hugh was overcomen/ and agreed with the King to war upon one part of the country, while he warred upon that other. And forthwith received an army of the King, and sped him to Bayon, & made cruel war upon that country. And King Lewis entered upon the province of Caux/ and wasted and spoiled that coast in all that he might.  
when barnard the Dane, and also barnard Earl of Senlys, conceived the untruth of Hugh le grant, and also the great hosts that they were beset with/ by their counsels and other they sent unto the King certain messengers, giving them in commandment to say, that in vain the King had entered that country with his army/ for the city of Rouen and all the province was at his commandment. beseeching him not to waste nor spoil the country but to aid and help defend it again their enemies.  
Of this message the King was right fain/ and forthwith sped him till he came to Rouen, where he was according to his honour received. For the which cause he sent in all haste unto Arnulfe Earl of Flaunders/ monassing him that he seize of his wars in Bayon, till he received farther knowledge.  
The King thus resting in Rouen, devised his matters at his pleasure/ so that the normans obeyed them to all his requests. And for the good abering that barnard the Dane was of again the King/ he granted to him the guiding of the young duke. And when he should depart/ he ordained as his deputy one named Raoull or Rauf. The which after the kings departure, behaved him so cruelly to the Normans/ that they were very irk of him. And over this the foresaid Barnard fearing the kings return, and other more grievous punishment than they before had sustained/ sent his messengers unto Grolle King of Denmark than being at Chyerbourk/ willing him to assemble his people/ and to make of them two hosts. Whereof to send the one by land, and that other by water/ & so to enter the country of Normandy in wasting and spoiling it/ by reason whereof he might bring the King to some communication. Which all was done as the said barnard had devised.  
when the King had witting of the Danies, that with so great a multitude were entered the province of Normandy/ he assembled his host and sped him thitherward/ and in process of time came unto the city of Roan. where by his counsel it was condescended, that a meeting and friendly communication should be had between the King & the said Grolle, at a place called in French Herlycum. where at the day appointed both Princes met, with both hosts standing or having a little distance of. And while the two Princes were there in communication of the death and murder of duke willm/ a Dane marking Herloyne (For whose causes, as before is showed duke willm was slain) with a spear wounded him so grievously that he died forthwith, which deed his brother called Lambert with other of the Frenchmen intending to revenge, with their weapons fill upon the Danies/ which them received with great violence. So that of that a fray ensued a skirmish/ and after the skyrmysshe a sore battle. For both hosts joined on both sides/ and fought cruelly either with other a long while. But in the end the Frenchmen had the worse, and were compelled to flee. And the King to save his life fled also/ which by reason of his untrusty horse was taken and kept secret a certain of time by his taker. But lastly he was discovered and brougth to the city of Roan as a prisoner.  
The King thus being in hold under the keeping of the Danies/ Engeberge his wife making for him great dole and sorrow/ took her journey to the King of Germany, whose daughter she was/ beseeching him to provide for the delivery of her Lord and husband. But of him had she no succour/ but rather dyscomfort/ showing to her that the trouble that her husband sustained he had well deserved, for his unsteadfastness that he again wyllyam the duke & richard his son had used.  
wherefore the Queen being thus answered of her father/ road unto Hugh le grand, beseeching him of help in this great need. The which at the request of the Queen sent unto Barnard Earl of Senlys'/ requiring to move some ways to the Danies for the enlarging of the King. By whose labour and means lastly a counsel was kept at saint Clere upon the river of Ept. where after many arguments & reasons made/ finally it was agreed that the King should be enlarged till an other day of communication/ laying for pledges his son and heir named Lothayr, the bishop of Senlys, and the bishop of Beawayze. Which done the King was set at large, and forth with road unto the city of Laon. where he abode the other day of communication/ which after was holden at the foresaid river of Ept. And concluded a peace, which lasted but a short while after.  
This peace thus confirmed/ Grollo the King of Danies with great gifts was returned from whence he was desired. And Richard the young duke took upon him the rule of his own Signory/ and grew and increased forthwardly. Whereof Hugh the grand taking heed/ and beholding his wise demeanour and conversation/ made such labour and means unto barnard Earl of Senlis, that he married to him his daughter named Emmacet. Whereof being informed the French King/ caste in his mind this great alliance between the young duke and two great peries of his land/ and thought that these iii knet in amity and alliance should disturb him when them liked. Whereof he called to him Arnold Earl of Flaunders/ by whose counsel he sent the said arnold unto Ottho King of Germany/ requiring him of aid to war upon the normans, and to break this affinity of this young duke, & of Hugh le grand, and of barnard Earl of Senlys'/ and for his labour he should have to him and to his heirs the province or lordship of Lorraine.  
Ottho with this covetous promise deceived, assembled his knights/ and at the day and place appointed met with the King/ and with their people sped them to Rouen, and laid siege unto the city. And while the Kings were occupied in wasting and brenning the villages near unto the city/ to put the Normans in the more fere, Ottho sent his nephew with a certain of his people in secret wise to the gates of the city. But when he was comen to the gate that opened toward the river of sayen, and thought there to win his enterprise/ the citizens issued out upon him suddenly, and gave to him battle/ and slew him and many of his company, and the remnant they chased from the walls of the city.  
when Ottho had witting of the overthrow of his men and death of his nephew, whom he entirely loved/ he made inward heaviness, and cast in his mind how he might revenge the death of his nephew. But when he approached the city, and beheld the strength thereof, with also the fierceness of the Normandes/ he repent him of enterprising of that journey/ and turned all his hatred unto Arnolde Earl of Flaunders, by whose steering and counsel that viage was first begun/ in so much that he sought the means to bring the said arnold into the hands of the Normans.  
whereof arnold being warned/ trussed his stuff and harness secretly, and in the night stolen away/ and so returned into Flaunders with his retynew. The which thing known to the two Kings/ in as secret wise as they might departed also from the siege. But yet thereof their enemies being ware/ pursued them & slew many of their company. And or the year that this was done in, had run his full compass, Lewis the King died and was buried in the temple of the holy bishop saint Remygius within the city of Raynys/ when he had reigned in great trouble xxi years/ leaving for his heir a son named Lothayr.   

Anglia. THE. CLXXXVIII. Chapter.  
Edmund the brother of Ethelstan and son of Edward the elder, & of Ethelwyda the third wife of the said Edward/ begun his reign over England, in the year of our Lord ix hundred and xl/ and the vii year of the .v. Lewis than King of France.  
In the first year of his reign, the Danies of Northumberland rebelled again him. And for to make their party the stronger/ they sent for a Prince of Danies named Aulaffe than being in Irlande. The which brought with him an other Prince or ruler of Danies named Reygnald with a great host of Danies & other strange nations/ and entered the foresaid country, and warred upon the next borders, in wasting and spoiling the inhabitants of the same.  
whereof when King Edmund was warned/ anon he assembled his people and sped him toward the country/ and lastly fought with the two said Princes of the Danies, or at the least chased them from town to town till he forced them with all their company of strange nations to forsake utterly that province/ and bet down that country of Cumberlande that had much favoured and aided the said enemies again him/ and took therein great prays, and divided them amongs his knights. And the done/ other for the good service that Malcolyn King of Scotland had in this viage done unto the King, or for the trowth and allegiance that he in time following should bear unto him, or for both/ the King gave there to the said Malcolyn the country of Cumberlande, and seized all the residue of the kingdom or lordship of Northumberlande, and joined it unto his own kingdom.  
But yet the Danies returned again in the time of Edredus the next King as after shallbe showed/ so that as yet the fine or end of this kingdom is not accounted.  
In this Edmundus days the author of Polycronyca saith, that when Edmund had ended his journey, and set that country in an order/ he took with him the bones of the holy abbot Colfrydus, and of that holy abbess Hylda, & brought them unto Glastenbury, and there shrined them. This Colfryde was abbot of Bedas abbey, or of the abbey of Gyrwye/ & Hilda was abbess of Stenshalt or whytby. And as affirmeth the said author, both places been in the North parties of England.  
This King Edward had a noble woman to wife named Elgina/ of whom he received two sons named edwin and Edgar.  
And as testifieth Henry archedeken of Huntyngdon/ this Edward had oft war with the Danes/ the which as he affirmeth held than many good towns in middle England, as Lyncoln, nothinghm, Derby, Stafforde, & Laycetour/ the which by his knightly manhood he wan from them. And by the help of holy Dunstan/ he amended many things within his realm that had been long time misordered by mean of the Danies.  
Of the end or fine of this Edmund divers opinions there be. For Marianus the Scot saith, that while this King Edmund endeavoured himself to save his sewer from the danger of his enemy, that would have slain him at Pulkerchyrche/ the King in ridding of the fray was wounded to the death, and died shortly after.  
But wyllyam de regibus saith, that the King being at a feast at the foresaid town or place, upon the day of saint Augustyne/ espied a fellow sitting in the hall named Leof, which he before time for his felony had exiled/ and leapt over the table and plucked that thief by the here of the head to the ground. In which doing the said fellow with a knife wounded the King to the death/ and also with the same knife wounded many other of the kings servants/ and at length was all to hewn & died forthwith. If this be true/ it should seem that Kings at those days used not the honour that they now have and exercise. But which of these two means was used in the kings death/ by agreement of all writers this King died, when he had reigned vi years and more/ & was buried at Glastenbury the which before he had sumptuously repaired/ and lafte after him two young sons, as before is remembered, edwin and Edgar. But for they were to young to rule the land/ therefore the rule thereof was committed to Edredus their uncle & brother to their father.   

THE. CLXXXIX. Chapter.  
EDredus the brother of Edmund and son of Edward the elder, and of Ethylswyda his third wife/ began his reign over the realm of England, in the year of our Lord ix hundred and lxvii/ and the xiii. Year of the fift Lewis than King of France. The which as before is touched was admitted King by authority of his barony. For so much as the two forenamed children of Edmund, Edwin and Edgar, were thought to young and insufficient to take upon them so great a charge. The which Edrede was anointed King of Oddo Archbishop of Caunterbury in the town of Kyngestowne. And soon after he warred upon the Danies, that then were re-entered into Northumberland/ or after some writers, there dwelling under tribute of the King, subdued before of Edmund his brother/ and bet them down, and caused them to hold and obey unto their former covenants. And the Scots than began to vary which he also brought unto due obedience.  
After a certain term/ the Danies of Northumberlande, which ever continued full of guile and dowblenesse, not being content to hold the covenants before made & promises unto Edredus the King/ called unto them their old accessaries and helpers, and bereaved from the kings subjects the city of york and other strong towns and castles, to the great hurt of the country, and utter displeasure of the King. Wherefore he being thereof advertised/ in goodly and convenient haste assembled his people, and sped him thither, and destroyed much of the land. And in that fury brent the abbey of Rypon, which the Danies kept for a fortress and strength/ and won from them much of the strengths that they tofore had won/ and brought them again under his subjection.  
when this King Edrede had thus sped his journey, and was returning into England, nothing suspecting the said Danies/ a company of them by the excyting of Hyrcus a King or Prince of the Danies, then followed the kings host, and on this half york fill upon the kings rearward, and destroyed & slew many a man. For the which doing the King was sore amoved/ & turned his people again, intending to have destroyed the country utterly.  
whereof the Danies being ware/ so lowly meeked them unto him, & gave to him such gifts, that the King refrained him of the great ire that he had purposed to them. But amongs other articles that he bound them unto/ one was that they should banish and utterly refuse their foresaid duke or King called Hyrcus. Which thing with divers and many other granted & firmly bound to keep, as well by hostages taken as other surety/ the King returned into England joining this kingdom to his other. So that here is reckoned the end of this kingdom/ which should endure as before is showed in the. C.ix chapter of this work, by the term of four hundred & ix years.  
In the same year that the King had thus subdued the Danies, a strong sickness took him/ wherefore he sent for holy bishop Dunstane to come unto him. The which Dunstane in going toward the King/ hard a voice say unto him, now resteth King Edredus in peace. At time of which voice thus saying/ the horse of that holy Bishop fill to the ground and died, without hurting of his master.  
Then this holy man continued his journey, and fande the King deed at his coming/ whom he buried with great reverence, in the monastery or cathedral church of the city of wynchester, in the xxviii year of his age, and the ten year of his reign, as testifieth Guydo and other.   

THE. CXC. Chapter.  
LOtharius the eldest son of the v. Lewis/ began his reign over the frenchmen, in the year of our lords incarnacy on ix hundred & lv/ and the viii year of Edredus then King of England. This Lothayr by means of Thebaude or Theobalde Earl of Chartres, took party again richard duke of Normandye. And for to have again him some groundely cause, he sent unto the duke, monyshing him to have in mind, the faith and allegiance that the dukes of Normandye ought to bear unto the Kings of France. And for maintaining of the same, and for other matters that he had to speak with him of/ he wylled him to come to a place appointed, where all such matters might have farther expedition. All which commandment or request was granted of the duke.  
when the King had received this answer from the duke, whereof he deemed before the contrary/ he sent for Arnolde Earl of Flaundres, Godfrey Earl of Angewe, and Theobalde before named. By whose counsels after many arguments made/ the King agreed to call the duke unto the river of Isayr, & there to betray him. At which day & place appointed/ the duke with a convenient company came unto the said riverside, there abiding the coming of Lothayr upon the other side/ which lastly came thither with a great people. Whereof when the duke was ware he feared treason/ for the which cause he sent espies to know of the kings intent. And they as wise men espied all the purpose of the host/ and shortly returned, and showed to the duke that he was in great danger. The which shortly after appeared/ for the frenchmen began to pass the river in great number.  
Then duke Richard considering that he was of so little might to with stand the great power of the French host/ sent a part of his men to defend the passage, & with the remnant returned unto the city of Roan. Whereof the King being ware that the duke was him escaped/ called again his people, & with great displeasure returned unto Laon.  
It was not long after that the King assembled a great host of burgonions and frenchmen/ & entered into Normandye, and besieged the city of Bayon, and lastly wan it by the treason of one Gylberde a smith belonging unto the Earl Theobald above named. when the King had thus won the city of Bayon/ he betook the keeping thereof unto the said Earl. The which putting therein a strength of knights/ yode unto a castle called Harmavyle, & besieged it with a certain of knights. In which season the King for needs of his realm/ returned into France.  
when duke richard was ware of the kings departure/ he with his people passed the water of sayen/ & costed the country, & fill suddenly upon Earl Theobalde dying at the foresaid siege/ and slew of his men vi. hundred & xl persons/ and put the Earl in such a fere, that he scaped with great danger, and fled with small company, till he came to his own city of Charters.  
Then duke richard considering the great malice of his soon & strength of them/ sent unto the King of Denmark then named Erarde, requiring him of aid or help for to withstand the malice of his enymyes.  
The which Erarde received gladly that message, & promised to them all their request/ & shortly after sent to the said duke a great army of Danies, which sped them by the see till they came to to the place where the water of sayen falleth into the see. Whereof the duke being advertised, in short space drew unto them with his people/ and so with them entered the country of the Earl of Chartris, in wasting & destroying it without mercy/ and after entered the lands of France, in pilling, robbing, brenning, & wasting it, and slew the people with out mercy and pity.  
For this misery & tyranny thus exercised by the Danies/ the King being therewith confused, sent for the bishops of his land, to have their advice. amongs the which the bishop of Chartris being present, was by the hole counsel admitted to go to the duke, and know the cause why that he being a christian man, made such destruction of the christian people, and occupied the land of christian men with so manifold harms and seathes/ and to conclude the true or truce for a certain of tyme. The said bishop accomplyssing the kings pleasure, was answered of the duke/ that this vexation that he put the land of France to, was for the injury that the King had before time done unto him/ & yet continued the same in holding from him his city of Bayon, the which he had given to his great enemy the Earl of Chartris. So that in conclusion a restraint of war was granted, upon condition that by a day assigned, the King would appoint a day of communication/ and in the mean time restore unto him his city of Bayon.  
when the King had received the answer from the duke/ he made such means that the duke received his city of Bayon, with all dyspeasure forgiven again the forenamed Theobald. Which was done by mediation of a religious monk, as affirmeth the French book. And after the day of meeting was appointed at a place called Gyndolfoss. where the duke made ordinance for receiving of the King/ and commanded the paynims and Danes to behave them reverently again the King and his people/ the which was obeyed in all due manner. And the King there received with much honour, had unto the duke many goodly words, requiring him to forget all his former unkindness, trusting to show unto him such pleasures in time to come, that should recompense all the former displeasures and unkindness by him before committed. With which fair speech the duke taking it without dissimulation, was well satisfied and content/ so that after assurance of amity and peace between them stablished, either giving unto other great and rich gifts, they departed as friends. The which peace continued during their lives.   

THE. Cxci chapter.  
LOthayre thus being in love and amity with the Normans/ caste in his mind how he might win from his nephew Otthon King of Germany, the province of Austracy or Lorayn, that in time passed was belonging to his progeny tours. And this to bring to effect/ he gathered in right secret wise a chosen host of frenchmen, & with them passed the country, in such wise that he was entered the city of Aquisgrani, or any great fame or noise were thereof made. Wherewith Ottho being dysmade/ fled for that season, & suffered the said Lothayr for that time to execute his pleasure/ so that the said Lothayre spoiled the Kings palace and other places, to the great enrychinge of him & his host. And when he had tarried there a certain of time, he returned without battle with great pomp into France.  
It is showed before in the beginning of the story of Ethelstane King of England/ that Henry duke of Saxony, the which is meant for Germany, sent unto the said Ethilstane to have his sister Alunda to marry unto his son Ottho or Otthon.  
ye shall understand this Henry is of some writers admitted for Emperor. But his son Ottho forenamed, was Emperor in deed/ whose son this Ottho was abovenamed, and called the second of that name, and Emperor after his father, and son of the forenamed Alunda sister to Ethilstane.  
Then this second Ottho Emperor & King of Germany, being thus as ye have hard surprised of his nephew Lothayre King of west France/ gathered a strong host and entered the realm of France. And as witnesseth Gerardus writer of histories, destroyed the country of Soysons/ and lastly came unto Paris, and brent the suburbs of that city, and had a great part of his will of the said Lothayre. But the French chronicle varieth from this saying/ and saith that Lothayr (by the help of the duke of burgoyne and of Hugh Capet Earl of Paris, after the said Otthon had fired the suburbs of the city of Paris) issued out of the town & fought with the Emperor, and compelled him to give back and i'll. whom the King pursued till he came to the river of Isayr or Sue/ where either host encountered with other & fought cruelly. But at length the Emperor was forced to forsake the field/ & much of his people slain and droned with in the said river. And so great a number as affirmeth the French story/ that the course of the water was stopped, and overflowed the fields near unto the said river.  
But this victory not withstanding as witnesseth Master Gagwyn/ the King contrary the mind of the duke of Burgoyne, and also of Hugh Capet/ released unto the Emperor the title and right of Lorraine. The which was cause of coveting of the realm by the said Hugh, and usurping of the same, as affirmeth the said author. Which agreement between the two princes stablished and ended, either returned into his own country. After the which season no notable deed is put in memory of the said Lothayre/ so that he finally sykened and died, in the year of our Lord ix hundred lxxx & vi, when he had ruled his pryncypat vygurously by the full term of xxx winter/ and was buried in the minster of saint Remigius in the city of Raynes, leaving after him a son named Lewis.   

Anglia. THE. CXCII. Chapter.  
Edredus or edwin the eldest son of Edmund brother of Ethil stane/ began his reign over England, in the year of our lord ix hundred & lvi/ and the second year of Lothayre than King of France. This edwin was crowned King at Kyngistone or Kyngestowne beside London, of the archbishop of Caunterbury. The which self day of his ꝓfessyon or coronation/ broke suddenly from his Lords, & entered a secret chamber, & there occupied himself sinfully with another man's wife. Whereof saint Dunstane having knowledge, rebuked and blamed him grievously/ & caused the woman to be voided from his bed and company. whose husband as one author testifieth he slew, for to have the unlawful use of her beauty/ not considering the alliance of affinity of kindred between them, affirmeth the said author.  
Guydo writer of stories saith, that Edwin contrary the laws of the church, held a woman as his concubine. Wherefore holy Dunstane accused him unto Oddo archbishop of Caunterbury, by whose power the King was caused to refuse & forsake the company of that woman. For the which deed Edwin bore great malice unto the holy man Dunstane/ & at length by his extort power, banished him his land, and forced him for a season to hold him in Flaunders. And for the malice the he bare toward him, he did much displeasure to all black monks of England/ in so much that at Malmysbury he put out the monks and set in secular priests in their stead.  
It is rad of him that he also took from the church what he might/ and specially from the black monks. In so much that such precious jewels as Ethylstane had before received from Othon the Emperor, given unto wynchester and Malmysbury/ he took them thence and gave them unto alients and strangers. And thus was not only unkind to god/ but also he used such tyranny, and other unleeful means to his subjects, that lastly they rebelled again him/ and specially the inhabitants of the country of Mercia or middle England, and also of Northumber's/ and put him clearly from all kingly honour and dignity, when he had reigned after most writers the full term of four years/ and was buried after in the cathedral church of wynchester, leaving none heir of his body/ wherefore the rule of the land fill unto Edgar his younger brother.  
Antoninus' archbishop of Florence in this work often before minded, amongs many miracles and virtues acts, which he in the vi chapter of the xvi title of his book called sm Antonini/ rehearseth of this holy man Dunstan, & saith that when he had understanding of the death of this Edwin by revelation or otherwise, he made his special prayer to god to know what state the soul of Edwin was in. To whom after this prayer made/ appeared to the said Dunstane a great company of fiends, turmenting the soul of the said Edwin, and leading it unto the places of pain. The which when this holy man had seen, he fell to great weeping and sorrow/ beseeching god with most devotion to have pity and compassion of that soul. And while he was occupied in his prayer, the said company of fiends returned with yelling and crying/ showing to him that through his prayer, the angels of god had bereft from them the soul of Edwin.   

THE. CXCIII. Chapter.  
EDgar the second son of Edmund and brother of Edwin last King/ began his reign over the realm of England, in the year of our Lord ix hundred and lx/ and the .v. year of Lotharius then King of France. The which of divers writers is witnessed to be of the age of xvi year, when he was admitted for King/ and that he was not crowned King till he had reigned the full term of xii years. Which term ended and expired/ he was anointed and crowned King in the city of Bathe, upon a whitsunday/ falling then upon the xu day in May, of Dunstane and Oswolde bishops, that one of Caunterburye, and that other of york.  
In the beginning of his reign he called home holy Dunstane/ that before was exiled of King edwin/ which Dunstane hard angels sing, peace be to the land of Englishmen.  
Then he made Dunstane that was abbot of Glastonbury, bishop of worceter/ and unyed and knit into one, the province and lorshyppes of England, and made of them one monarchy and kingdom.  
In many places he put away clerks and priests that lived viciously/ and set there for them monks. And as witnesseth Guydo, Policronica, and other/ he builded and repaired to the number of xl houses of religion/ whereof Abyndon, Peterburgh, Thorney, ramsey, and wylton were parcel of them.  
And at wynchester in the new abbey he put in monks/ where before days were secular priests. The cause whereof was, for so much as the priests fled or negligently slowthed the divine service of god, and set vykers in their places, while they lived at their pleasure in other places, and spent the patrimony of that church after their sensual will.  
Then King Edgar gave to the vykers the land that before belonged to the prebendaryes/ trusting thereby that they would do their duties. But it was not long to, or the said vicars were as negligent as the other. Wherefore finally, the King by authority of pope Iohn the xiii of that name, voided clearly the priests & ordained there monks/ though some of his prelate's where not therewith contented.  
This Edgar kept such justice, and did so sharp execution/ that never before his days was used less felony or robberies. And for he would have the ravenous beasts destroyed through his land/ he caused Ludwallus Prince or King of wales, to yield to him yearly by way of tribute three hundred wolfs. By mean whereof within the space of four years after, in England and wales might scantly be founden one wolf a live.  
It is witnessed of divers authors that Kynadus King of Scotland despised Edgar, for that that he was little of stature. Whereof Edgar being warned/ desired the said Kynadus to dinner, and made to him good countenance. After which dinner ended/ he took the said Kynadus by the arm, and so with him held company till they came into the fields. where being dissevered from both their servants/ Edgar drew from under his garment two sword, & desired Kynadus to take the chose of them, & said to him: now thou hast good leisure to a say thy strength with mine, that before time thou haste so much despised. And let us now prove which is more worthy to be subject to other. It is not sitting for a knight to make great boast at the board, and to do little in field. when the scottish King hard the King thus challenge him/ he knew well his words before spoken were disclosed to the King/ whereof he was not a little abashed. But for appease the King/ he behaved him so lowly, and gave to him such pleasant words, that the King forgave the trespass.  
This Edgar among other of his politic deeds/ used in the summer time to scour the see with certain ships of war. And again the winter he provided to lay the said ships in sure havens/ and had ready in his own service, and in his lords houses, a certain number of soudyours that were always ready when the King had need of them. And his ship masters were in wages with him through the year/ that ever attended upon the ships, to see that nothing failed that unto them was necessary. By mean whereof he kept his land in great quiet fro outward enemies. And in the winter he used to ride over the land, and to see how his officers entreated the people. And if any were accused of extortion or other crimes, and again them sufficiently proved/ he did upon all such sharp correction.  
And for so much as in his days great multitude of Danies dwelled in divers places of England, which used many vices/ & specially great drinking, whereof ensued drunkenness and many other vices, to the evil examples and hurt of his commons and subjects: he therefore ordained certain cups with pins or nails set in them/ and ordained & made a law, that what person drank past that mark at one drought, should for fayte a certain penny. Whereof the one half should fall to the accuser, & that other half to the ruler of the borough or town that the offence was done in.  
It is told of this Edgar by divers authors, that he upon a season being at Chester, entered the river of Dee/ & there sitting in a boat, took the rule of the helm, and caused viii Kings, which of Guydo are called reguli, which is to mean small or little Kings or under Kings, the which he commanded to row him up and down the river unto saint Iohnns church, and from thence to his own palace/ in token that he was Lord & King of so many provinces.  
This noble Edgar had two wives. By the first that was called Egelfleda the white/ he had a son that was named Edward. He was after King, and slain by reason of his stepmother Alfrita, called in the english chronicle Estrylde. And upon his second wife Alfrida or Estrylde he got a son named Egelredus, or after the english book Eldrede/ which was King after Edward the martyr, as after shall be showed. And of saint wylfryth, which of some writers is accounted for a menchon, he had a daughter named saint Edyth in process of rhyme. But this was of baste and not in wedlock. For as Guydo and Policronicon testyfyen/ this virgin wylfryth knowing that the King cast to her unlawful love, put upon her the habit of a nun, thinking thereby to withdraw the kings love. But that not withstanding, she was at length brought to the kings bed. For which deed he was greatly blamed of the holy Bishop Dunstane/ and did therefore seven. Year penance, by the hest or bidding of the said Dunstane. And the forenamed wylfrith after the child borne lived so relygyousely/ that she is now Counted for a saint in heaven. Of her daughter Edyth it is radde, that at lawful age she was at wylton shorn a nun/ where she used more gayer apparel than was thought convenient to her religion. For the which she being blamed of the holy bishop Ethelwolde answered. God's doom that may not fail is pleased only with conscience. Wherefore I trust that under these clothes may be as clean a soul, as under other the been of lass showing. Many virtues been rehearsed of this holy virgin Edyth, in the ix chapter of the vi book of Policronycon. The which I pass over for length of the matter.   

THE. CXCIII. Chapter.  
EDgar thus ruling the land after the death of his first wife Egelfleda/ word was brought to him of the beauty of Alfrida or Estrild daughter of Orgarus Earl of Devenshire. Wherefore he sent a knight of his court named Ethelwold, to espy whether the maid were of such beauty as she was reported of or not/ charging him if she were so beautyous, that then he should ask her to wife for the King.  
But this knight having sight of this maiden, was so wounded with the dart of the blind god cupid, that he forgot his troth and allegiance, that he should owe to his master and sovereign/ and returned, showing to the King, that she was nothing of the beauty that she was reported of, but of mean fairness as other women were. Wherefore he besought the King considering she was her father's heir & a good marriage/ that he would be so good lord to him as to write unto her father, that he might have her to wife. The why the grace he obtained, and at length was married unto her.  
In process of time the fame of the beauty of this woman sprang so wide, that lastly it came to the ears of Edgar. wherewith the King in mind being sore discontented with Ethilwolde, which him had deceived/ yet kept good countenance, and made semblant, as though he had nothing forced that matter. And upon a time as it were in game/ warned this Ethilwolde, that then was an Earl by reason of his wife or otherwise, that he would lodge one night in his house/ & appointed the day when it should be. With this monyssyon the Earl being nothing contented/ ran home nigh deed for fere, and prayed his wife of help in that time of need, and that she would in all that she might make herself as fowl and as unseemly as she could/ and showed to her all the residue of the matter. Then the woman cast in her mind the great displeasure that might ensue toward her again god, to make that fowl, which he had made goodly and fair/ and also to her Lord and husband again the King, thinking that he should cause her thus to do, to the end to mock and deceive him. Wherefore in consideration of the premisses, she enourned her in most costly and showing aparayll. And over that if dame nature had had any thing forgotten or mysprinted in her/ she left not that by woman's help might be amended or reformed/ and at the Kings coming received him with all joy and gladness. By which means this young amorous King was soon caught in the dyvylles snare/ so that he set reason a part, and followed his own sensuality. And for to bring his purpose the better about, he kept forth a countenance as he had been well contented with all thing, and desired the Earl, that he would with him ride on hunting into the wood of welwerley that now is called hore would/ where he awaiting his season & time, struck the Earl through the body with his shaft/ so that he died soon after. And then he married this Elfryda or Estrylde shortly, & had by her Egelredus as before I have showed. For the which deed saith Ranulf, this Elfrida builded an house of nuns at warwell. But other authors say, it was for the slayeng of her stepson Edward.  
Also the english chronicle showeth that this Ethilwolde was slain by an other mean and not by the King.  
About this time died Oddo archbishop of Caunterbury, that was of the nation of Danies. Of him is told a long process in the ten chapter of the vi book of Polycronycon. And after him Bryglinus, that then was bishop of wynchester, was made his successor. But for he was not sufficient for so great a charge/ he went again to wynchester. And holy Dunstane Bishop of London & of worceter, was sacred archbishop of Caunterbury/ and went to Rome and received the pall of pope Iohn the xiii of that name. This Dunstane was first abbot of Glastynbury, and bishop of London & worceter, and lastly archbishop of Caunterbury. In his days the order of monks was religious and Full of virtues. For it had religious rulers, clear of science and of clergy/ so that then men were lad as much with other deeds and good examples of virtuous living as by their famous & virtuous preaching.  
Than edgar as before is said was crowned King at the city of Bathe, of Dunstane archbishop of Caunterbury, and Oswolde archbishop of york, when he had ruled this land xii years. The cause why it was so long or this Edgar were anointed/ was as testifieth Guydo for his unleeful Lechery, and specially for the offence done with wylfryde. For the which deed he was of Dunstane joined to vii years penance. The which penance during, he was kept from the said enoyntement as affirmeth the said Guydo. But for what cause so ever it was/ by agreement of divers writers, he was not crowned till he had reigned xii years.  
It is also told of this Edgare, that he being upon a season at the town of And●uyr/ he was enamoured upon a noble man's daughter which was of passing beauty/ & made such means by force or other wise, that the parents were agreed that the King should have his pleasure. But the mother subtle of wit bethought her of a while/ and sent a servant of hers, which was both comely and fair to the kings bed. In the morning when the day began to wax clear/ the woman began to stir, and would have departed from the King. But the King refrained her and asked the cause of her so hasty departing. For I must be at my work with my fellows said the woman, at mine hour to keep my task. And when the King had questioned with her further, he learned that she was a bond woman/ and asked of the King freedom for the nyghtis service. The King at this had good game/ and cherished that damosel so after, that he made her lady of Lords. For these insolent & wanton deeds/ it is said that by the counsel of the holy Dunstane, he builded & repaired so many abbeys and houses of religion as above is rehearsed.  
Thus this noble edgar passing his time in virtue meddled with vice lastly had witting of the rebellion of the britains or walshmen, wherefore he assembled his knights, and entered the land, and did them great harm and waste. And among other prays, spoiled the country of Glamorgan/ and also took or spoiled the country of Ono/ and took the bell of saint Eltutus, which served for his church, that was taken by violence with other stuff, & hanged it about an horse neck. In putting it to temporal service to the displeasure of that saint. But for the violent taking thereof, as Ranulf expresseth/ in an undertyde when King Edgar was laid to take his rest, the said Eltutus appeared and smote the King upon the breast with a spear. So that the King awoke with that stroke/ and charged that the bell should be restored to the church of saint Eltutus, and all other things that were taken with the same. But the King died within ten days after/ when he had reigned after most writers the full term of xvi years. And was buried at Glastenbury/ leaving after him two sons, Edward the martyr & Egelredus, by ii sundry wives.  
Henricus the hystographer made of him these verses following.  
Aider of the poor, and punyssher of trespass,  
The giver of worship, King Edgar is now gone  
To the kingdom of heaven/ which like to praise was  
As Solomon, that for wisdom above all shone  
A father in peace, a lyon to his foone  
Founder of temples, of monks strong patron,  
Oppresser of all wrong, and of justice guardone.  
WIllelmus de regibus testifieth, that in the year of our Lord. M.lii, which was after the death of this noble King Edgar lxxvi years/ an abbot of Glastenbury named Aylewarde, digged the grave of this noble man unreverently. At which time the body was founden hole and so full of flesh, that the body would not enter into a new chest without pressing. By reason whereof fresh drops of blood issued out of the same body. Than the abbot foresaid fill suddenly mad, and went out of the church, and broke his neck, and so died. Than the body was put in a shrine that he before time had given to the place, & set upon the altar/ with the head of saint Apolinare and other relics of saint Uyncent, the which the King Edgare before days had brought thither and given to the house. Wherefore it may well appear to all that read this story, that what living this man was deemed of, that he purged him in such wise by penance, that he made a seth and amends to god's pleasure.   

THE. Cxcu. chapter.  
IN the story of this noble Prince Edgare, I find written a story, the which is alleged by the author, that it should be done by a King of Syrye named Cambyses, in the time of the reign of this Edgare. But in that saying he varieth from other authors and writers very far/ as Uincencius hystorialis, Antoninus, Ranulphus and other. For all be it the said act was done by the said Cambyse, as the forenamed author affirmeth/ yet it was by the said Cambyses executed, long before the incarnation of christ. For this Cambyses was the son of Cirus King of Parsys and of Medis, which reigned over those provinces about the year of the world four thousand lxx, before the coming of christ following the account of this work xi hundred years & xxix But it might be, that the white monk that was author or writer of this act to the story of Edgare/ was moved for the great justice that he read in the story of this Edgare, thinking to enhance it by the reason hereof/ where he saith that in the time of this Cambyses, a judge was to him accused and convict upon the same accusation, that he had given a wrong sentence by mean of taking of meed. Wherefore this Cambyses to the terror and fere of other/ commanded the said judge to be slain quick, and the skin to be spread over the place or stole of judgement/ and that done, made the son of the foresaid judge to sit as judge in the place, where his father before sat/ with these verses written upon the face of the said place of judgement as followeth. 
Sede sedens ista, judex inflexibilis sta,  
A manibus revoces munus, ab aure preces  
Sit tibi sucerna, sex, sux, pessisque paterna  
Qua recedes natus, pro patre sponte datus.   
which verses may be englished in manner and form as followeth. 
Thou that sittest in this judicial place,  
sit up right, & hold thine hands from meed,  
Thine ears from prayer, & favour from the chase/  
Let law be thy guide, keep justice in thy rede.  
Thy father's skin, which doth thy chair spread,  
Have in thy mind, fall not to like offence  
lest for thy fault thou make like recompense.   
AS I have before showed this act was put in execution the xi. C. year and odd before the coming of christ. And sins the said coming or incarnation have expired xu hundred years & more/ which all maketh over two thousand vi hundred years. In all which time I have nat radde in any chronicle of this land nor other where, that any judge hath been put to like sentence. Wherefore it is to presuppose, that in the laws both spiritual & temporal/ all judges have well borne these verses in mind, and exercised them in ministering of dew justice, as perfitly as their cusshons had been freshly lined with the foresaid skin/ & imprinted so narrowly these verses in the book of their conscience, that they in all their judgements set aside all partiality and favour/ and hold their hands from all medes and rewards/ so that now it is thus with more, or else thus it should be.   

THE. Cxcvi chapter.  
EDwarde the son of Edgare and of his first wife named Egelfleda/ began his reign over this realm of England, in the year of our Lord ix hundred and lxxvii/ and the xii year of Lothayre than King of France.  
ye shall understand that after the death of Edgare/ strife arose among the Lords for admission of their King. For Elfryda or Estrylde with alphred duke of Mercia/ made divers friends to have her son Egelredus promoted to that dignity, a child of vii years of age, that she & he might have the rule of the land. But holy Dunstane with aid of other bishops, and of the Earl of east England or Essex/ withstood so that doing, that he crowned this Edward King at the town of Kyngestowne/ to the grievous displeasure of his said mother Elfryda and other of her affinity.  
In the time of this Edward appeared stella cometa, a blazing star/ wherafter ensued many inconveniences as well to men as to beasts, as sickness, hunger, moreyne, & other like miseries. But none of this fill in the days of this Edward, but after his death. The forenamed Alpherus duke of Mercia, which in all things favoured much the deeds of the Queen/ put out the monks at wynchester, that King Edgare as before is showed had there set in/ & brought in for them wanton clerks/ or as ranulph saith clerks with concubines. But Dunstane and the Earl of Essex wythsayde that doing/ and held again the duke and such as favoured his party. For the which arose great strife between the priests and the monks of England. For the clerks that were before time put out by Edgar/ said that it were a wretched and cursed deed, that a new common company unknown should put out old landysmen from their place/ nor it should not be pleasing to god that had granted the place to the old wōner/ nor no good man ought to allow such doing, for the ensample that thereof might ensue. The monks said yetCryste allowed neither the old dweller, nor yet the person. But who so would take the cross of penance upon him, and follow christ in virtuous living/ he should be his disciple. For this was holden a general counsel of bishops and all the clergy of the land at winchester/ where holy Dunstane held with the virtuous. And while they were there in great argument for this matter, as divers writers testyfyen/ a road there being or standing in the wall spoke miraculously, and said that Dunstanes ways was good and true. But for all this the strife seized not. In so much that a new assemble of the clergy and other was appointed after at a place called the street of calf/ where the counsel was kept in an upper loft. In this counsel Dunstane was grievously despised and rebuked of some unskilful men. But yet he kept his opinion grounded upon justice and virtue. And while they were there in this great division and argument, which way should be admitted and allowed/ suddenly the joists of the loft failed, and the people fell down, so that many were slain & grievously hurt. But holy Dunstane escaped, with few other that took his party unhurt. This wonder with the other, caused silence amongs them that intended to maintain this foresaid quarrel/ so that Dunstane had all his will.  
Thus passing the time of the reign of Edward the King/ he came upon a season from hunting in the forest or wood after some writers, near to the castle of Corfe in the west country. where he losing his company and servants, resorted unto the castle before said/ where at that time his mother with her son Egelredus kept her household. When the Queen was warned of his coming/ anon she called to a servant of hers which she much trusted, and told to him all her counsel/ showing to him further how he should behave him in accomplishing of her will and mind. And that done/ she went toward the King, and received him with all outward gladness/ and desired him to tarry with her that night. But he in courtesy manner excused himself/ & for speed desired to drink upon his horse sitting, the which was shortly brought.  
And while the cup was at his mouth/ the servant before of the Queen informed, struck him to the heart with a sword or a long dagger sharp on both sides. After which stroke by the King received/ he took the horse with the spurs and ran toward the place that he was comen fro, or else such way as he supposed to meet of his company. But he bled so sore that for faintness he fill from his horse, his one foot being fast in the styrroppe. By reason whereof he was drawn of the horse over ways and fields, till he came to a place named than Corysgate, where he was founden deed. And for the manner of his death was unknown▪ and also he for King not known/ he was buried unworthily at the town of warehm, and there rested by the term of iii years after. In which time and season god showed for him divers miracles/ as sight to the blind, health to the sick, and hearing to the deaf, with divers other which I over pass.  
whereof hearing his stepmother, began to take repentance, and intended to visit him by way of pilgrimage. But how or for what cause she intended inwardly I can nat say/ but the horse or be'st that she road upon, might not nigh the place/ by a certain space, for beating or any other thing that to him might be done by man. But after this by her means he was translated from thence to Septon, that now is called Shaftesbury/ & there buried with great honour. But sin that time part of his body was translated to the abbey of Leof beside Hereforde in the edge of wales/ and some part thereof to Abyndon. And it is reported that at Shaftesbury remain his lungs/ and been showed in the place that is called Edwardysstowe.  
For the murder of this blessed man/ it is said as before is showed in the story of Edgar, that his stepmother founded two monasteries of women/ the one at Ambrisbury, and that other at warwell. In the which place of warwell in her latter days, she refusing the pomp of the world, held there a solitary and straight life/ and ended her life with great penance and repentance, and was there buried when she died.  
Thus as ye have hard was this virtuous young King Edward martyred, when he had reigned after most writers four years, leaving none issue/ wherefore the rule of the land fill to Egelredus his brother.   

THE. CXCVII. Chapter.  
EGelredus the son of Edgar and Alfrida or Estryld his last wife/ began his reign over England, in the year of our Lord ix hundred & lxxxi/ and the xxvi year of Lothayre than King of France.  
This is named of some writers Etheldredus, and in the english chronicle Eldrede. In whose beginning the ground waxed barren/ and all miseries before bodyd by the appearing of the blazing star, in the days of Edward the martyr, now began to take place and increase upon the earth. This as the other of his progenitors, was crowned King at Kyngestone, of the holy archbishop Dunstane, and of Oswalde archbishop of york. To whom as it is red in the life of saint Dunstane amongs his prophecies/ that in the day of his coronation, he said unto the King: for thou comest to this kingdom by the death of thy brother, in whose death Englishmen conspired with thy wicked mother/ they shall not be without blood shedding and sword, till there come people of unknown tongue, and bring them into thraldom. And this trespass shall not be cleansed without long vengeance.  
Of this Egelredus writers agreen, that he was goodly of shape and of visage/ but that was minged with lechery and cruelty. It is also red that when holy Dunstane should christian him/ as he held him over the font, he feeled the holy lyker with the fruit of his womb. Wherefore holy Dunstane swore by god and by his mother/ this shallbe unkind to god and his church. Which failed not in his forth going/ for he was ungracious in his beginning, wretched in the middle of his life, and hateful to men in the end thereof.  
In the second year of his reign/ a cloud was seen in England, the which appeared half like blood, & the other half like fire/ and changed after into sundry colours, & disappeared at the last. In the third year of his reign, the Danies arrived in sundry places of his land/ as in the isle of Thanet beside Kente, in cornwall, and Sussex, and did in those costs much harm. And after some of them came to London/ but there they were put of. How be it they destroyed a great part of Chestershyre.  
And in the end of the same year, a great part of the city of London was wasted with fire. But how it began mine author mindeth not. But ye shall understand, that at this day the city of London had most housing and building from Ludgate toward westmester/ and little or none where the chief or heart of the city is now/ except in divers places was housing, but they stood with out order. So that many towns and cities, as Caunterbury, york, and other divers in England/ passed London in building at those days, as I have seen or known by an old book sometime in the Guyldehal of London named Domys day. But after the conquest it increased & shortly after passed & excelled all the other.  
About the viii year of this Kings reign/ the King married Earl Egbertus daughter named Ethelgina or Elgina. Of the which in process of time he received a son named Edmund, which after was surnamed Ironsyde/ and ii other sons named Edwin and Ethylstane, and a daughter named Edgina.  
In this pastime died saint Ethilwalde Bishop of wynchester. He was borne in wynchester, and nourished under holy Dunstane at Glastenbury, and there shorn monk/ and after was chosen abbot of Abyndon, in the time of the reign of King Edredus. And in the time of Edgar he was sacred bishop of wynchester/ where he made an abbey of nuns, and translated saint swithiness body out of the earth.  
After which said Ethelwalde, holy Alphegus abbot then of Bathe was sacred bishop of wynchester/ the which after was archbishop of Caunterbury, and martyred hastily of the cruel Danies, as after shall be showed.  
About the ix year of Egelredus/ for strife that was between the Bishop of Rochester and him, he with his knights besieged the said city. Whereof holy Dunstane sent to the King, amonyssing him that he should refrain him of that cruelty, & suffer the Bishop and his city in peace, whiles that he offended saint Andrew patron of that city. But this message mylded nothing the Kings courage. Then this blessed man sent to him a hundred pound in gold, willing him to refrain of that outrage/ the which he received and broke the siege. Then blessed Dunstane sent this message to the King: For thou haste preferred gold before god, and silver before the apostle, and covetise before me/ right so evil haps shall come unto thee, but not while I am in life. But the King took little regard to those words, but continued in his insolent & cursed deeds.  
About the xi year of his reign, died that blessed archbishop saint Dunstane. Of whom Ranulff in the xiii. chapter of his vi book of Policronycon, maketh rehearsal of divers of his virtues and miracles/ the which I pass over, and the rather because his legend or life is manifest. Siricus was Archbishop after him, & after him wulricus. And after wulricus, blessed Elphegus was Archbishop of that see.  
It was not long after the death of holy Dunstane, but that the Danies pierced England in many and sundry places of the land/ in such wise that the King was to seek, to which cost he should go first to withstand his enymyes. And in conclusion in avoiding of more harm/ he was compelled to appease them with great sums of money. But when the money was spent/ they fill to new robbing of the people. Then the King granted more money. But for all that the Danies rob and spoiled the country of Northumberland, and besieged London at the last. And for augmentation of the kings sorrow/ Elfricus that then was master or admiral of the kings navy, fled as a false traitor. And after that reconciled & fled the second time to the Danies. Wherefore the King in wretch of the father/ commanded the eyen of his son Algarus, to be plucked or done out of his head.  
But while this persecution thus continued/ by means of the holy bishop of wynchester Elphegus, a peace was concluded for a time between the King and the Danies. And the Prince or chief captain of them named Aulaff, was so exhorted by the said holy Bishop/ that he became a christen man, to whom the King was godfather/ so that after the said Aulaff returned to his own, without doing of more harm/ so that for a while the war of Danies seized.  
But while that rested/ the bloody flix with a brenning fever vexed the people through the land, that much folk thereof died.  
continuing which misery/ the Danies again assailed the land, & did in divers places great harm/ so that for lack of a good head or governor, many things in the land perished. For the Lords were at such dissension that one with that other/ that when they were assembled to speak or treat of peace between that one Lord and that other, and if any good thing were devised for the hurt of their enemy's/ anon the Danies were warned thereof by some of the same counsel. Whereof were suspected Elfricus and Edricus. And to this sorrow was joined hunger and penury amongs the commons, that everich of them was constrained to pluck and steel from other/ so that what by the pillage of the Danies, and inward thiefs and brybours, this land was brought in great misery and mischief.   

THE. Cxcviii chapter.  
EGelredus then wrapped in misery/ left not to gather of his subjects what he might, as well by unlawful means as otherwise. For as saith Ranulfe mine author/ he would for feigned or small causes, dysheryte men of their possessions/ & after cause men to redeem their own for great sums of money. And over that he wallowed in lechery, giving him to all vicious and incontinent life of his body. By which ungracious means, he brought this land in such ruin, that what he might not help by strength, he warred with money. So that from the first entry of the Danies as testifieth Policronica in the xviii chapter of his vi book, & also Guydo with other authors/ that from the first tribute of ten thou sand pound, he brought it at the last in process of .v. or vi years to xl. Thousand pound. The which yearly during his life and after, to the coming of saint Edward, was levied of his subjects/ and named for the continuance thereof Dane gelt. Which is or was to mean money paid to the Danies, or shortly, Dane money.  
In this time as it were about the xv. Year of his reign, died saint oswald the archbishop of Caunterbury. And soon after died Ethelgina the Queen. And the body of saint Cuthbert was translated from holy island to Durham/ in the which isle he held anankers life, as it is before showed in the story of Cadwallader.  
Thus continuing this land under the grievous tribute of the Danies, and also by sustaining of many villainies and injuries by the english men of the said Danies, as after somedeal shall appear/ this Egelredus by counsel of his familiars about the xxi year of his reign/ married Emma the daughter of Richard duke of Normandy, before minded in the story of Lewis the .v. and Lothayre his son Kings of France. The which richard was the third duke of Normandy, and the first that name/ and also was surnamed richard without fere or the hardy/ as more of him shall be showed in the story of the vi Lewis King of France.  
By reason of marrying of this Emma, which in the French chronicle is named the flower of Normandye/ this Egelredus was greatly enhanced in his own mind. By presumption whereof he sent into all good burghes, cities, and towns of his land, secret and straight commissions/ charging the rulers that upon a certain day, that is to say upon the day of saint Bryce at an hour assigned in every place of his land, the Danies should be suddenly slain. And so it was done.  
And as the common fame telleth, that this murder began at a little town in Hertefordeshyre, within xxiiii. Miles of London called welewyn or welwyn. For the which dedeyt took first that name/ as who would ween, that the weal of the country was there first won. But who that well considereth the sequel of this story/ shall find little winning or weal ensuyenge of this deed.  
But or I proceed further/ hear I will touch somewhat of the pride and abusion of the Danis, that they exercised in England, in some part thereof, as I have seen in an old chronicle, whereof the author is unknown. There it is showed, that the Danies by strength caused husband men to ere and sow the land, and do all other vile labour that belonged to husbandry/ and the Dane held his wife at his pleasure, with daughter and servant. And when the husbandman came home/ he should scantly have of his own as servants had, so that the Dane had all his commandment, and eat and drank his fill of the best/ when the owner had scantly his fill of the worst. And over that the common people were so of them oppressed/ that for fere and dread, they called them in every such house as they had rule of, Lord Dane.  
But in process of time, after the Danies were voided the land/ this word Lord Dane, was in derision and despite of the Danies, turned by the englishmen into a name of opprobry and called Lurdayne/ which to our days is not forgotten. But when one Englysheman will rebuke an other/ he will for the more rebuke call him Lurdayn.  
Then to return to our first matter. truth it is that when the Danies were thus murdered thorough England/ tidings thereof sprang into Denmark. Which kindled in them such a fury/ that the King thereof named Swanus, assembled shortly a great host and navy of Danies, and in short process after landed in cornwall. And by treason of a Norman named Hugh, which by favour of the Queen Emma was made Earl of devonshire/ the said Swanus took Exetour, and after bet down the wallys.  
Then he entered further into the land. In which season the King sent unto Edricus/ charging him to assemble the West Saxons, and to withstand the further entry of the Danies. The which according to his commission assembled the West Saxons/ and made good countenance to withstand the said enymyes. But when the hosts should join/ were it for fere or for treason, he feigned him sick and fled from his people. The which for lack of an head were fain to give back/ to their hurt, and to their enemies great advantage and comfort.  
wherefore the Danies resorted then to wylton and shyrborn/ and anon spoiled both those towns, and there refreshed them. But for Swanus had witting that the King was coming toward him with the power of his land/ he therefore departed thence and returned with great pillage to his ships/ & sailed about the land, and lastly landed in Norfolk. where he wasting and spoiling the country/ came in process unto the city of Norwyche and rob and spoiled it/ and after yode to Thetford, and did likewise to that town, and fired it and destroyed the country near there about.  
But soon after a noble man of that country called duke uskatells met with the host of Danies, and gave unto them an hard and sharp battle/ and slew many of the enymyes and put them back. For this, and for hunger that then assailed this land/ Swanus returned oft unto his ships, & departed again into Denmark, & tarried there all the winter following. In which season he made great provision to re-enter the land of England.   

THE. CXCIX. Chapter.  
ABout the xxvi year of the reign of Egelredus the forenamed Swanus with a strong army, landed at sandwich/ and spoiled all the country near unto the see side, and rested him there till he hard of an army coming again him. And when he was ware thereof, he returned to his ships again/ and hearing the King was far westward, he landed in Sussex, and spoiled it wonder sore. And when he there was warned of the coming of a battle of englishmen, anon he took shiping again. So that when the englishmen wend to have met with them in one cost/ then would they suddenly land in another. And when the King provided to meet with them upon the see/ other they would fain to flee, or else they should with gifts blind the admiral of the kings navy.  
By which subtylytye and crafty means, they wearied and tired the host of englishmen. And where ever they went/ they slew, brent, and rob without compassion and pity. The King then being at Shrewesbury, & hearing of the great sleight and cruelty of the Danies/ called his counsel to read what were best to be done for the defence of his enemies. where it was concluded, that the King to have peace with the Danies, should pay unto them xxx thousand pound. But while this was in doing, the Danies destroyed a great part of Baroke or Barkshyre.  
when this peace was thus made/ Swanus with his company returned into Denmark. And the year following/ the King made Edricus forenamed duke of Mercia. This Edricus was of low birth, rich, of tongue false, and subtle of wit, soft and eloquent of speech, untrusty and false of thought and promise/ as of him somedeal before is showed, and after more shall appear.  
In the xxvii year of Egelredus/ a Prince of Danies named Turkyllus landed in Kent. The which so grievously warred in that country/ that the Kentyshemen were fain to make their peace, and so departed.  
And yet the persecution of Danies seized not. For in one country of England or other/ they ever in whylies rob & peeled the Englishmen. So that all the country a long the cost, from the north part of England unto the isle of wight/ was by them destroyed or hugely set a back. And when the King intended to make provision for to withstand them/ ever Edricus would counsel him to the contrary/ showing him that he should spend his treasure & travail his people in vain. By mean whereof the Danies entered l miles within the land/ and brent and rob by divers times many villages & towns. So that they increased & waxed passing rich/ and the Enlyshemen needy, bare, & poor. Thus continuing this misery/ Swanus or after the english swain then being in Denmark, and hearing of the increase of his people within England/ repent him of his former covenants, and thought that the hole dominion of England should belong to him of right. For the which he prepared his army & navy in most defensible wise/ and sped him into England, & to the river of Humber, and landed in Northumberlande.  
where the Earl or ruler of that country with all the rulers of the same, swore feaute unto the said Swanus, and promised to keep that country unto his use. And when he had done his will in that cost/ he entered again the water, and by the river of Trent he passed to Gaynysburghe, and so by North watlyngstrete/ and subdued the inhabytauntes of that country, and forced them to give unto him pledges. Which pledges, with also his navy/ he betook unto Canutus his son, while, he went farther into the land. And that done, he with his▪ people kept on his journey till he▪ came into Mercia, killing and slaying the men of that province/ And reserved the women to unclean living, as well the religious as other/ and took by strength wynchester and Oxenford, and did in them what he liked.  
And after he had thus passed the land/ he drew the next way toward London. But in passing the river of Thames he lost some part of his people/ other for lack of a bridge or for ieoparding their passage unavysely. And so in process he came unto London/ where at that time King Egelredus was. Wherefore Swanus left the city, and drew into Kente, and so toward Caunterbury without let, welding the country at his will/ and lastly besieged that city. The which manfully defended their enymyes by the space of twenty days. Which siege began upon the day of saint Mathewe in the month of September, and endured as is above said/ and then taken by the treason of a deacon named Almaricus/ the which beforetime blessed Elphegus then archbishop of that see, had preserved from death.  
Then the Danies fired the city when they before had spoiled it/ and took the archbishop and put him in straight prison. And the monks of saint augustine's abbey they tithed that is to mean they slew ix by cruel torment, and the tenth they kept a live/ the which after was sold and set to all servile labour. And as witnesseth Antoninus or Uyncent historical/ they slew and brought in servage over the sum of ix hundred persons of religion/ they slew of men, women, & children, beyond the number of viii thousand. As with much more cruelty it is showed, in the vii chapter of the xvi title of the work of the said Antoninus. And finally for this blessed man Elphegus would not condescend to give unto them as saith Policronica iii thousand pound/ after they had kept him in hard prison by the space of vii months, upon an Ester even they after many vylanyes to him done at Grenewyche within three miles of London, they stoned him to death. where he lay in the field unburied a certain of time/ and after carried to London, and buried reverently in the church of saint Paul. But afterward in time of Canutus, he was taken up again and carried to his own church. Of this blessed Elphegus Antoninus and also Policronicon shown many virtues and miracles/ the which I pass over for lengthing of the tyme.   

THE. CC. chapter.  
IN this pastime, King Egelredus fearing the end of this persecution/ sent Emma the Queen with her two sons alphred and Edward, unto richard the second of the name, than fourth duke of Normandy, which was brother unto the said Emma/ with whom also he sent the bishop of London.  
About the xxxiiii year of the reign of Egelredus/ the Danes when they had won a great part of the country of westsaxon, returned again toward London. Whereof hearing the Londoners sent unto them certain gifts and pledges.  
In all this season mine author maketh no mind, that ever the king gave unto the Denys any notable battle/ but kept him in holds or places, for his own safeguard, and little fruit or profit to his land. At the last he was chased unto the isle of wight/ where with a secret company, he held a great part of the winter/ and finally without cattle or comfort, sailed over to his wife into Normandy/ and there held him a certain of tyme.  
when Swanus was ascertained of the departing of Egelredus out of the land, he was inflamed with exceeding pride/ so that he arreared exceeding impositions of the people, and grieved them wonderfully. And amongs other of his tyrannies he asked a great sum of money of saint edmund's lands. Which the rulers denayed/ for so much as they claimed to be free of all kings tribute. For this he entered the terytory of saint Edmund, and wasted and spoiled the country/ and over that despised that holy martyr, with menacing of the place of his sepulture. Wherefore the men of that country fearing this tyrant, gave them to fasting and prayer/ so that shortly after he was sticked in an evening amongs his knights, with the sword of saint Edmund in the town of Shetforde as saith Guydo/ but after Policronicon & other in the town of Gaynesborugh. where he died with yelling and crying the third day after.  
In fere whereof, Canutus his son after that he was King, closed in the land of that holy martyr with a deep ditch/ and granted to the inhabytauntes thereof great fredam, & quit them of all kingly task or tribute. And after builded a church over the place of his sepulture/ and ordained there an house of monks, & endued them with fair possessions. And after it was used that Kings of England when they were crowned, sent for an offering their crowns unto saint edmund's shrine/ and redeemed them aftewardes with a condign price.  
when Egelredus had writing of the death of Swanus/ by procurement of his friends/ he made means to return to his own. By whose means he was sent for, with condition that he should reform his old conditions. Ad for performance of the same, he sent his son Edward into England before him. And in the lent following the King came himself, and with his people sped him toward lindsay. where Canutus was at that time resseaunt, not provided of the Kings so hasty coming.  
wherefore he being not purveyed to withstand the King, fled into sandwich in Kente. And for he there proved such persons as before time his father and he had taken pledges of, & fande them not perseverant in their ꝓmisses/ he made to be cut of all the noses and hands of the said english people, and sailed into Denmark when he had do/ and returned the next year with a great navy, and sailed about the land, and took prays in the South country. Whereof the kings eldest son named Edmund, made provision with the aid of Edricus to go again him. But when he should have met with Edricus at a place assigned & his host, he was of him deceived/ wherefore he was compelled to give place to his enymyes. And as it was after known, the said Edricus had promised his favour and aid unto the said Canutus.  
By reason whereof Canutus entered the country of west Saxon/ and forced them to swear to him fealty, and to give unto him pledges/ and other countries adjoining did the same.  
In this seasan Egelredus being at London, was taken with a grievous sickness & died/ and was there buried in the church of saint Paul, where at this day in the North isle behind the quere, appeareth in the wall a token of his sepulture/ which reigned, or as say Policronicon & other, besieged England, by the term of xxxvi. years full/ leaving after him a son named Edmund Iron side over alphred and Edward sons of Emma.   

Francia. THE. Cci chapter.  
LEwys the vi of that name & son of Lothayre/ began his reign over France, in the year of our lords incarnation ix. hundred and lxxxvi/ and the .v. year of Egelredus than King of England. Of the which other for his youth or for the shortness of his reign, little of his deeds is laft in memory/ except that the French book witnesseth, that for he had none issue, and Hugh Capet before in the story of Lothayre minded, was his familiar and chief counsayler/ he should therefore ordain and admit the said Hugh for his heir. But more verily as before is touched in the above named story, & in the end thereof, this Hugh was strong and mighty, and in the later days of Lothayre coveted the rule of the land. Wherefore after the death of this Lewis, for so much as he laft no child after him/ he than having the chief rule of France, by strength and power made himself King.  
But for I promised in the story of Egelredus, somewhat to show of richard the first of that name and third duke of Normandye/ I shall somedeal length this story with the story of the said richard. This richard as affirm all writers, was named Richard without fere. And for this cause that followeth, as testifieth the French book. He used much to bid his beds for all christian souls. And upon a night when he had long watched/ he entered a church, where stood a corpse unburied & no man watching it. And while he said his orisons for that soul and other/ he laid his gloves upon a desk by him. And when he had ended his devotions, he went out of the church for getting his gloves behind. But shortly after he remembered him of them/ and returned toward the church for to fetch his said gloves. When he came at the church door/ he found the corpse there standing, with his arms spread abroad, and making great noise and cry. Wherefore the duke made the sign of the cross in his forehead, and conjured the corpse that he should rest, but all was in vain. Whereof the duke drew his sword and stroke at the corpse, and to his thinking parted him in two pieces. And that done entered the church, fet his gloves, & so departed. And for this chance he ordained after through his realm that a corpse should be watched the first night or longer, as men had devotion. which guise was sometime used in England, and begun of the Normans as men may conjecture, after they had first conquered this land.  
Polycronycon showeth in the vii chapter of his vi book, that this duke richard dreamed on a night that a monk of the house of saint Audoenus in Rouen, as he went toward his leman by night/ fill beside a bridge and was drowned. whose soul after was in strife between an angel and a fiend. The which after a long strife/ condescended to put the judgement in duke richard. Than the duke gave sentence, that the soul should be restored again to the body/ and then the body to be set upon the bridge that before he was fallen fro. And if he than went to his leman he should be the fiends/ and if nat, he should than be saved. And when this sentence was put in execution, the monk fled unto the church thereby. Upon the morn when the duke awoke, & called this vision to his memory/ to know the certainty thereof, he went unto the said church, and fande the monk there his clothes yet wet/ & after went to the abbot of that place, and told to him all this deed, advertising him to take better oversight of his flock.  
To these narrations the hearers may give credence as them liketh. For they be neither in the pistle nor yet in the gospel. All be it Antoninus archbishop of Florence, when he rehearseth any like narrations, which he thinketh somewhat doubtful/ he joineth these words and saith, piunest credere. The third narration is told of this duke/ which by all presumption was registered of some women scribe. This duke with Gunnore his wife, lived long while a dishonest life, and contrary to the laws of the church. Whereof his people murmured sore/ so that at length by the wholesome doctrine of some of his clerks or spiritual men, he married her to his lawful wife. The first night after the wedding/ were it in game or otherwise, the Duchess turned her buttock in the dukes lap as she before time had never done. When the duke frayned the cause of her so doing/ for now (said she) may I do what me liketh/ where before I might do but what you liked. Upon this Gunnore he gate beside other childer, Emma that was the wife of Egelredus as before ye have hard/ and died when he had ruled Normandy by the term of lii years.  
Than to return to the vi Lewis King of France, from whom we have made a long digression/ as witnesseth Master Gagwyne he died in the year of our Lord ix hundred lxxxix, when he had reigned. three years/ and was buried at Compayne.  
ye shall understand that this Lewis was the last King of the blood of Pepyn. And for I promised before to show the dyscent of the said Pepyn, to the end that ye may the better know this story/ and also to know the Kings of France from the Kings of Germany, which both descended of this pepin: hereafter I shall more clearly set it out in branches. But first I will express the Kings of France as they reigned lynially/ and join to either of them the term that he reigned, that there by it may appear how long this blood continued in the house of France, or it were impeached by Hugh Capet, as after appeareth.  

The years.  Pepyn. 
xviii.  charles. 
xlvii.  Lewis the first. 
xxvi.  charles the bald. 
xxxvii.  Lewis balbus. 
two.  Lewis and charles. 
v.  Lewis the fourth. 
viii.  Eudo. 
ix.  charles the simple. 
xvii.  Radulphus. 
xii.  Lewis unus. 
xxi.  Lotharius. 
thirty.  Lewis the sixth. 
iii.   
OF the which Kings ii were not of that blood, as Eudo and Radulphus/ but admitted of the barony of France to rule the land, till two of that progeny/ that is to mean charles the simple, and Lewis the v, were comen to their lawful age. So that from the first year of Pepyn, which began his reign in the year of grace vii hundred & l to the first year of Hugh Capet that began his reign in the year of our Lord god ix hundred and lxxxix/ expired or passed ii hundred & xxxix years.  

Pypyn the father of charles the great. 

charles the great Emperor. 

Louis the first, Emperor 

The Kings of Germany.  
Lothayre Emperor/ and the son of Lewis the first. 

Louis Emperor the son of Lothayre. 

Lothayre the second the son of Lothayre. 

charles the iii and son of Lothayre.        
Lewis King of Germany and brother unto the said Lothayre. 

Lewis the son of Lewis/ which was brother unto charles grossus Emperor. 

Lewis the son of Lewis/ which of some is Counted Emperor. 

Arnusphus the son of Lewis Emperor. 

Lewis the son of Arnulph, last Emperor of France.           

The Kings of France.  
charles the bald the son of Lewis the first of his ii wife Emperor 

Lewis Balbus the son of charles the bald 

Lewis & charles sons of Lewis Balbus. 

Lewis the four and son of the foresaid charles. 

charles the simple the son of Lewis the forth. 

Lewis the .v. and the son of charles the simple. 

Lothayre the son of the foresaid Lewis. 

Lewis the son of Lothayr/ and the last King of that flock.                        

THE. Ccii chapter.  
HUgh the son of Robert the tyrant, descended of Hugh legraunde/ began to take the rule, or to usurp the crown of France, in the year of our Lord ix hundred and lxxxix/ and the viii year of Egelredus than King of England.  
This as witnesseth the French chronicle was Earl of Paris, and marshal of France. And as saith Antoninus, he married one of the daughters of Edward the elder. This also was named Capet, for so much as in his youth/ he used in game to lay aside his fellows hodes. In whose beginning/ charles that was the brother to Lothayre, and uncle unto Lewis the vi last King, hearing of the death of his nephew Lewis without issue/ as next heir, with aid of some Lords of France, and also of Loreyn, the which than he was Lord of, gathered an army and entered France/ and than came to the city of Laone. Within which city/ he with his wife and people, by the treason of the bishop of the same city, was taken and delivered with his wife and childer into the hands of his enemies/ the which sent them to orleans there safely to be kept.  
Than this Hugh was crowned in the city of reins/ and wielded the land with more surety. How be it the Earl of Flaunders named Arnulphus or arnold before spoken of, would not be under his obedience. Wherefore this Hugh assembled his knights/ and by his strength took from him the coutre of Artoys, with many strong holds and castles/ and lastly forced the said arnold to i'll into Normandy, to ask aid of Richard the first of that name, before spoken of in the story of the vi Lewis. By whose means after some writers/ wyllyam Longa Spata father to the said duke Richard was slain. But that not withstanding, by friendship of the said duke Richard, this arnold was reconciled unto the King, and continued after as his subject.  
In the city of reins was arch bishop at this day a noble prelate named arnold, son of baste of Lothayre, and nephew to charles then prisoner, as before is touched. The which for malice that the King bore unto him, for cause of the forenamed charles/ called a counsel of the clergy of his land, and laid again him such objections, that he by their assent was put from that benefice, and sent him to orleans there also to be kept in prison. And set in his place one gilbert, or after the French book Gerbres, a cunning man in philosophy/ which had before time been tutor or master to Robert son of the said Hugh. But after iii years/ pope Iohn the xvi of that name sent down his mandment unto guian archbishop of Sens/ charging him that he should remove the said Gerbers', and restore the said arnold to his proper see. Which was done shortly after/ and the said Gerbers' was after this preferred by one of the Othons' Emperor unto the church of raven, and continued there till the death of the xvii Iohn. After whose death he was elect pope of Rome/ and was named the second Silvester, & lived as pope four years  
Than it followeth in the story/ when this Hugh had reigned full viii. Years and more, he died in the year of our Lord ix hundred xciii and was buried at saint Denys leaving after him a son named Robert.   

THE. CCIII. Chapter.  
RObert the son of Hugh Capet, began his reign, in the year of our lord ix hundred & xcviii/ and the xvii year of Egelredus then King of England.  
This was cunning in many sciences, and a man of good manner & virtue. He made divers hymns, sequences, & respondes/ as O Juda et Hierusulem, O constantia martyrum, As sit nobis scti spiritus gratia, or more congruely, Sancti spiritus assit nobis gratia, with divers other.  
In the beginning of his reign/ while Bowcharde Earl of meleon was at the kings court, Galtyer or walter a knight and servant of the said Bowcharde, to whom the said Bowcharde had delivered his castle of meleon to keep in his absence/ for great gifts the said walter had delivered the said castle unto Eudo Earl of Carnotens. Wherefore the King at the request of the said Bowcharde, sent straight commandment unto the said Eudo/ charging him in all goodly wise to restore the said castle unto Bowcharde. The which commandment he utterly refused to obey. For the which the King being so amoved/ sent for richard the second of that name, than four duke of Normandy/ and with their both armies besieged the castle upon every part, and at length won it and took the said walter within the same/ whom the King for his untruth commanded soon after to be hanged upon a gibet, and the castle to be restored unto the forenamed Bowcharde/ and after returned every man to his own.  
In the time of the reign of this Robert/ did Henry then duke of Burgoyne. The which for lack of issue of his body, bequeathed his dukedom unto King Robert. But the burgonions withstood that legacy/ and drew to them for an head & captain Lawdry Earl of Nevers/ and with him held by strength or for a strength the city of Anxerre. Whereof hearing King Robert/ sent for the foresaid duke of Normandye, and so sped them toward Burgoyne and besieged the foresaid city. But at length the city was yoleden/ and Lawdry put at the kings grace. And that done, the King with his host besieged another strong city called Aualon/ and not without great danger wan it also at length/ and after received the country with due obeisance, and ordered it at his own pleasure, and so returned into France.  
Arnolde Earl of Sens used great tyranny amongs the bishops & ministers of the church. Wherefore Leophricus Bishop of that see, through the aid and counsel of Regnalde Bishop of Paris/ put out the said arnold, and delivered the city unto King Robert. But the brother of the said arnold with a certain of his knights, fled to the castle and it held with strength. Wherefore the King laid siege to the said castle, and at length won it/ and took the brother of arnold named Fromonde and sent him to orleans there to be prisoned, where he died shortly after  
This Robert as saith the French book builded first the castle of Mount for't. He founded also divers monasteries and temples/ and at orleans the temple of saint Anyan/ at Stamps a church of our lady/ & divers other in divers places of his realm. And he endowed the church of saint Denys with many great liberties/ and had especial devotion to saint hippolyte over all other saints.  
It is radde of this King Robert, that upon a season when he had long while lain at the siege of a castle near unto orleans, and saw it was defuse to win be strength/ he upon the day of saint Anyan yode unto orleans, & there in the quere bore a cope, and did help to sing the divine service. And after when he was in his devotions in the mass while/ when the pressed was at the consecration and said thrice Agnus dei, the walls of the castle fill without stroke of gun or other engine, and his enemies submitted them to his grace. Many virtues might I show more of this virtuous price/ the which I pass over for length of the time/ and conclude thus, that when he had reigned after most accord of writers, and ruled his land nobly xxx years, he died, and was buried in the house of saint Denys/ leaving after him of his first wife constance a son named Henry, and one other named Robert/ and of his second wife ii sons named Symonde and Almaryche. But it should seem by the sequel of the next story, that constance should be last wife, & the other the first/ and divorced from him for some cause, so that her children should not be legyttymat/ all be it the author of this maketh no mention.   

Anglia. THE. CCIIII. Chapter.  
Edmund Ironsyde the son of Egelredus, and also Canutus the son of Swanus King of Denmark/ began to rule the englishmen, in the year of our Lord a thousand & xvi/ and the xix year of Robert then King of France. For the Londoners with assistance of some of the Lords of England favoured edmund. But the more party of the Lords favoured Canutus/ & specylly the spiritualty, the before time had sworn fealty to his father. And he then being at Southampton/ swore to them to be unto them a good & true justice, and to entreat the people soberly and right wisely. Then Edmund being of the Archbishop of york crowned at London, and the solemnity finished and ended/ he sped him into westsaxon, and subdued that country. In which time Canutus, which in the english story is called Knough/ drew with his people to London, and would there have entered. But that was him forbode of the Londoners. For the which he laid his ordinance about the city, intending to have entered perforce. But it was not long or he was fain to break his siege & to departed thence.  
when Canutus was put of from London/ he drew westward, and met in process with Edmund in dorsetshire beside Gyllyngham/ where between them was fought a strong and cruel battle. But in the end Canutus was overcomen & compelled to forsake the field. After this they met again in worceter shire/ where they fought a more stronger battle. For this was so strongly bidden by, the men could not judge which part had the better, or which the worse. But as witnesseth Policronica either of them departed from other, either for weariness of fight or for lak of the day.  
But upon the morn following both hosts joined again, & fought eagerly. continuing which fight Edricus espying Edmund to be at advantage of winning of the field, suddenly pight a deed man's head upon a spear head, and cried to the host of englishmen, i'll i'll ye englishmen & save yourself/ loo here is the head of Edmund your King. But Edmund thereof being warned/ sped him toward that part of the field, and behaved him so comfortably amongs his men, that by his knightly courage his people recovered that they before had lost/ and continued the battle till night, in such wise that he had rather the better than the worse/ and caused Canutus to refuse that country, and to return toward London again. Then Edmund being advertised that Canutus was returned toward London/ he followed him and passed the river of Thamys, and delivered the city from danger of the Danies/ and afterward encountered the Danies at a place called Brentforde, where with them he had a cruel fight/ and scom fyted them at length.  
In this pass time Emma the wife of Egelredus, fearing the fortune of the war/ sent her two sons alphred and Edward, unto her brother Richard the second of that name and fourth duke of Normandy.  
But Edricus then, which as before is said, was ever subtile of wit, considering the good fortune of Edmund and his knightly courage/ thought that at length he should overcome the Danies. Wherefore to save his land, and also to bring about his malicious treason/ he sought the ways and means how he might stand in his grace and favour. And at length obtained his intent/ and swore to him to be his true subject.  
when King Edmund had a season sojourned at London/ he then made toward the Danies that then were in Kent, and met with them at a place called Okefforde or Otforde, & there discomfited them, and chased Canutus to the isle of Shepey. And there Canutus took shyping/ & sailed about the land, & entered lastly in the country of Mercia & spoiled a part thereof.  
Then the two hosts met soon after at a place called Asshedown, where after long fight Edricus with his retynew fled to the comfort of the Danies. By mean whereof King Edmund was put to the worse/ for many noble men were slain upon his party. amongs the which the Bishop of Lyncoln & the abbot of Ramysey were two/ that thither were come to treat a peace between both Princes. But when this was laid to the charge of Edricus/ he by his untrue means so excused him, that no man might charge him with any default.  
Thus continuing this mortal war betwixt these two martial Princes, to the great desolation & mortality of the people/ one of the knights of the party of Edmund got him to an high place, where he might be somewhat hard of the host/ and spoke in this wise: daily we die, and no man hath the victory. For Edmund may not be overcome for his great strength/ and Canutus may not be overcome for favour of Fortune. what shall then be the fruit of this continual strife? None other but when the knights been all slain on either parties/ then the dukes compelled by need shall accord, or else they shall fight alone without knights. Then sin this shall be the end/ why do they not one of these two? If they accord/ why is not this kingdom suffycynt for twain, that sometime sufficed for vii If their covetise of lordships be so great, that either hath indignation to take and have part with other, or else that one to be under that other/ than let them fight alone, that will be the Lords alone left. If all men fight, all men be slain/ by mean whereof no men shall be left to be under their lordship or leading of dukes, nor yet to defend the King again strong enymyes or nations.  
These words thus spoken/ were right weal allowed of both hosts. For as affirmeth mine author/ at this time a truce was made between both Princes far a certain tyme. After which peace ended/ were it by occasion of these words or otherwise, the said two dukes Edmund and Canutus agreed to try their quarrels between them two only. And for this was assigned by their both agreements, a little isle called then Olney near unto gloucester, or after some writers named Olenege, bycleped with the water of Severne. In which place at the day appointed, the two champions met without company or assistance within the said isle/ the hosts of both parties standing without the isle, and there abiding the fortune of this battle. There either proved other first with sharp spears, and after with keen and cutting sword. what shall I of this make longer process/ when either had other well proved and assayed, by receiving of hard and sore strokes/ by the first motion of Canutus, as most writers testyfyen, they lastly accorded and kissed together as lovers, to the great comfort of both hosts. And shortly after by the advice of both their counsels, condescended upon partition of the land/ which immediately was done to both their agreements, and loved after as two brethren during their natural lives. But the serpent Idre of envy and false conspiracy, which ever burned in the heart of Edricus was kindled so sore, that of pure force it must break out upon a light flame/ so what he might not accomplish by his own person, he fulfilled by his son, as testyfyen diverse authors. For as affirmeth Guydo/ this son of Edricus away ting his time, espied when the King was at the wyddraught to purge nature/ and with a spear struck him into the fundament and so into the body, whereof King Edmund died shortly after at Oxen. The king thus being slain/ anon Edricus thinking thereby to be greatly exalted, sped him in all haste unto Canutus, and saluted him as King/ and showed him of this treason only for his love done. when Canutus had well understanding of the confession of Edricus, he like a discrete and righteous Prince said unto him in this wise. For thou haste Edricus for the love thou bearest unto me, slain thine natural Lord, which I most loved/ I shall exalt thine head above all the Lords of England. And forthwith commanded him to be taken, and his head to be stricken of, and pight on a spear head, and after set upon the highest gate of London. But Marianus the Scot telleth, that Edmund died at London by natural sickness, about the feste of saint Andrew. And the english chronicle affirmeth the forenamed treason/ but by another manner of doing. But how so ever this noble Prince died/ troth it is after agreement of most writers, that he ended his life, when he had reigned one year & more, as much as from the month of June unto the end of November/ and was buried at Glastenbury by his grandfather Edgare. Policronica showeth in the xviii chapter of his vi book, that Canutus after the death of Edmund gave unto Edricus the lordship of Mercia/ and by his counsel exiled the brother of Edmund called the King of churls/ and through his consayle executed many cruel deeds. Of this Edmund remained two sons, that is to wit Edmund and Edward.   

THE. CCV. Chapter.  
CAnutus or Knougth after the english chronicle, son of Swanus as before is touched, and younger brother as appeareth by the story following/ began his dominion alone over England, in the year of our Lord a thousand & xix/ and the xxi. Year of Robert then King of France. The which anon after the death of Edmund assembled a counsel at London/ where among other things in that counsel debated, a question was put, whether in the composition made between Edmund and Canutus, any special remembrance was made for the children or brethren of Edmund, for any partition of any part of the land.  
whereunto it was answered of the Lords nay. affirming furthermore with oath for the kings pleasure, that they to the uttermost of their powers would put of that blood of Edmund in all that they might By reason of which answer & promise/ they thought many of them to have standen in the great grace and favour of the King/ but it turned all otherwise.  
For many of them, or the more party, such as Canutus apperceived & knew, that they beforetime were sworn to Edmund and his heirs, & also were native English men/ he mistrusted & disdaned ever after. In so much that some he exiled, & some were slain, and some by god's punishment died suddenly.  
But among all Edricus with his sugared words continued in the kings favour as saith Marianus before minded. By whose counsel & other/ he shortly after outlawed the foresaid brother of Edmund surnamed King Charlis, as before is touched. But he afterward was reconciled to the kings favour, and lastly slain of his own servants.  
Canutus also by the said counsel, sent the ii sons of Edmund, named as before is said Edmund & Edward, unto his brother Swanus then King of Denmark, to be slain after the opinion of some writers. But he abhorring that deed/ sent them to Solomon then King of hungary as witnesseth Guydo and other. where in process of time Edmund died/ and his brother Edward in tract of time married Agatha the daughter of the four Henry then Emperor of Almaigne. Of the which Edward and Agatha proceeded Margarete that after was Queen of Scotland/ and Crystyane that was a menchon, and a son named Edgar and surnamed etheling.  
This Edward of the chronicles of England is named Edward the outlaw/ for so much as he never returned into England as saith the said english chronicle, after his first exile.  
Then to return unto Canus/ the which after some things ordered in his land, divided his said land in four parts. That is to mean the first principal which at those days was westsaxon, he held under his own guiding. Eestenglande, which contained Norff. & Suff. he betook to the rule of the Earl, Turkyllus a Dane/ of whom somewhat is in the iii chapter of the story of Egelredus. Mercia he betook to the subtle Earl Edricus. And the four Northumberlande, unto a Dane named Hircius. But like as the man of Ind at no time changed his colour/ so this Edricus changed never his false manners. But not withstanding the great benefits that he daily received of his Princes/ there as he to other had been false and deceivable in days past, even so now he demeaned him again Canutus.  
wherefore he being accused & proved with default/ was commanded of the King to have judgement. The which was done immediately/ & his head for diverse causes smitten of/ and it with the body for spite cast into a fowl and filthy place. But Ranulf saith that he was slain by the kings agreement within his palace at London/ and his body with the head thrown after into the town dyche. Thus with shame he ended, that in falsehood & dissimulation had continued much of his life.  
About the ix year of his reign, Canutus called a parliament at Oxenford/ where amongs other things it was enacted, that Englyshmen & Danies should hold the laws of Edgar lately King.  
In this pastime died Swanus brother to Canutus King of Denmark without issue/ wherefore that land fill to Canutus. For the which cause he with a strong army sailed thither to take the possession, and to set the country in an order/ or after some writers to apeas & withstand the wandelies, that then had pierced that land and done therein much harm. where Goodwin the Earl, whose daughter Edward the confessor after married/ with a certain number of Englyshmen fill upon the wandalies by night, & dystressed them in such wise, that Canutus had of them his pleasure. For this deed the King had Earl Goodwin ever after in good favour, and loved Englishmen more specially. And when he was returned into England/ he shortly after or before, married Emma the wife lately of Egelredus. Of the which he received in process of time a son & named him Hardicunitus, or after some Hardykynitus/ & after the english book Hardyknough.  
And about this time fill void the see of Lyndesser or Durham, to the which by divine inspiration and knowledge received by a voice from the tomb of saint Cuthbert/ blessed edmund after three year of vacation was elect to that see. But ye shall understand that this was not saint Edmund of Ponteney. For he was archbishop of Caunterbury in the days of Henry the third.   

THE. Cxcvi chapter.  
CAnutus about the vii year of his reign/ by exhortation of Egelnothus then archbishop of Caunterbury, translated the body of saint Elphegus late archbishop of the said see, martyred by the Danies, as before is showed in the second chapter of the story of Egelredus/ and shryved him in his own church of Caunterbury foresaid.  
In the time also of this Canutus/ about the xvi year of his reign, the Scots rebelled again him. Wherefore he with a great army entered scotland/ & at length overcame the King of that land named then Malcolyne, and brought them again to his subjection, as is recorded in the books of Marianus the scot By reason of which victory Canutus was then King of four kingdoms/ of England, of Scotland of Denmark, and Norway. Then as witnesseth diverse authors after he had betaken this land of England to the guiding of Leofricus Egelnothus, and other/ he then returned into Denmark. And from thence he yode to Rome in the xu year of his reign, & made there great offerings to saint Peter and Poule/ & redeemed the school of Saxons fire of all former tribute granted, as before in the stories of Ive and Offa and other Kings of Saxons is some deal more touched. Which redemption of tribute as saith Guydo, was called Rome scot But it shall seem in that saying some doubteth/ for so much as at this day in divers places of England, as in Northamptonshyre and other, the peter pens are yet gathered. Canutus also after he had in Rome accomplished his purpose/ he in his return toward England executed wonderful deeds of alms, in relieving of the poor and other goftly works/ & paid great good for ransom of christian prisoners/ amongs other of his deeds, It is witnessed that he should agree with the pope that was called Benet the viii of that name, & pay to him certain sums of money, that his archishops after that day might have the pall without paying of money therefore.  
And when he was comen in the city of Papia in Italy, in his way home ward, he there brought the arm of saint Augustyne the doctor for a hundred pound of silver and a talon of gold. And here is to be noted that there be three manners of talents. The first and greatest is of the weight of vi score pound weight/ the second of the weight of lxxii pound/ and the third and least of l pound weight. Then if we reckon this talon with the least/ in a pound of gold after troy weight, is xii vuces, and in l pound is vi hundred ounces, and every ounce of fine gold is worth xl. s. By which reason this talon should be in value to the sum of xii. hundred pound. This precious relic the King gave unto his trusty friend Leofricus/ the which he much loved and trusted/ and remained at coventry many years after.  
while Canutus was occupied in this journey/ complaint was brought unto him of some miss demeanurs and rule, that were occupied and exercised in his absence within this realm. Wherefore he wrote home letters to the Lords/ charging them straightly, that all such defaults were redressed again his coming home.  
This King as wythnesseth Guydo was of great magnificence/ and used such justice and temperance, that in his days in the West parts of the world, was no Prince of renown as was Canutus. And over that he was greatly beloved & dread of his subjects.  
In the time of this Canutus, as tessyfyeth Guillelmus de pontificibus/ a monk of Glastonbury named Bryghtwolde, which was after bishop of wylton, being in his contemplation and prayer, bethought him on the lineage of english Kings. And in that thought fill into a slumber/ in which time of his sleep he saw saint Peter the apostle standing by him, and holding in his hand Edward the son of Egelredus which then was in Normandy/ the which to his thinking, he saw saint Peter saker the said Edward as King of England. And showed to him farther how holy this Edward should be in his living, and how he should reign as King xxiii years. Then this monk frayned saint Peter of the offspring of this Edward, and who should be King after him. To the which question was answered by Peter, the kingdom of Englishmen is the kingdom of god/ wherefore the Kings thereof shall stand at god's purveyance. And also another doctor called Henry of Huntyngdon/ showed that an holy man warned english men, that a Lord which they thought nothing upon, should come out of France & bring them right low.  
In the time also of this Canutus by agreement of many writers fill one thing worthy mind and memory. In a town of Saxony named Calbis, in the dyocesies of Magburgh and parish of saint Magii/ xviii. men and xu women upon the even of the nativity of our Lord began a dance about the church yard of saint Magu afore said/ the person or other priests being than at mass within the same church. which being troubled with the noise of the minstrels, & also the din of the said men and women/ sent unto them in monishing them to cease of that doing. But all was in vain/ for they would not cease of their disport for any commandment that to them was given. wherewith the pressed being discontented, that they none other wise reverenced the sacrament, noryed that solemn season/ besought god and saint Magii that they should continue their dance by the space of an hole year. The which prayer was hard/ in such wise that they continued the same song & dance till that day twelve months, and never eat nor drank nor rested them in all the season. And moreover dew nor rain fill upon them in all that year/ nor garment nor no thing that was about them was impaired shoe nor other. At the years end/ Horobertus archbishop of that dyocesies came unto the said place and loosed them of that bond which the pressed had bound them in/ and before the awlter of the church them reconciled. Of the which a priests daughter and two other died forth with/ and the remnant yode to rest and slept by the space of iii days and three nights following. where after some of them died/ and such as lived fell lame of their limbs. And one of the same xviii men being named Ubertus or Hupertus, wrote this wonder with his own hand for a more record of the trowth.  
Then let us return to Canutus/ of whom it is red that after his coming from Rome, he began somedeal to presume in pride, & set more by himself than good wisdom would. In time of which exaltation of his mind/ he went unto the Thames side, and beheld how the water swelled or flowed. And so standing near the water/ the water touched his feet. Than he charged the water that he should flow no higher and that in no wise he should to wche his lords clothes. But the water kept his course and wet at length the kings thighs. Wherewith the King abashed start back and said, all earthly Kings may know that their powers be vain/ and that none is worthy to have the name of a King but he that hath all things subject to his hests, as here is showed by working of his treasure by this water. And for this as witnesseth Polycronycon and other/ he offered his crown to the road of wynchester, and never bore it upon his head after.  
It is also witnessed of the said author/ that Canutus married his daughter had by his last wife, unto Henry son of Conradus the Emperor, the second of that name/ as also it is testified of the author of Cronica cronicarum.  
And he repaired many monasteries/ and specially such as before time were hurt or thrown down in the time of his father's persecution. And began and ended the monastery of saint edmund's Bury/ & endowed it with rich possessions as before is touched. And died finally at Shaftesbury, and was buried at wynchester, when he had reigned xix years/ leaving after him two sons of his wives/ the eldest was named harold and the younger Hardykynytus/ the which living his father was made King of Denmark.   

Francia. THE. Ccvii chapter.  
HEnry the son of Robert/ begun his dominion over the French men, in the year of our lord. M.xxix/ and the ten year of Canutus than King of England. To the which Henry/ Constantyne the mother was so unkind, that she by her means would have preferred her younger son Roberte duke of Burgoyne, to the rule of the land before this Henry/ so that by her means, both cities and castles were with holden from him, and was by her & such other as took her part so over lad, that he was forced to resort to Robert than duke of Normandy, for to ask help of him to withstand his enemies.  
ye shall understand that this Robert was the vi duke of Normandy, and son of Richard the second/ and also father unto william bastard that conquered England.  
This Roberte was liberal and noble of condition/ but defamed of the death of his elder brother Richard the third. For the which murder as witnesseth divers authors/ the seven. Year of his dowchery he went to Iherusalem, and did in that pilgrimage many honourable and liberal acts/ the which in good order been remembered in the xix chapter of the vi. Book of Polycronicon.  
This Robert received King Henry with all honour, and gave unto him great and rich gifts, & sent for his friends and knights/ so the the King had by his aid a great & mighty host. And returned again into France/ and in short while after recovered from his said mother both cities, towns, and castles, that she and her fautors from him wythhelde. And finally agreed so with her/ that he and she continued friends their life times enduring. After which accord/ about the .v. year of his reign he made war upon Eudo Earl of champagne, & upon Baldewine Earl of Flaunders/ and in process of time won from them certain cities and castles, the which Constance his mother had before times given to them in time of dissension.  
In this war was slain Eudo Earl of champagne. Wherefore his ii sons Stephen & Thybaud maintained the war again the King/ but to their both harms in the end. For Stephen lost thereby the cities of Chartres and towers, and Thybaude the cities of Troy's & Maulx with other.  
when Henry had ended this war & set his land in some quietness/ he than builded a monastery of saint Martyne called Des Champs beside Paris, and set therein secular priests.  
In this pastime Robert duke of Normandy moved in conscience to visit the holy sepulture of our Lord, called before him his Lords of his land/ willing and commanding them to owe their true allegaunce unto his younger son wyllyam, and to take him for their lord and duke if he return not again. And to this/ he caused to swear Robert than archbishop of Rouen, with the other of his Lords/ and after departed upon the said journey, and died in the city of Bethenia as he was coming homeward. Whereof the Lords of Normandy being ascertained, accepted the foresaid wyllyam to their Lord and sovereign.  
Of this wyllyams' procreation/ it is witnessed of Uyncent history all and other, that his father passing by the city or town of Faloys in Normandy, he saw a company of maidens dancing by the street. amongs the which was one of passing beauty called Arlet, and daughter to a skinner. To the which duke Robert cast unleeful love/ in such wise that he caused her to be brought to his bed the night following, and held her to his concubine a certain of time after/ & begat on her this wyllyam. when his mother was with him conceived/ she dreamed that her bowellys were sprad over all Normandye and England. And when he was borne of his mothers womb/ he fill to the ground, and closed his hands with powder of the flore or pavement. Therefore the midwife made and exclamation, and said this child shall be a King.  
Then it followeth/ when this wyllyam was thus admitted duke, some of his Lords by the mean of the King of France, began to withdraw them from him. In so much the Earl Gylbert to whom duke Robert had betaken his ponge son to guide was slain, and other that were especial friends to the child. There was fighting and manslaughter and the country fowl faren with, by reason of the opinions that were amongs themself/ whereof Guy a Burgoyn was one of the chief causers. For he with his adherentes said always; that they would have no bastard to be ruler of them.  
This Guy as saith the French book was near kinsman unto the young duke, descended of the daughter of the second richard/ and intended to have been duke himself. For the which he ensensed the King of France again him in all that he might/ but at length duke wyllyam took him and put him to death.  
Thus the French King forgetting the kindness showed to him by duke Robert his father, took party again him to the uttermost/ and ordained him ii hosts. Whereof one he delivered to his brother Almaryk/ and warned him to eutre the country of Caus/ and he himself lad that other, and entered with it the country of Eurour.  
But wyllyam not fearing the kings great power/ being grown weal toward man's stature, like a lust young knight made toward the kings brother/ & gave to him battle, & him overcame, and chased the frenchmen to their great bylany. Whereof hearing the French King with his people sped him toward wyllyam to revenge the shame done to his men. But in conclusion he won there no honour. Then peace was made between the King and the duke/ and the French prisoners were delivered.  
But this peace enduryed not long/ for the French King calling to remembrance the loss of his men at Mort mere or deed see, with other dysavauntages by him sustained of the said duke wyllyam/ called to his aid Geoffrey Earl of Aungiers. And when his host was assembled/ they entered the province of Normandy, & continued their journey till they came to an arm of the see, where the host should pass over.  
Of this new war duke william being warned/ in all haste assembled his Normans and sped him the next way to meet the frenchmen. In this mean while the French King had passed the water with certain of his host, trusting that the remenavaunt should have followed. But soon after the water flowed so fast that his people might not pass. And in this while came the duke and set upon the kings host, and bet them down cruelly/ so that at length the King was compelled to flee, and lost a great number of his knights, to consider them the were slain with the other that were taken prisoners.  
when King Henry had well dysgested in his mind, the wrongful trouble that he by envious persons had put the duke unto, and remembered the ill expedition that he had in that war/ he reconciled himself, and made means that the duke and he might be agreed and accorded. The which by discrete solycytours was shortly after brought to good effect/ so that they continued as friends during their lives after.  
Than Henry abstained him from all war/ & used the rest of his life in peace and quietness. This Henry had two wives/ and of the last which was daughter to the King of Russy, he had iii sons/ that is to say Phylyp, the which he made King of France by his life, Robert that was after duke of Burgoyne, and Hugh that was after named Hugh le grand, and was father to Ralph Earl of Uermendoyse.  
And in this kings days/ Burgoyne that had been under the French Kings obeisance over a hundred and xxx years, refused the French King, apart of them, & turned unto Conradus the second of that name than Emperor. So that that part which stretched to champagne belonged to France/ and that other part which stretched toward Basaynz belonged to the almains.  
And that year that the King had admitted his son Phylyp to the guiding of the realm/ he died, and was buried at saint Denys/ leaving after him the issue forenamed, when he had reigned after most writers xxxi years.   

Anglia. THE. CCVIII. Chapter.  
HArold the son of Canutus, & of Elgma the erlys daughter of Hampton/ begun his reign over England, in the year of our lords incarnation. M. xxxix/ and the x. year of Henry than King of France. This for his delyvernesse & swiftness, was surnamed Harefote. In whose beginning strife was among the Lords, for so much as of his birth should be doughte, whither he were the kings son or not/ and specially Earl goodwin, that did the uttermost of his power to set him by, and put Hardykynitus his brother to that honour. But Leo frycus that Canutus so much loved and trusted, with the aid of the Danes/ withstood so mightily goodwin and his sons, that they failed of their purpose.  
Anon as this Harold was crowned King/ he banished his stepmother Emma, and took from her such goods and jewels as she had. The which Emma sailed than into Flaunders, and there of Bawdewyne the Earl was reverently received, & there abode during the life of this harold. The which continued his life to little fruit or profit of the land, nor yet of the subjects/ so that of him, other for the vice that clerks list nat to put in memory, other for the rudeness, which is worthy no memory, nothing of him is put in remembrance/ but that he died at London, or after some at Oxenford, & was buried at westminster, when he had reigned as most writers agreen iii years and odd months/ leaving after him none heir. Wherefore his brother King of Denmark was next King after him.   

THE. Ccix chapter.  
HArdikynytus the son of Canutus & of Emma/ was made King of England, in the year of our lords incarnation. M.xli/ and the xii. Year of Henry than King of France. This of some writers is named Hardykynytus and Hardyknough/ and was anon after the death of his brother sent for into Denmark, and received joyously, and crowned at London of Ethelnotus than archybysshop of Caunterbury. But this was of such cruelty, that he sent Alfrycus archbishop of york and Earl goodwin unto westminster/ commanding them for the injury by his brother harold before done unto his mother Emma, that they should draw the corpse out of the place where it was buried, and to be thrown into the river of thamies/ which was done according to his will. Which corpse after as testifieth Guydo and other, was founden by a fisher/ and buried unreverently within the churchyard of saint Clement standing without the Temple bar of London. And as Polycronycon saith/ for a more curelty he caused first the head of his said brother to be smitten from the body, and than thrown in to the said river. Let the hearers to this give credence as them like/ for to me it seemeth though the King had been of such cruelty, that the bishop forenamed would not have been the executor of so fowl a deed.  
This King also levied the forenamed tribute named Dane gelt, & spent it to the little comfort of the realm/ but gave unto shipmen and mariners, and other lewd persons, great and unfitting fees and wages/ and was of such prodegalyte, that his bourdes and tabelles of his court were spread four times in the day/ and the people served of great excess both of meet & also of drink.  
with levying of the foresaid tribute the commons greatly grudged/ so that in worceter two of his servants, which were assigned to gader that money were there slain. For the which deed the King was so sore disposed, that he brent a great part of that town.  
This Hardykynutus after some authors, married his sister named Gunylda unto the third Henry Emperor. The which was of passing beauty/ and was the daughter also of Emma last wife of Canutus. But in process of time this Gunylda was falsely accused of spowsebrech/ for trial whereof she was put to her champion. Wherefore she being in great agony/ lastly trusting to god, and knowing herself without guilt of that offence, put a child that she with her had brought out of England in stead of the champion. The which fought with a man of giants stature/ and finally him slew, and brought unto confusion.  
when Gunylda by divine power had thus cleared herself/ she utterly refused the emperors company, and ended her life in the service of him the only god, that so had defended her right.  
But it should appear by Polycronycon, and also by Antoninus/ that this maiden was married to the said Henry by the life of her father Canutus, and also during the life of the said Henry's father named Conradus the second, as before is touched in the story of the said Canutus/ and not by this Hardykinytus her brother.  
It is rad that the King betook all the rule of the land unto his mother and Earl Goodwin/ the which had married as witnesseth the english chronicle, the daughter of Canutus gotten upon his first wife Elgina. By whom many things were miss ordered/ and specially by the subtlety of this Earl Goodwin. This Earl had many sons, as witnesseth Polycrony con in the xxv chapter of his vi book. By his first wife that was King Canutus sister, & not his daughter as is above said/ he had one son. The which by undiscrete striking of an horse, was thrown into the thamies and drowned. And the mother was lastly smitten with lightening and so died. Of whom it is there remembered, that she was so ungracious and of so vile condition/ that she set young women to whoredom, for to gather by that unleeful mean riches. After the which wife so died, he married the second/ of whom he received vi sons. That is to wit Swanus, harold, Tostius, wylnotus, Sirthe or Surthe, and Leoffricus/ and a daughter named Goditha, which after was married to Edward the confessor.  
The two sons of Egelredus Alphredus and Edward, which as ye before have hard were sent into Normandy by Emma their mother/ came in the time of the reign of this King into England, for to visit and see their mother/ & brought with them a great number of Normans. Then this goodwin imagined in his mind how he might prefer his daughter Godyth to one of these brethren/ and thought in his mind that the eldest would disdain that marriage. And for he thought to join her unto the younger, and to make him King and her Queen/ he compassed the death of the elder. And by this mean Goodwin warned the Lords of England/ and said it was a great jeopardy for the land, to suffer so many strangers to enter the land without licence/ wherefore it were necessary that they were punished to the example of other. By which means he got authority to order that matter as to him seemed best or of his own power, because he was of most might next the King. Wherefore he yode and met with the said Normans/ and slew of them the most number. For upon guild down he slew always ix & saved the ten And yet for he thought to many by that mean left a live/ he eft again tithed again the said tithe, and slew every tenth knight of them and that by cruel death/ as winding their guts out of their bodies, as saith Polycronycon/ and among other put out the eyen of the elder brother Alphredus, & sent him to Ely, where he died in short time after/ all be it the english book saith that he was slain by the forenamed torment. And Edward was conveyed and by some other way brought to his mother. But she fearing the treason of Good wine, sent him soon over the see again. How be it the english chronicle telleth all otherwise. when goodwin was after accused for this cruel deed/ he swore deeply that he was forced of the King so for to do. But in one chronicle, I find that this deed was executed by goodwin in the time of Harolde Harefote being King.  
Then it followeth in the story/ this King Hardykynytus being at a feste at Lambehyth beside London, merry and jocande/ while he stood drinking he fill down suddenly, and died/ or waxed dumb, and lay till the viii day after, the which was the viii day of the month of June/ and then died, when he had reigned after most writers two years/ leaving after him none issue of his body lawful, and was buried by his father at wynchester.  
Thus here endeth the line or offspring of Swanus and all other Danies/ so that after this King, the blood of Danies was clearly extinc and put out from all kingly dignity within this realm of England. And also the persecution of them seized clearly after this kings death. The which had continued, to reckon from their first landing in time of Brightricus King of west Saxon, & the ix year of his reign, as in the story before is rehearsed/ by the term of. Cc.lu years.   

THE. CCX. Chapter.  
EDward the son of Egelredus & of Emma his last wife/ began his reign over England, in the year of our lord M xliii/ and the xiiii. Year of Henry then King of France. The which after the death of Hardykinitus was sent for into normandy/ and pledges laid for him, that he without fraud should be made King. And then he came with a few straunges. But as saith Marianus/ some of the Lords had sent for Edward the outlaw son of Edmund Ironsyde, for to be their King. But after the affirmance of the said author/ when he knew that Edward his nephew was in possession of the land, he would meddle him no farther.  
Then this Edward by the great advise of Goodwin Earl of west Saxon, and of Leofricus Earl of Chester/ was crowned King at westminster, of Edsius then Archbishop of Caunterbury/ & wedded in process of time after, Goditha the daughter of Earl goodwin, which of Guydo is called Editha. The which he entreated in such wise/ that he put her not from his bed, nor yet dealt with her fleshly. Whither it were for hate of her kin, or forlove of chastity, the troth is not showed. But all writers agreen that he continued his life with outen offence with women.  
This King discharged Engleshmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt, that which before is sundry time spoken of/ so that after the day it was no more gathered. And also he subdued the Brytons or walshmen that made war within the bonds of the land. But after that their duke or leader called Gryffyn or Gryffyth, with aid of the irish men entered the river of Severne, & took many prays, and departed again without fight.  
In the time of the reign of this Edward/ Emma his mother was accused to be familiar with the Bishop of winchester. Upon which accusation, by counsel of Earl Goodwin he took from her many of her jewels, & caused her to be keptsomdele more straightly in the abbey of warwell/ and the Bishop he committed to the examination and correction of the clergy. But his mother more sorrowing the defame of Alwyn the bishop than her own estate/ wrote unto divers bishops, and besought them of justice/ affirming that she was ready to abide all leeful & most sharpest trial.  
Then divers of the bishops made labour to the King for her and for the Bishop. But Robert then archbishop of Caunterbury/ being with their labour dyscontended, said to them in this manner. My brethren bishops said he, how dare ye defend her that is a wild best and not a woman? she hath defamed her own son the King, and nempned her lecherours' leman gods own pressed. But be it so that the woman would purge the pressed/ who shall then purge the woman, that is accused to be consenting to the death of her son Alphred, and procured venom to the poisoning of her son Edward. But how so it be that she be guilty or guiltless/ if she will go barefooted for herself four steps & for the Bishop v, continually upon ix plough sharies brenning and fire hot/ then if she escape harmless, he shall be assoiled of this challenge and she also.  
This was of her granted, and the day of purgation assigned. At which day the King & great part of his Lords were present/ but this Robert failed, were it for pity or otherwise. This Robert was a monk of an house in Normandy, and came over by the sonde of the King/ and was first made bishop of London, and after archbysshopppe of Caunterbury. Then the night before Emma should make her purgation/ she went unto the shrine of saint Swythune at winchester/ and there kneeled all that night in prayer and received divine comfort. Upon the morn she was blyndefelde/ and lad unto the place between ii men, where the iron lay glowing hot/ and passed the ix sharies unhurt. Then at last she said. Good Lord when shall I come to the place of my purgation. when they opened her eyen, and she saw that she was passed the pain/ she kneeled down and thanked God and saint Swythune. Then the King repented him/ and restored to her that he before had taken from her, and asked of her forgiveness. But the archbishop of Caunterburye fled into Normandye. And this Emma gave then unto the monastery of that holy confessor saint Swythune ix manners/ and the bishop other ix as affirmeth Polycronica and other.  
It was not long after, that King Edward gathered a strong navy at Southampton, or more verily in the haven of sandwich/ for so much as he was warned that Swanus King of Denmark intended to make war upon him. But Polycronycon saith that he gathered this navy to withstand harold Harfagar then King of North Ganies, that intended to have entered England. But he was letted by the forenamed Swanus, that shortly after made war upon the said Harold  
An other chronicle showeth, that the Danies and Norgayns, which is to mean men of Norway/ were agreed to come jointly into England. And while the King was shipping of his mne/ one brought forth a bull full of meed or m to drink upon bon viage. And after that came bull after bull/ so that after drink came drunkenness, & after iangeling/ & iangeling turned into strife, & strife turned into fighting/ where through many were slain/ & the other turned to their own, so that that journey was left of. But the legend of his life in the church telleth/ that he being at mass in the church of westminster upon a whitsunday, in the time of the levation of the sacrament he laughed. Whereof the Lords being about him marveled greatly/ and after frayned of him the cause. Whereunto he answered and said, that the Danies with the Norway's of one assent were purposed to have comen into this land, and here have taken prays. But as the King of Danies should have entered his ship, he fill into the see and was drowned/ so that I trust in my days they shall not, nor none other strangers make any war in this land.   

THE. Ccxi chapter.  
IN the time of this Edward fill passing great snow, the which began in the beginning of January, and so continued till the xvii. Day of March or saint Patrykes day/ whereof the great quantity fill in the West countries of England. And after that ensued great death of men, and moreyne of beftes/ and by lightening the corn upon the ground that year was wonderful brent and wasted.  
About the ten year of Edward as moveth Policronyca, and in the month of September/ Eustace Earl of bolongn came a land at Dover/ which Earl had wedded after the saying of the said author, King Edward's sister. This was parted from his company in so secret wise, that his knights were fain to search for him/ weening to them that he had been slain by some of the dwellers of the town. In the which search they demeaned them so undiscretely, that they slew a cytezyne of Dover. By mean whereof the people arose/ and in the questyoning of this man's death, ran at length upon the Earls company, and slew twenty of his men, and wounded many more. Hastily the Earl appeared and took his men's part. But in conclusion he was fain to withdraw himself with a few persons, and road unto the King then being at gloucester/ and made unto him a grievous complaint of the men of Dover.  
Then Earl goodwin, for so much as to him was committed the rule of Kente/ was charged to ride thither, and to take wretch of the inhabitants of that town. But he with said that commandment/ and counseled the King to send for the wardens of the castle of Dover and rulers of the town, for to answer to such matters as were laid again them, and if they were guilty to punish them, and else not.  
This answer of Goodwin pleased nothing the King, nor such as were about him/ wherefore many more Lords were sent for. Among the which Leofricus Earl of Chester, and Sewarde Earl of Northumberland of mine author been named. After which assemble of the lord Earl goodwin had such monition of some of the counsel, that he withdrew him from the court, and gathered to him strength of knights out of divers shires, as west Saxon & Kent/ and hoved at Beverston till his sons came unto him with more people soon after came unto him his eldest son named Swanus, & brought with him a fair company that he had arreyred in Oxenfordeshyre & Gloucetershyre/ and Harolde his other son, with a feleshyppe that he had assembled in east England, and Huntyngdonnshyre/ so that of these people was made a great host.  
Then Goodwin to the King was accused, for gathering of so great an host. But he excused him, and said, it was done to withstand the walyshmen. The which contrary proved/ he was commanded to send away the people, and to come with a certain number unto the court. But that he refused. Then the King with his counsel being at London/ Goodwin and Harold was eft sent for, and charged to come to the court with xii persons without more/ and to render into the kings hands all knights fees that he and harold his son had within England. To this by them was answered, that they might not come to the counsel of treachours and guileful men/ and that also with so few men in number, they mygthe not without apparel or shame pass by the country.  
In this while a part of Goodwyns knights withdrew them, and his power began to minish and the King in this while had gathered a strong host. Then proclamations were made, that goodwin should come to the court as before is said/ or avoid the land with in five days. Wherefore goodwin considering the jeopardy that he was in/ took with him iii of his sons, that is to mean Swanus, Tosty, & Gurthe/ and sailed into Flaundres▪ where he was received of the Earl Baldwyn after some writers/ whose daughter Swanus his son had before spoused & was named Judith And harold and Leofricus two of his other sons with a few ships sailed out from Brystow into Irland.  
when the King was ascertained that Earl goodwin with his five sons was in this manner departed out of his land/ he shortly after called a parliament/ and by authority of the same, outlowed goodwin & his iii sons that were gone with him. And that done he put his own wife and daughter of Goodwin into the abbey of warwell with one maiden, as saith Marianus. And so Goodwin and his said sons continued two years outlawed. In the which season he or his retinue took divers times prays in the marches of England/ and in the end drew to him such strength, that he was purposed to have entered the land with force, and to have warred upon the King. But by mediators that favoured Earl Goodwin, a peace was made between the King and him/ so that in process he was received to grace with his sons/ & his daughter restored to her first and former honour. And for this peace to be continued/ for Goodwyns part was delivered for pledkes a son of his called wylnotus, and a son of Swanus named Hacum or Hacun. The which ii pledges King Edward sent unto wyllyam duke of Normandy to be kept. And Algarus the son of Leofricus Earl of Chester, to whbme the King had given the earldom of Harold, & ruled it discreetly in time of his absence/ at his return delivered it to him again, gladly & without grudge   

THE. Ccxii chapter.  
During the time of this out lauwry of goodwin/ wyllyam bastard duke of Normandye came with a goodly company into this land, and was honourably received/ to whom the King made great cheer. And after he had tarried here a certain of time to his agreement and pleasure/ he returned to his own with great gifts & pleasures. And Emma the kings mother died shortly after, and was buried a wynchester. And Swanus the eldest son of goodwin went to Jerusalem, and from thence toward Lycia/ and died by the way of cold, that he had taken of going barefoot. Then the Normans that had given to the King evil counsels again englishmen/ were by goodwin and his friends exiled. Among the which Robert archbishop of Caunterbury that had spoken sore again them was one/ which after went to Rome to complain to the pope than Leon the ix or Uyctour the second. And when he had received letters of the pope directed to the King/ he returned to his abbey of Gemeticum in Normandye, where he sometime had been monk and abbot/ and there died. After him Stigandus was made his successor/ the which as saith Policronicon, had before time left the byshopryche of Shyrborne, and took the see of wynchester by strength. He also used fairs of holy church things/ and was a lewd or unlettered man, as the more part of the bishops of England at those days were. And over that he passed other in riches and dissimulation. But yet he never had the pall from Rome, though there be great sale that maketh many masteries.  
Then was openly spoken that he was not worthy a byshopryche, that could use the brag or pomp of the world, the use of voluptuousity, of gluttony and Lechery, the shining array of clothing, the countenance of knights, and the gathering of horsemen, and thinketh full little on the profit of souls. And if men said to them that a bishop should be chosen for holiness of living, and for his good clergy, and not for covetise of money/ they would answer as followeth, Nunc aliud tempus, alii pro tempore mores. The which verse may be englished in this manner. 
As time requireth, so men done them use.  
In winter warm clothes, in summer light and less.  
In time of sadness men done gamys refuse.  
And in mirth time, men mirths them dress.  
So in time passed, was used great sadness  
In the church. But now men light be.  
wherefore the manners must with men agree.   
SO that by such light answer they planed or excused the sharpness of their miss living.  
About this time, which should by Ranulff be about the xii year of the reign of Edward/ Marianus the Scot that before I have often named, that wrote much of the deeds of the Kings of England/ at the age of xxv years forsook the world, & went on pilgrimage/ & was after shorn monk at Coleyne in Almaigne in the abbey of Scots. Which Marianus after some writers was in great favour with Malcolyne King of Scots.  
In the xiii year of King Edward the Scots rebelled again the King. Wherefore Sewarde Earl of Northumberlande, by the kings commandment gathered a great host and entered that land/ and behaved him so manfully, that in process he subdued the Scots, & chased the King out of his country/ so that after King Edward gave that kingdom unto Malcolyn son of the King of Cumbrys, to beholden of him & his heirs Kings, as chief Lords of Scotland.  
Upon Ester monday about the said year Goodwin sitting at the kings board with other Lords in the castle of wyndsore/ it happened one of the kings cup bearers to stumble and to recover again, so that he shed none of the drink. Whereat Goodwin lough, and said, now that one brother hath sustained that other. Whereby he meant that the one foot or leg hath sustained the other from falling. With which words the King marked him & said, right so my brother alfred should have holden me, ne had Goodwin been. The Earl then conceived that the King suspected him of his brother's death/ and said unto the King in defending his untruth: sir as I perceive well it is told to thee, that I should be the cause of thy brother's death. So mought I safely swallow this morsel of breed that I here hold in my hand, as I am guiltless of the deed. But as soon as he had received the breed/ forthwith he was choked. Then the King commanded him to be drawn from the table/ and so was conveyed to wynchester, and there buried. Marianus saith that as Earl Goodwin sat at the kings table at winchester/ he was suddenly taken with a palsy or some other sickness upon the Ester monday, and died the third day after. And his lordships were given unto Harold his eldest son than living/ & harold earldom was given to Algarus the son of Leofricus, which was the earldom of Oxenford after some writers. It was not long after the King Edward sent unto the four Henry than Emperor of Almaigne, Aldredus bishop of worceter, with other noble men/ praying him that he would send unto England his cousin Edward son of Edmund Ironsyde/ for so much as he intended to make him his heir. The which request was fulfilled, so that he came into England soon after/ the which as ye have hard before, was named Edward the outlaw.  
But as witnessyth Guydo and other the year after that he came into England, he died at London, and was buried at westminster.  
This year following King Edward through ill counsel exiled without guilt Algarus the son of Leofricus. The which assocyat him with Gryffyne King or duke of wales/ and destroyed the country of Harforde, & did much harm to the town, and set the minster on fire, and slew seven. Canons thereof. Then the King sent harold again him/ the which chased the walshmen into their own bounds, and recovered the said town by appointment holden by the said Algarus, and amended all hurts before done by the walshmen/ and lastly recouncyled the said Algarus and his company unto the kings grace.   

THE. Ccxiii chapter.  
About the xu year of King Edward/ died the noble duke Sewarde ruler of Northumberland of the flux, of whom Guydo rehearseth divers notable acts which I pass over. Of whom it is radde that when he saw well he should die, he caused his armour to be put upon him/ and so armed and sitting in a cheyre, having all the rights of the church said, that so it became a knight and man of honour to die, & not dying as an other mean man/ and so died, & was buried at york. And his earldom was after given to Tosty or Costy son of Goodwin.  
In the year following or xvi year of King Edward, died also the good Earl Leofricus Earl of Mercia and of Chester/ and was buried in the abbey of coventry, the which before he had builded. This man purchased many great privileges for the town of coventry/ and made it free of all manner of toll, except only of horse. For the which to have also free/ the comen fame telleth, that after long request made unto him by his wife named Godina, he granted her to have it thereof freed/ with that that she would ride naked through the town/ by mean whereof it was freed. Then Algarus his son was Earl after him.  
harold then the eldest son of Goodwin/ was in great authority, & ruled much of the kings army.  
The year following Algarus was accused by malice/ & exylded the land. Wherefore he fled again to Gryffyne duke of walis as he before had done, of whom he was joyously received and maintained. The King thereof being informed, sent harold into wales to make war upon Gryffyne. The which quit him in so knightly wise/ that he chased the walshmen, brent the said Gryffyns palace at a place called Rutlan, and his navy, and then returned into England about midlent. But about rogation days next following, the said harold with his brother Tosty was sent thither again, with a strong army. At which season they destroyed a great part of wales, & in conclusion brought the walshmen unto due subjection, and forced them to give pledges for the continuance of the same. And that done pursued so sore upon the said Gryffyne, that in the end his own people for purchase of their own lives, slew the said Gryffyne, and sent his head unto Harolde in the month of August/ so that after the death of this Griffyne by the commandment of the King, the country of wales was committed to the guiding of the ii brethren of Gryffyne/ the which had favoured more the kings party in time of the foresaid war then their brother. And this war in wales thus brought to end/ Harold by his policy recouncyled again Algarus Earl of Mercia to the kings grace, so that he continued in his favour during his life after.  
About this time a woman of Bakley in Barkshyre used ill crafts of sorcery. The which as she was sitting upon a day at a feste or great dinner/ a crow that she had lykyngly fed and brought up, kreked louder than he was accustomed to do▪ when the woman hard that noise her knife fill out of her hand, & she waxed suddenly pale. And with that she began to sigh and sorrow/ & said alas, this day is my soul comen to the last sorrow. And so after that she had spoken those words/ a messenger came to her, and said that her son and all her meinie was deed suddenly. Then she was conveyed to her own and was full sick. Wherefore in haste she sent for an other son of hers that was a monk, & a daughter that was a nun/ at whose coming she said to them in this wise. I am the woman that have used ill craft and enyll living/ and in vain I hoped to have been saved by your beads and prayers. But now I pray you that ye will relieve my torments and pains/ for of my soul the judgement is given. Wherefore in case that ye may keep my body from torment, sew it in an hearts skin, and lay it in a trough of stone and hill it with lead close and just/ and after do bind it with bars of iron in most strongest and sure wise, and cause ye xl persons to sing psalms by night, and upon the morn as many masses. And if I lie so still three nights, than bury my body on the four day. But all this was for nought. For the first night while the psalms were in saying/ the strong bands were suddenly to broken/ and one with a gresely look was seen upon an horse back all black, & cast this woman behind him, & so road forth with so great cry and noise, that it was hard as saith Polycronycon four miles thence.  
This would I not have showed, but that I find it written and recorded of divers authors.  
Than to return to our former story/ as witnesseth mine author Ranulfe, about the twenty year of the reign of King Edward/ harold sailed toward Normandye to visit his brother wylnotus and Hacun his nephew/ the which as ye before have hard were laid there for pledges for the peace to beholden upon Earl Goodwyns side again the King. But he in his course of sailing was weder driven by tempest into the country or province of Pontyfe, or more verily into the puynce of Pountyth/ where he was taken as a prisoner, and sent unto duke wyllyam of Normandy. The which forced him to swear, that he in time following should mary his daughter/ & that after the death of King Edward he should keep the land of England to his behoof, according to the will and mind of Edward after some writers. And after the opinion of another chronicle written in latin/ the said harold for to be in the more favour of duke william, showed to him that King Edward in presence of his barony, had admitted the said wyllyam for his heir/ and covenanted with him, that if he overlived the King, he would in save wise keep the land to his use. For the which tidings & promise wyllyam granted to him his daughter to wife, that than was within lawful years of marriage with great dower. And for to cause harold to be the more stabler in his promise keeping/ he delivered to him Hacun his nephew and son of his brother Swanus, which he much desired, and kept still wylnotus the brother of the said harold. After which covenants sufficiently stablished and enacted/ Harold departed from duke wyllyam with great and rich gifts, and in process of time landed in England. And at his coming to the kings presence/ he showed to him all that he had done in the foresaid matters/ where with the King was well contented, as affirmeth the said Latin chronicle.   

THE. CCXIIII. Chapter.  
IN the xxii year of King Edward as testifieth Ranulfe/ Tostius the brother of Harolde was for cause not showed disconted in the kings court, and went unto Harforde in the March of wales/ where at that time the servants of Harold by commandment of their master were busied to make provision for to receive the King. But when this Tostius was thither comen/ he cruelly slew the said servants of his brother, & hacked them in small pieces, and cast them after in meresowce or salt. And that done sent word unto the King, that if he would come unto his feast, he should lack no powdered meet, what so ever he had beside.  
This cruel deed sprang wide, so that for it he was hated of all men/ in so much that his own tenants the men of Northumberland, of which province he than was Lord of, arose again him and took from him that he had/ and lastly chased him into Flaunders with a few persons than a waiting upon him. But the virtuous King Edward not being contented with the commons doing, considering it to be done without his advice and commandment/ sent thither harold to do correction upon the heads or captains of the Northumber's. Whereof they being acerteyned continued their strength and met with Harolde & his people/ and sent him to understand that they were freely borne, and freely nourished, & that they might nat suffer no cruelness of dukes. Also they had learned of their elders & sovereigns to meyntayn freedom or to suffer death and to live in quietness under an easy duke. When harold had received this message, and advertised the strength of the Northumber's/ he perceived well that without great effusion of blood he might not correct the miss doers. Wherefore it seemed to him better to favour the country, than to take heed of the singular profit of his brother/ so that he returned to the King with this answer, and purchased their pardon of him/ and also procured so the King, the he assigned to them an other duke or Earl that was named Malcarus. And Tostius his brother with his wife & children remained in Flaunders, during the kings life.  
King Edward in the xxii year of his reign, sitting at meet upon Easter day in his palace of westminster, suddenly lowghe, when other did talk and eat. When this blessed man had dined, and was entered into his chamber/ his familiars asked of him the cause of his laughing To whom he answered/ for the same self time said he vii slepers, that in the mount Seleon besides Ephesym in Asya the lass, had slept two hundred years or there about upon the right side/ the selfsame time they turned them, and shall sleep again upon that other side lxxiiii years. Though this be told of ranulph & other/ sith in this saying appeareth some dyscordaunce with other writers/ & also with the former saying of the said ranulph in the xxii chapter of his four book of Polycronycon, where he saith that the said vii slepers were closed in the cave/ the first year of Decius, and so sleped contynuyngly to the last time or years of Theodocius the youger than Emperor/ by which reason they should sleep about the season or space of ii hundred year as above is said/ and than arose and showed them to that said Theodocius Emperor and many other/ & died soon after, as witnesseth Uincencius hystorialis, Antoninus, Jacobus Philippus, and other: wherefore it can not stand with reason, that they should sleep upon the other side after the turning lxxiiii years, as is above said/ nor that they should starve in the time of this holy King and confessor. For his time of reign was after the time of Theodocius aforesaid, more than vi hundred years. But if it be meant by some other. For there are seven. other slepers spoken of in the xxvi chapter of the first book of Polycronycon, that hath slept in another cave many years. Wherefore I remit this unto other, and follow the order of the story. wherein it is found, that when this blessed King Edward had received by divine monition, that he should change this transitory and bryckell life for the life everlasting/ he sykened in the christmas week. In time of which sickness was showed to him a vision, that he after showed unto such as were about him/ and said two men of religion came to me that I sometime was familiar with in normandy/ and showed that they were sent from god unto me, to give unto me waryning of such things as followeth. And first they said that for the dukes, bishops, and abbots of England, be not gods servants, but the devils/ god hath taken this kingdom into the hands of enemies for a time/ and fiends shall walk and destroble the people. Than I besought god that the people might have warning, and do penance and be delivered, as the people were of the city of Ninyve. Nay said they/ for these men be so indurate of heart, the they should do no worthy penance, nor to them god shall show his mercy nor forgiveness. Than I asked of them/ when might be hope of mercy and pardon. They answered/ when a green tree is hewn down, and a part thereof cut from the stock, and laid iii fourlonge from the stock/ and without man's help or hand shall return to his stock or rote, and take again his shape, and than flourish and bring forth fruit. When this is done/ than may be hope of comfort and of remedy.  
In the time that this blessed man showed thus this vision/ was present there with other, Stygandus archbishop of Caunterbury. The which said unto the other, that the King raved or else doted for age and sickness, as old men done/ and accounted these words for folly and vanity. But not long after England felt and conceived this prophecy/ when it was in subjection of strangers and alients as after shall be showed.  
Than who that is desirous to know the exposition of the prophecy of the green tree/ let him read in the end of the life of this glorious King and confessor, translated by wyllyam Caxton, in the book called the legend of saints/ and there he shall find it. All be it that in other places I have seen it otherwise interpreted/ the which I remit to them that have experience in such faculty. And to conclude this story/ troth it is that this blessed King died the four day of January, when he had reigned xxiii years, seven. Months, and odd days/ and was buried in the monastery of westminster, the which he before had greatly augmented & repaired/ but nat in that manner and form that it is now in. For the church that now there standeth, was so re-edified and builded new of Henry the third and son of King Iohn. The which also after some writers/ translated this blessed King Edward from the lower part of the church, and shrined him there he now lieth. And this King Edward laft after him no child/ for he was accounted for a virgin when he died.   

Francia. THE. CCXV. Chapter.  
PHylyp the first of that name & son of Henry/ began his dominion over the frenchmen, in the year of our Lord. M.lviii/ & the xvi year of Edward the confessor than King of England. And of this Phylyp it is radde, that he married a wife named Berta the daughter of Baldewyne Earl of Holland and of Fryce. Of the which Berta this Philip received a son and named him Lewis/ and a daughter the was called cunstaunce. But in process of time he haunted so much the company of a woman named Bertande, that he hated his lawful wife/ and at length held her in prison, and kept that other in her stead/ and got upon the said Bertrande two sons named Phylyp & Florys, and a daughter which mine author nameth not. For this adultery, he was often monished of the pope, that he should leave the company of that ill woman, and take to him his lawful wife that he so long had holden in prison within his castle of Monsfruell. And for he would not be obedient unto the Pope's counsel/ he was finally accused of pope Urbane the second of that name. By mean whereof he was reconciled and restored again to his wife, and refused his concubine.  
And in the time of this Phylyp/ Godfrey de Bollion with many other christian Princes, at the exhortation of Peter the hermit, sailed into the holy land/ and wan the city of Jerusalem out of the sarazens hands. Which Princes lastly crowned the said Godfrey King of the said city. And after it so continued in possession of christian men, by the term of four score and ten years, under ix. christian Kings/ and longer might have endured, had not dissension fallen amongs themself. And so by Antoninus, Peter Disrey, and other it is manifestly showed. This viage after most accord of writers, begun in the year of grace. M.lxxxvi. and the xxvii year of this Phylyp. And the said Godfrey was crowned King of the said city of Jerusalem after the affirmance of the said writers, in the year of grace a thousand and four score and xix  
Of this Phylyp little worthy memory is left in writing. For like as his father Henry made him King by his life, and suffered him to have the rule of the land/ right so this Phylyp after a certain of time, committed the rule of the land unto Lewis his son. And he set his mind to hunting and other disports/ and so lad his life in all slowthe and idleness.  
Than Lewis taking upon him the charge of the realm/ subdued the Earl of mount Merusy & other/ that laboured to take from the church of saint Denys certain privileges/ and also constrained them to restore and satisfy all hurts and harms to the said church by them done.  
This Lewis as affirmeth the French chronicle, married the daughter of Guy Earl of Cotcheforde/ the which after for nearness of kin was deforced from the said Lewis, to the great dyspleasour of the said Earl Guy. Wherefore he moved war again the said Lewis, and took from him certain holds and castles/ of the which the castle of Gurney was one. But at length Lewis had the better of that war, and recovered divers of the said holds. And amongs other prisoners by him and his knights taken/ he took a mighty and strong captain of the said Earl Guy named Hombolde, the which he sent to the castle of stamps, there safely to be kept. During which war, philip the King sykened/ and died the year of grace. M. a hundred & vi, when he had rygned full xlviii year/ and was buried at saint Benet sur Loyt.   

THE. CCXVI. Chapter.  
harold the second son of Earl goodwin, and last King of Saxons/ began to rule the realm of England the v. day of January, and the year of our Lord. M. and lxvi/ and the viii year of Phylyp the first then King of France. This as most mighty, for so much as the blessed King Edward died without issue, not minding the promise of him before made unto wyllyam duke of Normandy as before I have showed/ took upon him as King, and was crowned of Aldredus then bishop of york. All be it as affirmeth Guydo and other, some of the Lords intended to have made edgar adeling King/ which Edgare as affirmeth the said authors, was son to Edward that was the son of Edmund Ironsyde, and named of some Edward the outlaw. But for this Edgare was young, and specially for harold was strong of knights and richesse/ he wan the reign. How be it Marianus saith that King Edward ordained before his death, that harold should be King after him. By reason whereof, the Lords crowned him therupppon at westminster.  
Anon as he was crowned/ he began to fordoo evil laws and customs before used, and stablished the good laws, and specially such as were for the defence of holy church and punished the evil doers, to the fere and example of other.  
In short time after that Harolde was thus made Kings/ Tosty or Costy his brother, which as before is said, was of the Northumber's chased into Flaundres, made him a navy of lx small sails, and sailed about the isle of wight, & took prays within the said isle and other places of Kent. And from thence he sailed in to Lynsey, & did there much harm both with fire and sword. But soon after he was chased thence by Edwin and Malcharus Earls of Mercia & of Northumberlande. And then he sailed into Scotland, & tarried there till the summer after.  
when Tostius was thus with his robbers chased/ then Harolde Harfagar King of Northganies or Norways, with a great navy of iii hundred ships or more, entered the mouth of the river of Tyne. This Harolde Harfagar as saith guide, was the son of Canutus, and King of Denmark and of Norway. The which hearing of the death of holy Edward/ purveyed the said great army to win England, as his rightful inheritance. when harold was warned of this great float of Danies/ he sent unto the forenamed Earls or dukes of Mercia and of Northumberland/ commanding them to withstand their landring, while he gathered his strength. Then the foresaid dukes sped them toward the Danies, and gave unto them a sharp & strong fight. But in conclusion the englishmen were put to the worse, and were fain to give back/ so that the enymyes entered farther into the land. The King hearing of the scomfyture of his people, made the more haste toward his enymyes/ so that the vi day after he came to Stemysforde bridge. In this while was Tostius before named come out of Scotland, and gone to the party of the Danies again his own brother. In this foresaid place both hosts joined/ and fought then there a sharp cruel battle. Wherein fill many a sturdy knight upon the english party, but more upon the Danies side/ so that in the end harold their King was slain, and that of the hand of Harolde King of Enlande as saith Guydo/ and Tostius was also slain in the same fight. Olanus broter to the saith harold Harfagar, with Paulus duke of the yles of Orkeys/ were there taken prisoners. The which the King caused to him to be sworn, to keep such promises as they to him there made, and took good pledges for performance of the same, and after suffered them to return from thence they were comen.  
It is also specially remembered of the said author/ that one knight stood upon the foresaid bridge, and with his axe defended the passage maugre the hole host of the Englishmen, and slew xl Englishmen or more with his axe/ and might not be overcomen, till an englishman went under the bridge and sticked him upward with his spear through an hole of the bridge.  
For this victory harold was suppressed with pride, and also with covetous/ so that he divided not the prays of his enymyes among his knights, but kept them to himself/ or gave part unto such knights as he favoured, and spared to them that had well deserved/ by reason whereof he lost the favour of many of his knights.  
In this pastime/ the daughter of duke wyllyam, the which Harold should have married, died within age. Wherefore Harold thought him the more discharged of his promise before made to her father. But duke willyam warned harold of covenants broken, and meddled menasses with prayers by sundry times. Whereunto harold answered, that a nice foolish covenant ought not to be holden/ & namely the behest of other men's right and kingdom, without the hole assent of the senators of the same land. And furthermore a lewd oath might and ought to be broken/ and specially when it is compelled to be sworn for need or for dread.  
Upon these answers received by duke wyllyam from Harolde/ in the while that messengers went & came, duke wyllyam gathered his knights, and prepared his navy and all other things necessary to the war, & had assent of the Lords of his land to aid and assist him in his journey. And over that he in such wise informed the pope, then being named Alexander the second/ that he comformed him in taking of that viage/ and sent unto him a banner, the which he willed him to bear in the ship that he himself should sail in. And so being purveyed of all things concerning his journey, he sped him to the see side, & took shiping in the haven of faint valery/ where he tarried a long time or he might have a covenable wind. For the which his soldiers murmured & grudged/ and said it was a woodness & great displeasing to god, to desire an other mannes kingdom by strength/ & namely when god wythsayde it by the working of his element.  
At the last when duke wyllyam had long bidden and hoved for the wind/ he commanded to bring forth the body of saint valery, and to be set upon the see strand. The which done/ the wind shortly after came about and filled the sails. Then wyllyam thanked god & saint valery/ and took shortly after shiping, and held his course to ward England/ upon this ground & title following.  
The first and principal was to challenge his right/ and to have the dominion of the land that to him was given (as he affirmed) of King Edward the confessor and his nephew.  
The second was, to take wretch of his death & cruel murdour of his nephew alfred, and brother of the blessed King Edward/ that was slain of Earl goodwin and his adherentes, as before ye have hard in the story of Hardykinitus/ the which deed he ascribed chiefly unto Harolde And the third was, for to avenge the wrong done unto Robert archbishop of Caunterburye/ which as he was informed/ was exiled by the means and labour of Harolde, in the time of Edward the confessor, as before is showed.   

THE. CCXVII. Chapter.  
DUke wyllyam kepynpe his course/ landed in process of time at hasting in Sussex, in a place called Pevenessey. And in his going out of his ship, and taking the land/ his one foot slode, and that other stack fast in the sand. The which espying one of his knights that was near unto him/ cried aloud and said, now sir duke thou holdest England, and thou shalt soon be turned from a duke to a King. The duke of this made game, and entered further into the land/ and made his proclamations and cries, that no man should take any prays, or do any force to the people. For he said that it was reasonable that he should spare that thing that should be his own.  
harold in this while was in the North parts of England, and had witting of the landing of the normans/ and sped him toward them in all that he might, and gathered his strength by the countries as he came. But the duke made so good speed, that he came to London before the King. where he was holden out, till he had made good surety, that he and his people should pass through the city without tarrying. The which was observed. And so he passing the city/ passed the bridge, and went over into Sussex.  
King Harolde intending to know the strength of his enemies, sent espies into the Duke's host/ the which made report unto the King, that all duke wyllyams soldiers were priests. For they had their over lips and cheeks shaven/ and the Englyshmen at these days used the here of their over lips shed and not shaven. But Harold to that answered and said, they be no priests, but are stalworth and sturdy knights.  
Then Gurth or Surth one of the youngest brethren of Harolde/ counseled him that he should stand a part, and suffer him with other of his Lords to fight with the Normans, for so much as he was sworn to the duke and they were not/ aledging furthermore, that if they were overthrown, that yet he might defend his quarrel and fight for the country.  
In this mean time wyllyam sent a monk unto Harold, and proffered to him three manner of ways/ and to chose one of the three.  
The first, that according to his oath he should render the land, or deliver it unto the possessions of wyllyam. And the done/ to take it again of him, and hold it of him as in fee/ & so to reign under him for term of his life/ and after his death to return it to the said wyllyam, or to such one of his sons as he would assign it unto. Or secondly, leave the kingdom without more strife. Or thirdly in exchewing of shedding of the more plenty of christian men's blood/ that he would defend his quarrel in his own person again the duke/ and they two only to try the matter by dint of sword. But Harolde refused these offers/ and said he would try his quarrel by dint of swordis, and not by one sword/ and that he and his knights would defend their country again all strange nations, praying to god to dame the right between them twain.  
when duke wyllyam had received this answer from Harolde, and same well that there was no mean but fortune in battle: he charged his people that might watch, to occupy them in prayer/ and specylly the priests and the religious people, where the englishmen gave them all to drink and song.  
Then upon the morrow being saturday, and the xiiii day of Occtober, and the day of saint Calyxte the pope/ both hosts assailed other, in that place where as now standeth the abbey of battle in Sussex. In the beginning of this battle/ a banner or a banneret called Thylfer a Norman splayed before the host of Normans/ and slew an englishman or knight that came again him/ and after that one other, and so the third, and was slain at the last.  
Then the seltrons smote together with a great noise and cry, and fought sore a long season. And the Englyshmen defended them manfully/ and the better for that that they kept them hole together without scattering or springing a broad. The which when wyllyam apperceived/ he gave a sign unto his knights, that they should give back, and make countenance as they did flee. Then the Normans imbatelled the foot men, and set horse men for wings on every side. By the which wile the englishmen were descueryd, and soon out of array/ and the Normans turned again upon the Englishmen, and slew them down on every side.  
This battle was sore fought of the englishmen/ that duke wyllyam was thrice felled that day by reason that three horse were that day slain under him. lastly harold was wounded in the eye with an arrow, and fill to the ground and was slain, and his people scattered/ so that well was him that might save himself by fleeing Then duke wyllyam buried his men that there were slain/ and fuffred his enymyes to do the same.  
Of the death of this harold is diversly written. For Geraldus Crambrens. in his book called Itinerarius saith, that after Harolde had received many wounds, and lost his left eye/ he fled from that field to the country of Chester, and lived long after an holy life as an anchor, in the sell of saint jamies fast by saint Johnns' church, & made there an holy end.  
when the death of Harold was known to the Earls of Mercia and of Northumberlande/ the which for streytnesse of way might not bring their people to that field/ or else for that that they wilfully withdrew themself from Harolde, because he none otherwise departed the prays amongs them and their knights at the former field of Norgaynes: then they drew the next way to London, and take Agatha Haroldꝭ wife and sent her to Chester. And they and Aldredus bishop of york with the Londoners/ agreed and promised either unto other, that they would make edgar atheling King, and defend his right to the uttermost of their powers.  
But that promise not withstanding, when they hard of the great strength that daily fell to duke wyllyam and of his provisions/ they were fain to break that appointment. And the said Earls submitted them, and gave unto him pledges, and became to him his lyege men by homage and feautye.  
And thus when harold had ruled the land from the .v. day of January to the xiiii day of October/ he was slain, when he had reigned ix. Months and odd days/ and was buried at the monastery of the holy cross of waltham, which he before had founded, and set therein canons, and gave unto them fair possessions.  
And here endeth for a time the blood of Saxons/ the which continued to reckon from Hengestus first reign, by the space or time of .v. hundred and. lxxxxi. Years. And if it be reckoned from the beginning of the west Saxons/ then it endureth by the term of .v. hundred .lxv. years. Which continued as rulers & Kings of this land all the said time/ only except that that passed between the first years Canutus, and the last year of Hardekynitus. In the which season passed or flowed upon xxiiii years. All be it that the persecution of the Danies lasted much longer, as to fore I have showed in the story of the forenamed Kynitus.   

THE. CCXVIII. Chapter.  
THen for as much that god of his unknown judgements to man, and by his high & hid counsel, would suffer this duke to conquer so noble a land, and to be lord and sovereign over so many noble inheritors, as were & now be with in the same: I think it convenient to show here the dyscent of the said duke/ and how near of blood he was unto the blessed King Edward the confessor.  
wherefore as before to you I have showed in the story of charles the simple sometime King of France/ a miscreant or a pagan named Rollo persecuted sore the realm of France- & lastly won by strength the city of Rouen the head or chief city of Normandy. And in conclusion for a final peace between the said King and Rollo to be had/ the said Rollo was crystened & named Robert, and married Silla the daughter of the said charles. To whom the King gave in way of Dower, the hole duchy of Normandy. The which Robert after he was crystened/ ruled that dukedom as a good christian man, by the term of xiiii years/ and received of the said Silla a son, and named him wyllyam/ the which after was surnamed Longa spata, as who would say wyllyam with a long sword.  
This wyllyam was duke after his father xxv years/ and left after him a son named richard, which as before is showed in the story of Lewes the vi was named Richard the hardy.  
Then richard the hardy was the third duke, and reigned lii years/ & had by his wife a son named richard the good, and Emma that was wife to Egelredus and mother to saint Edward the confessor. After him the Good richard was duke, and reigned xxviii years/ and left after him two sons, that is to say richard and Robert. The first after two years was slain by treason of his brother Robert/ so that Robert was then duke and reigned ix years. The which Robert, as it is before showed in the story of Henry King of France/ was father unto this duke wyllyam. And this wyllyam was the vii duke of Normandye/ and ruled it or he conquered England after most writers xxx years.  
whereby it appeareth, that Emma was aunt to duke Robert, father of wyllyam conqueror. And saint Edward and this duke wyllyam were by the father's side cousin germanes removed as showeth by this draft following.  
Th' first duke 
Rollo or Robert the first duke.  The second duke. 
William longa spata son of Robert and the second duke.  The third duke. 
richard the hardy the son of William and iii duke 

richard the good and son of Richard the first  
Emma mother of Edward confess sour & daughter of the said Richard    The four duke 
richard the ii surnamed the good a son of Richard the first & four duke.  The fift duke 
Richard the third son of Richard ii and .v. duke brethren.  The sixth duke 
Robertus the son of richard two. and Brother of richard iii & vi. duke. brethren. 

William the son of Robert/ & the vii duke and noble conqueror.     
ANd thus here an end of the vi part of this work/ for so much as the land was here conquered, and put under the rule of an other nation.  
wherefore as before I have used and done, to give thanks unto that most blessed virgin our lady saint Mary, as furtherer and conductryce of this work/ so here again I salute and hail her with the vi joy of the forenamed seven. Joys, thus beginning, Gaude virgo matter Christi, tu quae sola etc. 
All hail and be glad most noble and mother dear  
Of Jesu christ, virgin most pure and clean.  
Deserving only by grace and living most clear,  
To be of that dignity, thou celestial Queen,  
To pierce the heavens that beeths so serene.  
And next to the throne of the high trinity,  
Thou art admitted for to hold thy see.   
This vi part to be accounted from the first year of Ive, unto the last day of the reign of Harolde, or beginning of wyllyam conqueror/ includeth of years iii hundred and lxxx years and one.  
ANd so this land was conquered after the first coming of Brute, to follow th'account of this work/ by the force of this duke wyllyam & his Normans, two. Thousand ii hundred and two years.   
¶ Thus endeth the sixth part.   

THE. VII. part.  

NOw shaketh my hand, my pen waxeth dull,  
Forweried & tired, seeing this work so long/  
The authors so raw, & so far to cull,  
dim & dark, & strange to understand,  
And far out of tune to make true song,  
The stories and years to make accordaunte,  
That it to the reder might show true and pleasant.   

But under correction all thing may be borne,  
And so I remit it to such as been expert/  
praying to them, as I have done before,  
To favour and correct/ so that under covert  
Of their protection, this may show a part,  
Wholesome and plain, fruitful and profitable,  
And to the readers and hearers, joyous and delectable.   

For were not that/ I dueste not farther wade,  
The stream is so deep, and thereto so dangerous.  
But one thing there is, that somewhat doth me glade,  
The great danger and stories doughtous,  
Ben over passed/ so that more bounteous,  
The authors been/ and more manifestly  
The stories following they done certify.   

wherefore as before to you I did promise/  
This vii part now I would take in hand.  
beseeching always in most humble wise,  
The well of bounty, that flower most adorande,  
By whose humility man first comfort fande,  
And was redeemed from his captivity/  
This part to finish, she will mine helper be.   

And bring to end this work that I have take  
On hand to write, only of intent,  
To bring to light, and for it should not shake,  
The old honour that to England was meant  
Of famous writers, which have their duytes sent,  
Unto their followers, all vices to subdue,  
Honour to maintain, and to exalt virtue.   
Here after followeth the story of duke wyllyam conqueror.  

THE. Ccxix chapter.  
William duke of Normandye surnamed conqueror, baste son of Robert the vi. duke of that said dukedom, and nephew unto Edward the confessor, as before is showed/ began his dominion over this realm of England, the xu day of October, in the year of our lords incarnation a thousand & lxvii/ and the ix. Year of the first Phylyppe than King of France/ and was crowned King of the same upon christmas day next following, of Aldredus archbishop of york, for so much as at that time Stigandus archbishop of Caunterbury was then absent, or durst not come in the presence of the King/ to whom he ought no great favour, as in the sequel shall appear.  
when wyllyam had set in quiet a great part of this land, he betook the guiding thereof to his brother the Bishop of Bayon/ and in lent following sailed into normandy/ and led with him the chief rulers of England, for doubt of stirring in time of his absence. Among the which, the two Earls Marcarus and edwin rulers of Northumberlande & Mercia were two/ with also Stigandus and Edgare etheling. To the why the Stigandus wyllyam showed great reverence and countenance of favour. But all proved to great dissimulation after/ as was showed by the depriving of the said Stigandus, and prisonment of him in winchester town, by a long term and season.  
In the next winter, when wyllyam had sped his business in Normandy/ he returned into England with great pomp, and set a grievous tribute upon the Englyshmen By reason whereof some parties of the land rebelled again him, and specially the city of Excetour, the which defended him for a certain of tyme. But lastly by force he wan the said city, and punished the citizens grievously.  
For this and other stern deeds of wyllyam/ Marcharus Earl of Northumberlande, with edgar atheling and divers other, as his mother and two sisters Margarete and Crystyan, sailed into Scotland. But another chronicle telleth, that edgar intending with Agatha his mother and his two sisters, to have sailed into Almaigne where he was borne/ was by tempest of the see driven into Scotland. where of Malcolyne than King of Scots they were joyously received. And in process of time the said Malcolyne cast such love unto the said Margaret/ that he took her to wife/ as before is touched in the first chapter of the story of Canutus. Of the which Margaret the said Malcolyne received ii daughters and vi sons. Whereof three named Edgar, Alexaunder, & david, were Kings of Scotland next following their father. And mould one of the foresaid daughters was after married unto the first Henry King of England. And the other daughter Mary/ was married to Eustace Earl of Bolongii. Of mould the first daughter/ Henry received ii sons named wyllyam and Richard, the which both died before their father/ as after in the story of the said Henry shall appear. And he received also two daughters named mould and Mary/ which mould or Mawde was married to the fift Henry Emperor of Almaigne. After whose death she was again married to Godfrey of Geoffrey Plantagenet Earl of Aungeowe. Of whom descended Henry surnamed short mantel, and King of England, called Henry the second. And the other daughter Mary was married unto the Earl of blains/ of whom descended mould or Mawde, that was wife unto King Stephen.  
Than it followeth, that this wyllyam after this foresaid tribute so levied of the englishmen, and knowing of the deperting of the Lords foresaid, kept the other the straighter. But it was not long after that Marcharus was reconciled to the kings grace/ and failed again as following shall be showed. For this and other causes which were tedious to show/ wyllyam exalted the Normans, and gave unto them the chief possessions of the land/ so that they daily increased in great honour and wealth, and the English men as fast decayed. King william also made four strong castles/ where of two be set at york, the third at Lyndetyngham or Notynghm, and manned them with Normans, and the four at Lyncolne.  
About the third year of his reign harold & Canutus sons of Swanus King of Denmark, came on land in the North of Humber with a strong navy/ and in all haste drew them toward york. Than the Normans which had the rule of the town and castles, fearing that the englishmen would aid the Danies, and with the houses of the suburbs of the town have filled the town dyches/ set the suburbs on fire. Whereof the flame was so big, and with the wind so strong/ that it took into the city, & brent a part thereof, with the minster of saint Peter. In time whereof the Danies by favour of some of the citesyns entered the city/ and slew more than three thousand of the Normans.  
But it was not long or King wyllyam chased the Danies to their ships/ and took so great displeasure with the inhabytauntes of that province, that he destroyed the land dying between york and Durham in such wise, that ix years after or there about, the land lay unlabored & untilled/ only out taken saint Johnns' land of Beverley, the which was for borne by reason of a wretch done by divine power, upon one of King wyllyams knights. The which as he was busied in wasting and spoiling of the said country, fill suddenly with his horse/ so that his horse broke his neck, and the knights face was turned to his back.  
And of the famine that the people of that country sustained/ wonders are reported, that they should eat all manner of vermyn, as cats, rats, dogs, & other/ so hard they were kept by the war of the King. And in that year also mould or Mawde the wife of King william/ was crowned Queen of England, of Aldredus archbishop of york.  
In the four year of the reign of this King the Scots with Malcolyne their King entered Northumberlande/ and wasted and destroyed sore that country, and slew there in much people/ and many they took prisoners, & held them as bond men.  
But in the vi year of his kingdom, wyllyam made such war upon the Scots/ that he lastly forced the said Malcolyne to swear to him both homage and fealty/ as it is witnessed of wyllyam of Malmesbery and other writers.   

THE. CCXX. Chapter.  
King willyam by counsel of the Earl of Hortford and other, caused the abbeys of England to be searched. And what money in them at that season was found/ he caused it to be brought to his treasure. For the which deed after the exposition of some authors/ the said Earl was punished, as after shall be showed.  
Soon upon this in the time between Easter and whitsuntide/ was holden a solemn counsel at wynchester of the clergy of England. At the which counsel were present two cardinals, sent from the second Alexaunder than pope. In this counsel, Stygandus archbishop of Caunterbury was deprived from his dignity/ and that for three skills. The first was/ for that he had holden wrongfully that bishopric, while Robert the archbishop was living. The second cause was/ for that he had received the Paul of pope Benet the .v. of that name. And the third cause was/ for that he occupied the said Paul without licence & leeful authority of the court of Rome.  
Than Stigandus proved that benevolence of King wyllyam. For where before he made to him loving and friendly countenance, & did unto him great reverence/ than he changed all his mildness into sternness, and exceuted him by the Pope's authority/ so that in the end Stigandus was deprived of his dignity, and kept in wynchester as a prisoner the term of his life.  
It is recorded of him that he was so covetous and sparing, that he would take nothing of his own/ & used to swear by Alhalowes, that he had not one penny. But that oath was proved untrue after his death, by a little key that was found fastened about his neck. For by that key was founden great treasure under the earth in more places than one.  
In this counsel also were put down divers other bishops, abbots, and priors, by the means of King wyllyam/ and all to the intent that he might prefer Normans to the rule of the church, as he had preferred his knights to the rule of the temperaltye, that he might stand in the more surety of the land.  
In this counsel saint wolstan that than was bishop of worceter/ axed busily of the King certain possessions fallen into his hands, by the death of Aldredus last Archbishop of york, that were with holden by the said Aldredus. But the King might not here than of any such matters, for hurting of the liberty of the church of york.  
Than upon whitsunday after/ the King gave the said archebysshopryche of york unto Thomas a canon of Bayon/ & sent for Lamfrank an other Norman than abbot of Cadomonency, and gave unto him the archebysshopryche of Caunterbury. This Lamfranke was an italian borne/ and was perfitly learned in the science of theology or holy writ, & right apt in governing of things both spiritual and temporal. Upon our lady day the assumption the King made him archbishop of Caunterbury. Than Thomas that was chosen archbishop of york/ came unto Lamfranke for to be sacred as the usage would. Of whom Lamfranke axed an oath, & his profession in writing concerning his obedience. Thomas answered and said that he would never do that/ but if he might thereof here sufficient authority and skilful reasons & binding, by the which it might be known that he should so do with out any prejudice of his church. Than Lamfranke showed and proved skilfully, that his asking was reasonable and rightful. But yet Thomas would not assent/ but with said it and went for that time from Lamfrank unsacred/ & showed unto the King, that Lamfranke intended to do wrong to him and to his church of york. Than the King calling Lamfrank before him said, than he trusted more in his cunning than he did in good faith or reason. But he answered so reasonably unto the King that in the end Thomas by the commandment of the King was fain to come again to Lamfranke to be sacred/ and wrote his profession with his own hand of his obedience and read it/ in the which was contained that he should be obedient in all that belongeth to the worship of god and all christian faith▪ which done, he was sacred & so departed. And shortly after Lamfranke axed & took profession of all the bishops of England.   

THE. CCXXI. Chapter.  
IN the .v. year of wyllyam the conquerors reign/ Edwin and Marcharus Earl of Mercia and of Northumberlande, being in fere of danger, voided the Kings court secretly, and were rebels some what of tyme. But at length it turned to both their harms. For edwin was slain as he went toward Scotland/ and Earl Marcharus with the bishop of Dorcham named Egelwynus, took the isle of Ely for their safeguard. But the King held them so short, that in process they were fain to yield them to the kings grace and mercy. Than he sent the bishop to the abbey of Abyndon to be kept there as a prisoner/ where he was so daintily fed, that he died for hunger. But some writers testify that he was so high hearted, that after he knew he should remain there as prisoner/ he would never eat meet after. And Earl Marcharus was had to the tower of London.  
In the vi year of his reign/ King wyllyam, as before is touched went with a great army into Scotland/ and subdued Malcolyne their King, as before I have showed in the preceding chapter.  
In the vii year of King wyllyam/ Thomas archbishop of york not being content to be under the rule and obedience of Lamfranke, appealed to the court of Rome/ so that the said two archbysshoppes appeared both in proper person before the pope Alexaunder afore named. In whose presence Lamfranke was so well favoured, that where Thomas above named and Remigius Bishop of Dorchester, were for skilful causes deprived of their croyses and rings/ he by his favour & means restored them to their former dignities. The cause of Thomas was, for that he had helped duke wyllyam to ward his journey into England. For the which the said duke promised him a bishopric if he obtained victory. And the other was deprived, for that he was proved a priests son. Than Thomas moved the cause of the primacy of Caunterbury, & of subjection that to him should belong/ and said that these two sees were far asunder, that is to mean Caunterbury and york/ and that neither of them by the constytutions of Gregory should be subject unto other/ but that the one is more worthy than the other, for so much as he is of elder tyme. To this answered Lamfranke and said/ that the constytutions of Gregory made no mention of Caunterbury, but of york & London. Than the pope remitted this matter to be determined before the King & the bishops of England/ and gave the pall unto Lamfranke.  
But for this term or word pall, is to many one unknown/ I shall therefore here show unto you what thing it is. This pall is an indument that every Archbishop must have/ & is not in full authority of an archbishop, till he have received his pall of the pope/ and is a thing of white like to the breded of a stole. But it is of another fashion. For where the stole is made in length, and is worn about the priests neck/ this is joined together above, so that it lieth a part thereof upon the shoulders. And that one end hangeth straight down to the ground before, and that other behind, garnished in divers places, thereof with crosses. And where the stole is worn next unto the albe when the pressed is revested to mass/ this pall is worn upon this vestiment overmost of all, when an archbishop singeth his mass.  
when Lamfranke had thus sped his needs at Rome/ he with the other two bishops returned into England/ where this matter hanging in variance between the said two archbishops, was had in communication. For trial whereof Bedaes' story was brought forth▪ where in it appeared, that from the first Augu/ styns time to Bedaes' last days, upon the season of a hundred & xxxix years/ the archbishop of Caunterbury had primacy of all the bishops of England than called britain, and of Irlande also/ and that the archishops of Caunterbury had kept counsels near unto york, and cleped thereunto the bishops of york/ and made some bishops, & deprived divers from their dygnytyes/ and to this were adjoined certain privileges, that were granted for this manner of doing.  
when Thomas had hard all the allegations, he denied all/ and laid for him the pistle, in the which pope Gregory deemed that the church of york and of London should be even peries/ and neither of them subject to other.  
To this was answered by Lamfrank, that he was not Bishop of London, nor this question was not moved for the church of London.  
But Thomas said that Gregory had granted to Augustyne, power to have under him all the bishops of England/ and that London at the day was the principal see of all England. All be it that the Pope's mind was, that between London and york should be no diversity of honour, because they were archeflamynes/ and that by their unity all other might live under dew obedience. And though Augustyne changed the see from London to Caunterbury/ yet Gregory would not that Augustyne successors should be above the bishops of york. For he would then have set in his epistle these words following: I grant to the Augustyne and to thy successors. But for he would that no such power should stretch to his successors/ therefore he made no mention of his successors.  
Lamfranke to this answered and said, If that authority were granted to Augustyne alone & not to his successors/ it was a simple gift that the pope gave unto Augustyne, that was so familiar with him/ and namely while Augustine ordained nor sacred no bishop of york while he lived. For the see was full during his life/ by reason whereof he put not his authority in execution. But privileges of Pope's confirmeth this dignity to augustine's successors of Caunterbury/ and deemeth that it is skill and good reason, that all the churches of England should take lore and light of that place. For of that well or place proceeded first the doctrine of Cristes' faith. And where thou sayest Thomas, that Gregory might if he had would, have confirmed all thing undowtably with this word successors/ that is sooth. But yet the lacking of this word, doth no prejudice to the church of Caunterbury. For when that christ said to Peter, I shall give to the the keys of the kingdom of heaven/ he might have also said if he would, I grant the same power to thy successors. And though he said not so/ yet he meant the successors of Peter, nothing of reverence nor yet of authority/ but the dispensation of holy church and office of the same, was and is holy in them, which only springeth by virtue of christ into Peter, and from Peter into his successors. And if thou can discern between false and soothe/ look what hath strength in all, hath strength in the part/ and what hath strength in the more, hath also strength in the less. The church of Rome is as it were all of all churches/ & other churches been as membres thereof: like as one man is the kind of all singular men, and every singular man is the kind of all mankind: so in some manner of wife the church and the see of Rome is as it were the kind, and containeth all, in comparison to other churches/ and yet in every church remaineth the full holenes of Crystes faith. And also the church of Rome is greatest of all churches/ and what hath strength in that church, shall have strength in less churches/ so that the power that is first given to every church, shall spring into the successors of the same/ but if it be by some special thing excepted & out taken. Therefore I conclude as Cryst said to Peter, so he said to all the bishops of Rome/ and so consequently was said to augustine's successors of Gregory, as was said unto Augustyne. Wherefore it must appear, that like as Caunterbury is subject to Rome, so must york be subject to Caunterbury/ which sent to york prechours, to teach and preach unto them the right faith. And where thou sayest that Gregory would that Augustyne should have his see at London, it may not stand with reason. For who would trow that so noble a disciple as Augustyn was/ would withstand or do again his masters will, or again holy decrees. And if it were so as thou haste alleged/ what is that to me, that am not bishop of London as oft before I have said. Therefore if this matter may thus seize without more strife/ so be it ended. And if thou desirest continuance of plea/ I shall not fail thee, but defend my right and office gladly.  
By these reasons & other at length Thomas was overcomen/ and granted gladly that the farther brink of Humber should be the beginning of his diocese. And over that it was there deemed, that in all things concerning the worship of god and the faith of holy church/ the Archbishop of york should be subject to the archbishop of Caunterburye. So that if the archbishop of Caunterburye would call a counsel in any part of England/ the archbishop of york should be thereat, with all the bishops of his province/ and be also obedient unto the lawful hests. And at all seasons when the archbishop of Caunterbury should be sacred the archbishop of york, with the bishops of the church, should come to Caunterbury and saker him there. And if the archbishop of york should be stalled or sacred/ them shall he come to Caunterburye, and else where in all England, where the archbishop of Caunterburye will him assign, and there to be sacred of him/ and he shall make to him an oath with profession and obedience.  
when Lamfranke hard this judgement given thus/ he rejoiced inwardly. And for it should remain of record that his successors should not newly plead for that cause/ he caused it to be registered in most substantial wise. And over that sent a pistle for that cause to Alexander forenamed pope of all this doenge, with the profession of Thomas the Archbishop foresaid. Of this Lamfrank is many notable things written of divers writers. And after some he is admitted for a saint.   

THE. CCXXII. Chapter.  
About the ten year of King wyllyams reign/ Roger Earl of Hereforde, by whose counsel the King as before is said had searched all the abbeys of England, which Earl had wedded his sister unto Rauf Earl of east Angles/ that is to say, of Norf. and Suff, again the kings mind/ he with the said Ralph made conspiracy again the King/ & caused an other Earl by their subtile means to be agreeable unto their untruth, which Earl had to name walref. But at length when this Earl walref had known the fine of their intent/ he went unto Lamfranke, and showed to him the hole matter. By whose counsel he shortly after sailed unto the King then being in Normandye/ and disclosed the matter to him, and put him holy in his grace and mercy.  
when the King had hard of these tidings/ he made good semblant unto this Earl walref, and sped him the faster into England. But how so it was, the forenamed two Earls were warned of disclosing of this matter/ in such wise that they gathered to them such strength, that the King could not have them at his pleasure, but as he was fain by strong hand to chase and outlaw them. And for he failed of his purpose of them, he imprisoned Earl walref at wynchester/ and lastly caused him to be headed, more of tyranny, then of justice, as affirmeth mine author/ whose corpse was buried at the abbey of Crowlande.  
In the xi year was holden a great counsel or synod of the clergy of the land in saint Paul's church of London/ where amongs many things ordained for the rule of the church of England, divers bishops sees were transported from one place to another/ as Selwey to chichester, Kyrton to Exeter, wells to Bathe, Shyrbourne to Salysbury, Dorchester to Lyncolne, and the see of lichfield to Chester. Which things thus ordered, with many other for the church/ the said counsel was dissolved.  
In the xiii year of his reign/ after the death of Herman bishop of Salysbury, succeeded Osmunde the Kings chancellor. The which builded there a new church/ and brought thither clerks that were garnished with virtue and cunning. And he himself wrote & bound books that were occupied in the divine service of the church, as the ordynall or consuetudynary, the which at this day is occupied in the more party of England, with wales, and Irlande, and is now named Salysbury use, or the ordinary after Salysbury use.  
In the xu year of his reign Robert the eldest son of King wyllyam, the which was surnamed Curthose or Shorthose and short boat also/ for he might not have the duchy of Normandy, which his father had sometime assigned and given unto him, and after for his wildness had again resumed it/ he with favour and aid of the French King Phylyppe and of Lewis his son, took preys in that duchy, and put his father to much trouble/ in so much that at length the father & the son met in plain field with ii great hosts/ and either with other fought a cruel battle.  
It is radde that during this battle wyllyam was thrown from his horse, and in great jeopardy of his life. Whereof his son Robert being ware/ was so moved with pity, that he rescued his father, and delivered him free from all danger of his enymyes. But how so it betide of the King/ troth it is that many of his men were slain, & his second son wyllyam the red sore hurt, so that in the end King wylliam was fain to refuse the field, and got at that time none advantage of his said son. For the which deed and rebellion thus made by the son/ the father accursed him after the opinion of some writers.  
while King wyllyam was thus occupied in Normandy/ the Northumber's waxed stern & rebel, and slew in their rage walkerus the bishop of Durham/ but for what cause mine author expressyth not.  
About this time, waring Earl of Shrewesbury made two abbeys in the worship of god and saint Mylborgh/ whereof one was set in the suburbs of Shrewesbury, and the other at wenioke.  
In the xvii year of King wyllyam/ a cursed strife was arreared between Thurstone abbot of Glastenbury a Norman, and his monks. Whereof a part of the cause was, that the abbot despised, & would have set a part such song and offices, as by pope Gregory and Augustyn his disciple, of old time to them was assigned/ & would have compelled them to have followed the use of one william of Fescamp. And over that this Thurstone wasted and spended the goods of the place inordinately, in lechery and by other insolent means/ and withdrew from the monks their old accustomed diet. For the which causes first began great words with chiding, and after strokes and fights/ so that the abbot got unto him armed men, and fill upon his monks, & slew two of them at the high altar, and wounded of them xviii And the monks with forms and candelstyckes defended them, in such wise that they hurt many of the armed men. Then the complaint was brought before the King/ by whose judgement Thurstone was again returned unto Cadony from whence he was brought and the monks were spread abroad into divers houses through England. But it is said that in the time of william the Rede/ this Thurston obtained the rule of that abbey again for the price of .v. hundred pound.  
In the xix year of his reign, King willyam then raised a new manner of tribute. For he caused to be gathered through England of every hide of land vi s. An hide of land containeth .v. yards/ and every yard containeth four acres. And so an hide of land containeth twenty acres, an acre containeth xl perches in length and four in breed/ & four acres make a yard/ and .v. yerdes make an hide/ and viii hides make a knights fee. By the which reason a knights fee should weld a hundred & lx acre's/ and that is deemed for a plough till a year.  
And not long after he caused to be searched how much land each of his barons held/ how many knights fees/ how many towns/ & what number of men and of beasts were with in this land/ whereof he commanded a book to be made, which all was done. For the which deed, this land was after grieved with many sundry plagues as after shall appear. In the twenty year of the reign of King wyllyam/ Canutus King of Denmark with help of the flemings, to whom he was called with a great army came toward England. But by the provision of the King they were so feared, that they were let of their journey. Then King wyllyam gave unto iii of his champions iii byshopryches. To Moryce he gave London, to willyam he gave Thetford, and to Robert he gave Chester/ which Robert was after removed to coventry. Of this Robert reporteth Ranulfe, that he scraped from one beam of his church in coventry .v. hundred mark, to fill with the hand of King wyllyam. For Earl Leofricus that was duke of Mercia in the time of Edward the confessor/ had adorned that church with great riches of gold, silver, & other precious jewels.  
In this year Edgar etheling, which was reconciled unto the kings favour/ by licence of the King sailed into Apulia.  
Then began the foresaid plagues to spring. For great murrain fell upon the brute beasts, and brenning fevours amongs the people, and also great hunger and barreynes' of the earth. Also in this year great hurt was done in many places of the land by fire, and specially in the city of London/ where upon the vii day of the month of julii sudden fire began, the which brent a great part of the church of saint Paul, with also a great part of the city.  
Then King wyllyam being in Normandye was sick, and kept his chamber at Roan a long time. Wherefore Phylyppe the French King in his game said that wyllyam lay in chyldbedde●, and nourished his fat womb. The which words when they were blown to King wyllyans cries, he was grievously dyscontent and said, when I am chyrched I shall offer to him a thousand candles light, with the which he shall hold him smally contented. The which promise he after performed. For in the month of July when corn, fruit, and grapes were most flourishing/ he entered France with a great army/ and set on fire many cities and towns in the west side of France/ and lastly came to the city of Meaus, and fired it & brent a part thereof with the church of our lady/ wherein he brent a woman being closed in the wall of the said church as a recluse.  
But of this thing speaketh not the chronicle of France/ Nor yet for the more part of any thing that soundeth to their dishonour done unto them by englishmen.  
In this heat, or as some writers have by the leaping of an horse/ King wyllyam took such a disease or sickness, that it was the cause of his death. And when he felt him thus grieved/ he called his sons before him, and exhorted them in his best manner, that they should charitably love and favour every of them the other, and hold to guider as loving brethren/ & after made his testament, and therein ordained wyllyam Ruffus or wyllyam the red to be King of England. And Normandye he beset unto Rober Curthose. And to Henry his youngest son he bequeathed his treasure and movable goods. And that done he informed his two eldest sons of the disposition of both people's/ and warned wyllyam to be loving and liberal to his subjects, and Robert to be stern and sturdy unto his. Then he was moved with mildness and delivered from prison his own brother the Bishop of Bayon, Marcharus Earl of Northumberland. wylnotus the son of Harolde, or after some the son of goodwin, that was sent to william by Edward the confessor to remain for a pledge for his said father Goodwin. And shortly after these things with other done/ he died in Normandye, and was buried in the city of khan/ when he had reigned as King of England xxi years and upon ten months, in the month of July, and the year of his duchery the lii  
when wyllyam was deed/ men spoke of him as they do of other Princes/ and said that he was wise and guileful, rich and covetous, & loved well to be magnified and praised/ a fair speaker & a greatr dyssymuler, a man of skilful stature but somedeal fat in the belly, stern of face and strong in arms, and therewith bold/ and had therewith great pleasure in hunting and in making of great festes. But he passed all other in levying of tasks. Which condition his subjects construed iii manner of ways/ and saydeyt was to the intent that he would excel all other in richesse, or else for to withstand and defend his enymyes, or else to staunch the appetite of his covetise mind. He builded ii abbeys in England/ one at battle in Sussex where he wan the field again harold, and is at this day called the abbey of battle/ & the other he set beside London upon the south side of Thamys, and named it Barmoundesay. And in Normandye he builded two also.  
This man made the new forest in the country of Southampton/ the which to bring about he cast down divers churches by the space of xxx miles, and replenished it with wild beasts/ and made hard and sharp laws for the increasing of them, as losing of eyen and other. And he held Englishmen so low, that in his days was almost no english man that bore any office of honour or rule. But yet somedeal he favoured the city of London, and granted to the citizens the first charter that ever they had/ the which is written in Saxon tongue, and sealed with green wax, and expressed in viii or ix lines.   

THE. Ccxxiii chapter.  
William Rufus or wyllyam the erede, the second son of wyllyam conqueror/ began his reign over England, in the month of july, and the year of our Lord a thousand & lxxxix/ and the xxxi. Year of the first Phylyppe than King of France.  
Ranulfe monk of Chester showeth in his book of Polycronycon, that Robert Curthose eldest son of wyllyam conqueror, was at the time of his father's death absent. The which hearing that his father had preferred his younger brother to the kingdom of England, was therewith greatly amoved/ in so much that he laid his dukedom to pledge to his brother Henry/ and with that good gathered to him a strong army, and so landed at Hampton.  
whereof wyllyam his brother being warned, in all haste sent unto him messengers/ to whom he gave commission to say in manner as followeth. Thy brother wyllyam prayeth that to take no grief with that he hath done, for he clepeth himself not King, but as under King to reign under thee, and by help of the that art greater than he & better, & rather borne. And if thou consider it well, he hath nothing misused him again the. For he hath taken upon him for a time because of thine absence. But for he is now in authority by thy sufferance/ he prayeth that he may under the so contyve, paying to the yearly iii thousand mark, with condition that who so over liveth may enjoy the kingdom. when Robert had hard that message to the end, he wagged his head, as he that conceived some doubleness in this report. But for he was liberal and allowed more the honour than he did his profit, as in other things following of his deeds it shall appear/ therefore he lightly assented to all that was desired, and returned shortly after into Normandye with pleasant words without profit.  
This wyllyam was crowned the xxvii. Day of September, upon the day of saint Cosma and damian, and was well aided of Lamfrank while he lived. He was divers & unstable of manners/ so that between him & his Lords was often dissension. In the springing of summer following his coronation/ Odo bishop of Bayon, which as before ye have hard was delivered out of prison by wylliam conqueror, came into England. whom the King joyously received/ and gave unto him shortly after the earldom of Kent. But he took upon him in process of time to rule, in such wise as the King grudged with his doing. And for this the King and his said uncle fill at unkindness/ so that he withdrew him from the King, and allied him with the Bishop of Durham, the Earls of Northumberland and Shrewesbury, with other. 
Confederacy.  The which confedered to guider/ took party again the King, and did things to his displeasure and hurt. And amongs other damages by them done, Roger de Mount Gomoryk Earl of Shrewesbury, destroyed the country and ends of England unto worceter town with aid of the walshemen. But in the end through the prayer of the holy bishop wolstane/ the walshemen were so wicked and feebled, that a few knights discomfited of them a great host.  
when King wyllyam conceived, the well near all the Normans took party again him/ he then forced of necessity drew to him the englishmen. And favoured them by gifts & easy laws/ so that by their strength he lastly recovered the Earl of Shrewesburye, and chased some other of his enymyes/ and shortly after occupied the castle and strong holds in Kent belonging to Bishop Odo his foresaid uncle/ and in the end compelled him to forswear England. And that done he besieged the city of Rochester, wherein the bishop of Durham, the Earl of Northumberland, and other noble men were gathered/ and won it at length by appointment, so that his enymyes were unto him reconciled.  
In the third year of his reign died Lamfrank/ when he had been Archbishop of Caunterburye xviii years. By whose means the monks of England were brought to the use of their holy religion/ the which before his coming lived more like to secular priests than religious men/ and exercised them in huntynge and hawking for to avoid idleness, & dicing and carding in the winter nights, that they might be ready to keep their hours and nightly service. And in their apparel they were like unto consuls and not unto monks, with many other deformytyes. The which in the beginning of Lamfrank/ he of policy suffered for a season, lest he had brought all in his top at once, and thereby might have caused some schism or variance to have risen in the church. In avoiding whereof with other inconveniences/ he little and little refrained them of their outrage/ and in process of time caused and constrained them to live after the constitutions and rules of their religion.  
About this time, Robert Curthose duke of Normandy, intending to take his viage into the holy land/ laid his dukedom to wed to his brother wyllyam for ten thousand pound. For levying whereof King wyllyam set a task upon his commons and subjects, and raised a far exciding some under colour of the same/ so that bishops melted their vessel, and Lords spoiled their tenants.  
The King of Scots also broke the peace before made with wyllyam conqueror, and wasted and took prays ut the country of Northumberlande. Then the King provided a navy and sailed thither in the winter tyme. But by the tempest of the see, half his navy or a great part of it was drowned/ and many of his knights were lost for cold and hunger. But yet in the end after divers conflicts and bykerynges, by mediation of friends a peace and unity was concluded/ so that Malcolyn then King of Scots should be obedient to King wyllyam, under the same oath that he was before time sworn unto his father/ and King willyam should yearly give unto him in the way of a fee xii marks of gold.  
In the fourth year of his reign, and the fift day of October/ passing great tempest of weathering fell in soudry places of England, and specially in the town of wynchecome. For there by tempest of thunder and lightning, a part of the steeple of the church was thrown down/ and the crycyfyx with the image of our lady also standing upon the rood loft, was in likewise overthrown and broke and shatered. And after followed a contagye and a fowl stench/ the which endured till the monks had gone in procession about the church, and all the houses adjoining to that abbey and other places.  
Also this year at London was great harm done by force of the wind/ which blewe with such violence that it overturned or rived as witnesseth Polycronycon, over the number of vi hundred houses. And the roof of saint Mary Bow in cheap was also rived wherewith two men were slain. And also at salisbury was hurt done with the same wind or the like thereof.  
In the .v. year of wyllyans' reign/ he went into Northumberlande, and repaired such holds and castles as the Scots by their wars had blemished and appaired/ and caused a new castle to be made at Caercol the city or town, which the Danies of two hundred years passed had destroyed. Then the King returned unto Gloucester/ where he was grievously veryd with sickness, so that he wend he should have died. In time whereof he took great repentance, & promised if he might escape, he would never sell more benefices/ & over that he would amend his living & become a new man. But after he was restored to health, that promise was shortly forgotten. And in that year he gave unto Anselme the archbyshopryche of york. But he might take of it but as the kings pleasure was, till such time as the King had taken his tribute thereof. And more over he avouched, that the see of Lyncoln be longed to the see of york/ till the bishop of Lyncolne had pleased him with a great sum of money, as .v. thousand mark after the writing of Ranulfe.  
In the vi year of his reign were exceeding floods, whereof the like in many years passed had not been seen. And after that ensued wonderful frost/ which froze the great streams in such wise, the horse and cart passed over the great rivers. And in the end when the ice melted and broke/ the poise thereof broke many a strong bridge, both of timber and of stone.   

THE. CCXXIIII. Chapter.  
ABout this time the welshmen with their King or duke named Rees, broke out upon the Englyshmen in the border, where standeth the castle of Brekenocke/ and there made masteries for a while. But in the end his people were chased and slain/ and he wounded to death, so that he died the iii day following. This Rees is accounted of writers, to be the last King of wales. For after this day they were so daunted/ that Kings of England had them in such rule, that they were under more steadfast obedience than they were before tyme. How be it they rebelled full often as after shall appear.  
And the year following King wyllyam to have the country in the more quiet/ hew down much of the wood, and builded in sundry places strong castles and piles/ by mean whereof more and more they were plucked to obedience. But not shortly after/ but specially in the days of Edward the first and Edward the third.  
Malcolyn King of Scotland came unto Glowcester to common with the King of divers matters, and to take a final agreement. But for King wyllyam would have deemed him in his court/ therefore Malcoline departed from the King in great displeasure. For the which and other causes, the war between England and Scotland was revived/ so that upon saint Bricius day following, Malcolyne with his retinue fought with an Earl named Robert and than Earl of Northumberlande/ and there was slain with his eldest son Edward. For sorrow whereof Margaret Queen of Scotland and sister unto edgar etheling, as in the first chapter of the story of william conqueror is showed, died soon after. Than the Scots made Dunwalde brother of Malcolyne their King, and put by his sons. But by the aid of King wyllyam/ Edgare which of some writers is named Dunkam, was made King, as eldest son of Malcolyne.  
In the vii year of the reign of King wyllyam/ Auncelyne or Anselme that was Archbishop of york, was removed to Caunterbury as affirmeth one chronicle. But Polycronycon and Guydo say, that Hugh Earl of Chester being sick and diseased/ in the vi year of wyllyam Rufus, sent into Normandy for Anselme than abbot of Barry for three causes. The first to visit and see him, and to be reconciled of him, as the man that he most trusted. The second cause was, that he should relieve some abbeys of England, that the King vexed with grievous tributes. And the third cause was, that he should found an abbey at Chester/ which place he after builded, & made one richard his chaplain first abbot of the place/ and soon after he was made archbishop of Caunterbury. where by it appeareth that the said see was void over the term of three years.  
This said vii year/ England & Normandye were grieved with tribute and moreyne of men, so sharply that tilling of the earth was spared or put of for that year/ & there after ensued great hunger. This year also the Scots slew their King Edgar, and restored again to the rule of the land the forenamed Dunwalde. And many grisly and uncouth sights were this year seen in England/ as hosts of men fighting in the sky, and fire lemies & other. And the holy bishop wolstone of worceter died soon after/ of whom it is showed that he sundry times warned & rebuked Englyshmen for their mysseliving/ and said for their offences they were so punished of the Normans. But the Englyshmen excused themself, and said that the Normans were worse in living than they. where unto the Bishop answered and said/ that god used the wickedness of them in Englishmen. For by the 
* wicked punishment.  wicked he punished the wicked. And so doth god suffer the devil to punish sinners in hell/ & he himself is punished with them.  
Of this wolstone it is radde, that King wyllyam would have put him from his see, to the intent that he might put another into his see. Whereof this holy man being warned/ yode unto the King and said to him: I am informed that thou wilt take from me, the which a better man than thou art gave unto me. Wherefore of whom that I received so noble a gift, to him will I give it again/ and than take it from him if thou may. And when he had so said to the King, he yode to the sepulture of Edward the confessor/ and after that he had made his prayers there, he pitched his cross in the marble stone that lay upon the grave. But no man might pluck out the staff, till wolston came thither himself and pulled it out at the kings commandment. Wherefore the King seeing that marvel/ suffered him to enjoy his benefice still.  
In the ten year of willyam Rufus/ strife and dissension fell between him and Anselme bishop of Caunterbury/ for Anselme might nat call his synodies nor correct the bishops, but as the King would. The King also challenged the investiture of bishops, and pilled the spirituality and temporalty with unreasonable tasks & tributes/ the which he spent upon the tower of London, & the making of westminster hall. And over that the kings servants, grieved and pilled englishmen. Unreasonably. And to this misery was joined the unsaceable covetous of ranulph that was sometime chapelayne unto wyllyam conqueror/ the which was at this day the kings procurator, and gathered his tasks over all. He was so covetous and so evil disposed, that he would levy iii tasks for two. He pilled the rich, and bore down the poor, and caused many men to lose their lands for small causes/ and therefore the King had him in his singular favour. And by his means byshoprykes were bought and sold as plainly as other merchandises. For that time, clerks used bushed and braided heads, long tailed & blazing clothes, shining golden girdles/ and road with guilt spurs, with using of divers other enormities. All which vices Anselme would have corrected/ but he lacked assistance of his brethren the bishops. For the which cause & other he departed the land. Wherewith the King being miss contented/ sent after him such persons as rob and spoiled him, and entreated him in most cruel manner. For the which deed Ralph bishop of chichester blamed the King/ and also rebuked all such bishops as had refused the party of Anselme, & had favoured the King in causes concerning the foresaid variance. And furthermore he withstood the King and his officers in taking of fines of priests for crime of fornication. For which causes the King with the said Ralph was sore amoved and discontented/ and obtained such favour, that he suspended many churches of his dyoses. But in the end, Ralph demeaned him in such wise that he had his own will/ and his churches enlarged and freed that before were stopped with thorns. And the King gave unto him the fines of priests within his dyosis/ and endued the see of chichester with many great gifts.  
And upon a time King wyllyam was riding toward his disport of hunting/ and suddenly a messenger came unto him and said, that the city of Cenemonia in Normandye was besieged. Wherefore he without long tarrying or advisement, took the straight way to these side/ and sent to his Lords, charging them to follow. When the said Lords came to his presence/ they advised him to tarry till his people were assembled. But he would nothing do after their counsel/ but said, such as him loved, he shortly wist well would follow him, and so yode to ship, setting apart all parels. The master of the ship was afraid, he saw the weather so dark & so cloudy/ and counseled the King to tarry till the wind would blow more favourably. But he commanded him to make all the speed that he could upon his life/ saying that he never hard that ever any King was drowned. And so he passed the see and landed in Normandy/ and gathered to him there his knights. When the capitain of the siege, whose name was Helyas, knew of the Kings landing/ he feared, and anon began to break the siege. But by treason he was taken and brought to the kings presence. To whom the King showed such pity, that he suffered him to be at his liberty. Which after the opinion of wyllyam de regibus, was done more of pride than of compassion.   

THE. Ccxxu. chapter.  
IN the xi year of the reign of this wyllyam the read/ at a town called Fynchanster in the country of bark shire, a well cast out blood as before it had done water. And after by the space of xu days, great flames of fire were seen in the element in sundry places and times. This year also the two Earls of Shrewesbury and of Chester either named Hugh/ by the kings commandment entered with their knights the isle of Man or Anglesaye, & slew therein many welshemen, and gelded many moo. Among the which a pressed named Kynredus was drawn out of a church and served of the same wise/ and also cut his tongue out of his head, and put out his one eye. But this pressed was of such virtue, that by miracle he was restored to health within iii days ensuing.  
In the which season and time, the King of Northganies or Norway won the isles called than Orcades and now Orkeys/ & after came with his strength into the foresaid isle of Man, where at the same season were the said two Earls. Than between them was mortal fight/ in the which Hugh Earl of Shrewesbury was stricken with an arrow in the eye, and died within viii days after. But as saith Guydo, the Danies were chased, and the englishmen had the victory.  
King wylliam was much in Normandye/ for so much as Robert his brother was all this season in the holy land/ of whose acts shall some deal be touched in the story of Henry the first. And wyllyam had much pain to rule the Normans/ for they rebelled often again him.  
In the xii year of his reign/ he came out of Normandye, and when he saw the hall of westminster that he had caused to be builded/ he was therewith discontented, that it was so little. Wherefore as it is rehearsed of some writers/ he intended if he had lived to have made a larger, and that to have served for a chamber.  
Robert Losaunge, that sometime had been abbot of Ramsey, and than bishop of Thetford by gift of a thousand pound to the King/ repent him after, and bewept that unskilful deed/ and took his way to Rome, and did for it his enjoined penance/ and after returned into England, and turned his see from Thetford to Norwyche/ & founded there a fair monastery of his own goods, & not of the patrimony of crystes church. But therein is a doubt to consider. For he was first an abbot and after a bishop.  
About this time, by the means of one Stephen Hardynge a monk of Sherbourne/ an Englyshman of the order of Sisteaux or white monks had his beginning in the wilderness of Cystery within the province of Burgoyne, as witnesseth Ranulf monk of Chester. But other writers, as Jacobus Phylyppus, & the author of Cronica cronicarum, Matheolus, with other/ sayen that this Stephen was the second abbot of the place/ & that it was first founded by the means of one Robert abbot of Molynense, in the year of grace. M.xcviii. Which to follow their saying, should be in the ix year of the reign of this King. This order was after brought into England by one called walter Espeke, that founded the first abbey of that religion at rival, about the year of grace xi C.xxxi. The which should be about the xxxi year of the first Henry than King of England. Somewhat of their religion is touched in the ten chapter of the viii book of Polycronycon.  
After that King wyllyam, as before is said, was returned out of Normandy/ many wonderful prodygyes and tokyns were showed in England/ as the swelling or rising of the water of Thamys, in such wise that it drowned divers towns, and did much harm by out passing his bounds in divers places about London and else where. Also the devil was seen walk in man's likeness with divers other things which I overpass. The King was warned of this, and told by his famylyers' that god was not content with his living. But he set all at nought, and made of it a scoff or a jape.  
In the xiii year of his reign and beginning thereof, as the third day of August after the saying of Ranulfe/ this King wyllyam being at his disport of hunting within the new forest, by glaunsing of an arrow shot of a knight named walter Tyrell, was wounded to the death in the xliiii year of his age. After which deed the said walter escaped and saved himself, for few there were that him pursued. And so the King thus wounded, was laid upon an horse litter, and so conveyed to wynchester/ where shortly after he died and was buried.  
Of this man might be made a much longer story, if all his deeds should be touched. The which took upon him great things/ and much greater intended if he might have lived. The day before he was slain one axed of him where he would keep his christmas. At Poitiers said the King/ for the Earl intendeth to go toward Jerusalem/ and I will assay to have his earldom in mortgage/ for well I know he must chevyche for money to perform that journey. The day that william died/ he held in his hands the iii bishoprics/ of Caunterbury, of winchester and of Salysbury/ and divers abbeys, of the which he let some to term. Also he refrained the money that of old time was paid to Rome called Rome scotte. 
Roma scotte.  Of this william reportyth Henry of huntyngdom/ & saith that though this man were light of some things, yet he was steadfast & stable of his promise/ so that what he promised good or evil should be performed. And though he were named covetous/ yet it should seem that he was liberal, as showeth by this narration following.  
Upon a season when the abbot of a place in England was deed/ two monks of the same place, the which before had gathered money, made their friends to King willyam/ and offered large offers either of them to be promoted to that dignity. There was also a third monk, the which of meekness & of humility followed the other two/ to the intent that upon him that the King had admitted for abbot, he would have given attendance, and as his chaplain to have with him returned. The King called before him the ii monks severally, and either out proffered other. And as he cast his eye aside/ he espied the third, the which he deemed had comen also for the same cause. Then the King called him/ and asked if he would give any more than his brethren had offered, to be abbot. But he answered to the King and said, that he would neither offer nor yet give for it one penny/ nor would have so great a charge by any mean wrongful. when the King had well understanden this third monks answer/ he said that he was best worthy to be abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge/ and so he gave unto him that benefice, without taking any penny. This King wyllyam used always lemans/ wherefore he died without issue legyttymat, when he had rained as before is said fully xii years and odd days.   

THE. CCXXVI. Chapter.  
HEnry the iii son of wyllyam conqueror & first of that name, which for his cunning was surnamed beuclerk began his reign and dominion as King of England, the .v. day of August, in the year of our Lord xi hundred & one/ and the xliii year of the first Phylyppe than King of France/ & was crowned at westminster right shortly after, of Thomas archbishop of york, and Morys bishop of London.  
This Henry in his youth plied him to such study, that he was instruct in the vii arts liberal. Anon he made holy church free/ & used saint Edward's laws, with the amendment of them. He put out of his court nice and wanton men/ and closed ranulph bishop of Durham in the tower of London, the which as ye before have hard was so great with wyllyam his brother/ and sent for Anselme archbishop of Caunterburye, which before was fled fro the tyranny of wyllyam Rufus.  

* justice and continence.  This Henry chastised the old untrue measure, and made a yard of the length of his own arm/ with divers other things reforming, that long before his days had been miss used/ and abhorred excess of meats and drinks/ & used to fight more with counsel then with sword.  
In the second year of his reign/ Robert his brother, that by all this season had been occupied in wars upon Cristes' enymyes, having word of the death of his brother wyllyam, and how his brother Henry had taken upon him as King/ returned into Normandy, and there made preparation for to come into England.  
In this season also was broken out of prison Ranulfe bishop of Durham, and comen to the said Robert into Normandy. The which excited duke Robert in all that he might to war upon his brother Henry/ so that he assembled a strong army of knights, and took shiping, and landed in process of time at Portysmouth. But by mediation a peace was made/ and that in such condition, that he should have iii thousand marks yearly, as before was promised unto him by willyam Rufus his brother with other conditions of succession and other things, the which I overpass for length of tyme. Thus Robert being contented contrary to the minds of his Lords, after he a season had dysported him in England returned into Normandy/ where of his Lords he was for this & other deeds before done as after is showed, little or less and less setby. For all be it that by his father's life he had victory, and utterly disposed him as some deal before is touched/ yet by his manhood and manful deeds, he fell into the favour of the people, and did many and great notable acts/ and specially at the winning of the city of Acon upon the miscreants and Turks. For the which deeds it appeareth by the sequel of the story that he was also in the favour of god. For when the election should be made for the King of Jerusalem, and certain Princes and princes peers by ordinance made, stood with their tapers abiding the divine purveyance, that whose taper were first with heavenly fire lightened should be admitted for King/ the taper of this duke Robert was first only. Wherefore by divine purveyance he was then chosen King of Jerusalem. The which he refused, for the pain and travail that he should have with all/ & also for the covetise of the crown of England. For as soon as he had knowledge of the death of his brother willyam/ anon he parted the country and sped him homeward in all that he might. For the which deed as affirmeth mine author, he sped the worse in all his deeds after.  
This Robert was wise in counsel, strong in battle, and also right liberal/ and in his return from Jerusalem, married the daughter of wyllyam de Auersana Lord of Apulia, with whom he received great sums of money for her dower, the which by mean of his liberality he spent shortly after. Then fortune began to frown upon duke Robert/ and set his own Lords so again him, that they sent unto King Henry his brother/ willing him to come into Normandye, and they would deliver the country unto him, and hold him for their chief Lord and ruler. Whereunto, as saith the english chronicle, King Henry soon consented. But or ever this war between the said duke Robert & King Henry began/ this Henry married Mawde or mould the daughter of Malcolyne King of Scotland, and of Margarete his wife daughter of Edward the outlaw, as in the beginning of wyllyam conqueror is thouched. Of the which mould this Henry received after some writers two sons and ii daughters/ that is to say wyllyam and richard, Mawde & Mary. And also the said author with other say/ that Robert duke of Normandye came into England in the fourth year of the reign of King Henry, and had good cheer of his brother and sister. For the which he at the request of his said sister, released to his brother the forenamed tribute of iii thousand marks. But by ill tale tellers & covetous of signory, this broderly love was after dissolved/ in such wise that the King with a strong army sailed into Normandy/ and held his brother Robert with so sharp war, that he chased him from one country to another/ and wan from him Rouen, khan, Faloys, and all the good towns of normandy/ and lastly constrained him to ask help of Phylyppe King of France, & after of the Earl of Flaundres/ but he failed help of them both. Then with such power as he could make, he gave battle unto his brother King Henry. In the which he was taken, and sent over into England, and put into the castle of Cardyffe in wales/ where he remained as prisoner while he lived. And when he was deed he was buried at Glowcester.  
In this time and season, as it were in the iii year of King Henry/ the church of saint Barthelmew in Smythfeld of London was begun to be founded, of a minstrel of this King Henry named Rayer/ and after performed and ended by good and well disposed citizens of the city of London. This place of smithfield was at the day a lay stowe of all ordure or filth, and the place where felons and other transgressors of the kings laws were put to execution.   

THE. CCXXVII. Chapter.  
SO as King Henry had finished his war in Normandye, & was returned into England/ Robert de Bolesyn, which was the eldest son of Roger de mount Gomeryk Earl of Shrewesburye/ arose again the King, and manned his castles of Shrewesbury, of Brugges of Arundel, and of Tekynhyll, and encouraged the walshmen again the King. But the King pursued so cruelly the said Robert, that within xl days he won all those castellis & slew many of his men, and got the favour of the walshmen by gifts and pleasant words/ and also compelled the said Robert to forsake England, The which then sailed into a corner of normandy & kept him there secretly, till such time as to him was thither comen William Earl of Cornwall/ which wyllyam was also Earl of Nortom in Normandye. when these two Earls were assocyat/ they gathered to them a great strength of Normans, & did great harm within the province. Wherefore the King sailed thither & made sharp war upon them. In the which he lost many of his men. But in the end he put from them their strength, and took them both prisoners, and so held them the term of their lives. And that done, he set that country in good rest and peace, and after returned into England. After which return/ King Henry made sharp laws again thieves and other that used unleeful means. In which laws was contained losing of life, of eyes, of stones, and other members of man as the guilt required.  
And soon after Anselme archbishop of Caunterbury, assembled a great counsel at London of the clergy of England. By authority of the which counsel/ divers abbots and other were put from their dignity, for that they had taken before time their abbeys by unleeful means. 
† priests wives  And amongs all other decrees one was, the priests should forego their wives. Then strife fell between the King & Anselme/ for that that he would not sacre the priests that had taken investiture of lewd men's hands, which before was foreboden upon pain of cursing. But Gyralde archbishop of york/ for the pleasure of the King sacred such bishops. Wherefore Anselme being dyscontent/ departed the land and yode to Rome, to show this with other things to the pope, which at that day by most accord of writers should be Paschal the second.  
In the vi of the King, the country of Flaundres was sore blemished and hurt by mean of the see, so that the flemings yode about to have succour of dwelling, and required of the King to have licence that they might inhabit them in the east part of the river of tweed, the which to them was granted. But after a certain of years they were removed into westwalys, where they remained a long while/ but after they spread all England over.  
In the vii year of this King/ upon a friday at night in the first week of clean lent, was seen an uncouth star between the south and the West, the which nyghtely appeared at one hour, and continued so by the space of xxv days. And fore against that out of the east part/ appeared a great leaven or beam of brightness, which stretched toward the said star.  
And upon shear thursday next ensuing, were seen two moneys/ that one in the east, and that other in the West.  
And in this year/ Anselme by the kings agreement, returned again from Rome/ and shortly after called a convocation at London. In the which by the Pope's authority it was newly conformed and enacted, that no temporal man after that day should make investure with cross or with ring.  
In the viii year of the reign of King Henry/ the fourth Henry Emperor of Almaigne, the which had married mould the eldest daughter of King Henry, when she was of the age of .v. years/ prisoned pope Paschal and diverse of the cardinals. This Henry also warred again his father Henry the iii/ and lastly cast him in strong prison. For the which deed as assermeth ranulph/ he wilfully when he had ruled the empire twenty year/ resigned his dignity into the hands of Calixtus the second of that name then pope/ & after came secretly into England, & unto Chester, unwytting his wife or any of his friends/ where he lived long after a straight life, and was buried there at last. But to this saying dysagreeth the writers of the stories of emperors. For of them it is witnessed/ that this Henry the Emperor after he had ruled the empire as before is said twenty winter, he died at a place in almain called spire/ and there was buried, with this scripture upon his tomb. Filius hic, pater hic, auus hic, preaws jacet hic.  
which is to mean in our vulgar tongue as followeth. 
The son here lieth, with also the father  
The belsyre, for & the great graunfader.   
when Henry the Emperor was thus deed as after it shallbe showed, when convenience of time requireth/ what became of his wife it shall there be declared.  
In the ix year of the reign of King Henry/ the archbishop Anselme professed Gerarde archbishop of york to the yoke of his obedience, as he was before taught by the lore of Lamfranke his predecessor. And the ten day of August following, he sacred .v. bishops at one time/ as of wynchester; of Salysbury, of Exeter, of Herforde, and of Glamurgan. And King Henry ordained a bishops see at Ely/ and ordained there Henry that had been Bishop of Bangor/ and beset Cambrydge●shyre to the see of Ely. And to the bishops see of Lyncolne, he gave his own town of spalding, for he had minished that see by the preferment of Ely.  
In the ten year died Anselme Archbishop of Caunterbury. After whose death that see was void .v. years/ & the goods of the church spent to the kings use. And when he was prayed to help the church, that was without an head and a pastor/ he used to answer that his father and also his brother had accustomed, to set there the best proved men that they might find. And to the intent that he might do the same/ he took the more time & leisure. With such mild answers he so put of the time, that be filled his coffers with the great sums of the benefice. And who that is desirous to know of the great virtue of this bishop Anselme/ let him read in the xiiii chapter of the vii book of Polycronycon; & there he shall find a part thereof.  
About this time as witnesseth the French chronicle/ a contraversy began between the King and Lewis King of France son to Phylyp the first. This Lewis was surnamed Lewis the great, other for his bigness of person, or else for greatness of his deeds. This Lewis sent unto King Henry being in Normandy/ & gave unto him monition of homage for the duchy of Normandy/ & also that he should restore unto him or beat down to the ground, the castle of Gysours/ & also to recompense and restore for hurts and harms that his Normans had done in those parts. But all this of King Henry was denied/ and shortly after skirmishes and cock fights began between the said two Princes, King Henry dying at the said castle of Gysours, and Lewis at a place called mount calf. But this increased in such wise, that after either Prince sought more room places, whose knights sundry times met. But of any notable battle I find no remembrance/ all be it that the said war continued by the term of two years. In the end of which two years wyllyam the eldest son of King Henry, being a child and within age/ contented so well the mind of Lewis, that he refrained of his war for that tyme.  
In the xiii year, at Shrewesburye was a great earth quake, and at Nothyngham from the morn to the undertyde. The river of Trent was so fordryed in the month of June, as saith Guydo, that men went over dry. And the star called stella cometa or the blazing star aperyde soon after. thereupon followed an hard winter, great death of the people, and scarcete of victual by the great moreyn of beasts. In this year also the King founded the abbey of Hyde without the wallys of wynchester, that of old time was within the wallys.   

THE. CCXXVIII. Chapter.  
IN the xu year of his reign/ the King enriched to have ꝓmoted Faricus abbot of Abyndon, unto the see of Caunterburye. But by a counsel kept at wyndesoure of bishops, the Kings mind was changed/ and to that see was then admitted Ralph that was bishop of Rochester. And the same year one Thurstone was chosen archbishop of york/ the which wythsayde his profession of obedience that he should owe to the see of Caunterbury/ wherefore at length he was deprived of his dignity. But after by labour that he made to Paschal the pope before named/ the said pope wrote unto the King that he should restore Thurstone again to the see of york. By which mean he was again restored/ but yet he disdained to do his lawful obedience unto Ralph archebyshope of Caunterbury. Then the strife was renewed, which Lamfranke before as ye have hard in the third chapter of wyllyam conqueror, did appease/ and was brought in argument before the pope. The which at the kings request, promised that he would nothing do nor ordain, that should be derogation to the Archbishop of Caunterbury, or to the dignity of his church. But in conclusion the pope gave such a defuse sentence in this matter, that he left the strife undetermyned and unassoyled. And when the Kings procurators with also the Archbishop of Caunterbury were absent/ were it for need or for favour, the pope was so bowed, that he forsook the old rule used before his days, and sacred the said Thurstone, and gave unto him the paul. For this deed the King was sore discontented with Thurstone, and warned him the entry of his land. Wherefore the pope wrote after shortly to the King/ willing him to suffer Thurstone to occupy his see peaceably, or he should be accused and suspended by the dignity of the office of Caunterbury/ and so Thurstone enjoyed his see.  
In the year of our Lord xi hundred & xviii as saith the French chronicle, which was the xvii year of this King Henry the first/ the war was again quickened between King Henry and Lewis King of France. Whereof was the occasion, as saith the said French chronicle, Thybaude Earl of Chartres. Which Thybaude was grieved by the French King, and for necessity required King Henry of aid and help, to whom the King as to his kinsman sent aid and succour. And afterward the King sailed over with a strong army/ and sent a nobleman named Stephan into the lordship of Brye, to defendeyt again the French King. when Lewis understood that King Henry was landed in Normandye with so great power/ he in all haste assembled a strong power, and drew him toward the King. But there were so strong holds manned with Normans, & also such deep and great rivers/ that the French King might not win unto King Henry. Then lastly by a feat of war which were long to rehearse, he won a town named Lyngues in Cause/ in the which town was a bridge to pass the river of Thee, and so into Normandye.  
when a certain of the knights of Lewes had thus won the foresaid town/ the said Lewes with his people sped him shortly after, and rescued his foresaid knights/ & then spoiled and rob the town the which was rich, for so much as it had been in quiet and rest many years before. He also slew and took prisoners all the Normans there dwelling, & put in their stead Frenchmen. And that done he sped him toward King Henry, the which was at a castle called Male assize/ & there made purveyance for the defence of the Frenchmen. And when he had garnished it to his pleasure he departed thence. But not long after the French King came thither with his hole host of Frenchmen/ and after many sore & cruel assaults, won the said castle/ and bet it down even with the ground. After which season as saith the said chronicle, fell to the French King many and diverse misfortunes. For shortly after among other myssechaunces/ a noble captain of his named Angueran de Chanmount, the which had done much harm in Normandye to King Henry, and won there some castles and other strong holds, died suddenly. And in short time after/ Baldewyne Earl of Flaundres a man of great strength and puissance, as he besieged a castle was wounded in the face, and died with in vi days after. Then Fauques Earl of Aungeos, in whom also this Lewis affyed much and trusted/ married his daughter unto willyam the eldest son of King Henry/ and refused the King of France part, and aided and assisted King Henry in all that he might/ so that daily the power of King Henry increased, and the French Kings minished. lastly these two Princes met with their both hosts in plain field, and fought a deadly and cruel battle. where in the end the French King was overcomen, and lost much of his people/ and was compelled to flee unto a place called Audely for his safeguard. But this overthrow of frenchmen is excused in the most fairest manner/ so that they excuse themself, and say that King Henry set upon King Lewis, when he was not ware, but his knights all out of array & order, and also King Henry had far exceeding number of men over that their King had/ with other words of boast of themself, & slander of englishmen, the which as to me appeareth is an augmentation of their own shame. But Ranulfe the monk saith shortly, that King Henry overcame the French King royally in battle.  
Then it followeth in the story/ finally these said Princes were agreed/ and wyllyam the son of King Henry did homage unto the French King for the lands of Normandye, by the agreement of his father. For the King thought himself to good to be under the obeisance of the French King Then King Henry caused his free men of England and of Normandy, to do homage unto his son wyllyam.  
And soon after Fouques before named left his earldom of Angeer or Angiers, in guiding of King Henry, and yode himself into the holy land/ and willed in his testament, that if he returned not again, that the said earldom should remain unto his son in law wyllyam, son of King Henry, which had married his daughter.  
About the twenty year of the reign of King Henry/ Queen mould or Mawde his wife died in Normandy/ the which in her youth was set by her father King of Scots into a nunnery, and there ware & used the veil and habit of a nun. For the which cause when King Henry was agreeable to take her unto wife, this matter fell in great despution/ & Anselme then archbishop of Caunterbury was sore again that marriage a season of tyme. But at length it was sufficiently proved that she was there as a figure, a woman woring that habit without profession of order. And this was thus ordered by her father, to the end to put by unworthy wowers. This of writers was reputed for a blessed and holy woman, after the living of a worldly woman.  
when King Henry had continued in Normandy upon the season and term of iii years/ he took shipping at Haterflete in Normandy, and sailed happily into England the same day, that is to mean the xxiiii day of November as saith some writers. And shortly after William duke of Normandy, with richard his brother, Notha the Countess of Persye, richard Earl of Chester, with his wife the kings nice, and the archdekyn of Herforde and other, to the number of a hundred & lx persons/ took shiping at the said port, & were all drowned, a bocher only except. Which misfortune fell by the oversight of the master and other, which fell at a dissension in the night among themself/ by reason whereof they ran upon a rock as showed the foresaid bocher. From this danger wyllyam duke of Normandy was escaped, and was in the ship boat near unto the land. But when he hard the lamentable cry of the Countess Notha/ he commanded the rowers to return and save the said Countess. Which done by what misfortune I can not say, after she was received into the boat, were it by tempest or over charging of the boat or otherwise/ they were all swalowid of the see, so that none of them was after found but part of their goods. Of this duke william some desclaunderous words are left in memory, both in the english chronicle and also of other writers/ the which I overpass.   

THE. CCXXIX. Chapter.  
IN the xxi year of his reign/ King Henry made the park of woodstock be side Oxenford, with other pleasures to the same. And Fouques Earl of Angiers returned out of the holy land, and married the sister of her that before he had married unto wyllam duke of Normandye, unto the son of Robert Curthose/ and gave with her the earldom of Conomanna. And strife began to kindle between King Henry & the said Fouques, for the wytholding of the dower or jointure of his first daughter, married wnto wyllyam the kings son.  
In the xxiii year of King Henry, died Ralph archbishop of Caunterbury/ and one named william was set in the see after him. And the King in this year began the foundation of the abbey of reading. And Iohn a cardinal of Rome was sent from Calyxte the second of that name them being pope, for certain matters concerning the pope. In the time of which his so being here, the cardinal made sharp process again priests that nourished christian moils/ and rebuked them by open publyshement and otherwise, so that he won him here but small & little favour. But this dyssymuled doctor took so great fervence in the correction of the judgement of priests of England, that he forgot the lore and counsel of his famous pope Caton/ which in the book of his counsel or of wisdom thus saith: 
Quae cuspare soses, ea tu ne feceris ipse.  
Turpe est doctori, cum cuspa redarguit ipsum.  The which two verses may be englished as followeth, 
Auyse the well, let reason be thy guide  
when other folk thou art about to blame/  
That such default in the be not espied.  
For if there be/ then shalt thou have the shame.  
A man's honour such things will reclaim.  
It is full foul when that a man will cheese  
If that his deed again his words preach.   
This counsel was not remembered of the said cardinal. For in the evening after he had lewdly blown his horn, and said it was a detestable sin to arise from the side of a strumpet & sacre the body of christ/ he was taken with a strumpet to his open shame and rebuke.  
In the xxv year of King Henry was called a counsel at London/ where the spiritualty condescended that the kings officers should punish priests that cherished the foresaid mulies. But the said officers took money, and suffered the priests to spur their mulies at their pleasure. Which office at this day is so clearly renounced of all spiritual men/ that neither King nor bishop taketh for it any synes, nor yet correction necessary to be done for the same.  
In the xxvii year of his reign as reporteth an old chronicle/ the grey freres by procuring of the King came first into England, and had their first house builded at Caunterbury. And about this time by most accord of writers, died Henry the four Emperor of that name/ which as before is touched married mould the daughter of King Henry. After whose death the said Empress came unto her father into Normandye. when King Henry was ascertaynted of the death of Henry the Emperor/ for so much as he had none heir male, he caused soon after the more party of his Lords of England as well spiritual as temporal, to swear in his presence, that they should keep the land of England to the use of Mawde the Empress, if he died without issue male, and she then survived  
In the xxviii year of King. Henry/ Geffrey Plantagenet Earl of Angeou married mould the Empress. Of the which two descended Henry the second, that after Stephan was King of England. In this year also the King had divers monitions and visions. For among other fearful dreams/ he saw a great company of clerks with diverse weapons, which manassed him for debt that he should owe unto them. And when they were passed/ he thought that he was manassed to death of his own knights. And lastly appeared to him a great company of bishops/ which threatened him, and would have smitten him with their crosses. By this monition he took remorse in his conscience, and did great deeds of charity in Normandye where he had seen these visions. And after his coming then into England/ in satisfaction of wrongs done to the church as affirmeth Guydo, he then founded the abbey of reading before spoken of. And over that he released unto english men the Dane gelded, that was by his father & his brother renewed.  
In the xxx year of this King Henry, died the Earl of Flaundres/ and King Henry as saith Ranulfe, was by agreement of Lewis the French King made Earl, as next heir & inheritor to the said earldom. But it is not there expressed by what manner of title or succession.  
In the xxxii year of the King, died Robert Curthose the kings brother the which he had kept as prisoner in the castle of Cardyfe from the iiii. Year of his reign or there about/ whose corpse as before is showed, was buried at gloucester before the high altar. And about this time was founded the pryorye of Norton in the province of Chester, by one wyllyam the son of Nychelle. And the abbey of Combremer in the same province, was also founded about the same tyme.  
In the xxxv year of King Henry/ was borne of mould the Empress, Henry short mantel or Henry the second. The which as after shall be showed was consenting to the martyrdom of saint Thomas of Caunterburye.  
King Henry being in Normandy after some writers, fell from or with his horse/ whereof he caught his death. But ranulph saith he took a surfeit by eating of a lamprey & there of diet, when he had reigned full xxxv. Years and odd months. Then the Kings bowels were drawn out of his body, and then salted with much salt. And for to avoid the stench which had infected many men/ the body was lastly closed in a bulls skin, and yet it was not all stynted. He that cleansed the head, died of the stench of the brain. Then lastly the body was brought into England, & buried in the abbey of reading that he had before founded. Then the fame of him was blown abroad as it is blown of other Princes/ and said that he passed other men in iii things. In wit, in eloquence, and fortune of battle. And other said he was overcomen with three vices/ with covetise, with cruelty, and with lust of lechery.  
One other made these veries of him as followen.  
King Henry is deed, beauty of the world, for whom great dole  
Gods now maken for their kind brother. For he is sole,  
Mercurius in speech, Marce in battle, heart strong Apollo,  
jupiter in hest, equal with Saturn and enemy to Cupid.  
King he was of right, & man of most might, and glorious in raining.  
And when he left his crown, them fell honour down, for miss of such a King.  
Normandy than 'gan lower, for loss of their flower, & sang well away.  
England made moon, & Scotland did groan, for to see that day.   

Francia. THE. CCXXX. Chapter.  
LEwys the son of the first Phylyp began his reign over the frenchmen, in the year of our Lord xi hundred & vii to reckon his beginning from the death of his father/ and the vi year of the first Henry than King of England. This Lewis as before is touched, was admitted to the rule of the land certain years or his father died, and was surnamed Lewes the great for grossness of his body.  
Anon as this Lewis had finished the obsequy of the funerallies of his father/ he without tarrying called a counsel of his Lords spiritual and temporal at the city of orleans/ where of the bishop of the same see with other adjoining, he was solemnly anointed & crowned. But not without grudge of the archbishop of Raynes/ for so much as of custom the French Kings used there to be crowned.  
Soon after the coronation of Lewis/ Guy le Rous, and Guy de Cressy his son, which before time had been at debate and war with Lewis, and Lewis had from them taken the castle of Gurnaye/ this Guy le Rous with his son saying they might not prevail again the King, awaited their time and season, and espied when Endo his own brother and Earl of Corbueyll went forth on hunting, and took him, & as a prisoner kept him in the castle of Bawdum. whereof the cause was, for so much as the said Endo would not assist nor aid the said guile Rous his brother again the King. when this was known, anon the friends and tenants of the said Earl showed this matter unto the King/ beseeching him that he would aid and assist them to recover their natural Lord. Whereunto the King grannted/ and forth with sent a knight or captain of his named Auncelyne, accompanied with xl horsemen before/ for so much as it was showed unto the King, that such as had the rule of the castle would receive such persons as were sent from him, and deliver the castle with the prisoner unto them. Upon which appointment this Ancelyne as before is said was sent to enter this castle. But all contrary to the former promise made/ this Auncelyne was betrayed and taken, and many of his men slain, & himself set in prison, where the said Earl of Corbuayll was. Whereof when the King was informed/ he was passing grievously dyscontent. Wherefore in all haste he sped him thither, & compassed the castle with a strong siege/ and those that were within defended them manfully. In the time of the which siege neither Guy the father, nor Guy his son, were with in the said castle of Baudum.  
But Guy the son as a lusty and iuperdous knight/ put himself in adventure divers ways and times to have entered the said castle for comfort of his men/ but all was in vain. Finally the King made so sore and cruel assaults, that he won the first ward with great difficulty, and after the hole/ and delivered the Earl and Auncelyn his steward, the which were in great doubt of their lives. And such as he took prisoners of the soldiers/ some he put to death, and some he prisoned to their lives end, to the terror and fere of other.  
In process of time after at a place called the Roche of Guy, which one Guy of old time had builded/ dwell lid at this day one of that stock named also Guy, the which had to wife a fair and good woman, the daughter of one william a Norman. Which wyllyam intending to dysheryte the said Guy, and to be lord of that strong place/ upon a time when the said Guy was in the church or chapel to here his divine service entered the church with a certain of harnessed knights under their man tells, and fell upon him and all to hew him. Whereof hearing the wife/ ran as a mad woman, and fell upon her husband, to the intent to save him from the strokes. But the tyrants were so cruel, that they forbore nothing of their cruelty/ but wounded her with her husband, so that both were slain/ and that done entered the castle, and slew all such as they found therein. when this willyam father to the wife of Guy, or brother to her as affirmeth Master Robert Gagwyne, was possessed of the castle of Guyon/ he thought thereby to rule all the country environ. But the gentiles and commons he ring of this shameful murder/ assembled them together/ & of one mind while some of them yode to the King to enfurme him of that cruel deed, the other prepared abyllementes of war, and laid siege to the said castle. The King Lewis hearing of this shameful deed, and the winning of so strong an hold, fearing the rescue of Englishmen and Normans, lest that castle by that mean might fall in their hands/ sent his commission unto the rulers of that country, charging them with all diligence to assault that place. And if they might win it/ to put the executors of that murder unto most shameful death. Which commandment received from the King/ strong assault & cruel was made, & manfully it was defended. But the loss ran to them of the castle/ so that in process of time when this willyam conceived well that he might not continue the defence thereof, he began to treat & agreed, that if he might have free issue for him and his, & assurance that he with his knights might go quietly unto a place that he would chose/ he would then deliver the castle with all that was therein. The which request of diverse of the head captains was granted and sworn. But so soon as the castle was delivered, and the frenchmen entered/ the multitude not withstanding the former promise and oath, fell upon the said wyllyam and his soldiers, & them put unto death by many cruel torments/ & finally cast all their careyns into the river of Sayne, upon the brink whereof the said roche and castle was standing.  
And shortly after this, ensued the war between this Lewis & King Henry of England, as it is before showed in the ten year of the said Henry. And after the war ended between these two princes/ Hugh Puyssake a man of great might at those days in France, rebelled again the King/ and warred grievously upon or again the Countess of Chartres/ and rob and pilled the churches of the country, as well as other places/ so that the said Countess with her young son Thybaude, were fain to seek succour of the King. Wherefore the King called a counsel at his city of Meleyne/ where again the said Hugh many grievous complaints were put. But for so much as the said Hugh at that time was not present, to make answer unto such things as then was laid to his charge/ the King commanded that the castle of Terry or of Thoree in all haste should be manned & victualed, to the end that by the comfort & strength of that castle, the King if need required might lay siege to the castle of Puyssake, for so much as that one was near adjoining unto the other. In which pass time the said Hugh was summoned to appear before the King and his counsel/ but he refused to appear.  
when the King was informed of the garnishing of the castle of Thorre, and of the disobedience of Hugh/ he assembled a strong host, and compassed the castle of Puyssake with a siege/ and set Thybaude son of the Countess upon that side that stood toward the province of Chartres, so that strong assaults and cruel war was made on every part. what should I make long process/ to tell of the fearful shot of the gonnys upon both parties, or of the sharp shot of arrows, the casting of stonies, or scaling of the wallys, or filling of the dyches, the fyring of the gates, or yet the mortal and cruel fight on both parts/ nor of the manifold deed bodies & maimed, by reason of the said assaults/ or yet the manasses or mocks, or great bosus or cracks used of the soldiers during this siege. But finally after the King had lain before the said castle a certain of time, he wan it by pure force, and took the said Hugh with his accessaries. The which he commanded to be kept as prisoners in the castle of Thorre for a season. Then the King cast down the said castle of Puyssake to the ground, except a little tower made of timber, the which he reserved for a lodging. And that done some of the foresaid prisoners he put to death, and some he disherited after the grief of their offence. And so this foresaid Countess of Charters with her son Thybaude was in quiet of their country and castle of Puyssake belonging to the said earldom. But how it was/ in process of time following this Thybaude intended to have re-edified there a new castle/ whereby as the King was informed, he would have encroached things appertaining to the crown of France/ wherefore the King withstood it. For this/ a grudge fell between the King and Earl Thybaude/ so that in process deadly war was made between them. The which continued in such wise to their both damages/ that finally the war was again revived between King Lewis and King Henry, as in the xvii year of the reign of the said Henry is declared, by mean of this war between the King and this Earl Thybaude. Whereof the circumstance would axe a long leisure to rehearse, as it is showed in the French story. But finally this Earl Thybaude lost none honour/ all be it that the French chronicle wonderfully favoureth the party of the French King, that the reader may well apperceive, Quis pin xit leonem.   

THE. CCXXXI. Chapter.  
THis Lewis also had great war with Henry the fourth of that name Emperor/ the which married mould the daughter of Henry the first King of England, as before is showed. Wherefore the occasion was as saith the French chronicle/ for so much as the said Henry the Emperor had before time been accursed of Gelasius the second of that name then pope, at Raynes a city in France. For the which cause as there is surmytted/ the said Emperor assembled an huge host of Almains and Italyens, and entered the land of France, and did therein much harm. But in the end when he knew of the great provision the Lewis made to meet him, & of his great power/ he then as affirmeth the french chronicle, withdrew him/ and so avoided the land of France without stroke striking. But of this speaketh nothing the author that wrote the story of this Henry the Emperor.  
After this the Earl of Flaundres named charles, the sisters son of King Lewis next duke after Baldewyn, which died as before is said in the third chapter of the story of King Henry, of a wound in his face/ this foresaid charles was sore hated of the provost of Brudgys. The which to bring his malice to some effect/ counseled with his adherentes how he might slay the said charles. By whose counsel a mean was found to bring the Earl to Brudgys a town of Flaundres, for the weal of the said town. After whose coming upon a day he being in a church and hearing his divine service, was slain of the said provost and his complycies. Whereof hearing King Lewis/ anon with a great army entered Flaundres, and besieged the town of Brudges, and lastly took the said provost. The which first was bounden to a post, & then his eyen with a reed stricken out of his head/ And then shot with arrows/ & lastly set upon a wheel, where he remained till he died. And a fellow of his named Bartopus, the which was consenting to the same murder/ was hanged upon a galoes by the waste and arms/ and by him amastyfe or great cur dog, the which as soon ever he was smitten boat upon the said Bartopus/ so that in process he all to rend him, & did to him so great pain, that lastly he ended his life in great misery.  
In the time of the reign of this Lewis/ the bishop of Clermonde was voided his see by the cruelness of the Earl of Avernus, wherefore the King assembled his knights/ and by strength, set the bishop in his place again maugry his enymyes. And again the second time when he was eft put out by the said Earl/ the King restored him/ and took such pledges of the Earl, that he remained after in good quiet. In the later days of this Lewis/ his eldest son named Phylyppe with a convenient company, upon a day for his disport road about certain streets of the city of Paris/ and as he road, an hog suddenly start among the horse feet of the child/ wherewith the horse being frayed leapt suddenly, and cast the child to the ground, with so great violence that he died the night following. For this myssehappe the King took great heaviness/ so that he waxed daily more feeble. And for he was unweldly by reason of over lading of flesh, and might not well travail/ he therefore by the advice of his Lords, admitted his second son named Lewis to the rule of the realm, and him he crowned by his life time/ and also married him unto Elynoure the daughter of the duke of Guyan, by which he was inherytoure unto her father. And shortly after the King sykened/ and to his great pain in an horse litter was brought unto saint Denys. where he dying a season sick, and knew that the hour of death was near/ commanded such as were about him that they should spread a tapytte upon the ground, and then lay him upon the said tappette, and upon him to be made a cross of ashes/ which all was done according to his commandment. And there he so lay till he died, in the year of his reign to reckon from the death of his father to his own ending day xxx years/ so that he reigned xxix years full and odd months/ and was buried in the monastery of saint Denys with great pomp, with this scripture following upon his tomb. 
Illustris genitor Lodouict rex Lodovicus,  
Vir clemens, Christi servorum semper amicus:  
Institui fecit pastorem canonicorum,  
In sella veteri trans flumen Parisiorum.  
Hane vir magnanimus asmi victoris amore,  
Auro reliquijs ornavit rebus honore.  
Sancti Dionysi, qui seruas corpus humatum,  
Martyr & antisles, lodovici solve reatum.   
which versys may be exponed in our vulgar as followeth: 
The noble father of Lewis, Lewis the King.  
To Crystes servants right meek and loving/  
Caused to be made of canons an house,  
In a sell of Paris where the stream flows/  
which this man mighty for love of saint Victor,  
with gold an relyquys enorued with great honour.  
wherefore saint Denys, which keepest his body graved,  
Martyr and Bishop/ pray that his soul be saved.    

Angsia. THE. CCXXXII. Chapter.  
STephan Earl of Boloyn, and son of the Earl of Blesence, and of the wives sister of Henry the first named Mary/ began his reign over the realm of England, in the year of our lord xi C.xxxvi/ & the first year of Lewes the viii of that name then King of France. This was a noble man and hardy. But contrary his oath, after the affirmance of some writers that he made to mould the Empress/ he took upon him the crown/ and was crowned upon saint stephan's day in the Crystemasse week at westminster, of the archbishop of Caunterbury, the which in likewise had made like oath unto the said Empress, in presence of her father as before is touched. In punishment whereof as men denied/ the said archbishop died shortly after. And many other Lords which did according like/ went not quite without punishment. A great causer of this perjury as rehersyth one author, was this/ one Hugh Bygot steward sometime with Henry the first/ immediately after the deceace of the said Henry, came unto England/ and before the said archbishop and other Lords of the land, took wylfully an oath/ & swore that he was present a little before the kings death, when King Henry admitted & chase for his heir to be King after him Stephan his nephew/ for so much as mould his daughter had discontented him. Where unto the archbishop with the other Lords gave to hasty credence. But this Hugh scaped not unpunished/ for he died miserably in a short time after.  
when King Stephan was crowned he swore before the Lords at Oxynforde, that he would not hold in his hand the benefices that voided/ and that he would forgive the Dane gelt as King Henry before him had done with other things which I pass over. And for this Stephan dread the coming of the Empress/ he therefore gave licence unto his Lords, that every of them might build a castle or strong fortress upon his own ground. And soon after he agreed with david King of Scots, & received of him homage, after he had from him won some towns and holds.  
The town of Exetoure rebelled again the King in the second year of his reign. But he in the end he subdued them. And wyllyam archbishop of Caunterburye died the same year/ whose benefice was after given to Thibaude abbot of Becco in Normandye.  
About the fourth year of his reign/ david King of socts repenting him of his former agreement made with the King, entered of new the bounds of Northumberlande about the river of Theyse toward the province of york, and brent and slew the people in most cruel wise/ not sparing man, woman, nor child. Again whom Thurstone by the kings commandment was sent. The which with his power quit him so knightly, that he over threw the host of Scots, and slew of them a great number, and compelled them to withdraw again into Scotland. In the which pastime the King laid siege to the castle of bedford and wan it. And that done/ he then made a viage into Scotland, where he did little to his pleasure or profit. Then in his return homeward he took Alexaunder bishop of Lyncolne/ and held him in duresse till he had yielded or given unto him the castle of Newerke. And then he chased Nygellus Bishop of Ely.  
Also in this fury he took such displeasure with his loving friend Roger Bishop of salisbury/ that he cast him in bonds till the said Roger had rendered unto him the two castles of Uyes and Shyrburne. For the which this Roger in remembering the great ingratituding of the King/ took such thought that he died shortly after/ and left in ready coin xl thousand mark, which after his death came to the kings coffers.  
One chronicle saith that King Stephan obtained these foresaid castles, to the intent he might fortify them with his knights to withstand the Empress, whose coming he ever feared. And the year following he wan with strength the castles of Glowceter, of Herford, of webley, of Brystowe, of Dudley, & of Shrewesburye/ for the which cause Robert Earl of gloucester began to withdraw his allegiance from King Stephan. This Robert was the son of Henry the first by reason of baste/ and for this displeasure sent letters unto mould the Empress his sister, promising to her great aid to win her right.  
In the mean while that the Empress made provision for her journey/ King Stephan concluded a marriage between Eustace his son and constance the kings sister of France, daughter of Lewis the great/ the which continued the amity between England and France.  
Then in the month of July and vi. Year of Stephan/ mould the Empress as testifieth Henry the canon in his ix book, entered this land by the port of Portesmouthe/ and so kept on her journey till she came to bristol, and did great harm by the mean of her passage through the country. In which time of her said landing, King Stephan lay at the siege of walyngforde castle. But as soon as he hard of the landing of the Empress/ he anon sent out commissions for more strength, and so drew toward his enymyes. But in this time and season Robert Earl of Glowceter, and Ranulfe Earl of Chester, went unto the Empress with all the power that they might make. The Empress hearing the great power coming with the King/ drew to the city of Nycoll now called Lyncolne, and there held her a long season for all that the King might do. But lastly the Empress with her people escaped/ and the King was possessed of the city, and there bode till Candelmas. After which season/ Earl Robert and Ranulfe before named, with a great power of walshmen, & the power of the Empress, came again the King. where as when both hosts were near joining/ the Earl Ranulfe of Chester spoke to his knights and said: I require you that I that am cause of your apparel, may be the first that shall enter into the apparel. Then answered Earl Robert and said/ it is not unworthy to the that axeste the first stroke and dignity of this fight. For to the it is sitting, for noblesse of blood and virtue of strength, in the which thou passest other men. But the kings false oath moveth men to war and to fight/ where we must now win the mastery or be overcomen. And he that hath none other succour, is constrained to defend him by knightly and strong deeds of arms & of manhood. And so shall we now again them that by entryked with guile & wickedness/ as Robert Earl of Mellent, the Earl also of Albemarll, and Simon of Hampton, the which is a man of great boast and of small might.  
Then King Stephan prepared to set forward his people/ and Earl Baudewyne had words of comfort to the kings people, 
Three things requisite to fight  & said: Men that shall fight/ to them is behoveful three things. The first is right of the cause, lest men fall in apparel of soul. The second is quantity of men of arms, lest men be oppressed with exceeding number. And the third is the effect courage of strength of knights, that the quarrel should not fail for lack of hardy and assured fighting. As touching which three points I trust we be well sped. But & ye take heed furthermore what enymyes we have/ first we have again us Robert Earl of gloucester, which useth great manasses, and executeth little or small deeds. In mouth he is a lion/ but in heart he is a sheep. He is pompous in speech, and dark in understanding. There is also Ranulfe Earl of Chester/ a man without reason and full of folehardynesse/ ready and pressed to all conspiracy and unsteadfastness of manner and deeds, hasty and furious of heart, and unware of parellys. He assayeth oft to achieve great deeds/ but he bringeth none to effect. And what he fyrsly and freshly beginneth/ he cowardly and faintly forsaketh, as unhappy and ungracious in all his deeds/ and is overcomen in every place. For he holdeth with him banished men & scullers. And the more of them that be in a company, the sooner they be overcomen/ and week they be in fighting, for either of them putteth trust in his fellow while himself is overthrown.  
But or he might have finished his words to most men's audience/ the cry of the enymyes, with noise of trumpets and grunting of horses approached and smote together/ and forth go the arrows, and gresely & cruel fight was continued upon both sides for the while that it endured. where through the green field was turned into a perfit red/ so that many a pale & wan visage was there seen yielding the ghost, with arms and legs dissevered and departed. A long while this fight stood in question, whither party should obtain victory. But in the end King stephan's party gave back and fled/ and he full knightly abode on field with a few of his knights, and was taken, and so was brought unto the Empress/ the which commanded him to be conveyed under sure keeping unto Brystowe, where he was kept as a prisoner from the said time of Candelmasse unto holy rood day next ensuing.  
About this time was founded the Abbay of Stratforth Langthorne within four miles of London, by a knight called Sir wyllyam de Mountfychet.   

THE. CCXXXIII. Chapter.  
WHen the Empress had won this victory, and had committed the King to ward, as before ye have hard/ she was not therewith a little exalted/ but thought in her mind that she was in a surety of the possession of the hole realm. But she was deceived/ for Kent took party with King Stephan. But yet after this victory thus obtained, the Empress came unto wynchester, and after to wyltone, to Oxenford, to reading, and to saint albonies/ into the which cities and towns she was received with all honour. And finally she came to London, for to enter the state of the land. At her which there being/ the Queen made assyduat labour for the delivery of the King her husband/ promising that he should surrender the land into her possession, and he to be come a religious man, other else a pilgrim to his lives end. But all was in vain/ for she might purchase no grace as then upon no manner of conditions. The citizens of London also made great labour, that they might use the laws of Edward the confessor, as they were granted by wyllyam conqueror/ and not the laws of her father, which were of more straightness. Whereof in no wise they of her counsel might have any grant. For this the citizens were discontented/ and knowing that the country of Kent would strength their party, ordained to have taken her. But she being thereof warned/ departed in haste, and left behind her her store of household, and so fled unto Oxynforde/ where she abode her people, the which was divided and scattered. And in this while she sent unto david King of Scots and her uncle for to aid her, the which in all haste came unto her/ and so yode to wynchester, where she laid siege to the bishops tower, the which the kings brother at that time held with strength.  
Then the Queen with aid of her friends, of Kentyshemen and other/ made a strong host/ whereof was capitain a knight named Guyllyam de Pre. when the empress hard of the great strength of the Queen, and saw that her own mynyshed rather then increased/ she fled secretly and escaped unto gloucester. And Earl Robert her brother was taken soon after, and put in prison. Then david King of Scots hearing of this/ returned into Scotland. Then means was made upon either side, for delivery and exchange of the prisoners/ so that finally it was agreed that the King should be delivered for Earl Robert. But or this agreement were concluded much sorrow was wrought within this realm. For the Empress pilled and spoiled on her party/ and the Queen by promises and menaces borrowed & took upon the other side/ & the soldiers stolen and extortioned upon both parties/ so that rich men were made needy, and the poor were oppressed.  
In this mean while the Empress returned again to Oxynforde & victualed and manned it in her best manner.  
Then lastly the King was delivered upon holy rood day in harvest, and soon after he becleped Oxynford with a strong siege, from the time of Mychelmasse unto the season of christmas/ at which time and season the Empress used a new guile for constraint and necessity of victual.  
In that time was great plenty of snow fallen upon the ground/ and the frost was therewith so great, that Thamys with other great rivers were then frozen over/ so that man & horse might pass the water upon the ice. The Empress then constrained of need as before is said, appareled her and her company in white clothing, which a far of appeared like the snow/ and so upon a plump going together as near as they might escaped the danger of their fone/ & so came to walyngforde. And thence in process of time she with a small company departed, and returned finally into Normandye unto her husband.  
So soon as the Empress was thus departed from Oxenford, the town was yelden unto the King/ where the King had mich of the empress atuffe as well harness as other stuff of household. Then he intended to have pursued her. But tydyngus were brought unto him, that Ranulfe Earl of Chester with an host of walshmen was coming toward him. But by mediation of friends this Ranulfe in the end to the King was reconciled, and was with him agreed.  
About this time and season as it is testified of diverse authors/ the Jews upon Ester even crucified a child named wyllyam, in the city of Norwyche. And in the time of Henry the second, about the vi year of his reign as saith Policronicon, they crucified an other at gloucester.  
In the xxii year of his reign/ King Stephan was again crowned at Lyncolne. And soon after he took from ranulph Earl of Chester the castle of Lyncolne.  
Robert Earl of gloucester made also new war upon the King/ & had the better of the King at wyltone, so that the King was like to have fallen in Robertys danger. But yet the King escaped with much pain. And there was taken a baron of the Kings named Sir willyam Martel, for whose delivery the King gave after to the said Earl the castle of Shyrbourne. And that done that said Earl Robert began to found a strong castle at Faryngdone. Whereof the King being informed, assembled his knights and sped him thitherward/ by mean whereof the work was for that time impeached & let.  
In the xu year of the reign of King Stephan/ the river of Thamys was so strongly overfrosen, that horse and cart passed over upon the ice.  
In the xvi year/ ranulph Earl of Chester died, that was surnamed Gercyous, and was the four Earl after the conquest/ and his son Hugh was Earl after him, which was a man of great strength and virtue. And in the same year, as witnesseth Guydo and other/ died Geffrey Plantagenet husband of mould the Empress. After whose death, Henry short mantel that was the son of the said Geffrey and mould/ was made duke of Angeous' & Normandye. The which in few years after married Elyanour the daughter of the Earl of Poytow/ the which Elyanour was before married unto Lewis King of France, and from him divorced for nearness of blood, when he had received of her ii daughters named Mary and Alys, as witnesseth the French chronicle. And so this Henry was Earl of Angeous' by his father, duke of Normandy by his mother, & Earl of Poytowse by his wife.  
It was not long after, that Eustace the son of King Stephan with aid of the French King, warred upon Henry duke of Normandye/ the which after some writers was imagined by Stephan his father, to the intent to let or stop him that he should not come into England to claim his inheritance. But duke Henry defended him so knightly, that the said Eustace wan thereby little honour or profit.  
An old chronicle showeth, that King Stephan intended to have crowned the said Eustace his son King of England by his days/ but the bishops of England refused the deed by commandment of the pope.  
In the xxvii year/ the King laid siege unto the castles of Newebery, of walyngforde, and of warwyke or warwell/ the which had been kept by the empress friends from the time of her departing unto that day, and hoped of rescous by Henry duke of Normandy. But the King then won the castles of Newebery and of warwell/ and walyngforde defended the holder's till the coming of Henry the duke. The which in the end of the said year with a great army entered England/ and first wan the castle of Malmysburye. And thence he yode to London/ and wan the tower, as much by policy and by fair promise as by strength. And such stuff of victual and armour as he fande therein/ he sent to walyngforde. And that done he went to the town of walyngforde/ & won such holds as were there about.  
Then King Stepan with his power drew toward the duke/ and finally by mean of mediators, as Thybaude archbishop of Caunterbury and other/ both Princes to common of peace, met near unto the water of Uryn or Urn. But as fast as some laboured to have peace, so fast other laboured to have war/ so that at that communication the peace was not concluded.  
After the King and the duke were departed/ the King yode toward Epyswyche in Suff. And the duke took the way to Srewesbury/ where he won the castle of the said town. From thence the duke went to Nothyngham and won the town. Wherefore the soldiers that held the castle, saying that the town took party with the duke/ broke out upon the night, and fired the town and brent a great part thereof.  
In this while died and was drowned Eustace the son of King Stephan/ and was buried at Feversham in Kent in the abbey that his father before had builded.  
Thybaude Archbishop of Caunterbury left not to labour & conclude the peace between the King & the duke/ & endeavoured himself therein so diligently, with the assistance of other, that in the year following the peace was concluded upon dyurese conditions. Whereof one was, that the King should continue as King during his life/ and immediately after the conclusion of this peace, the said Henry should be proclaimed in all the chief cities and towns of England for heir apparent, & be King after the death of the said Stephan/ and that the King should take him for his son of adoption and rightful heir unto the crown. To the which covenants justly to be holden/ the King was first sworn, and after his Lords spiritual and temporal/ and so yode both to London, where they were royally received. And when the King had feasted the duke, and given to him rich gifts/ he took leave of the King, and so returned into Normandye, as affirmeth the said author the flower of histories. How be it the chronicle of England saith, that the accord was made upon division of the land between them/ that is to mean that both should reign together, and either of them to enjoy half the land. But how that division was made, or which part of the land everich of them should hold/ no mention thereof is made. And the former accord should be as abve is said, concluded viii days following the epiphany of our Lord in the town of Oxenford. And the King died in the month of October following, when he had reigned xviii years full and odd months/ and was interred in theforsayde abbey of Fevyrsham.  
Of divers authors as Ranulfe and other/ it is recorded that this Stephan lived in great vexation and trouble all the term of his reign. It is said also that this Stephan married mould or Mawde the daughter of Mary/ the which was the daughter of Henry the first, and Countess of Boloyne/ by whom he claimed the title to be crowned, as by the younger daughter of Henry the first/ and Henry short mantel claimed by the elder. But after most certainty of writers/ this Stephan was son of Eustace Earl of Boloyne, and of Mary sister unto mould that was married unto Henry the first/ which mould and Mary were daughters of Margarete wife of Malcolyn King of Scots/ which Margaret was sister to edgar etheling, and daughter of Edward the outlaw, that was the son of Edmund Ironsyde. Then the eldest sister mould, bare mould the Empress by Henry the first. And mould the Empress daughter of Henry the first/ had by her second husband Geffrey Plantagenet Henry the second. And so by Henry short mantel or Henry the second, returneth the blood of the Saxons to the crown of England, and so it did by Stephan/ but most conveniently by Henry the first, as by the dissent of his mother. By which reason it followeth, that the blood of willyam conqueror continued but lxx years/ if it be accounted from the first year of wyllyam conqueror, unto the last year of Henry the first.  
This King Stephan at the request of mould his wife/ builded in the year of grace xi hundred xl, the abbey of Coggeshale in Essex, and set therein white monks. Also about the same time he founded the abbey of Feversham in Kent/ where he now corporally resteth. And the third he founded in furnace in lancashire/ and all he garnished with monks of Cysteaux order/ & died as before is said without issue of his body.   

Francia. THE. CCXXXIIII. Chapter.  
LEwys the viii of that name, & son of Lewis the great began his reign over the French men, in the year of our lord xi hundred & xxxvi/ & the first year of Stephan then King of England. This also is called the younger Lewis/ in whose beginning Johannes de temporibus died. This Iohn was sometime a squire in the house of charles the conqueror/ the which lived over iii hundred years, for which cause he was named Iohn of time, as he that might remember things done of long time passed. This Lewis at the time of his father's death, was in the country of Guyan, for to receive the dower of his wife Elyanour, as before in the story and second chapter of King Stephan is touched. But when he hard of the death of his father/ he sped him into France. where after the necessaries for the weal of his realm ordained/ he married his wives sister named Alys, unto Arnolde Earl of Uermendoze. After which marriage solempnysed/ tidings were brought unto him, that the christian people being in the holy land as warryours upon the Turks and saracens, were distressed and overthrown/ and diverse strong holds from them taken and won. Wherefore by the exhortation of that holy munke bernard, which at this day is called saint Bernard/ the said Lewis, with also Conradus the iii of that name then Emperor of Almaigne, with Alphon then King of Spain, with diverse other nobles of France & other provinces/ took upon them the cross, and provided for the expedition of that journey, in the four year of his reign after some writers. But of the taking of his journey divers writers hold divers oppinyons/ so that the doubt resteth between the year of our lord xi hundred & xl, and the year of xi hundred and l  
when all things were ready for that journey/ the King, the Queen, with the flower of the chyvalry of France set forthward upon that journey/ and came in process of time unto Constantyn the noble/ where he met with Conradus the Emperor, and Alphons King of Spain. whom the Prince Emanuel then Emperor of Constantyne the noble received ioyusly/ and made to them by his outward countenance loving and friendly cheer/ and promised unto them aid in that journey both of victual and also for guides for the next and surest way. But he contrary to his promise did dysapoynte them, and nothing aided them. For he delivered unto them meal mingled with lime, whereof grew much harm to the christian host after. And also he assigned unto them such guides, as brought them into places and countries of sterylyte and other danger/ so that hastily the French King with great difficulty and loss of his men, came unto the city of Danas, and becleped it with a strong siege/ the which he assaulted and impaired very sore, and was likely to have won it, if he had assaulted the place still where he began. But by counsel of some false christian men, the which as witnesseth Peter Dysroye and other had taken meed of the Turks/ the King by their counsel removed the ordinance from the weaker place unto the stronger. where after divers assaults made/ the King conceived well that he was deceived. A cause of this treason as saith the foresaid Peter was this. The Earl of Flaundres, which by diverse experymentes saw that the city was like to be gotten/ made supplication to the King and the Lords, that he might have the rule of the city at such time as it were won/ the which to him was granted. Whereof being advertised diverse Suryons of the country borne, disdained that a stranger should be Lord of their inheritance/ and for that condescended and agreed to that treason, by mean whereof the christian Princes lost their travel.  
Then the christian Princes saying that they were thus deluded/ took their advice how they might continue their pilgrimage unto the holy city of Jerusalem. But in this counsel sourded and quykened so many opinions/ that each was contrarious unto other. By mean whereof the Emperor was so discontented/ that he took leave of the French King and other, and so returned into his own country. But the French King tarried there in that costs a year after/ and did there but little worthy any memory. All be it of this viage the French book maketh a great & long process, touching the winning of the city of Anteoche/ with his being and counsayllies keeping within Jerusalem, & other things there rehearsed. But for I see the matter dysagreable to other writers, and also think that much thereof is feigned/ I therefore pass it over, how be it that to some persons such fables been full pleasant to here. Wherefore all such I remit unto the said french chronicle/ & somewhat I shall follow the author Gyraldus, that which with other testyfyens, that Lewis in his return toward France waxed sick for the long forbearing of his wife. Wherefore by thadvice of physicians & also of Bishops/ he was counseled to take a wench because his wife was so far from him. But the King withstood that counsel/ and said that him had been liefer to be sick and die of god's hand/ then to live in spouse breaking, 
A kings chastity,  & offend his laws. And so the King put himself to the mercy of god and received health shortly after. Also it is told of him that he used to fast every friday breed and water/ and by his familiars he was counseled that he should leave that fast for weking of himself/ & fede a hundred of poor men every friday, the which unto god should be much more acceptable. To this he answered and said, we would gladly feed so many poor men or more/ but our fasting will we not break. For without the profit that it doth unto the soul, it profiteth also right much to the body. For the purgation and rest of one day, helpeth much to put of the superfluity of the other/ and also it maketh the sharper appetite.  
when Lewis was returned into France/ for what hap it is of the French chronicle made doubtful, he was from Elyanour his wife divorced, of the which he had received before ii daughters as before is touched/ the which in process of time following, was married unto Henry duke of Normandy. Which marriage was a new occasion of the war between England and France. For the lands of Poytowe, with Gascoigne and Guyan, Lewis claimed by his former possession, & Henry by reason of the maryag of the said Elyanour, as heir to the said lands. Of the which war shallbe showed in the story of the said Henry following. After which divorce thus made/ King Lewis married the youngest daughter of the King of Spain that was named cunstaunce/ and she died of her first child. Then for so much as King Lewis had none heir male/ by counsel of his barony he married the third wife, the which was the youngest daughter of Thybaude Earl of Bloys, & was named Alys. This said Earl died/ and left after him four sons and .v. daughters. The eldest son named Henry was Earl of Troy's/ the second named Thybaude was Earl of Bloys/ the third named Stephan was Earl of Sancorum or Sauncorer/ and the fourth named wyllyam was archbishop of Raynes. The eldest of the daughters was Duchess of Burgoyne/ the second was Countess of bar/ the third was married first to the duke of Puell, and after to a knight named Sir william de Goer, the fourth was Countess of perch/ and the fift as before is said Queen of France, which was a woman garnished with many virtues as the story declareth.   

THE. CCXXXV. Chapter.  
IN process of time after the solemnisation of this marriage/ complaint was brought before the King of the Earls of Cleremount and Puy or Puyll, son of the duke before rehearsed, and of the Earl of Plomet/ that they should spoil and waste the churches and lands to the said churches belonging. For the which deeds the King commanded the said iii earls to ward/ but not with out war and shedding of blood.  
And after the subduing of the said three earls/ a knight or great man of might called wyllyam the Earl of Chalon, with a company of tyrants assembled for to rob and spoil the church of saint Peter of Cluny in Burgoyne. Whereof hearing the priests and ministers of the church/ to the intent to mitigate & to appease the cruelty of the said tyrants, did upon them the ornaments of the said church/ and yode again them with procession, with a great company them following of the people of the town and the country there about, in peseable and chartable wise. But when the said tyrants approached unto the said company/ with out compassion and pity, as Turks ran upon christian men, or with less pity/ so ran they upon the priests and other, and spoiled them of all the said ornaments/ and slew of that company to the number of .v. hundred or more/ & after spoiled the said church, of such stuff as was therein left. It was not long after or King Lewis had witting of this cruel deed. Wherefore in avenging the church/ he gathered a convenient power and sped him thither. But the said wyllyam Earl of Chalon hearing of the Kings coming, fled the country/ so that the King might have no certain knowledge where he became. Wherefore the King entered and seized his lands, and gave the moiety thereof to the duke of Burgoyn as chief Lord of that soil/ and that other half he gave unto the Earl of Nevers, to whose ancestry in time passed the said moiety appertained. And that done he commanded inquyry to be made of his accessaries/ the prebensons or prebendars of the which he punished by diverse manner of torments and deaths, to the great contentation of the country.  
when the King had thus finished this viage and was returned into France/ soon after was knowledge brought unto him, that the burgonions & men of the town of Uerdeley, rebelled again the head church or abbey of that town/ and enriched to have done some villainy to the abbot and monks of the same/ wherefore the King sped him thither in all haste. But for their savergarde the monks were compelled to fortify the church, and to defend them by force of arms/ so that between them and the Burgonions many an arbalaster and stone was shot & cast. And for the King might not so hastily furnish him of his soldiers/ he therefore sent unto the Earl of Nevers by whose mean as to the King was showed this riot began/ commanding him that he should see this riot appeased, and that the church of Uerdeley were restored of such harms as to them was done by the inhabytauntes of the town. But of this commandment the Earl set but little/ so that the burgesses persevered in their error. Wherefore the abbot sent again to the King/ beseeching him of his most gracious aid and succour. Then the King hearing of the Earls disobedience, was therewith greatly displeased/ and suspected the Earl to be party in the cause, & sped him the faster thitherward. But when the Earl was informed of the Kings coming he somedeal feared/ and met with the King at a place called Moret, and there demeaned him in such wise, that the King forgave his offence. Then he promised that the kings pleasure should be fulfilled in all thing as he had before commanded, with more as it liked him to devise. Upon which promise so made/ he commanded that the burgonions should first refrain them of that rebellion again the church/ and that they should newly be sworn to be obedient unto the abbot and unto his successors as their predecessors had been/ & over that for the hurts & harms that they had done to the place at that season, they should pay to the said abbot and covent lx thousand sous. A sous is in value after sterling money i. d. ob/ so that lx thousand sous amounteth in sterling money iii hundred & lxxv. Pound. After which end thus made/ the King returned into France.  
It was not long after, that the King received of Queen Alys his wife a son, and named it Phylyppe. But for the King Lewis had made many pilgrimages, and used many ways of charity, in giving of alms and otherwise; for to have a son to be his heir/ therefore he surnamed this child Adieu done, a child given of god. Then this Lewis for the intolerable deeds of the Jews which in these days had great inhabiting with in the land of France, & used usury & slaying of christian children/ he punished many by death, and many he banished his land/ but yet many remained.  
Of this Lewis deeds is little more cronacled/ except when his son philip was of the age of xiii years, his father caused him to be crowned, and resigned to him all the rule of the land/ and died the year following at Paris in the month of October, in the year of grace xi hundred and lxxix By which reason he reigned, to reckon from his father's death to his own, upon xliii years/ and was richly interred by the mean of his last wife at the monastery of Barbell/ the which he founded in his young days. After whose death the said Queen Alys adorned his sepulture in the most richest manner, with gold, silver, and precious gemmys/ upon whose tomb was graven these two versis following, as a counsel left unto his son Phylyppe. 
〈◊〉 superos tu, qui super es successor honoris  
Degener es, si degeneris a laud prioris.   
which verses are to be understanden as after followeth. 
Now take good heed, thou that dost over live,  
Him that in honour and virtue did excel.  
See thou altar not, nor thyself deprive/  
But follow him, which was of honour the well.  
For if thou do not/ men shall of the tell,  
Thou art degenerate and grown out of kind/  
Thy progenitors laud having nothing in mind.    

Anglia. THE. CCXXXVI. Chapter.  
HEnry the second of that named, & son of Geffrey Plantagenet Earl of Angeou, and of mould the Empress daughter of Henry the first, began his reign over the realm of England, in the month of October, the year of our Lord god xi hundred and lv/ and. the nineteen. Year of Lewis the viii. then King of France. This Henry was somedeal red of face, & broad of breast, short of body, & therewith fat/ the which to assuage he took the less of meats and drinks, and exercised much huntynge. He was reasonable of speech and well lettered & orped, and also noble in knighthood, wise in counsel, and dread to much distenyes. He was also free and liberal to strangers, and hard and holding from his familiars & servants. And whom he loved entirely or hated/ hard it was to turn him to the contrary. He was slow of answer, unsteadfast of promise, guileful of deed, open spouse breaker, hammer of holy church, and always unkind to god. He also loved rest and peace, to the end he might the more follow his delectation & pleasure/ with more vices rehearsed by Gyralde, the which for length I pass over. This Henry yet, as witnesseth Ranulfe, was not all barren of virtues. For he was of so great courageousnes, that he would often say that all the world suffysyth not to a courageous heart. And he increased his heritage so mightily, that he wan Irlande by strength/ and took wyllyam King of Scots, and joined that kingdom to his own. From the such ocean to the north islands of Orkeys/ he closed all the lands as it were under one principate/ and spread so largely his empire, that men read not of none of his progenitors that had so many provinces and countries under their dominion and rule. For beside the realm of England/ he had in his rule Normandy, Gascoyn, and Guyan, Angeou and Chynon. And he made subject to him Aluerne and other lands. And by his wife, he obtained as her right the mounts and hills of Spain called montes Pyrany. Of the which wife Elynoure by name, divorced, as before is said, from the viii. Lewis King of France/ he received vi sons and three daughters. Of the sons five were named wyllyam, Henry, richard, Godfrey, and Iohn. The eldest of the maidens height mould or Maude, and was married to the duke of Saxon/ the second Elyanoure to the King of Spain/ and the third named Jane, to wyllyam King of Scycyle.  
This Henry was prosperous in his beginning, and unfortunate in his end, and specially in the last five years of his reign. For in the first of those five years, his strength began to minish/ the second year he lost a viage in Irlande/ the third he lost Aluerne again the King of France/ the fourth year he lost Butyrycan/ and the fift year he lost the city of Cenomenea and Turon, with many holds to them belonging.  
This Henry the second ascertayned of the death of Stephan/ sped him into England/ and was crowned the sunday before Crystemasse day of Theobalde archbishop of Caunterbury in westminster church.  
The first year of his reign he subdued Irlande. And soon after Thomas Beketh, which after was bishop of Caunterbury, was made chancellor of England. This King cast down divers castles, that before in time of King Stephan were builded/ other for displeasure of the owners, or else for the fere they should be strengthened again him. And also he banished many of the Lords and gentlemen, that King Stephan had in his favour.  
About the third year of his reign in the month of October, were seen in the firmament two sunnies/ and in the moan was seen a red cross. But of this wonder showeth the author of Cronica cronicarum/ and saith that about this time in Italy in the month of November, appeared three sunnies by the space of three ours in the West/ and the year following appeared three moneys, whereof the middle moan had a red cross overthwart the face. Which there is noted for a prodygy or a token of the schism, that after fell amongs the cardinallies for election of the pope Alexander the third/ which schism by mean of the first frederic then Emperor, endured almost twenty years.  
Also about this time Adryan the fourth of that name was pope, an englishman borne in the town of saint Albon of whom is more declared in the beginning of the xxii chapter of the vii book of Polycronycon.  
Also in this year the King went with a strong army into Wales/ and after he had set that country in an order and quiet, he builded a strong castle at Rutland, and founded the abbey of Basyngewerke.  
In the vi year of his reign/ this Henry married his second son Henry, unto the kings daughter of France, that is to mean Lewis the viii/ which the said Lewis received of his second wife named constance, the daughter of the King of Spain, as before ye have hard in the second chapter of the story of the said Lewis. This maiden was named Margaret. By reason of which marriage, was appeased the war that was begun between France and England for the lands of Poytowe and other, the which King Henry held by reason of his wife. In the which war much harm was done/ and more would have ensued, if it had not by this mean have been agreed.  
In the vii year of his reign, Theobalde archbishop of Caunterbury died/ and Thomas Beket chancellor of England was archbishop▪ after him, of whom more shall follow.  
In the same year King Henry with a strong host yode to Scotland/ and made so cruel war upon willyam King of that land, that lastly he was taken/ and did to the said Henry recompensation, in yielding unto him the city of Carlell, the castle of Bamburghe, the new castle upon Tyne, with divers other holds/ and a great part of Northumberlande, the which he had won from the borderers. And after fewtye and homage done by the said wyllyam unto the King, and a certain sum of money by him promised within ix months following/ the King suffered him to go at large. But an other author saith, that the King of socts was not taken/ but strongly besieged in a town or castle, so that finally he was forced to agree to the foresaid covenants.  
In the viii year, the city of canterbury was fired by negligence, & a great part thereof brent. And in that season, the archbishop Thomas began to reply again the Kings mind, for things that the King did exercise again the liberties of the church.   

THE. CCXXXVII. Chapter.  
IN the ix year of his reign/ the King for diverse causes concerning the needs of his realm, called a parliament at his town of Northampton. During which parliament/ dissension fell between the King and Thomas Archbishop of Caunterburye, for diverse acts and ordinances that the King there procured, to pass again the liberties of holy church/ the which Thomas gaynstode and denied. Wherefore the King took a great displeasure with Thomas/ in so much that shortly after he was fain to flee the land/ and in process of time sped him to Rome, where he complained him to alexander the iii of that name then pope/ and there continued, and in France, and in other places, in poor estate by term of vi years and more. when King Henry had certain understanding, that Thomas was thus departed out of his land/ he seized his manners and temporal lands into his hand/ so that his movable goods were spoiled and ravened among the kings officers.  
In the xiiii year of his reign/ the King crowned Henry his eldest son than living King of England at westminster. Which was done to the derogation or harm of the archbishop Thomas, as it is witnessed in his legend/ and for that doing Roger archbishop of york which crowned him was accursed. But an other author saith that the King crowned Henry his son, to the end he might have full power and authority to rule this land and the people of the same, while his father was occupied in Normandye and other countries, where his lands lay.  
In much of this season that this blessed man Thomas was thus banished the land/ the King sent over bishops and proctors, to complain upon him to the pope/ for well near all the Bishops of England were again him. And if any took his part, they durst not speak for the displeasure of their temporal Lord/ so that this blessed man defended the quarrel of the church alone.  
In the xvi year of the reign of King Henry/ Lewis the King of France, agreed King Henry and the archbishop, the King then being in Normandye. Upon which agreement this blessed man came to his own church of Caunterbury/ and there so resting him, sent for such persons as had spoiled and taken perforce the goods of the church/ advertising them by fair means to restore the said goods, and to be reconciled to the church as true christian men should. But when he saw that he might not reconcile them by fair means/ he then used compulsaryes, and denounced them accursed but if they restored the goods of the church by a certain day. Wherewith the parties being aggrieved/ sailed over to the King into normandy/ and showed unto him grievous complaints, and more grievous than the cause or matter required. For the which, the King which had not yet quenched the bronde of malice in his heart the which he bore again this holy man, gave light credence unto those complaints, and was sore & fervently amoved again the holy man Thomas/ in so much that upon a day hearing the complaints of this blessed man's adversaries, he said in open audience of his knights, that if he had any good knights about him, he had been advenged of that traitor long or that tyme. At the time of which words uttering/ was present Sir wyllyam Bryton, Sir Hugh Moruyle, Sir wyllyam Tracy, and sir Regnolde fitz Urle. Which four knights, thinking that they should to their master do a singular pleasure if they slew this blessed man/ hastily taking advise each of them of other, of one will and mind took shipping and sailed to Dover/ and in all haste sped them unto Caunterburye/ where the .v. day of Cristmasse they executed their tyranny, and martyred that blessed archbishop at that altar of sayne Benet within his own church, in the year of our lords incarnation a thousand, a hundred, and lxx, as it is witnessed by these verses following 
Anno milleno, centeno, septuageno,  
Anglorum primas, corruit ense Thomas.   
The which is to understand in our vulgar/ as thus. 
¶ The year, to reckon from Crystes incarnation,  
A thousand an hundred and seventy thereunto/  
The primate of England with great abomination,  
was slain with sword, Thomas that would not do  
The kings hest, which erred the right fro  
Of the church and liberties of the same.  
whereby of honour he wan perpetual fame.   
After this cruel deed thus by the four knights done, wherewith the King after some writers was not contented/ the kings fortune began to decrease and fall/ so that he had after this many adversyteys, where before he knew not of like trouble.  
In the xvii year of his reign, the King made a journey into Irland/ where with great travail he subdued the Irish. And after with help of the primate and bishop of Arnache, he reformed the manner of the dwellers and people of that country, and that in three things specially. first in ruling and ordering of the church by the curates, & how they should order their dy/ vyne service, and minister the sacrament of matrimony as it was in England and other christian regions. The second was, how that the lay people should behave them to their curates, and what wise they should pay and offer to god their tithes. The third was for making of their testaments. This was ordained that every man should make his last will in presence of his neighbours/ or at lest cause it to be read in their presence. And first he should reckon what he ought/ and to set so much of his goods. And if he had a wife and children, than the residue of his goods his debts being paid to be divided in three parts/ one to the wife, the second for the children, and the third to be spent for the weal of the soul. And if he had no children/ then the half to his soul, and that other half to his wife. And if he had no wife nor children/ then to dispose his goods at his pleasure.  
In the return of the King out of Irlande/ was a wonder thing showed unto him upon whytesondaye, which in the calendar is called dominica in Albys. when the King should take his horse/ suddenly appeared unto him a man of pale & wan colour barefote, and in a white kyrtell/ the which bodily spoke unto the King in the language of Dutch/ and said sir King, Criste greetyth the weal, and his mild mother marry, with also Iohn baptist and Peter/ and command the straightly that no markets, nor servile works be holden upon the sunday in the lands of thy lordship, out take that longeth to dressing of meet. And if thou do after this bidding/ I assure the that all thing that thou beginnest to good intent or of good purpose, thou shalt bring it to good end. The King liked nothing this speech/ and said to the knight that held his bridle, ask of this churl whether he have dreamed all this that he telleth. Whereunto this man answered, whither I have met this tale in my dream or not/ take thou heed well of my saying. For and thou do not as I have advertised thee, & amend thy life/ thou shalt shortly here such things that thou shalt be heavy fore to thy lives end. The King took all in game/ and the man vanished suddenly, that the King & his knights wondered of his departing. Whereof when the King was warned, both of his first suddenly appearing, and of his departing/ the King set it near his mind, and intended to do some things after that man's counsel. But how it was it had no forward.  
After that the blessed man Thomas was martyred/ the monks by assent of the King, chase richard prior of Dover/ the which was a man of evil living, and wasted the goods of the church inordinately.   

THE. CCXXXVIII. Chapter.  
About the twenty year of the Kings reign/ he purchased a dispensation for the viage that before he had solemnly avowed before ii cardinals, to go into the holy land, and to jeopardy his proper person against Crystes enymyes. The which dispensation was granted upon one condition, that he should build three abbeys in England. In fulfilling whereof the King put out of the house of waltham secular canons/ and set there in their stead canons regular. And for the second he avoided the monks out of the house of Aumbrysbury/ and set there menchons that he had brought from beyond the see. And for the third he renewed coarsely the charter house of wytham beside salisbury. By which three deeds he thought himself excused of his former promise.  
Then began his sons to make war upon him, the which were aided by the scottish King and the two Earls of Chester and of Lyncolne. The cause of which war was after the declaration of some writers, for so much as the King had imprisoned Elyanoure his wife, and kept that wench Rosamounde again all good order. But other say it was for certain lands in Normandye/ which by aid of the French King, richard the iii son of birth and second then living, would have taken from his father. Of this war speaketh nothing the French chronicle.  
Then as testifieth Ranulfe/ this innaturall war endured by the term of two years, to the great disturbance of the King and of his realm/ till the King with great devotion visited the grave of the holy martyr saint Thomas. After which pilgrimage was by him finished/ in short process after wyllyam King of Scots, and the two forenamed earls of Chester and Lyncolne, were taken at the castle of Anwyke. But yet he left not the company of the forenamed Rosamunde/ to the which wench he had made an house of wonder working, so that no creature man or woman might win to her but if he were instruct by the King or such as were right secret with him touching that matter. This house after some writers was named Labyrinthus or Dedalus work or house, which is to mean after most expositors, an house wrought like unto a knot in a garden called a maze. But the common fame telleth, that lastly the Queen won to her by a clew of thread or silk/ and dealt with her in such manner, that she lived not long after. Of the manner of her death speaketh nothing mine author/ but when she was deed she was buried at the house or monastery of Goddestow beside Oxenford, with these verses upon her tomb. 
Hic jacet in tumba Rosa mundi, sed non rosa munda.  
Non redolet sed olet, quae redolere solet.   
The whythe verses, to our understanding may thus as followeth be englished and exponed. 
The Rose of the world, but not the clean flower.  
Is here now graven/ to whom beauty was lent.  
In this grave full dark now is her bower,  
That by her life was sweet and redolent.  
But now that she is from this lyfeblente/  
Though she were sweet, now foully doth she stink/  
A mirror good for all that on her think.   
Long time after the death of the said Rosamounde, in the said abbey was showed a coffer of the said wenches of the length of two foot/ in which appeared fighting giants, stertling of beasts, swiming of fishes, and flying of fowls.  
In the foresaid twenty year after the opinion of Guydo/ the King had the second monition of mending of his life, by an Irish man that told unto him many secret tokens, which the King supposed no man had known but himself. But yet the King took little heed thereunto.  
In the xxii year of his reign, after the foresaid taking of the scottish King and ii earls/ the xi day before September, wyllyam King of socts by assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, did homage to King Henry at his city of york. where the said wyllyam granted by his letters patenties, that he and his successors Kings of Scotland, should make their homage and fidelity unto the Kings of England as often as they shallbe necessarily required. And in sign and token of that subjection/ the King of Scots offered his hat & his saddle upon the altar of saint Peter in the church of york. Which for a remembrance of that deed/ the said hat & saddle were there kept many years after. And over that the Lords of Scotland swore, that if their King at any time would withdraw him from allegiance/ they would all arise again him, and be to him as enymyes, till he were returned to his faith & keeping of his promise. And for the more strength of the said composition, the King of Scotts came after to the King Henry's parliament holden at Northampton, and another season into Normandye.  
Ranulfe monk of Chester saith, that Lewis the viii of that name King of France/ delivered unto King Henry a daughter of his to have in guiding, and to have been married unto richard his son/ the which after the death of Rosamounde he deflowered of her virginity. After which deed, as affirm the said author, the King was in will to have wedded that damosel. For expedition whereof he made great means ta Huguncia a cardinal then being in his land, that he would make a divorce between him and Elyanoure the Queen. And this he did, to the end to have the more favour of the frenchmen, that by their aid he might the better disherit his sons. But he failed of his purpose and also it turned to his own harm. For by this means, he caused the said richard his son to show all his demeanour unto the French King/ so that by his information unkindness kindled between them two/ & thereof ensued mortal war, as saith the english chronicle, and also Polycronycon. But of this war speaketh nothing the French chronicle/ nor of none other during the life of the said Lewis after this day, which died in the xxiiii year of this Henry. But the war that was between the two Kings of England and of France/ was between this Henry and Phylyppe son of this Lewis, as after shallbe showed.  
About the xxiiii year of this King as witnessen diverse writers/ fell wonderful weathering and tempest of thunder in myddewynter time in Hampshyre and other places/ by violence whereof a pressed amongs other was slain. And in the summer following about Mary Magdalene tide, fell hail of such bigness, that it slew both men and beasts. And about this time were the bonies of King artery and his wife Gueynour found in the vale of Aualon/ whose here of the head of the said Gweynour was then hole and of fresh colour/ but so soon as it was touched, it fell in powder. Which bonies were translated and buried within the church of Glastonbury/ and were founden by a singer of gestis under an hollow oak xu foot within the ground. Which finding and translating is an object to the fantastical saying of the walshemen, that affirm his coming again to reign as he before did.  
Then had King Henry the second monition by a knight called Sir wyllyam Chesterby or lindsay/ the which warned him specially for the reformation of vii articles. The first was, that he should set better diligence to the defence of holy church/ and maintaining of the same. The second, that he should see his laws executed, with better justice then at those days was used. The third was, that he should surmise no matter again rich men/ and by that mean pluck from them their lands & goods. The fourth that he should restore all such lands and goods gotten by such unlawful means or by any other. The fift, that he should for no medetarye rightful sentence/ but suffer the right to have his process. The vi, that he should see to the payment of his subjects for such stuff as was daily taken to his use/ & also to the payment of his servants and soldiers wages, which daily fell to robbing for default. The vii and the last was, that he should in all haste void the jews of his land, which daily wrought great sorrow to his commons/ and to leave them somewhat to spend in their journey. But as he took the other monitions, so he took this/ and continued his life as he before had done.   

THE. CCXXXIX. Chapter.  
IN the xxviii year of his reign after most writers, died Henry his eldest son then living/ the which as before is said was crowned to the derogation of the martyr saint Thomas. And in this year/ which should be the four year of Phylyppe the second, or of Phylyppe surnamed given of god/ the war began between King Henry and him. Whereof was occasion as testifieth the said French chronicle, the denying of the deferring of homage, that should be done to the said Phylyppe of richard then eldest son of King Henry/ for the lands of Poytow. another cause also was/ that where certain covenants were stablished and enroled between King Henry and Lewis father of this Phylyp, at the marriage of Henry his son and Margarete sister of Phylyppe, for certain holds and castles whereof the castle of Gysours was one/ which were delivered in dower with the said Margarete, upon condition that if the said Henry had issue by the said Margarete, than the said castles to remain to the said heirs/ and if the said young Henry died without issue of the said Margarete, that then the said castles and holds to be reverted unto the crown of France: and for that King Henry denied or deferred these two points, and would not answer when he was called/ the French King therefore entered the land of Barry with great strength; and wasted the country of Guyan without mercy. Whereof King Henry being warned/ in all haste assembled his people then being in Normandye, and drew him toward the French King/ which then had laid siege unto the castle called in French Raoull, or the castle of Roaull.  
when both hosts were near and likely to have joined/ mediators were sent upon both parties to treat a peace. By mean whereof in process a truce was taken for a certain term/ so that either host departed without striking of stroke at that season.  
About this time died richard archbishop of Caunterbury. Of him it is red that a voice or vision was showed to him, saying to him in the mouth of christ: For thou haste wasted the goods of my church, I shall rote the out of the earth. with which words he was so frayed, that he died shortly after. Then was Baldewyn bishop of worceter admitted to that see, though the monks of Caunterburye wythsayde it with all their power.  
In the xxx year of the King/ Heraclius patriarch of Jerusalem came in to England, to have aid again the saracens that had won great part of the lands that christian men had in the holy land/ and for to defend the holy city, which by Saladyne Prince of Surey was won shortly after. For by the report of Peter Dysroy, which made a book in French of the winning and losing of the said city/ it appeareth that it was won by Godfrey de Bulyon, in the year of Crystes incarnation a thousand lxxx and xix/ and so continued under the rule of ix christian Kings, till the last King named guide Lesyngham or Lesynguam lost it with the holy cross, in the year of our Lord xi hundred lxxx. and ix which maketh the year of the reign of this King Henry the xxxiiii. Then it followeth in the story/ this Heraclius made busy request unto the King for aid, and proffered to him the keys of the city and of our lords grave/ and letters of Lucius the third of that name then pope, charging him that he should take upon him the journey, & to have mind of the oath that he before time had made. The King deferred this answer and baldwin the Archbishop preached & exhorted men to take the cross/ by whose means many there were the avowed that journey. lastly the King gave answer, and said that he might not leave his land without keeping/ nor yet leave it to the pray and robbory of frenchmen. But he would give largely of his own, to such as would take upon them that viage. With this answer the patriarch was discontent/ and said we seek a man and not money. well near every christian region sendyth unto us money/ but no land sendeth to us a Prince. Therefore we ask a Prince that needeth money/ and not money that needeth a Prince. But the King laid for him such excuses, that the patriarch departed from him discontented and comfortelesse. Whereof the King being advertised/ intending somewhat to recomfort him with pleasant words, followed him unto the see side. But the more the King thought to satisfy him with his fair speech, the more the patriarch was dyscontented/ in so much that at the last he said unto him. Hitherto thou haste reigned gloriously. But here after thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this time forsakest. Think on him what he hath given to thee/ and what thou haste yelden to him again. How first thou were false unto the King of France/ and after slew that holy man Thomas of Caunterburye/ and lastly thou forsakeste the protection of Crystes faith. The King was amoved with these words, & said unto the patriarch. Though all the men of my land were one body, and spoke with one mouth/ they durst not speak to me such words. No wonder said the patriarch, for they love thine and not the. That is to mean, they love thy goods temporal, and fear the for loss of promotion/ but they love not thy soul. And when he had so said/ he offered his head to the King saying, Do by me, right as thou didst by that blessed man Thomas of Caunterburye. For I had liefer to be slain of thee, then of the saracens. For thou art worse than any Sarasyn/ and thy people followeth pray and not a man. But the King kept his patience, and said I may not wend out of my land/ for mine own sons will arise again me when I were absent. 
A patient man  No wonder said the patriarch. For of the devil they come, and to the devil they shall/ and so departed from the King in great ire. After the patriarch was thus departed/ the King sent John his second son into Irlande. In the which viage he spent the King great goods, and did little profit or none.  
In the xxxi year of King Henry/ the Jews crucified a child in the town of bury in Suff. named Robert/ for whom god showed after many miracles.  
And the xxxii year, the King made a viage into Irlande to redress things there out of order. But fortune was to him so contrary that he lost his travail, like as the year before his son Iohn had done.  
In the xxxiii year of this King Henry/ at Dunstable in the air was seen a crucifix, and christ nailed thereon/ which appeared visibly to many a man's sight. And in this year the King lost the country of Aluerne/ when he had spent great goods about the defence of the same. How be it of this war speaketh nothing the French chronicle.   

THE. Ccxi chapter.  
IN the xxxiiii year of the King/ richard the Earl of Poytowe arreared war again king Henry his father, & took party with the French King. By mean of the which war/ all such summies of money as were before gathered by dymies and otherwise, for the helping of the croysye to be made into the holy land, by the said richard and by many other nobles of the land, were spent in the same innaturall war/ wherefore the King sailed into Normandy with a strong army. But or the King were there landed/ the said richard by help of the frenchmen had won the cities of towers, of Meaus, and also the castles of raoul and Gysours with other. At the last the French King Phylyppe the second, with the said richard came unto the city of Cenomanna/ intending to lay siege unto the same. Whereof King Henry being warned/ set the suburbs on fire, because his enemies should in them have no succour. But the flame of the fire was by the wind driven into the city so sharply, that the King was compelled to forsake it. wherewith the King was so amoved/ that in his departing from the city he said these words. For thou haste taken from me this day the city that I most loved in the world, I shall acquit thee/ for after this time I shall bynome the that thing, that should most have pleased the in me, which is mine heart.  
After this he lost more daily/ so that his enymyes prevailed strongly again him.  
It is read of him/ that he should be at so great an after deal in this war/ that hastily he should put him in the King of France's mercy, his honour and his crown reserved. But this is doubtful of credence. For sure I am, if the French King had such advantage of him/ it should not have fallen through the book, but have been registered in the most avaunting manner/ where as in the French chronicle is touched no word of like matter. But trowth it is that fortune was to him contrary, in such wise that with or for anger and impatience, he fell into a fever. Whereof he lastly died in the castle of Conomeus or of Chynon in Normandye, in the month of July, when he had reigned xxxiiii years and viii months with odds days/ and was buried at Fount Ebrade, with this epytaphy upon his tomb. 
Sufficit hic tumulus, cui non sufficerat orbis.  
Res brevis est ampla, cui fuit ampla brevis.  
Rex Henricus eram: mihi plurima regna subegi.  
Multiplicique modo, duxque comesque sui.  
Cui satis ad votum non essent omnia terrae  
Climita, terrae modo sufficit octo pedun●  
Qui legis haec, pensa discrimina mortis: & in me  
Humanae speculum conditionis habe.  
Quod petis instant operare bonum, quia mundus  
Transit, & inca●tos mors inopina rapit.   
The which verses are thus much to mean in sentence. 

¶ Suffysyth now this grave, to whom all earthly thing  
Syffysyd not/ my mind so high was set.  
Time that was short, my name wide did spring/  
which fame by death is into shortness fet.  
King Henry was I called, no man I thought my bet.  
whose mind sometime all earth not sufficed/  
viii. foot of ground now hath my body comprised.   

Thou that this redest/ the apparel of death, and in me  
Thou Mayst behold the course of every wight  
That earthly is. Wherefore provide and see,  
That thou well may do, shortly do it, and tight.  
Defer not the time/ for I ascertain the right,  
The world is transitory/ and unwarely men taketh  
Cruel death, from whom none estate escapeth.    
Gerardus Cambrens, which in his book of distinctions set out the life of this Henry/ saith dreadful it is to allege again him that may put a man out of land, and to describe him with many words, that may exile a man with one word. Wherefore it were a notable deed to tell the sooth of a princes deeds, and offend the Prince in no mean. But yet when the Prince is passed and gone/ then men will talk without fere, that before time they spared for fere.  
Then to follow the sooth, this King Henry nourished strife among his children with all diligence/ hoping thereby to live himself in the more rest. when men would ask of him when he would leave his great deeds/ he used to answer that the world should fail, or a courageous heart should seize of great deeds. He was peerless in chyvalry, in war, and in lechery. He wedded Elyanoure wife of Lewis King of France/ contrary to the commandment of his father. For he had showed to him that he had lain by her, when he was the said Kings steward.  
He reigned xxvi years somedeal to his wordly bliss, and four years somewhat to his pain/ but the last five years to his great troweble and sorrow. furthermore the said Gerarde descryveth the progeny of this Henry/ which I over pass because it is so common.  
richard his son would often tell that wonder/ and used to say, no marvel though they grieved the people that were common of such kind. For of the devil they came, and to the devil they shall.  
It is also red of this Henry, that in a chamber at windsor he caused to be painted an eagle with four birds/ whereof three of them all razed the body of the old eagle, and the fourth was cratching at the old eagles eyen. when the question was asked of him what thing that picture should signify/ it was answered by him: this old eagle (said he) is myself/ and these four eagles betoken my four sons, the which seize not to pursue my death. And specially my youngest son Iohn, which now I love most/ shall most specially await and imagine my death.   

Francia. THE. Ccxli chapter.  
PHylyp the second of that name, surnamed Dyeu done or given of god, and son unto the viii. Lewis/ began to reign over the realm of France, in the year of our Lord xi hundred and lxxix/ and the xxiii year of Henry the second than King of England. Which said Phylyppe reigned somewhat of time by the life of his father/ which time is accounted unto the reign of his father.  
This in the first year of his reign, for the great enormities that the Jews used within the realm of France/ as crucyfyenge of children, and exercising of their detestable usury: he after due proof made put the malefactors to death/ and the other in avoiding more danger/ he exiled and put clear out of his realm.  
This Phylyp also as before in the story of Henry the second is touched, excited the sons of the said Henry to make war upon their father/ by which mean this Phylyppe gate many holds and towns from the said Henry within his duchy of Guyon. But after the death of Henry/ this Phylyppe gave over all the said holds and towns, unto richard the eldest son of the said Henry/ and received of him homage for the same. And as witnesseth the French chronicle/ the said Richard in token of obedience, was present at the coronation of the said Phylyppe. But ye shall understand that than he was not King of England ten years after. But if it so were that he were present at the said coronation/ yet was he duke of Guyon only.  
About the third year of his reign/ Eraclius patriarch of Jerusalem came into France, and required aid of this King Phylyppe to withstand the fury and persecution, which Saladyne Prince of Turks had executed and daily continued in the country of Palestina again the christian to the great destruction of them and undoing of the country, and great jeopardy of the losing of the holy city of Jerusalem. For this the King assembled a great counsel at his city of Paris/ where the said Eraclius made request to the King as before he had done to Henry the second. For he was in France in the year of our Lord xi hundred lxxx and two/ and in England he was in the year of grace xi hundred lxxx and vii After which counsel there so holden/ it was agreed that the King with aid of the bishops and other of the spirituality, should aid the said patriarch/ the which where set forth in all possible haste. But after the report of Peter Dysroye, which made a recoil or little book of the winning and losing of Jerusalem/ they with more christian Princes were driven by tempest of the see unto the port of Damas'/ where under colour of a feigned truce, they were taken and cast the most part of them in prison.  
And when King Phylyppe had thus delivered the patriarch/ he then gathered his knights and made an army again Hugh duke of Burgoyne/ the which at that season and time had beclipped the castle of Uergye with a strong siege/ and had promised not to depart thence, till such time as he had won that hold by appoytement or otherwise.  
And for the defence of rescous that might be made for the same/ he had manned four castles or towers there unto adjoinant, with great strength of men of arms. But after the King was thither comen with his host, the said towers were soon overturned/ and the King with a certain of his people, of Guy capitain of the said castle of Uergy was joyously into the same received/ and rendered to him the castle, and became his league man. where with the said Hugh being sore amoved and discontented, saying there he was dispointed of his purpose/ departed thence with his ordinance and people, and rob and spoiled the country there about/ sparing neither church nor house of religion/ in so cruel and grievous manner, that the bishops and abbots of that party of Burgoyne made piteous request unto the said Phylyp, that he of his special grace would aid and succour them and their churches again the tyranny of the said duke Hugh. The King being moved with this piteous request/ made sharp war upon the said Hugh/ and at length won from him a strong castle named Chastelone. where with all the duke was put to such a studyall and fere that he was forced to seche means of treaty and of peace. Whereof the conclusion was, that he should pay unto the churches before by him hurted & harmed xxx thousand pound. Which conclusion taken and surely set for the same/ the King returned unto Paris. where the King so resting him a certain of time, and having experience of the intolerable and foul stenches that daily grew by the filth of the earth and mire in the streets/ made provision diligently with aid and help of the citizens, which as than had land within the city, that the streets were shortly paved after. And at this time when the city was thus paved, as affermen many authors/ the name of it was changed from Lutesse or Lewcesse unto Parysse.   

THE. Ccxlii chapter.  
IN the vii year of this King Phylyp, as saith the French book/ Margarete sister unto this Phylyp, late wife unto Henry late deceased, and eldest son of Henry the second King at this day of England, was married unto Belas King of Hungry.  
In the ten year of this King Phylyp/ the city of Jerusalem was taken of Saladyne Prince of Egypte/ and Guy de Lesyngnan last christian King of that city, with the holy cross was taken in the field/ which after that day came never into christian men's possession. Of this sorrow & heaviness word was brought unto King Phylyp, with request of aid to rescue certain cities, as yet rested under the dominion of the christian/ as tire, triple, and Antioch, with other small holds. For safeguard whereof many nobles of France took upon them the cross/ as the duke of Burgoyn, the Earl of Flaunders, Theobalde Earl of Bloyes, the Earl of Rochfo●d, the Earl of champagne, with many other noble knights/ which for length I pass over, and also the report of their deeds, for so much as it concerneth nothing the matter that I have promised to speak of.  
In this journey also King Phylyppe intended to have gone/ and for the same great tasks & dymies were levied through out his realm, the which to this day are called Saladynes dymes. But the let of this journey as saith the french chronicle was richard duke of Guyan/ and after his father Henry the second, that made war upon the French King, as before is touched in the story of the said Henry. During which war the said Henry died, in the xi year of this said Phylyppe.  
About this season and time/ the Jews which by mean of great gifts, had again purchased their dwelling within the country of France, whereof a widow was lady and mastresse called Branous/ in absence of the King took a christian man, & surmised again him felony and murder. For the which by favour of the said lady/ the said Jews set a crown of thorn upon the said christian man's head, and after scourged him, and lastly in derision of Crystes religion and despite of the same, crucified the same person. Whereof when the King was informed/ in all haste he sent into the said country or castle of Brayon, and surprised the said jews so suddenly that none escaped/ and brent there of them to the number of lxxx for their malicious and abominable deed.  
In the xi year of the reign of this Phylyppe, died Isabella the Queen of France his wife/ a woman of good fame and of great virtue.  
In the xii year of his reign as saith the French book/ this Phylyp took upon him the cross, having promise of King Richard then newly crowned King of England, to keep company with him in that journey. But he kept not promise. Wherewith this Phylyppe being dyscontented/ sailed before and laid siege unto the city of Acon or Acre. From this saying varieth Policronica, and also Peter Desroy. For Polycronycon saith, that after the Kings of England and of France, had made surety between them for performance of this journey/ they both together tarried at Turon in France, for to abide the summer tide. And at springing of the year/ they of one will & purpose, took their viage toward the holy land/ that is to wit that one by water and that other by land/ and met again in Cecilia. where the French King departed from him/ and so sailed to the said city of Acone or Acre, and laid his siege there unto. In which pastime King richard warred upon the King of Sypres, & him with his land subdued/ & after came unto Acon, where the French King had long lain at siege without getting of any great advantage of his enymyes/ saying unto King richard that he had spared the winning of the town till his coming, to the end that he at his coming might be parteyner as well of the honour as of the winning. But how it was, such unkindness fell between them there, after they had won the said town, as after in story of King richard shallbe showed, that this King Phylyppe returned into France shortly after. In the which return the said Phylyppe sykened, and the duke of Burgoyne died. And when King Phylyppe a season had sojourned in France/ he married Jugebert the daughter of the King of Denmark. The which marriage, as saith Ranulfe, was desired of the French King, to have with her granted the title which the Danes had unto the crown of England, with also ten thousand marks of silver, for to win with the said right and title. But it was not long or she were from him divorced, for cause of alliance of gossypred or otherwise. How be it in process of time after/ the said Jugebert was to him again joined by the authority of Pope Innocent the third of that name, in the year of grace xii hundred and ix and year of reign of this philip xxx/ so that the said Jugebert was divorced from her Lord by the term of xvii years or thereupon.  
In which time and season the said Phylyppe had married the daughter of Phylyppe duke of swevy, that then was returned unto her father.   

THE. CCXLIII. Chapter.  
King Phylyp for displeasure which he bore toward King richard/ made sharp and cruel war upon the Normans, and won therein diverse holds and towns/ and finally laid siege unto the city of Rouen. Whereof hearing Iohn Earl of Huntyngeton, or after some Earl of Oxenford brother to King richard, whom the French book nameth Iohn without land/ with the Earl of Arundel and other noble men, sped him into normandy/ and so aided the citizens and the soldiers of Rouen, that as testifieth the French chronicle, the French King was so moved with the war and defence of the same town, that in a passing fury considering the winter season drew upon, and that he might not carry away his guns and other great ordinances/ he set all upon a fire/ and so with great agony departed. And within three months after he laid siege unto the castle of Uernyel/ where when he had lain iii weeks or more, a messynger came unto him and said, that the city Euroux was taken of the Normans/ and the people thereof taken prisoners. Wherefore in all haste he departed, and rescued the said city and prisoners/ and that done returned to the foresaid siege/ and assyeged it so strongly, that lastly he had it delivered by appointment.  
By this season was King richard delivered out of the hands of the duke of Ostryge. And then began the war to be more cruel/ which here I pass over, for so much as I intend to show the effect thereof in the story of King richard following.  
About the xviii year of the reign of this Phylyppe/ fell such plenty of water, that the ground was therewith so bucked and drowned, that corn & other fruits by reason thereof greatly decayed and scanted, in such wise that wheat was shortly after at twenty s a quarter after sterling money.  
In the twenty year of the reign of this Phylyppe/ died richard King of England/ to whom was heir Iohn before named his brother. The which concluded a truce with this philip for certain years, as after in the story of this Iohn shall more clearly appear.  
And soon there after means were made to King Phylyp, that he should receive again unto his company Jugebert his wife/ and to renounce Mary daughter of the duke of swevy, or after some authors, the daughter of the duke of Bohemy. But the King with this motion was nothing contented/ nor yet agreeable to follow any such motion or request. Wherefore the prelasy of the land assembled them in counsel/ and by a full and hold authority, saying they might not induce the King to no conformity or agreement to resume his lawful wife, and to refuse that other/ they denounsed him and his realm accursed. Wherewith the King was so amoved and vexed/ that he deprived certain bishops from their sees/ and also took in his possession the spiritual goods/ and prisoned many priests and other religious men/ and over that closed the said Jugebert within the castle of Sampys/ and furthermore grieved his commons with grievous exactions and taxies. Than within a short term after Iohn de saint Poule cardinal, and Athan or Othemon bishop of Osty and legate of the pope of Rome, with the archbishop of Bordeaux and other/ by the commandment of the pope than Innocent the third, kept a great council in the city of Sorsore. where the King was monished to apere/ for so much as before he had granted to be reconciled unto his first wife. where this matter hang in argument before the spiritual judges by the space of xu days, without sentence giving. Wherefore the King being with the delays dyscontented/ suddenly with his wife departed, without taking of them any congye or leave/ sending them understanding that as yet he would be advised or he were dissevered from his wife. Whereof when the said Iohn cardinal and the other bishops had witting/ accounting their labour lost, they returned shortly after unto Rome, and showed unto the pope all as they had done.  
And soon there after King Iohn was honourably received of this King Phylyppe, as in the story of the said Iohn shall be more plainly showed.  
And in the year following, which should be in the beginning of the xxiii. Year of this Phylyppe, died Mary his wife/ which he wrongfully had holden contrary to the law of the church by the term of ten years or there upon. Of the which Mary he had received a man child and a daughter/ the which after were made legyttymate by Innocent the third, though some noble men of France there again grudged.   

THE. CCXLIIII. Chapter.  
IT was not long after, that the King assembled great people and intended to have entered the lands of the Earl rossel, & of Roger de Rose/ of the which he had brought before him many grievous complaints, of great extortions and exactions that the said Earl and Roger had executed and done upon the churches near to the valley of Soysons/ and would not refrain for all the kings commandment. Wherefore he rygged his army and drew toward them. But as soon as they were advertised of the kings coming/ anon they submitted them to the kings grace/ oblyging themself to make restitution according to the kings pleasure, to all such places and persons as they had offended. And this act thus finished/ King Phylyppe returned unto a place between Uerdon, and the isle Audely/ in the which place the King had appointed a great counsel or parliament. where among other matters it was concluded, that Iohn King of England should be summoned to appear as the French Kings lyege man, at the same parliament to be holden at paris within xv. Days of Ester/ to answer sufficiently to the King upon such questions as there should be purposed unto him, for the duchy of Normandye, for the country of Aungeou and of Poytyers. But for that King John came not at that day appointed, nor none for him according to the monyshement to him given, therefore this King Philypppe not withstanding the amity and truce before confirmed, assembled his host and entered the duchy of Normandye, and made therein sharp and cruel war/ and wan a castle therein named Bonte or Bowte, and bruised or crazed the castles of Gentylyne and Gurney/ and seized all the lands which Hugh de Gurney held, and give them unto the duke of britain. And also he gave unto him the earldom of Aungeou, and two hundred knights prysones of Normans and english with a great sum of money.  
It was not long after that the duke of britain was departed from the King/ but that he with such power as he might make entered the country of Aungeou, to take thereof possession. where in short space he was encountered of King John, and fought together a cruel battle. In the which in the end the duke was put to the worse/ for the more part of his people were slain, and himself with Hugh le Bruns, Godfrey de Lesygnan, and many other nobles of France and also of britain, were taken prisoners. With which tidings the French King was grievously discontented. And where as at that time he had becleped the castle of Arches with a strong siege/ he removed from thence and and yode to the city of towers and brent a part thereof. But as testifieth the French chronicle he tarried not the coming of King Iohn. But for that winter was coming toward/ he ceased of his wars for that year, and so drew him into France ⸫  
In the year following, which was the year of this Phylyp xxiiii, & of King Iohn the four year/ the war newly began, which I over pass, for as much as it shall be showed in the story of King Iohn.  
In the xxvi year this Phylyppe Almaricus a studyent of Paris held certain opinions of heresy. Of the which when he was abjured/ he took such thought that he died shortly after. It was not long after but that other clerks and studyaunties held an other erroneous opinion concerning the unyon of the trinity. Of the which number Peter bishop of Paris, and one Garyne a man of great cunning were two/ the which were degraded, & after consumed with fire/ and the body of the forenamed Almaricus was again taken out of the earth, and after brent.  
near about the xxx year of the reign of this Phylyppe/ for consideration as saith the French book, that Iohn King of England had exiled diverse of his bishops, and taken from them their possessions and goods/ the which to this King Phylyp were comen for aid and succour: he therefore moved with pity, assembled a great host, and intended to have sailed into England to have reformed these matters. With the which host he passed till he came to Gravening by land, where he appointed his navy to meet with him. And to the same place also Ferrande then Earl of Flaundres had affermely promised to come, with the aid of his flemings/ where the King for him tarried a certain of tyme. But shortly after the King was ascertained that the said Earl was allied with King Iohn his enemy/ and purposed to aid his party in all that he might. Whereof the occasion was as affirmeth the said French chronicle, for so much as Lewis eldest son of King Phylyppe held from the said Farrande two castles or towns named saint Omer and Are.  
when King Phylyppe apperceived that he was thus of the Earl dispointed/ he by counsel of his barony put by his journey into England, and assailed the country of Flaundres/ and so yode unto Cassyle a little from gravelling, & with sharp assault wan the said town/ and so from thence to Brugys/ and commanded his navy to be brought unto the haven of Sluse, which is within short way of Brugys. And when he had executed his pleasure at Brugys, leaving a certain of his people for to strength his navy/ he yode unto gaunt, and there rested him and his people. In which season Regnolde Earl of Boleyne, Guyllyam long Espe, or Guyllyam with the long sword, with a crew of english men arrived in Flaundres/ to whom shortly drew Ferraunde the Earl with a great power of flemings. The which shipped them in small caruyles and barks and other ships of advantage/ and with a fierce courage set upon the French Kings navy dying at Sluse as before is showed/ where was fought a strong and cruel battle. But in the end the flemings had the victory, and had the rule of all the French float, the which in number as testifieth the said French chronicle, were a thousand & ten sail. The which for number and greatness might not all lie within the haven/ but spread a great part of the river beside. Which so dying without the haven, the flemings conveyed thence/ and after laid ordinance to the town of Sluse, and assyeged it.  
King Phylyppe hearing of the loss of his navy, and of the assauting of the town of Sluse, in all haste sped him thither/ and there in such wise resisted his enymyes, that he slew of them upon two thousand/ and took of them diverse prisoners, and rescued the town. But for he saw he might not recover his ships being within the haven/ he caused them to be discharged of victual and other necessaries, and after set them on fire and the town also/ and that done, took certain hostages of Brugis of gaunt and of Ipre, and so returned into France.   

THE. CCXLV. Chapter.  
WHen King Phylippe was returned into France/ it was not long after, that by the means of some well disposed persons, he was reconciled and took to him his lawful wife Ingeberta or Ingebert, daughter of the King of Denmark/ which was great comfort to all his people. And this it now appeareth that the said Ingebert was from her Lord or husband by the term of xvi years and more, as before it is touched in the second chapter of this story.  
In the year of grace xii hundred xiiii as saith the French book, which maketh the year of the reign of this philip xxxv/ Otho the four of that name and duke of Saxony, which of some of the electors was chosen for Emperor/ in the quarrel of King Iohn intred the province of Henaude, and there being accompanied with Reygnolde Earl of Boleyne, Farraunde Earl of Flaundres, and diverse other nobles, as well of England, saxony, and other places/ made provision to fight with King Phylyppe, which then warred in Flaundres/ so that the French King was at the castle of Peron, and Otho was at the castle of Ualensyens or Ualenseus.  
About Mary Madgdaleyns' tide, the French King in wasting the country of Flaundres came unto the town of Turney/ and Otho returned from the foresaid castle, and came unto the castle or town named Mortenge, the which was but vi mile from Turney. Whereof hearing the King, intended to have set in short time upon his enymyes. But by the advise of his barons he was letted/ for so much as the ways and places were straight and narrow toward his enymyes. For the which consideration by counsel of his said barons he was letted, and returned toward Henawde for to have more larger plains. So that after saint jamies day he returned/ purposing that night to have lain and also his host at the castle called lily. But he was letted of his purpose. For Otho which was warned of his removing, deemed him to have fled and pursued after the vaungarde of the King/ of the which were captains the viscount of Mylyon, and one named friar Garnye/ the which was a a friar and religious man, a man of great counsel and hardiness. These being accompanied with iiii. thounsande men/ road till they came to an hill or little mountain, where they espied the advantage of Otho and his host. Wherefore friar Garny returned to give the King knowledge/ and the viscount remained in the place, and hoved with his company.  
when the King had knowledge of the coming of his enymyes/ he in good manner kept on his journey. In which season Otho, with his people came unto the river which was somedeal dangerous to pass/ how be it in process he passed it. And when he & his host were over/ he made way toward Turney/ in so much that the Uycounte & his company deemed them to have returned to tourney. But so soon as friar Garny was returned unto the said mount, anon he deemed the contrary/ & said precisely that other they must give battle to their enemies, or else they must i'll with shame. In this while the kings people came unto a bridge where they should pass over. And the cautel of his enymyes was, that when the King with the more part of his people had been passed that bridge/ they would have set upon the rearward, and have distressed them/ and so have kept that bridge that the King should not have succoured his people. But or the King were passed the fight was begun/ in so much that hideous cry came to the kings cries, at arms at arms, to harness to harness, our enymyes be come.  
near unto the King was a chapel hallowed in the honour and worship of saint Peter/ whereunto the King yode and made there his devout prayers/ and that done armed him, and leapt to horse joyously crying/ as barons at arms. Then the Oryflambe which was passed the bridge, was countermanded. And then began the trumpetties and tabours to blow/ which revived the palled hearts, and caused them to forget the dread of death. But for the kings people might not so hastily return and pass the bridge/ the King as a valiant knight took his horse with his spurrys, and set forward to encourage the other of his knights/ so that his enymyes hearing of his coming, were somedeal dyscoraged and gave place unto the kings host. Then Otho hearing of the kings return, embattled his people. But so it was that he took the north part of the field/ by reason whereof the son was in his face to his afterdeale/ for that was exceeding hot over the other. Then was the battle begun in divers parties of the field so cruelly that many a man was there overthrown. The which endured be a long space, in such wise that hard it was to discern which party had the better of that other. Either Prince enforced so straightly that other/ that either of them were unhorsed and in great jeopardy. If here I should rehearse the victorious deeds of the French King and his knights in order, after the expressement of the French book/ I should thereof make a long story. But troth it is that in the end/ Otho was compelled to forsake the field, to the great loss of his people/ and Feraunte the Earl of Flaunders was taken with many other, as Reygnolde Earl of Boleyn, and xxviii other of name.  
And one thing hardly me seemeth to be credence given unto, rehearsed by the French chronicle, which saith that of all the French host missed but one single man/ the which after was found among the deed Almains sore wounded, and after cured and healed again. Which may be told for a great wonder/ considering the said fight lasted over four hours, as testifieth the said chronicle. But sure the author or the writer overseeth himself in that report/ for he showeth before in the devising of the fight of this battle, that when King Phylyppe was felled from his horse, two of his knights were slain right before him/ that one named Guyllyam de long champ, and that other Gerarde le Tirne. But Master Robert Gagwyne expressyth this more clearly/ saying that after the field was done and the Emperor was fled, leaving his banner of splayed eagle behind him/ a bysshement of the number of vii hundred men recovered that standard, and so kept them together. Whereof when the King was informed/ he sent again them one of his knights called Sir Thomas Ualary, accompanied with l footmen & two thousand horse men. The which distressed the said company, without loss of one man as before is said. And more over the said author saith/ that upon the party of the said Otho of knights and guilt harness were slain a thousand & five hundred/ and of other horse men and foot men a hundred and thirty thousand. But of the French men which should be surest of reckoning/ he maketh no mention. But troth it is, that in all the chronicle thorough the French book rehearsed/ all thing touching their honour is declared and showed to the uttermost. And that which concerneth their dishonour or loss, it is over subtly excused/ or so darkly or mystly written, that the reader thereof shall hardly come to the knowledge of the truth. And that is well apparent in the stories of Phylyppe de Ualoys and of King John his son, in expressement of their fayte done and exercised again the third Edward King of England and Prince Edward his son.  
Than it followeth in the story/ when Phylyp had obtained this great victory of his enemies, and ordered other things concerning his people, as countermaunding them the next way unto their countries/ he with his prisoners sped him to Paris/ and there of his great bounty granted to the said earls of Boleyne and Flaunders their lives, but not of prisonment. For the Earl of Boleyne was sent unto the castle of Peron/ and Feraunt Earl of Flaunders was committed to the castle or tower of lovour without the wallys of the city of Paris than newly made. But within less than xv. Months after/ by labour of his wife, he with other of his lyege men was delivered/ paying their finances, and performing of other straight conditions.   

THE. CCXLVI. Chapter.  
IT was not long after that King Phylyppe reassembled his knights, and sped him toward the country of Poytow. Whereof being warned the Earl of Thoners that than was chief ruler of that country under King Iohn, saying the feebleness of the commons that daily were vexed with war, and also the loss of King Iohnns friends, not withstanding the said Iohn was than within twenty miles/ yet he made such means to King Phylyppe by the labour of Peter than duke or Earl of britain, that the said King accepted the same Earl to his grace/ and granted to him and his a truce for four years. But that not withstanding/ the King kept on his journey toward King Iohn. Whereof King Iohn being informed/ and also of the peace between the Earl of Thoners and the French King: he by means of one Roberte a legate of Rome sought means of treaty and of peace/ so that in process by diligence of the said Robert and other, a peace was concluded for .v. years. Which peace concluded and assured either King returned into their own provinces.  
within short while after the French King was returned into France/ he called to mind the great victory had of the almains/ with also one other which Lewis his son about the same time had again or of King Iohn in the country of Aungeou, at the castle of Moyne or Maine. For the which ii victories, the King edified a monastery beside the city of Sayntles, in the honour of saint Uyctor/ and endowed it with fair and rich possessions, and named it the abbey of saint Uyctor.  
In the xxxvi year of the reign of this Phylyppe/ Lewis his son by procuring and stirring of the Lords of England, sailed into the said provinces/ as more plainly shall be showed in the xvi year of the reign of King Iohn.  
Many more stories & acts might I bring in and set in this story of this King Phylyppe, if I should follow the French book. For he maketh there a rehearsal that containeth xxxix great levys of parchemyne. Of the which I have taken out such as to me seemeth most convenient/ and have over passed the other for length of the tyme.  
Than it followeth/ this Phylyp after these days drew him to more quiet and rest/ so that after this peace or truce concluded with King Iohn of England, the author speaketh not or mindeth of any noble deed by him done. So that in the year of our Lord xii hundred and xxii, which should be the year of his reign xliii/ the said author beginneth, and saith that in that foresaid year appeared a great eclypce of the son, whereof the like had not been seen in many years passed.  
And in the year following died this Phylyppe in the month of junii, when he had reigned upon xliiii. Years. Before whose death appeared a great comet or blazing star/ the which the French men, with also the foresaid eclypce/ they adjudged for pronostiquys and tokens of the kings death/ the which was buried with excellent pomp in the monastery of saint Denys, in the year of our Lord a thousand two hundred and xxiii and of his age lviii/ leaving after him the forenamed Lewis/ which was anointed King after him.  
This Phylyppe amongs other notable things ordained in his testament/ be set to the aiding and winning of the holy city of Jerusalem three hundred thousand pound of Paris money/ to the hospital in Mountforte a hundred thousand pound/ and to be distributed amongs the poor commons of his land he gave twenty thousand pound.  
But here is to be noted, there is a great diversity between a pound of Paris money and a pound of sterling money. For a pound of Paris money is but two shillings and vi pence sterling, or near there about. And so it followeth that a thousand pound of Paris, is but a hundred five and twenty pound sterling. By which account it followeth that this King gave to the aid of the holy land xxxvii thousand and five hundred pound sterling/ to the hospital xii. Thousand and five hundred pound sterling/ and to the poor people two thousand & five hundred pound.   
And thus here I make an end of this volume, for cause and consideration, as after is showed in the beginning of the next volume, more manifestly.   

¶ Lenuoye.  

PRece forth rude volume/ and recommend me,  
To my dearest friend expert in all science.  
Pray him at leisure the to oversee.  
And where in metre or prose he findeth offence,  
Or congrewe english, or of perfit sentence/  
Humbly him pray that he will the correct,  
which in all his fayte is so circumspect.   

And show to him further his merit to increase,  
The second volume is ready to him dight.  
Pray him he will not therefore with the sursease,  
Till that thy fellow, he have by his insight  
And by his science brought in so good plight,  
That to all readers it may be delectable,  
And to the hearers fruitful and profitable.   

And not to disdain my malapert rudeness/  
That to his pain I should thus boldly send.  
Or him to will to such great business,  
So rude a work to correct and amend.  
But show him soothly that all that I intend,  
Is for to enhance his praise and great laud/  
As he shall know I trust without fraud.    


¶ The second volume of Fabyans chronicle containing the chronicles of England and of France, from the beginning of the reign of king Rycharch the first, until the beginning of the rain of our most redoubted sovereign lord King Henry the viii ❧  
¶ Prentyd at London By wyllyam Rastell. 1533  
❧ cum PRIVILEGIO.    

THE TABLE.  
THere beginneth the table of the second volume, which denounces and showeth all the acts done in every kings days contained in the said volume/ and that every act follows by letter and by the number of the leaf, as in this said table is expressed/ and beginneth at the wards of London & at King richard the first/ whose acts more at length in this said volume shallbe showed, with other Kings ensuing by letter in this said table/ as first. A.B.C. and so forth.  

acres a strong city in the holy land was won by the christian as appeareth. fo. 
iiii  Acts of the great Cane of Tartaris folio 
xxiii  abbot of waltham was accorded with the citesyns of London. fo. 
xxviii  Accord made between King Henry the iii and his barons. fo. 
xxxviii  Acts done in Hethenes/ by Louis the French King. fo. 
xlviii  Acris or Acon abovenamed city won again by the Turks. fo. 
lxix  Accord or agreement was made between England & Scotland. fo. 
xc  Acts were made for wearing of silk. folio 
xci  Acts in France done by the duke of Lancastre. fo. 
ciii  Acts made by Frenchmen for the occupying of the admission of the inheritor of France. folio 
cxxxvii  Accord made between the dukes of orleans and of Burgoyne. fo. 
clx  accusations by the duke of Burgoyn again the duke of orleans. fo. 
clxi  Accord made between the said dukes. folio 
clxi  Act made for giving of liveries. folio 
clxv  Acts made again strangers/ see in folio. 
clxxc  Acts made for hallowing of the sunday within the city of London. folio 
cxciii  Abbay of Bury was spoiled. fo. 
cxiii  Adyme was granted to King Henry the fift. fo. 
clxxvii  A quyndecyme was granted to king Henry the iii fo. 
xxi  A letter devised by the barons & sent to King Henry the iii fo. 
xxxvii  A letter was sent by Richard King of romans to the barons. fo. 
xxxvii  A quarter of where was sold for. two. s. folio 
xc  A fray was made in Fleetstreet upon a bakers servant. fo. 
cxlv  A fray made in Fleetstreet by one Her bottle. fo. 
cxcii  Andrew Trollop deceived the Lords. folio 
cciii  A letter sent by Edward the iii unto the King of France. fo. 
xciiii  Agreement was made with the Scots. folio. 
lxiii  Answer made by the French King to King Edward's letter. fo. 
xcv  Answer made by the French King to King Henry. fo. 
clxxi  Ambassade sent by the French King into England. fo. 
lxxxix  Ambassade sent again by the said King. folio 
lxxxix  Ambassade sent into France. fo. 
lxxxix  Ambassade sent from the pope. fo. 
ccviii  A part of London bridge fill into Thamys. fo. 
lxxxix  Aid granted by King Johan. folio 
cxxiii  Aid was granted by the inhabytauntes of the country of Languedok. folio 
cxxiiii.  archbishop of orleans was slain. fo. 
lxx.  archbishop of Caunterbury was slain. folio 
cxlii.  archbishop of Caunterbury maketh a collation. folio 
cliiii.  archbishop of york with other was taken in battle. fo. 
clxvii  articles of treason laid again Sir Roger mortimer. fo. 
lxxxviii  articles of peace ratyfyed between King Edward and King Iohn. folio 
cvi.  articles of displeasure showed in writing by the duke of Gloucester again the bishop of wynchester. folio 
clxxx.  archbishop of york overturneth the Scots. folio 
xcix.  articles of peace concluded between the Earl of Flaunders and his subjects. folio 
cxxxix.  Assembles made by Lords. fo. 
cxliiii.  Annyversary honourable was founden in Poulys' church. fo. 
cxi.  Auoutry was espied. fo. 
ccxiii.    

BArons war began to grow in the xli year of King Henry the third. folio. 
thirty.  Baron's war received and of new kindled in the xliiii year of Henry the third. folio 
xxxiii.  Barons assembled their companies in the marches of wales in the xlvi year of the said King. fo. 
xxxiiii.  Barons entered the city of London folio 
xxxv.  Baron's discorded among themself. folio 
xxxviii.  Barons were chased the xiiii year of Edward the second. fo. 
lxxix.  battle of Lewis between King Henry the iii & the barons. fo. 
xxxvii  battle called the white battle, look in the xi year of Edward the second. folio. 
lxxvii.  battle of Burbrydge between king Edward the second and the barons in his xiiii year. fo. 
lxxix.  Batayle very cruel against the Scotte called Halydon. fo. 
lxxxix.  battle of Swyn or sluice upon the see/ between the Frenchmen and Edward the third, in the xu year of his reign. fo. 
xciii.  battle of Cressey in the xxi year of Edward the third. fo. 
xcviii.  battle of Potyers between King Edward the third and the French King. folio 
ciii.  battle between King Phylyp of France and the town of Cassile in Flaunders. fo. 
cxvii.  battle of Shrowysbery/ in the iii year of Henry the fourth. fo. 
clxvii.  battle at black pole/ in the vi year of Henry the four fo. 
clxvii.  battle of Agyncourt/ in the third year of Henry the .v. fo. 
clxxii.  battle of saint Albon's first the xxxiii. Year of Henry the vi fo. 
cc.  Blore heath field apperies in the xxxvii year of King Henry the vi fo. 
cciii.  battle of Ludlowe/ as it doth appear in folio 
cciii.  battle of Northampton/ as appeareth in folio 
cciiii.  battle of wakefield apperies and the battle of say Albon. fo. 
ccv.  battle of york or Towton or Shyrborne. fo. 
ccvi.  Barnet field. fo. 
ccxix.  battle of Tewksbury. fo. 
ccxx.  Bertram de Cleycon warred in spain and chased the King. fo. 
cix.  Blazing star apperies in folio xc and fo. cxviii. and fo. clix 
 Blank charters uses in Eng. fo. 
cli.  Breaking of peace between England and France/ look in the xliii year of King Edward the iii fo. 
cxi.  Breast a strong town of britain besieged. fo. 
cxiii.  benevolence was first founded and granted in Edward the four days folio 
ccxxv.  bishop Groostehede and of his acts appeareth in the xxxiii year of King Henry the third. folio 
xxvi.  bishop of Exeter was beheaded appeareth in the xviii year of Edward the second. folio 
lxxxii.  bishop of Norwyche made war in Spain by the Pope's commandment in the vi year of richard the second. folio 
cxliii.  bishop of London hath a memory of the citizens of London. fo. 
cxlvii.  bishop of wynchester lent to King Henry the fift twenty thousand pound. folio 
clxxvii.  bishop of winchester foresaid created cardinal. folio. 
clxxx  bishop of Salysbury was slain in the end of xxviii of Henry the vi as more plainly is showed fo. 
cxcviii.  bishop of chichester called Reynolde Pecok was abjured of heresy folio 
ccii.  Book of prophecy was founden by a Jew in Spain. folio 
xxiiii  Blood of christ was brought into westminster by King Henry the iii folio 
xxv.  Bonifacius pope of his conditions. folio. 
lxxi.  Bull of the pope manifested at Poulys cross. folio 
xxxiii  bush, Baggot and Grene and of their acts. folio 
cli.  Britons resist the Frenchmen. fo. 
xxxix.    

Charles' the .v. of that name & surnamed the fair, and brother to Phylyp surnamed the long, son of the four Phylyp, began his reign over the realm of France, in the year of grace. M.iii hundredth and xxii/ and the xu year of the second Edward King of England, and reigned years vi folio. 
lxxxiiii.  Cardynalles that were sent into England from the pope were rob/ appeareth in the ix year of Edward the second. folio 
lxxvi.  Caen a strong town in Normandye besieged by King Edward the third and won it. folio 
xcviii.  Calys besieged and gotten by King Edward the third. folio 
xcix.  cardinal sent from the pope/ laboured for peace. folio 
ciii.  Castle of Pount was yoleden up by appointment. folio 
cxxv.  Careckes iii were taken by the duke of Clarence and the Earl of Kente. folio. 
clxvii.  charity of King Lewis. folio 
i.  Charles de Ualoys brother to Phylyppe le Beawe & uncle unto Charles the .v. foresaid died. folio. 
lxxxvi.  Charles de Bloys was slain in the battle between Sir Iohn Mountforte and the said charles. fo. 
cix.  Charles the vi of that name & son of Iohn, benganne to rule the French men, in the year of our Lord. M.iii C.lxiiii/ & xxxviii year of the third Edward King of England/ and reigned years xvi folio 
xxxvi.  Charles the vii of the name a young child and son of the vi charles, began his reign over France, in the month of september and year of our Lord a thousand iii hundredth and lxxx/ and the third year of the second richard than King of England/ & reigned years xlii folio 
clu  Charles the viii of that name, and son unto Charles the vi as say the French authors/ but the english writers showeth the contrary, as in the story of this Charles shall appear/ this began to reign over the Frenchmen, in the year of our Lord thousand iii hundredth and xxii/ and the last year of Henry the .v. then King of England/ & reigned years xxxvi. folio 
ccvii.  chantries founded in Poulys' church in London. fo. 
cxi  ceremonies for the coronation of King Henry the iiii/ as appeareth. folio 
clxiii  creation of dukes by King Richard the ii fo. 
cxliii  Clement pope disposed, for that he might give no bishoprics within the realm of England/ in the xviii year of King Edward the iii as appeareth. fo. 
xcvi  citizens of London/ are tolle free. folio 
xx  citizens of Londn were arrested. folio. 
thirty  Clerks of Orleaunces withstand the King of France's commandment. fo. 
cxix  Church or monastery of westminster was ended of building/ as appeareth. fo. 
lviii  conditions made by the borough-maysters of the town of Burgys against their Earl. fo. 
lxxxvi  Constable of France was murdered by the advise of Charles King of navarre. fo. 
cxxii  Constable of the tower of London was drowned whose name was called Sir Thomas Ramston/ as appeareth. folio 
clxviii  Constantinople was won by the Turkys/ as it is showed in. folio 
cxcix  collation made by the archbishop of Caunterbury to the Lords for the deposition of King richard the ii folio 
cliiii  Conclusion of marriage by King Henry the vi fo. 
cxcii  conditions of King Louis/ as is showed. fo. 
ccxxii  Coming of the Emperor into France and of his honourable receit. folio 
cxxxvii  composition was made between King Henry the sixth and the duke of york/ as appeareth. folio 
ccv  Copy of a letter sent from Edward the iii unto the French King/ and answer to the same made/ look in. folio. 
xcv  Copy of an instrument made for deposing of King richard/ as is showed. folio 
cliii  Copy of a bill put into the parliament house for the temporalties/ as is showed. fo. 
clxix  Copy of a letter sent by the bishop of winchester unto the duke of bedford. folio 
clxxxi  Copy of a pardon made by the King unto the citizens of London/ as appeareth. Foe 
xli  correction of adultery/ as is showed. folio 
lxxiii  Coronation of Queen Katherine/ as appeareth. Foe 
clxxvi.  Courses of service for the feast of the said coronation. fo. 
clxxvi  Corpse of King Henry the .v. was with great solemnity brought unto the monastery of westminster/ as appeareth. fo. 
clxxi  Countess of Henawde laboured to make a peace between King Edward the third & King Phylyp of France folio 
xcv  covenants between the regent & the King of navarre are expressed and showed. folio. 
cxxxi  covenants of marriage between King Henry the .v. and the French King behold in. fo. 
clxxv  Crossed treers came first into England/ in the iii year of King Edward the ii folio 
lxxv  Crucyfix of gold belonging to saint Denys church in France was axed by the King of the monks for aid folio. 
cxx    

DAme Blaunche was aided/ by Phylip the French King as appeareth. folio. 
lii  Dame Elynour Cobham was arrested of treason/ as it is showed in. folio 
cxci  david brother of Lewyn Prince of wales wrought treason/ as it is showed in. fo. 
lvii  david aforesaid was taken. folio 
lviii  Daunsing wonderful behold. folio 
lix  dearth of corn. folio 
lx  Deed knight appeared to one Master Morres in wales. fo. 
xiii  darkness intolerable fill in Paulys' church the bishop being at mass. folio 
xxi  divorce between charles the French King and Blaunche/ as it is showed. folio 
lxxxiiii  Deed corpsies what numbered in one year were buried in London. fo. 
c  Deep a town in Normandy was strongly assailed by the lord Talbot. folio 
cxcii  Denham esquire took the Lord rivers at Sand which. folio 
cciiii  dissension among the Lords of England. fo. 
xxxii  dissension fill among the Lords in Normandy. fo. 
cxix  dissension grew between the French King and the King of navarre. folio 
cxxii  dissension fill among the French men for ceasing of an aid. folio 
cxxiii  dissension grew among the three astates of the realm of France. folio 
cxxvi  divers inconveniences fill in England and in France/ as is showed. folio 
c  diverse visions and marvels were seen in the air/ as it is showed. folio 
cviii  Duke of ostrich died/ and the hostages of King richard were free delivered. folio 
ix  Duke of Lancaster's acts. folio 
ciii  Duke Iohn of Lancastre made war in France. folio 
cxi  Duke of Lancastre passed thorough France without fight. folio 
cxiii  Duke of Burgoyn complaineth upon Sir Iohn Chalous knight. folio 
cxviii  Duke of Normandy maketh his oration to the citizens of Paris. folio 
cxxviii  Duke foresaid was proclaimed regent of France/ as it is showed. folio 
cxxx  Duke of Lancastre re-entered France. folio 
cxxxvi  Duke of Lancastre warred in spayn folio 
cxlv  Duke of gloucester spoke sharp words to King richard the second. folio 
cxlix  Duke of gloucester was arrested and murdered. folio 
cxlix  Dukes of Herforde and of Norfolk fill at dissension for cause showed. folio 
cl  Duke of Lancastre claimed the crown. folio 
cliii  Duke of orleans laboured against the university of Paris. folio 
clx  Duke of orleans was slain. folio 
clx  Dukes of orleans & of Burgoyn maketh new war. fo. 
clx  Duke of Burgoyne was slain. folio 
clxiii  Dukes and barons were put to death for treason. folio 
clxv  Duke of Clarence was slain. folio 
clxxvii  Duke of gloucester was made protector of England/ in the first year of the reign of King Henry the sixth and the duke of bedford, regent of France/ as it is showed in. fo. 
c.lxxix  Duke of bedford winneth holds in France/ see in. fo. 
clxxx  Duchess of Holland was taken prisoner/ look in. fo. 
clxxxi  Duke of Alenson was delivered for his ransom. fo. 
clxxxii  Duke of Norfolk was in great jeopardy of drowning. fo. 
clxxxiii  Duke of Burgoyne turned from the english party to the French party as is showed in. fo. 
clxxxviii  Duke of Burgoyn laid siege to calais. fo. 
clxxxix  Dukes & Earls were created/ as appeareth in. fo. 
cxciii  Duke of Suffolk was arrested. folio. 
cxcv  Duke of Somerset was arrested as showeth in. fo. 
c.xcviii  Duke of york gathered people/ as appeareth in. fo. 
cxcviii  Duke of york discharge of his protectourshyp. fo. 
cci  Duke of york and oath were attainted as appeareth in. fo. 
cciiii  Duke of Bukkyngham & many other were slain. fo. 
cciiii  Duke of york taketh the kings royal see. fo. 
ccv  Duke of york with other was slain folio. 
ccv  Duke of Burgoyne assisteth the French Kings son against his father/ as is showed in. fo. 
ccix  Duke of britain & other conspired again their King. fo. 
ccix  Duke of Somerset with other put to death. fo. 
ccxv  Duke of Clarence with other landed at Dartmouh. fo. 
ccxviii  Duke of Exeter was found deed in the see. folio. 
ccxxi  Duke Clarence was drowned in wine. fo. 
ccxxii  Duke of gloucester was made protector. fo. 
ccxxiiii  Duke of Bukkyngham showeth the title of King Richard. fo. 
ccxxv  Duke of gloucester taketh possession at westminster/ as appeareth. folio. 
ccxxv  Duke of Bukkyngham conspyreth against King Richard/ & was taken & beheaded at Salysbury. fo. 
ccxxv  Duke of orleans was taken in battle as is showed. fo. 
ccxxviii  Duke of britain died whereby great war followeth/ as it is showed. fo. 
ccxxviii    

EDwarde the first of that name & son of Henry the third, surnamed Edward long shank/ began his reign over England the xvii. Day of Novembre the morrow after saint Edmond the archbishop in the year of our Lord. M.CC lxxii/ & the ii year of the iii Phylype than King of France/ & reigned nobly years xxxiiii fo. 
lv  Elyanoure mother to King Richard was enlarged. fo. 
iiii  Edmounde Crouchbak was married to the daughter of the Earl of Amnarle as appeareth in. fo. 
xliiii  Edmound wodstocke wrought treason. fo. 
lxxxviii  Edward the son of Henry foresaid distressed the barons/ as it is showed folio. 
xxxix  Edward foresaid distressed the Barons the second time/ as is showed folio. 
xxxix  Edward the holy King and confessor was translated/ as it showed in folio. 
xliiii  Edward was crossed into the holy land/ and of his feats there done. folio. 
xlv  Edward of Carnarvan/ as appeareth folio. 
lviii  Edward the second called Edward Carnarvan, the son of the first Edward/ began his dominion over England in the month of July and year of our Lord god. M.iii C. & seven/ and the xxi year of the four Phylyppe or Philip the fair than King of France/ and reigned years full nineteen. fo. 
lxxiiii.  Edward the first married to his ii wife the French kings sister. folio. 
lxv.  Edward the iii of that name, & son of Edward the second and of dame Isabella the daughter of Philippe le Beawe, or the four Phylyp late King of France/ which Edward about the age of xu years began his reign over the realm of England the xxv day of January, in the year of grace m.iii C. & xxvi/ and the four year of Charles the fair than king of France the which reigned years li folio. 
lxxxvi.  Edward Carnarvan/ was miserably slain as is showed. fo. 
lxxxvii.  Edward Bayloll was made King of Scots. fo. 
lxxxviii.  Edward the iii sailed into Braban with his wife look in. fo. 
xci.  Edward the iii challenged the hole kingdom of France. fo. 
xciii.  Edward the eldest son of the duke of york was elect for king of England look in. fo. 
cc.vi  Edward the four of that name and eldest son of Richard duke of york which was proclaimed heir parant to the crown, began his dominion over the realm of England, in the iiii. day of March in the year of grace M.iiii. C.lx/ & the ii year of the xi Louis than King of France/ & reigned at that time viii months & years viii. fo. 
cc.xiiii.  Edward the four beforenamed won the field of Barnet upon Ester day again King Henry the vi in the year of grace. M.iiii. C.lxxi. & year of Louis the French King aforesaid/ and reigned after that day ten months/ and years xii So that first & last he reigned over vii months assigned to Henry the vi days xxxvi months & years xxi or with the said months of Henry the vi set to Edward's reign make xxii years and odd days. fo. 
cc.xx  Edward the .v. of that name & son of Edward the four of the age of xiiii years and lass, began to reign as King of England the ten day of Apryll & year of our lord. M. iiii.lxxxiii. & the xxxv. Year of the xi Louis than King of France/ and reigned till the twenty day of July next following/ in which season passed days lxxii folio. 
cc.xxiiii.  Elizabeth the holy woman daughter of the King of hungry. fo. 
xxi.  Eleanoure Queen & of her progeny/ look in. fo. 
lxi.  Emperor of Almaigne came into England. fo. 
c.lxvii  Emperor foresaid came again into this land. fo. 
c.lxxii  Envy of Frenchmen. fo. 
v  Enguerram was put to death. folio. 
lxxxiii.  Epytaphye of Richard the first/ as appeareth in. fo. 
x  Epytaphye of frederic the Emperor. fo. 
xxv  Epytaphye of Edward the first/ look in. fo. 
lxviii.  Epytaphye of Edward the iii folio. 
cxvi  Epytaphye of King richard the ii look in. fo. 
clxvi  earthquake fell in England. fo. 
xxv  Earl of Penbroke was overset with Frenchmen & other. fo. 
cxiii  Expressement of the grudges atween King Richard the first & the French King. fo. 
iiii  Eugeny pope and of his acts. folio. 
clxxxvii    

FAlse christ was crucified/ as is showed in. fo. 
nineteen  False clerk of Oxenford which feigned himself mad, came to wodstocke intending to have slain king Henry the iii fo. 
xxii  fayte or acts of war done at Donstable. fo. 
xcvi  fishes wonderful taken in the xxxv year of King Henry the vi fo. 
cci  Floren of gold was made by King Edward the iii fo. 
xcvii  Friars minors came first into England/ look in. fo. 
nineteen  Friars Augustine's in the xxxv year of King Henry the iii builded their house, in a place in wales called wodhous as is showed. fo. 
xxvi  Friars were put to death look in. folio. 
clix  French King sent for his daughter that was King Rychardes' wife. folio. 
clix  French navy discomfited. fo. 
clxxiiii.  Frost exceeding/ look in. fo. 
clxviii    

Gascoynes' make war against Frenchmen borderers in King Charles the .v. days as is showed in folio. 
lxxxvi  gabel or tax raised upon salt in France/ look in. fo. 
cxix  Guynes castle was yolden to Englishmen/ look in. fo. 
ci  Grudge between Baldwyn and his monks. fo. 
seven  Grudge arose between King Iohn & his Lords. fo. 
xvi.  Grudge and displeasure between the bishop of wynchester and the duke of gloucester/ it is showed in. folio. 
clxxxi  Grudge and murmur took place among the nobles of France/ as appeareth. fo. 
cc.xxviii    

Harm done by thunder/ as appeareth in. fo. 
cvii  Hawle without reverence of the sacrament was slain in the church. folio. 
cxli  Hastynges lord Chamberleyne was suddenly put to death. fo. 
ccxxiiii  Henry the third of that name & son of king Iohn, a child of ten years/ began to reign over England, in the month of Octobre, and year of our Lord. M.cc & xvii/ and the xxxvii year of Phylype than King of France/ and reigned years lvi foe. 
xviii  Henry boling broke the four of the name and son & heir of Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancastre/ the which Iohn was second son of Edward the iii living after their father, or the iii son to rekyn Prince Edward/ this Henry after the deposition of Richard in the end of the month of September, begun to reign over England, in the year of our Lord. M.iii C.lxxx. & nineteen/ and the xix year of Charles the vii than King of France/ and reigned years xiii fo. 
clxiii  Henry the vi of that name & son of Henry the .v. of the name & son of Henry the four began his reign over the realm of England, upon the morn after saint Cuthbertys day or the. xxi. day of March, in the end of the year of grace. M.iiii. C. & xiii/ and the. xxxii year of Charles the vii than King of France/ and reigned years ix fo. clxx Henry the .v. & dame Kateryne daughter of Charles the vi or vii a child of half year of age/ begun his reign over England & France, in the end of the month of July, and year of our lord. M.iiii. C. & xxii/ and the first year of Charles the vii or viii. the than among the Frenchemen was allowed for King/ and reigned years xxxix folio. 
clxxix  Henry of Derby with other landed at Ravenspore/ as is showed. fo. 
cli  Henry the fift foresaid sailed into France/ look in. fo. 
clxxii  Henry Derby forenamed and of his issue is showed. fo. 
cxliiii  Henry the four aforesaid married the Duchess of britain. fo. 
clxvi  Heresy of Iohn wyclyf appeareth. folio. 
cxlvii  Heretics taken in saint Gyles field and after brent. fo. 
clxxi  Homage done by Lords of Almaigne, to richard Earl of cornwall brother to King Henry the third. folio 
xxxviii  Homage done by the King of Scots to King. E. the iii fo. 
lxxxix  Hugh holy bishop of Lyncolne died. fo. 
xi    

Iohn brother to richard the first was ordained King of England, in the month of Apryll & year of our lord. M.C.xcix/ & the twenty year of the second Phylyp than King of France/ and reigned year xvii The interdiction of this land, begun in the vi year of this King, & endured till the xiii year. Henry the son of Alwyn, in the ten year of this King was admitted for the first mayre of London. And in the said ten year of king Iohn, London bridge was begun to be made of stone. fo. 
x  Iohn the first in France of that name & son of Phylyp de Ualoys, began his reign over the land of France, in the month of August & year of our lord. M.iii C. & l/ and the xxxiiii. Year of the third Edward King of England/ & reigned years. 
xiiii.  This King was taken prisoner of Edward, the Prince of England at the battle of Poytyers in France folio. 
cxxiii  japhet was gotten by King Richard. fo. 
v  jakys de Artyvyle favoured the english party. fo. 
xciii  jacke straw & will waw made an insurrection. fo. 
cxlii  jacke Sharpe was taken and put to death. folio. 
clxxxv  jacke Cade and his fellows. folio. 
cxcvi  jacke Cade wrought moche of his will in London/ & after rob & so slain. fo. 
cxcvii  jews were banished this land. folio. 
lx  jews were spoiled & slain. fo. 
clu  Iohn brother of King Richard was proud. fo. 
iii  Iohn reconciled to his brother appeareth in. fo. 
viii  Iohn duke of Lancaster died/ as is showed. fo. 
c.l.  Iohn duke of bedford died. folio. 
clxxxviii  inquisitions were made upon the rulers of London/ as is showed in. folio. 
xxix  jordan of the isle of Gascoigne grew out of kind. fo. 
lxxxv  Inglysshe Lords wan first upon Frenchmen. fo. 
xcviii  Inglysshe soldiers slain under safe conduit. fo. 
cxxii  Itenerarii pleas were holden in South work. fo. 
xxxi  Isle of Ely holdeth banished men. folio. 
xlii  Isle of Rhodes first won. fo. 
lxxv  Isabella late wife unto King richard/ was married to the eldest son of the duke of orleans. fo. 
clx  Issue & dissent of Sir Roger mortimer. fo. 
cxliiii  justyces or judges punished. fo. 
lx  justes holden in smithfield. folio. 
cxliiii    

King Iohn and his land was interdicted. fo. 
x  King Iohn was reconciled to the church. fo. 
xvi  King Henry the iii sailed into Normandy. fo. 
xxiiii  King Henry the iii in proper person sat in judgement. fo. 
xxix  King Iohnns fury search in. Foe 
xiiii  King Iohn of France was taken prisoner. folio 
ciii  King Iohn was delivered. fo. 
cvii  King Iohn died in England. folio 
cviii  King Richard sought many provisions. folio 
iiii  King richard sailed into the holy land. folio 
iiii  King Richard was taken prisoner. folio 
vi  King Richard was delivered. folio. 
seven  hinge richard sailed into Normandy. folio 
ix  King richard assailed the castle of Gysors. folio 
x  King richard was slain. fo. 
x  King Henry the third frayneth counsel of the mayre. folio. 
xxxiiii  King Henry sailed into France to be present at the French Kings parliament. folio. 
xxxv  King Henry was taken of his barons. folio 
xxxvii  King Henry laid his siege to London as it is showed. folio 
xliii  King Henry choosed shyrefes. folio 
xliii  King Louis took upon him the cross. folio 
xlviii  King Edward the first build castles in wales. folio 
lviii  King Edward sailed into France. folio 
lix  King Edward the ii was taken/ & also resigned the crown. fo. 
lxxxii  King Edward the iii came secretly to London. folio 
xcvi  King Edward warred sharply in France. folio 
xcvii  King Edward chased the spaniards from the see. fo. 
ci  King Edward yode into Scotland. fo. 
cii  King of Scots was delivered. folio 
ciiii  King Edward sped him toward Paris. fo. 
cv  King of navarre was suddenly taken/ as it is showed. fo. 
cxxiii  King of navarre was set at large. folio 
cxxvii  King Edward warred newly in France. fo. 
cxxxv  King Johan was received into France. fo. 
cxxxv  King of navarre became feodory unto the French King. fo. 
cxxxvi  King of Ermonye asked aid of King richard the ii fo. 
cxliii  King Richard aided the genoese folio 
cxlv  King Richard married the French kings daughter. fo. 
cxlvii  King Richard sailed into Ireland. folio 
cli  King Richard was miserably put to death. fo. 
clxv  King Henry the four married the Duchess of britain. fo. 
clx  King Henry the .v. sailed into Normandy. fo. 
clxxiii  King Henry married the French kings daughter. fo. 
clxxv  King Henry was received into London. fo. 
clxxvi  King Henry and his wife sat crowned in Paris. fo. 
clxxvii  King Henry the vi showed his virtue behold. fo. 
clxxix  King Henry was dubbed knight. folio 
clxxxii  King Henry was crowned. fo. 
clxxxiii  King Henry was crowned at Paris. fo. 
clxxxv  King of Scots was murdered. folio 
cxc  King Henry the vi was taken. fo. 
ccv  King Edward the four was received into London. fo. 
ccvii  King Edward aided the duke of Burgoyne. fo. 
ccxiii  King Edward spoused dame Elizabeth gray. fo. 
ccxvi  King Edward fled this land. folio 
ccxviii  King Henry was taken out of the tower. fo. 
ccxviii  King Edward was proclaimed usurper. fo. 
ccxix  King Edward landed at ravynspore. fo. 
ccxix  King Edward repossessed/ as appeareth. folio. 
ccxx  King Henry the vi died in the tower of London. fo. 
ccxx  King Edward's children were taken out of saintwary. fo. 
ccxxiiii    

LAzars of Languedok were brent. fo. 
lxxxiiii  Letter sent by the barons to King Henry. fo. 
xxxvii  Lewelyn Prince of wales rebelled. folio 
lvi  Lewelyn was slain/ as appeareth. folio 
lvii  Letter takked upon the cross in cheap folio. 
lxxxi  Lords assemble at Arundel/ as appeareth. folio 
cxlix  Lords put to death. fo. 
clxxii  Lords fled from Lodlowe field. folio. 
cciii  Lords proclaimed traitors/ as is showed. folio 
cciiii  Lords came to London. fo. 
cciiii  Lords of France war upon their King. fo. 
ccx  Lords continue their malice/ as is showed. fo. 
ccxi  Lords discord within themself. folio 
ccxii  Lord Morley appealed the Earl of Salysbury/ as it is showed in. folio. 
clxv  Lord strange/ and Sir johann Trussell fight in the church for cause showed in. folio 
clxxiiii  Lord Talbot was slain/ as appeareth. fo. 
cc  Lord Egremonde was committed to Newgate/ as is showed. fo. 
ccii  Lord wells conspired again the King. folio 
ccxviii  Lord chamberlain beheaded/ as is showed. fo. 
ccxx  Loss of Normandy/ as is showed. folio 
cxcviii  Louis son unto the French King warred in England. fo. 
xvii  Louis returned into France/ as appeareth. fo. 
xviii  Louis sailed into the holy land. folio 
xxv  Louis gave sentence again the barons. fo. 
xxxvi  Louis the ix of that name and son of Phylyp the second, began his reign over the frenchmen, in the year of our Lord. M.cc and xxiii/ and the vi year of the third King Henry than King of England/ and reigned years iii By this King returned the blood of Charles into the possession of the crown of France. folio 
xlvi  Louis the ten of that name a child of xii years, and son of the abovenamed the ix Louis which is named saint Louis/ began his reign over France, in the year of our lord m.cc and xxvi/ and the ix year of the three Henry than King of England/ and reigned years xliii/ as appeareth folio. 
xlvii  Louis the xi by account and son of Phylyp the iiii, began to reign over France, in the year of our lord M.CCC. and xv/ and the viii year of the second Edward than King of England, and reigned years ii folio 
lxxxiii  Louis the xii of the name after the account of this book, & ten after the French account, whereof the cause is before showed, son of the last Charles/ begun to rule the Frenchmen, in the year of our lord M.iiii. C. and lviii/ & xxxvi year of Henry the vi than King of England, & reigned years xxvi fo. 
ccix  Louis refused Lords company and counsel. fo. 
ccix  Louis rescueth Paris. fo. 
ccx  Loss of towns and castles in Normandy. folio 
cxxxvii    

marvels seen in the firmament. folio 
xii  Mayor of London presenment/ look in. folio 
xxvii  Mayr and his brethren found guilty in hurting the commons. fo. 
xxix  Mayor and citizens agreed to the Lords. fo. 
xxxi  maces of silver were first granted to officers of London. fo. 
xci  Men of Norwyche enraged. fo. 
xlv  Manhood of Matthew de Roya. foli. 
liv  Merchant strangers encroached upon the citizens of London and were punished. fo. 
lix  Maddock a Walshmen rebelled/ as it is showed. fo. 
lxi  Marriage of the ii Edward. fo. 
lxxiiii  Malice sprang among the Lords of Flaunders. fo. 
lxxxv  marvelous heyle fill. fo. 
lx  Mychaell Tony mayre of London adjudged/ look in. fo. 
lvi  mortmayne was first enacted. fo. 
lvi  mortimer was howgely advanced. folio 
lxxxvii  mortimer was put to death/ as it is showed. fo. 
lxxxviii  money borrowed of the city of London. folio 
xcii  Martin Pysdo Parycyen/ was put to cruel death. fo. 
cxxxv  manner of cysme in the church of Rome/ look in. fo. 
cxxxviii  Manner of the meeting of the Kings of England & of France. fo. 
cxlvii  many knights of the bathe made. folio 
clxiii  marvels of Thamys. fo. 
clxx  masses ordained by King Henry the fift/ as it is showed in. folio. 
clxxviii  Manner of treaty between the lands of England and of France/ look in folio 
clxxxviii  marriage was dispointed. fo. 
cxcii  Marriage concluded. fo. 
cxciii  manhood of chalons. fo. 
cxcv  Maximilian and the French King dyscorden. fo. 
ccxxviii  Margaret sister unto Edward the iiii. departed from London toward the see. fo. 
ccxvii  monition divine was given to the French King. fo. 
clviii  Montague a noble man was slain folio 
clx  mumming made for treason/ as is showed. fo. 
clxv  Murder was punished. fo. 
clxvii    

numbered of wards in the city of London. fo. 
two  Names of twelve peries of England. folio 
thirty  New tolle was brought up. fo. 
xliiii  Nycholas Brembre with other was put to death. fo. 
cxliiii  navy of frenchmen dystressed/ as is showed. fo. 
lv  New coin of silver was stricken. folio. 
lvii  New displeasure King richard took again the city of London. fo. 
cl  New coin of gold smitten/ as appeareth in. fo. 
clxx    

OCtoboon the Pope's legate was pursued of the clergy of England for causes showed in. fo. 
xxii  occasion of the fray in Fleetstreet. folio. 
cxlv  occasion of displeasure between King richard and the duke of gloucester. fo. 
cxlix  Of the cheer and curious receiving of King Henry by the Frennche King. folio 
xxxii  officers charged and discharged/ as it is showed. folio. 
xxxiii  Of King Johnns' pledges. fo. 
cviii  Ordre of seruytoures in the time of Queen katherine's coronation. fo. 
clxxvi  orleans that city was besieged folio. 
clxxxii  Oaths sworn by the Kings of England and of France for peace kefolio. 
cvii  Oliver Damman and Danyell sometime chief counsellors of Louis the French King were hanged/ as appeareth. fo. 
ccxxviii    

PReface of this work/ as appeareth. fo. 
I  Peace was taken between the Kings of England and of France. folio 
xi  Phylyp King of France warred upon King Iohn. fo. 
xi  Phylyp broke the peace. fo. 
xii  Pope innocent sent unto King Iohn. fo. 
xiii  parliament holden at London. folio. 
nineteen  Pyers of Pountfret for his virtue put to death. fo. 
xvii  parliament holden at Mertone. folio 
xxii  Perjury was punished/ as appeareth. fo. 
xxv  parliament holden at Oxenford. as appeareth. fo. 
thirty  parliament holden at westminster. folio 
xxxi  parliament holden at Oxenford. as is showed. fo. 
xxxvi  parliament holden at westminster. folio 
xxxviii  parliament holden at westminster. folio 
xlv  Peace was made between the King and Gylbert de Clare/ as is showed. folio 
xliii.  punishment of Londoners/ as is showed. fo. 
xl  Phylyp the third of that name and son of saint Louis, was made King of France, in the year of our Lord. M.CC.lxx/ and the liii year of the third Henry than King of England/ and reigned years xu fo. 
li  Phylyp the four of that name and son of the iii Phylyp lafoy beawe or fair/ began to reign over France, in the year of our Lord a. M.CC.lxxxvi/ & the xiiii year of the first Edward than King of England/ and reigned years xxxix fo. 
lxviii  Phylyp the .v. of that name and surnamed the long, son of the fourth philip and brother to Louis the xi. by account/ begun his reign over France, in the year of grace a. M.iii C. and xvii/ & the ten year of Edward the ii than King of England/ and reigned years .v. fo. 
lxxxiii  Phylyppe de Ualoys, Earl of Ualoys, and the son of charles de Ualoys brother to the fourth Philippe/ was nat without some strife chosen and ordained for protector of the land of France, and after King of the same, the ii day of February, in the year of our Lord. M.iii C. and xxviii/ and the ii year of Edward the iii than King of England/ and reigned in great trouble years xxii fo. 
cxvi  Phylyppes acts in italy/ as appeareth. folio. 
liv  parliament holden at westminster. folio 
lvi  Pleas removed from London/ as is showed. fo. 
lvi  punishment for murder/ as appeareth. folio. 
lviii  parliament holden at westminster folio. 
lix  parliament holden at London/ as appeareth. folio 
lxxv  Peace concluded between France & Flaundres. fo. 
lxxiii  parliament holden at London/ as appeareth. fo. 
lxxxviii  parliament holden at westminster as is showed in. fo. 
xci  parliament holden at Northampton as is showed. folio 
xli  parliament held at york. fo. 
lxxix  parliament holden at Northampton/ as appeareth in. fo. 
lxxxvii  parliament holden at Salysbury/ as appeareth in. folio 
lxxxvii  parliament holden at bury/ as is showed. folio. 
cxciiii  parliament holden at coventry behold in. folio 
cciiii  parliament holden at leicester/ as is showed. folio 
clxxi  parliament holden at leicester called Battys/ as is showed. fo. 
clxxxii  Paulys steeple set on fire. fo. 
cxciii  Pagentes and other ordinances made by Londoners for the receiving of the King. fo. 
clxxxv  Paris was lost by treason/ as it is showed. fo. 
clxii  Peace concluded between the regent and the King of navarre. fo. 
cxxxv  Peter King of Castyle was beheaded/ as is showed in. fo. 
cxi  Peryn was drawn out of the church/ and hanged/ as is showed. fo. 
cxxix  Pleas put in exercise for the country of Arthoys. folio 
cxvii  Pleas removed from London to york/ as is showed in. fo. 
cxlvi  Pride of the French King/ as it is showed in. fo. 
lxxiii  Prince Edward married the Earl of Henawdes' daughter. fo. 
lxxxi    

Queen hythe was first let to farm to the citizens of London/ as appeareth. fo. 
xxvi  Quest passed between the abbot of westminster and the city of London as is showed in. fo. 
xxxv  Queen of England sailed into France for cause. fo. 
lxxxi  Queen of England was proclaimed enemy. fo. 
lxxxi  Queen foresaid landed in England by strength. fo. 
lxxxi  Queen Anne was special good lady to the city of London. fo. 
cxlvi  Queen Anne died. fo. 
cxlvii  Queen Margarete was received of the Londoners. fo. 
cxciii  Queen Margarete made a voyage into England. fo. 
ccxv  Queen Margaret was taken/ as is showed in. fo. 
ccxx    

RIcharde the first of that name and son of Henry the second, began to reign in England, in the year of our Lord. M.C.xci/ & the xi year of the second Phylyp/ & reigned years with odd months ten In the first year of this King the city of London was committed to the rule of two bailiffs/ which so continued till the ten year of King Iohn, as it is showed in. fo. 
iii  richard the ii of that name, & son of Prince Edward son of Edward the iii/ began his reign over England, the xii day of Juny, in the year of our lord. M.iii C.lxxvii/ & the xiii year of the .v. Charles than King of France/ and reigned years xxii folio 
cxlii  richard the iii of that name & brother unto Edward the four being duke of gloucester and protector of England, began to usurp the xxvi day of juny/ in the year of our lord M.iiii. C.lxxxiii. & year of Lowis than King of France/ and so continued years ii full/ & as much as from the xx. day of juny to the xxii day of August/ by days lvii fo. 
ccxxv  ranulph Earl of Chester and of his daughters. fo. 
xxi  Rain exceeding. fo. 
lxxvii  resignation of the duchy of Normandy. folio 
xxxii  resignation of King richard. folio 
clii  resignation showed in the parliament. folio 
cliii  Robert Knollys knight and of his feats. folio 
ciiii  Robert Knollys took saint Omiers/ and other holds. fo. 
cxi    

SAuoye a place of honour in London was brent by the commons. folio. 
cxlii  Saint marry Oueryes in Southwerke was first builded. fo. 
xv  Saint Stephyns chapel of westminster begun. fo. 
cix  Siege laid to saint Omyers folio 
xciiii  Siege laid to Amyans. Foe 
cxxxiiii  scottish King did homage to King Iohn. fo. 
xi  Scots breaking their oath. fo. 
lxiii  Scots were subdued. fo. 
lxiii  Scots had peace to their advantage. fo. 
lxxxvii  Scots were again overturned. folio 
lxxxviii  Scotisshe King taken prisoner. folio 
cii  Spensers were banished. fo. 
lxxviii  Spensers both the father and the some were put to death. fo. 
lxxxii  Son was turned to the colour of blood. folio 
lxxx    

TAnner a villain surmised him heir to the crown of England. fo. 
lxxvi  Table of silver was given to King Richard. fo. 
cxlvii  Templars knights of religion were destroyed. fo. 
lxxiii  The sentence again King Johan was denounced. fo. 
xiii  The wards of London were cessed folio 
xcii  Three fifteens were granted at one tyme. folio 
cxi  Title or right which the King of England hath unto Scotland/ see in folio 
lxii  Title of Edward the third which he had to the crown of France. folio 
cxvi  Title of the duke of gloucester had to the crown was showed at Paul's cross. fo. 
ccxxiiii    

Wards and churches within London. fo. 
two  Uaryaunce began between the pope and King Iohn. fo. 
xii  Uaryaunce between London & North ampton fo. 
xxxiii  war between the King of England and of France. fo. 
xiii  war was concluded between the said lands. fo. 
cxxxiiii  war between King Iohn and his Lords. fo. 
xvii  war was made in Normandy/ as appeareth. fo. 
lxii  war made in Guyan with fortune thereof. fo. 
lxxx  war between the French King & the King of navarre. fo. 
cxxiii  ward and marriage of heirs was granted to the King. fo. 
xx  wyllyam walworthe slew Jacke straw. folio 
cxlii  Usurers were punished/ as it appeareth. folio 
cxxi    
☞ Here endeth the second Table.   

THE prologue.  
NOw for as much as we be comen to the time, that officers were chosen and charged with the rule of the city of London/ it is necessary that here we do show what officers they were, & of the name that to them was admitted ad given. Then ye shall understand that at the coming of wyllyam conqueror into this land, as evidently appeareth by the charter of him to the citizens of London granted/ that before those days and then, the rulers of the said citizens were named Port grievous/ which word is dirivate or made of ii saxon words, as port and grieve. Port is to mean a town, and grieve is meant for a gardyen or ruler/ as who would mean, garden, ruler, or keeper of the town. These of old time, with the laws and customys then used within this city/ were registered in a book called the Domysday in Saxon tongue then used. But in later days when the said laws and customs altered and changed, and for consideration also that the said book was of small hand and sore defaced, it was the less set by, so that it was enbefelyd or lost/ so that the remembrance of such rulers as were before the days of this richard the first, whose story shall next ensue, are lost and forgotten.  
wherefore now I shall begin at the first year of the said first richard, the which of some writers is surnamed Cure de lion/ and so continue the names of all officers, as well baylyvys, mayors, and shrives, till the last years of richard the third King in deed and not of right. Which bailiffs I shall appoint the rule of, from michaelmas to michaelmas/ and the mayors from such time and season as now is accustomed & used, that is to say from the day of Simon and Jude unto the same feste next ensuing/ upon which day the new mayre taketh his charge at the guild hall, and the old mayre is there and then discharged of the said office of mayraltye.  

Now would I fain  
In words plain  
Some honour sayne  
And bring to mind  
Of that ancient city  
That so goodly is to see  
And full true ever hath be  
And also full kind.   

To Prince and King  
That hath borne just ruling  
Sin the first winning  
Of this island by Brute  
So that in great honour  
By passing of many a shower  
It hath ever borne the flower  
And laudable brute.   

Of every city and town  
To seche the world rowne  
Never yet cast down  
As other many have be  
As Rome and Carthage  
Jerusalem the sage  
with many other of age  
In story as ye may see   

This so oldely founded  
Is so surely grounded  
That no man may confound it  
It is so sure a stone  
That it is upon set  
For though some have it thrette  
with manasses grim and great  
yet hurt had it none   

christ is the very stone  
That the city is set upon  
which from all his soon  
Hath ever preserved it  
By mean of divine service  
That in continual wise  
Is kept in devout guise  
within the mure of it   

As houses of religion  
In diverse places of this town  
which in great devotion  
Ben ever occupied  
when one hath done another begin  
So that of prayer they never blyn  
Such order is these houses within  
with all virtue allied.   

The parish churches to reckon  
Of which number as I shall speaken  
wherein speak many pressed and deken  
And christ daily they serve  
By mean of which sacrifice  
I trust that he in all wise  
This city for her service  
Doth ever more preserve.   

This city I mean is Troynouaunt  
where honour & worship doth haunt  
with virtue and riches accordaunte  
No city to it like  
To speak of every commodity  
Flesh and fish and all dentye  
Cloth and silk with wine plenty  
That is for hole and sick.   

Brede and ale with spycies fine  
with houses fair to soup & dine  
Nothing lackynke that is condign  
For man that is on mould  
with rivers fresh & wholesome air  
with women that be good and fair  
And to this city done repair  
Of strangers many fold.   

The victual that herein is spent  
In three households daily tent  
Between Rome and rich Kent  
Are none may them compare  
As of the mayre and shrives' twain  
what might I of the justice sayne  
Kept within this city plain  
It were long to declare.   

For though I should all day tell  
Or that with my rhyme dogerell  
Might I not yet half do spell  
This towns great honour  
Therefore shortly as I began  
Pray for it both child and man  
That it may continue and  
To bear of all the flower   

And so to dwell in rest and peace  
Good Lord grant that it not seize  
But ever to have more increase  
If it be thy will  
And to continue the old fame  
The kings chamber that the right name  
London to keep without blame  
As it hath hither till.   

who so him liketh these usies to read  
with favour I pray he will then spell.  
Let not the rudeness of them him lead,  
For to desprave this rhyme dogerell.  
Some part of the honour it doth you tell  
Of this old city troynovaunt.  
But not thereof the half dell/  
Cunning in the maker is so adaunt   

But though he had the eloquence  
Of Tully, and the moralytye  
Of Seneck, and the influence  
Of the swyte sugared harmony,  
Of that fair Lady Calliope:  
yet had he not cunning perfect,  
This city to praise in each degree/  
As it should duly ask of right.   
HEre after I shall declare the wards of this foresaid city/ with also the parish churches that stand within the said wards. And after I shall show to you the houses of religion standing in the circuit of the same city.  

The ward of the tower wherein are three parish churches. I  
Saint olave  
Alhalown at barking.  
Saint Dunstane.   

Byllyngysgate. Ii  
Saint botulph  
Saint George in poding lane  
Saint Andrew in Estchepe  
Saint Margarete called Patens.  
saint Mary hill.   

Land bridge ward. Iii  
saint Benet at Grace church  
Saint Leonarde in Estchepe  
Saint Margarete in Brydgstret  
saint Magne in Brydgestrete.   

Dowgate ward four  
saint Laurence Pountenay  
Alhalown the more  
Alhalown the less.   

walbroke ward. .v.  
Saint Iohn in walbroke  
Saint Mary Bothawe  
saint Swythyne in Candelwyke street.  
saint Stephan in walbroke  
Saint Mary wolchyrch in the pultry  
Saint sith in Boclerysbury.   

Candelwyke street ward vi  
saint Martyne Orgor  
Saint Clement  
Saint Mychaell in Crockyd lane  
saint Mary Apchyrche.   

Langbourne ward vii  
Alhalown Stanis in Lumbarstrete  
Saint Gabryell  
Saint Denys in Fanchyrche street  
Saint Edmund  
saint Nycolas Acon  
Saint Mary wolnoth in Lumbarde street.   

Algate ward. Viii  
Saint Andrew undershaft  
Saint Kateryns by Crystes church  
Saint Kateryne Colman.   

port Sowkyn ward. Ix  
Saint botulph without Algate.   

lime street ward. Ten  
Saint Mary Naxe.   

bishops gate ward. Xi  
Saint Botholphe at the gate  
Saint Alborgth.  
Alhalowns within saint Helyns.   

Cornehyll ward xii  
Saint Mychaell  
Saint Petyr   

Bradstrete ward. Xiii  
Saint Martyne Owtewyche  
Saint Benet Fynke  
Saint Barthelmew the little  
Saint Crystofer.  
Saint Petyr the poor  
Alhalowns in the wall.   

Colmanstrete ward xiiii  
Saint Stephan.  
saint Olaff in the Jury.  
Saint Margaret in Lothbery.   

Cheap ward. Xu  
Saint Laurence in the jury  
Saint Mary Bow  
Alhalowns in honey lane  
saint Mary of Colchyrche  
Saint Myldredys in the Pultry  
Saint Benet shorhogge  
saint Martyne Ponyers  
Saint Martin in Iremongerlane  
Saint Mary.   

Cordwayner street ward xvi  
Saint Mary or Aldermary  
Saint Ancelyne  
saint Pancras.   

Queen hyth ward xvii  
saint Mychaell.  
Saint Mary somersault  
Saint Mary Mouthawe  
Saint Nycholas Olaffe  
Saint Nycholas cold abbey  
Saint Petyr.   

Bredstrete ward xviii  
Alhalows in Bred street.  
Saint Myldrede  
Saint Mathye  
Saint Iohn evangelist  
Saint Augustyne at Paul's gate  
Saint Margarete moyses  
Saint Botolphe.  
Saint Margarete in Friday street.   

Uyntry ward xix  
Saint Martyne  
Saint Mychell college  
Saint Thomas apostle  
Saint Jamys garlic hyth  
trinity in knyghtryder street.   

Baynarde castle ward. Twenty  
saint Andrew  
Saint Benet  
Saint George  
Saint Mary Magdaleyne in old  
Fish street.   

Faryngedon ward with in xxi  
Saint yevan  
Saint Nicholas in the Flesheshamblis  
Saint Faythys in Powlys' church  
Saint Martyne within Ludgate  
Taint Mychaell at Querne  
Saint Fauster in fauster lane  
Saint Petyr at the cross of cheap  
saint Gregory in Ponlys' chyrchyarde.  
saint Genyn within saint Martyne the grant.   

Faryngdon ward without xxii  
Saint Dunston  
Saint bride  
Saint Andrew in Holborn  
Saint sepulchre without Newgate   

Aldrysgate ward xxiii  
Saint Botolphe without the gate  
saint Anne  
Saint Iohn zachary  
Saint Leonarde in Fauster lane  
Saint Mary standing  
Saint Matthew in silver street.   

Bassynges have ward xxiiii  
saint Mychaell there.   

Crepelgate ward xxv.  
saint Mary magdalen in milk street.  
Saint Mary in Aldermanburic  
Saint Mychaell in Hogynlane  
Saint Albon in woodstrete  
Saint Alphy by Crepulgate  
Saint Olaff in silver street  
Saint Gylys without the gate.   
The sum of the parish churches within London. C.xiii  
HEre after ensue the houses of religion, monasteries, colleges, chapels, and other being no parish churches within the city.  

The cathedral church of saint Poule in the end of cheap.  
The priory of saint Barthelmewe in smithfield.  
The hospital or spytyll a cell of the said priory.  
The charter house standing within the ward of Crepulgate.  
Elsing spytall within the said ward.  
The chapel of our Lady of bedlam in bishops gate ward.  
The house of saint Elyne in the same ward of nunnys,  
The priory of Crystes church with in Algate.  
saint Anne abbey within Portsokyn ward of white monks.  
The house of the Meneressys of close nuns within the same ward.  
The chapel of our lady of barking in the tower ward.  
An house of crossed freres in the same ward.  
A college of saint Antony in the ward of Bredstrete.  
A college of saint Thomas called acres standing in cheap.  
An house of frere augustine's in broad street ward.  
An house of grey freres standing in the ward Faryngedon within.  
An house of black freres standing by Ludgate within the foresaid ward  
An house of white freres standing in Flete street.  
A church or college called the Temple standing at Temple bar.  
A chapel standing in pardon church yard within Poulys.  
A chapel standing in the church yard at Poulys over the charnel house.  
A chapel standing within Crepell gate saint jamys in the wall.  
A chapel called Pappey standing beside bishops gate founded by the priests of that fraternity.  
A chapel of corpus Cristi in the poultry.  
A chapel of saint Thomas of Caunterbury standing upon Londonbridge.  
A chapel standing in yield Hall yard of our Lady.  
A college of priests standing by Poulys called saint Martyne le grand.   
The sum of houses of religion, chapels, and other xxvii  

westminster.  
The abbbaye of westminster  
The Kings new chapel  
saint stephan's chapel  
Saint Margaretes' church.  
A chapel at Totehyll  
A chapel of saint Anne in Totehyll street.  
saint jamies in the field.  
A chapel at Rauncyvale.  
A parish church thereby of saint Martyne.  
A chapel of our lady of pew.   
churches, monasteries, chapels and other houses wherein god is daily served/ standing in the circuit of the city without the wallys and first.  

without Algate.  
A parish church of our Lady standing without the barrys called white chapel.  
A college of saint Katherine standing on the east end of the tower of London.  
A parish church or chapel within the said tower, of saint Peter.   

Southwark.  
The monastery of Bermundsey  
A parish church of Mary Magdaleyne standing fast by.  
A parish church of saint George.  
A parish church of saint Magaret-  
An hospital or college of saint Thomas.  
A parish church of saint Olas.  
A monastery of canons called saint.  
Marry Ouereys/ and with a parish church of saint Mary magdalen standing fast thereby.   

without the Temple bar.  
A parish church of saint Clement.  
A chapel of saint spirit.  
saint Ursula at strand.   

without smithfield.  
The pryorye of saint Iohn in Jerusalem.  
A house of nunnys named Clerkenwel  
A a chapel in pardon church yard   

without bishops gate.  
Shordyche parish church.  
saint Mary spytell.  
A house of nuns called Halywell.   
And of the divine houses without the city xxviii  
The sum of all the divine houses within the city and without is a hundred and lxviii   


RIcharde the first of that name, and second son of Henry the second/ began his reign over England in the month of July, and year of our Lord ten hundred lxxx and x/ and the xi year of the second Phylyppe than King of France.  
This richard provided busily to set good rule in Normandy, when he had hard of his father's death, and after sped him into England/ where he was joyously received/ & in the month of September following and third day, he was crowned at westminster of Baldwyn archbishop of Caunterburye. Upon the which day the jews of England, and specially such as dwelled within London and near about/ assembled of them a certain number, and presumed farther then required for their authority. For which presumption they were first rebuked, & after one of them stricken. which thing seen of the common people, supposed that to be done by the kings commandment. Wherefore in a fury as those that they hated as the devil for their usury & other unhappy conditions, they fell upon them, and chased them to their houses, & them rob and spoiled without pity, and brent some of their housis/ where of the rumour ran to westminster to the Kings audience. Wherefore in all haste he sent down/ giving straight commandment that they should cease of that riot. But the people were in such ire and woodenness, that they refrained not for all the Kings sonde, till they had executed the fine of their malice. And all be it that this riot was after grievously showed again the commons of the city/ yet it passed unpunished, for the great number of the transgressors.  
And the said day of coronation/ all prisoners that lay in any prison about London at the kings suit, or for other small or feigned actions, were freely delivered.  
Soon after the King gave many dygnytyes/ and to his brother Iohn he gave the provinces of Notyngham, devonshire, and Cornwall/ and created him Earl of Lancaster. And then the King ordained the city of London to be ruled by two bailiffs whose names were as followeth.   

Anno domini. M.c.xc  Anno domini. M.c.xci  Henry of Cornehyll  Ballivi  Anno primo.  richard fitz river.   
IT was not long after that the the King had thus exalted his brother Iohn as before is showed/ but that he also preferred him to the marriage of the Earl of Glouceters' daughter/ by reason whereof he was Lord of that earldom. These great avauncementis made him after unkind to his brother/ and by pride thereof to covet afterward the hole kingdom.  
This year King richard was assoiled of the offence that he had used in rebellion again his father. In recompensation whereof as testifieth the author Guydo/ he voluntaryly took upon him and promised to war upon Crystes enymyes. All be it that other writers show, that it was for that that his father had so willed him by his life. But for what cause, so it was, preparation and provision for that journey was made from that day forthward.  
This year also the King enlarged Elyanoure his mother/ which long before at the commandment of his father her husband, was as a prisoner kept in secret keeping. After which enlarging, the land was much guided by her counsel. And this year, as saith Ranulfe/ King richard gave over the castellis of Barwyke and Rochysburghe to the scottish King, for the sum of ten thousand pound, for the exploit of his voyage. And farther more he sold to the old bishop of Durham his own province for a great sum of money, and created him Earl of the same. Wherefore the King said after in game, I am a wonders crafty man/ for I have made a new Earl of an old Bishop. By such means the King emptied many bishops and rich presties bags and filled his coffers. And over that he granted out annuytyes and fees out of the crown, as though he roughte nothing of his returning. For this deed some of his familiars as they durst blamed him. But he said to them that in time of need, it was good policy for a man to aid him with his own. And more over he joined there to, that if London were his/ at that time of need he would sell it, if he might get a convenient merchant that for it were able to pay.  
another way he had also to gather money/ for he had licence of pope Innocent the third of that name, to dispense with such as him liked within his realm for taking upon them the cross.   

Anno domini. M.c.xci  Anno domini. M.C.xcii.  Iohn Herlyon.  Ballivi  Anno secundo  Roger duke.   
IN the second year in the month of October/ King richard betook the guiding of the land unto the bishop of Ely then chancellor of England, and sailed into normandy/ where setting the country under sad guiding, shortly after met with the French King Phylyp the second/ the which jointly yode to Turon, and there over passed the shortness of winter. In which pass time making either with other assurance for continuance of so great a journey/ at the spring of the year these two princes took their voyage toward the holy land/ that is to mean King richard by the see, and knnge Phylyppe by the land/ and appointed to meet again in the land of Scicilia or Scycyll. In this mean time, in England the Jews in divers places of the realm, as Lyncolne, Staunforde, and Lynne were rob and spoiled/ and at york, to the number of four hundred & more, cut their master veins and bled to death.  
The two Kings according to their appointment met in Scycyll/ where grudge began to kindle between them for correction of their soldiers. Then the French King departed again from King richard/ the which there made certain ordinances for war, as a tower or castle of timber which he named Mategryffons/ and also provided for victual for both hosts.  
In this time also the King of Cyprys had taken two ships of King richard, and denied the delivery of them. Wherefore the said richard entered the land of Cypris making therein sharp war/ & chased so the King from city to city, that lastly he yielded him unto King richard, upon condition that he should not be thrown in bonds of iron/ whereof King richard in keeping of his promise cast him in bonds of silver.  
when King richard had dwelled there upon two months, and had taken his pleasure of that country, and taken amends at his own will for his ships/ then he departed from the said isle of Cypris, and sailed toward Acon or Acris. In which course so keeping toward Acris/ he encountered a great ship of the Soudans of Sury, fraught with great riches, and took it/ and so came at length to the city of Acris, where at that time lay before the said town the French King with his host/ and had lost a little before two thousand of his men, which were parted from his host to have done an enterprise upon the Turks/ but they were laid for & distressed.  
Then as testifieth Peter Dysroy, King richard was joyously received of the French King. After whose coming it was not long that the said city was given up by appointment as followeth, and as affirmeth the said Peter, and also the chronicle of France. first that the saracens should depart out of the city/ leaving behind them horse, harness, victual, and all other thing belonging to war. Also they should cause to be restored all such prisoners of christian men as they had under their keeping, with other covenants which I pass over. And thus was the city of Acris yelden into the christian men's hands, in the month of August, & the year of our Lord xi hundred lxxx and, xii. But when it came to the parting of the pray of the city/ there began malice to kindle his bronde, which was not lightly after quenched.  
Of this variance between these two Kings of England & of France divers manners are showed. For Polycronica saith that it began by reason that King richard denied unto King Phylyp half his winnings in Cypris, according to the covenants between them assured at Turon. But King Richard said that the convencyon there made/ stretched no further than to such goods as was won within the limits or bounds of the holy land. Another grudge was, by reason that the French King aided not the Earl of Champeyne being in distress of need. Wherefore the said Earl being discontent said to the French King. Sir hitherto I have done according to my duty/ but hereafter I shall do as I am compelled be need. For your grace hath hitherto cherished me but for mine/ but now I shall go to him that is more ready to give than to take/ and so departed to King richard, of the which he had all his pleasure. The third cause was as saith Ranulph, for as much as King richard at his beginning in Scycyll married the sister of the King of navarre/ where before he had promised to marry the sister of the said King Phylyppe. But of these articles speaketh nothing the french chronicle/ all be it he layeth great default unto King richard/ saying in seditious and vile words, that King richard falsely broke his appointments, and kept no promise that by him was made. Moreover the said chronicle saith that he sold the isle of Cyprys unto the templars for xxx thousand mark/ and after took it again from them by strength, and delivered it unto Guy de Lesygnan that was the last christened King of Jerusalem. And over this the said French chronicle saith, that he took from a knight of the duke of Ostrych the said Duke's banner/ and in despite of the said duke trade it underfote, and did unto it all the despite he might. And over all this, where as Conradus marks of tire was traitorously slain by two of his own servants/ that King richard should lay the charge thereof unto the French King.  
For these grudges and sickness, with also fere of treason to be wrought between Saladyne the sultan, and King richard as affirmeth or allegeth the foresaid author/ King Phylyppe with a small company of ships departed from Acon or Acris, & sailed to Puyll or Poyll/ and there resting him a season, continued his journey unto Rome, and so lastly into his own province of France.   

Anno domini. M.C.xcii.  Anno domini. M.C.xciii.  wyllyam Havershall.  Ballivi  Anno iii  Iohn Buknot.   
IN the third year and month of November, when the French King was thus departed/ King Richard with the duke of Burgoyn whom the French King had left behind him to have the rule of the French host lafte and remaining in Acre and the country there about, called before him divers persons or pledges of Turks, for the performance of certain appoyntementes taken with them at the winning or giving up of the said city of Acris. Whereof one especial covenant was, that by a certain day than expired, they should cause the holy cross to be restored unto the christian Princes. The which for he saw well that they would not or might not perform/ he therefore put in execution of Turks over the number of .v. thousand as testifieth the French chronicle. But that agreed not all of the best with the former saying/ considering the city was delivered by appointment, there should not so many Turks remain there. But Peter Dysroye saith, that for breaking of this appointment, King richard put to death all such Turks as were than within the city of Acris/ which may be meant by the hostages or pledges.  
It was not long after that tidings were brought unto King richard, that the city of Jerusalem was without any great strength of soldiers, and that it might be won with easy labour. Wherefore King Richard assembled the Lords to have their counsel/ where it was concluded that every capyteyne should prepare him to go thither. Upon which agreement, the christian host sped them in such wise, that they were within .v. miles of the said city of Jerusalem/ where they took a new counsel how they should order them and their people to lay their siege about the city. In which counsel it was concluded, that King richard with his english men should have the vawewarde/ and the duke of Burgoyne the rear ward. After which conclusion taken/ the King sped him upon his way toward the city. But by what mishap or misfortune I can not say/ so soon as the King was departed, the duke called the Lords of France before him/ and said, it is evident unto you, that all be it our head and sovereign Lord is absent, the flower of the chyvalry of France is present. And if any thing be done to the honour of the christian, and reproach of infidels/ it is most likely to be done by us, considering that insuffycyencye of englishmen and other. yet nevertheless, what somever honour grow by our dediss to the christian host/ it shall be accounted unto King richard because of his presence/ so that we shall have all the pain and travail, and englishmen shall have the honour. Wherefore if ye will do by my counsel/ we will return unto acres, and there tarry till we see farther. Some agreed to this counsel and the more in number/ & the other sped them in all haste after King richard, and showed to him of the dukes return/ whereof he being so informed returned also unto Acris.  
It was not long after that the said duke was taken with grievous sickness and died. And about that time also died Baldewyn archbishop of Caunterburye/ which among other Lords of England, accompanied the King in that journey.   

Anno domini. M.C.xciii.  Anno domini. M.C.xciiii.  Nycholas Duke.  Ballivi  Anno quarto.  Petyr Nowlay.   
ABout the season of Mychelmasse, in the four year of the reign of this said richard/ tidings were brought to him that the town or castle of Japheth was besieged of Salandyne/ and likely to be soon won, without the christian were the sooner aided. Wherefore King richard, which Peter Dysroy calleth the good King richard/ sped him thither with his army by water, and sent another host of Frenchemen and other by land. But so it was or the christian might win thither/ the said town and castle were won/ and the prisoners therein taken, were sent by water toward such prisons as Salandyne had appointed them unto. With the which of good fortune King richard met, & them rescued. And that done, with the Turks which them conveyed he put in sure hold/ and held on his journey to Japheth/ and there by strength rescued the town & castle, and restored the christian to their former possession, and left with them more strength of knights. And for to be the more feared of the miscreants/ King richard caused his prisoners to him belonging to be slain, where other sold them to their great advantage/ by mean where of he was had in wonderful fere of the Turks.  
Then King richard after this victory had at Japheth/ won ii strong holds called Daron and Gadres, and strengthed them with christian knights. And with such goods as he there wan of the Turks, he repaired the castle of Ascalon and other, that greatly was impaired by the war of the Turks.  
In this season and time the King richard was thus occupied in the holy land/ the bishop of Ely as before is said having the rule of England, did many cruel deeds/ and oppressed the clergy and also the lay fee. He would commonly ride with a thousand horse/ and grieved abbeys by mean of his gests or lodging with them. Also he held in his hands the see of york for long season. And after the death of Balwyne deed as before is showed in the holy land/ he also took the see of Caunterbury under his rule. Then he prived Geffrey that was chosen to the see of york of his movables/ & cast him as prisoner in the tower of London. And soon after called a counsel at westminster as the kings procurator, and as legate of the pope then Innocent the iii At this counsel Hugh Nouaunt then bishop of Chester, & great familiar of the said bishop of Ely/ put forth a complaint again the monks of coventry, that they had shed the said Hughys' blood before the high altar of their church. For which cause the bishop of Ely deemed, that the said monks should be put from their said abbey, & clerks should be set there for them/ so that by might the monks were put thence and dysperbled about in sundry placis, and clerks with prebendies set in their stallies. For this deed saith Guydo and other, that this Hugh bishop of Chester had thus caused the monks of coventry to lose their land and house/ he took therefore so great repentance, that upon his death bed he axed of god that for a due and convenient penance, he might redeem that offence by the lying in the fire of purgatory from the day of his death unto the general day of doom.  
Also the forenamed bishop of Ely called in proper name wyllyam de long shampe/ continuing his tyrannies, prived Hugh bishop of Durham of all manner worship/ and grieved the bishop of wynchester, and wretched nigh all the land. But so fast as this innaturall or evil disposed man busied him to vex and grieve the christian men in England/ so fast busied this good King richard to vex & dear the infidels of Sury. So that daily he wan of them/ or at the lest put them from the winning of such towns and holds, as they by their great strength intended to have won.   

Anno domini. M.C.xciiii.  Anno domini. M.c.xcu  Roger Duke.  Ballivi  Anno quinto  richard fitz Aleyn.   
IN the end of September and beginning of the fift year of King richard/ Guy de Lesyngeman last christian King of Jerusalem died/ & Choras a noble christian man captain of a town called Sur, was shortly after slain by the Turks, whose wife for as much as she was rightful inheritor of the crown of Jerusalem/ the King gave her in marriage unto the Earl of champagne. And for King richard perceived well the christian host minished daily, as well by infirmities as lack of victual and otherwise/ he sought means of a peace or truce for a time, and had it granted for three years. The which peace stablished and proclaimed in the host and country near about/ King richard betook the rule and guiding of the christian unto the Earl of champagne/ promising him or the truce were ended to come with a stronger host, and with gods might to set him in possession of the city of Jerusalem as the right of his wife.  
Then Hubert Bishop of Salysbury yode forth himself from the King to the holy city/ and offered there an host, and returned again to the King. After whose return, the King taking leave of the Earl of champagne and other/ took his shipping at acres or Acon, which is named Tholomayda also/ and so returned to the isle of Cypre or Cyprys.  
thence the King sent the Queen his wife and her sister with the more part of his people unto Scycyll/ and he with a small company for he might not endure the softness of the see, took his shiping in the month of September, and sailed with a strong wind toward a country called Histria. But he was driven by force of weathering between Uenyse and Aquinilia or Aquilegia, and hoved there a season, and costed hither and thither/ so that lastly he was espied and taken of the duke of Ostrychys men.   

Anno domini. M.c.xcu  Anno domini. M.C.xcvi.  wyllyam fitz Isabell.  Ballivi  Anno sexto.  wyllyam fitz arnold.   
ABout the month of October & vi year of his reign/ this good King richard was taken in form following. As he lay thus as before is said, between Uenyce and Aquilegia a province of the duke of Ostrych/ one Meynart of Gorezeyn ruler of that country under the foresaid duke, made out certain soldiers for to have taken him. But he by his providence and manhood escaped the said Maynarde or Maynart/ how be it that some of his knights were there take. Then King richard passed the country secretly, till he came to a town named Frysake. In this town was then provost or ruler a knight called frederik de saint Soom/ the which also did his devour to take the King, and took vi of his knights prisoners/ but himself with the remnant of his company escaped. Then the King saying that he was in danger of his enymyes/ drew more into the way toward almain. But this was soon known of his enymyes/ so that by the means of one called Duke of Lymple and cousin to the Emperor/ all the ways were closed in such wise, that in the end King richard was taken by the servants of the said duke, near unto a city or town called men or Meune, within the land or territory of the Emperor/ and after brought unto the said duke Lymple, or after some to the duke of ostrich/ the which spoiled him of all that he had, and after cast him in prison, and there streyghtely kept him by the space of a month/ and at the months end sent him unto Henry the vi of that name, or after some writers the .v. son of the first frederic then Emperor of Almaigne/ the which held him in more vile prison from that time till lent after and covenanted with the duke of ostrich to have the third part of the profit that came of King richard. About the Sunday of Palmys the Emperor brought forth the King before the Lords of Almaigne, there to give answer unto such things as should be laid unto him. where he came forth with so good a countenance, & also answered so discreetly and directly to all matters laid unto his charge/ that the Emperor was not alonely bend to show to him mercy, but also he did to him honour and worship/ and held him at more liberty after that day.  
It is red of this richard, that during the time of his imprisonment he should slay a lion, and tear the heart out of his body, where through he should deserve the name of richard Cure de lion/ and that he should with a stroke of his fist slay the emperors son, and also deflorysh the emperors daughter. But these are fables imagined by English tale tellers, to advance their King richard/ as the Brytons by their feigned tallies advanced their King artery. In this pastime wyllyam Longeshamp Bishop of Ely, continuing his crudelity and tyranny within England/ was lastly by strength of the Lords put out of the land. Then he came to the King being prisoner, & showed for himself the best he could. But when he saw he might not beguile the King with his sugared words, he had small trust of the kings favour/ & returned into France, to tarry there the Kings coming.  
This year Iohn the kings brother by exciting of the French King, when he hard of the taking and imprisoning of his brother/ began to make war within the land/ & took by strength the castles of wyndesour and of Notyngham & other. And the French King upon his party made strong war in Normandy, as it is before showed in the story of the second Phylyppe than King of France.   

Anno domini. M.Cxcvi.  Anno domini. M.C.xcvii.  Robert Besaunt.  Ballivi  Anno vii  jokell Iosne.   
IN the vii year of King richard/ Hubert bishop of Salysbury, the which had accompanied the King in that voyage, and was sent with the Queen into Scycyll, returned or came to the King where he was prisoner. whom the King sent soon after into England, to have the guiding thereof, and also to treat with the Lords and commons of his realm, how he might be set at liberty.  
It was not long after the coming home of this Hubert, but the monks of the house of Cristes' church of canterbury chase him to the archbishops see/ and had the pall, and was stalled soon after. This was easy to the monks/ how well the sharpness of baldwin had somedeal grieved them. And though this baldwin were a good man & holy in his living/ yet one thing he did to the derogation of the monks of Caunterburye/ for he purposed to put the prerogative of the election of the Archbishop from the monks. And because thereof, he began to build great houses near unto the monks church, by favour of the King Henry the second (but not without shedding of blood) and there intended to have set in secular canons with prebendies and suffragans of bishops for to treat with the said canons of the foresaid election, & to put by the monks clearly. But the monks when they saw they might no longer resist Baldwyn, they then appealed to the pope Innocent the third/ by whose commandment that work ceased, and so stood unfinished till the said baldwin was deed. After whose death the monks made that work plain with the ground. Treuisa translator of Policronycon, saith it was wonder that Baldwyn would in that manner deal with the monks/ considering he was first archdeacon, & then white monk, and then abbot, & after Bishop of worceter, and last archbishop/ & to bring men of more imperfect life, into the place of men more perfit, & to change religious men for secular men. But yet the said Treuisa allowyth Baldwynes deed or intent for good. For he saith that Criste was the head of holy church, and called and made his apostles bishops/ but none of them was monk or yet frere. Wherefore baldwin did better to prefer the religion which christ made, than the religion which was instituted and ordained by man.   

Anno domini. M.C.xcvii.  Anno domini. M.C.xcviii.  Gerarde de Antiloche.  Ballivi  Anno viii  Robert Duraunt.   
IN in the month of January, and viii year of the reign of King richard, when the said richard had suffered hard prisonment upon the term of a year and three months/ he was delivered out of prison for the sum of an hundred thousand pound of sterling money.  
For pledge whereof he left in the keeping of the Emperor the bishops of Rouen and of Bathe. But not for all/ for a great part was paid or the King were delivered. 
Ornaments of the church fold.  For payment of which ransom all the wool of white monks & canons was taken and sold, & rings and crosses of prelate's, with vessels and chalices of all churches through the land/ & over that xxvii shrines were scraped or spoiled of the gold & silver that upon them before time was laid/ for no privilege of holy church nor other person at that season was spared. Then King richard came unto swine in Flaundres, and tarried there two months/ other to abide the wind, or else to make provision for things which he needed. There the emperors men had almost taken him again. So the Emperor forthought the delivery of king Richard, as Pharaoh forthought the delivery of the children of Israel.  
Then the King took shipping, and landed in the end of March at sandwich/ & from thence came straight unto London, where he was received with all joy and honour. And when he had a season rested him there/ he with a certain number of knights road to Nothyngam, & won the castle and after the castle of Tykhyll by force of arms, and set the wardens of them in ward. And that done he called a counsel of his Lords at winchester/ where by authority of the said counsel, he deprived Iohn his brother then being in France of all honour/ and took from him all such lands as he before had given to him/ & crowned him soon after again King of England in the said city of wynchester. After the which coronation he called a parliament/ by virtue whereof he resumed all parents and annuytees, fees and other grants before his voyage by him sold and granted/ and caused the parties to be contented with such revenous and profits as they had received of the said offices or lands in time of his absence/ and spared not any person for any sufficience of writing that to him before was made.  
when King richard had by these foresaid means gathered some money/ he then in the month of July sailed into France, and besieged a castle called Arques, and sped there as witnesseth Polycronyca diversly. Which word diversly may well here be spoken. For who so redyth the French chronicle/ he shall find that the French King was victor. But and he read the english book/ than shall he find King richard victor. Wherefore me thinketh ranulph said well/ when he said they sped diversely. For it is so diverse by the report of writers, that the certainty to whom the honour should be given is hard to be known. All be it that in the country of Bloys, as witnesseth the said French chronicle/ King richard scared the French host, and took the kings summer horse, with part of his treasure. But in short while after/ a truce was concluded between these two Kings for a year.  
Then Iohn which had turned to the French King again his own brother, saying that the fame and honour of his brother, & feebleness of his own power, made means to Elyanoure his mother/ by whose mediation he was reconciled to his brother the King, & after became his true knight.  
when the King and his brother Iohn were thus agreed/ they road over the land to visit the countries and see how they were guided by the officers of the King. Among other two there were, which showed that they would do many things to the kings profit, the one was abbot of Cadonence within Normandye/ and that other was named wyllyam with the long beard. The abbot warned the King of the fraud of his officers/ whereby he thought by the punishment of his officers, he should win great favour of the people. Then this abbot gate a warrant of the King/ and at London called diverse officers before him, for to yield to him their account. But he died shortly/ so that his purpose came to small effect. And wyllyam with the long beard showed to the King the outrage of the rich men/ which as he said spared their own and pilled the poor people.  
It is said that this willyam was borne in London/ & purchased that name by use of his beard. He was sharp of wit and somedeal lettered, a bold man of speech and sad of countenance, and took upon him greater deeds than he could weld/ and some he used cruelly, as appeareth in appeching of his own brother of treason the which was a Burges of London, and to him had showed great kindness in his youth.  
This willyam stirred and excited the common people to desire & love freedom and liberty/ and blamed the excess and outrage of rich men. By such means he drew to him many great companies/ and with all his power defended the poor men's cause again the rich/ and accused divers to the King, showing that by their means the King lost many forfeits & escheaties. For this, gentlemen and men of honour maligned again him. But he had such comfort of the King, that he kept on his purpose. Then the King being warned of the congregations that this wyllyam made/ commanded him to cease of such doings, that the people might exercise their arts & occupations/ by reason whereof it was left for a while. But it was not long or the people followed him as they before that time had done. Then he made unto them collations or exhortations/ and took for his anteteme, Haurietis aquas in gaudio de fontibus salvatoris. That is to mean, ye shall draw in joy waters of the wells of our saviour. And to this he added, I am said he the saviour of poor men: ye be poor, and have assayed the hard hands of rich men. Now draw ye therefore holefull water of lore of my wells, & that with joy/ for the time of your visitation is comen. I shall (said he) depart waters from waters/ by waters I understand the people. Then shall I depart the people Whychiss good and meek, from the people that is wicked and proud/ and I shall dyssevyr the good and the ill, as the light is departed from the darkness. when this came to the knowledge of the archbishop of Caunterbury/ he by counsel of the Lords of the spiritualty sent unto this wyllyam/ commanding him to appear before the Lords of the kings counsel, to answer unto such matters as there should be laid unto him. At which day this wyllyam appeared, having with him a multitude of people, in so much that the Lords were of him adread. For the which cause they remitted him with pleasant words for the time/ & commanded certain persons in secret manner to espy when he were void of his company, and then to take him, and to put him in sure keeping. The which according to the commandment at time convenient as they thought set upon him and to have taken him. But he with an axe resisted them and slew one of them/ and after fled to saint Mary Bow church of cheap, and took that for his safeguard/ defending him by strength and not by the suffrages of the church, for to him drew shortley great multitude of people. But in short process by mean of the heads and rulers of the city the people mynyshed/ so that in short time he was left with few persons, & after by fire compelled to forsake the church and so was taken, but not without shedding of blood. After which taking he was areygned before the judges/ & there with ix of his adherents caste and judged to die, & was hanged & they with him the day following. But yet the rumour seized not/ for the common people raised a great crime upon the Archbishop of Caunterbury & other/ and said that by their means willyam, which was an innocent of such crimes as were object & put again him, & was a defender of the poor people again extortioners & wrong doers, was by them put wrongfully to death/ approving him an holy man & martyr by this tale following/ saying that a man being sick of the fevers, was cured by virtue of a cheyn which this wyllyam was bound within time of his dures of imprisonment/ which by a pressed of the ally of the said wyllyam was openly declared & preached. Whereby he brought the people in such an error, that they gave credence to his words/ & secretly in the night conveyed away the iebet that he was hanged upon, & scraped away the blood that was shed of him when he was taken or else when he was headed & quartered, so that they made there an hollow place by fetching away of that earth/ and said that sick men & women were cured of diverse sickness by virtue of that blood & earth. By these means and blowing of fame/ the place was the more visited by women & undiscrete persones, of the which some watched there the hole night in prayer/ so that the longer this continued, the more disclander was anotyd to the iustyces, and to such as put him to death. Not withstanding in process of time, when his acts were published, as the slaying of a man with his own hand, and using of his concubine within saint Mary church in time of his there being, as he openly confessed in the hour of his death, with other detestable crimes: somewhat keled the great flame of the hasty pilgrimage. But not clearly/ till the archbishop of Caunterbury accursed the pressed that brought up the first fable/ and also caused that place to be watched, that such idolatry should there no more be used   

Anno domini. M.C.xcviii.  Anno domini. M.C.xcix.  Roger Blount.  Ballivi  Anno ix  Nycholas Duke.   
IN the month of Apryll and ix. Year of King richard, when he had provided to send forth xx. thousand pound to the Emperor, for full payment of his ransom/ the pledges which had lain for the same, came suddenly into England/ and showed unto the King that after his departing, the Emperor sent them unto the duke of Ostrych, to remain with him till the money were paid. And further there they showed that the said duke was accursed of the pope that then was Innocent the third, by reason of his wrong done to the King/ & that his province was grieved with many mischiefs. And as the duke road forth on a day in his disport being saint stephan's day, he hurt his foot in such wise with a thorn or other venom/ which rancled & grew so sore, the lastly he should die or cut it of. But in hope of recovery he continued till in the end he was warned that he should die. Then he sent for his bishops, and axed to be assoiled of the sentence of the church which he stood in. The which was denied him/ except he would swear to stand and abide the ordinance and doom of holy church, touching the wrong that he had done to King richard. The duke swore, and was assoiled/ and shortly after the two bishops pledges for the money were delivered at their liberty. Then King richard calling to mind that the uttermost day of the truce taken between him and the French King approached/ made him ready and sailed into Normandye, where before his coming the French King by occasion of the Normannis as saith the French book, was entered the country of Burgys/ toward whom King richard sped him with all possible speed/ so that both hosts lay parted with a river called Osson or Ossyne.  
Then to follow the saying of the French book, for so much as the english chronicle speaketh little or nothing of this act/ let wise men that here this chronicle, constrew it after their discretions. For all be it the Frencheman wrote it to the honour of Frenchmen/ yet to other that shall read or here it, because it soundyth so near untruth, it shall rather redound unto their dishonour. For the French chronicle saith, that these two hosts thus as above is said dying together without skyrmshe or assault/ King richard contrary the opinion and mind of his Lords, with a few accompanied and unharnaysed, should come to the French Kings tent/ and there in presence of his Lords should do homage to the French King for the duchy of Normandye and counteys of Angeou and of Poytyers, and there swore to the King to keep peace during his life/ and after viii days met again and finished the said peace, with assured oath upon either party/ and after departed as friends either resorting into their own country. But it seemed a faint peace. For within four months or less following/ King richard with his host entered the province of Berry/ and laid siege to the castle of wyersoune, and gate it by strength/ and after yode to the castle of Noryncourte/ the which was delivered to him by appointment.  
when King Phylyppe hard of the winning and overthrow of the castle of wyersoun/ he in damaging of King Richard laid siege to the castle of Aubevyle, and it assailed eagerly. Buy it was so strong and so well defended by the normannies, that the French King was holden of. when King richard had garnished and fortified the castle of Noryncourte with all thing necessary to the war/ he drew him toward Aubevyle to remove King Phylyppe from that siege, and fell upon the French men unwarely. But the frenchmen quit them so knightly, that they chased King richard and his people/ and took a Norman knight named Guy de Thonars a man of great hardiness. And then King Phylyppe returned to the castle and town of Aubevyle/ and assaulted it more sharply, so that in the end the soldiers of the town yielded it with the castle for a certain sum of money. And when he had possession of the town/ he threw down the castle plain with the ground, and after strengthened the town with French men/ and then yode to the castle of Gysours/ and from thence resorted to the forenamed castle of Noryncourte, and assailed it in so cruel manner, that shortly he wan it/ and took therein xu knights and xxiiii yeomen, with plenty of victual and armour. In this time and season King Richard gathered new strength, and allied him with Baldwyn Earl of Flaundres and with Renolde Earl of Dampmartyn and of Boleyne. By whose means as witnesseth the French book, King Richard wasted sore the country of France/ and brent therein some towns and villages, and took therein many rich prays.   

Anno domini. M.C.xcix.  Anno domini. M.cc  Constantyne fitz arnold.  Ballivi  Anno ten  Robert le Beawe.   
ABout the beginning of the month of October, and ten year of richard/ the said richard entered the country of Unequecyne with a strong host/ and made therein cruel war, in destroying of the country/ and assaulted the castle of Gysours/ and threw to ground a strong hold called courcellies, and brent there about many villages. wherewith King Phylyppe was so grievously amoved/ that with a small number of knights he pierced the host of englishmen, and entered the castle or town of Gysours. But of his men were taken a certain number/ as Alayne de Russy, Mathewe de Melly, Guyllyam de melo, and many other. With the which prisoners and many rich prays, King Richard then departed, leaving the French King within Gysours.  
It was not long after that King richard was thus departed/ but that King Phylyp calling to mind the great loss and dishonour that he had received by that war of King richard, assembled a great army, and entered the duchy of Normandy/ and wasted the country from Nuesbourth to Beawmont le Rogyer. And that done he returned into France/ and licensed his knights to go each man into his own country.  
when King Phylyppe had thus finished his war in Normandye/ King richard then with his army entered the forenamed country of Unequecyn, and also Beawuoysyn/ and took within them as he before had done rich & many prays/ and with them departed. whom the Bishop of Beawuays being a good knight and hardy of his hands, with a company of knights, and other/ followed to have rescued the prisoners that King richard had taken. But they were taken/ and a certain of his company slain.  
Then the Earl of Flaundres by the aid of the english men, took the town of saint Omer from the French men.  
In this season Innocent the Pope before named, sent a legate into France named Peter de Capys, to reform the war between the two Princes. The which at that time was in such dysjointe that he could not bring it to any frame/ and specially as saith the French book, because King Richard would not deliver hostages & gagys' as the French King would.  
Then King richard after Cristmas besieged a castle near unto Lymogys. This castle in the French chronicle is called Chalons/ & in the english book it is named Gayllarde. The cause of this siege as saith most writers, was for certain rich treasure founden within the lordship or sygnyory of King richard/ the which one wydomer viscount of Lemonke had founden and with held from King richard/ and for his safeguard fled unto the forenamed castle/ and defended it manfully from the first week of lent, till the vi day of Apryll. Upon the which day King richard walking unwisely about the castle to espy the feebleness thereof/ one named betrande Guedon marked the King and wounded him in the head, or after some writers, in the arm with a venomous quarrel. After which wound received by the King, he commanded sharp assault to be made/ in the which assault the castle was won. Then he made inquiry who it was that so had wounded him/ the which was brought unto the kings presence, and named himself as above is said, or after some writers Peter basil. Then the King demanded of him why he should so lie in a wait to hurt him, rather than any of his fellows. For thou slew my father & my brethren said he/ wherefore I intended to avenge their death, what somever became of me. Then the King forgave him his offence and suffered him to go at liberty. And the other of the soldiers taken in that castle, the King commanded to be hanged. But Polycronycon saith, that after King richard was deed/ the duke of Braban which then was present, caused the said Bartrande to be taken and slain quick and after hanged. Then King richard died the iii day after, that is to say, the ix. Day of Apryll/ and was buried at Fount Eborard at the feet of his father. How be it some writers say that his heart was buried at Rouen, his body as before is said, and his bowels at Carleyll in England/ when he had reigned ix years ix months and odd days, leaving after him none issue. Of this richard a metrycyan made these verses following. 
Christ, tui calicis praedo fit praeda caducis  
& re brevi reiecis, qui tollit aera crucis.  
Viscera Carleolum, corpus fons servat Ebardi.  
Et cor Rothamagū magne Richarde tuum  
In terra dividitur, unus quia plus fuit uno.  
Non superest uno gratia tanta viro.   
The which verses may be englished as followeth. 

christ, of the these which on the right hand was,  
And asked mercy, to us thou made a pray/  
That we like wise should for our trespass,  
Axe of the mercy and show no delay,  
Nor for earthly things cast ourself away.  
For who of thy cross accounteth little store/  
The merit of thy passion he loseth evermore.   

This manful knight this Prince victorious,  
which took thy cross on him with great pain/  
He followed the thief and asked mercy thus.  
For his offence he warred thy foes again/  
And shed their blood on hill and eke on plain.  
And all for love good Lord he had to the.  
wherefore swyte Jesu on him thou have pity.   

Of whom the bowels at Carleyll/ and the trunk  
At fount Ebrarde full richly is dight.  
The heart at Rouen into the earth is sunk  
Of the worthy richard. And so in three is twyght,  
That more than one whilom was in might.  
In earth is separate that living more than one  
was, and of grace found like to him none.    
IOhn brother of the above named richard, & youngest son of Henry the second/ was ordained or proclaimed King of England, the tenth day of Apryll in the beginning of the year of our Lord xi hundred lxxx & xix/ and the twenty year of the second Phylyppe than King of France. This Iohn at the day of his brother's death was in Normandy/ where at Chynon as soon as his brother richard was diseased, he possessed him of his brother's treasure/ and sent Hubert archbishop of Caunterbury into England, to make provision for his coronation. And upon Ester day following he was gird with the sword of the duchy of britain/ & sailed soon after into England. where he was crowned King at westminster upon holy thursday next following of the forenamed Hubert. After which solemnity done/ he ordained the same Hubert chancellor of England.  
In this while the French King held a counsel at Cenomannia in Turon/ where to the derogation of King Iohn, artery the son of Geffrey Plantagenet and nephew to the said Iohn, was made duke of britain. Which incontinently after with a great army entered the country of Angeou, and took possession thereof. And King Phylyppe with his people entered the duchy of Normandy, and laid siege to the city of Euroux/ and wan it, with all the strong holds there about/ and stuffed them with victual, & strengthened them with his own knights/ and that done wasted & spoiled the the country till he came to the city of Meaus. where met with him the forenamed artery/ & did to him homage for the country of Angiers.  
In the month of May, Elyanour sometime wife of Henry the second, and mother to King richard, came into France/ and so to the King to Meaus foresaid, and made to him homage for the country of Poitiers, as her inheritance. And soon after the King returned into France/ and the duke of Britain with him which as yet was within age.  
King Iohn hearing of this war in Normandy, and loss of the countries above named/ assembled a counsel and axid aid of his Lords and commons, to win again the foresaid lands/ & had it granted after some writers iii s. of every plough land through England, beside the subsydy of the spiritual lands. And when he had made ready for that belonged to his voyage/ he about harvest sailed into Normandy/ where he tarried till Octobre following, spending the time to his loss and dishonour.   

Anno domini. M.cc  Anno domini. M.cci  arnold fitz arnold.  Ballivi  Anno primo  richard fitz Darty.   
AFter michaelmas in the month of October, and first year of the reign of King Iohn/ a truce or peace was concluded between the two Kings of England and of France, from that day till midsummer next following/ and in like wise between the French King, and baldwin Earl of Flaundres. And this year was made a divorce between King. Iohn and his wife the Earl of glocetyrs' daughter, because of nearness of blood. And after was he married unto Isabella the daughter of the Earl of Engolesym in France, and had by her two sons Henry and Richard, and iii daughters Isabella, Elyanoure, and Jane.  
This year died at London blessed Hugh Bishop of Lyncoln/ and was conveyed to his own church & there deferred. For whom god hath showed many miracles, so that at this day he is authorized by the church for a saint. At midlent after, King Iohn sailed again into Normandy. And after Ester he met with King Phylyppe between Uernon and the isle Audeley/ where the peace between both realms was stablished and confirmed for term of their two lives/ and the lands divided between the two Kings, as either of them should hold them contented for their lives after. And in short time after, Lewis the eldest son of King Phylyppe, married dame Blanch daughter to Alphons King of Castylle, and nephew to King Iohn. To the which Lewis/ King Iohn for love of that woman showed to him great bounty/ and gave unto her many rich gifts.  
In the month of July following King Iohn road into France, where he was received of the French King with much honour/ and so conveyed into saint Denys, where he was received with procession. And upon the morrow the French King accompanied him unto Paris/ where he was received of the citizens with great reverence/ and presented by the provost of the town in name of the hole city with rich presentis. And there King Phylyppe feasted him in his own palace/ & gave unto him and his Lords and servants many rich gifts/ and after conveyed him forth of that city, and took leave of him in most loving wise. And when King Iohn had sped his matters in Normandy/ he then returned into England.   

Anno domini. M.cci  Anno domini. M.CCii.  Roger Desert.  Ballivi  Anno secun.  jamys fitz Barth.   
IN the month of december and second year of King Iohn/ ranulph Earl of Chestre by the example afore showed by King Iohn, left his own wife named constance and Countess of britain, which before he had married by counsel of King Henry the second/ & wedded one Clemens. One chronicle saith he did so, because he would have issue. But the said author saith that after his opinion, he disposed god so greatly that god would suffer him to have none issue/ but the rather for that deed died without.  
About this time after opinion of most writers/ the people or nation called Tartars began their dominion. These men dwelled under the hills of Ind, that belonged to prester Iohn/ & chase of themself a capitain of low birth called David/ & so with wives and children passed the next countries with robbing and spoiling, and grew shortly in great strength/ and after subdued the parts & many other vycyne countries/ and grew lastly unto great dominion and lordship in the east parts of the world/ so that lately their Prince or sovereign is called the great Cahan.  
In this year as witnesseth Polycronycon, the King of socts did homage to King Iohn at Lyncoln, and swore upon the cross of Hubert Archbishop of Caunterbury, in the presence of a legate of Rome, & xiii bishops, to be true lyege man to him and to his heirs Kings.  
And in this year one Estate called abbot of Flay, came into England/ and among other miracles by him showed, he blessed a well beside the town of weigh in kent/ so the men and women drinking of that water were cured of diverse maladies. But lastly he displeased so the bishops of England, that he was glade to leave the land, & after sailed into Normandy   

Anno domini. M.CC.ii.  Anno domini. M.CC.iii.  arnold.  Ballivi  Anno iii  richard   
About the month of December, in the third year of Johnns' reign in the province of york, were seen .v. moonies. One in the east, the second in the West, the third in the North, the fourth in the South, and the fift as it were set in the mids of the other/ and yode vi times in compassing the other, as it were by the space of an hour/ and vanyshed away soon after. This year in the month of February/ King Phylyp called a parliament at Uerdon/ where it was among other matters concluded, that King Iohn as his lyege man should appear at his parliament held at Paris within xu days of Easter next following. But for so much as King Iohn nor none for him appeared to show some lawful impediment/ the French King therefore entered the duchy of Normandy, and took the castles of bounty, of Gentelyne, and Gurnay/ and seized into his hands all such lands as Hugh de Gurnay held, & gave them unto artery foresaid duke of britain. And more over he gave to the said artery the county of Angeou, with two hundred prisoners, and a certain of money to defend the said country again King Iohn.  
when King Iohn had understanding of all the cruel dealing of King Phylyppe/ he called a counsel and there asked aid, and was granted a new aid to withstand the French kings malice. And about Lammasse after, the King with a fair company sailed into normandy/ and so sped him into the country of Angeou, for so much as he was informed that artery his nephew and duke of britain warred within the same/ and took him prisoner with certain other knights, as Sir Hugh le Bruns, Sir Godfrey de Losyngham, with diverse other. At which time King Phylyppe lay at the siege of the castle of Arques/ and hearing of this discomfiture, broke up his siege to the intent to have rescued the said duke. But when he was warned that he should come to short/ he then changed his purpose and went unto the city of towries, and wan it by strength. And after for that winter drew near, he returned into France. In which season also King Iohn returned with his prisoners into England.  
In this year by counsel of the burgeysies of the city of London/ were chosen xxxv of the most substantial and wisest mine/ which after some were called the counsel of the city. Of the which yearly the bailyvys were chosen/ and after the mayre and shrives were taken of the same number.   

Anno domini. M.CC.iii.  Anno domini. M.CC.iiii. Ballivi Normand blondel Anno four  Iohn of Ely.   
IN this fourth year of King Iohn, were seen many wonderful tokens. For over the winter, the which passed in length and hardness many years before gone/ wonderful weathering, as of exceeding lightenings, thunders, and other storms of wind and rain appeared/ and therewith hail of the bigness of hens eggs, the which perished fruit and corn/ besides other hurts and harms done upon houses and young cattles going a broad. Also spirits were seen in the air in likeness of fowls, bearing fire in their bills/ the which set on fire diverse houses. And soon there after died Hubert Archbishop of Caunterbury. In whose place was chosen contrary to the mind of the King, by the more party of the covent of canterbury, Master Stephan Langton. All be it some there were that according to the kings pleasure, named the bishop of Norwyche, and some other. For this election the King was grievously amoved again the monks/ and would in no wise allow or admit their election. Wherefore they sent their election unto pope Innocynt the third/ the which admitted the said Master Stephan and refused the other, and sacred him at Uyterb a city of Italy/ and sent him after with letters of commendation unto King Iohn to take the possession and fruits of his benefice. King Iohn with this was sore amoved/ in so much that he warned him his land and divers of the monks of Caunterbury that favoured his cause.  
About Ester King Iohn sailed into normandy/ for the French King had recommenced his war in the county of Guyan, and wan therein daily diverse strong holds and castles/ and alleyd with him the Earl of Alenson/ and had great aid of the Portuyns and Brytons. And when he had brought that country under his subjection/ he then returned by Normandye and wan Conket, the vale of rule, and the isle of Audeley. In this season the forenamed pope sent the abbot of Casmer into France, to reform these two Princes. with whom was also accompanied the abbot of Cressons/ the which endeavoured them so, that they were near agreed of a peace. But for they would that the French King should repair and amend such houses of religion, as he had hurt & overthrown in Guyan and other places belonging to the crown of England/ therefore he forsook the peace/ not withstanding that King Iohn in like wise should have repaired all like houses appertaining unto the crown of France.  
Then the French King in the end of August laid siege to the castle of Raydepount/ & assaulted it by the term of xu days continually. But the soundyours within defended it so manfully, that they slew many of their enemy's/ so the King Phylyppe was fain to give back, till he had devised new engines after the war fashion. By reason whereof he lastly wan the said castle/ and took there twenty knights, and an hundred and vii yeomen and other, and xxi arblasters. And when he had fortified that castle with French men/ he then yode to the castle of Gaylarde, and laid his ordinance to that, as he had done to that other. But he lay there a month or he might do to it any hurt or harm. In all which season King Iohn warred upon the Borderers of France/ but of his victories I find little written.   

Anno domini. M.CC.iiii.  Anno domini. M.cc.u  water Browne.  Ballivi.  Anno .v.  wyllyam Chaumberleyn.   
IN this year, that is to say the .v. year of King Iohn/ by reason of the unreasonable weathering, that in the last year fell/ wheat was sold for xu s. a quarter.  
King Iohn in the summer following married his bastard daughter unto Lewelin prince of wales/ & gave with her the castle and lorshippe of Elyngesmere, being in the marches of South wales.  
In Morgan's land in wales soon after a knight appeared after his death to one called master Moris/ to whom by his lives time he had been special lover and friend. The which knight by his days was well lettered/ and used for his recreation to make verses with this Master Morys, so that the one should begin the metyr and the other should end it. At which time of his appearance the knight said to Master Moris, Master Morys I will that thou end this verse, Destruet he regnum rex regum. Nay said Master Moris, end thou it/ for thou haste all most made the hole thyself. Then said the knight for that I see now thou art old and slow, I will end it my sefe. 
Destruct hoc regnum, rex regum dupliciplage.   
The which verse may be englished as followeth. 
The King of Kings that Lord that ruleth all,  
And in whose power all things is contained/  
This realm for sin he destroy shall  
with double plague, be thereof ascertained/  
Except the people here after be refrained  
From sin, and them to virtuous life ally,  
And vice before used utterly renye.   
This year the pope sent letters of recommendation unto King Johan/ showing that he had favourably hard his proctors for all such matters as they had laid again the archbishop of Caunterburye and some of his monks, that he should not of right be admitted to that see.  
But for the said matters of objection were by him and his court thought insufficient/ he therefore exhorted and willed him to accept the said archebyshopppe to his grace, and suffer him to enjoy the fruits of his benefice/ and the monks by him exiled, to return unto their proper abbey.  
But the more his Lords and friends advised him to follow the Pope's mind, the more was he moved to the contrary/ in such manner that the Pope's messengers returned without speed of their message.  
yet have ye hard before, how the French King lay about the castle of Gayllarde/ and might not win it by the space of a month. Wherefore he after sent for new ordinance, and assailed it so fiercely, that within twenty days after he wan the said castle, to the great loss of men on parties/ and took prisoners there within xxxvi knights, beside the other number of yeomen and arblasters/ and that done seized the country there about, and strengthened the said castle with his own men/ and then with great pride returned into France.   

Anno domini. M.cc.u  Anno domini. M.cc.vi  Thomas haveryll.  Ballivi.  Anno vi  Hamonde Bronde.   
ABout that season after michaelmas, in the vi. Year of the reign of King Iohn/ came down a straight commandment from the pope, that except the King would peaceably suffer the archbishop of Caunterbury to occupy his see, and the monks their abbey, they the land should be interdicted/ charging these four Bishops following, that is to say wyllyam then bishop of London, Eustace bishop of Ely, walter bishop of wynchester, and Gylys' bishop of Herforde, to denounce the King and his land accursed, if he the cumaundement disobeyed. Then these four Bishops with other to them associate/ made instant labour to the King, for the observing of the Pope's commandment, and to eschew the sensors of the church. But all was in vain. wherefore the four said bishops according to the Pope's writing to them sent/ the morrow following our Lady day annunciation, or the xxvi day of March, denounced King Iohn with his realm of England accursed/ and shut fast the doors of the churches and other places where divine service before was used, first in London, and after in all Placies as they went through the land. The King for this deed was so amoved with the said four bishops, that he seized all the temporalties to them belonging into his hands/ and put them in such fere, that they forsook this land, and sailed to the Archbishop of canterbury.  
In this year at Oxenford in Suff. was taken a fish in the see of form like to a man/ and was kept vi months after upon land with raw flesh and fish/ and after for they could have no speech of it, they cast it into the see again.   

Anno domini. M.cc.vi  Anno domini. M.CC.vii.  Iohn walgrave.  Ballivi.  Anno vii  richard of wynchester.   
IN the month of November and seven. Year of the King/ one named Hugh Oysell for treason at Lon was drawn and hanged. And this year in the month of May, the French King entered into Normandy with a strong power/ and wan there the castles of Faloys, and Dafyount or Danffrount and after seized all the lands to the said castle belonging, and so till he came to a place called saint Mychaell in the apparel of the see.  
when the normans saw that King Phylyppe thus subdued the strong holds of Normandye, and that King Iohn to the countrarye made no defence/ the captains of constance, of Bayoux or Bayon, of Lyseux, of Anreuches, and Enroux yielded them all to the French King, and became his lyege men/ so that he was in possession of the substance of the duchy of Normandye, except Rouen and other few castles.  
Then King Phylyppe saying these strong holds thus yielded unto him/ laid his siege to the city of Rouen. where after he had lain a season/ the capitain of the town desired a respite of xxx days, giving pledges and hostages, that if the city were not by King Iohn or his assigns rescued with in the foresaid term, they would yield the city unto the French King. And in like wise was appointment taken for the castles named Arquys and Uermeyll. In which time for that no succour came/ both city and castles were delivered into the French Kings hands. And thus had this second Phylyppe the possession of Normandye/ which no French King had seen the time of charles the simple, which gave the same duchy to Rollo leader of the normannies, with Gylla his daughter in maryge/ sin the which time had passed over three hundred years.  
when the French King had thus brought into his subjection the duchy of Normandye/ he then about saint Laurence tide yode into the county of Guyan, and wan there the city of Poytyers, with all the castles and towns to the said city belonging. and when he had set that country in an order and rule/ he sped him into France with great pomp and glory.  
It is affirmed of some authors, that the French King made this war upon King Iohn by exciting of the pope, for his contumacy again the church.  
In this year also was a communication of a peace to be had between King Iohn and the archebyshope of Caunterbury/ and was driven to a near point of accord, except restitution that King Iohn should have made to the archbishop and other Bishops, the which his officers had taken in the time of their absence. To the which restitution King Iohn in no wise would be agreeable/ wherefore the said communication took none affect. After this communication/ King Iohn was so fret with malice, that in a fury he let proclaim in sundry Placies of his realm, that all such persons as had lands and possessions within England spiritual or temporal, that they should return into England by michaelmas next following/ or else to be clearly excluded from all such lands. And over that straight commandment was given to everich officer in his country, to make busy search, if any writings were brought from the court of Rome, to any prelate of this realm/ and if any such were founden, to bring him and his writings to the kings presence. And more over that they should seize to the kings use, all such lands as to any person were given by the said archbishop or by the prior of Caunterbury, sin the time of election of the said archbishop/ and the woods of the same to be felled and sold in all haste.   

Anno domini. M.CC.vii.  Anno domini. M.CC.viii  Roger thūnir.  Ballivi.  Anno viii  Edmund hardell.   
Upon the first day of the month of October, and viii year of the reign of the King/ his first son Henry by name was borne of dame Isabella his second wife in the city of wynchester. And this year rebelled the Iryshemen, and did much harm in that country. Which rebellion after some writers was, for so much as the King would have levied of them grievous tasks to have made war with upon the French King. But at length they grieved or displeased the King in such wise, that he was fain to set a task through his land to oppress their malice. And over that he asked of the white monks of England vi thousand mark. But they excused them by their general head/ so that the King took with them great displeasure. By reason whereof after his return out of Irlande, he vexed them sore/ and gathered of them more than before he had desired/ and caused some abbotties to forsake their houses.  
Then he with a puissant army went into Ireland, and shortly subdued them/ and after he had set the country in a rule, he returned into England.   

Anno domini. M.CC.viii.  Anno domini. M.cc.ix  Serle the mercer.  Ballivi.  Anno ix  Hugh of saint Albon.   
IN this ix year the King considering the great loss which he had sustained by the French King in Normandy, & also in Angeou and Poyteau/ made ꝓuysyon of all things belonging to the war/ and after about midsummer sailed over the see, and landed at Rochel in Poyteau with a mighty host. At which season the French King was at Thymon and fortified it/ with also the castles of London and Mirable, and the town of Poytyers which little before he had won/ and after without tarrying returned into France. Then King Iohn hearing of the French Kings departing/ sped him to Angiers & wan that town with little pain, and destroyed the said town. Thither came to him the viscount of Thonars, which before was for dread become the French kings man/ & by his aid King Iohn then recovered some part of that country.  
In this mean while King Phylyppe gathered a new host/ and hearing of the unsteadfastness of the viscount of Thonars, entered the lands of the said vycounte, and wasted and spoiled the country without pity. Then King Iohn sped him toward the French King/ so that in short process of time the two hosts were within little distance. But by what mean of fortune I can not say (for the mean thereof is not expressed) the two Kings there took peace for two years following/ and after either of them returned into his own country.  
In this year the pope being ascerteyned of the cruelness of King Iohn executed again the white monks of his land/ and also of his obstinacy that he persevered in again holy church: sent done a new commission/ by virtue whereof the curse of enterdyting was newly denounced and manifested in sundry places of England. And over that the pope by authority of the said bull, assoiled or acquitted all the Lords of England as well spiritual as temporal, of all homage and fealty that they of right owed to the King/ to the intent that they should arise again him, and deprive him of all kingly honour. But all this might not move the King from his error.  
ABout the feast of saint Medard, in the month of Juny and later end of this foresaid ix year/ the forenamed bailiffs were admitted to the office/ and the old, that is to mean Roger wynchester and Edmund Hardell were discharged, for so much as they withstood the Kings purveyor of wheat, & would not suffer him to convey certain mesures of wheat out of the city till the city were stored. For this the King took such displeasure, that he sent down straight commandment unto the xxxv heads or rulers of the city, that they should discharge the said two bayllyvys, and to put them in prison till they knew the kings further pleasure. Wherefore the said xxv persons took advise/ & appointed a certain of themself with other, and road to the King then being at Langley, to empeter grace for the said bailiffs/ showing further that at that season such distress of where was in the city, that the common people were like to have made an insurrection for the same. By which means and friendship which they had in the court, the King was so satisfied that he released them from prison. And in short time after, the citizens of London made such suit to the King, that they had granted to them by the Kings letters patents, 
first mayred sheriffs  that they should yearly choose to themself a mayre and two shrives. After which grant to them confirmed/ they among themself ordained, that the two shrives should be chosen yearly upon saint Mathewes day ix days before michaelmas, and upon Michaelmas day to take their charge/ and the mayre to be chosen upon the same day, and charged with the other upon the said day of michaelmas/ all be it that now it is otherwise ordered.   

Anno domini. M.cc.ix  Anno domini. M.cc.x Primus maior.    Peter Duke.  Henry fitz Alwyn.  Anno ten  Thomas Neel.   
IN the day of saint Mychael the archangel, and ten year of King Iohn/ Henry the son of Alwyne was sworn & charged as first mayre of London/ and Peter duke, with Thomas Neel sworn for shrives/ and the name of bailiffs was after this day clearly avoided with in the said city from that day forward. Also where before this time the bridge over Thamys at London, was made of timber, and was ruled guided, or repaired by a fraternity or college of priests. This year by the great aid of the citizens of London and other passing that way, the said bridge was begun to be edified of stone. And in this year the monastery of saint Mary Ouereys in South work, was begun of to be builded. And in this year the pope sent two legates, or after some writers one legate named Pandulphus/ the which in the pope's name had many sore words of monition of obedience to King Iohn/ and charged him to suffer the archbishop of Caunterburye with the prior and monks of the same, to enjoy their rights and possessions within England/ and tarried here a certain of time to bring his purpose about. But all was in vain/ for he yode again to Rome without releasing of the interditing.  
Of the manner of this interdiction of this land, have I seen diverse opinions. As some there be the say, that the land was interdicted thoroughly/ and the churches, and houses of religion closed, that no where was used mass nor divine service. By which reason none of the vii sacraments in all this term should be ministered or occupied, nor child christened, nor man confessed, nor married. But it was not so straight/ for there were diverse places in England which were occupied with divine service all that season, by licence purchased then or before. Also children were christened through all the land, and men houseled and annealed/ except such persons as were excepted by name in the bull, or known for mayteyners of the Kings ill intent.   

Anno domini. M.cc.x  Anno domini. M.CC.xi  Peter young  Henry fitz Alwyn.  Anno xii  wyllyam Elande.   
IN this year which was the xi year of King Iohn after midsummer, or the term of the truce were fylly run/ King Phylyppe with a strong host entered the county of Guyan, and made new war upon the viscount of Thonars/ and took his castle called Parteny, with diverse other strong holds to the said viscount belonging, and manned them with French men/ and ordained one Guyllyam de Roches marshal of France chief ruler of that country/ and after returned into France. But it was not long after the King was departed/ but that the said viscount of Thonars made sharp war upon the frenchmen, with such power as he might make/ and recovered a part of his land. But one day when he had won a little hold, and taken therein a certain of prisoners/ in his return toward his hold where he lodged, he was surprised with the forenamed Guyllyam de Roches & a great multitude of frenchmen/ of the which after long fight he was finally taken, with Sir Hyugh Thonars his brother, Sir Aymery de Lesyngnam son of the Earl of Poytyers, & to the number of l persons of his company/ the which were all as prisoners, then sent unto the French King.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xi.  Anno domini. M.cc.xii  Adam whetley.  Henry fitz Alwyne.  Anno xii  Stephan le Graas.   
IN this xii year of King Iohn the pope sent again Pandulphe his legate/ and monished the King in sharp manner that he should receive Master Stephan Langton to his benefice of the see of Caunterbury, and the prior with his monks unto their abbey. Then the King calling to mind the dangers which he was wraped in, both within his own realm and also in Normandy, and the hurts which daily grew to him by the same/ made a promise by oath that he would be obedient unto the court of Rome, and stand and obey all thing, that the same court will adjudge him. Upon which promise so made/ the legate sent knowledge unto the pope, & had commandment from him that he should bind the King to these articles following. first that he should peaceably suffer the forenamed Master Stephan Langton to enter his land and to enjoy the archebyshopryche of Caunterburye, with all profits and fruits belonging to the same. Secondaryly, that he should in like manner and form receive the prior of Caunterburye and his monks, with all other before time exiled for the archishops' cause/ and not at any time here after vex or punish any of the said persons spiritual or temporal, for any of those causes. thirdly that he should restore unto the said Archbishop & to all the other, all such goods as were before time taken from any of them by his officers, sin the time of this variance growing. And four that he should yield up into the hands of the pope, all his right and title that he had unto the crown of England, with all reveneus, honours, and profits belonging to the same, as well temporal as spiritual/ and to hold it ever after both he and his heirs of the pope & his successors as feodaryes of the pope. And when these articles were granted, and the Lords of the land sworn to the maintenance of the same/ the King kneeling upon his knees took the crown from his head, and said these words following to the legate delivering him the crown. Here I resign up the crown of the realm of England and Irlande into the Pope's hands Innocent the third/ and put me holy in his mercy and ordinance. After rehearsal of which words, Pamdulphe took the crown of the King, and kept the possession thereof .v. days after, in token of possession of the said realm of England. And when the said .v. days were expired/ the King resumed the crown of Pandulphe, by virtue of a band or instrument made unto the pope, the which at length is set out in the chronicle of England and other places. Whereof the effect is, that the said King Iohn & his heirs, should ever after be feodaryes unto the forenamed pope Innocent and to his lawful successors pope's of Rome/ and to pay yearly to the church of Rome a thousand mark of silver that is to say for England vii hundred mark, and for Irlande iii hundred mark. And if he or his heir failed or broke that payment/ that then they should fail of their right of the crown. But Polycronycon saith seven. hundred mark for England and two hundred mark for Irlande. For the which sums after the affirmance of that author Guydo, the money called 
* Peter pence.  Peter pence are at this day gathered in sundry places of England.   

Anno domini. M.cc.xii  Anno domini. M.CC.xiii.  josne you Pet.  Henry fitz Aleyn.  Anno xiii  Iohn Garlonde.   
IN this xiii year of King john and month of February/ Master Stephan Langton archbishop of Caunterbury, with the other exylys landed in England/ and after in process of time met with the King at wynchester. where the King received him with a joyous countenance, and after there was assoiled of the said archbishop. But yet was not the interdiction of the land released/ for so much as the King at that day had not made restitution unto the archbyshope and other, according to the third article before rehearsed. For the which as testifieth the english book, he paid unto the archbishop three thousand mark/ and to the other by particulars xu thousand mark. After which things performed and done/ the interdiction was annulled and fordone, in the month of July, and year of our lord xii hundred and xii/ when it had standen in force full vi years, & as much as from the xxvi day unto the month of July, which is upon iii months and odd days.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xiiii.  Ralph Eylande  Henry fitz Alwyn.  Anno xiiii  Constantyne le Iosne.   
IN this xiiii year of the King/ for that he would not hold the laws of saint Edward, and also for displeasure that he bore to divers of them, for they would not favour him again the pope/ and for other causes which here be not manifested/ the King fell at dissension with his Lords, in so much that great people were raised on either parties. But for the kings party was the stronger/ the Earl of Chester with the other Lords took the city of London, and held them therein a certain of tyme. The which chronicle of Caxton with other, say that a great part of this variance between King Iohn and his barons was, for because the King would without skilful doom have exiled the said Earl of Chester/ which to him had no cause, but for so much as before seasons he had often times advised the King to leave his cruelness and his accustomed adultery, the which he exercised with his brother's wife and other. But by the means of the archbishop of Caunterbury and other prelates/ a peace was taken for a while.  
In this year upon the day of the translation of saint Benet, or the xi day of July/ a great part of the Borough of Southwark was brent And in the month of August next following, was great and much harm done in London by fire.  
Soon after to stablish the peace between the King and his Lords, an assemble was made on Berham down/ where the King and the Lords met with great strength upon either side. where a charter or writing was devised and made, & there sealed by the King/ so that the barony was with it contented, and departed in peaceable wise everich man into his country.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xiiii.  Anno domini. M.cc.xu  Martyne fitz Alys.  Roger fitz Aleyn.  Anno xu  Peter bat.   
IN this xu year of the King/ the peace which in the last year was between King Iohn and his baronyes agreed, was by the King violate and broken. Wherefore the Lords assembled to them great powers & made sharp & cruel war upon the King/ in so much that he was constrained to send into Normandye for aid and succour, & into other places. Then shortly after came into England a Norman knight, which brought with him a company of normans, flemings, & Pycardes. This knight or capitain was named Foukes de Brent/ the which with his company was so cruel, that he destroyed as well religious houses as other, and wrought much harm to the land, and put the Lords to the worse. Then the King made Foukes and other of his company wardens of castles & strung holds in England. The Lords seeing the King persever in his wrong, and would in no wise be induced to hold his own grants/ but to execute all thing after pleasure, and nothing after law or justice: cast in their minds how they might bring the land in a better rule or state/ and by one advise and consent wrote unto Phylyp King of France, that he would send some noble man into England/ and they would render the land unto him. In this while King Iohn caused to be drawn and hanged at London one Pyers of Pomfrette/ for the said Peter had monished divers miss haps that should come to him for his vicious life/ and also for he had often warned King Iohn that he should reign but xiiii years/ the which he meant without paying of tribute. For after he was become feodary to the pope/ he thought the pope reigned as principal Lord of the land and not he. For the which and for other malice he put that virtuous man to death. Of whom in the xxxiii chapter of the vii book of Policronycon are many virtues showed/ the which I over pass for lengthing of the tyme.   

Anno domini. M.cc.xu  Anno domini. M.cc.xvi  Solomon Basing.  Roger fitz Aleyn.  Anno xvi  Hugh Basing.   
Upon saint Andrew's even or the xxix day of November, in the xvi year of his reign/ King Iohn after he had lain a certain of time with his ordinance about the castle of Rouchester in Kent, he wan the said castle, and took therein certain gentlemen that had conspired again him, the which he sent to divers prisons. And the barons held them together at London, abiding the coming of Lewis son to the French King, the which near about ascension tide landed in England with a strong army/ and so came to Rochester, and laid siege to the castle, and wan it with little pain, for so much as it was greatly feebled with the Assauries lately made by King Iohn, and sin that time not sufficiently repaired. And when he had won the said castle, he caused all the strangers therein taken, to be hanged/ and after came to London, where certain allyaunces and covenants were established between the Lords & him, and received of them homage as affirmeth Policronicon. And after their matters between them there finished/ he with the Lords departed from London, and got the castles of Rygat, of Gylforde, and and of Frenham/ and from thence to wynchester, where the city was yelden unto them, with all the holds and castles there about, as wolnesey, Odyham, and Beawmere. And about saint Margaretes' day, he with the Lords came again to London/ at whose coming the tower of London was given up to them by appointment. And where Roger fitz Aleyn had till that time ruled the city of London as mayre/ he for so much as he was accused to the Lords to be favourable to the kings party, was then dyscarged of that office/ and one called Serle Mercer was chosen in his place, and so continued till michaelmas following.  
In this pass time King Iohn being thus over set with his Lords, sent messengers to the pope/ showing to him the rebellion of his Lords, and how they laboured his destruction. Wherefore the pope in all haste sent a legate into England named Gualo or Swalo/ the which after his coming, commanded Lewis to return into France/ and laboured to the uttermost of his power, to appease the King and his barony. But all his labour was in vain.   

Anno domini. M.cc.xvi  Anno domini. M. Cc.uxii.  Iohn Travers.  wyllyam Hardell.  Anno xvii  Andrew newland.   
IN this xvii year of King Johan/ the war between him and his Lords still continuing, he died of the flix, as testifieth Polylycronycon, at the town of Newerke, upon the day of saint Calyxte the pope, or the xiiii day of October. How be it the english book or chronicle sayeth, that he died at Sebynyshede an abbey about Lyncoln, by the empoisoning of a monk of the same house, the day after saint Luke or the xviii day of October/ and was buried at the city of wynchester. But the author of Policronycon saith he was bowelled at Crongthon abbey/ and buried at worceter in the middle of the choir of monks, when he had reigned xvi. Years vi months & four days/ leaving after him two sons, Henry and richard, with sundry daughters.  
Of this Iohn it is red, that he founded the abbey of Belewe in the new forest/ in recompensation of the parish churches which he there over turned to enlarge that forest/ and an abbey of black monks in the city of wynchester, where after the saying of the english chronicle he should be buried.  
This King Iohn also after some writers, married one of his daughters unto Otto the fourth of the name Emperor of Almaigne and duke of Saxony/ the which held war again King Phylyppe of France, as in the .v. chapter of the story of the said Phylyp before is declared. Which Otto for his rapine and extortion done to the church of Rome, was accursed/ and the said Phylyp and also King Iohn for their disobedience to the church were also accursed/ the which warred either with other/ so that either of them grieved and vexid other, to the great hindrances of them and either of them. For the which consideration a metrycyan made these ballads of them as followeth. 

O quam mirabilia, good Lord thy works been  
In punishment of sinners by thy might wondrously/  
As by old stories it is plainly seen.  
One sinner the other hath correct utterly.  
As Alexander, with Julius, Pompey, and Tholomy,  
And many other which as thy scourgys' were,  
To punish sinners and themself also dear.   

In like wise now reader, if thou list take hide,  
And well revolve in mind this history  
Of these three Princes, and look well on their deed/  
Thou shalt conceive that they did wickedly.  
I mean King Iohn, Phylyppe, and Ottony/  
which unto sin made themself so thrall,  
That of pope Innocent they were accursed all.   

wherefore god suffered that one the other to grieve,  
And war & chase with deadly hate and strife.  
Glad that one the other to mischeve/  
Manassing each other with spear, sword, and knife/  
with cruel battle during their sinful life.  
wherefore I may conclude, in factis horum,  
That multa sunt flagella peccatorum.    
HEnry the third of the name, & eldest son of King Iohn, a child of the age of ix years/ began his reign over the realm of England, the twenty day of the month of October in the year of our Lord. M. two hundred and xvi/ and the xxxvi year of the second Phylyp yet King of France.  
ye have before hard of the cruel war, which Lewis son unto the French King with the aid of the baronies of England, maintained again King Iohn. The which after the death of the said Iohn continued/ for as much as then some of the Lords that before had maintained the quarrel of Lewis now forsook him, & took part with this Henry as their natural and sovereign Lord. Whereof the chief were the Earls of Penbroke & of Chester/ the which with their retinue held sharp war with the said Lewis & his affinity, the which enriched to have been King of England, by reason of covenants made with certain Lords of the land, when he was first sent for by them. Wherefore the foresaid Earls with the other of their party, to make their party the stronger/ proclaimed the said Henry King of England, upon the foresaid twenty day of Octobre through the city of London/ and in all possible haste after made provision for his coronation/ so that upon the day of Symonde and Jude next ensuing, he was crowned at gloucester, of Peter than bishop of wynchester/ Lewis the French kings son being then at Lyncolne. In which year stood still as governor of the city of London till michaelmas next following.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xvii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xviii.  Iohn Travers.  wyllyam Hardell.  Anno i  Andrew newland.   
SO av as the King was crowned/ commissions where sent over in his name into all places of England, to gather strength of men to withstand the forenamed Lewis/ & to put him with his French men and other allyaunces out of the land, which then had under their rule and custody the castles of Berkhamsted, of Hertford, & divers other. And for this Lewis would not seize of his war and return into France/ therefore the foresaid Gwalo or Swalo the pope's legate, accursed him first by name, and after all such as him maintained or favoured in this war again King Henry. Then the forenamed earls accompanied with wyllyam Earl marshal of England, wyllyam le Bruyz Earl of ferries, with many other yode to Lyncolne/ and wan that town upon the strangers. where was slain a French man called Earl of Perches with many other soldiers. And there was taken of Englyshmen Serle Earl of wynchester, and Hū●ryde Bohum Earl of Herforde, with diverse other of name. And in this while Lewelyn Prince of walis, for that he aided the party of Lewis was accursed, and his land interdicted.  
After the town of Lyncolne was thus won from the Frenchmen, Lewis with other part of his soldiers drew toward London/ for so much as word was brought to him that his father had sent to him a new company of soldiers, the which should land in England shortly. Troth it was that such an aid of soldiers was made by the French King, & committed to a captain which in the chronicle is named Eustace the munke/ the which was encountered upon the see with a captain or master of the .v. portis called Hubert at Burgh, & gave to him battle, and scomfyght him at length/ & sent the head of the said Eustace unto the King. when Lewis hard of these tydyuges, and considered how daily his strength mynyshed/ he was more inclynable unto peace/ so the in conclusion he took money as saith Policronica & yielded up his castellis & Strengthiss which he held/ & after was assoiled, & so returned into France. But of this money the Lewis received, been divers opinions/ for the english book namyth it a thousand mark, and the French book saith xu M. mark.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xviii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xix.  Thomas bokerel.  Robert Serle.  Anno ii  Ralph Gylande.   
IN this second year of King Henry, when the land was voided of the stranngers/ then inquisitions were made to know what persons had favoured the party of Lewis again the King/ of the which the King pardoned many of the lay fee. But the spiritual were put to such fines, the they were compelled to lay that they might to pledge to please the King/ and over that to sue to Rome to be assoiled. And this year ranulph Earl of Chester, for considerations him moving/ took his journey into the holy land. But one chronicle saith he took that journey upon him, for so much as had contrary his allegiance, made homage unto Lewis above named/ and for malice which he bore toward King Iohn, intended at the time of that homage doing to have made the said Lewis King of England.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xix.  Anno domini. M.cc.xx  Benetle Ceytur.  Robert Serle.  Anno iii  wyllyam Blounde.   
IN this third year of King Henry, a parliament was holden at London/ by virtue whereof was granted to the King ii s. of every plough land through England/ which was for the charge that he before had with Lewis war. Also this year saint Thomas of Caunterbury was translated in the vii day of this month of July/ the which was done with so great a charge unto Master Stephan Langton then Archbishop of Caunterbury, that the charge thereof was not contented many years after the death of the said Stephan. And this year as witnesseth Polycronycon, King Henry began the new work of the church of westminster/ which after that saying should be in the xii year of his age.   

Anno domini. M.cc.xx  Anno domini. M.CC.xxi.  Iohn wail.  Robert Serle.  Anno four  josnele Spycer.   
IN this year Alexander King of Scots, married dame Jane or Johan the sister of King Henry. And this year was great harm done in England by violence of a whirlwind/ and fiery dragons, and spirits were seen fleeing in the air. And this year were proclamations made in London and through out England, the all strangers should avoid the land by Mychelmasse next following/ except such as came with merchandise, and to make sale of them under the Kings safe conduit. which was chiefly made to avoid Foukes de Brent and his complycies, which kept the castle of bedford again the Kings will and pleasure. And in this year was King Henry secondaryly crowned at westminster the xvii day of May. And this year the city called Damas' in the holy land, was by christian men gotten from the turks. And this year came out of the holy land into England ranulph Earl of Chester, and began to build the castles of Charteley & of Bestone/ & after he builded the abbey of Delartesse of the white order. For charge and cost of which said castles & abbey/ he took toll through all his lordship, of all such as passed the way with any chafire or merchandise.   

Anno domini. M.cc.xii  Anno domini. M.CC.xxii.  richard wymbeday.  Robert Serle.  Anno .v.  Iohn wayell.   
IN this .v. year of King Henry/ at Oxenforde was holden a general counsel of the bishops and clergy of this land. In time of which counsel a man was taken, the which showed himself to be christ, and preached many things of error, which the clerks at those days used. And to approve that he was Jesus the son of god, and that he was comen to reform those errors and other/ he showed the carecties and tokens of wounds in his body, hands, and feet, like to Jesus that was nailed on the cross. Then he was apposed and approved a false dyssymuler. Wherefore by doom of the counsel he was judged to be nailed to the cross, and so delivered to the executors/ the which at a place called Alburburye nailed him to a cross till he was deed.  
Also this year the King laid siege unto the castle of bedford that Fowkys de Brent had so long holden by strength. This siege began upon the even of the assention of our Lord/ and so continued till our Lady day assumption. In which pastime many strong assaults were made, to the great loss of men on both parties. But finally about this foresaid day of assumption, it was taken by fierce assault. wherein was taken the forenamed fowkies de Brent, and upon the number of lxxx soldiers, whereof the more part were put to death: and the said fowkies after he had lain a certain of time in prison, was for his finance delivered and flemed the land. And in this year came the frere mynors' first into England. These are grey freres of the order of saint Frances/ which if that be true, they should come in to England upon vi years before the death of saint Frances. For after affirmance of the author of Cronica cronicarum, Jacobus Philippus and other/ saint Fraunces died in the year of grace xii hundred and xxvii And that order was first confirmed of Honorius the third of that name pope of Rome, in the year of grace xii hundred and xxiiii This order first began under a few number of freres at the city of Caunterbury/ and after came unto London, and rested them there till they had an house there founded by Isabella wife of Edward the second, as after shall be showed in the story of the said Edward/ all be it the said house was begun of Margarete the wife of Edward the first.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxiii.  richard Renger.  Robert Serle.  Anno vi  joseus le Iosne.   
IN this vi year of the reign of King Henry, a conspiracy was made by one Constantyne the son of Arnulphe within the city of London/ for the which he was drawn and hanged the morrow following our Lady day assumption. This conspiracy was disclosed by a cytezyn named walter bokerel/ and was so heinous & grievous to the king that he was in mind & purpose to have thrown down the wallys of the city. But when he had well conceived that the persons which intended this conspiracy were but of the rascallies of the city, & that none of the heads or rulers of the same were thereunto consenting/ he assuaged his ire and grievous displeasure, which he intended toward the city.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxiiii.  richard jyoner.  Robert Serle.  Anno vii  Thomas Lamberde.   
IN this seventh year/ Johan King of Jerusalem came into England, and required aid of King Henry to win again that holy city/ but he returned with small comfort. And about this time Iohn the son of David Earl of Angwyshe in Scotland, and near kinsman unto ranulph of Chester, married the daughter of Lewelyn Prince of wales/ as it were for a final accord between the said Lewelyne and ranulph ever after to be continued.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxiiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxv.  wyllyam joynour.  richard Reynger.  Anno viii  Thomas Lamberte.   
IN this viii year of King Henry/ a parliament was holden at where among other things/ the Lords and barony of the land granted unto the King and to his heirs Kings, 
The grant of ward & marriage  the ward and marriage of their heirs/ which deed was after of learned men called Initium malorum, that is to mean the beginning of ills or of harms.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxv.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxvi.  Iohn Travers.  richard Renger  Anno ix  Andrew bokerel.   
IN this ix year of King Henry/ frederic the second of that name, & Emperor of Almaigne, for his contumacy again the church of Rome was accursed of the ix Gregory then pope. Wherefore soon after he took two cardinals and divers prelates as they were going to a general counsel kept by the said pope, at a place called Spolete a city of italy.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxvi.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxvii.  Roger Duke.  richard Renger.  Anno ten  Martyne fitz wyllyam.   
IN this ten year of the reign of King Henry/ the pleas of the crown were pleated in the tower of London. In this year also as wytnessyth the French chronicle, diverse soldiers, which as to this day kept certain castles in the county of Poitiers, as the castle of Monstruell the castle of Nyort, and the towns of Angely and of Rochel were by the French King so assaulted, that they were constrained to give them over to the French King then being Lewis the ninth of that name/ or after some writers the viii, and son of Phylyppe the second.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxvii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxviii.  Stephan bokerel.  Roger Duke.  Anno xi  Henry Cobham.   
IN this xi year of this King Henry/ the shyrywyke of London and of Mydd. were lettyne to firm for the sum of iii hundred pound, by year to the shrives of London. And the xviii day of February the same year, was granted by the King that all weirs in thamies should by plucked up and destroyed for ever. And the xvi day of March following, the King granted by his charter ensealed, that the citizens of London should pass toll free through all England. And if any citizens were constrained in any city, borough or town in England to pay any toll/ that then the shrives of London to attach any man coming to London of the said city borough or town where such toll was paid/ and him and his goods to withhold and keep, till the cytesyners of London be restored of all such money paid for the said tolle, with all costs and damages sustained for the same. And the xviii. Day of August following, the King granted to the said citizens of London wareyn/ that is to mean that the citizens have free liberty of hunting certain circuit about London. And in this year the town of Lymosyn with divers holds in Pyerregot and Aluerne in the county of Guyan, were given up to the forenamed Lewis the French King. Wherefore the King sent over his brother richard Earl of cornwall shortly after/ which landed at Bordeaux with iii hundred sails.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxviii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxix.  Stephan bokerel.  Roger Duke.  Anno xii  Henry Cobham.   
IN the beginning of this xii year of King Henry/ Master Stephan Langton archbishop of Caunterburye died/ and the great dean of Paulys' Master richard wethyrshed was his successor. And in this time the franchise and liberties of the city were by the King confirmed/ & to everich of the sheriffs was granted to have ii clerks & ii officers without more. And to the citesyns of London was also granted this year, that they should have & use a common seal. And in this year richard Earl of cornwall besieged the town of saint Machayre in Guyan. And when he had won it by strength/ he then laid his siege to the town of Rochel, till it was restored by the marshal of France.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxix.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxx.  walter winchester.  Roger Duke.  Anno xiii  Robert fitz Iohn.   
In this xiii. Year of King Henry/ upon trinity sunday, or after an other author upon whit sunday, while the bishop of London was at the high mass in saint Paulys' church of London, fell suddenly such thickness of darkness of clouds, and therewith such stench and tempest of thunder and lightening, that the people there assembled voided the church/ and the vycaryes and canons forsook their deskies, that the bishop remained in great fere alone/ except a few of his menyall servants and such as attended upon him at the altar.  
Also in this year the fame of that blessed woman Elyzabeth daughter of the King of hungary began to spread. The which before and after the death of her husband langrave duke of thoring in Almaigne, shamed not for Crystes sake to wash the sores and bylies of lazars and of other poor men, beside other manifold deeds of charity. By virtue of which blessed and virtuous life/ she by her life thorough the power of god showed many and diverse miracles. Among the which by her prayer xvi men were from death to life arreared/ and a man borne blind, to sight restored. Wherefore by Gregory the ix of that name and pope of Rome/ she was among the college of the blessed number of saints ascribed and allowed/ and commanded her feast to be hallowed the xiii kalends of December.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxx.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxi.  richard fitz wyllyam.  Roger Duke.  Anno xiiii  Iohn wodbourne.   
IN this xiiii year of the King was ordained by the mayre, and rulers of the city of London, that no shrive of that city should continue longer in office then one year. Whereof the cause was, that diverse of them by continuance of their office did diverse extortions, and took brybies of vytellers with other defaults/ which were found and proved prejudicial & hurtful to the common weal of the said city.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxi.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxii.  Mychaell of saint Elene.  Roger Duke.  Anno .v.  walter Denfelde.   
IN this xu year, the King had granted till him a quindecim or fifteen of the temporalty/ and a dime and an half of the spiritualty, to recover his lands lost in Normandy, Guyan, and Poyteau. And in this year Huberte of Burgth, that at this day was chief justice of England, had grieved or disposed the King in such wise, that he was compelled to i'll the kings sight. But he was so straightly pursued, that he was taken in a chapel of Brentwood in Essex/ and so cast in prison at the kings commandment. But after by labour of the blessed Bishop Edmund of Pountenay, he was reconciled to the kings favour/ when he had been prisoned upon four months, and exiled upon xiii months. And this year was done great harm in London by fire/ the which began in an house of a widow named dame Jane Lambert.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxiii.  Henry Eldementon.  Andrew Bukerell.  Anno xvi  Gerarde bat.   
IN this xvi year/ King Henry upon complaint brought before him, by the friends of Lewelyn Prince of wales, the willyam le Bruce or Brunze should conspire again the King/ or after some, for he kept unlawfully the wife of the forenamed Havylyn: he was after long prisonment hanged. And this year died ranulph Earl of Chester, Lyncolne, & Huntyngedon. And his sisters son named Iohn, son unto the Earl of Angwyshe as before in the vii year of this King is declared was his heir, and held that lordship after him. This Iohn of most writers is called Iohn Scot/ for so much as his father was a Scotte. This foresaid ranulph had no child, all be it he had four sisters. The eldest height mould or Mawde/ and was married to David Earl of Angwyshe, and was mother to the foresaid Iohn scot The second was named Hawys, and was married unto the Earl of Arundel, The third Agnes, was joined to the Earl of Derbye. And the fourth named Mabely, was married unto the Earl of wynchester called Robert Quynacye. This ranulph died at walyngforde/ and was buried in the chapter house of the monks at Chester/ and ordained the forenamed Iohn Scotte to be his heir, for that he would not have so noble a lordship run among or to be divided between so many Dystanies. And this year died Master richard wethyrshed archbishop of Caunterburye/ whose successor was blessed Edmund of Pountenay.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxiiii.  Symonde fitz Marre.  Andrew Bukerell.  Anno xvii  Roger Blounte.   
IN this xvii year of the reign of King Henry/ the forenamed Edmund of Pountenay or of Abyndon, was sacred archbishop of canterbury. He was named of Pountenay, for so much as he was buried at Pountnay in Burgoyne. And he was named Edmund of Abyndon by reason he was borne in Albyndon. This blessed man as before in the xv. Year is showed/ reconciled Hubert of Burgth to the kings grace, and caused him to be restored to his former office, as chief justice of this land. In this year also the King began the foundation of the hospytayll of saint Iohn without the Eestgate of Oxenford. In which year also fill wonderful wether, as thunder and lightening unlike unto other. 
An earthquake.  And thereupon followed an earthquake, to the great fere of the inhabytaunties of Huntyngdon, and near there about.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxiiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxv.  Ralph Aschewy.  Andrew Bukerell.  Anno xviii  Iohn Norman.   
IN this xviii year of King Henry/ the jews dwelling at Norwyche were brought to fore the King at westminster, to answer to a complaint made again them by one called Iohn Toly of the said town of Norwyche, that they should steel a child, and it circumcised of the age of a year, and after kept the same child secret to the intent to crucify it, in despite of Crystes religion. But how the matter was followed, or how so the jews acquited themself by their answer/ truth it is that they returned unpunished. And in this year frederic the second of that name, and Emperor of Almaigne/ married the sister of King Henry named Isabella, as testifieth Policronica.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxv.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxvi.  Gerarde bat.  Andrew Bukerell.  Anno xix  Robert Ardell.   
IN this xix year. the morrow after saint hylary, or the xiiii day of January/ Edmund archbishop of Caunterburye spoused the King and Eleanoure the daughter of the Earl of province in his city of Caunterburye. And in the utas of the said hylary/ she was crowned at westminster as Queen of England. where in the field by westminster dying at the West end of the church, was kept royal solemnity and goodly jousts, by the space of viii days. And the same year the statute of Merton was enacted/ which is to mean certain acts made by act of parliament, holden by the King & his Lords & commons at the town of Merton. 
Statute of Merton.  where among other acts was ordained a remedy for widows that were defrauded of their dowers/ & also how heirs with in age should be entreated/ & remedies for such as were stolen or with held contrary the gardens willis. But more certainly it was ordained at a parliament at Merton foresaid, which was held the xxx year of this King, in the morrow following the day of saint Martin, or the xii day of November.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxvi.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxvii.  Henry Cobham.  Andrew Bukerell.  Anno twenty  jurden Couentre.   
IN this twenty year of King Henry/ Iohn Scot before named Earl of Chester, died without issue male. Wherefore the King considering the great prerogatives belonging to that earldom, gave unto his daughters other possessions, & took the earldom into his own hand. This Iohn died at Dorondale/ and was buried among his antecessours at Chester, as affirmeth Policronycon. And also he saith that he died without any child/ and that the foresaid exchange was made with the forenamed sisters of ranulph, before expressed in the xvi year of this King.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxvii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxviii.  Iohn Thesalan.  Andrew Bukerell.  Anno xxi  Gerarde Cordwaner.   
IN this xxi year, Octoboon a legate of the ix Gregory and pope, came into England/ and ordained many good ordynauncies for the church. But not all to the pleasure of the young clergy of England. Wherefore as he one day passed through Oxenford, the scolars sought occasion again his servants and fought with them, & slew one of the same/ and put the legate in such fere, that he for his safeguard took the belfray of Osney/ and there held him till the kings ministers coming from Abyndon with strength, meddled with fair words delivered him and conveyed him after with a competent company unto walyngford. where he accursed the misdoers, and punished them in such wise, that the regentes & masters of that university were lastly compelled to go barefoot through cheap to Paulys at London, and there to ask of him forgyves, and had that trespass with great difficulty forgiven.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxviii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xxxix.  Iohn whylhale.  richard Renger  Anno xxii  Iohn Goundresse.   
IN this xxii year/ a false clerk of the foresaid university of Oxenford, which feigned himself mad, and beforetime had espied the secret places of the Kings court/ came by a window toward the kings chamber at his manner of woodstoke, intending to have slain the King. But he was espied by a woman and taken/ and so conveyed to coventry, and there arraigned of that deed. where after lawful proofs of his malicious intent made, he for the same was there drawn & hanged. And in this year upon the even of saint Botolphe/ or the xxvi. Day of Juny, was borne at westminster Edward that after was surnamed Longeshanke. This after his father was King.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xxxix.  Anno domini. M.cc.xl  Remonde Bengly.  wyllyam joynour.  Anno xxiii  Ralph Aschewy.   
IN this xxiii year of King Henry/ before the time of the election of the shrives of London, one Symonde fitz Mary, which before in the xvii year of the King had been in that office, had purchased a commandment of the King directed to the mayre and rulers of the city, that they should cause him to be elect to that office for that year following. But the mayre with the heads of the city, considering that commandment to be a derogation unto the liberties of the city, withstood it/ and chase the forenamed Ralph Ashwy, & put the said Symonde by/ for the which he complained him to the King. Then the King sent for the mayre and the rulers of the city/ and had unto them many words of displeasure, for the dysobeyenge of his commandment/ and furthermore discharged willyam joynour which that year was again chosen newly to be mayre for the year following/ and charged the citizens to proceed to a new election for their mayre. Which then to satisfy the kings pleasure, chase Gerarde Batte. By whose means and good policy the said mayr with the citizens demeaned them so well to the King, that they obtained his gracious favour, and caused the foresaid Symonde to fail of his purpose/ and was not after admitted to that office, till he had submitted him to the rule of the mayre and rulers of the same city. The which Symonde behaved him so well after, that he was admitted for an alderman. But in short process after he demeaned him so ill, and so contraryously unto the weal and good order of the city/ that he was discharged of his aldermanshyp, and discharged from all rule and counsel of the city, as in the xxxiiii year of this King following is touched.   

Anno domini. M.cc.xl  Anno domini. M.CC.xli.  Iohn Gysors.  Gerarde bat.  Anno xxiiii  Mychaell Tony.   
IN this xxiiii year of King Henry/ saint Paulys' church of London was newly hallowed. And the great Chaan of Tartarys before in the second year of King Iohn minded or touched of their beginning, in this year after he had from the Turkys won much of the east lands, he sent an host into the land of Hungary/ the which held the people of that country so short, that as witnesseth the author of Policronica and other, they were constrained of necessity to eat their own children and other unleeful meats. But the author of Cronica cronicarum saith, that this misery fell to the people of Hungary, in the year of our Lord xii hundred and xxi which after that saying should be in the fift year of this King.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xli.  Anno domini. M.CC.xlii.  Iohn Uyoll.  Remonde Bengley.  Anno xxv  Thomas Duresyne.   
IN this xxv year of King Henry/ Gerarde Batte was again chosen mayre for this present year. And after whose election, he was by the worshipful of the city conveyed unto woodstoke, and presented after the custom unto the King. But the King informed of his last years dealing, by such as aught to him no good will/ said that he would not admit him to that office, till such time as he came to westminster with which answer the said Gerarde with his company returned unto London. It was not long after or the King came to westminster/ where according to their duty the citizens of London again awaited upon the King to know his pleasure. 
The 〈…〉 presence  where the King called before him the said mayre/ and after certain questions to him put, he caused him to be sworn in his presence. After which oath to him given/ the King charged him by virtue of the same, that he should not take of the bakers and brewer's and other vytellars of the city xl pound, which other of his predecessors, and also he that last year had taken. And also that he incontinently after his coming to London, should restore unto the said vytellars and other citizens, all such money as he had with wrong in that preceding year taken of the commonalty of the city. But for the said Gerarde alleged for him certain considerations, be seeking the King to pardon him of that restitution/ the King in displeasure swore a great oath, that he should not that year be mayre, nor at any time there after. And so the commons certified of the kings pleasure, chase in his place or stead/ Reyner de Bungaye. And this year the King yode into wales. Whereof hearing David then Prince of wales, met with the King at Ruthlande/ and submitted him to the kings grace. Also this year the blessed Edmund archbishop of Caunterbury, being at Pountnay in the province of Burgoyne died/ and there was buried/ & was after translated into the same place within ten years after his death, by commandment of Innocent the fourth than pope of Rome/ because of his manifold miracles which god showed for him after his death. All be it in his legend it is showed that he died twenty mile from Pountnay called solely/ and was after buried and translated at Pountnay. Of this blessed man Polycronycon showeth many vertuyes in the xxxv chapter of his vii book, which here I over pass for lengthing of the tyme. And this year one wyllyam of the marsh, was at London for treason drawn and hanged. 
* first older men of London.  this year also were alder men first chosen within the city of London/ which then had the rule of the city and of the wards of the same/ and were then yearly changed, as now the shrives be changed.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xlii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xliii.  Iohn fitz Iohn.  Remonde Bongley.  Anno xxvi  Ralph Ashewy.   
IN this xxvi year of King Henry/ Bonyface was sacred archbishop of Caunterbury. And this year the King with a fair company sailed into Normandy. Which viage as saith the French chronicle was made by the stirring of a French man named Earl of the March/ for so much as the said Earl refused to do homage unto Alphons brother unto Lewis the ten of that name, and surnamed saint Lewis then King of France. This Lewis the year before had married his said brother unto the daughter of the Earl of Tholouse/ and had given to his said brother the earldom of Poyteau, with all the lands of Aluerne.  
By reason whereof he would have caused the said Earl of March, to have done homage unto the said Alphons for such lands as the said Earl held of the said earldom of Poytyers. But for the said Earl of March knew well that the right of Guyan belonged to the King of England/ he therefore, and for other allyaunces made bewene King Henry and him, refused the doing of that homage/ and after came to King Henry, and excited him to make war upon the French King. By reason whereof the King made provision, and so landed with a strong power at Bordeaux. After the affirmance of the French book, this Earl of the Marchis had married the mother of King Henry.  
Then it followeth in this while the French King warred upon the lands of the Earl of March/ and had won ii castles of his named founteneys and Uyllers, with diverse other which I pass over. And when he had beaten down some of them, & some stored with new soldiers/ he then went unto a castle named Maucoune, and broke a bridge after him, for so much as he was warned that the King of England was near unto him. At the said bridge was a little skyrmyshe/ but little harm was there done. Then the French King took the way over the river of Tharent toward Taylbourgh, wasting and destroying the country as he went/ and so forth toward the town called Saynces. And King Henry with his host made toward him in all that he might. In keeping this course/ the vaward of the King encountered with the Earl of Boleyne, which was upon the French king's party. That season the Earl of saynces' bare the banner of the Earl Marches, being in the vaward of the King. Between these two Earls was sore fight/ so that many a man upon both parties was slain/ among the which the said Earl of Saynces was slain. Then came on both strengths upon either side, so that both Kings fought in that battle/ and great slaughter of men was upon both sides. But in the end the French men were victors, & took prisoners xxii men of name, as knights and of higher degree, and iii clerks of great fame and riches, beside other to the number of .v. hundred of mean people as witnesseth the French book. But of these men of name, nor yet of the rich clerks, none is named, nor yet showed what good they paid for their raonsome. Wherefore me list to write no farther of this great victory/ all be it that the said book saith farther, that King Henry for fere turned back unto Bordeaux/ and there made means to the King of France for a peace. But of all this find I no word in the english chronicles.  
Then the Earl of Marches by mean of his son, was reconciled unto the French King, and restored to his lands/ except three castles, which were named Mespyne, Cretaye, and Estardye/ the which the French King retained in his own possession. And soon after came unto the French King the Lords of the castles of Myrabell, & of mortaing/ submitting them also unto the kings grace/ beseeching him of pardon, that they had so to his high displeasure favoured his enemy the King of England. And after came in diverse other Lords & capitains/ so that he was in possession of all the country of Guyan & Poyteau, unto the river of Gyrounde.  
I have rehearsed the more of this chronicle of France/ to the intent that the readers may well apperceive the pride and boast of the Frenchmen. For in all their writing, when they come to any matter that soundyth any thing to their honour/ it is written in the longest and most showing manner to their honour and worship. But as I have said before in the v. capyter of the story of the ii Phylyppe King of France/ if it sound any thing to their dishonour, then shall it be abbreviated or hid, that the troth shall not be known. And that appeareth well here by their own writing. For in the vii year of King Iohn, it is showed how Phylyppe the second then King of France had won all Normandy and Guyan. And yet at this day this King Lewis warred again in the same country/ so that they ever tell of the winning, but they touch nothing of the again losing.  
Then it followeth in the story/ when King Henry had as before is said, concluded the foresaid peace, of the which by mine author is no term set/ the King returned into England.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xliii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xliiii.  Hugh Blount.  Ralph Ashewy.  Anno xxvii  Adam Basing.   
IN this xxvii year, the King returned from Bordeaux into England. And this year the pleas of the crown were kept in the tower of London. And this year Gryffyth, which was son of Lewelyn lately Prince of wales, intending to have broken prison/ fell over the wall of the inner ward of the tower of London and broke his neck.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xliiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xlv.  Ralph Spycer.  Mychael Tony.  Anno xxviii  Nycholas bat.   
IN this xxviii year of King Henry as testifieth Polycronycon/ a Jew digged the ground in a place in spain called Tholeet, to the intent to make him a more larger vine yard. where in time of his digging he fande a stone closed on all parties. But for he perceived it to be hollow he broke the stone/ and found therein a book as big as a sawter, with levys all of tree. This book was write in nthre divers languagys', in greek, in ebrewe, and in Latin/ and the matter thereof was of three worlds that should come. Of the which he pointed the coming of christ to the beginning of the third world, which was expressed in this manner of wise. In the beginning of the third world, god's son shall be borne of a maid. when the Jew had well beholden the contenties of the book, and saw that it contained so long time as from Adam to Anticriste, and showed many prophecies that were fulfilled and passed/ he anon renounced his judaism or Moysen law, and was christened, and lived after as a christian man.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xlv.  Anno domini. M.CC.xlvi  Robert cornhill.  Iohn Gysors.  Anno xxix  Adam Bewly.   
IN this xxix year/ Nycholas bat contrary the ordinance before in the xiiii year of this King made, was again chosen shrive of London. For the which he was convict of perjury/ and so discharged and punished. And for that Mychaell Tony, which for this year also was chosen mayre, was by deposition of the Aldermen found guilty in the said crime of perjury: therefore he was deposed from his office & punished. And for him was chosen mayre Johan Gysours/ and for Nicholas Batte was chosen shrive Robert of cornhill. In this year also as testifieth Jeffrey of Monmouth/ Robert Grosehed them bishop of Lyncolne, with other prelates of the land, complained them unto the King of the waste of the goods and patry money of the church, which daily was wasted and misspent by the alliant bishops and clerks of this land. Of the which strangers one named Master Martyne, and near kynnysman of Innocent the third late pope was one. The which the King by help of the english bishops avoided, with other like offenders out this realm. Also in this year the patriarch of Jerusalem, sent unto the King a neume of blood/ which was kept at saint Thomas of Acris in London till the year following.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xlvi.  Anno domini. M.CC.xlvii.  Symonde fitz Mary.  Iohn Gysors.  Anno xxx  Laurence Frowyke.   
IN this year theneume of blood sent before to the King/ was with most solemn procession, the King with great number of his Lords being present, conveyed from saint Thomas fore said unto westminster, in right solemn wise with procession & other according observances to such a relic appertaining. And in this year died Fredrick the Emperor of almain/ which as before is touched in the xviii. Year of this King, married Isabella sister unto the King. The which for his rebellion again the church of Rome, was accursed first of the ix. Gregory/ and lastly of Innocent the four he was again cursed and deprived of his imperial dignity/ giving commission & licence to the electors of the Emperor, to choose a new. The which were of so many minds in their election, that some chase the duke of thoring, some the Earl of Holande, and some chase the kings brother Richard Earl of cornwall, which caused strife that endured long after/ so that the only Emperor of Almaigne was not of all men allowed, till Radulphus duke or Earl of Habspurghe in Almaigne, was chosen by one assent to that dignity/ and thereunto admitted by Gregory the ix of that name, in the year of our Lord xii hundred and lxxiii And so that variance endured upon xxvii years, to the great impoveryshing of Italy, and the lands of the empire. Then as before is said this frederik died unassoyled, & was buried in a city called Ferenciola, with this superscription upon his tomb. 
Si probitas, sensus, virtutis gratia, census,  
Nobilitas orti, possent refistere morte:  
Non foret extinctus, Fredericus qui jacet intus.   
which verses are thus much to mean in english. 
If excellent of wit, or grace of good virtue,  
Or nobylnesse of birth might unto death resist/  
Then should this frederic mortal fate eschew,  
which him hath closed here now in his chyste.  
But none of these may earthly man assist  
To strive with death/ but all must pay him debt,  
Noble and ennoble there nothing may let.  another versyfyoure made these ii verses following, of the interpretation of this name frederic. 
Frefremit in mundo, de deprimit alua profundo.  
Re res rimatur, cus cuspide cuncta minatur.   
The which may in this manner of wise be englished. 
Fre fretyth this world/ and de confoundyth all,  
High things of honour, into deepness dark.  
R●sercheth busily the goods general  
Of this world both of the lay and clerk.  
Making no question in his most cruel work,  
And cousin with sword all thing doth menace.  
And this is frederic all devoid of grace.    

Anno domini. M.CC.xlvii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xlviii.  Iohn Uoyle.  Pyers Aleyne.  Anno xxxi  Nycholas bat.   
IN this xxxi year of the reign of King Henry/ Lewis which is surnamed saint Lewis then King of France, with a convenient host sailed into the holy land/ and there warred upon Crystes enymyes, and wan the city of Damas' at his first landing/ & after tarried there from the beginning of the month of Juny, to the xxii day of November/ and after departed thence toward Babylon, intending to have laid siege to the city. But fortune was to him so contrary, that by sickness & other casueltyes he lost much of his people/ and in the end was himself taken prisoner of the turquis, as more plainly shall be showed in the story of the said Lewis following.  
And in this year was a mighty earthquake in England, that the like to it was not seen many years before.  
Also this year the King seized the franchise of the city of London upon the even of saint Bartholomew, for a judgement that was given by the mayre and aldermen again a widow named Margaret Uyell/ and committed the rule of the city to wyllyam haveryll and Edward of westminster, till our Lady day next following. At which season the mayre and shrives were again to their offices admitted.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xlviii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xlix.  Nycholas joy.  Mychaell Tony.  Anno xxxii  Geffrey wynton.   
IN this xxxii year of the King the wharf of London called Queen hythe, was taken to farm by the commonalty of the city, to pay yearly therefore l pound. The which was then committed to the shrives charge/ and so hath continued ever since that time to this day. whereof the profyties and tolls are so sore minished, that at this day it is little worth over twenty mark or xv. Pound one year with another. And this year fell great distemperance of wether, in such wise that the ground was barren upon the same/ and other myshappies followed anon theurppon. And this year when the matter aforenamed of Margarete Uyell widow was well examined/ the judgement thereof was founden good and true. Wherefore the citizens enjoyed the liberties without interruption/ all be it the King was with them some what aggrieved, for so much as they at his request would not exchange with the abbot of westminster, such liberties as they had in Myddelsex of the kings grant, for other to be had in other places.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xlix.  Anno domini. M.cc.l  Ralph hardell.  Roger fitz Roger.  Anno xxxiii  Iohn Tosalane.   
IN the xxxiii year of King Henry in the month of October died Robert Grosthede bishop of Lyncolne. He was the maker of the book called petty Caton and many other.  
This Robert for so mich as the four Innocent pope, grieved the church of England with taskis & payments again reason/ he therefore sent unto him a sharp pistle. This pope than gave unto a child a nephew of his, a chanonry which fell void in the church of Lyncolne/ and sent the child unto the bishop, charging him to admit the said child, and to set him in his place. But this bishop boldly denied the resceyt of the child/ & wrote unto the pope that he would not nor should receive such to the cure of soul, that could not rule the self. Therefore this Robert was summoned to apere before the pope, 
An appeal from the pope.  & thereupon accursed. Then he appealed from Innocents court unto Crystes own throne. Then after the death of this Robert as the pope lay in his bed at his rest/ one appeared to him in clothing of a bishop, and said to him arise wretch and come to thy doom/ and after smote him who his cross upon the left side. Upon the morn after, the pope was founden deed, and his bed all bloody. But of this is nothing in the chronicle or story of Innocent.  
After that saying of Polycronycon, this bishop Grostehede should die in the xxxvii year of this King Henry/ the which saying agreeth better with the story, except that the said pope lived after the death of the said bishop vi year.   

Anno domini. M.cc.l  Anno domini. M.cc.li  Humphrey Basse.  Iohn Norman.  Anno xxxiiii  wyllyam fitz richard.   
IN this xxxiiii year was an exceeding wind, the which in sundry places of England did great harm/ which was in the beginning of this year upon the day of Simon and Jude. About this time in the duchy of Burgoyne as testifieth Fasciculus temporum and other an hill removed from his proper place, and glode by many a mile/ and lastly joined him unto other hills. In the which gliding or running, the said hill oppressed or slew v. thousand people. And this year Simon fitz mary alderman of London/ for his disobedience and evil counsel that he gave unto Margarete Uyell, before in the xxxi. Year of this King touched, with other secret labours and matters intended by him to the hurt of the city, was discharged of his aldermanshyppe, and put out of the counsel of the city.   

Anno domini. M.cc.li  Anno domini. M.CC.lii.  Laurence Frowyke.  Adam Basing.  Anno xxxv  Nycholas bat.   
IN this xxxv year of King Henry, began the frere augustine's to build or inhabit them in wales, in a place called woodhouse.  
And in this year married King Henry his daughter Mary, or after some writers Margarete, unto Alexander King of socts at the city of york/ and did receive homage of the said Alexander for the kingdom of Scots, or for the province of Scotland, in like manner as many of his progenitors had done diverse and many times before/ as in this work both before this time and also after is showed.   

Anno domini. M.cc.li  Anno domini. M.CC.lii.  wyllyam Durham.  Iohn Toleson.  Anno xxxvi  Thomas wymborne.   
IN this xxxvi year, the King granted unto the shrives of London, that they should yearly be alowyed of vii pound, for certain privileges or ground belonging to saint Paul's church/ the which at this day is allowed by the Barons of the Kings exchequer, to everey shrive when they make their account in the office of the pipe. Also this year was granted by the King for the citizens more ease/ that where before time they used yearly to present their mayre to the Kings presence, in any such place as he then were in England, that now from this time forthward they should for lack of the kings presence being at westminster, present their mayre so chosen unto the barons of his Excheker/ and there to be sworn & admitted as he before times was before the King.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lii.  Anno domini. M.CC.liii.  Iohn Northampton.  Nycholas bat.  Anno xxxvii  richard Pycarde.   
IN this xxxvii year/ the water of the see about the day of saint Paulyn in the month of January rose of such height, that it drowned many vyllagys' and housys near unto it in diverse places of England. And this year the King, the Queen, and Sir Edward his son, with Bonyface archbishop of Caunterburye, and diverse other nobles of the realm/ sailed into Normandye and tarried at Bordeaux a certain of tyme. But of their deeds or cause of their sailing thither, is no mention made in the chronicle of England. How be it in the French book it is showed, that the cause was to join Edward the kings son unto the sister of the King of Spain by marriage.  
This year also the water of Thamys sprang so high, that it drowned many houses about the waters side/ by mean whereof much merchandise was perished and lost. And this year the citizens had granted of the King, that no citizens should pay savage or tolle for any beasts by them brought, as they before times had used.   

Anno domini. M.CC.liii.  Anno domini. M.CC.liiii.  Robert Belyngton.  richard Hardell.  Anno xxxviii  Ranfe Aschewye.   
IN this xxxviii year, by procurement of Sir richard Earl of cornwall, for displeasure which he bore toward the city for exchange of certain ground to the same belonging/ the King under colour that the mayre had not done due execution upon the bakers for lacking of their syzies, seized the liberties of the city. That is to be understanden, that where the mayre and commonalty of the city, had by the Kings grant the city to farm with diverse customys and offices, for astynted and ascertained sum of money/ now the King set in officers at his pleasure, the which were accountable unto him for all revenues and profits that grew within the said city. But within four days following the feste of saint Edmund the Bishop, or by the xix day of November/ the citizens agreed with the said Earl for vi hundred mark. After which agreement with him concluded, they soon after were restored unto their liberties.  
This year Sir Edward the kings son and heir was married unto Eleanour the Kings sister of spain. And in the Cristmas week, the King landed at Dover, and the Queen with him, with many other Lords. when the King was comen to London, he was lodged in the tower/ where he sent for to come unto him the mayre and the shrives, with whom he resoved grievously for the escape of one called Iohn Gate. This Iohn had murdered a prior allied unto the King. The mayre laid the charge of this matter from him unto the shrives, for so much as to them belonged the keeping of all prisons with in the city/ so that the mayre returned home, and the shrives' remained there as prisoners by the space of a month after or more. And in their places and for them were chosen Steven Oystergate & Henry walmoode. But how the old shrives passed out of the kings danger I find not.   

Anno domini. M.CC.liiii.  Anno domini. M.cc.lu  Stephan Oystergate.  richard Hader.  Anno xxxix  Henry walmoode   
IN this xxxix year in the feast of saint etheldred/ dame Eleanour wife unto the kings son Sir Edward, came unto London/ where she was honourably received of the citizens, and the city richly curteyned and garnished with diverse rich clothes/ where the King was present at her coming. And she was honourably conveyed through the city to saint Johnns' without Smythfelde, and there lodged for a while. But after she was removed unto Savoy.  
It was not long after that the King seized the liberties of the city, for certain money which the Queen claimed for her right of the citizens/ so that about saint martyn's tide in November, they gave unto his grace iiii. hundred mark, and then were restored to their said liberties/ and the Kings under treasurer dischat ●yd, the which for the time was made custos or keeper of the city. In the feast of saint Scycyle, or the xxii day of November ensuing, were brought unto westminster lxxx and xxii. Jews from Lyncoln/ the which were also accused of the crucyfyenge of a child at Lyncolne in the despite of Crystes religion/ which Jews were after sent unto the tower of London. Of the which in process of time after, xviii. were convict and hanged/ & the t'other remained long after in prison. In the vigil of saint Andrew Sir Edward the kings son came to London from beyond the see. And the King of socts with the Queen his wife came in the summer season unto the King to his manner of woodstoke/ where he disported him a season, and after returned into scotland/ leaving his wife with her mother till she were lighted of child. And upon the day of the decollation of saint Iohn/ the King, the Queen, and the Queen of Scots came to London/ where they were honourably received, and so conveyed unto westminster.   

Anno domini. M.cc.lu  Anno domini. M.CC.lvi.  Matthew bokerel.  richard Hardell.  Anno xl  Iohn Mynoure.   
IN this xl year, entered the land divers Lords of Almaigne/ the which in christmas week upon the day of the Innocentes, made homage unto Sir Richard Earl of Cornewayl & brother to the King/ the which as then stood King of Almaigne and of romans. And the thursday next following he departed from the kings court, and sped him with his wife and Sir Henry his son unto the see side/ and after took shipping in jarnesay the xxvii day of Apryll, and landed at Dordreth in Holande the first day of may next ensuing. And upon assention day after, he was crowned King of romans in the city of Aquisgranum.  
This year upon the first day of August/ the King took his journey toward wales, for to subdue Lewelyn the son of Gryffyth the which with his welshmen rebelled again the King, for so much as Sir Edward his son to whom he had little before given the earldom of Chester, would have changed some of their skyttyshe conditions. And for to bring his purpose the better about/ he sent for an army of soldiers into Irlande, and tarried for their coming at his castle of Genocke. But the year passed far on or his people were gathered/ so that by the advise of his Lords he strengthed there a certain castles and returned for that year into England.  
And about the feast of the nativity of our Lady/ a concord and a peace was concluded between the Londyners & the abbot of the holy cross of waltham/ the which had been in suit many years before, for certain distresses taken by the abbots officers of the Londoners, when they came with their mercymonyes unto the fair of waltham/ where as now it is agreed that all such dystressies should be restored/ and if any were perished or lost for long keeping, that then the abbot to content and pay to the parties the value in money, of such distressies so perished or lost/ and that the citizens should enjoy the liberties of that fair ever after, without paying of any tollage or toll.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lvi.  Anno domini. M.CC.lvii.  richard Ewell.  richard Hardell.  Anno xii  wyllyam Ashewy.   
IN this xli year & beginning of the same, was founden in the Kings wardrobe at windsor a bill or roll closed in green wax, and not known from whence it should come/ in the which roll was contained diverse articles again the mayre and rulers of the city of London, and that by them the commonalty of the city was grievously tasked and wronged. Which bill was presented at length to the King. whereupon he anon sent Iohn Mancell one of his justices unto London/ and there in the feast of the conversion of saint Paul by the kings authority, called at Paulys cross a Folkmot/ being there present Sir richard de Clare Earl of gloucester, & diverse other of the kings counsel. where the said Iohn Mancell caused the said roll to be red before the commonalty of the city/ & after showed to the people that the Kings pleasure and mind was, that they should be ruled with justice/ and that the liberties of the city should be maintained in every point. And if the King might know those persons that so had wronged the commonalty of the city/ they should be grievously punished to the example of other. And that done, the said Iohn Mansell charged the mayre, that every Alderman in his ward should upon the morrow following assemble his wardemote/ & that all those wardemoties should assemble in one place, and choose of themself without any counsel or advise of any of their aldermen xxxvi persons, and them to present before the Lords and him, at the same hour of the next day in the bishops palace at Paulys. Then upon the morrow all thing was done according to his commandment. And when the said xxxvi. persons were presented before the said Iohn Mansell, Henry Baa justices & other/ the said Iohn said unto them, that they upon their oath should certify all such persons as they knew guilty in the articles before unto the commonalty showed. Whereunto the said xxxvi citizens answered, that it was contrary their liberties to be sworn so many, for any matter of trespass between the King and any of his citizens/ wherefore they required a sparing. With which answer the said Iohn Mansell being discontented/ warned them to appear before the kings counsel at the Guyldehall upon the morrow following/ where they kept their day. And thither came the said justices Iohn Mansell, & Henry Baa, Sir Henry wengham chancellor of England, Phylyppe Lovel undertreasorer, and diverse other of the kings counsel.  
Then the said Iohn Mansell exorted the said persons to be sworn by many means, as he the other day had done. But all was in vain/ for they excused them always that it was contrary their oath and liberty of their city. Wherefore the kings counsel departed from the hall in party discontented, & showed unto the King the demeanour of the said citizens.  
Upon the even of the Purification of our lady, that mayre being warned that the King should come to westminster/ he with the more part of the Aldermen road unto Knyghtbrydge, and hoved there to salute the King, and to know his further pleasure. But when the King came near that place and hard of their being there/ he sent unto them a squire of household and charged them that they should not presume to come in his sight. With which message they being greatly discomforted, returned home to the city. afterward in the octavys of the purification of our Lady, returned from the court Mychaell Tony and Adam basin/ the which before were sent by the mayre to such friends as they had in the court, to know the cause of the Kings high displeasure. The which brought word that the King was well minded unto the city/ but he was in full purpose to have such persons chastised that had oppressed the commonalty of the same. Upon the morrow following, came unto the Guyldhall Iohn Mansell with other of the kings counsel/ the which to the people there assembled, showed many fair & pleasant words. Among the which he declared that the kings mind & will was, to correct all such persons as had oppressed the commonalty of that his deryste beloved city/ and asked of the commons whither they would be agreeable unto the same. The which incontinently many such as knew little what the matter meant, cried with out discretion, ye, ye, ye, nothing regarding the liberty of the city. And after the grant thus had of the commons/ the said Iohn Mansell discharged the mayre, shrives, & chamberlain of their offices/ and delivered the custody thereof unto the constable of the tower/ and put in the room of the shrives Mychaell Tony and Iohn Audryan. And over that, all rolls of tolls and tallages before made, were delivered unto the said Iohn Mansell/ the which he there sealed and redelivered them unto the chamberlain. when the commons had beholden all this business, they returned unto their houses all confused.  
This matter thus ordered/ the said Iohn Mansell with diverse of the kings counsel kept their courts daily the Sundays except, till the first sunday of lent, the which that year was the xxv day of February/ calling before him xii wards, of the city. Of the which xii wards of everich of them was taken three men, so▪ that of those xii wards xxxvi men were impaneled and sworn, for to inquire of the foresaid articles, and what persons of the city had offended in them. This court thus kept and holden at Guyldehall/ no man was called to answer, nor no question put unto any person by the said inquest or by any other. Upon the said Sunday of lent, the mayre, aldermen, and shrives, with the said inquest, & four men of every ward, were charged to appear at westminster before the King/ at which appearance they were countermanded till upon the next morrow. At which season they coming into the kings exchekyr/ fond sitting there the Earls of gloucester, and of warwyke, Iohn Mansell, Henry Baa iusticies, the constable of the tower, the custos of the city, and divers other of the kings counsel. Then was called by name Ralph hardell that year may ●e, Nycholas Batte, Nycholas fitz Iosne, Matthew Bokerel, Iohn Tolesham, and Iohn le Mynoure aldermen. Then said Iohn Mansell, that the King by his laws and inquisition of the citizens of the city, had founden them culpable, that they had wronged and hurt the commonalty of his city by divers means, as by the said inquisitions appeared/ and forthwith caused it to be red before them. And when the more part thereof was red, he said unto them: thus may you see that the commonalty of the said city hath been by you grievously oppressed/ and by your means and counsel the common weal of the same destroyed, as by altering of the tolls and other good ancient customys, turning them to your singular advantage & lucre. All which matters the said Ralph and his company denied/ and that the commons was not by any such means by them nor none of them grieved or hurt/ and that they offered to be justified and judged by the law and customys of the city. Then Henry Baa justice, asked of them whither they would bide the adventure of the inquiry that they had hard red before/ or else stand upon the saying of the other wards, that yet had not been sworn, but they kept them to their first answer. Then Iohn Mansell frayned of the mayre what was their law and custom. The mayre answered and said, that for trespass of a cytesyn done again the King, he should defend him by xii of the said citizens/ and for murder or slaying of a man by xxx citizens/ & for trespass again a stranger by the oath of vi and himself. Then after many reasons made by the said Iohn Mansell, and also by the mayre and his aldermen/ day was given to them to appear upon the morrow before the King and his counsel.  
Upon the day following the King with many of his Lords sitting in the said exchekyr, the foresaid inquisition was red. And that done the mayre and aldermen were called in by name/ and two aldermen more which before were not called/ that is to say arnold Thedmare & Henry walmode. when Ralph Hardell had hard the King speak in the matter/ he took such fere that he and Nycholas bat without farther answer, put them in the kings grace/ saved to them their liberties and franchises of the city. But the other vi besought the King of his right wiseness that they might then be deemed after the laws and customys of the city. Then was laid unto their charge that over many wrongs by them done to the King and the commonalty of the city, they had altered the Kings beam, and ordered it to the advantage of themself and other rich men of the city. wherun to the parties answered, and said that the alteration of the beam was not done by them only/ but by the advice and consent of .v. hundred of the best of the city. For where before time the weyer used the lean his draft toward the merchandise so that the byar had by that mean x. or xii. Pound in a draft to his advantage, and the seller so much disadvantage/ now for indyfferencye and egalytye of both persons or merchants, was ordained that the beam should stand upright, the cle●●e thereof inclining to neither party/ as it doth in weyenge of gold and silver/ and the bier to have allowed of the seller for all things four pound only in every draft.  
After these reasons and other by them made/ the King commanded that upon the morning following, a folkmoot should be called at Paulys' cross/ & so that court was dissolved, and the mayre & the other returned to London. Upon the morrow the folkmoot being at Paul's cross assembled/ these vi aldermen hearing the murmuration of the common people, and knowing that the aldermen nor the worshipful of the city should have little or no saying in this matter, fearing their cause yode into a canons house of Powlys/ where at that time the said Johan Mansel and other sent from the King tarried the assembling of the people/ and showed unto them that they intended not any longer to plead with the King, but were contented to put them fully in the kings grace and mercy/ saving always to them and all other citizens their liberty and franchise of the city. After which agreement the said. Johan Mansell with the other came unto the court of Folkmoot/ where unto the people was rehearsed a fair and a pleasant tale, promising to them that their liberties should be holy and invyolatly preserved by the King, with many other things to the great comfort of the common people. And lastly was axed of them wheter the law and custom were such as above is rehearsed or no. whereunto like undyscret and unlearned people they answered & cried rabbyshely nay, nay, nay/ not wythstanding that the said law and custom had before times been used time out of mind. But to this was neither mayre nor aldermen nor other of the great of the city that might impugn or make any reason, for the upholding of their ancient laws or customys.  
And no wonder though the King were thus hedy or grievous to the city/ for by such evil disposed and malicious people as he had about him, the land was ill ruled, & much mischief was used. Whereof ensued much sorrow after, as ye shall here in the sequel of the story. Then Iohn Mansell called the mayre and aldermen before him/ and charged them to be at westminster the morrow following, to give attendance upon the kings grace. Upon the morrow the mayre and aldermen tarrying the Kings coming in the great hall at westminster/ lastly the King came into saint Stephaus chapel. where a season he held a counsel with his Lords/ and after yode into the chekyr chamber, & there sat him down and his Lords about him. Anon after the mayre and aldermen were called into the said chamber, and soon there after called by name, and commanded to stand near to the bar. Then Henry Baa justice said unto the mayre and the seven. aldermen, that for so much as by form of the kings laws, they were found culpable in certain articles touching transgression again the King/ therefore the court awarded that they should make fine and ransom after the discretion of the said court. But for they had put them in the kings grace and mercy/ the King hath commanded the fine to be put in respite, that ye be not pained so grievously as ye have deserved. After which judgement given, they kneeled down/ and then the mayre with weeping teries, thanked the King of his bounty & goodness, and besought him to be good and gracious Lord unto the city, and unto them as his faithful subjects. whereunto the King made none answer, but rose straight up and so yode his way leaving them there. Anon as the King was departed, they were all arrested and kept there, till they had founden surety/ and everich alderman of them discharged of his ward & office that they had within the city. But shortly after they put in sureties, and so returned heavily to London And shortly after was wyllyam fyz richard by the kings commandment made mayre, and Thomas fitz Thomas and wyllyam Grappysgate shrives. After this, day by day the chamberlain was called to account before the said Iohn Mansell, of all such tolls as were gathered in time of the mayraltie of Iohn Tolesham and of Ralph Hardell/ being present to here the said account diverse of the communalty of the city, but none of the heads. By the which account no default might be armed unto any of the forenamed persons convict afore the King. By reason whereof diverse of them were admitted to the kings favour shortly after, and restored to their offices again/ but not without paying of money, where of the certainty is not known. And in this year wheat was so scant, it was sold at London for xxiiii s. a quarter. And scanter should have been, if plenty had not come out of Almaigne/ for in France and Normandye it failed in likewise. By mean of this dearth & scarcytie, much poor people died for hunger/ and many of diverse countries of England came unto the city, and near there about for comfort of victual/ for it then was better cheap in London then in many shires of England there about. And soon after was the forenamed Iohn Mansell made knight & chief justice of England.  
IN this xli year also/ the King about the feast of saint Barna be in the month of Juny, kept his high court of parliament at his town of Oxenford. This of some writers is named insane parliamentum) that is to mean the wood or mad parliament. For at this counsel were made many acts again the Kings prerogative & pleasure, for the reformation of the state of the land/ which after proved to the confusion and hurt of the land, & death and destruction of many noble men/ so that by occasion thereof began the famous strife called at this day the Baron's war. Whereof ensued much mischief as hereafter shallbe showed and declared more at large.  
Then as above is said, to avoid the enormities and to reform the evil rule then used in the land, by such persons as daily were about the King/ many and diverse ordinances were made, whereof the tenor is set out in the end of this book. Whereunto the King somedeal again his will, with Sir Edward his son and other agreed. And for these acts should be holden farm & stable/ at this parliament was chosen xii Peries, which were named Douze Peris/ to whom authority was given by strength of this parliament. to correct all such as offended in breaking of these ordinances and other, by the said twelve peries after to be devised and ordered, touching and concerning the same matter & purpose. Of which xii Perys the names ensue. first the archbishop of Caunterburye, the bishop of worceter, Sir Roger Bygotte then Earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, sir Symonde de Mountford Earl of leicester, Sir Richard Clare Earl of gloucester, Sir Humphrey Bothum-erle of Herforde, of warwyke, and of Arundel, Sir Iohn Mansell chief justice of England, Sir Roger mortimer, Sir Hugh Bygrave, Sir Petyr de Savoy, Sir Jamys Audeley, and Sir Peter de Mountforde. And for the kings brother upon the mothers side, that is to say Sir Eym Earl of wynchester, Sir wyllyam de Ualaunce, Sir Godfrey de Lindesey, and sir guide lindsay, would not assent unto the foresaid ordinances/ they withdrew them toward the see side with such stuff as they had, and would have departed the land if they might then have had shiping/ for lack whereof they were fain to return, and so yode unto wynchester. But it was not long after that they were licensed to depart the land with a certain company, and a certain sum of money to pay for their costs/ and their day set by Bartylmew tide to avoid upon pain of prisonment, which day by them was kept.  
It was not long after the finishing of this parliament, but that strife and variance began to kindle between the King and the earls of leicester and of gloucester, by mean of such officers as the said Earls had removed and put other in their romys. among the which Johan Mansell was dyscarged of his office. and Sir Hugh Bygotte then admitted for him. And for the foresaid Pyers hard of the murmur in the court, fearing that the King should be advertised shortly to alter from his promise/ therefore they intending to make their party the stronger, upon the morrow following mary Magdaleyns' day/ the King being at westminster, the Earl Martial, the Earl of leicester, with diverse other came unto the Guyldehall of London, where the mayre, aldermen, and commonalty of the city were assembled/ where the said Lords showed an instrument or writing, at the which hang many labellies with seals, as the kings seal, Sir Edward his sons seal, with many other of the nobles of the land, the which was the content of the articles which were ordained and made at Oxenford/ willing the mayre and aldermen (cunsydering the said acts were made to the honour of god, fidelity unto the King, & profit of the realm) that they would also in upholding of the same, set their common seal of the city. After which request thus to the mayre and the citizens made, after advise and counsel among themself taken/ they desired a sparing of the Lords, till they might speak with the King and know his pleasure in that behafe. But finally no sparing at that time might be granted/ so that in the end by the labour that the Lords made, with help of such solycytoures as they had within the city, the common seal was put to, and the mayre and diverse of the city sworn to maintain the same/ their allegiance saved to the King with preservation of the liberties and franchises/ and so departed.  
Then day by day after the said douze Perys assembled at the new temple in where they kept their counsels and courts for the reformation of the old grievous/ and removed from the King diverse of his menyall of houselde, and set in their places and offycies such as liked them.  
And upon the ix day of August/ proclamation was made in diverse accustomed places of the said city, that none of the kings takers should take any thing within the city without the will of the owner, except two tun of wine, which the King accustomably had of every ship coming from Bordeaux, paying but xl s. for a tun. By mean of which proclamation nothing was taken by the kings officers, but it were straight paid fore within the city and liberty of the same/ which usance continued but a while.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lvii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lviii. Draper. Thomas fitz richard.  richard Hardell.  Anno xlii  Robert Catelyon.   
IN this xlii year/ the King held one parliament at westminster and another, or else prorogued the same to wynchester. And in this year, Sir Hugh Bygotte justice, with Roger Turkelay and other kept his court at saint saviours/ and held there the pleas called Itinerii, The which is to mean the travailing or the way pleas. For ye shall understand that at those days they were kept in diverse places of England, which now been holden at westminster/ and judges ordained to keep a circuit, as now they keep the syzies in time of vacation. At this said court these judges punished sore baylyes and other o●ycers, that before them were convict for divers trespassys/ and specially for taking of merceamentes otherwise then the law them commanded. For the which the said chief justice prisoned them/ and after ceased them at grievous fines. Also he summoned the citizens of London to come unto the said court, for tolls that they had taken upon the farther side of the water. But it was answered that the tolls that they there took were taken lawfully, as they were ready to prove in places and court convenient to the same, which was within the precinct of their liberty. But not withstanding that answer, the said Sir Hugh charged upon quest xii knights of Surey, to inquire of that matter and other/ the which acquitted the said citizens, and showed that the said tolle belonged to them of right.  
In process of time after, the said Sir Hugh with other came to guilded hall, and kept his court and pleas there, without all order of law, and contrary to the liberties of the city/ and there punished the bakers for lack of size by the Tumberell, where before times they were punished by the pillory/ and ordered many things at his will, more than by any good order of law.  
This year upon Candelmasse even came unto London from beyond the see richard King of Almaigne and Earl of cornwall, with his wife and children/ which had been there and taken possession of that kingdom as before is showed. Again whose coming the city of London was richly hanged with clothes of silk and arras/ & joyously he was received of the citizens.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lviii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lix. Peperer. Iohn Adryan.  Iohn Gysours.  Anno xliii  Robert cornhill.   
IN this xliii year, the friday following the feast of Symonde and Jude, in the parliament holden at westminster/ were radde in presence of all the Lords and commonalty at sundry times, all the acts and ordinances before made in the parliament holden at Oxenford, with certain other articles by the fore said xii. Peers there unto added. After reading of which articles, there being revested the archbishop of Caunterbury, with diverse other to the number of ix bishops, beside abbots & other/ denounced all them accursed that attempted in word or deed to break the said acts or any of them. 
* Scutage  In this parilament also was granted unto the King a task called the Scutage/ that is to mean xl. s. of every knights fee through England/ the which extended to a great sum of money. For after diverse writers, there be in England in possession of the spirituality and of the temporalty, or at that days were, over & beyond lx M. knights fees. Which after the rate should extend unto vi score. M. li. & more. And if it should be gathered of the temporal men only/ than it should not amount over the sum of lxiiii thousand pound. The King upon the day of saint Leonarde, or the vi day of November came unto Pawlys, where by his commandment was assembled the court of Folkmoot/ where the King according to the former ordinances made, axed licence of the commonalty of the city for to pass the see/ & promised there in the presence of a great multitude of people, that he would be good and gracious Lord unto the city, by the mouth of Sir Hugh Bygotte his chief justice, and to maintain their liberties unhurte. For that which the people for joy made an exceeding shout.  
Upon the viii day of November the King road thorough the city toward the see side. And upon the day of saint Bryce or the xiii day of November he took his ship, and so sailed unto Bordeaux. where when he had tarried a season, he road unto the French King then being holy Lewis or the tenth Lewis unto Paris. Of whom he was honourably received, and lodged him in his own palace by the space of an hole week making to him great feast, & giving to him and his rich & many gifts. And from thence King Henry road unto saint Denys/ where of the abbot and convent he was received with procession, and tarried there by the space of a month. In which season a marriage was concluded between Iohn duke of britain and one of his daughters. And at his departing he gave to the abbot a cup of gold, & a basin with an ewer of silver. And for his more consolation/ King Lewis assigned unto him a certain Lords & other noble men of France to give attendance upon him, and to convey him, and to show him a part of France, with all disport and hunting and hawking and other many pleasures of the country. In which pass time the French King assembled his parliament at Paris/ where he showed unto his Lords that his conscience was grudged, with the withholding of all such lands as Phylyppe the second won from King Iohn in Normandye/ upon the which he desired their faithful and fruitful counsel. where after many reasons and arguments made, it was concluded for a final concord to be had between King Henry and him, that if King Henry with the agreement of his Lords would resign into the French Kings hands, all such title and right as he had in the hole duchy of Normandye, of Angeou, poyteau, and main, for him and for his heirs for ever/ that then the French King of his great bounty and grace, should give unto the King of England and to his heirs Kings, the lordship of Guyan, Angeou, and Maine/ and byryghtfull title called ever after duke of Guyan/ and over that he should be admitted for a peer of France. to all which conditions as affirm and witnesseth the French chronicle, King Henry at his return from his disport was agreeable/ and with consent of his barony, and in their presence, with also the barony of France, did his homage unto the said Lewis for the duchy of Guyan, and after made his oath according to the same. And after great gifts received on either side/ King Henry returned unto Bordeaux.  
Of this peace and concord speaketh a cronyculer named Guydo or Guy/ & saith that King Henry sailed into France, and asked restitution of the forenamed French King, of all such lands as his ail Phylyppe the second had with extort power taken from King Iohn his father. But for he fande the French King strange in his answer, & also had little trust in his Lords for to have their aid/ he fell to agreement with the French King, and sold to him all his title that he had in Normandye, Gascoyn, and guian/ the which extended to the yearly value of twenty thousand pound/ taking for the same title iii hundred thousand pound of small Turon money, whereof a pound is in value after sterling money but ii s. iii. ●. or there about/ so that he should after that rate have for his said title after the value of sterling money xxxiii thousand seven hundred and l pound.  
In the season and time that King Henry was thus occupied in France/ dissension fell in England between Sir Edward the kings son, and Sir richard Earl of gloucester. For appeasing whereof a parliament, which is to mean a counsel of his Lords was called at westminster/ which continued by the space of iii weeks and more. To the which counsel the Lords came with great companies/ and specially the said Sir Edward, and the Earl of gloucester, the which intended to have lodged within the city. Wherefore the mayre yode unto the Bishop of worceter, and Sir Hugh Bygotte, and sir Phylyppe Basset, to whom the King with the archbishop of Caunterburye had taken the rule of the land in his absence/ the which all went unto the King of Almaigne to have his advise in that matter. where it was concluded, that neither the said Edward nor the Earl should come within the city then there to be lodged, nor none that held upon either of that parties. And further it was provided, that all such within the city as were of the age of xu years and above, should be in harness to watch and keep the city both day and night/ and that the gates should be kept shut upon the day, and a certain men in harness to keep every gate of the city. And soon after for the safeguard of the city, and sure keeping of the peace within the same/ the King of Romans with the said Sir Hugh and sir Phylyppe, came into the city and there were lodged with their companies/ and such other as they would assign to strength the city if need required.  
Then about the feast of saint mark the King came to London from beyond the see, and was lodged at the bishop of London's palace. After whose coming by his assignment, the Earl of gloucester was then lodged within the city, and Sir Edward his son was lodged in his own palace at westminster. And soon after the King commanded him to be lodged at saint Iohnns/ and all the other Lords were lodged in other places without the city. And the King of romans removed again to westminster. In which time a direction was taken between the said parties, & a new assemble and parliament assigned to be kept at westminster in the quindena of saint Iohn baptist. And for that then all thing might not be set in an order, it was prorogued unto the feast of saint Edward/ at the which season all thing was put at rest for a while. In this year also fell that hap of the Jew of Tewkysbury/ which fell into a gonge upon the saturday, and would not for reverence of his sabot day be plucked out whereof hearing the Earl of gloucester, that the Jew did so great reverence to his sabot day/ thought he would do as much to his holy day which was sunday/ and so kept him there till monday, at which season he was founden deed.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lix.  Anno domini. M.cc.lx  Adam browning.  wyllyam fitz richard.  Anno xliiii  richard Couentre.   
IN this xliiii year, soon after the feast of Symonde and Jude, the King kept a royal feast at westminster, where he made diverse knights. Among the which Iohn duke of britain, which had married one of the kings daughters was there made knight. And soon after was Sir Hugh spencer made chief justice.  
After the feast of Candelmas, the King commanded a folkmoot to be called at Paulys' cross/ where he in proper person, with the King of almain, the archbishop of Caunterbury, and many other nobles came. where the King commanded unto the mayre, that every strypeling of the age of xii years and above, should be before his alderman be sworn the day following, to be true to the King & to his heirs Kings of England/ and that the gates of the city were kept with armed men as before by the King of Romans was devised. This year also at a fair kept at Northampton, variance fell between the Londoners and men of the town/ so that between the citizens and them continued long suit and plea, for a man of Northampton that then was slain, to the great vexation & trouble of both parties. But in the end the city had the better.  
This year also about Eester, the Barons of the land, with the consent of the peries/ discharged Sir Hugh le spencer, and admitted for him Sir Phylyp Basset in his room of chief justice unwitting the King. For which cause and other, grudge and displeasure began of new to kindle between the King and his Lords, which increased more and more. But by policy of the King of Almaigne and some prelates of the land, it was set in quiet for a while, hardly to the end of that year.   

Anno domini. M.cc.lx  Anno domini. M.CC.lxi.  Iohn Northampton.  wyllyam fitz richard.  Anno xlv  richard Pycarde.   
IN this xlv year, shortly after Alhalowyn day, the Barons admitted and made shrives of diverse shires of England, and discharged such as the King before had admitted/ and named them Gardayns and keepers of the counties & shires. And over that the Barons would not suffer the justice that the King had admitted, to keep the pleas & laws called Itinerarii/ but such as were of their admission. Wherewith the King was grievously discontented/ in so much the after that season he laboured that he might do disanul the former ordinances & statutes, and to cause them to be broken/ in so much that upon the second sunday of lent following, the King commanded to be red at Paul's cross, a bull of the grant of pope Urban the four of that name, as a confirmation of an other bull before purchased of his predecessor Alexander the iiii, for to assoil the King and all other that before had sworn to the maintenance of the foresaid articles made at Oxenford/ and after caused the said absolution to be showed through the realm of England, wales, and Irlande/ giving straight charge to all his subjects, that none be so hardy to withstand nor disobey the said absolution. And if any were founden disobedient to his commandment, that he were straight put in prison, and not to be ransomed nor delivered till the Kings pleasure were further known.  
About the feast of saint Albon, in the month of juny/ the King of Almaigne took shipping and sailed into Almaigne. And the King at a folkmoot holden upon the Sunday after saint Peter's day in the month of July, had licence to sail into France. And the morrow after he departed from London toward the sees side, with the Queen and other Lords/ his two sons Sir Edward and sir Edmund being at that season in Guyan. when the King had been a season in France, he returned unto Bordeaux, where he fell sick/ by occasion whereof he tarried in those parties till saint Nycholas tide next following. And in this year died richard Clare Earl of Glowceter/ and Sir Gylbert de Clare his son was Earl after him. To whom the father gave great charge that he should uphold the forenamed ordinances.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxi.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxii.  Phylyppe walbroke.  Thomas fitz Thomas  Anno xlvi  richard tailor.   
IN this xlvi year in the feast of saint Martyne, or the xi day of November/ a Jew fell at variance with a christian man in Colchyrch in the ward of cheap/ & wounded the christian man within the same church, wherefore the people of the city in a fury pursued the said Jew to his house, and there slew him/ & after fell upon the other Jews, and robbed and slew many of them.  
And the even of saint Thomas the apostle following, the King landed in England at Dover/ & came to London the wednesday before xii day. This year the frost began about saint Nycholas day/ and so continued by the space of a month & more, so fervently that Thamys was over frorens, that men passed over on horseback. And in the same winter the Kings little hall at westminster, with other houses adjoining to the same were perished with fire, by the negligence of a servant of the Kings.  
In this year also unkindness began to grow between the Londoners and the Constable of the tower/ for that he contrary the liberty of the city took certain ships passing by the tower with wheat and other victual, and took it into the said tower, making the price at his pleasure. Wherefore great harm had ensued, had not been the policy of wise men. Which was showed unto the kings counsel/ by whose dyreccy on the matter was committed unto sir Phyllyppe Basset then chief justice and other, to set an order and rule between the said parties. Then before him were brought all evidences and privileges for the advantage of both parties/ where finally after long plea & argument, it was firmly deemed and adjudged, that if the constable or any other office of the tower would at any time take any wheat or other victual to the use of the King or of the tower, that he should come unto the market holden with in the city, and there to have it ii d in a quarter within the mayors price/ and other victual after the same rate. And if he or any of his officers would do contrary to that ordinance/ that then the shrives should make report unto the kings counsel, and to withstand him in all that he might/ so that the kings peace were kept.  
In this year also many murmurs and grudgiss were told in many places of the land/ supposing the war should in short process have ensued between the King and his Lords, for the bull of dispensation before in that other year showed. But by help and mediation of good & wise men/ these murmurs & grudges were so appeased, that the King agreed again to the maintenance of the said statutes/ & sent his writs, wherein the said articles were comprised, into all shires of England/ giving straight commandment to all men to observe and keep the same, and such other as were to them joined by the discretion of the Earl marshal the Earl of leicester, Sir Phylyp Basset, Sir Hugh Bygot, and other/ the which shortly after was revoked and denied. whereupon the archbishop of Caunterbury, fearing that after might ensue, made him an errand to Rome/ and so by licence of the King and of the Lords departed the land, and so kept him out till the trouble was appeased and seized Then upon midlent sunday, the mayre and the commons being present, at a folkemote holden at Paulys' cross before sir philip Basset and other of the kings counsel/ the mayre was sworn to be true to the King and to his heirs Kings. And upon the morrow at guild hall, every alderman in presence of the mayre took the same oath. And upon the sunday following, every strypeling of the age of xii years & above, before his alderman in his ward was newly charged with the same oath. Then the displeasure between the King and his Barons began to appear and disclose, which long while had been kept secret/ in so much that divers of them assembled in the marches of walis, and gathered unto them strong power/ and sent a letter unto the King under the seal of Sir Rogyer Clyfford, beseeching him to have in remembrance the oath & manifold promise that he had made, for the observing of the statutes made at his town of Oxenford, with other ordinances made to the honour of god, for faith and allegiance to his person, and weal & profit of all his realm/ willing him farther to with stand and defy all such persons, as will be again the said acts, saving the Queen and her children.  
After the which letter thus sent, and receiving of it none answer/ the said Barons with banner displayed went again such as they knew that held again the said acts. And first at Herforde they took the bishop of that see, and as many of his canons as were allyauntes born/ and took such treasure, and cattles as they there fande, and bore it with them. And after yode and sent unto such manners as the said bishop and canons had, and them spoiled and rob/ and some of them threw to the ground and consumed with fire/ and put the said Bishop and canons in sure keeping, and set other in their places/ and after went unto the other costs where they supposed to find of their enemy's/ keeping their course toward London, bearing before them a banner of the kings arms/ & so holding their journey, much people drew unto them. In the which progress ever as they fande any that they knew to be again the maintenance of the said acts/ they imprisoned them & spoiled their places, were they spiritual or temporal men. And in divers of the kings castles they set in such persons as to them liked, and put out such as there were set in by the King/ and gave unto them an oath that they should be true and faithful to the King, and keep those castles to his use and weal of the realm.  
About midsummer when they drew near to London/ they sent a letter unto the mayre and aldermen, under the seal of Sir Symonde Mountforde/ willing to know of them whither they would observe the acts and statutes made in the parliament of Oxenford or not, or else they would aid and assist such persons as intended the breach of the same/ & sent unto them a copy of the said acts with a proviso, that if any that there were specified were to the hurt of the realm or common weal of the same, that they then by discrete persons of the land, should be altered and amended. The which copy the mayre bore unto the King then being at the tower, accompanied with the Queen and the King of Almaigne which lately was returned from beyond the see, and Sir Edward his son, with other of his counsel.  
Then the King intending to know the mind of the city, axed the mayre what he thought of those ordinances and acts/ knowing well that before his coming thither, he had counseled with the aldermen and some commons of the city. The mayre then abashed with that question/ besought the King that he might common with his brethren the aldermen/ and he should show unto him his and their opinions. But the King said he would here his advise without more counsel. Then the mayre boldly said, that before times he with his brethren and commonalty of the city, by his commandment were sworn to maintain all acts made to the honour of god, to the faith of the King and profit of the realm/ which oath by his licence and most gracious favour they intended to observe and keep. And more over to avoid all occasion that might grow of grudge or variance between his grace and his Barons within the city/ they would avoid all allyauntes & strangers out thereof, if his grace were so contented. Which answer the King showed as he were therewith pleased so that the mayre with his favour departed, and sent answer to the barons to the same according/ their liberties always upholden and saved.  
Then shortly after, for so much as diverse noble men of the land which held again those statutes, were riden toward Dover, & there enriched to have taken shipping forfere of the barons/ the King sent after them divers persons of his household, and of the citizens of London, to reform and induce them to return, and to tarry with the King.  
And in that season all allyauntes, the which were taken suspect of any favour owing to that one part or to that other, were avoided the city. But it was not long after that Sir Edward the kings son, set them or many of them in offices with in the castle of windsor. Than watch was kept daily within the city/ and in the nights a certain were assigned to ride about the town, with a certain footmen assigned to them, to search all the town over. But of that ensued harm. For while the riding watch was in one place of the city/ some evil disposed persons under colour of watch men, and to seche for strangers, rob and spoiled many houses within the city. For remedy whereof a standing watch was ordained in every ward. And the King hearing of the Barons near coming unto the city/ departed thence shortly after.  
Then the Barons entered the city the Sunday before saint Margaret's day. And shortly after the King returned to westminster, with the Queen and other of his counsel. And soon after by the consent of the King and the Barons/ Sir Hugh le Spenser was made chief justice and keeper of the tower.  
Upon the morrow following Mary Magdaleyne day, a wryt was directed unto the mayre and aldermen/ charging them that the kings peace were firmly kept within the city. For in the same writ it was also expressed, that the King and his Barons were lovingly agreed. Farther more was by the said writ commanded, that if within the precinct of their franchises, were any person or persons known, that would withstand the foresaid ordinances & statutes/ that all such should be attached and put in prison, and their goods attached for the King till they knew his further pleasure.  
ye shall understand that while the Lords lay thus within the city/ diverse conventiculis and gaderyngis were made of the citesyns and other, that rob in diverse places of the city, and did much harm. The which was smally corrected/ they were so borne out and maintained by their masters. And the commons of the city were far out of rule by insensing of riotous persons/ that in assembles and courts that then were kept at Guyldhall or other places, simple and undyscret persons should have the voice, and the worshipful men little or nothing regarded/ whereof ensued daily much unhappiness and sorrow, as after shall appear.  
The Barons then to obtain the more favour of the city/ willed them to show if they had any of their liberties wythdrawn, that they might again to them be restored/ and also to devise some new to their weal and profit, and they would labour to the King that they might have them granted. For the which comfort of the Lords, the mayre called the commons to the Guyldhall, and showed to them the benevolence of the said Lords/ & willed them that every office for his office, to devise such things as might be beneficial for the city. whereupon they counseled together, and made a note in paper of divers statutes, provisions, and ordinances to be granted/ which might more properly be named abominations. 
Singla● profit.  For they were devised to their singular profit, & to the great hurt of all other merchants coming to the city, and to all other fairs and markets of England/ and also prejudicial to the universal weal of the realm. The which when they were overseen by the heads of the city/ it was showed unto the said commons, that their ordinances were not leeful nor chartable ordered, and therefore they knew well they should not be admitted/ willing them to devise other. But all was in vain. By mean whereof both those & other that were right necessary for the common weal of the city, were rejected & put of.  
Then the Barons upon the morrow following saint jamys day, departed from London toward windsor, to see the guiding of the castle. where at their coming they put out the foresaid allyauntes before set in by Sir Edward the kings son/ the which assocyat with other yode unto Fulham, where the King than lay/ and showed to him that the Barons had spoiled them of such goods as they had, and that without cause. But the King put them of for that season, and warned them to sue to him again about Mychelmasse when more of his counsel was with him/ & than they should have justice.  
Upon the second day following the feast of saint Matthew, or the xxiii. Day of september/ the King, the Queen, with his sons and other nobles of this land/ took shipping and sailed into France, to be present at the French Kings parlyaament then holden at Bonony. And the morrow after the octabis of saint Mychaell, he landed again at Dover. And the friday following he came unto London.  
And upon the tuesday following, passed a quest of xii knights of Mydd sworn upon a jury, between the abbot of westminster and the city/ for certain privileges that the citizens of London claimed within westminster. where by the said jury it was founden before Gylbert of Prestone then chief Baron of the Kings exchequer, that the shreeves of London at those days might lawfully enter into the town of westminster, and all other tenements that the abbot than had within Myddelsex, & unto the gate of the said abbey and there to make summons and distran for lack of appearance, all and everich tenant of the said abbot.  
About the quindena of saint Mychaell/ the fourmer complaint of the allyauntes and other, which as above ye have hard, was showed before the King and the Lords in the parliament holden at westminster. where lastly it was sentenced, that the Barons should restore all such goods as they and their company had taken from all such persons before that day, as well to allyauntes as other both spiritual and temporal/ and also that such menyall servants as should be daily in the kings house and about his person, should be such as the King would choose and admit himself/ the which two. articles the Barons utterly denied. Wherefore the old rancour took place/ and dissension kindled his fire of malice again, between the King and his Lords fervently.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxiii.  Robert Moumplere.  Thomas fitz Thomas  Anno xlvii  Robert de Suff.   
IN this xlvii year, by procurement and stirring of the Barons, the commons of the city of London, chase unto their mayre for that year Thomas fitz Thomas, and without counsel of the aldermen swore at Guyldehall upon the day of Simon and Jude/ and made no presentment of him upon the morrow following, neither to the King nor yet to the Barons of the Kings exchequer, as they of right aught to have done. For the which presumption the King was grievously discontented again the city. Soon after the King advertising well that the city would take the Baron's party/ and caused Sir Edward his son to take the castle of windsor by a train. Whereof when he knew that he was in possession/ the King early in a morning a little tofore christmas departed from westminster, & road unto the said castle/ whither shortly after came also many of the Lords that were upon the kings party. And as fast the Lords and knights which held with the Earl of leicester, drew them toward Lonlon/ so that on either party was much people assembled. In the which pass time some well disposed, laboured a concord between the King & his Lords. By whose means finally it was agreed by both parties, that all matters concerning the foresaid articles of statutes and ordinances made at Oxenford, and after by the xii Peries/ that the French King should dame and judge, which should be holden and which not. And as he deemed/ both parties promised assuredly to abide. Upon which agreement copies were made of the said statutes/ and with letters showing the effect of the former agreement sent unto the said King of France/ then being saint Lewis. And in the christmas week following/ the King took shiping with Sir Edward his son and other of his counsel/ and sailed into France, for the foresaid cause. And for the party of the said Barons, was sent over Sir Peter de Mountforde and other. Then before Lewis King of France those statutes were sore argued upon both parties. How be it in the end, the French King calling before him both parties upon the day before the conversion of saint Paul, or the xxiiii day of January/ sitting in judgement gave express sentence that all and everich of the said statutes and ordinances, should be from the day forward utterly foredone and set at nought/ and all such bands and promises that the King or any other had made for the maintenance of the same, should be annulled & canceled/ and the King and all other, for any matter concerning those statutes set at liberty. After which sentence thus given the King returned into England/ so that he came to London the xu day of Februarye. But the Barons being sore amoved with this sentence, & noting great parcyaltye unto the French King/ departed from London westward, & so into the marches of wales, where they drew to them great power, and warred upon the lands and castles of Sir Roger mortimer, & threw some of them unto the ground, and spoiled of his what they might find/ and over that brent of his manors and houses. In whose aid Sir Edward the kings son coming, his people were distressed and he almost taken. For redress of which matters, a new parliament was appointed to be held at Oxenford in the quindena of Eester next following, which came never to effect. All be it an other chronicle saith that from this parliament then holden at Oxenford, the King and his Lords parted all discorded. Then the barons drew toward London/ & the King remained at woodstok. And then new assurance by writing indented was made between the commonalty of the city and the Barons, without consent of many of the rulers of the said city. Wherefore the commons as men enraged made of themself two capitains, which they named constables of the city/ that is to say Thomas de Pyweldon & Stephan Bukerel. At whose commandment by tolling of the great bell of Paul's, all the city should be ready shortly in harness, to give attendance upon their said capitains.  
About the beginning of lent/ the constable of the tower, Sir Hugh le Spenser, came with a fair company of men of arms before him into the city, and desired assistance of the forenamed constables. The which commanded the said bell to be tolled. By mean whereof the people shut their shops, and came out in harness in great multitude. The which after proclamation made, that they should follow their capitains, without knowledge what to do or whither to go, followed their said capitains/ and so yode unto Thystelworth upon two miles beyond westminster, & there spoiled the manor of the King of Romans, and set it after upon a fire. And that done, his water mills & other commodities that he there had put them to utter ruin. And after with great noise and cry, returned unto London.  
This deed as saith mine author was cause of the mortal war following. For where before time the said King of Romans had been for alliance that was between him and the Earl of gloucester, a treaty of peace to be had between the King and his Barons/ after that deed done he was enemy unto them to the uttermost of his power.  
The King hearing of this ry●●gaderyd unto him great power. And for he hard that Sir Peter de Mount ford was at Northampton, gathering of people to strength the Baron's party/ he sped him thither, and wan the town upon him by force, and slew many of his men/ and finally took him & Sir Simon the son of the Earl of leicester, with divers other on live/ the which with many burgesses of that town that had take their parties, the King sent unto divers prisons/ and some he closed within the castle of the same town.  
In this pass time on Palmesondaye week all the Jews in London were spoiled and rob/ & the number of .v. hundred of them were slain, and divers of their mansions brent and destroyed/ and such as of them were saved, were conveyed for great meed unto the tower/ and there kept from the fury of the commons. Whereof the occasion was, for so much as a Jew would have forced a christian man to have given to him more than two. d. for the usure of twenty s. for a week. For ye shall understand that at those days, by licence granted unto the Jews of the King. they might take by usury of every man that of them would borrow money ii d. of a pound for a week lending/ and so of greater & of smaller sums after that rate. And soon after the Jews were thus punished/ many houses of religion within the city and near there about, were searched for goods of alliauntiss/ and much found. Whereof a part was brought unto the lords/ but the more part was stolen and bribed, In which season the King passed by divers countries/ and lastly came into Southsex with a strong power. Whereof hearing the Lords made preparation to go towards him. In all which time the wardens of the v. ports kept the see with ships, that no strangers should enter the land to aid the King again the Barons.  
Then in the end of Apryll the Barons with a multitude of the city, which they put in vaward/ departed from London, taking their journey toward the King. And when they were well onward upon their way/ word was brought unto them that the King with an huge power was at Lewis.  
wherefore they by an hole assent devised a letter/ and sent it in the name of all the Barons unto the King, whose names here under follow but not all.  

Sir Symonde de Mounforde Earl of leicester, and high steward of England.  
Sir Gylbert de Clare, Earl of gloucester.  
Sir Robert Ferres, Earl of Derby.  
Sir Hugh le Spenser chief justice/ and Sir Henry de Mountford son and heir to the Earl of leicester.  
Sir richard Gray.  
Sir Henry Hastynges.  
Sir Iohn fitz Iohn.  
Sir Robert de Uenpount.  
Sir Iohn Gyvyle.  
Sir Robert Roos.  
Sir wyllyam Marmyon.  
baldwin wake.  
Sir Gylbert Gyfforde.  
Sir Nycholas de megrave.  
Sir Godfrey de Lucy.  
Sir Iohn de Ueysy.  
Sir wyllyam de Mounthdesey.   
which letter sealed with the seals of the said Earl of Leycester, and of gloucester contained as followeth  
TO the most excellent lord the King, 
A letter sent by the 〈◊〉 to the King  Henry by the grace of god King of England, Lord of Irlande, and duke of Gwyan/ the Barons & other faithful your servants, their fidelity and oath to god and to you coveting to keep, sending to you due saluting with all reverence and honour, under due obeisance. Liketh it your highness to understand, that many being about you have before times showed unto your lordship of us many evil & untrue reports/ and have found suggestions not alonely of us, but also of yourself to bring this your realm unto subversion. Know your excellency, that we intend nothing but health and surety to your person, to the uttermost of our powers/ and not only to our enemies, but also to yours and of all this your realm, we intend utter grievance and correction. beseeching your grace her after to give unto them little credence/ for ye shall find us your true and faithful subjects to the utter most of our powers. And we Earl of leicester, and Earl of gloucester, at the request of other and for ourself, have put to our seals/ the ten day of the month of May.  
The answer unto this foresaid letter.  
HEnry by the grace of god, King of England, Lord of Irland and duke of Guyan/ to Symonde de Mountforde, & Gylbert de Clare, & their complyces. where as by war & general ꝑturbaunce in this our realm by you begun & continued, with also burnings, and other hurts and enormities that evidently appeareth that your fidelity to us due, ye have not kept, nor the surety of our person ye have little regarded/ for so much as our lord & other our trusty friends which daily bide with us ye veryn and grieve, and them pursue to the uttermost of your powers/ and yet daily intend, as ye by the report of your letters have us ascertained: we the grieve of them admit & take for our own, specially when they for their fidelity which they to us daily impend, stand and abide by us to oppress your ifidelyte and untruth. Wherefore of your favour or assurance we set little store/ but you as our enymyes we utterly defy, witness ourself at our town of Lewis, the xii day of this month of May.  
And over this the King of Romans, Sir Edward the kings son, and the other Lords being than with the King/ sent unto them another letter, whereof the tenor ensuyth.  
RIcharde by the grace of god King of Romans alway Augustus, and Edward the noble first begotten son of the King of England, all other Barons firmly standing and abiding with our sovereign Lord the King, to Symonde be Mountford, Gylbert de Clare, and all other their false fellows. By the letters which ye sent unto the King our most sovereign Lord; we under stand that we are defied of you. Nevertheless this word of dyffyaunce appeared unto us sufficiently before, by the depredation and brenning of our manors, and carrying away of our goods. Wherefore we will that ye understand, that we defy you as our mortal & public enemies. And when so ever we may come to revengement of the injuries that ye to us have done/ we shall acquit it to the uttermost of our powers. And where ye put upon us, that neither true nor good counsel to our sovereign Lord the King we give/ ye therein say falsely and untruly. And if the saying ye Sir Symonde de Mountforde and Sir Gylbert de Clare will justify in the court of our sovereign lord/ we are ready to purchase to you surety & safe coming, that there we may prove our true and faithful innocency, & your false and traitorous dying. witnessed with the seals of Richard King of Romans, & Sir Edward forenamed. Given at Lewis the xii day of May.  
WHen the baronies had received these letters from the King and his Lords/ they perceived well that there was none other mean, but defend their cause by dint of sword. Wherefore they putting their trust in god/ sped them forth toward the King. And upon a wednesday being then the xxiiii day of May, early in the morning both hosts met. where after the Londoners had given the first assault, they were betyn back/ so that they began to draw from the sharp shot and strokes, to the discomfort of the Baron's host. But the Barons encouraged and comforted their men in such wise, that not alonely the fresh and lusty knights fought eagerly, but also such as before were discomfited, recovered their virtue & strength, & fought without fere, in so much that the kings vaward lost their places. 
* cruel and detestable battle.  Then was the field covered with deed bodies/ & gasping & groaning was hard on every side. For either was desirous for to bring the other out of life. And the father spared not the son, nor the son that father. alliance at the time was turned unto dyffyaunce/ and christian blood that day was shed without pity. Thus during the cruel fight by the more part of the day, lastly the victory fill to the Barons/ so that there was taken the King, & the King of romans, Sir Edward the kings son, with many other noble men to the number of xxv Barons and bannerets/ & people slain a great multitude over twenty thousand as saith mine authors.  
when the Barons had thus obtained victory, provision was made for the safe keeping of the prisoners/ so that all were sent unto divers castles and prisons, except the King, his brother the King of Almaigne, & Sir Edward his son/ the which the Barons held with them till they came to London.  
Then a new grant was made by the King, that the foresaid statutes should stand in strength. And if any were thought unreasonable/ they to be corrected and amended by four noble men of the realm/ that is to mean ii of the spirituality, and ii of the temporalty. And if those four might not agree/ that then the Earl of Angeou and duke of Burgoyn to be judges of that matter. And this to be firmly holden and obeyed by the King and his brother/ the Kings granted that their sons & heirs should remain with the Barons as prisoners, till all thing were finished according to the former agreement. And upon this was a parliament appointed, to be holden at London at Penthecoste following/ but that came never to purpose. Then the tuesday before the assention day peace was proclaimed in London between the King and his Barons. And upon the day following, the King & the Barons came unto London/ with the King of romans, & Sir Edward the King son. Then Sir Edward as pledge for the King, and Sir Henry son unto the King of almain were sent unto the tour, and there lodged/ and from thence unto Dover castle. And the King was lodged in the bishops palace by Paul's/ and the King of Almaigne with divers other within the tower. Then it was agreed by the King, that for his more surety, and for the weal of the land/ that the Earl of leicester should be ressyaunt in the kings court. Upon the which agreement & other, many of the prisoners were set at large.  
In this pass time before the field of Lewis/ the Queen & the King of romans had sent over the see for souldy ours, to aid the King again the Barons/ which now were comen in great number unto Dover, & there hoved in the see to have landed. Whereof hearing the Barons sent the King of romans to the castle of Berkham stead as prisoner, till the said allyauntes were returned/ and caused King Henry with a great power to ride thither, and force the said host of strangers to return into their own countries.  
And when the King had returned the said strangers/ he shortly after with agreement of the barons sailed over into France, and returned again within short term.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxiiii.  Osbert winter.  Thomas fitz Thomas.  Anno xlviii  Phylyppe tailor.   
IN this xlviii year/ the Lords of the marches about the feast of christmas, assembled them in those costs, and did much harm upon the lordships and manors of the earls of leicester and of gloucester standing in the marches of wales. Wherefore the King road shortly after to gloucester, and called there a counsel of his Lords. By authority of which counsel it was enacted, that as many of the said Lords as came not in by the octavis of saint hylary next following, & yielded them unto the kings grace, should be exiled. And by the said counsel was also agreed, that in the said octaves should a parliament be holdyn at westminster. At which day the King with his Lords spiritual and temporal and commons of his land, began his foresaid parliament. During the which it was there showed the King being present, that he nor Sir Edward his son nor none of them, should after that day grieve or cause to be grieved, the Earls of leicester and of gloucester, the Barons, bannerets or knights, the citesyns of London and Barons of the .v. ports/ nor none other persons or persons of high or low degree, that was upon the party of the said Earls, for any matter of displeasure done again the King and the said Sir Edward his son, at any time before that day. And that to uphold/ the King before his Lords was sworn. And after that was showed and rad a charter of pardon concerning the said cause/ and a confirmation of the statutes of the forest, with many other acts and statutes before granted of the King. Then in the feast of saint Gregory following, or the xii day of March/ Sir Edward the kings son, that before was also sworn to perform such promises as the King had made before in the parliament, was delivered at liberty/ & also Sir Henry the kings son of Almaigne, the which had been kept as pledge as ye before have hard upon the term of ix months & odd days/ upon assurance made, that the said Sir Edward should dwell and abide in the kings court, and not to depart from thence without licence of the King and of a certain of the Barons. After this many instruments & bands were made by the King and Sir Edward his son, for the performance of covenants & pactions made between the King and the Barons, which shortly after came to small effect.  
In the season between Easter and Penthecoste, for ordering of the aforesaid statutes made at Oxenford, fell deffencyon between the Earls of leicester & of gloucester/ so that words of displeasure was uttered between them, the King and they also being then at gloucester. Then the King and his Barons had labour to set them at unity and rest.  
And upon the see the Barons of the .v. ports rob and spoiled all men that they might take/ sparing neither english merchants nor other. Of which prays as the common fame than went, some of the Barons of the land had good part.  
In the whitsun week following, the King with the Earl of leicester, and Sir Edward his son, with many other Lords being at Herforde in the edge of wales/ the said Sir Edward secretly and without licence departed from the court, and yode unto Chester/ where he accompanied to him the Earl of gloucester and the Lords of the Marches, the Earl of warenne, Sir Roger mortimer and other/ & from thence went unto gloucester, breaking the bridges as he went, to the intent that he were not followed till he had assembled his power.  
when knowledge of this came unto the Earl of leicester/ he in all hast sent unto Sir Symonde his son, that he should gather his knights unto him. The which according to the commandment assembled unto him much people, & with them drew toward winchester/ so that he came before the city upon the even of the translation of saint Swythyn, or the xiiii day of the month of july. where he was shut out, for so much as the citizens knew not whither he came as the kings friend or not. And also little before they had received a letter from Sir Edward, willing them to hold them out of the city. For these causes the citesyns closed their gates again the said Sir Symonde and his company. But it was not long or the city was yelden. Then they spoiled the town/ and slew the more party of the Jews that dwelled within the same. And that done, laid siege unto the castle and assaulted it. But for tidings were feigned of the coming of Sir Edward with his power/ they departed shortly thence, and so yode unto Kenelworth.  
Upon the last day of July/ Sir Edward with his host came unto Kenelworth foresaid, and fill suddenly upon the host of the forenamed Sir Symonde, and with shedding of little blood, took there prisoners the Earl of Oxenford, wyllyam de mount Canyse, Adam de Newmarket, Sir Balwyne wake, and Hugh nevil, with divers other/ and Sir Symonde fled into the castle and so escaped. Then these forenamed prisoners were all sent unto gloucester/ and there put in sure keeping.  
In this mean while Sir Symonde Earl of leicester, took leave of the King/ which then from Herforde passed the river of Severne, and so yode unto worceter. And the Earl with great pain passed the bridges before by Sir Edward broken, and passed the countries in gathering of people as he went/ so that in process he had with him strong power. Whereof hearing Sir Edward, costed toward him/ and the vi day of August met with him at Euysham in worceter shire/ where between them was fought a cruel fight. In that which at length was slain the said Sir Symonde, and Sir Henry his son and heir, Sir Hughele Spenser, Sir Peter de Mountforde, and many other noble men that held upon the Baron's party.  
After which scomfiture, some malicious disposed persons, in despite of the Earl cut of his hood & his dimyssaryes, and fastyned them upon either side of his nose/ and after made a present thereof unto the wife of Sir Roger mortimer. His feet also and his hands were cut from the body, and sent to sundry places/ and the trunk of his body buried within the church of Euysham. Of this Earl speaketh ranulph munke of Chester in his book of Policronycon, and calleth him Simon the right wise/ saying that god wrought for him miracles after his death, the which forfere of the King and Sir Edward his son were kept close and secret, so that no man durst speak of them. Soon after this victory thus obtained by Sir Edward, the King & he met/ by whose authorytyes all prisoners then which were in hold in divers places, by the commandment of the said Sir Edward, were set at liberty/ & many other daily accused & set in for them. And about the nativity of our lady, a parliament was held at winchester where by authority of the same, all statutes & ordinances before made by the Barons at Oxenford in the xli year of the King, were utterly fordone & set at nought/ and all bonds & writings made by the King or any other for the observing of the same, were canceled and broken. Also at this counsel was ordained, that all such as had favoured the Barons, were they in prison or at large/ should be disherited. And then the King resumed into his hand, all grants before made and given to any person. And for Sir Symounde de Mountforde might not agree with the King at the parliament/ he was restored to the castle of Kenelworth, as he before was assured/ the which he with Sir Henry de Hastynges and other kept long after.  
when the parliament was ended/ the King came unto windsor with a great power, intending as the fame than went to destroy the city of London, for the great ire and displeasure that he had unto it. Whereof hearing the mayre and aldermen, were stricken in a wonderful fere/ all be it many of the rabbysh and wild commoners, were in full purpose to have defended the city again the King. And thus among them were divers and many opinions. And no wonder/ for at those days the city was inhabited with many manner of nations, which then were admitted for citizens.  
lastly by grace and sad counsel of the best of the city/ they condescended to make a supplication to the King, & send it by some religious person. Of the which they made divers, and sent them by sundry persons/ but all availed right nought. For the King was so grievously incensed by some of his counsel again the citizens, that he would not look upon none of their supplications. And if any man spoke/ for them/ he soon would make such countenance, that men which were in his favour feared to speak for them. Then the citizens were counseled by their friends, that they should make a writing, and seal it with their common seal/ by virtue whereof they should offer themself to put them holly in the kings grace and mercy touching their lives & goods. According to the which counsel they devised a writing, and sealed it with their common seal/ and that done chose viii persons of the city such as had friends in the court, and sent them toward windsor the vi day of October. Upon which day they encountered beyond Colbroke a knight of the Kings called Sir Roger Leyborne, the which turned the said viii persons unto the city/ and he also road with them till he came near unto the city, and there departed from them, and road upon the back side of the town unto the tour. But at his departing he will led them to warn the mayre with a certain of the city, to meet with him upon the morrow at berking church, which standeth near unto the tower. Upon the morrow when the mayre and the said Sir Roger were met/ he after a long process made, showed to them of the Kings grievous displeasure which he bore toward the city/ and the means that had be used by their friends and lovers, to obtain grace for the city. lastly he expressed that no grace for them might be had/ except they would by their common seal bind themself fully and holly to stand at the Kings grace, and to put in his mercy their lives and goods. Whereunto in the end the citizens granted, and delivered the foresaid writing unto the foresaid Roger/ praying him to be good mean for them to the King. The which departed toward the King upon the morrow, and returned again the vi day after/ and willed the mayre and aldermen to meet with him again at the foresaid church. where he showed to them that the King by great instance of their friends had received their wyrting/ and would first for the beginning of contentation of his mind, that all the chains/ which stood in every street and lanes end within the city, should be loosed from their posts, and the post also drawn out of the earth, and all to be brought unto the tower/ and that done, that the mayre with a certain of the citizens to the number of xl persons, should the day following be at windsor to comferme the grant of their writing. And that they should go & come in safe & sure wise/ he delivered to them the kings letter & seal for the term of four days. Which all was done according to their former devise/ and the mayre with the foresaid persons was ready at windsor upon the morrow being sunday by one of the clock/ and there tarried till four of the same day. At which season the King coming from his disport, entered the castle without countenance or casting his eyen upon the Londoners. And when the King and his peole was entered the castle/ the Londoners would have followed. But they were warned to abide with out. Then short time after the King caused a proclamation to be made, that no man of high or low degree, to the Londoners should make any sayynges of displeasure, or make to them any quarrel. And in the evening came unto them the foresaid Sir Roger & Sir Robert waleys knights, and brought them into the castle/ and said the kings pleasure was not to speak with them that night. And after the said knights delivered them unto the constable of the castle/ which closed them all in a large tour, where that night they had small cheer and worse lodging.  
Then upon the morrow being monday toward night/ they were taken out of that tour, and delivered unto the bailie of the said castle, and lodged by his assignment/ except .v. persons, that is to mean Thomas fitz Thomas then mayre, Mychaell Tony, Stephan Bukkerell, Thomas Pywellyson, and Iohn de Flete. The which .v. persons the King had given to Sir Edward his son/ at whose commandment they remained still in the said tour long after, not withstanding the Kings save conduit to them as before is showed, made. when tidings hereof came unto the city of London/ all be it that for fere many before were avoided, then there avoided many more/ & conveyed their goods in secret wise, into divers countries of England, so that many of them never returned after.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxiiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxv.  Thomas de la Fourdeous.  Thomas fitz Thomas.  Anno xlix  Gregory Rokkylse.   
IN this xlix year, upon the day of saint Leonarde or the vi. Day of November/ the King came unto westminster. And shortly after he gave unto divers of his household servants, upon three score houses & households within the city/ so that the owners were compelled to agree and redeem their houses and household with all goods as in them were, or else to avoid, and suffer such persons to enter as the said houses were given unto/ & not alonely that, but also all such lands and tenements, goods & cattles, as the said citizens had in any other places of England. And than he made custos or garden of the city, Sir Othon constable of the tour/ which Sir Othon chase to be bailiffs under him, and to be to him accountable to the use of the King, Iohn Adrian, & walter Heruy citizens of the same city. And after this the King took pledges of the best men's sons of the city, that his peas should be surely kept within the same. The which were put in the tour of London, and there kept at the cost of their parents. And shortly after by great labour & suit made/ all the foresaid persons which were in the keeping of the bailie of the castle of windsor iiii. Only except, that is to say richard Bonaventure, Simon de Hadisstok, wyllyam de Kent, & wyllyam de Grouceter/ all the other Londoners xxxiiii in number, were delivered & came to erondon the Thursday following the feast of saint Luke, in the xxi. day of November/ & the other ix were kept still in the tour of windsor.  
Then daily suit & labour was made unto the King to have his gracious favour/ and to know his pleasure what fine he would have of the city, for their transgressions & displeasure by them to him done. For the which the King asked xl M.li and firmly held him at l M. mark. But the city laid for them that the poor commons of the city, whereof many were avoided were the trespassers/ and over that the best men of the city by these riotous persones, were spoiled and rob/ and by the rovers also of the see, as the wardens of that .v. ports and other, in this troublous season they had lost a great part of their substance. For the which considerations and many other which were tedious to writ the citizens besought the King of his most gracious favour and pity, and to take of them as they might bear.  
This matter thus hanging/ the King upon saint Nycholas even departed from westminster toward Northampton. And little before his departing/ ordained Sir Iohn lynd knight and Master Iohn waldrens clerk, to be gardens of the city & tour/ the which were named in the kings writing Senesshalles or stewards of the city. Upon the day following that the King was riden/ these ii forenamed stewards sent for xxiiii of the most notable men of the city, and warned them to apere the day following before the Kings counsel at westminster/ where at their appearance was showed unto them by Sir Roger Leyborne, that the kings mind was, that they should have the rule of the city in his absens under the foresaid Senesshalles & for to see good rule kept within the city/ they should be sworn there before his counsel.  
The which there were then sworn & countermanded unto the city. And alway labour was made unto the King for the fine of the city/ so that in the christmas week an end was made with the King, by labour of such friends as the city had about him, for the sum of twenty M. mark, for all transgressions and offences by them before done/ certain persons excepted which the King had given to Sir Edward his son, being as before is said in the tower of wynsore. For the payment of which sum at days by agreement set/ Sir Roger Leyborne & Master Roberte wareyn clerk, were assigned to take the sureties for the same. After which surety by them received, and sent unto the King to Northampton/ the King sent immediately after unto the citizens, a charter under his broad seal, whereof the effect ensueth.  
HEnry by the grace of god, king of England, lord of Irlande and duke of Guyan/ to all men health. Know ye that for the fine of twenty M. mark, the which our citizens of London to us made, for the redemption of the transgressions and trespasses to us, to our Queen, to our noble brother richard King of Almaigne, and to Edward our first begotten son done/ we remit and pardon for us and for our heirs to the said citizens and their heirs, as much as in us is/ so that they have and enjoy all their former grants and liberties, rents and profits, from the feste of christmas last paste/ and also that the said citizens have to them all forfeits of all malefactors of the city, which in the parturbaunce before made were endited, or for the same be yet for to be endited/ except the goods and cattles of them, of the which we have given the bodies unto our foresaid son Edward/ and except the rents and tenements of all those citizens, which now be and shallbe our escheat by reason of the foresaid transgressions. And that all prisoners which now in our prisons remain, be freely delivered/ except those persones whose bodies we have given to Edward our son. And that the said citizens be as free as they before the said transgressions were, in all parts and costs of this our lands. In witness whereof we have made these letters patents/ witnesseth myself at Northampton, the ten day of Januarii, the year of our reign xlix  
After which pardon by the citizens received/ all pledges for them being in the tour of London, And also four of them that were in the tour of windsor, that is to say Richard Bonaventure, Simon de Hadistoke, wyllyam of Kente, and wyllyam of gloucester, were delivered. then also was discharged the forenamed stewards Sir Iohn Lind & Master Iohn waldrens/ and the citizens of themself chose for mayre william Fyz Richard, and for sheriffs Thomas de la ford, & Gregory de Rokkysley. Than for leaving of this fine were set as well servants covenant men, as householders/ & many refuced the liberties of the city for to be quit of that charge.  
while the King lay thus at Northampton/ Sir Simon de Mountford put him upon the doom of the Pope's legate Octobonus, that before was come into this land to reform things in the church of England, and also to set unity & rest between the King and his Lords. To whose do me, & also of the King of romans, the foresaid Sir Symond had bounden him to stand. Upon which promise and band, he was lybertied to be at large in the kings court, and so continued a season. But in the end when the King was comen into London, he departed suddenly out of the court & road unto wynchelsee, where he accompanied him with the rovers of the see/ and after some pryses taken, departed from them and so sailed into France, and put him in service with holy Lowis than King of that province.  
This year also upon the even of saint Iohn baptist/ the King begun his siege about the castle of Kenelworth with a mighty power. But Sir Henry Hastynges, with such as were within it, defended it so strongly, that the King and all his power might nat win the said castle of a long time, as after in the next year shall appear.  
It is before showed, how the Queen by her purueiauns had caused an host of strangers to prepare them to come into England, for to aid her Lord the King again the barons: She had also purchased a curse of the Pope, to acurse all the said barons and all their aiders & helpers/ and had commyssions directed to certain bishops of England, to execute the same/ as of London, and of wynchester, and of chichester/ the which for fere of the barons than denied & deferred the execution and sentence of the said curse. Wherefore the Queen made new labour to the pope than Urban the four and had it granted, that the said bishops for their disobedience should be corrected. And for this, Octobon the foresaid legate, this year at a counsel holden by him and the clergy of England at Paul's church in London suspended the said bishops, & them sent unto Rome to be assoiled of the pope, being at this day Clement the four   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxv.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxvi.  Edward Blont.  Thomas fiz Thomas.  Anno. l  Peter Aunger.   
IN this l year upon the even of saint Thomas the apostle before christmas, was yelden by appointment the castle of Kenelworth At the which the King with his power had lain as before is said, from midsummer till that day/ and than given over by Sir Henry Hastynges & his complyeys, upon condition that he and all the other should have life and limb, and horse & harness, with all things within the castle to them belonging/ and a certain time of leisure to carry a way the same. And in this year in the time of Lent/ were the wardens of the .v. ports reconciled to the King, by favour of Sir Edward the kings son. And notwithstanding the great harms they had done by roving upon the see, aswell to english merchants as to other/ they had to them confirmed all their former privileges. And over that to them was granted, that if any man english or other would sew for restitution of good by them before taken, or for the death of any of their friends before slain/ that all such complaints should be sued & showed in their courtis/ & there to have their matters determined & nat else where. But what the cause was of this end thus made atween the King & then it is nat showed. But the common fame at that day ran that the said wardens of the v. ports had at this day the dominion of the see. Wherefore the King was fain to follow their pleasures.  
About the feast of Philip & Jacob the King held his parliament at Northampton. At that which were confirmed the old franchises & liberties, by the kings progenitors before granted unto the city of London, with a new grant for the shire of Middelsex. And at this parliament were disherited many noble men of the land, that before time had taken the barons party. For which cause they accompanied them together, & rob and reaved in divers coostes of the land/ & took the town of Lyncoln & spoiled it, & after ransomed many of the rich burgesses of the town/ and took the isle of Ely, & strengthened it in such wise that they held it long after.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxvi.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxvii.  Iohn Adryan.  willm Fiz richard.  Anno li  Luke Badecot.   
IN this li year/ at the choosing of the mayre, certain controversies fill attwene the rulers & the commons of the city of London. Wherefore by advice of the mayre and aldermen/ Sir Roger Leydorne with other came unto the Guylhalle, being harnesed under their gowns and upon the Friday following Alhalowyn called the commons to the election of the new mayre/ where the best of the city gave the nominacyon unto Alei sowch/ & diverse of the other cried upon Thomas fitz Thomas, which at that time was prisoner in windsor castle/ wherefore the said Roger with the assistance of the mayre and other, took the said Rascal and evil disposed persons, and sent them unto divers prisons. This year also the gentlemen that held the isle of Ely broke out sundry times and did much harm in Norfolk, & in Suffolk, and Cambrydgeshyre/ and took the city of Norwyche/ and after the spoiling thereof, carried away with them many of the citizens being rich, and fynaunced them at great sums of money/ & lived therein that I'll like unto out laws. By this and other, many hurts in divers places of the land was done, by thiefs and other ill disposed people/ whereof the charge was ever laid unto the fore name gentlemen. Then the legate laboured unto the King, that the said disherited gentlemen might purchase their lands of him by fine and ransom. By whose labour the King lastly agreed, that the said gentlemen should have their lands again by fines of .v. year value of their land. As he that might dispend twenty li. by year, should pay an. C. li. and so other after that rate, except Sir Robert ferers Earl of Derby, Sir Iohn de la war and him that struck of the fist of the kings purseuaunt. And some other persons which were of small havour, should be fyned by discretion of the kings counsel/ but this took no conclusion.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxvii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxviii.  Thomas Basing.  Aleyn South.  Anno lii  Robert de Cornehylf.   
IN this lii year, for what hap is nat expressed, Sir Gylbert de Clare Earl of Gloceter refused the king and in the March of wales gathered unto him a strong power. To whom also drew Sir Iohn eyvile & other of the company disherited. And after the feast of christmas, with a great host came near unto London/ that time the Pope's legate Octobonus being lodged at the tour of London.  
when the mayre and aldermen of the city were ware of the Earls coming, with so strong a power, nat knowing whether he were the kings friend or not/ shit the gates again his fore riders. And for the King nor none of his counsel was than near unto the city/ the mayre and aldermen went unto the legate, and required his counsel, whether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the city or not/ whereunto the legate answered that he thought nat the contrary/ for he knew weal that he was the kings true subyect & friend. It was nat long after that a messenger came from the Earl unto the mayre, willing to have licence to pass thorough the city into Southwerke, where he intended to lodge him and his people/ which was granted/ and so the Earl passed through the city, and was lodged in South work. To whom came shortly after by Southerey, side Sir Iohn eyvile with a great company.  
Than the mayre kept the gate of the bridge shut, and watched it daily with a certain of armed men, and every night caused the draw bridge to be drawn, & the waters side daily and nightly to be watched with many armed men. In little process of time after/ the legate and the Earl agreed in such wise, that the Earl by his advice was suffered with a certain of his people to be lodged within the city. By reason whereof he daily drew more & more of his people into the city/ so that finally many things were ordered by him, & many of the commons took his party again the mayre and aldermen.  
Then in the Easter week he took the keys of the bridge and of the gates from the officers of the city, and delivered them to such as pleased him and received into the city many of the dysherited persons, and gave to them free liberty to pass the bridge by all hours of the day & the night. The mayre of all this scent word unto the King, which than was gathering of his power in Norfolk, and made hasty speed toward London. In which mean time the Earl with his company made bulwarks and Barbycanies atwene the tour & the city, and cast dykes & trenches in some places of the city, & fortified it wondrously.  
Then many of the citizens fearing a new insurrection, voided the city as secretly as they might/ whose goods the Earl seized to his own use: or suffered his men to spoil them at their pleasure. Than the commons of the city forgot their late punishment/ and as men without dread of god or of their King, took certain of the aldermen & cast them in prison, and sequestered their goods, & dyspoyled moche thereof. And thereupon ran to the Guyldhalle, and there chose for their mayre or for custos or ruler of the city Sir Richard de Culworth knight, and for bailiffs Roberte de Lynton and Roger Martial/ and discharged the old mayre and sheriffs. And that done, all such prisoners as were in Newgate, Ludgate, and Crepylgate, or in any other prisons within the city for because of the barons war before passed/ they were delivered & set at liberty.  
when the legate beheld all this rebellion and discord/ he repent him of his former counsel given unto the mayre. And for he saw he might nat reform the Earl of his error/ he threatened him with the censures of the church, and to accurse him as the disherited were. And upon this he commanded the divine service to be said without note, & the church doors to be shit in time of the service doing, & that no bell were rung unto the said service/ and all to the intent that the disherited, which stood accursed should nat enter the churches to here the divine service of god.  
Then upon iii weeks after Easter/ the King came to Ham iii miles from London, and was lodged him self in the abbey of white monks of Stratforde. Whither came unto him the legate soon after, and was lodgid also in the same abbey/ where for streyghtnes of lodging his horse and mules were set within the closter of the said abbey. Then the kings host made daily assaults upon the city/ and guns and other ordinances was shot into the city, which little or nothing hurt the town, it was so strongly fortified.  
In this season the legate upon his party, and the King of Romans upon the other party, for alliance that was between him and the Earl of gloucester/ laboured so to the King that a reformation of peace was spoken of. During which treaty the soldiers dying in Southwerke, made many robberies in Southery and other places/ and rowed over to westminster, and spoiled there the Kings palace, and devoured his wine, and broke the glass of the windows/ and all other necessaries to that palace they destroyed & wasted/ and sometimes came in like wise into London and robbed there also. Of which there was taken four that bore the cognisance of the Earl of Derby/ the which the Earl caused their hands and legs to be bounden, and then put into a sack, and so cast into the thamies.  
About the feast of saint Barnaby/ the peace between the King and the Earl of gloucester was concluded.  
After the which conclusion taken/ the Earl removed out of the city, & was lodged again in South work. And the King entered the city the sunday before midsummer day. And forth with the kings proclamations were made through the city, of the peace between the King & the Earl. And after was given liberty to the disherited persons that they should have xi days respite to shift for themself/ that is to mean other to avoid to such places where they might be in some surety, or else to agree to the former composition made by the legate, and to pay the .v. part of the slynte of their lands/ certain persons to be excepted, as before is rehearsed. And as touching to the Earl and such other as before were not disherited, with also the citizens of London, to be clearly forgiven and pardoned.  
And then was restored to their offices Aleyn Sowch for mayre, and Thomas Basing and Robert de cornhill for sheriffs. And the aldermen which before were deposed, were again restored to their wards and offices.  
Upon the wednesday following, the legate interdyted all the city. which endured from vi of the clock in the morning, till iii of the clock the next day at after none/ and than it discharged, upon the oath of ii commons sworn in the name of all the city, that the city should stand to the ordinance and judgement of holy church. But an other chronicle saith, that this interdiction should have continued longer, ne had been the sterenesse of the Londoners/ which held the legate so straight, that they enforced him to withdraw that sentence upon the foresaid condition. Then after this, all the bulwarks and barbycans made by the Earl in the city were plucked clean up/ and the dyches filled, that no part of them was seen. when the citizens should have their new pardon granted/ an obstacle was made, for so much as they as yet had not recompensed the King of Romans for the subversion of his manor of Thystylworth. For the which was axed vi thousand mark/ so that finally with great labour and friendship, thy agreed to give unto him for amends a thousand mark, to be paid in two years.  
It was long after the King accepted to his grace Sir Iohn Eyvyle, Sir Nycholas de Segraue, Sir willyam Marmeryn or Mermyon, Sir Richard Gray, Sir Iohn fitz Iohn, and Sir Gylbert de Lucy, with other. And accord was also made between Sir Edward the kings son, and the forenamed Earl of gloucester. And then was all fortresses and other defences which before time were made in Southwerke and in other places joining to the same, pulled up and destroyed/ and the Earl and all other soldiers clean voided. And after all things set in order and rest, except such as yet kept the isle of Ely/ the King road to Shrowysburye, where he tarried a season, for to common of matters between him and Lewelyn Prince of wales.  
The King thus being at Shrowysbury/ a writ was directed to Sir Aleyn Souch mayre of London, viii. Days before michaelmas from the King/ charging him that the citizens should not proceed to election of new sheriffs till his coming to London, but to suffer the old to abide still in office.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxviii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxix.  wyllyam de Durham.  Aleyn Souch.  Anno liii  walter Henry.   
IN this liii year in the month of November, fill a variance between the felyshyppes of goldsmiths and tailors of London. Which grew to making of parties/ so that with the goldsmiths took party the fellowship or craft of/ & with the tailors held the craft of stayners. 
D●rf taking.  By mean of this much people nightly gathered in the streets in harness. And at length as it were provided, the third night, of the said parties met upon the number of .v. hundred men on both sides, and ran together with such violence, that some were slain and many wounded, Then outcry was made/ so that the shy reffes with strength of other commons came to the ridding of them, and of them took certain persons/ and sent them unto divers prisons/ and upon the morrow such search was made, that the most of the chief causers of that fray were taken and put in ward.  
Then upon the freday following saint Katheryns' day, sessions were kept at Newgate by the mayre and Laurence de Broke justice and other/ where xxx of the said persons were arregned of felony, and xiii of them cast and hanged. And for one Godfrey de Beverlay holp to arm one of the said persons, he was also cast among the other. In lent following the King being at westminster commanded the mayre of London to present unto him vi persons such as were able to be sheriffs. Of the which vi so presented, the King chase ii for to be sheriffs/ that is to say wyllyam de Durham and walter Henry/ and then caused them to be sworn, that they should gather the profits of the city, and to give a true account before the Barons of the excheker.  
And the morrow after saint Jamis day, or the xxvi day of July/ the King discharged Sir Aleyn Souch mayre, and made Stephan Edworth constable of the tour, and custos of the city of London. Of these rulers of the city after the year that Thomas fitz Thomas was mayre are divers opinions. For after some writers, from that year, which as the xlviii. Year of King Henry till the lviii. Year, of his reign, in the which year Johan Adryan draper was mayre/ were all custodyes and gardens and no mayors/ and who to the was then constable of the tower of London, was also custos of the city.  
About this time also by medyacy on and means of Sir Edward/ all such disherited persons as kept the isle of Ely, were reconciled unto the King/ and all fortresses and defences therein by them made, plucked away and destroyed.  
And in this month of July, Octobonus the legate after he had made many good rules in the church, not without great charge of dymes levied of the same/ took his leave of the King, and road toward the see side with great treasure, and so returned in process of time to Rome. where after Innocent the fift, about the year of our Lord xii hundred & lxxvi he was chosen and created pope, and then named Adryan that .v. of that name, and died within l days of his ele●yon. This year also, for so much as many of the citizens of London for the great imposition & charge that they were set at, toward the fine of twenty thousand mark forenamed with other charges, void the city with their households and goods, & enhabited them in dyves' places of the land, thinking thereby to be acquitted of the said sessing or charge/ the other of the city which remained, made instant labour to the King and had it granted, that all such as for the said cause had voided their goods out of the city, should be distrained by the sheriff of the shire where they than dwelled, and forced to pay all such sums as they before were assessed at.  
And in the month of September, the forenamed .v. citizens which remained prisoners in the tower of wyndefore, that is to say Thomas fitz Thomas, Mychaell Tony, Stephan Buckerell, Thomas Pywelysdon and Iohn de la Flete, as before in the end of the xlviii year is expressed/ made at this season their end with Sir Edward the kings son for great sums of money, & were delivered.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxix.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxx.  wyllyam Haddystoke.  Thomas fiz Thomas.  Anno liiii  Anketyll de Aluerne.   
IN this liiii year, began an hard frost about the feast of saint Andrew, and endured till it was near unto Candelmasse. The which was so fervent, that Thamys above the bridge between London & westminster was so hard frosyn, the men and beasts passed over on foot from Lambhyth to westmynste/ and so upward in divers places to Kyngstone/ and merchandise was carried from Sandwich & other havens of the see unto London by land, for that ships at the season might not enter into the river of Thamys.  
And about the feast of saint Uedast fill such plent of water, the Thamys flowed and rose so high, that the like thereof was not seen by men then living whereof ensued much harm about London/ for the selers by the water side were all drowned, and in them great plenty of merchandise perished and lost.  
In this year in the beginning of lent/ the King gave unto Sir Edward his son the rule of the city of London, with all revenues and profits to it belonging. After which gift the said Sir Edward made Sir Hugh the son of Othon constable of the tower and custos of the city.  
And upon the ix day of Apryll ensuing/ sir Edmund the Kings other son surnamed Crouch bake, married at westminster the daughter of the Earl of Aumarle. For solemnity whereof, the King kept there in the great hall a great honourable feast the sunday following.  
And upon the day of saint Erkenwalde, or the last day of Apryll next ensuing/ Sir Edward the Kings son commanded the citesyns of London to present unto him vi persons able to be sheriffs of London. Of the which he admitted to that office wyllyam de Hadestoke & Anketyll de Aluerne/ & swore them to be accomptauntes as their predecessors were. And the vi day of May following presented at the guilded hall, and there charged of new.  
At these days a new custom or toll was used to be paid by the cytysyns of London unto the King/ which toll Sir Edward then had let so farm to a merchant stranger for twenty mark by year. Wherefore the cytesysn not willing to be under the rule of a stranger, made great suit unto the said Sir Edward/ and lastly agreed with him to buy the said tolle free, for the sum of two hundred mark.  
And in the end of this year, that is to mean the xiii day of October/ the King let translate with great solemnytye, the holy body of saint Edward King and confessor, that before lay in the side of the quere where the monks now sing, into the chapel at the back of the high altar of westminster abbey/ & there laid it in a rich shrine. And in this year the King had granted unto him toward his viage purposed by him into the holy land, the xx. Penny of every man's substance movable through out his land of the lay fee/ and of the spiritualty by assent of the ten Gregory then pope iii dimes, to be levied in three years.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxx.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxi.  walter Porter.  Iohn Adryan Uyntyner.  Anno lu  Iohn tailor.   
IN this lu year, the King of Romans concludid a covenant between the King & Sir Gylbert de Clare Earl of gloucester, for a viage to be taken into the holy land by the said Earl for the King. For the which viage the said Earl should have toward his charge viii thousand mark, and at the taking of his shipping other iiii. Thousand mark, and to be ready by the first day of May next following/ and if the Earl were not ready at the see side at that day with his company to take his shiping, he should then forfeit to the King ii M. mark. For surety whereof the said Earl should deliver into the kings possession his castle of Henleger standing upon the March of walis. But this came after to no purpose, wherefore the cause is not showed. But the journey was performed by Sir Edward the kings son, as after shall be to you declared. In this pass time the citizens of London contented so well Sir Edward's mind, that he laboured so for them to the kings grace, that they had then their charter so confirmed, that they should after their ancient liberties chose of themself a mayre and two shrives/ and the said shrives to have the offices thereunto belonging to farm, as they tofore had/ except that wheretofore they paid for the fee firm iii hundred and l. pound, now they should pay four hundred and l pound. After which confirmation thus granted and passed by the Kings broad seal/ the citizens upon the xiiii day of July assembled at the Guyldhall, & chase for their mayre Iohn Adryan draper/ and for sheriffs walter Porter and Iohn Tayller. And upon the xvi. Day following Sir Edward being present, presented them unto the king at westminster/ where they were admitted & sworn. And then was Sir Hugh of Othon discharged of that rule of the city.  
Then the citesyns of their free will gave unto the King an. C. mark/ & to Sir Edward .v. hundred mark/ which gift the King well accepted. And soon after they received their charter of confirmation, bearing date the xxi day of July, and year of the kings reign lu  
And for the former convention between the King and the Earl of gloucester was not holden/ Sir Edward took upon him the kings cross. To whom the King gave all such money as was granted of the lay fee as before is showed, & then took his leave of the King/ and after took shiping at Dover the twenty day of August, and so sailed to Burbeaux with his wife and other noble company. And for that holy Lewis then King of France was gone, he tarried at Bordeaux a certain season/ and after sped him with his foresaid company toward the city of Thunys, where the French King was. But or he came thither saint Lewis was deed. And the peace concluded between Phylyppe his son and the King of Thunys. Wherefore Sir Edward intending to grieve goddess enemies, with some knygtes of France which intended the same/ took leave of the French King and of Sir Charlis his uncle then King of Scycyle/ & sailed further into the holy land, and arrived at a port of Acris or Acon. For at the day in the holy land was no more cities in the possession of christian men, but that and the city of tire/ with certain castles, whereunto the christian fled often for succour again the saracens.  
when Sir Edward was comen to the city of Acon/ the christian knights received him with great honour & gladness, and lodged him in their best manner. where he tarried by the space of a year after, as aftermeth the french chronicle. For it was not long after his coming thither, but that the Soudane of Sury (the which had won all the countries there about) came thither with a great power of Sarazyns, and assaulted the town vygurously. But Sir Edward with the aid of christian men bore him so knightly, that he defended the city and the castles to the same belonging, & terrytores of the same/ that the Soudane for all his great multitude and power gate there lyteil honour/ notwytstanding that he had in his host, as affirmeth the French chronicle, over an hundred thousand saracens. And more affirmeth the said chronicle, that sir Edward in his policies and manful acts so honourably behaved him that he never did such act in all his life following/ all be it that after he did many of great honour. But none that was like unto the acts that he there accomplished and brought unto end. By reason whereof his name among infidelies was had in memory many years after.  
Of the honour of this martial knight I have showed the longer rehearsal, for so much as I find it testified of the French men/ the which I know well by their other chronicles that they make of English Princes must be of great authority, or else by them it should not so specially have been noted. And more over I am assured, that if a French Prince had deserved such a general price/ it should have been set out and artyculed every act thereof, that it should have contained a large work, & the specyaltyes thereof declared to their most laud and honour. Then this noble Prince being thus in Acon, and daily putting the Suryens to shame and great damages/ they saying they might not prevail again him by strength of vatayll, cast how they might destroy him by treason/ and sent unto him a Sarazyne in name of a messenger, the which in telling of his feigned message, wounded him with a knife envenomed/ of the which wound he lay long or he were thereof cured. But after confession made by the saracen of all his compassed treason, he was put unto cruel death.  
In this year also fill down the steeple of saint Mary Bow in cheap of London, & slew women & children.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxi.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxxii.  Gregory Rokkysle.  Iohn Adryan wyntener  Anno lvi  Henry waleys.   
IN this lvi year, in the month of November at the parliament holden at westminster/ the merchants of London and other places of England, complained them to the King that the Countess of Flaundres had taken from them certain goods amounting to a great sum. Upon which complaint the King sent to her to make restitution. But for none was had/ the King commanded that all men born in the parties in England should be arrested, and they & their goods to be under sure keeping. By the which mean in conclusion she sent over ambassadors, and besought the King that his merchants might use their intercourse into Flaundres as they before times had done, & such lossis as before was by them sustained, should be recompensed. And so soon after, an amity between the King and her was concluded.  

✚ death & 〈◊〉 of Richard King of ●smayne.  In this year about the end of March died Richard King of almain and Earl of cornwall brother to the King/ and was buried at Haylys an abbey of white monks by him before times builded, after he had been King of Almaigne by the term of xu years. But after the rehearsal made before in the xxx year of this King Henry, he should reign xvi. Years.  
In the month of Juny, the monastery of the trinity in the city of Norwiche was consumed with fire/ by reason of a fray made between servants of the abbey and some of the citizens of the city/ which grew to a great skirmish. For the prior of the same and other of the monks purveyed soldiers, and held the belfray and the church by force of arms/ and threw out stones & darts and shot many arrows, by reason whereof many of the town were both wounded & slain, which brought the commons and young men in such a fury and madness, that they fyrid the gates/ and after forced the fire with red and dry wood, that the church with the books & all other ornaments of the same, and all houses of office belonging to the same abbey, were clean brent and thrown down/ so that nothing was preserved/ except a little chapel. When tidings of this riot came to the kings knowledge/ he was therewith grievously disposed, so that he road thither soon after/ and there commanded quests to be charged of knights & esquyres that dwelled in the country about/ and to indite all such persons as were occasyoners and executors of that deed. By reason of which inquiry, finally were cast and judged upon the number. of xxx young men of the town/ the which were after drawn to the place of execution and there hanged and brent to the great discomfiture & sorrow of the citizens. For they thought the prior of the place was the occasyoner of all that mischief/ which was borne out & defended by the bishop of Norwyche than being named Roger. And this year were divers prodygies & strange tokens seen in divers places of England among/ the which at Grenewyche beside London a lamb was yenyd, 
A monster  having ii perfit bodies with all membres, and but one heed.   

Anno domini. M.C.lxxii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxiii.  richard Paris.  Sir walter Henry.  Anno lvii  Iohn Bedyll.   

IN this lvii year of King Henry and beginning of the same, the King sykened/ so that he was forced to keep his bed at westminster, where he called before him Sir gilbert de Clare Earl of gloucester and caused him to be newly sworn to keep the peace of the land, to the behoof of Edward his son/ and than died upon the day of saint Edmund the bishop, or the xvi day of Novembre/ and was buried upon the southesyde of saint Edward in westminster, when he had reigned lvi years & xxviii days leaving after him Sir Edward beforenamed for his heir, & edmund Crowchbak. In a table hanging upon the tomb of the said Henry are written these verses following. 
Tercius Henricus jacet hic, pietatis amicus  
Ecclesiam stravit istam, quam post renovauit  
Reddat ei munus, qui regnat trinus & unus.   
The which may be englished as followeth. 
The friend of pity and of alms deed  
Henry the third whilom of England King.  
who this church broke, & after his meed  
Again renewed into this fair building  
Now resteth in here, which did so great a thing  
He yield his meed, that Lord in deyite  
That as one god reigneth in persons three.    

Francia.  
Louis the ix of the name and son unto the second Phylyp, begun his reign over the realm of France in the year of our Lord xii C.xxiii. and the vii year of the third Henry than King of England. This Louis was crowned at Raynes upon the day of saint Sixtus the pope or the vi day of August. By the mean of this Louis as testifieth the frenshe chronicle, returned the blood of Pepyn to the inheritance of the crown of France, whose name was Isabella daughter of Bawdewyn Earl of Henaut/ which Bawdewyn was descended of Ermengaunte, sometime Countess of Namoure, which was daughter to Charles duke of Lorraine/ the which Charles was lineally descended of Charles the conqueror that was son of Charles Martellus the son of Pepyn.  
when this Louis had passed the solempnytye of his coronation/ he made a viage into the country of Poitiers, and there wan from the english men certain castles & towns, as before in the ten year of Henry the third is touched. The which viage by him finished/ he at the contemplation and prayer of King Johan King of Jerusalem, took upon him the cross to war upon the Turks/ and after all things for that viage made ready, passed with his host by Burgys & Nevers, and so to lion/ and from lion to Auygnd the which for disobedience to the church of Rome had stand accursed upon the term of vii years. But where as King Louis supposed he should have passed with his people as he had passed the other cities/ the citizens closed the gates again him, & would nat suffer him nor his to come within the city.  
wherefore the King commanded assault to be made/ and so continued there his siege till the middle of August, the which was begun about the end of Novembre/ and lost there many of his men/ among the which Guy Earl of saint Paul a man of great fame was one, with the bishop of Lemeryk and other, to the number of ii M. or thereabout. wherewith this Louis was so amoved, that he made a solemn oath, that he would nat depart thence till he had won the town.  
when that the rulers of the town had knowledge of the kings avow and promise that he had made/ they took advysement/ and shortly after sent unto the King ii noble men of the city to entreat and common of peace. But peace was to them utterly denied/ except they would submit them holy to the correction of the pope. For the offence done to god & his church of Rome/ & after to stand to the kings doom, for displeasure done again him. In the end though this condition were greatly again their mind/ it was lastly agreed unto, and the King with his people was received into the city. And after he had rested him there a season, that the citizens had agreed them with the Pope's legate, and received of him absolution/ with a new bishop named Peter Corbio of the Pope's election than Gregory the ix with other things done according to the said Pope's commandment: Then King Louis commanded first the dyches of the town to be filled plain with the ground. And that done, he caused to be cast unto the earth iii C. of the fairest houses of the city. And after certain sums of money by him received toward his charge/ he departed thence toward Tholowse/ & there by advice of his barony, for so moche as winter was toward he returned into France/ & so sped him on his journey, that upon the even of all saints he came to a place called Mount Pauncer in the province of Aluerne where he was taken with strong sickness, and died within four days after, whose corpse with great honour was conveyed unto saint Denys, & there buried by his father/ when he had reigned iii years/ leaving after him a son, the which is now named saint Louis, and was than of the age of xii years or near thereabout.  
Louis the ten of that name surnamed saint Louis, and son of the ix Louis last King/ began his reign over the land of France in the month of November, and year of grace xii C. & xxvi and the ten year of Henry the iii then King of England. The which for his tenderness of youth, was thought insufficyent to take so great a charge/ and specially of the duke of britain than named Peter Mancler, the which incensed and stirred many noble men again the said Louis. But at length by provision of Queen Blanch his mother and other Lords, he subdued his enemies/ & at Raynes was crowned in the month of December following, of the bishop of Soy sons, for so much as at that time the see of Raynes was void.  
The four year of his reign and of his age xvii he builded the house of religion called Royan mount/ & settherin monks of Cysteauxe order white monks, and endued them with rich possessions.  
It was nat long after that great variance fill between the unyversytye or studientes of Paris and the citizens of the same/ in such wise that the studyentes were in purpose to have lafte the city, & to have kept their study else where. Of the which strife the French book expresseth nat the cause/ but saith that the King made good speed to agree them, for so moche as King Henry of England had made labour to the said studyentes to come into his country, & to inhabit them there with many great privileges. But in conclusion the French King so entreated them, that they agreed to rest there still. And that of a congruence/ for they might dwell in no land, where they should more surely be defended. 
The flower-de-luce.  For the King of France beareth the flower-de-luce for one of that causes, that is to say for to defend the clergy. And the faith of christ betokeneth the middle leef. And the third betokeneth chyvalry. So that by the chyvalry the clergy is defended, which maintain the faith of the holy church. About this season King Louis married to his fere Margarete the daughter of the Earl of province. Soon after the matrimony was solepnysed/ frederik the second before in the story of Henry the iii minded Emperor of Almaigne, set unto Lowis requiring him the he would meet him at a place called Ualcolour, to the end that he might common with him: which request King Louis accepted/ & with a goodly company kept there his day of meeting. But when the Emperor was ware that he was comen thither with such a company/ he feigned him sick, and broke his appointment. Wherefore the frenshmen construyed, that if the King had comen thither with a small or week company/ he would have conveyed him into high almain, and there to have kept him till he had of him his pleasure, concerning the war between King Henry and him, or in other things. But when King Louis espied the delusion of the Emperor/ he then returned into France. It was nat long after that the King was informed of the obstinacy of the Albygensis/ the which of long time had been effected with divers points of herysy, and many times reconciled by the Kings of France and other/ & yet fallen again to the said error/ wherefore the King sent unto Sir Johan Beawmount the which joined unto them/ charging him to invade that country, and to waste and destroy it, till he had forced them to restore to the church such goods as they before had taken from it/ and over that to cause them to make amends to the good christian people, which they had harmed by means of their rapynes and exorcyons. Upon which commandment thus from the King received/ the said Johan with a competent number of knights entered the said country, and laid siege to a strong castle named Mount royal. And after many fort assaults wan the said castle & manned it with frenchmen. And than yode to an other strong hold than named Saygos/ and there likewise ordered the same. And after wasting the country, wan from them many towns & holds/ so that in the end he forced the chyefrules of that province to obey them to all his hestꝭ/ and delivered to him sureties or hostagys' for the performance of the same. So that he returned into France with great pomp and honour/ and received of the King at his home coming great thank, with many rich gifts. About the xu year of King Louis/ the war was quickened between this Louis & Henry the iii than King of England, for causes before showed in the xxvi year of the said Henry. And after that war as there is showed ended/ the King, which was toward the city of lion to have visited the pope Innocent the four which thither was fled for fere of Frederik the forenamed Emperor/ was taken with a sickness named dyssenterya of the flux. Wherewith he was so grievously vexed, that he lay long at a town called Poyntoyse/ and was in great jeopardy of life/ where lastly after many pilgrimages for him done, with prayers and other observances long to account/ lastly it came to his mind, that if it pleased god to restore him to his health, he would make a viage into the holy land, & there war upon Christ's enemies After which promise solemnly avowed/ he mended daily, and was soon after restored unto his health. When the King was recovered and returned unto Paris/ he called a counsel of spiritual and temporal, & there showed unto them of the promise which he had made/ requiring them of their assistance and aid/ wherein he fond his Lords were agreeable.  
And in the time and season that provision was made for that journey/ the King with a goodly company road unto the abbey of Cluny, to visit the foresaid pope/ and he tarried with him xu days. And after his matter with him sped, with plain remission to him granted, and all other that kept with him that viage he returned into France. And upon whitsunday following/ he kept a great court of his lands at Meleon where in presence of them, he called before him beatrice daughter unto the Earl of province and sister to the Queen his wife/ and there gave her in marriage unto Charles his brother, and made him there knight, with many other for his love. And the day following he gave unto the said Charles the earldom of Amō with the lordship of main. And soon after he road to Paris, where he assembled many of his Lords to hold with him his journey.  
THe Friday following the feast of Penthecoste, in the year of our Lord xii C. and xliiii & the xxii year of the reigned of the said Louis he with many of his Lords departed from Paris upon his journey toward the holy land. In which was croysed also the archbyshops of Bourges, and of Raynes, the bishops of Laon, of orleans, and of Beawais, the Earls of Artoys, of saint Paul, of Bloy, of bar, of March, and of Mountfort, with many other noble men which were long to rehearse. with the which company the King passed thorough Burgoyn/ and so to lion the uttermost border of France where the King fond at the time the forenamed pope, which there tarried for fere of the Emperor frederic.  
when the King a season had there tarried with the pope/ he sent forth the bawe ward of his host toward the place called Aque Mort. And shortly after followed himself with the rest of his people. But certain of his vaward passing by a castle called the Roche of Clin/ were spoiled and rob, and some slain. Whereof the King being informed, charged his knights to assault the said castle. The which was done/ and the soldiers hanged, and the castle made plain with the ground. And after he held on his way till he came to the foresaid port of Aque Mort or the deed see/ where he took shiping, & so sailed forth upon Bartylmewe even or the xxiiii day of August/ and landed after in the province of Cipre/ where he tarried all the winter following, for some part of his host that as yet was behind. Whereof the King he was joyously received/ and at his departing thence, kept company with him in the same journey. But there fortune began to frown upon King Louis. For in the time of his there tarrying moche of his people sykened and died. Among the which, passed to god these men of name following/ the bishop of Bawais, the Earls of Mountforde, of bar, and of Uendosme, with divers other to the number of ii C.xl when King Louis not all without troubles, as dissensions among his people, and danger of taking of the see, had passed the winter and a part of the beginning of the year/ lastly about trinity sunday he took shiping at the port of Cypre then named Dommeton or Dommeson, and landed near unto the city of Damasse or Damyet the friday after. When the christian host were common near unto the port of Damasse/ the King caused them to be shipped in small vessels and so in order to sail or row toward the city. But the Sarazeyns being ware of their coming, issued out of the city, and defended the port vigorously/ so that many a christian man was slain at that recounter. But in the end the discomfiture turned upon the Saraseyns. For the chief capitain of the town with ii admirals were there slain, & many of their knights. Then they gave back unto the town, and suffered the christian to land. The King then pight his pavilions, and strengthened his field for sudden breaking out of the Turks/ and so rested him and his people the Sunday and monday following. As fast as the christian made provision to order for their sure dying in the field, so fast the Turks within the town made purveyance to convey such goods as they might out of the city/ and lastly set the houses on fire, & voided unknowing to the christian host. Anon as the flame of the fire appeared/ the christian men without resistance entered the city and quenched the fire, & after possessed the city. Here I pass over certain legations and messages sent fro a Prince of the orient unto King Louis/ wherein appeareth more fame of words than of things of troth Then the temples and synagogues of the city were hallowed & occupied to christian men's use. And there the King with his host rested him till the month of November following/ in the which season came unto him the Earl of Poytyers with a fair company. Then King Louis with his people departed from Damasse the twenty day of Novembre, by the river of Nilus, passing with small vessels toward a strong hold called Maffour/ whither at length they came with great danger. How be it they might nat come near unto the town to lay their siege thereunto, because of a river there running named Thanoys or Thanoes. Wherefore the King pight his pavilions between the said river and the river of Nilus.  
In this while the the christian host was thus lodged/ word was brought to the King that the sultan of Babylon was deed, the which before his death had provided a great host to be sent into Egypte to withstand the christian host/ & had committed the rule thereof unto an hardy and valiant Turk named Saphardyn. The which with a great people came down to this town of Maffour or Macour, & there daily made assaults upon the christian host/ so that between them were had many bykerynges & skirmishes to both damages. Lastly the King adverty sing in his mind that he might nothing deer the Sarazeyns, with out he might pass the river of Thanoys/ concluded by advice of his mariners to make a bridge of ships so that finally he cheyned and fastened his ships together, in such wise that a passage was made for his knights.  
when the Turks espied this ordinance/ and apperceived well that if the christian host had passed that river, it should be to their great disadvantage, anon with all ordinance and shot that they might make, they did the uttermost of their powers to let the perfyting of this bridge and passage of the christian host. And to this fill an other contraryte to the christian. For the water of that river which was broad and deep was so troublous of wawe, that the bridge therewith was all to shaken/ & dangerous to stand on.  
But these Turks intending to damage the christian/ left a certain to defend the passage, while the other by a ford or passage unknown to the christian men, came over the river/ & assaulted the Frenchmen eagerly/ so the there was between them fought a cruel battle. How be it thorough divine power of god, the Turks were overset, and many of them slain and taken. The which battle was fought upon the day of saint Fabyan and sebastian, or the twenty day of Januarii. But yet might nat the christian win over the river. For daily the strength of the countries there near came down and fortified the host of the saracenes more & more.  
The day following the purification of our Lady, blewe such a tempest of wind, that it did much harm both to the ships, and also to the tents and pavilions of the christian host. And with that scarcite of victual began to appear/ so that the King determined to return again unto Damasse.  
WHen the Turks espied the return of the frenchmen/ they ordained four barges or such like vessayles/ and stuffed them with pitch, rosin, grease, and other lyquet and brenning stuff/ and in the night suddenly brought them a board where the christian float lay/ and then cast on them Grekysh fire, the which anon set them in a light fire. By reason whereof the christian float was in great jeopardy, and with great labour preserved from brenning. For this despite that the saracens had done to the christian/ the King was so therewith amoved, that he said and promised that he would nat depart thence till he had done to the Turks some displeasure. And upon enquysycyon made/ he was informed of a passage or ford, that was within iii miles of his pavilion▪ whereupon he called a counsel of his Lords, & showed to them his purpose/ giving unto the Earl of Artois the leading of his forward/ & charged him that when he were passed the ford, that he should tarry there till the other deal of the host were over passed. When all things was ordered to the kings mind/ the said Earl with his company set forthward, and passed the said ford without danger/ and there forgetting what▪ to him was before commanded of the King, set forth incontinently toward the Turks, which he weal knew kept the place where the bridge was before made. And there fought with them which were all unpurveyed, & unknowing of his sudden coming. Wherefore he slew many of them/ & after chased the other, which for succour fled unto the city of Mafsour foresaid/ whom he followed so eagerly, that in the entering of the city he entered with them, and there was slain with a certain of his knights. By reason whereof the soldiers of the town were so encouraged, that they issued out upon the christian and drove them back till they saw the kings power come/ & then returned to the city & shit with strength their gates. Than King Lowis being ascertained of the said Earls death, made for him great dole. And after provision made for the lodging of his people/ he then made divers bridges & passages over the river of Thanoyes. And for the christian host should be assured from the sudden & unware assaults & reprochies of the infydelies/ therefore he closed them within a strength of a dyche & pale, that their enemies might no way have way into them/ & named that strength a park. In the which the christian host there lodged all the season of Lent.  
In the which time the young Sowdan came down with a great host of people. And for he might nat lodge his people within the town/ therefore he made an other like park unto the christian men, & there closed his people/ so that between the christian and them was many conflicts and assaults/ sometime to the loss of that one, and eft to the loss of that other. But the Sowdane made all the means he might to keep victual from the christian host/ & stopped all the passages between Damasse & them, that from thence they might have no succour. By mean whereof diseases & sickness fill among the christian, so that they died hougely.  
when King Louis was ware of these miseries on every side, he sent to the Sowdane to have a truce for a certain tyme. But in conclusion none would be to him granted. Wherefore of necessity he was forced to break his field, & with as good policy as he might drew him to the river of Nilus/ & so by ship passed down by the said river toward Damasse. But he passed nat far or that he was assaulted on every side/ so that the fight continued still without seizing, to the great loss of the christian host.  
Then lastly came the Sowdane with a fresh company/ & beset the King so about, that in the end he was taken, with his ii brethren Charles & Robert, the Earl of Poytyers, the Earl of Angeou, the Earl of Flaunders, the duke of britain, the Earl of Soysons. And in the fight was slain/ the bishops of Langrees, & of Soysons with many other of whom the names be nat put in writing.  
when King Louis was thus taken he was sick. Wherefore with all diligence the sultan commanded him to be conveyed unto Massoure/ and after caused all the other of his men to be slain as many as were wounded or sick, except they were men of great fame, by whom great advantage might rise by reason of their ransom. And thus was the christian host taken & spoiled of the saracenes the thursday next following the feast of Easter, in the year of our lord. M.ii C.l. and the xxiiii year of the reign of this King Louis. The which after with the other of the nobles of France were sent unto Babylon or Cayer/ & there kept in sundry prisons.  
IN process of time it was agreed, that King Lowis should be delivered fro prison & conveyed saufly into the hands of cristendom upon condition that he should first render and give up into the sultans power the city of Damasse, with all such prisoners as he had of Turks and saracens at that day in his power/ and over that he should yield by a certain day a certain sum of besauntes, which after the French book should be viii M. Besauntes Sarazyn. But Peter Dysroy saith iii C.M. Besauntes.  
Of these Besauntes I have learned there should be ii That one is called a Bezaunde imperial, and the other a Bezaunte Ducall. The Bezaunde imperial is worth l ducats, & the Ducal Bezaunde is worth xx. Ducats. A ducat which is named a ducat de camera, is worth four s. viii. d. A ducat papal & Uenyzian be of lass value, as iii d. or four d in a piece. Then if his ransom be esteemed after the imperyail Bezaunde, he paid after the rate of. iiii.s.vi. d. the ducat/ and after the sum of viii M. Bezaundes in sterling money lxxxx. M. li. And for this the Sowdane promised to deliver all such prisoners as he had in his prisons of christian men. But in that he broke promise/ for of xii thousand he delivered scarcely iii In this time of taking of the French King/ a company of young men assembled them together in France/ and under their capitain, which took upon him like a bishop, passed by Paris & orleans and other good towns of France, saying that they would restore the King to his liberty. But lastly when they drew near to the port of the deed see, where they should have taken shiping/ there they fill to all theft and adultery. Wherefore the people of that country set upon them, and slew their capitain and the more part of their company where thorough that simple fellowship which named themself shepherds, was dissevered & sparkled. When this blessed King Louis was delivered from the danger of his enemies, & was brought out of Egypte into Syrye/ he there executed many deeds of charity and of meekness, and repaired the city of Joppen and other standing upon the see side/ and from thence went on pilgrimage unto Nazareth, and to the mount of Thabor. And when he was returned unto Joppen/ he received there tidings of the death of dame Blanch his mother. where after divers observances & prayers done for the soul of his mother/ he took there shiping and sailed toward France. And nat without travail and trouble of the see, at the end of xii. weeks he landed in the haven of Marcyll or Martyll/ and so sped his journey that he came to Paris, in the year of our Lord xii C. and liiii and the vi year after that he took upon him the voyage/ where of the citizens he was received with most honour and gladness. And there calling a counsel/ he reformed many things for the weal of his realm, & made one law which is specially remembered/ that is that no man being in authority of any high office, as provost, praetor, or any like office, should buy any lands or rents within that lordship that he had rule of. And for that cause that he should nat extort or wrong, or buy such lands the better cheap by reason of his might or power.  
At this day the provosty or chief rule or office was in the hands of the citizens of Paris, by reason of a seal thereof made to them by the kings progenitors. By mean whereof many injuries and wrongs were done unto the common people, and many thiefs and other transgressors by favour and money passed unpunished. Whereof this blessed King Louis being informed upon sufficient proof made, discharged the citizens thereof/ and assigned a man named Stephan boil in that office/ assygning to him yearly a certain stipend for executing of that office/ and ordained that ever after, the provost of Paris should be named by the King and his heirs Kings.  
He also made ordinances to avoid strumpettes out of the city, and punishment for all accustomable great swearers/ with many other good ordinances and laws, the which I pass over for lengthing of the tyme.  
In this time and season were abiding in France in a place called saint Nicholas de Boys iii children borne in Flaundres/ the which were sent thither to learn the manner of france & also to teach the children of a knight named Sir Guyllm de Brunz to shot. These children upon a season passed the bounds of the abbey ground & entered the warrayn of a lord of France called Enguerran Lord of Coucy, & there chased and shoot at conies for their disport. The which were there taken of the servants of the said Enguerran, & presented to their Lord/ the which of hasty cruelness caused the three children with out pity to be hanged. Whereof hearing the Abbot of saint Nycholas, complained him with the assistance of the forenamed Sir Guillm unto the King. The which incontinently sent to the said Enguerran, charging him to apere before his barony, to answer to such matters as there should be laid unto his charge. Where in the end after many reasons for him laid/ he by great instance of his friends was pardoned of that grievous offence with condition following/ that is to mean first he should pay unto the King ten M. li. of Paris money, which is to mean xii C. & l li. sterling. And over that he should war upon god's enemies in Syria by the space of iii years continually, upon his own cost and charge. And thirdly he should build a chapel wherein two priests should sing for ever, for the souls of the said infants. Or after Master Gagwyne, with the foresaid ten M. li. & other aid of the King/ the hospital in Paris named the house of god in Pontoyse, with the frayter of the freer minors or grey freers in Paris were made and repaired.  
Than after many deeds of charity done by this virtuous prince/ as making of divers houses of religion serving of the poor people with his own hands, with fastings & other infinite deeds of pity: he lastly in the xxxiii year of his reign honourably received Henry the iii than King of England/ and established with him a peace as before in the xliiii year of the reign of the said Henry is declared.  
And that done/ he in the xxxvi year of his reign, married his eldest son Phylyp unto Isabella the daughter of Jamys King of Arragon. By reason of which marriage/ the frenshe King gave over to the said jamies, all such right as he had in the lordships of Besac, Dampierre, Rousselion, and Barsellon. And the said jamies acquitted & gave over to Louis, all such right and title as he had in the lordshypes of Carcasson, of Bygorre, and of Anilly.  
And soon after he sent Charles his brother at the request of the four alexander than pope, into Cicilia with a great power, to withstand the violence of manfred son of frederic the second than Emperor/ the which again right withheld that kingdom from the church of Rome. Whom Charles after long fight, at a place named Bonevente slew in battle/ and after was made King of the said country by authority of the said pope Alexaunder/ paying yearly unto the church of Rome xl M. ducats, which is much like after the rate of sterling money viii. M.vi. C.lxvi. li. xiii. s. iiii. d. every ducat accounted at four s. iiii. d.  
IT fill so after, that in the xlii year of King Louis/ Pope Clement the four of that name, sent a legate unto Louis, requiring him to aid the christian which in Syria were grievously warred with the Turks and Sarazyns. At whose request the King called a counsel/ wherein it was agreed that succour should be made wherefore the King with his iii sons, Phylyp, John, & Peter, took on them the cross. And in the first day of May, the year of his reign xliii/ he with his said sons and many other Lords of France as well spiritual as temporal, departed from Paris/ and from thence road unto Cluny, where he rested him four days And from thence sped his journey till he came to the forenamed port of that deed see. where met with him a cardinal and legate of Rome, with divers other bishops of France, the King of Navarne, the Duke's son of britain, Alphons Earl of Poitiers the Earls of Artoys and of Flaundres, with many other.  
And while the King with his host lay at the said port tarrying a convenable wind/ a dissension fill between the Catholeynes and the men of province/ so that among them was fought such a skirmish, that between them was slain upon a hundreth men/ and many more wounded or the strife might be all seized.  
Soon after the King with his Lords took shiping/ and sailed with great danger of tempest, till lastly he came to the isle of sardines where the christian host rested them a season/ and after kept their course till they came to the port of Thunys or Cartage, the xviii day of the month of julii/ where they rested in their ships that night. Upon the morn when they should land/ all the port was beset with Turks and infidels, which shot darts and kast stones, to the grievance of the christian host/ so that they wan land with great difficulty & pain.  
when the King was landed, he lodged his people/ and after sent to search for fresh water to refresh with his host. In which mean while the admiral of the kings navy came unto the King/ requiring him to have a certain of knights assigned unto him/ trusting in god to win shortly the town. And so sped him, and assaulted the town. But anon as the capitain of the town was ware of their coming/ he with a great company issued out of the town, and forced the christian host to give back. Wherefore King Louis sent the Marshal of his host with a certain number of knights to succour the said admiral/ and in time of the fight got between the saracens and the town/ so that while some fought with the Turks the other wan the town/ whereof the Turks being ware fled soon after/ but nat without great slaughter of them. For after that fight, many of them which escaped from the battle, were after slain in cavernies and holes where they hid them in the ground. When the town of Cartage or Thunis was by the christen thus won/ anon the King commanded the deed bodies to be cast out, & the town to be cleansed of all ordours and filths. And when all was done as the King had commanded/ he then entered the town, and lodged within as many as the town would hold. And the other he fortified with dyches and other strengths, to preserve them from their enemies/ and so tarried there the coming of Charles his brother and King of Cycilia. It was nat long after that the city or town was won, but that the King of Thunys with a great host of Turks came near to the town, & made shows & offers/ but they abode not thereby. One day the Earl of Artoys in one company, and a knight called Sir Peter Cabellane in an other company/ got between the see and the Turks that they were compelled to fight/ so that between them was a cruel fight, & many slain upon both sides. But in the end the Turks were discomfited & chased to their ships. In this fight were slain two. christian knights, named le Chastelayn and Sir Iohn de Ronssoylyers. After this battle or fight/ the Sarazyns made no great assaults. But then by reason of the unholsomnes of that country, sickness fill among the christian host/ so that the people died fast. And shortly after the King was taken with such a flux, and therewith an agu that he kept his bed. And after the rights of the chryche taken, and certain monitions given to his son Phylyp how he should behave him in guiding of the realm of France/ knowing the hour of death approached, charged such as were about him that they should lay him upon a bed of ashes & powder. where he so lying a season in prayer expired, the day following saint Bartholomeus tholomeus day, or the xxv day of August, when he had reigned xliiii years lacking ii months/ leaving after him the iii forenamed sons Phylyp, Iohn, & Peter. Then the bowels were buried in Cecilia/ and the body embalmed with rich ointments, was recaryed unto saint Denys of France, & therewith great reverence entered. The which after for his miracles, of the vii Bonyface was set among the number of saints.  
PHylyp the third of that name, and son of saint Louis/ began his reign over the realm of France the xxvi day of that month of September, in the year of our lord xii C.lxx and the liiii year of Henry the iii than King of England/ and began than as before is showed in Africa, at the town or city of Thunys or Cartage/ accompanied with Charles his uncle King of Cycyll, the which came to the port of Thunys the same day that King Louis died/ & after tarried there & had many conflicts with the Turks/ and bore him so manfully, that in the end he forced the King of Thunys to seche to him for a peace. The which was concluded for ten years with certain conditions of paying of certain money for the King of France's costs, and certain trowages of old time due unto the King of Cycyll ye rely to be paid/ with many other articles concerning the same peace which I pass over.  
After whyce peas concluded and assured/ the Kings of France and Cycyll took shiping at the said port of Thunys, & sailed toward their countries with great danger of tempest of the see/ & in process of time landed in Cycyll, where Philip with great reverence & observance in mount royal buried the bowels of his father. And that done he took his journey toward France thorughe Italy. In which journey died Isabella his wife, & the King of navarre & Mary his wife, with many other to the number of iii M. and more.  
Lastly the King came unto the city of Uiterbe/ where the cardinals & other spiritual men were in counsel for the choosing of a new pope. For at the time the see was void by the death of Clement the four But that election was so divers, that ii years expired or they might agree upon a new pastor. And than they agreed upon Theobalde archidiacon of landensse named after the ten Gregory.  
From Uiterbe the King road to the mount of Flaston, & so over to the country of Tuscayne, & so to the mount of Bergue, & then to the city of Florence & from thence to boloing le Greysse and from thence to cremoygun, where the Kings officers were nat all well entreated. In recompensement whereof/ the mayre & burgesses of that town presented the King with vii steeds trapped in cloth of silk & other presents which the King with courteous & thankful words refused. Then from thence the King departed to Milan, & from Milan to Annergeaux, and so to Susane a city of Savoy/ and after passed the mountaygnes, & so into the valies of moryens/ and from thence turned toward the city of lions upon Rosne, and so to the city of Maston in Burgoyn/ and passed the country till they came to the abbey of Cluny, and from thence into the country of Champayn & so to the city of Trois/ and from thence passed the countries, till he came to the lordship of Paris, and so into the city of Paris.  
Here I pass over the great provision made by the citizens of Paris for the receiving of their princes/ that is to mean, the corpse of Lewis, and their natural Prince Phylyppe his son/ and of the observances done, and great assembles of the Lords spiritual and temporal to welcome their Prince, and doing of their duties every man according to honour. But after all these ceremonies in due order finished/ provision was made for the coronation of the King. The which was crowned at the city of Raynes, upon the day of the assumption of our lady, in the year of grace xii hundred lxxi  
Shortly after that the solemnity of this coronation was passed, King Phylyppe for his recreation road into the country of Uermendoyse. where after he had derested him a season/ Robert Earl of Artoys required him to visit his country. where he was received of the burgeysies of Artoys with great honour and gladness/ and there was feasted with all disport and gladness by a certain of time after. The which expired, he returned into France  
About the third year of his reign/ the Earl of Foys contrary the Kings pleasure, took party again Getarde a knight & Lord of the castle of Casseboun or Tasseboun/ the which before had slain the brother of the Earl of Armenac special friend of the said Earl of Foyz. Which said two Earls to revenge the death of their said brother, pursued the said Gerarde so narrowly, that for his safeguard he refused his own castle, and fled unto a castle of the Kings/ and there held him with his wife, children, and substance. But when the two Earls were ware thereof/ they sped them thither with their powers. and laid siege to the castle/ and in the end threw it down to the ground, and slew all the soldiers that they there found, as well the kings servants as other, hoping to have found their enemy Gerarde, the which was escaped thence secretly.  
when the rumour of this deed came unto the King/ he disdained sore that deed, and took it right grevously. In so much that he called his Lords, and by their counsel assembled his knights, and entered with force the province of the Earl of Foyz. The which hearing of the Kings great displeasure/ fortified his castle and there held him. The which was so beset with rokkes of stone, that the King might not win to it with ease. Wherefore the King commanded the rokkes to be cut with masons and other work men/ & made a solemn oath, that he would not departed thence or he had the Earl and his castle at his pleasure.  
when the Earl had beholden the great power of his enymyes, and the provision of the King to win his castle, with other jeopardies/ he made means to the King for grace and finally put him and his into his mercy. Then the King commanded him to be bound, and so to be conveyed to the casrell of Beauquesu, where he was imprisoned by an hole year after. And the kyng●●eased all his lands, and set a certain of his knights to keep his castle/ and carried his wife and children with him into France. But after a year run/ the King was so laboured to by the friends of the said Earl, that he was eularged from prison, and upon surety suffered to serve in the kings court. where he bore him so well, that finally the King made him knight, & restored him to all his lands. But what fill of the Earl of Armenac the story showeth not.  
About the vi year of his reign/ King Phylyppe married Mary the daughter of the Earl of Bourbon, or after some the daughter of Johan the duke of Braban/ the which he loved entirely. Whereof Peter de Broshe then being Lord chamberlain, having envy and disdain/ sought the ways and means to minish the great love between her lord and her/ and fond by his mean that a son of the Kings named Lewis was prisoned, the which deed he by subtile & secret means, as though it had nothing comen of him, laid it to the charge of the Queen. For this the King made many manner of inquisitions as well by sorcery as other. But in all his works he found his Queen guiltless. Wherefore he suffered the matter to pass, till he might have more assured proof in that matter.  
About this season Ferdinandus King of Castyle, that before time had married Blanch daughter of saint Lewis, died/ leaving after him two sons borne of the said Blanch, named Ferdinand and Alphons/ which by covenant at the marriage made should be heirs unto the kingdom of Spain and Castyle. But the father of this Ferdinand so being deed/ contrary his honour and promise, wrote unto the Lords of Castyle/ amonesting them that they should admit for their King his second son named sanxyon or Sanxio, and swear to him both feautye & homage. The which was all done according to his commandment/ so that Blanch was dispointed of her dower, and her children of their right and inheritance. For the which King Phylyppe her brother was grievously discontented/ and for reforma cyon thereof sent unto the King of spain his chief boteler with other, desiring him to perform all such covenants as between him and his father were concluded, at the marriage of his sister Blanch/ or at the last if that he refused that to do, that he would send his said sister with her two children safely into France. In conclusion the mother with her two children were brought by the said boteler unto the King, without other pleasure other in word or in deed. For the which he the year foloking gathered a strong host, and passed with them by Poyteau and Gascoigne, till he came unto a town joining to the border of Spain named Sainterre/ where the King met another party of his host. There by counsel of some of his Lords, the King concluded to return into France, for danger of winter that was coming and other hid causes. But the rumour in the host went, that some of the kings counsel had received rewards of the King of spain. By mean whereof the King lost that journey, and returned into France to his great dishonour and damage.  
In time of King Phylyppes return into France/ tidings were brought to him, that Eustace de Beau March, whom the King had appointed to have the guiding of the country or kingdom of navarye/ was besieged in the city of Pampulyne. Wherefore the King commanded the Earl of Artoys to speed him thither, to rescue the said Eustace. The which behaved him so manfully, that he rescued the said Eustace/ and chased Garsymerans chief stirrer of that rebellion, and brought the people of that country again to due subjection. While the Earl of Artoys was thus occcupyed in the said country/ messengers came to him from the King of Spain/ requiring him seen that he was so near, that he was so near, that he would come & disport him there for a season. Where of the Earl of Artoys sent King Philip word/ & having of him licence yode unto the said King of spain, as to his near kynnesman/ & there disported him a certain of time to his great consolation. In which season divers letters came out of France from some of the Kings counsel. By reason whereof the King of Spain was informed of much of the French kings counsel. which letters he showed unto the Earl of Artoys/ saying that he was not without friends in France. But he would not disclose what persons they were. when the Earl had tarried in spain a competent season/ he took leave of the king, & departed with great gifts/ & so sped him, the in process of time he came unto the king of France/ & at convenient leisure showed unto him of the letters showed unto him by the King of spain/ whereof the king was not a little amarveled. It was not long after that a courier or messenger, which used to bear letters from Pet de Brosh unto the king of spain fill sick at an abbey. where when he knew he should die/ were it by exhortation of his ghostly father or otherwise, he called to him the abbot or head of the house/ charging him that he would deliver such letters as he there had unto the French kings own person/ & after died. After whose death the said religious man in convenyet hast sped him unto the Kings court, & presented him with the said letters/ showing unto him the mind of the said messenger. which letters when the King had unclosed/ he anon knew that his chamberlain Peter de Broshe was the discloser of all his counsels. Wherefore forthwith he commanded the said Peter to be had under safe keeping. Whereof hearing the bishop of Bayon fled straight the land, & so yode unto Rome. The King them yode unto Paris/ where he called a counsel of his Lords to examine the said Peter. where finally he was judged to be hanged. After which judgement he was committed unto ward, till the morrow following. At which season long before the son rising/ y duke of Burgoyn, the duke of Braban, the Earl of Artoys, with the provost of Paris, came unto the gayole, & there received the said Peter, & saw him hanged or the son were up.  
IT was not long after the Peter was thus put to death, but means were made between these ii Kings/ so that a day of meeting was appointed, that the said King, should meet to have communication, for the matter concerning the wrongs done to dame Blanch & her ii children beforenamed. Wherefore the king of spain came unto the city of Bayon/ & king Philip to a town in yn province of Tholouse named Mount merchant. where these two princes being in communication of the foresaid matter/ certain messengers came to them from the pope than Mantyne the iiii/ charging them upon pain of falling into the censures of that church, that they agree & fall unto accord, that war between them be not exercised. By reason whereof King Phylyp remitted the matter to the pope, & returned unto Tholouse. where met him the King of Arragon named Peter. The which after he had there tarried with King Philip a time at his pleasure/ he took his leave of the King & after went into Catholoyne, where he met with Constance his wife & daughter of Manfred sometime King of Scycyll/ the which was prived of his life & kingdom by Charles brother of saint Lewis, as before in the four chapter of the story of saint Lewis is shortly touched. This Constance in all that she might exhorted her husband togader his people, & to enter the land of Scicill, ascertaining him that the Scicillyens would take his patye again Charles, for so much as they well knew that she was rightful heir to that kingdom.  
In this time and season which was the ten year of King Phylyppe/ the river of Sayne rose of such an height, that it compassed the city of Paris in such wise, that no man might come thither without boat or barge. And the water passed with such violence, that it broke vi. arches of the great bridge of Paris, and one of the small bridges.  
Then let us turn to the King of Arragon, which by incensing of his wife gathered his people/ and under colour that he would have gone against the Turks, had grant of the pope to receive the dymes of his own land for certain years. While this was in doing/ he sent certain persons into Scycyle to see the state of that country. The which made confederacies with divers great men of Scycylyens/ and over that brought with them divers of the rulers to the presence of the King. With whom the said Peter made certain appoyntementes/ and after returned them into Scycyle. where after their return, they cousayled so with their rulers of Palermo, and Messene, & of other cities, that in one night all the French men in Scycylle were slain/ and after in most cruel wise slew the women as well those that were with child as other, and left few or none of the French men in all the chief cities or towns of Scicyll on live. when tidings of this mischief was brought unto Charles being then in the country of Angeou/ he sent messengers unto the pope Martyne the iiii/ requiring his aid to defend his enymyes. The which in all hast sent unto Palermo the Bishop of saint Sabyne, to charge the citizens upon pain of cursing, to obey unto Charles for their King & to none other. But the rulers of Palermo and also of Messene would not suffer the said bishop to pass any farther. And also said that Peter was entered the country, of whom they would hold and on none other/ with which answer he was fain to return.  
In this while Charles had sent unto his nephew Phylyppe King of France/ the which with his power to revoke Peter from Scycyll, entered the land of Arragon by Purpunyan/ and took the city of jeane. In which pass time Charles entered Scycyl, and besieged Messene. But the town was so strongly fortified, that he lost there his labour. Wherefore he left that siege, and yode into the plains of saint Martyne/ and there tarried the coming of his son then Prince of Salerne. The pope then accursed Peter, for as much as certain word was brought to him that he had proclaimed himself King of Scycyll. And to the intent to stir the more people again him/ he gave his land of Arragon unto charles Earl of Ualoys & son of King Phylyp of France.  
when Phylyppe as before is said King of France had won jeane/ for as much as the ways toward Arragon were hard to pass, as well for provisions made by the enemies as otherwise/ the King therefore sought great advise how he might with least danger win to his enymyes. And after many means sought/ a Russylyan was brought unto the kings presence/ the which assured that King to guide him away into Arragon with out the danger of his enymyes. Whereof the King being glad promised to the said Russylyan freedom and liberty with other great rewards, which then stood as prisoner to the French men. After which promise made/ the King put him & the more part of his host under the leading of the said Russylyan. And for to blind the more his enymyes/ he sent a part of his host toward the mountains, to make a show as though all the host had passed the same way. when King Phylyp had ordered all thing after his mind, he commanded the forewade of his people to follow the said Russilyan/ the which brought them a straight and narrow way, all to grown with wood & bushes to the Kings great travail and all his. But finally he brought them into the plains where their enemies lay, so that they made provision in ordering of their people to set upon the Aragon's. Whereof the Aragon's being ware/ supposing the French men might not so lightly have won unto them, being then out of array and dyspurueyed to fight, fled unto the next holds/ leaving to the French men much of their victual and harness.  
when King Phylyp had seen that his enemies had forsaken their field/ he rested him there a season after his travail/ and after yode to a town named Pyerlaat and besieged it. Whereof the soldiers after they had a season defended that town/ in the dead of the night fired the said town And departed when they had done. But the French men won shortly into the town and quenched the fire. and after the King had manned and victualed it/ he then went to a town named Goron, and laid his siege there about/ where he lay long after.  
YE have hard in the preceding year, how Charles King of Scycyll lay in the plains of saint Martyne, there abiding the coming of his son the Prince of Salerne. Whither lastly came unto him his said son, the duke of Burgoyn, the Earl of Alencon, Peter brother to King Phylyp, Robert Earl of Artoys the Earls of Dampmartyne, & of Bolygygne, with the Lord of mount Morency, and many other nobles of France and Burgoyne. After coming of which Lords/ Charles with banner dysplayed sped him toward his enymyes, and so passed the land of Calabre without fight/ and sent his son to Naples with a part of his host/ and himself kept on his journey till he came unto province. where he hearing of the great purveyance that Peter King of Arragon had made of ships, to sail toward the land of Naples/ sent certain letters unto the Prince his son, that in no wise he should set upon his enemies/ but keep him within the city of Naples, till he sent unto him such ships and galeys as he then had ready manned to be sent unto him from the haven of Marcylle. Which messenger & letters were taken with the Aragon's/ by reason whereof they knew much of King Charles consayll.  
It was not long after or the navaye of the King of Aragon's with great triumph and pride came unto Naples/ & provoked so the French men to fight, 
To much 〈◊〉 cause of repentance  that lastly the Prince with such ships and company as he might make, made out upon them, and fought with them a long fight. But in the end the French men were betyn and overcomen, and the Prince with the more party of his ships taken, and sent to Constance Queen of Arragon/ and remained long after undelivered with many other prisoners.  
within a short season after this scomfiture charles came unto Naples/ by which time much of the town was turned again him, so that the most part of the French soldiers were slain and fled the town. Wherefore after that charles was entered he punished them right cruelly, by divers manner of torments. And when he had done there his will, he returned into Calabre/ where met with him Robert Earl of Artoys. where they took their counsel how they might pass the water of Phaar, and to lay their siege unto the city of Messene. But for divers causes he was counseled to the contrary/ so that he took shiping at an haven called Brandyse. But or his people were all shipped/ such a sickness took him, that he was had again to land and died shortly after, not without suspection of venom. whose corpse was then conveyed to Naples, and there buried, in the year of our Lord xxii hundred & lxxxiiii, and the xiiii year of the reign of Phylyppe his nephew then King of France. Of which tidings Peter King of Arragon rejoiced not a little, when word thereof to him was brought/ the which before that time had betaken the rule of the land of Scycyll to constance his wife then being in the city of Palermo. And he himself with a strong navy sailed into Arragon for to rescue the city of Geron, which was besieged of King Phylyppe as ye before have hard. And when he with his people were there landid/ he took his counsel how he might most grieve the French host. Finally he concluded that he would make a bushment with a certain number of his knights/ and lie in await to take the victual that was brought to the host from the port of Russylyan/ which port was four miles from the French host. Upon which conclusion so taken/ he with two thousand chosen men, lodged them where the prey should pass, and was espied of the French men. Whereof being warned the constable of France, & Sir Johon Harcourt then marshal of the host took with them the Earl of Marches with divers other knights to the number of .v. hundred spears, with a certain of footmen, and went toward their enemies. But when they came near unto them, and saw they were so many in number/ they feared to set forthward, till they were comforted by the words of a knight in their company called Matthew de Roya saying as followeth.  
O ye noble knights, behold in your sights the enymyes which ye have far sought. Let us now remember that this is the day of the assumption of our blessed Lady/ and trust we in her that she will help us again them that been put out of holy church by cursing. For like merit shall to us grow to revenge the injuries done unto the church, as though we fought again the enemies of Crystes faith.  
By mean of which words they were so encouraged, that without fere they set upon their enymyes, so that between them was commensed a sore and cruel fight, continuing a long season or it might be known which part had the advantage of the other. At the last the King was drawn from his horse, and constrained to fight with the other on foot so that he was in great jeopardy to have been taken. But by his own knighthood & good help of his men he recovered his horse again. when that French men were  the the King was there in his own person/ they were the more eager upon the Aragon's, to the intent to have taken or siayne their King. So that finally they compelled them to forsake the field, & to save themself by flight, by reason whereof the King with the more part of his knights were saved from the danger of their enemies. But in this fight Peter kyuge of Aragone was so hurt that he died shortly after. When these foresaid knights with their prisoners were returned unto the French King, & had showed unto him of that victory, he rejoiced thereof greatly/ & more would have done, if he had known how sore his enemy Peter was wounded. But to bring to fine his purpose, he daily more and more assaulted the town.  
In the time that Gereonde or Gyronde was thus besieged of the French King/ the Earl of Foyz, that to the capitain of the town ought great favour, many times by licence of the King yode into the town, and had divers communications with him/ so that he lastly knowing the said town to be bare of victual, showed to the King that he would labour the said capitain named Sir Raymond de Cerdon, that the town might be given up into the kings hands/ so that soon after that said capitain desired a respite of viii days, to send unto the king of Arragon to know whether he would rescue the town or not. Upon the which grant made/ the messengers were sent, and returned with a certainty of the Kings death. Upon which knowledge had/ the said capitain agreed to deliver the town, upon condition to have with them such movables as he with the citizens & soldiers had within the town. All which conditions assured/ the King received the town of Geronde into his possession. The which when he had manned with knights of his own/ he the by cousayle, which turned after to his harm, divided his navy/ and sent a part of them into France, and the other into toulouse, where the King intended to tarry the winter following. But so spoon as his navy was thus divided/ the Aragon's met with them that rested in the haven of Russilian/ and gave to them such battle, that they took many of them/ and slew the kings admiral, and many other noble men of France/ and held the frenchmen so short, that for so moche as they would nat that so good ships should come to the hands of their enemies, they set fire upon the remnant & brent them/ and after resorted unto the King.  
when King Phylyp was ascertained of the loss of his navy/ he took it grievously/ in so much that for that and other things that he might not bring to his purpose, he fill into a fever & was therewith greatly annoyed. Than for strength of his enemies, which kept the passage of the mountains called in latin Montes Pireni/ and for weking of himself by reason of his sickness/ he passed by the straight places, till he came to Parpynyan, where his sickness increased so sore, that he died in short time of his thither coming in that month of October, when he had reigned xv. Years lacking certain days. whose bowels were buried at Nerbon, and his body at saint Denys.  
This Phylyp had ii wives. By the first Isabel by name/ and daughter of the King of Arragon, Jaques or James by name, he had iii sons/ Lewes which was poisoned, Phylyp which for his beauty and fair shape was named Phylyp le Beau or Phylyp the fair, & Charles the Ualoys. And by Mary his wife and daughter of the duke of Braban/ he had Lewes, Margaret, & Blaunche/ which Margarete was after married to Edward the first than King of England.  
Thus endeth Phylyp the iii of France.   

Anglia.  
EDwarde the first of that name, & son of Henry the third, surnamed long shank/ begun his reign over England, in the month of November/ and xvii day of the same, and the year of our Lord xii C.lxxii. & second year of the third Phylyp than King of France. This Edward as before is showed, in the lu year of his father, was in the holy land when his father died/ & there at the city of Acon or Acris he did many feats of war/ whereof the chronicle maketh certain mention. where he being so exercised in martial acts/ tidings was brought unto him, that his father was deed. Wherefore in all hast he sped him into England/ so that he came to London the second day of August, and was crowned at westminster the xiiii day of December folowyuge, which was in the beginning of the second year of his reign.    

Anno dni. M.CC.lxxii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxxiii.  johan horn.  Sir walter Heruy.  Anno primo.  walter Potter.   
IN this first year of King Edward the first/ upon the day of Simon and Jude, were certain attempts made by some of the cytyzyns to have made such a mayre as they had listed/ but for they were dispointed of their accessaries, they let for that time/ which in the year following upon the same day took further effect, as in the beginning of the next year shallbe touched. In the end of this year and second day of August/ King Edward came to London from his great journey of the holy land. where of the cytezyns he was received with all joy & honour, and so conveyed unto westminster/ where he kept great observances for his father by a certain time after.   

Anno dni. M.CC.lxxiii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxxiiii.  Nicholas wynchester.  Henry waleys.  Anno ii  Henry Couentre.   
IN this second year of this King/ and day of Simon & Jude/ when Phylyp le tailor/ which before was chose to be mayre, should as that day have taken his charge in the Guyldehall of London/ divers cytezyns put him beside the mayors seat/ and set therein sir walter Heruy, that the year before had been mayre. For the which great rumour and grudge arose among the citizens/ wherefore the matter was after brought before the King/ the which hearing the reasons of both parties/ for so much as he could not agree them/ he put both the said sir walter and the said Phylyp aside/ and chase Henry Forwyk for custos of the city/ the which so continued till Candelmas after. At which time by discrete and wise peaceable means/ the forenamed sir walter Heruy was set in authority as mayre, and so continued the full of the year after.  
This year upon the xiiii day of Decembre/ was the King crowned at westminster, of Master Roberte kylwarby than archbishop of Caunterbury. For Bonyface his predecessor died the year that King Henry died. At this coronation was present Alexandre King of Scots/ the which upon the morrow following did homage to King Edward for the kingdom of Scotland.  
After the solemnity of the coronation was ended/ the King hearing of the rebellion of Lewelyne Prince of wales, that disdained to come to his coronation/ anon gathered a strong power, & went into that province & subdued the said Lewelyn. And after returned, & ordained certain new laws for the wealth of the realm, which are to long here to rehearse. Among the which one was, that bakers making breed lacking the weight assigned after the price of corn/ should first be punished by loss of his breed, and the second time by prysonement, and the thirdly by the correction of the pillory/ and millers for steling of corn to be chastised by the tumbril. And this to be put in execution, he gave authority to all mayors, bailiffs, and other officers thorough England/ and specially to the mayre of London.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxiiii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxxv.  Lucas Patencourt.  Gregory Rokkisle.  Anno iii  Henry Frowyke.   
IN the third year/ the King confirmed the liberties of the city of London, and granted to them some new. And this year he held his great court of parliament at westminster/ and gave monition to Lewelyn Prince of wales to come unto the same/ the which presumptuously that denied. Wherefore the King after Easter entered again into Wales/ & so warred upon Lewelyne, that he was constrained to submit him unto the kings grace/ and obtained it with great difficulty. Then King Edward builded the castle of Flynt/ and strengthed the castle of Rutland and other with english men, to keep the walshemem in due obedience/ and took of their Prince a great sum of money/ which of some writers is named l M. ●i. and of some l M. mark, & of some other lass/ & so returned into England.  
In this year one water Haruy, which the first year of this King, after long controversy and strife that he had kept with the aldermen of London/ at a folkmote kept at Paul's cross was made mayre of London/ and so continued to the hurt of the city that year: this year was he accused of divers perjuries & other detestable deeds contrary his oath. For the which, & for making of assembles of the commons which favoured him in his ill deeds, he was deprived of his aldermanshyppe and counsel of the city for ever/ & found surety of twelve honest persons, that he should be good of bearing, for keeping of the Kings peace within the city for term of his life after.   

Anno domini xii C.lxxv.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxvi.  Iohn horn.  Gregory Rokkysle.  Anno four  Rauffe Blount.   
IN this four year of King Edward Michael Tony, which in time of war had with the Welsh men demeaned him otherwise than stood with his troth and alegeaunce, was accused of treason, and thereof arraigned, judged, and dampened/ & after was drawn, hanged, & quartered.  

Statute of M●p●mayn  And this year was the statute of Mortmayne enacted first/ which is to mean that no man should give into the church, any lands or rents without a special licence of the King/ which act sign that time hath been more strongly enacted, and devised with many additions thereunto augmented or annexed.   

Anno domini xii C.lxxvi.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxvii.  Robert Bracy.  Gregory Rokkisle.  Anno .v.  Rauffe Fenour.   
IN this .v. year. of the reign of King Edward/ pope Nycholas the third of that name, made doctor Robert kylwarby than being archbishop of Caunterbury a cardinal of Rome/ and admitted to that see a frere named doctor Johan Pekham.  
And in this year the King gave unto david brother to Lewelyne Prince of wales, the lordship of Froddesham. The which david dwelled in the kings court, and did unto him pleasant service, to the intent to spy the kings secret counsel. And if any thing were spoken or done to the hurt of his brother, that he thereof might give to him warning, as after by his deed appeared.   

Anno dni. M.CC.lxxvii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxxviii.  johan Adryan.  Gregory Rokkysle.  Anno vi  walter Langely.   
IN this vi year the King commanded the courts of his laws, as the kniges bench, that chancery, common place, & the excheker, to be removed unto Shrewysbury/ where michaelmas term was held & kept, but again hilary term, that books & officers was countermanded again to west minster to be there holdé. In which carrying of the records to & fro/ they by reason of great plenty of rain which in that season fell, caught great hurt & were fore defaced/ in so much that the books were greatly imperysshed, & the clerks had great labour to bring them to their former state.   

Anno domini xii C.lxxviii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxxix.  Robert Basing.  Gregory Rokkysle.  Anno vii  wyllyam Mazerer.   
IN this vii year, the King held his parliament at London/ which was chiefly set for the reformation of the kings coin, which was clipped in such wise, that it was thereby wonderfully minished and impaired.  
In the season of this parliament, many of the Jews of London and other places were taken and put in hold for money clipping. And in December following certain enqnstes were charged in London to inquire of the said Jews and other that so had blemished the kings coin. By the which enquests the Jews of the city with diverse goldesmythes that kept exchange of silver, were endited.  
And the monday following the purification of our lady/ the mayre with divers justices of the land sat at London/ where before them was cast ii hundred lxxx and xvii persons. Of the which but iii English men/ and all the other were Jews and Jews borne, all be it that many of them were borne in England, and therefore of some writers they be named english Jews/ the which were all at sundry times & places put in execution.  
In this year also began the foundation of the church of the freer preacher or black freres by Ludgate, by their founder.  
And in this year the town, of Bosten was greatly blemished with fire.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxix.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxx.  Thomas Box.  Gregory Rokkysle.  Anno viii  Rauffe More.   
IN this viii year/ the King caused in silver the half penny to be coygned/ where before time other coygnes of metal ran among the people, to their great noyance and loss/ and farthings of silver were also coygned the self tyme. 
first coygning of half pens and farthings.  And the winter following, about the day of saint Denys, or the ix day of October/ fell such plence of snow, that thereof ensued much harm.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxx.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxi.  wyllyam Faryngdon.  Gregory Rokkysle.  Anno ix  Nycholas wynchester.   
IN this ix year of King Edward/ David the brother of Lewelyn Prince of wales, the which as ye before have hard dwelled in the kings court to know the kyuges counsel, and thereof inform his brother/ when he had that he waited for, he secretly got him into wales to his brother, and him excited again the King in all that he might and caused his brother to man and victual divers castles within wales/ & specially the castle of Swandon, wherein he much trusted/ and gathered unto him the welshmen by gifts and other means, so that he was very strong.  
whereof when the King was informed/ he would thereunto give no credence, till he had sent thither and received from thence the certainty. But for so much as winter was toward, and he might nat conveniently go thither with any power/ he therefore provided to send men and victual, to strength the castles of Flynt & Rutland, and other holds, which he there had/ and with provision made to war upon them in the beginning of the next year, suffered that winter to pass.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxi.  Anno dni. xii. C.lxxxii.  wyllyam Mazerer.  Henry waleys.  Anno ten  Nycholas wynchester.   
IN this ten year/ the King hearing more and more of the unsteadfastness of the welsh men/ for to let them of their purpose to grieve his holds beforenamed, he sent thither with a crew of soldiers, the Earls of Northumberland and of Surrey. with whom among other went Sir Rogyer Clyfforde, Sir wyllyam lindsay, Sir richard Tanny, & many other noble knights and squires. The which with great courage entrede into wales, and made with the welshmen many skirmishes/ till lastly upon palm sunday, david with a great power of walshmen met with the said Lords & knights at a place near to a town called Hanardyne/ where between them was a sore fight. But in the end the loss fill to the englishmen. For there were slain Sir wyllyam lindsay, Sir richard Tanny, with many other/ and Sir Rogyer Clyfforde was taken. After which overthrow of the englishmen/ the said david laid siege unto the castles of Flynt and of Rutland. And his brother in that season warred and occupied the lands of sir Edmund mortimer/ and wan the town called Lambatre vaure/ and there threw the walls thereof down to the ground. This town is also called Abreswith. It was nat long after or the brute of this overthrow of the englishmen came unto the town. Wherefore he sped him the faster thitherward.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxxxiii.  Rauffe Blunt.  Henry wales.  Anno xi  Hawkyn Betnell.   
IN this xi year upon the day of saint Leonarde or the sixth day of Novembre, while King Edward was thus occupied in rescowing of his men, which were besyged of david/ sir Rogyer Clyfforde with other, which intended to make a raising upon the Welsh men, was drowned by folly upon a bridge made of bargys' and planks to have passed a water, between Snowdon and Anglyssey. And the third day of Decembre following/ was Lewelyne Prince of wales slain by sir Edmund mortimer and his company/ and his head sent unto the King than being at Rutland. The which he sent unto London/ charging that it beset upon the tour of London. Of this Lewelyne a welsh metrycian made these four verses following. 
Hic jacet Anglorum torture, tutor venedorum.  
Princeps wallorum, Lewelinus regula morum,  
Gemma cevorum, flos regum preteritorum,  
Forma futurorum, dux, laus, lex, lux populorum.  which verses are thus to mean as followeth. 
Of Englishmen the scourge, of welsh the protector,  
Lewelyn the Prince, rule of all virtue,  
Gem of all livers, and of all other the flower,  
which unto death hath paid his debt due,  
Of Kings a mirror that after him shall sue,  
Duke and praise, and of the law the right,  
Here in this grave, of people lieth the light.  But an english metrician wrote other four verses in dispraising of the said Lewelyn as followeth. 
Hic jacet errorum princeps, ac predo virorum,  
Proditor Anglorum, fax livida secta reorum,  
Numen wallorum, trux, dux, homicida piorum,  
Fex troianorum, stirps, mendax, causa masorum.  The which may in this wise be englished.  
Here lieth of error the Prince if yewyll ken,  
These, and robbour, & traitor to englishmen.  
A dim bronde, a sect of doers ill,  
God of walshmen, cruel without skill  
In slaying the good/ and leader of the bad.  
Lastly rewarded as he deserved had.  
Of Trojans blood the drastes, and nat sede.  
A rote of falsehood, and cause of many ill deed.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxiiii.  jordan Goodchepe.  Henry waleys.  Anno xii  Martin Box.   
IN this xii year, the King being still in wales, pursued david the brother of Lewelyn from town to town/ so that lastly he was taken and brought unto the King about the nativity of saint Iohn/ and so holden in ward till the King had there sped his needs. Then the King had all the country at his will, and gave unto english Lords towns in the mids of wales/ and divided the country into shires/ and ordained there shyryfes and other officers as then were used in England. At Aberconow he made a strong castle, where before was a house of white monks. The which he removed thence, and ordained for them in some other place. He also made than the castle of Carnaruan fast by Snowdon, and repaired again the town of Lambatre or Abreswyth which Lewelyn had before betyn down. Also he garuysshed the castles and holds standing upon the see side with englishmen/ and made englishmen Lords of the grounds belonging to the same. And when the King had set that country in rule/ then about Mychelmasse he returned so Shrewysbury, where he set a parliament. In the time whereof the foresaid david as chief stirrer & beginner of all this war/ was there deinyd to be drawn, hanged, & quartered/ & so he was shortly after at the said town of Shrewysbury, & his heed sent to London, & set by the head of his brother Lewelyn.  
And this year was the first son of King Edward borne, while the King was in wales at the castle of Carnarvan. By reason whereof he was after named Edward of Carnarvan. He was born upon the day of saint Mark or the xxv day of April. This year also one Laurence Duket a cytezyn of London, was found deed & hanged within saint Mary bow church of cheap. For the which enqueres were made, & lastly for that deed were ataynted these vii persons following, that is to say, Reygnold of lancaster, Robert Pynnot, Paul of Stepynhith, Thomas cordwainer, Iohn Tolanson, Thomas russel, and Robert Scotte/ the which were all for that deed drawn & hanged. And a woman for the same deed was also brent. And Rauffe Crepyn, Jourdan Good cheap, Gilbert Clerk and Geffrey clerk, were also attaint for the same cause. But they were repryed and sent unto the tour of London/ where they remained long after and lastly delivered. And in this year the great conduit standing again saint Thomas of Acres in cheap, was begun to be made. In this year also strife and unkindness began to kyndelle between the King & the Earl of Leycester/ which after grew to the great disturbance of divers towns of England, and specially of the city of London as after some deal shall appear.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxiiii.  Anno dni. M.CC.lxxxv.  Stephen cornhyll.  Gregory Rokesle.  Anno xiii  Robert Rokesby.   
IN this xiii year upon the day of the conversion of saint Paul or the xxv day of Januarii/ the King ceased the fraunchese and liberties into his hands, 
 and discharged the mayre of London than being Gregory Rokkisle/ & admitted for custos or garden of the city Stephan Sandewyche. The which continued in that office till the monday following the purification of our Lady. At which season the said Stephan was discharged/ and Sir Iohn Breton knight charged for the residue of the year. The cause of this displeasure that the King had unto the city is nat showed of no certainty. But in an old panflete it appeareth, that the said Gregory Rokkisley took certain bribes of the bakers, and suffered them to sell breed lacking vi ounces/ or vii oz in a penny loaf, for the which the King should be sore disposed. But yet to me it seemeth no convenient cause, to seize the liberties of the city for the offence of one man. wherefore it is to presuppose, that it was for a more grievous cause. And in this year was fully finished and ended the new work of the church of westminster unto the end of the quere, begun as before is showed/ in the third year of the iii Henry. By which reason it should apere, that this church should be in edifying upon lxvi. Years. Of the first foundation of this church are divers opinions. For as before is showed in the third chapter of the story of Carce, and v. part of this work/ this church was first founded by a cytezeyne of London, and after re-edified by saint Edward, and lastly by King Henry the iii But in the same abbey of west minster, where of likelihood the most certainty is to be had/ it is registered that this said church was a temple of the Brytons long or they received the faith of christ. And in the time of their christian King Lucius, it was hallowed of Augustyne & his fellows. And secundaryly it was re-edified by Sebertus than King of Estsaxons or Essex, about the time when Ethelbert King of Kent builded saint Paul's church of London. Which was after the time that Lucyus received the faith of christ, upon four C. years. Than thirdly it was builded by saint Edward the confessor/ which reigned upon CCCC. and xl years after the said Sebertus. And four or lastly by the foresaid Henry the third, which began his reign after the death of saint Edward. C.l. years.   

Anno domini xii C.lxxxv.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxvi.  walter Blount.  Rauffe sandwich.  Anno xiiii  johan wade.   
IN the xiiii year of King Edward, at a parliament holden at westminster were made that statutes called Additamenta Gloucestrie/ which is to mean additions of statutes, made and put to such as before time were made at the parliament held at gloucester. The which statutes were made to reform such persones as misused the lands and tenements coming to them by reason of the dower or lands of their wives/ so that the the children of the second husband put by the rightful enherytoures/ or such as were next allied unto the first donors. By reason of which statutes and additions now in this parliament made, such misorder was reformed.  
In this year or near there about, in a town of Almaigne called Traiect/ many men and women (as witnesseth the author of Cronica cronicarum) were dancing upon a bridge/ which lay over a river called Moose. In which time of their disport & dancing, came by a priest bearing the sacrament toward a seek man/ whereof the said men and women being in revel took no regard unto the sacrament, nor did to it any honour & reverence. But were it by the wretch of god or otherwise/ shortly after the priest was passed over, the bridge brake, by means whereof, near unto the number of. CC. persons were drowned. And about this same season in the country called in english the Swetezers/ a woman was delivered of a child, that from the navel upward had ii complete bodies, as iiii. Arms, and two hedes, with two bodies to the waist/ and downward but ii legs/ the which with the fore said arms be clipped either others body. And an other woman bore a child or a monster/ whereof the heed and the face was like unto a man, & all the body like unto a lion/ with tail and feet and all other features according to the same.  
In this year also a cytezyn of London named Thomas Pywylesdon, that which in the time of the barons war before in the story of King Henry showed, had been a capitain/ and a great stirrer of the commons of the said city, for to maintain the barons party again the King/ was newly accused, that he with other of evil disposition, should make conventicles and assembles to the new dystourbaunce of the city. Whereof report was made unto the King/ the which remitted the inquiry thereof unto Sir Rauffe sandwich than custos or garden of the city. Then the said Thomas with other was put in sure keeping till the matter were duly inquired of. After which inquisition made and found, report was made unto the King. Then the King sent down a writ/ and commanded it to be proclaimed shortly after within the bounds of the city/ whereof the effect was thus, that the said Thomas pywelysdom, wylyam de Heywoode, richard de Coundris, richard le Cofferre, Robert de Derby, Albyne de Derby, wyllyam Mayo Mercer, and Iuo Lyng Draper/ with divers other to the number of l persons, should be banished out of that city for ever. And if any of the said lviii persons were at that time of the proclamation voided the city for fere or otherwise/ that they should so remain, and nat to return unto the city upon pain of life losing.  
In this year also, where as of old time long before this season, the merchants strangers coming with their merchandise, were lodged within citizens of the city of London, and sold all their merchandises by the procuring of his host/ for the which his said host had a certain of every li: by means of the said merchants strangers it was at this day brought to pass, that they might hire to them houses for to dwell in, and for stowage of their wares so that no cytezeyne should intermeddle him with the said strangers nor yet their wares/ by mean whereof they used many deceits, both i utterance of false wares, and also by their weights which they used in their own houses, to the great hurt of the hole realm of England. Wherefore suddenly search was made, and their weights found and proved false. And over that all such wares as they should have weighed at the kings beam/ they weighed moche thereof in their said houses, to the hindrance of the Kings custom. For which offences again them proved/ to the number of twenty of the said strangers were arrested, and sent unto the tour of London, and their weights brent & consumed in westchepe of London, the thursday before the feast of Simon and Jude. And finally the said merchants were delivered by fine making to the King of a thousand li, when they had suffered by a season hard & vile prisonment.   

Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxvi.  Anno dni. xii. C.lxxxvii.  Thomas cross.  Sir Iohn Bryton.  Anno xu  wyllyam Hawteyn.   
IN this xu year, the Jews of England were sessed at great sums of money which they paid unto the King. But of one other author it is said, that the commons of England granted to the King the v. part of their movables for to have the Jews banysshe out the land. For which cause the said Jews to put the commons from their purpose, gave of their free wills great sums of money to the King. Which saying appeareth to be true/ for the said Jews were exiled within few years after.  
This year about the beginning of May the King sailed to Bordeaux/ and from thence he road into France, where as witnesseth the frensh book he was honourably received of Phylyp le Beau or Philip the fair than King of France/ and after received homage of the said Edward for the duchy of Guyan. And when King Edward had tarried a season in France, he returned unto Bordeaux/ whither came unto him a certain ambassadors from the King of Spain, with the which he held long dalliance. Wherefore of the frensh King he was suspected, that he should ally him with the King of Spain again the French King.  
And this year as testifieth Policronycon, the summer was so exceeding vote, that men died for heat.  
And this year wheat was so plenteous, that it was sold at London for. xl.vi. a quarter.   

Anno domini xii C.lxxxvii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxviii.  wyllyam Herforde.  Rauffe sandwich.  Anno xvi  Thomas Stanies.   
IN this. Wi. Year of King Edward/ saint Thomas of Herforde was translated. And this year fill distance between Sir pain Tipto toft warden of certain castles in wales, & a Welsh knight called sir rises ap Mordek. So that sundry skirmishes were fought between them, & many men slain upon both sides, to the great dystourbaunce of all the country.  
This year upon saint Margaretes' even, or the xix day of julii/ fill wonderful great hail, that the like thereof was nat of men than living seen. And after that ensued continual rain/ which distempered the ground in such wise, that the year following wheat was sold for xviii d. a bushel, and this year for xiiii d. And so increased yearly after during the reign of the King, and after in his sons days, till it was lastly sold for xl s. a quarter and above.   

Anno domini xii C.lxxxviii.  Anno domini. M.CC.lxxxix.  wyllyam Betayn.  Rauffe sandwich.  Anno xvii  Iohn of Caunterbury.   
IN this xvii year, the war before in the year last paste, between Sir Payn Typtoft sir Ryes continuing/ to the intent that the said Ryes might revenge his cause again the said Sir pain, he arrecyd a great multitude of Walshemen and brent and wasted divers fownes in wales/ so that the King then being in Normandy, sent 〈◊〉 the earl of cornwall then being the Kings lieutenant England, that he should send thither an army of knights to withstand the malice of the walshmen. The which prepared shortly an army, & yode with them into the borders of Northewalys. where he with his company bore him so knightly, that in the end the said Ryes was taken & brought unto pork/ where he was after drawn, hanged, and quartered.   

Anno domini xii C.lxxxix.  Anno dni. M.CC.xc.  Full 〈◊〉 saint Edmund.  Rauffe sandwich.  Anno xviii  Salaman Langforde.   
IN this xviii year upon once Lady cuyn Assumption/ King Edward was honourably received of the citizens of London, and so conveyed unto westminster/ where shortly after were brought before him many grievous complaints of divers of his iustyces; as Sir Thomas weylande, Adam Stretton and other. The which the King caused straightly to be examined/ and lastly were found guilty, of such trespasses and causes as they were accused of. Wherefore some of them were outlawed and lost such goods as they had/ and the other punished by long enprysonement, and lastly delivered by paying of great fines.   

Anno domini. M. CC.lxc.  Anno domini. M. CC.lxci.  Thomas roman.  Rauffe sandwich.  Anno xix  wyllyam de Lyre.   
IN this xix year, the King ordained that all will which should be sold unto strangers, should be brought unto sandwich/ where the staple thereof long after was, as it is now at the town of Caleys. And this year were the Jews banished the land, for the which cause the commons gave unto the King a quindecym or fifteen.  
This year also Sir Gylbert de Clare Earl of gloucester, married dame Jane daughter of King Edward. This was called johann of acres for she was born at acres, when King Edward was there upon his great journey. And soon there after in the same year, the duke of Brabannys son wedded Margarete the sister of the said johann.   

Anno domini xii C. lxci.  Anno domini. M. CC.lxcii.  Rauffe Blount.  Rauffe sandwich.  Anno twenty  Hamonde box.   
IN this twenty year & beginning of the maryes' year, and also of the Kings twenty year/ that is to mean upon the even of saint Andrew or the xxix day of Novembre/ died Queen Elyanore the kings wife, and was buried at westminster in the chapel of saint Edward at the feet of Henry the third. where she hath ii were tapers brenning upon her tomb both day and night/ which so hath continued sign the day of her burying to this present day. This gentle woman as before is touched in the xxxviii. Year of King Henry the third, was sister unto the King of spain By whom King Edward had four sons/ that is to say, John, Henry, Alphons, and Edward. Which Edward succeeded his father, by reason that the other iii died before their father. Also he had by her .v. daughters The first Elyanore, was married unto wyllyam Earl of bar/ the second Johan of acres, was married as before is said unto the Earl of gloucester/ the third Margarete, was married to the Duke's son of Brabant/ the four Marry by name, was made a menchon at Ambrysbury/ & the .v. named Elyzabeth, was married unto the Earl of Holande/ and after his death she was married unto Humfreye Boherum Earl of Hereforde.  
And this year died also the old Queen Elyanore wife unto Henry the third and mother to this King Edward/ whose heart was buried at the grey freres in London, and her body at Ambrysbury in the house of nuns.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xcii.  Anno dni. M.CC.xciii.  Henry Bale.  Rauffe sandwich.  Anno xxi  Elys russel.   
IN this xxi year, the King held his great court of parliament at London/ to the which with divers Lords of that province came the King of Scots. And after he had continued there a convenient season/ he was conveyed with divers Lords far upon his journey toward his own country.  
And in this year, as one Richard Bagle office of the sheriffs of London, was leading a prisoner toward the Gayole, the which he before had arrested/ three men rescued the said prisoner, and took him from the office. The which were pursued and taken/ and by judgement and law than used brought into westchepe, and there had their right hands smitten of by the wrists.   

Anno dni. M.CC.xciii.  Anno dni. M.CC.xciiii.  Robert Rokysley.  Rauffe sandwich.  Anno xxii  Martin Awbry.   
IN the xxii year of King Edward, upon the day of saint Tyburce and ualerian, or the xiiii day of May/ fill a wonderful snow and therewith and exceeding wind. By violence whereof great harm was done in sundry places of England. In remembrance whereof a Metrycyan made these verses following. 
Crastino Tiburci sanctorum Valeriani,  
Nix cadit immanis, ventus vehemens boriasis,  
Euulsit siluas, vulsit quas reperit herbas,  
●des dampnose detexit & impituose,  
Quas clam prostravit/ sic plurima dampna parauit.  The which verses may thus be englished as here after followeth. 
The morrow following Tiburce & Valerian  
The blessed saints/ of snow fill such plenty,  
That at that day was no living man,  
That might remember of so great quantity.  
The Northyn wind blewe with such fierté,  
That houses, trees, with herbs it over cast.  
And many other harms by sand & eke by see,  
Of that wind came, the whyse that it did last.   
IN this year also about the end of the month of Julu, died freer Pekham than archbishop of Caunterbury. In whose see was after stalled Master Robert of wynchester.  
And about the mids of Septembre following/ the Earl of bar a French man, married Elyanore the Kings daughter in the town of Brystowe. And about the end of this year died Alexandre King of Scots/ where soon after ensued great war and trouble, for the inheritance of that land, as in some part shall after appear.  
And this year wheat was sold at London for ii s. a bushel. In this year also as witnesseth the French chronicle Phylyp le Beawe than King of France made war in Gascoigne and Guyau, for the cause as there is showed/ saying that King Edward under colour to have made a viage into the holy land, gathered a great army, and suddenly entered into Normandy both by land and water, & did moche harm in spoiling and taking divers ships of France, and brynning and spoiling divers towns of the same/ and after came unto the town of Rochel, where to it the englishmen made divers assaults, whereby the dwellers & also the town sustained moche harm.  
whereof the King of France being informed/ sent unto King Edward, monisshing him to come unto his parliament, & also to make satisfaction for such harms as his people had done within his dominion of France and Normandy. But for that King Edward refused that to do/ therefore the said Phylyp le Beawe sent Rauffe de neel than constable of France into Gascoigne with a great & mighty power/ the which made sharp war upon the Gascoynes. But the Gascoines with help of the englishmen defended them in such wise, that great hurt was done upon both parties. Than finally as testifieth the said French chronicle, to the intent that King Edward might make the better claim to all the hole duchy of Normandy/ he sent the French King word, that he would give over into his hands the duchy of Guyan & hold no land of the King of France.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xciiii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xcv.  Henry box.  Sir Iohn Bryton.  Anno xxiii  Richard gloucester.   
IN this xxiii year/ the walshemen by stirring of one named Madok, rebelled again the King. Wherefore he in all haste sped him unto westchester/ and about the feast of saint Nycholas, won from the walshmen the isle called Anglesya or the isle of man, and builded new the city & castle of Beau Maryse/ and brought the unsteadfast welshmen to new reclaim/ & then caused the woods of the country to be hewyn down, wherein before times they used to hide them as a coney doth in his claper/ and repaired so the castles and strong holds with building of some new, 
How the walshemen were trained from ravine.  that he caused the walshmen to thrive again their wills. For by the strength of those castles, they were kept from their old accustomed ravens and stelynges/ and put so in execution by the rulers of the said castles & strong holds, that they fill unto occupation and to buying and selling and gathered treasure, and began to live after the manner of Englisshemen, so that more and more that country grew to more restefulnesse and peace.  
In this year also the frenchmen arrived at Dover with a certain of ships, being under the rule of Sir Matthew de mount morency and of Sir Johan Harcourte knights/ and spoiled that town, and brent a part of it.  
In which skirmish was slain or martyred an holy man named saint Thomas of Dover. And in this year as testifieth the French chronicle/ Charles de Ualoys brother unto King Phylyp of France, was sent by his said brother into Gascoigne with a great host. The which Charles laid his siege unto the castle of Ryon/ wherein at that time were Sir Johan sayn Iohn, & Iohn de britain/ the which manfully & vigorously defended the said castle again the Frenchmen all that year and more, as in the next year shall appear.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xcv.  Anno dni. xii. C.xcvi.  Iohn Dunstable.  Sir Iohn Bryton.  Anno xxiiii  Adam Halyngbery.   
IN this xxiiii year/ the King for the great war that he had with the French King and else where, commanded a new subsidy to be levied upon all the sarplers of wool going out of England, with all fellies and hides in like manner. And over that, all such money as before was granted by the clergy of England toward the defence of the holy land/ the King then for report that he had from Rome of the Pope's manners than Bonyface the viii, commanded it to be brought unto his tresoury. And by a convocation made of the said clergy/ he had granted toward his needs half of their spiritual & temporal lands, beginning at twenty mark benefice, & so ascending upward/ the which was nat paid in one year, but by divided portions in iii years ensuing. And of the lay fee or temporal men of England, he had granted to him the ten penny of their movables/ the which was paid in ii years next ensuing. And this year in the month of March, was drawn & hanged at London for treason done in France, a knight called Sir Thomas Turbevyle. And about the time of Easter when charles de Ualoys as ye before in that other year have hard, had lain long at the castle of Ryon, & might nothing win upon the Englyshmen, but daily lost of the best of his knights/ he sent for more aid and succour. At which time came unto him Sir Rauffe Nele constable of France with a fresh company, and than assawted it of new But when they had lain there a season, & saw they prevailed nothing again their enemies/ they yode unto an hold there by named Poudency, and it assaulted for so moche as the more number of the soldiers there were Normans/ and after viii days by appointment or otherwise got the said hold, so that all the englishmen had their liberty & goods and the Normans taken as prisoners/ the which they brought after unto the castle of Ryon, and there in sight of the soldiers, hanged all or the more party of the said Normans. 
Cruelty.  when the Gascoyne's being within the town and castle of Ryons, saw then their cousins and country men hanged before their eyen/ they cast in their minds that it was done by treason of the englishmen, and that they would at length deal with them in like manner. By reason whereof strife and variance arose between the Englysshemen and the Gascoygnes/ so that either of them feared the treason of the other. For the which cause, Sir Johan sayn Johan, Sir Iohn de britain, Sir Robert Typtoft, Sir Rauffe tamny, Sir Hugh Bardolfe, & Sir Adam creting, with divers other fled by see and in that manner saved themself/ and soon after the said town and castle of Ryons was won by the frenchmen, and the inhabitants of the same sworn unto the french King.  
ye have hard before in the xxii year of this King, how after the death of Alexander King of Scots many questions fill among the said Scots, who by right of inheritance should be King of that land/ considering that the said Alexander had left after him three daughters, the which living their father were married. The first to Sir Johan Bayloll, the second to Roberte le bruise, and the third to one named Hastynges. Many of the Lords of Scotland would have crowned Sir Johan Bayloll, by reason that he married the eldest of the daughters. But the friends of Robert le bruise withstood it with all their power. And other there were that held with Hastynges/ so that after great strife and long variance, the matter was brought before King Edward as chief lord and sovereign of that land/ promising to him to abide all such determination and judgement as he should set therein. Than King Edward to the end that the Scots should know perfitly, that the King of England ought of right to be there chief heed and sovereign/ showed unto them such old writings as he little tofore had caused to be searched and found/ in the which it was contained by the authority of old chronicles and writers, as Maryanus the scotte, wyllyam of Malmesbury, Roger of Huntyngdon, and other, that in the year of our Lord ix C.xx, King Edward the elder made subject unto him the Kings of Cumbrys and Scots.  
Also in the year of grace ix C. and xxi. the foresaid Scots & Cumbries, chase the said Edward the elder to be their chief lord and patron. And in the year of our lord ix C.xxvi. Ethelstane than King of England subdued constantyne than King of Scots/ and after admitted the said Constantyne to reign as King under him, by oath of obeysauns, with feaute and homage. Also Edredus brother to the said Ethelstane, subdued of new the Scots with the northumbries/ and received of them again oath and homage. And over that it is found in the said chronicles, that Edgar overcame Alphunius the son of Kynadus King of Scots, and received of him feawty & homage/ and held him under his obeisance as he had done his father Kynadus before tyme. moreover it is there witnessed/ that Canutus in the xvi year of his reign. subdued Malcolyne than King of Scots, and received of him feawty and homage. Furthermore wyllyam conqueror in the vi year of his reign, subdued Malcolyne King of Scotland/ the which before times had received the said kingdom of the gift of Edward King and confessor. And wyllyam the red did in likewise unto the said Malcolyne, and unto his two sons that reigned in Scotland the one after the other. Also david King of Scots did homage unto Stephano than King of England.  
And wyllyam King of Scots did homage unto Henry the third, at the time of his coronation/ and after came unto his father Henry the second, when the forenamed Henry was deed in Normandy, & made his homage to him again.  
This Henry that was son unto Henry the second is of many writers named Henry the third, for so moche as he was the iii King that was crowned of that name. But for he died before his father, his deeds been little spoken of/ so that of some writers he is nothing minded. And it followeth in the story, how that Alexander King of Scots in that xxxv year of Henry the third, or son of King Iohn, married at york Margarete daughter of the said Henry/ and did unto him homage for the realm of Scotland/ and bound him and his heirs Kings of Scotland by his letters patents, to be true unto the said Henry, & unto his heirs Kings of England, like as before time wyllyam King of Scots had oblyged him unto the second Henry/ as before in the xxii year of his reign is more manifestly showed.  
And more to them was showed the Pope's bulls, the which were sent before times into scotland/ by authority whereof the Kings of Scotland were accursed for they would nat be obedient to their lords Kings of England.  
When all these presedentes were seen by the Scots/ a day was assigned of meeting at Norhm in the marches between England and Scotland, whither unto the King, came the chief rulers of the Scots. where they excused them to be bound unto the King for the observing of the kings ordinance, for so moche as they lacked a King & an heed, by whom all such ordinances should be maintained and held. But after by advice of both parties/ agreement was made by the Scots, that they should be bound to obey the kings judgement. whereupon bonds were made upon both parties/ that is to mean the King was bound to them in an hundreth thousand pound, that within ii months after he had received the possession of the land, he should give it unto him that was thought most rightful inheritor. And the Scots were again bound unto him, that they should hold farm & stable all such decree and judgement as the King should give in that matter/ and also that they should uphold & maintain for their King & ruler, him that the King should admit & choose, and none other, After which bonds made and delivered upon both sides/ the Scots seized King Edward, and delivered unto him by their charters the possession of Scotland, with castles, with rights, with customs, and all other appertynaunces to that kingdom belonging/ and set wardens in the towns, manners, and castles, that should save to him that the King admitted, all advantages and profits, of the said towns and other in that mean while growing.  
And when all assurance was made and finished to the agreement of both parties/ the King called before him and his counsel all those parties that made claim unto the kingdom of Scotland. And after their reasons were weal and sufficiently argued and debated upon all sides, by advice aswell of some of the Lords of Scotland as by his own counsel he finally admitted for King Sir Johan Bayloll as most rightful inheritor to the crown of Scotland. The which received it of him thankfully/ and for the same in presence of the barony of England and of Scotland, did unto the said King Edward his homage, and swore unto him feawty. And that done the Scots with their new King returned into Scotland.  
And this year was taken the forenamed Madok or Meredok/ which as ye before have herd in the xxiii year, caused the walshemen to rebel and was drawn and hanged at London.   

Anno domini xii C. cxvi.  Anno dni. M. CC.cxvii.  Thomas de Suff.  Sir Iohn Bryton.  Anno xxv  Adam de Fullam.   
IN this xxv year the King commanded in divers shires of England, great quantity of wheat to be gathered, & sent it into Gascoigne and Guyan, to the number of an. C.M. quarters after some writers/ and soon after sent thither sir Edmund his brother Earl of Lancastre, Sir Henry Lacie Earl of Lyncolne, & Sir wyllyam Ueysy baron, with divers other Lords & knights, to strength such people as he there had ready, while he prepared an other army to have against the Scots.  
ye have herd in the preceding chapter, how Sir Johan Bayloll King of Scots made oath & homage unto King Edward for the kingdom of Scotland. Of the which oath he shortly repented him after, by mean of counsel of the abbot of Menros as saith Polycronycon. All be it that it should seem to be as well by the counsel of the King of France, by words that been written in the French chronicle. But how so it was by one or by both/ full untruly he forsook his former oath & promise, & arrered war again the King. Wherefore King Edward sped him thither with a great host/ & in process laid his siege unto the town of Berwyk. But the Scots defended it eagerly, & beat the english men back, and brent some of the english ships. With the which enterprise they were so inflamed with pride, that in derision of the King, they made this mokkysshe rhyme following. 
¶ what wenies King Edward with his long shankies,  
To have won Berwyke/ all our unthankies.  
Gaas pikes him  
And when he hath it  
Gaas dykys him.   
When King Edward heard of the pride of the Scots, and knew of their scornful rhyme/ he was somedeal amoved/ & encouraged his knights in such wise, that they wan the ditch of the town/ & after in process with great labour and danger, the bulwarks/ so that they came unto the gates, and made there so strong assault, that in the end they wan the town, & slew of the Scots as witnesseth divers writers over the number of xxv M. and took prisoners Sir wyllyam Douglas, Sir Simon de Freysell, the Earl Patryk, & Sir Robert bruise, with divers other/ and in short time after the warden of the castle of Berwyke saying that to him was sent no succour/ yielded up the said castle by appointment. And when the King had possession of the town and castle of Berwyke/ he than strengthened them with english men. And after wan the holds of Tyndall of Exham, of wyerbyrd, and of Lamerstoke, with divers other.  
And while that King Edward was thus busied about the winning of these foresaid holds/ he sent Sir Hugh Spencer. with Sir Hugh Percy and other noble men, with a part of his host, to lay siege unto Dunbarre. where when they had lain a certain of time, an host of Scots came thither to remove the siege, with whom the english men had a fierce/ and cruel battle. But in the end by help of god and saint George, the english men had the victory/ & slew of the Scots above the number of twenty M, and lost of the english company a very few in number. Wherefore the english men in reproach of the Scots, made this rhyme following. 
These scaterande Scots  
Hold we for sots  
Of wrenches unware  
early in a morning  
In an evil tyming  
Came they to Dunbarre.   
ANd after this victory, the town & castle of Dunbarre was won/ in the which were taken prisoners three Earls, seven. barons, and xxvii. Knights, with divers men of the church. Than the King sped him to Edenborow, and in process of time wan the town with the castle. In the which were found the regalyes of Scotland, that is to mean the crown with the sceptre & cloth of estate/ the which after were offered by King Edward at the shrine of saint Edward upon the morrow after the feast of saint Botholfe, or the xviii. day of junii, in the year following. And when the King had thus subdued the Scots, and set the country in a rule/ he returned with many prisoners into England. In which time and season the englishmen sustained many hard showers in Gascoigne & Gyan. Among the which one is remembered in the French chronicle/ saying that Edmund duke or Earl of Lancastre, died at Bayon. After whose death while the town and other strong holds prepared them to withstand the frenchmen Robert Earl of Artoys, which a little tofore had encountered with Sir Iohn, & had been of him overset, resembled his company/ and made him an other skirmish. In the which he slew upon an hundredth Englysshmen and Gascoynes, and took prisoners the forenamed Sir Johan sayn Johan, Sir wyllyam mortimer, and other, to the number of lxx, the which were sent into France unto divers prisons.   

Anno dni. xii. C.xcvii.  Anno dni. M.CC.xcviii.  Iohn de Stortforde.  Sir Iohn Bryton.  Anno xxvi  wyllyam de Stortforde.   
IN this xxvi year/ King Edward with a pusaunte army in the month of August, took shiping at dover, & sailed into Flaunders, to aid and to help Guy than Earl of Flaunders again the French King. The which at that time was sore warrayed of the French King, in so much that he had won the town of Margquet and the country thereabout. And for to put the said Guy unto the more trouble/ the said French King caused Robert Earl of Artoys to invade the country of Flaundres toward Pycardy/ & encountered with the said Guy near unto a town called Furnes. Where atwene the said ii Earls was fought a sharp battle/ so that many men were slain upon both parties. After which fight the Earl of Flaunders sped him toward Gaunt, where as kind Edward than sojourned/ & the Earl of Artoys drew him toward the French King, the which shortly after was received into the town of Bruges. In which time and season while the said ii Kings lay thus at either town, a mean of peace was there treated of/ so that finally a peace was concluded atween the ii Kings, and atween the French King and Guy Earl of Flaunders, unto the feast of all saints than next ensuenge. And from that day, unto the feast of all saints than ii years following. After which peace so stablished/ King Edward departed from the town of gaunt & yode to Bordeaux. And the French King returned into France. And prisoners were delivered on both parties.  

〈◊〉 French 〈◊〉.  In this time and season while King Edward was thus occupied in Flaunders/ the Scots by the enticement of the French King, to the intent to cause King Edward to keep his country, & that he should nat aid the Earl of Flaunders, began to make war upon the kings soldiers, which the King had lafte there in divers holds. And also entered upon the borders of Northumberland, & made sharp war upon the inhabytauntes of that country. And for that Sir Iohn Bayloll their King, after some writers, was at the time prisoner in the tower of London, or else voided the country for fere of the King of England: therefore the said Scots made them a capitain/ the which was named wyllyam waleys a man of unknown or low birth, to whom they obeyed as unto their King. Anon as the King heard of the rebellion of the Scots, which to him was no great wonder considering their great unsteadfastness/ he wrote his letters unto Sir Henry Persy Earl of Northumberland, to Sir wyllyam Latymer, and to Sir Hugh Cressyngham than treasurer of England, and to other, that they in all goodly haste should make provision to withstand the Scots. The which persons after receit of the kings letters, sped them all in speedy manner/ so that they entered Scotland shortly after, and compelled the Scots to return back unto a town named Strevelyn, where in a skyrmyssh fought atwene the english and the Scots, Sir Hugh Cressyngham forenamed with divers englishmen was slain. But yet the Scots were holden so straight of the english host, that after that skirmish they would nat of a certain time come in plain field, but kept them within their castles and strong holds. And this year atween Easter and whitsuntide certain persones of London broke up the tun in the ward of cornhill, and took out certain persons that thither were committed by Sir Iohn Bryton, then custos or garden of the city, for night walking. For the which riot, the said persons, that is to mean Thomas Roman and viii. other, were afterward grievously punished/ as first by prisonment, and after by fines. And this year the King in the month of October came into England, and so to winchester/ where the citizens of London made such labour unto his grace, that shortly after they obtained grant of their liberties and franchises, that had in some part be kept from them by the term of xii years & more. So that upon the day of the translation of saint Edward King and confessor next following, they chase them a mayre of themself/ where by all the foresaid time their custos or garden was appointed by the King, or by such as the King would assign. But ye shall understand that this was not redeemed without great sums of money. For after some writers the citizens paid for it to the King iii M. mark.  
Also this year King Edward put out of his protection certain alients, which were richly beneficed in England. The cause was for the said alients would nat aid the King with their goods, as the other of his land did/ but purchased an inhibition of pope Boniface the viii, that they and their goods should be free from all the kings dymes or tasks. Therefore the King ceased their temporaltyes, and suffered them with their spyritualtes till they were agreed with the King.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xcviii.  Anno domini. M.CC.xcix.  Richard Reffham.  Henry waleys.  Anno xxvii  Thomas Sely.   
IN this xxvi year after christmas, certain persons made a digging and a search in the church of saint Martynes le grand in London, for certain treasure that there should be hid, as it was reported of a gardener. But their labour was in vain, for nothing was there found. For the which deed the dean of Paul's the second Sunday of lent following, denounced all then accursed that were at that deed doing, or consenting to the same.  
In this year about the beginning of Aprell, the King road toward scotland/ and appointed his Lords with their companies to meet with him at york. where with him met a great host, that which he lad into Scotland, and brent and spoiled the country as he went/ and tarried a season at Barwyke. And from thence he sped him in winning of the towns and castles as he went, till he came near to a town named Fawkyrk or Fankyrk. where upon the day of mary Magdaleyne, or the xxii day of julii, met with him the power of Scotland, and gave unto him a sore fight. But in the end the victory fill unto the englishmen/ so that of the Scots were slain in the field as affirm divers writers, over the number of xxxii M. and of englishmen but barely xxviii persons. After which scomfiture the Scots yielded to the King the more party of the strong holds & castles, that they tofore had holden again him, and made unto him new oath and promise, and yielded themself unto his grace and mercy. And when he had set that country in an order and rule/ he than returned into England, and so to London. where by the advice of some of his counsel, he suddenly dampened certain coins of money called pollardes, crocardes, & rosaries/ & caused them to be brought to new coinage to his great advantage.  
ye have before heard in that other year, how that a truce or a peace was stablished at ween the King and the King of France, for the space of ii years and more/ the which finally was concluded this year, that King Edward for a peace to be had between both regions, should take unto wife Margarete the sister of Philip le Beawe/ then King of France. The which Margarete while the King was in Scotland was brought unto Dover, and so unto Caunterbury/ where the King spoused her in the month of Septembre as witnesseth the French chronicle/ and received of her in process of time following two sons named Thomas and Edmund, and a daughter named Margarete. The first of the sons was surnamed Thomas of Brotherton, and the second Edmund woodstock.   

Anno domini. M.CC.xcix.  Anno dni. M.CCC.  Iohn Armenter.  Elys russel.  Anno xxviii  Henry Fryngeryth.   
IN this xxviii year/ the King hearing of the untrowth and rebellion of the Scots, made the iii viage into Scotland/ and bore him so knightly, that in short process after his coming he subdued the more part of the land. And after he sped him unto the castle of Estryvelyn, wherein were many of the great Lords of scotland/ and environed the said castle with a strong siege. But he lay there somewhat offtime without winning of any great advantage, or hurt doing unto the Scots. Wherefore of policy he caused to be made ii pair of gallows in the sight of the castle/ and after commanded proclamations to be cried, that if the Scots by a certain day would yield that castle to the King, they should have life & limb. And if nat, but that he wan it by strength/ as many as were within the said castle, should be hanged upon those gybettes, none estate nor person to be excepted. In process of time when the Scots had well digested this proclamation, and saw the strength of their enemies, & considered their own feebleness & lak of succour/ they assented finally to yield them & their castle unto the King/ which shortly after was done. Whereof King Edward being possessed, stuffed it with english knights/ & after took a new oath of the Lords and capitains the which he found closed within that castle, of true & faithful allegiance/ & after suffered them to go where them liked.  
And when wyllyam wales, which as before is said pretended the rule & governance of Scotland, hard tell that the strong castle of Estryvelyne was yelden unto King Edward/ & that Lords and knights therein founden in which he much affyed, were sworn to the kings allegiance: he feared sore lest the said company would betray him, & bring him unto the King. Wherefore he with his adherentes withdrew him into the mareyses & other dangerous places, where he thought he was in surety for pursuing of the kings host.  
Then the poor commons of the land presented them by great companies, and put them holy in the kings grace & mercy/ so that the King thought then that he was in peaceable possession, or in a great surety of the land. Wherefore after he had caused to be sworn unto him the rulers of divers borughes cities, & towns, with other officers of the land/ he returned unto Berwyke, & so into England, and lastly unto westminster.  
In this time & season that the King was thus occupied about his wars in scotland/ the Queen was conveyed unto London. Again whom the citizens upon the number of vi C. road in one livery of red & white, with the cognisance of divers mysteries broidered upon their sleeves, and received her four miles without the city/ & so conveyed her thorough the city, which then was garnished and behanged with tapets & arras and other clothes of silk and riches in most goodly wise, unto westminster, and there lodged.  
when the King this year returned out of scotland/ he caused shortly after an 
* Inqui●●ciō de Troylbasion.  inquisition to be made thorough his land/ the which after was named Troilbaston. This was made upon all officers, as mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, excheters, & many other that had mysborne them in their said offices, and had extorcioned or mystreated the Kings lyege people otherwise than was according with the good order of their said offices. By mean of which inquisition many were accused, and redeemed their offices by grievous fines, to the Kings great lucre and advantage. Other means were founden, also, as forfaites again the crown/ the which brought great sums of money to the kings coffers, toward the great charge of his wars that he sustained in wales, France, and Scotland, as before is showed. this year also the King for complaint that was brought unto him by master walter Langton bishop of Chester, of Sir Edward his eldest son, for that he with Pyers of Gaveston and other insolent persons had broken the said park of the said bishop, & ryottously destroyed the game within it: he therefore inprysoned the said Sir Edward his son with his complices. And in process of time after, when the King was thorughly informed of the lassivyous & wanton dispositions of the said Pyers of Gaveston/ for that he should nat induce the forenamed Sir Edward to be of like disposition: he therefore banished the said Pyer of Gaveston out of England for ever. But after the death of King Edward the banysshment was soon denulled by Edward his son/ whereof ensued moche harm and trouble, as after shallbe showed.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.  Anno dni. M.CCCi.  Luke havering.  Elys russel.  Anno xxix  richard Champeis'.   
IN this xxix year of King Edward/ died Edmund Earl of cornwall, the son of richard sometime Earl of the said country and King of Almaigne, without issue. Wherefore that earldom returned again to the crown of England.  
And in this year the King gave unto Sir Edward his son the principate of wales/ and joined there unto the said earldom of cornwall.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.i.  Anno dni. M.iii c.ii  Robert Caller.  Iohn Blount.  Anno xxx  Peter Bosham.   
IN this xxx year/ the King held his great counsel of parliament at his city of Caunterbury.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.ii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.iii.  Hugh Pourt.  Iohn Blount.  Anno xxxi  Simon Paris.  Anno domini xiii C.iii  Anno domini xiii c.iiii  wyllam Combmartyn.  Iohn Blount.  Anno xxxii  Iohn de Burfforde.  Anno domini. M.CCC.iiii.  Anno domini. M.ccc.u  Rogyer Paris.  Iohn Blount.  Anno xxxiii  Iohn Lyncoln.   
IN this xxxiii year/ william waleys that unto the King had done so many displeasures and treasons, again the troth and allegiance of his oath, as some deal before is showed/ was taken at the town named saint Domynyk in Scotland, and sent unto London, and there arraogmed/ and upon the even of saint Bartylmewe, drawn, hanged, and quartered/ and his head set upon London bridge, and his four quarters sent into Scotland, & there hanged upon the gates of certain towns of the land. And at michaelmas following, the King holding his parliament at westminster/ thither came out of Scotland the bishop of saint Andrew's, Robert le bruise, Sir Simon de Frysell Earl of Dunbarre, Sir Iohn of Cambrees Earl of Atles, and Sir Iohn Comyn with other/ the whyce voluntarylye were sworn in presence of the King and his Lords, that they should be true unto the King of England, & keep the land of Scotland to his use again all other persons. And if any rebel or other malicious person distourbed the land, or break the Kings peas/ they should cause him to be taken, and sent unto the King/ with many other articles concerning their allegiance, the which full falsely they broke and contraryed shortly after.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.u.  Anno dni. xiii. C.vi.  Raynold Doderell.  Iohn Blount.  Anno xxxiiii  wyllyam Cansyn.   
IN this xxxiiii year/ Robert le bruise contrary his oath to King Edward before made, assembled the Lords of scotland/ and by the counsel of th'abbot of Stone and other that favoured his untruth, he sent unto the pope than Clement the v, for a dispensation of his oath before made unto King Edward/ and surmised to him that King Edward vexed and grieved the realm of Scotland wrongfully, whereupon the pope wrote unto King Edward to leave of such doings.  
And while this matter was thus complained on unto the pope/ the said Robert le bruise made all the labour he might unto the Lords of Scotland that he were admitted for King of the region/ so that upon the day of the conception of our Lady, or the viii day of Decembre, a great assemble of the Lords was made at the abbey of Stone. And upon the day following, by the means of the abbot of that place many of the said Lords assented to the will of the said Robert, except Sir Johan Comyn only. The which in defence of his truth and oath before sworn unto King Edward, many reasons & excuses made/ and finally said that he would nat false his oath for no man. For this the said Sir Johan Comyn had great maugre of Sir Robert le bruise, & many of the nobles of Scotland. But he held his opinion so firmly, that other began to take his part/ that in that counsel rose such contrariety of opinions and reasons, that the said counsel was dissolved, and a new set at the grey freers of Dunfrize after Candelmas next ensuing. At which day of assemble when the cause of their meeting was by Robert le bruise denounced and showed/ & many of the great Lords of the land had granted to him their aids & assistance: the forenamed Sir Iohn Comyn & other sat still and said no word. Which Robert le bruise marked well, and to him said: And you Sir Iohn I trust for defence and weal of this realm ye will nat be behind. Whereunto he answered, sir I would that ye and all my Lords here present know well, that for the weal and defence in the right of this land, I would stand with it to the uttermost of my power. But for I see that ye intend rather the subversion than the weal thereof/ I will therefore ye know, I shall neither aid you with counsel nor yet with strength. 
Shameful minder.  Some other also there were whose names the author mindeth nat, which allowed the saying of the said Sir Iohn/ and in some words admitted his sad and true answer. For the which Roberte le bruise was so amoved, that when Sir Iohn Comyn with Sir Rogyer his brother was departed from the counsel, and was common into the church of the freers/ Robert le bruise him followed and wounded to the death with his sword/ and after slew Sir Rogier his brother, which would have defended the foresaid Sir Iohn. After whose death little or no resistance was made again the untrue mean & deeds of the said. Robert le bruise/ so that he at saint Iohnns town was crowned King shortly after.  
It was nat long after that King Edward was monished of all this untruth of the Scots/ wherefore he prepared him to wend thither. And at Penthecoste he held a great feast of his barony at westminster/ & during that feast made a great number of knights over. CC. after most writers. And that feast ended/ he sent with a fair company of knights Sir Aymer de Ualaunce Earl of Penbroke, and Sir Henry Percy Earl of Northumberlande into scotland/ & sped himself with his host soon after.  
Than about the feast of the assumption of our Lady/ the King fought with the said Robert le bruise and all the power of Scotland, 
Victory against the Scots.  in a plain near unto saint Johnns' town. And after long fight and great slaughter of the Scots to the number of vii M, he chased the Scots. In which chase Sir Simon de Fryseyll Earl of Dunbarre was taken, with also the Bishops of saint Adrews and of Bastoon, the abbot of Stoon or Scoon, & Sir Iohn chambers Earl of Atles. which bishops and abbot King Edward sent after unto innocent the .v. than pope, 
bishops perjured.  with report of their perjury, & how they were taken armed in the field to shed the blood of christen men. And the temporal Lords he sent into England, & so unto the tower of London. And Robert le bruise after this scomfiture & loss of his chief friends, fearing lest the Scots with such englishmen as King Edward laft there would arise again him/ all comfortless fled unto the King of Norway, & there abode during while King Edward lived.  
when this noble Prince Edward had thus subdued the Scots/ he yielded thanks to god of his victory. And when he was ascertained of the avoiding of Robert le bruise, & had set the land in a quiet & order/ he returned into England.  
In this pastime were the forenamed Lords of Scotland areygned at London/ & upon the even of the nativity of our Lady put to death, & their heads after set upon London bridge. And shortly after was Iohn waleys brother unto william waleys (which for like treason was put to death in the preceding year) taken & hanged & quartered. And some Scots that were taken as prisoners, remained long in England or they might acquit their finance.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.vi.  Anno dni. xiii. C.vii  Simon Bolet.  Iohn Blount.  Anno xxxv  Godfrey de la conduit.   

IN this xxxv year the King for certain causes him moving, returned again into Scotland. Or after some writers he tarried at Berwyke, & held his christmas & Easter in those parties/ & came nat into England after he had discomfited the Scots. In the season of summer as he was returning into England/ a sickness took him so fervently, the he knew weal he should die. Wherefore he being at Burgthe upon the sand beyond Carleyll/ called to him Sir Aymer de Ualance Earl of Pembroke, Sir Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, Sir Henry Lacie Earl of Lyncoln, & Sir Robert Clyfforde baron/ & caused them to besworne before him, that they should crown his son Edward in as convenient time after his death as they might/ and keep the land to his use till he were crowned.  
And that oath by the said barons taken/ he called before him his son Edward, and charged him with divers points upon the charge of his blessing. Among the which one special was, that he should never after that day suffer Pyers of Gaveston to return into England/ & so like a good christian Prince died shortly after, upon the day of the translation of saint Thomas of Caunterbury, or the seven. day of the month of julii/ when he had reigned xxxiiii years, seven. Months & odd days/ & after with great solemnity conveyed unto westminster, & there buried in the chapel of saint Edward upon the southside, in a plain tomb of marble at the head of his father. This noble man had ii wife's/ by the which as before is showed in the xx. & xxvii years of his reign, he had issue as in the said years appeareth. Of this noble prince a vercifyer made these ii verses following. 
Dum vivit rex, & valuit sua magna potestas,  
Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnavit honestas.   
which verses may be englished in this manner following. 
¶ while lived this King/  
By his power all thing  
was in good plight.  
For guile was hid,  
Great peace was kid,  
And honest had might.  another vercifyer also of him made these verses following/ and caused them to be hanged over the place of his sepulture. 
Mors est mesta nimis, magnos quia iungit in imis.  
Maxima mors minimis, coniungens ultima primis.  
Nullus in orb fuit homo vivens, ne valet esse,  
Qui non morte ruit, est hinc exit necesse.  
Nobilis & fortis, tibi tu confidere noli.  
Omnia sunt mortis, sibi subdit singula soli.  
De mundi medio, magnum mors impia novit.  
Anglia pre tedio satis anxïa plangere novit.  
Corruit Edwardus vario veneratus honore,  
Rex nuper & nardus fragans virtutis odour,  
Cord leopardus, invictus & absque pavore,  
Ad rixam tardus, discretus & eucharis ore,  
Viribus armorum quasi gigas, ardua gessit  
Colla superborum prudens per prelia pressit,  
Inter Flandrenses fortuna sibi bene favit,  
Vt quoque Wallenses, & scotos subpeditavit.  
Rex bonus absque pare, strenue sua regna regebat,  
Quod natura dare potuit bonitatis habebat,  
Actio justiciae, pax regni, sanctio legis,  
Et fuga nequicie, premunt preconia regis.  
Gloria tota ruit, regem capit haec modo fossa.  
Rex quandoque fuit, nunc nil nisi pulvis & ossa.  
Pilius ipse dei, quem cord colebat et ore,  
Gaudia donet ei, nullo permixto dolore.   
The which verses, to the intent that they should be had in mind, & also that the reder might have the more desire to over read than/ I have therefore set them out in baladde royal, after my rude making as followeth. 

This sorrowful death which bringeth great full low,  
And most & least he joineth into one/  
This man to whom his peer was nat know,  
Hath now subdued/ nat sparing him alone,  
which of all other this world to overgone,  
None was to be spared/ of so great equity  
As he, if any, for noblesse spared should be.   

Therefore thou noble or mighty, trust none other grace,  
But thou shalt pay to death thy natural debt  
And like as he from this world did chase  
This mighty Prince, & from his friends fet,  
For whom all England loud mourned and great:  
So shalt thou & other in deaths snare fall  
None shall escape, to rekyn kinds all   

Edward with many & divers graces endowed/  
And like as Nardus most sweetest of odour,  
In smelling passeth, and most he is allowed,  
Of all sweet odours/ so did this knightly flower,  
By virtuous acts surmount in honour,  
All other princes/ whose heart was libbard like,  
And without fere, were he hole or sick.   

This Prince was slow to all manner of strife,  
Discrete, & wise, and true of his word,  
In arms a giant/ term of all his life  
Excelling acts doing by dint of the sword,  
subdued the proud, of prudence he bore the hoard,  
Of Flaunders by fate he had great amity  
And Walshe, and Scots, by strength subdued he   

This good King peerless, his lands firmly guided.  
what nature might give, he failed it nothing/  
No part of bounty from his was decided/  
He was justice and peace, & of law stablishing,  
And chaser of iniquity by his virtuous living,  
In whom these graces with innumerable more,  
firmly were rooted, that death hath ta'en us fro.   

That whilom was a King, now is but dust & bone.  
All glory is fallen, & this pit keepeth the King.  
But he that yieldeth all thing by his one,  
The son of god, to whom above all thing  
with heart and mouth he did due worshipping/  
That Lord of his joy perdurable to last,  
Grant him sorowlesse evermore to taste.    
PHylyp the four of that name & son of the third Phylyp, which was surnamed Philyple Beawe or Phylyp the fair/ begun his reign over the realm of France, in the year of grace. M.CC.lxxxvi, & the viii year of the first Edward than King of England. This for war that he had with the duke of Gelderlande/ arreared great impositions thorough his land, both of the spirituality and also of the temporalty.  
About the four year. of his reign/ the Prince of Salerne, that long had been holden in prison by the King of Arragon, was delivered upon a hard condition as followeth, first that he should to the uttermost of his power labour a concord and peace between the church of Rome and the Aragon's/ & that done to set a peace between the French King & him. And over that to pay in the end of xu months next ensuing, an. C.M. Floryns for his ransom. A Floryn is in value after sterling money ii s.x. s.x. d, & so he should pay after the value of english money xvii M. & .v. C. li. And the after that day he should never bear arms again the King of Arragon. And if within the term of iii years next ensuing, he might nat conclude the foresaid peas/ she should then return and yield himself prisoner as he before was. All which covenants firmly to be holden, he first made solemn o'th'/ & after delivered to the King certain hostages and so departed.  
But this composition or agreement was thought so unreasonable unto his friends, that he was counseled by them that he should sue unto the pope for a dispensation of his oath/ & that had, they would help him to recover his foresaid hostages. After whose counsel he the year following made such labour unto Honorius the iiii. of the name than pope, that he alonely obtained nat solution of his oath, but also by him he was declared King of Scicill/ & of pope Nycholas the iiii successor of the foresaid Honorius after confirmed. This Prince of Salerne as ye before have herd in the story of Phylyp the third and iii and iiii. chapters of the same, was son unto Charles brother of saint Louis & King of Scicill. And the forenamed King of Arragon that him upon the abovesaid conditions thus delivered, was son unto Peter King of Arragon, which as before in the story of the foresaid third Philip, held war with him & with the said Charles. This prince of Salerne was also named Charles after the name of his father/ the which after his admyssion of the pope, was crowned King of Scicil in the city of Palermo soon after/ & defended the land knightly again the Aragon's, with help of the French men by the term of .v. years after. At which terms end Alphons than King of Arragon died/ & Jaques or James, to whom the foresaid Alphons had be take the rule of Scicill, & held war with the forenamed Charles, was as brother & next heir unto the crown of Arragon, admitted King of the region. After which admission, he shortly after concluded a peace with the said Charles/ & redelyvered unto him all such hostages & pledges as his brother Alphons had before time of him received, for keeping of the former conventions. And for a more stablysshement of the same peas/ the said James took to wife one of the daughters of the said Charles.  
About the vi year of the reign of this Philip/ certain soldiers of France to the number. of xu hundreth, which were sent by the procurement of pope Nycholas the fourth unto acres, to fortify that town contrary the truce between the christian & the sultan before concluded for the term of ii years/ broke out of the town and castles adjoinant, and spoiled and rob such saracens as to that town were dwelling near and did unto them all the sorrow & shame that they might. Whereof the sultan having knowledge, was therewith greatly amoved. But yet or he would attempt any war again the christian/ he sent unto the captain of the city of Acone, & willed him to send unto him such persons as had broken the peace, and done that injury to his people. And if he it refused, he sent them word he should nat blin till he had destroyed them/ as lately before he had done the inhabytauntes of the city of triple. But they set his menace at nought, for so moche as they thought them able to withstand his malice. Upon which answer, the sultan made great provision to besiege the said city.  
In which pass time in France was borne of dame johann or Jane than Queen of France, Louis the kings eldest son, that after his father was King of France.  
when the sultan had prepared all thing necessary for that journey/ he sped him with an innumerable multitude of saracens toward the city of Acon or Acris. In which journey he was taken with so grievous sickness, that he knew well he should shortly die. Wherefore he calling before him his admirals/ charged a certain of them to keep forth their journey toward Acon, while the remnant returned into Egypt/ & there to create his son Sowdan. After which creation he charged them that they should cause his said son to haste him unto the said siege/ & soon after died.  
Then all things was ordained as he before had devised/ and the city was besieged with a strong host of Sarazyns, the which assaulted it cruelly by the space of vi weeks. In which season the christian defended it so manfully, that the saracens might thereof get none advantage At the end of this vi weeks, came the young sultan with a fresh host/ the which made such a din and noise with their tabours & horns and other minstrelsy that they at those days used, that it was hideous & fearful to here. And after they had rested them ii days, and prepared for the rygging of their ordinance/ they assaulted the city xiiii. Days continually. In which season moche people was slain upon both parties/ but the more number of the city. For by the violence of their ordinance they over threw moche housing within the city/ where with moche people were oppressed and slain aswell man as woman & child.  
At the end of this xiiii days, when the rulers of the city had seen the harm that they had received by this fierce and cruel assault/ aswell in loss of their soldiers, as of the great enpeyring of their wallys & other defences of their city/ they feared sore, for the which they of one assent condyssended & sent soon after by their ships, a great number of old men & women & children unapt for the war, with the relics & treasures of the city into Sicill. It was nat long after or the Sarazyns made a new assault that continued four days/ by mean whereof the city was sore defaced. Then the King of Cyprys, which at the day was there as one of the chief rulers in the city, feigned him like. Wherefore in the night following desiring a knight of the city to keep his watch/ he cowardly & shamefully with four M. men took shipping & sailed thence/ leaving the city in all danger. Upon the morrow when the certainty of this was known/ the patriarch of Jerusalem with other there laft to the number of vii M. or thereupon, sent unto the Sowdan for a truce for ii months But none they might purchase/ & therefore they defended them in the best manner they might. But shortly after for lak of defence upon the wallys, the saracenes filled the dykes/ & so soon after upon the xxv day of May perfoce entered in the city, & slew such people therein as they there found. Than the sultan gave the prey of the city unto his knights/ & after spoiling of the same, 
 caused the wallys & towers to be razed unto the ground/ & the houses, aswell churches, temples, & all other, were clearly brent & destroyed And thus was the noble city of Acris, which is also called Tholomayda, subverted/ the which was the chief port or haven town for christian men to land at, when any host or power of them should enter into the holy land/ & had continued for the more party in the possession of christen men, by the term of. C.lx years and above.  
IN the vii year of this King Phylyp/ the Earl of Armenake was accused of certain points of treason, by Sir Raymonde Barnade Earl of Foyz. where upon, a day of battle between these ii Earls was appointed to be fought at Gysours, in the kings presence and of his barony. But after by the great instance & labour made by Sir Robert Earl of Artoys, the battle was fordone.  
In the vii year of his reign, he gathered a great talk of his commons. And in the year foresaid, at a feast holden at Compeyne, he made above vi. score knights.  
And in the ten year/ the glorious confessor saint Louis, grandfather unto this Philip, was the day following saint Bartylmew the apostle, translated into a rich shrine in the monastery of saint Denys/ the which the year before of Bonyface the viii than pope, for his great miracles was written in the Cathologe or number of saints.  
In the xi year of his reign/ Sir Robert of Artoys entered the town of saint Omers, & took therein many Burgonions & other as prisoners/ & soon after met with Guy duke of Burgoyne at a town called Furnes where between them was fought a strong fight, and many men slain upon either side. But lastly the victory fill to Sir Robert of Artoys/ so that he put the duke to flight & took there prisoners Henry Earl of Dabencourt, & Sir Guyllyam de Uyllers, & other. After which victory by him thus obtained/ the said town of Furnes was yoleden unto him, & a great part of the vale of Cassyle.  
In this year also the war between this King Phylyp and Edward the first than King of England, was put in ure, for so moche as the said Edward took party with the said duke or Earl of Flaundres/ as it is at length set out in the xxii. xxiiii.xxvi. Years of the said Edward, wherefore here now I pass it over.  
In the xiii year of this Phylyp, when the truce before set between King Edward & him and the Earl of Flaundres was expired/ he sent Sir Charles de Ualoys his brother with great power into Flaundres, the which made sharp war upon the flemings, and took from them the towns of Douay and Bethune/ & after yode toward the haven town of Dam or Dan \ where he was encountered of Robert son unto the Earl, where atween them was fought a cruel fight, to the great scathe of both parties/ for either departed from other without great avaunt or boast. Than the said Robert with his company drew toward Gaunt/ and the said Sir Charles after the departing of the said Robert, laid his siege unto the foresaid town of Damme.  
In this pass time the archbishop of orleans was slain by a knight called Sir Gautier/ for somoch as the said bishop, as the fame than went, had dyfflorysshed a maiden and daughter of the said Sir Gautier. And for him was chosen to that dignity master Barthrāde doctor of divinity.  
Than to return where we lafte of the foresaid war of Flaundres/ the said Sir Charles so sharply assaulted the town of Dam, that in short process after it was yolden unto him. And than he prepared him to lay his siege about the forenamed town of Gaunt. Whereof when Guy Earl of Flaunders was ware, considering he might nat shortly be aided of the King of England, which than warred upon the Scots, as in the xxvii year of Edward the first it doth appear/ he than made means unto the said Sir Charles de Ualoys, that he woldc be a mean to the King, that he might be accepted unto his grace and mercy. So that by his means, the said Sir Guy with Roberte his son, upon certain conventions in short time after was reconciled unto the French King. But while these conventions were performed/ the said Earl with his son Robert were kept in a liberal prison. And the county of Flaundres by the assygment of the King, for the while was committed unto the rule of Jaques de saint Paul knight. The which entreated the communes of that land sternly, & oppressed them with impositions & tasks/ in so moche that in the xvi year of the King, a certain of the town of Courtray in Flaundres after certain skirmishes & loveday made, the common people in a night slew the foresaid Sir Jaques, and as many Frenchmen as they might find within the town. After which murder was known in Brugys and in other towns of Flaundres/ anon by ill counsel they also chased all such Frenchemen as by the foresaid Jaques were put in divers offices within the said towns/ & made them strong to make defence again the French King.  
whereof when the French King was ascertained/ he sent thither with a strong company, the Earl of saint Poule, the Earl of Boleygne, Sir Robert Earl of Artoys, & Robert the son of the Earl of Cleremount, with divers other noble men of France. The which sped them toward brugys'/ & in the plains atwene Courtray and brugys' pight there pavilions and tents. For they might not come no near unto Brugys, for so moche as the flemings had broken the bridge over the river that there runneth/ the which lastly not without great slaughter of men of both parties was by the French men re-edified & made/ so that the French host passed the river, & laid their or denauce near to the town of Brugys. But the flemings had so garnished their town with defence of soldiers, that they feared the French men little or nothing. And of one thing they bore them the bolder, for so moche as they had within the town one of the sons of Guy their Earl, the which before was scaped from the French kings prison  
Thus the frenchmen dying before the town/ many frays and bykerynges were made atween the flemings and them, to their both pains. Lastly a day of battle by the provocation and dyspyteous words of the Frenchmen was appointed to be holden atween them, upon the wednesday being than the vii day of the month of julii. At which day the flemings being confessed and reconciled to god, as they should forthwith have departed out of this world/ in sober wise, grounding them upon a rightful and good quarrel, that day to live and die for the defence & right of their country, issued out of the town in good order/ bearing before them certain relics of saints, in the which they had great trust & alliance.  
Anon as the nobles of France beheld the countenance of their enemies, disdaining them as villains & artificers/ trusting so moche in their strengths, that they thought shortly to over ride them, & bear them down with strength of their horses/ and without order ran with great ire upon their enemies, thinking to have oppressed them at the first brunt. But the flemings with their arbalesters and their long mareys pikes set aslope before them/ wounded so their horses, that they lay tumbeling one in the others neck/ so that they were the letters of the other which were on foot, that they might not exercise their feat of arms. And also the shot that was shot on the French party did asmuch harm to those horse men as it did unto their enemies. So that in short while the field was all spread with slain horses and clean armed men. Whereof Sir Roberte earl of Artoys being ware and saying these noble spears thus slain upon the field/ advanced him with his company, and slew & wounded of the flemings great number, so that they fled before him as sheep before the wolf/ & put further back that host of flemings, than they by the first meeting had advanced themself. And yfayde of Guy de Namour son unto the Earl of Flaunders, had nat the sooner been common unto them/ the said Earl of Artoys had that day won the renown of the field. Than the said Guy with a fresh compapany of Almains and other bold soldiers coragyously entered the field, and beat down the frenchmen eagerly. Than was the meddle new begun, in so fervent wise that men & horse fill down to the ground wondrously thick. And ever the Earl of Artoys where so ever he went he slew moche people before him. But the flemings kept them so hold together, that he might never dissever them/ and slew of the nobles of France great plenty. Which mortality thus continuing, the streams of blood ran wonders to behold. And always the French party weked more & more. Lastly the Earls of saint Poule and of Boleyn, with Robert the son of this Earl of Cleremounte, and other with the number of ii M. horsemen, saying the rage and woodness of the flemings, which so cruelly slew and bet down the French men/ setting a part all honour and knighthood, shamefully fled out of the field/ leaving the Earl of Artoys in the middle of his enemies, which like unto the lion rampaunte continued in one, slaying & killing the flemings without mercy or pity. But the flemings like wood tigers were so enraged upon the frenchmen, the they would never leave them, till they by pure force drove them into their tents/ where they slew of them a a great multitude.  
In this battle were slain the foresaid Earl of Artoys, Godfray de Braban near kinsman to the said Earl & Lord of wyrson, Adam the Earl of Dabenmale, Iohn the son of the Earl of Henaut, Rauf de Neel constable of France, Guy his brother marshal of the host, Renolde de Try, Esmer chamberlain of Cancaruyle, Jaques the son of Godfrey de Braban, Pyers Floot, & Johan Bruillis master of the arbalesters knights, & many more men of name to the number of. CC. and above/ beside esquires and other men of lower degrees, as yeomen, grooms, pages, to the number of xii M. The which after this victory the flemings despoiled, and suffered the caryns of them to lie in the field, that all wild beasts & fowls might them perish and devour.  
when this young knight Sir Guy had thus obtained victory of the Frenchmen, he rejoiced not a little/ and soon thereafter laid siege unto the isle or a castle so named, and got it also were it by trecheri or other wise. Then the towns of Iper, of Gaunt, of dovaye, and divers other of that country, obeyed to him/ and condescended and agreed to take party either of them with other again the French King.  
Than King Phylyp hearing of the great dysconfyture of his men/ made countenance of mourning, and specially for his true knight the Earl of Artoys.  
King Phylyp then after for to revenge the foresaid displeasure to him done by the flemings/ assembled by our lady day Assumpsion next ensuing, an exceeding number of men of arms/ intending to have entered Flaundres, & utterly to have destroyed a great part of that country/ & so drew toward his enemies, so that he pight the tents of his vanward within ii miles of his enemies/ and there lay to his exceeding charge, considering the great multitude of his host by all the month of September. Of the number of this host I have doubt to write. For Master Gagwyn saith, the number was so great that it may nat be believed/ & that showeth well by the expressement of the number made by the French chronicle. For he saith they were an hundredth time an. C.M, & xl times xl M. By which saying somedeal appeareth, how the Frenchmen can make men sounge. But how it was for all this great & exceeding number of Frenchmen/ the flemings lay still unhurt or assaulted. And finally up on a great substantial cause, as ye after shall here, this great host was dissolved or returned every man to his own/ & King Phylyp with small honour into France/ whereof the Frenchmen saith the occasion or cause was thus.  
King Edward of England which unto the flemings bare great affection, considering the great danger they were in, and he at the time might nat them aid nor succour/ of a policy cast in his mind/ & with an heavy or morning countenance, 
Aright notable policy  showed unto the Queen & sister unto King Phylyp, the he was very heavy & sorrowful for his brother & hers the King of France. Whereof, when & wherefore she had frayned the cause/ he answered & said that he had certain knowledge that at such time as the flemings & he should meet in battle that his Lords & company should leave him among his enemies/ for he was sold unto them before hand. Whereof when the Queen was thus ascertained/ anon in all possible hast she sent letters & messengers unto the French King, counfayling him to be well ware of that treason and danger. To the which he giving credence/ shortly after sent from him the said great company of people, and he with a certain as above is said returned into France.  
After which departing, the flemings were so bold, that forth with they entered into Pycardy & the country of Artoys, and spoiled & brent divers towns of the same. But in the year following as testifieth the said French chronicle/ the flemings of Bruges were fought with of Otthon than duke of Burgoyn, to whom by reason of marriage the French King had given the earldom of Artoys/ & he of them slew with the aid of the frenchmen xu thousand.  
In this xvii year about mydsosomer/ Phylyp an other son of the Earl of Flaundres, which had by a certain term passed been in the court of Charles de Ualoys, & by him put in trust to receive certain sums of money in Scicill to the use of pope Bonyface the viii, suddenly departed/ and with a strong company of Almains came into Flaundres, to aid & assist his brother. Whom the flemings or Brabanders received with great joy/ & by the comfort of him invaded the borders & lands of the French King/ & boldly assaulted the castle of saint Omers. But for they there got none advantage, but lost many of their men/ they forsook that & yode unto a town belonging to the French King called Thorovan Moryne/ the which in process they wan and spoiled. About this time died Bonyface the viii of that name than pope, 
Boniface the viii. pope  a man of evil name and fame/ the which by his treachery caused his predecessor celestine the .v. that was a good & holy man, to resign and leave his papacy And by this mean, when this said celestine had sitten in Peter's chair a short time/ this Bonyface espying his innocency, which was all set to the service of god, as he before had used him in leading of an anchors life, thought how he might bring him in mind to resign his high office to him. And it to bring about he first made him friends secretly/ & after hired one of the cubyclers of the pope, that he in the deed night should speak in a reed, and say, celestine if thou wilt be saved & be partyner of bliss renounce this pomp of the world, & serve me as thou before did. Or after the latin story, if Celestynus will be saved/ let him clearly the papal dignity resign. Which voice this ghostly man sundry times hearing, thought verily it had been a divine motion. Wherefore in all that he might, he laboured to be discharged/ so that at the end of .v. months he resigned. And shortly after was the foresaid Bonyface admitted. The which not being contented with his sinister opteyning of this high dignity, but the he for fere lest the said celestine should repent him of his insolent deed, and by strength of some Princes be restored again to his former dignity/ he therefore would nat suffer the said Celestine to return to wilderness there to continue his old accustomed life, but held him in a castle as prisoner/ where for sorrow and evil keeping he died shortly after.  
For the which this Bonyface was nat unpunished. For over the sorrow & trouble that he during the term of his papacy suffered, which was nat a little/ in the end of viii years he was taken by strength and put in prison/ where so miserably & cruelly he was entreated, that or he died, what for madness or for hunger, he eat his own hands/ & so in misery ended his life within xxiiii days of his inprysonement.  
Than to return where I laft, & to show you ferther of the war atween France & Flaundres/ troth it is that the French men with the aid of the Henaudours, made sundry & many times assaults upon the flemings. In the which divers chances of the war fill/ so that if that one had the better at one time, that other had as much advantage the next tyme. For reformation of which war/ Sir Guy with his son beforenamed Earl of Flaundres, that by all this season had continued in the French kings prison, were suffered to go in to Flaunders/ upon condition that if they might pacify the country to the kings pleasure, that then they should still enjoy their liberty and go at large/ or else to return again as prisoners. The which Earl with his said son did what they could to reconcile the said flemings. But all their travail was in vain/ so that by the day to them appointed, they returned to their former prison. Wherefore the King in the xviii year of his reign, assembled a measurable host of people. In the which were accounted for noble capitains under the King, Sir Charles de Ualoys brother to the King, Lewis Earl of Euroux that oath brother to the King, Guy Earl of saint Paul, Iohn Earl of Dampmartyn. Which noble men with many other met with the King at a town called Mount. And when they had a season rested there/ by mean of messengers going atween King Phylyp and the flemings, a day of battle was atween them appointed, to be fought upon the xvi day of August in the above said xviii year. At which day the flemings of Brugys and the other towns set forth their ordinance, and made them a strong field/ and embattled them in such wise, that the frenchmen made dangerous to set upon them. Then means of treaty were offered/ so that the day passed without stroke striking.  
But in the evening/ the flemings thinking to take advantage upon their enemies, came so suddenly upon the Frenchmen, that hardly the King might be armed, or they had slain two men within his tent. Wherefore hasty speed was made, so that the King was gotten to horseback/ and forthwith by his martial power made way through his enemies, and slew them without mercy. And by the knightly example of him/ the remnant of his Lords quit them so honourably, that the poor flemings were laid in the field bathing in their own blood to a great number/ and lastly constrained to flee shamefully, and to leave their ordinance behind them. And if night had nat fallen on/ it is to dame that many more of them should have been slain/ considering the great fierceness of their enemies, and the exceeding rancour of malice that the Frenchmen to them bare. But yet the frenchmen escaped not without loss of some noble men. For in that battle was slain the Earl of Ancerre, and divers other knights and men of fame. After which scomfiture and chasing of the flemings/ the King for darkness was set unto his tents with torch light. where after he had buried the deed bodies slain in that field, and also garnysshedde some strong castles with his knights, to the end that the flemings should nat break toferre abroad/ knowing that with his enemies he should that year have no more plain battles, he returned again into France.  
IN the xix year of King Phylyp/ by means of Enguerran a man in especial favour with the King, a peace between France and Flaundres was concluded the which as ye shall after here dured but short while Nat withstanding by the reason of this peace, Robert de Bethune and wyllyam his brother/ which by all this season with their father Sir Guy Earl of Flaundres had continued in pleasant or esy prison, were now delivered. But the father was deed in the month of February before the conclusion of this peas passed/ & by licence of the French King carried to Marquet a town in Flaundres, and there buried.  

 In the twenty year of this King Philip/ a great dissension & strife fill between the rich men or governors of Paris, & the communalty of the same for heything of the rent of divers houses aparteynyg to the said commonalty. Wherefore the said commons secretly accompanied them in great number/ and yode unto the house of Stephan Barbet that was accused to be occasyoner of that deed, & spoiled it. And after that they yode to a manner of his in the counntre named Courtile Barbet, and it in likemanner spoiled/ and that done set it in fire, and brent it. And the orchard of the same, which was passing commodious and pleasant/ they defaced and utterly destroyed.  
And nat yet with this being content/ they returned again unto the house of the said Stephan/ and all such wines as were within his sellers, drank of them till they were wood drunken. And what they might nat in that wise devour/ they bet out the heads and let the wine run in the street. And all formies, stolies, & other utensils in the house, by them foundyn all to broke in pieces/ and of federbeddes ripped the tykies, & held them in the wind that the feathers might be blowyn a way and lost forever/ and unrypped the house in divers places, that the rain and other weathering might enter, as than fill about the time soon after christmas. And thus continuing in their fury and rage's/ after the dyspoyling and defacing of these foresaid houses, as men nat knowing what they than did/ yode straight in great number unto the place of the templars there near, where at that season King Philip with a certain of his barons was than lodged/ & there kept the entrees of that place in such wise, that no man might issue nor enter but at their pleasures/ and such meats as were brought thither to the kings use and his household, they cast it in the mire and filth of the street. The King and his Lords saying the rage of this rude and unreasonable people sent unto them the provost of the city with some of his Lords/ the which gave unto them so pleasant & comfortable words, that at length he returned them in peaceable manner to their houses. But upon the morrow following/ the King nat forgetting this rage and riot of the people, commanded many of the said commons to be attached, and to be sent unto divers prisons.  
And upon Candelmasse even following, for the same riot xxviii of them were hanged at four entrees of the city of Paris/ the is to say vii at Louvre, seven. Toward the parties of saint Antoyne vii at a place toward the roll & other vii in a place toward nostre Dame or notyr Dame. which execution caused the commonalty of the city to live long after in great fere.  
In the xxi year of the reign of King Philip, which maketh the year of our Lord xiii C. and vii all be it that other writers affirmeth it to be in the year of grace xiii C. and xi all the templars in France were destroyed, & their goods & possessions thorough christendom given (by authority of a synod kept by Clement the v. than pope at the city of Narbon in France) unto the religion of knights of saint Iohn baptist. This order of templars was destroyed for their detestable heresy, whereof they were convict in ten articles expressed in the French chronicle at length/ which here I pass over for length of the matter, & also for the rehearsal thereof is nat fruitful to all hearers or readers  
In the xxiii year of his reign/ this King Philippe, for asmuch as he by some of the electors of the empire was chosen Emperor/ he therefore with a great army sped him toward Rome, and passed thorough Almaigne till he came unto the duchy of Quadratus rantayne. Of which duchy the people received him with all honour. And after he passed the mountains and so came unto Padua/ where also he was joyously received where he tarienge a season, received from My lain ambassadors/ the which offered to him that city with all covenable service. And after his people was to him more plenarli assembled be than departed from Padua & yode unto milan. Whom the Lords of the city met upon the way, & conveyed him unto the master palace of the city, and there lodged him/ & within few days after brought him with great solemnity unto the cathedral church, and there crowned him King of Lombardy & called him Augustus.  
Than he departed from Mylayn, and sped him to the city of Cremoyne, & laid siege to the same. But it was to him shortly yold. From thence he passed to the city of Bresse, where he was held out a long while. thither to his aid came many soldiers of the town of Pyze/ & made there many sharp assaults. In which assaults guide Namoure that was marshal of the Kings host died, of hurts that he there took. In pcesse of time shortly following, the rulers of Bres offered means of treaty. But the King was so amoved with the death of his marshal, that he would grant to them no condycional peas/ but to stand at his grace & mercy. wherefore they finally seeing no better mean, offered unto him the keys of the city.  
Than King Philip for oath before made, or for some other excellency/ caused anon the part of the town ditch fore again his pavilion to be filled/ & & the wall of the city, with as many houses as stood between the wall & the master palace of the city to be throwyn down/ that he with his host might enter the straight way, & so to go or ride unto the said palace. And when all thing was ordered to his devise, he entered by the way the city of Cremon, & therein tarried a certain season/ & took his counsel with the Gebellynys, how he might the city of Rome win. And when he had fines shed the counsel/ he took certain hostages of this city of Cremon, the which he set unto Pyze to be kept/ & so sped him toward Rome, & getting many cities & other holds by the way/ lastly he came unto the city named Bowlon la grass/ whither came unto high a car dynall or legate sent from pope Clement the v, to treat of the state of the empire.  
But how it was the continuance or fine of this journey turned nat to the honour & pleasure of the Frenchmen For after the meeting of the King & this legate, the matter is no more touched. For the French King was again in France, or the legate might bring unto him any answer from the pope. Also it is the more suspect, for of this matter speaketh nothing Master Robert Gagwyne, which leaveth nothing out of his book the may sound to the advancement of the French nation. In the xxiiii year of the reign of King Philip/ was brent in divers places of France upon lx templars for the heresy before rehearsed.  
And in the year following, a new rebellion began in Flaunders. Of the which Robert Earl of Flaunders was accused/ but he acquyt himself, & after Guy his son was attached for the same and sent to prison. from the which he after escaped, for fere of proof to have been justified again him/ & returned unto Gaunt, where he was defended fro his adversaries/ so that the Hollanders & Brabanders held their party against the French King, & also again their own Earl/ which so continued without any notary battle, till the xxvi year of the reign of King Philip. In the which year, upon the even of mary magdalen at the town of Courtray in Brabande/ was by the bishops and other spiritual men of France and Flaundres a peace concluded. Whereof the conditions were, that the flemings should have pardon & forgiveness of all their former rebellion, aswell again the King as their natural duke. And for this they should pay a certain sum of silver, whereof the sum is nat expressed/ & over that they should at their proper costs & expenses, beat down certain strengths & holds as the French Kings depute would to them assign/ beginning at Gaunt, & so to Bruges, & other places/ & more over they should yield unto Robert their Earl the castle of Courtray, with all abylementes of war & other necessaries thereunto belonging. All which conditions to observe, they should deliver unto the King of France good hostages. But all this came to small effect, as after shall appear.  
IN the xxvii year of this Phylyp/ Jacob the master of the templars, with an other great ruler of the said order which was named Uisytour of the same, after long prisonment were brent at Paris.  
And in the same year King Phylyp arreared a tax thorough France, which before that days was never herd nor spoken of. This was so grievous, that all Normandy, Picardy & Champeygne, allied them together & utterly denayed the payment thereof. Whereof hearing other countries, took the same opinion/ so that a great rumour & mumur was raised thorough out the realm of France, in such wise that the King for pacyfyeng of the people was fain to repeal the said tax.  
In the xxviii year of the reign of King Philip, in the week of Easter/ the three wives of the iii sons of King Philip, that is to say Margarete the wife of Louis his eldest son and King of navarre, johann or Jone the wife of his second son Philip Earl of Poytyers, and Blaunche the wife of his third son Charles & Earl of Marches, were accused of spouse breaking/ and sent from a place of nuns where they lay, and conveyed unto more straighter keeping/ the which iii wives were all iii daughters unto the duke of Burgoyn. Than upon straight examination made, Margaret and johann were guilty of that crime found. Wherefore they were sent unto the castle of Gaylard in Normandy, there to be kept as prisoners term of their lives. And the forenamed Blanch, for so moche as she was founden guiltless/ was again restored unto her Lord Charles Earl of the Marches.  
And in short time after, the two paramours of the said Margaret & johann, that is to say Philip damnoy, and Gautyer Damnoy or waltier Dannoy knights, men of fame and goodly parsonage & brethren/ at the kings commandment were first brent in the visage with hot irens, & after drawn to the gibet at Pontoyse & there hanged. Which misfortune the King took so grievously, that he rejoiced never after.  
About the feast of saint Peter or the beginning of August/ the King hearing of the rebellion of the flemings, by Engwerram his most secret counsaylour made an assemble of the citizens of Paris/ and by the mouth of the saynd Enguerram desyted a subsidy of the said citizens, to maintain his war again the flemings/ the which by Stephan Barbet in the name of the hole city was granted. By precidence whereof, all the great cities & good towns of France were charged in like manner/ which caused great unkindness & grudge of the people toward the said Enguerram. Than provision was made for a new journey into Flaunders/ so that the King sent his two sons and many other nobles of his land in the month of Septembre following, into the said country of Flaunders. The which made good speed, & laid first their siege to the castle of the isle and wan it/ & after that entered toward other strong holds. But the flemings put them of/ and gave unto the French host so sharp assaults, that in process they were constrained to return into France with small honour. Whereof the great default was laid upon Enguerram, and upon one of the sons of the Earl of Flaundres/ which little tofore by means of the said Enguerran was made Earl of Nevers. In the month of Novembre following/ King Phylyp being at fountain Beliaunt in the province of Gastenoys, was taken with such sickness and died shortly after when he had reigned xxviii years and more/ and his body after carried unto saint Dionise, and there buried leaving after him the three forenamed sons, Louis, Philip, & charles/ & a daughter named Isabella, which before time was married unto the second Edward than King of England.   

Anglia.  
EDwarde the second of that name & son of Edward the first, born at Carnarvan in a town of wales/ began his reign over England, in the month of julii & viii day of the said month, in the year of our lord xiii C. & vii/ & the xxi year of the four Phylip than King of France. The which was crowned at westminster the xiiii day of Decembre, after the opinion of divers writers. But Ranulph monk of Chester in his book of Policronicon saith, that he was crowned in the foresaid monastery of the Bishop of wynchester, the Sunday in quinquagesima, which is the xiiii day after the closing of Alleluya/ & of the bishop of wynchester, for so moche as Robert than archebisshope of Caunterbury was than out of England. This Edward was fair of body & great of strength but unsted fast of manners, & vile in conditions. For he would refuse the company of Lords & men of honour/ & haunt him with villains & vile persones. He also gave him to great drinking/ & lightly he would discover things of great counsel. with these & many other disallowable conditions he was exercised/ which turned him to great dishonour, & his Lords to great unrest, as by the sequel of this his story shall appear.  
Anon as his father was buried, and his exequy scantly finished/ he forgetting the high & chargeable commandment of his said father, sent in all haste for his old compear Pyers of Gauestone. The which he received with all joy & gladness, & advanced him to much honour. And thus passed the season of the old mayre and sheriffs of London/ so that at the feasts of michaelmas & Simon & Jude following, the old mayre and sheriffs, that is to mean Sir Johan Blount, Simon Bolet & Godfrey at the conduit were discharged, and the new as under followeth admitted.    

juno domini. M.CCC.vii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.viii.  Nycholas Pygotte.  Sir Iohn Blount.  Anno primo.  Myghell Drury.   
IN this beginning of this mayor's year, and first year of the King/ the said King Edward in the month of Decembre sailed into France/ and the xu day of Januarii following, at Boleyn in Pycardy married Isabella the daughter of Philip le Beaw than King of France/ & soon after returned with her into England, & so unto London/ where of the citizens they were joyously received, and so conveyed unto west minster/ where as before is showed upon the Sunday in quinquagesima they were both solemnly crowned. At which coronation was so exceeding press, that a knight called Sir Iohn Bakwell was thrested to death. Than the King gave shortly after unto Pyers of Gavestone the earldom of Cornewayl and the lord ship of wallyngford, & was ruled all by his wanton counsel/ & followed the appetite and pleasure of his body nothing ordering by sadness nor yet by order of law or justice.  
In this year also flowered the holy man called Robert a canon of the house of Brydlyngtone/ the which of some writers is accounted for a prophet, for verses that he made of things to come after in England, which I pass over at this tyme.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.viii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.ix.  wyllyam Basing.  Nycholas Faryngdone.  Anno ii  Iohn Butler.   
IN this ii year/ King Edward calling to mind the displeasure done unto him and to his famulyer Pyers of Gavestone, by the bishop of Chester master walter Lanton, as before is touched in the xxviii. Year of the reign of Edward his father/ commanded him unto the tour of London, where he was streyghtely kept many days after.  
Than the Lords of the land, and specially Sir Henre Lacie, Sir Guy, & Sir Aymer de Ualance Earl of Lyncolne, of warwyke, & of Penbroke/ to whom the noble prince Edward the i had given so great charge that Pyers of Gavestone should no more come into England, saw the rule of the land, and how the kings treafoure by mean of the said pyers was wasted assembled them in counsel/ & of one assent with aid of other Lords of the realm spoke so with the King, that contrary his pleasure he was avoided the land, and banished into Ireland for that year. But the King sent unto him oftentimes secret messengers, and comforted him with many rich gifts, or made him his chief ruler of the country.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.ix.  Anno domini. M.ccc.x  jamys of saint Edmund.  Thomas Roman.  Anno iii  Roger Palmer.   
IN this iii year/ divers grudges began to move & spring between the King and his Lords, for the exiling of Pyers of Gavestone. Wherefore to content amity between him & them/ the said Pyers about the feast of the nativity of our Lady was fet home again, and so continued to the more mischief of the realm.  
About this time as testifieth Cronica Cronicarum & other/ the knights of the order of saint Iohn baptist called saint Iohn of Jerusalem by their knightly manhood put out of the isle of Rhodes or Rodhis the Turkys and infidelis, that to that day occupied the said i'll/ & after that wan upon the said turks daily and yearly/ so that at this day they have in their dominion moche of the lands, 
The first winning of Rodys.  which at that day and long after/ was in the power of the said Turks. This religion also was greatly preferred by the fall of the templars/ whose possessions and lands were to them given, as it is before expressed in the third chapter, and xxi year of Phylyp the fair. This year also after some writers the crouched freres came first into England.   

Anno domini. M.ccc.x  Anno domini. M.CCC.xi.  Simon crop.  richard Roffham.  Anno four  Petyr Blacnay.   
IN this fourth year, the rule and power of Pyers of gave stone more and more increasing/ in so much that he having the guiding of all the kings jewels and treasure, yode upon a day unto west minster/ and there out of the kings jewel house, took a table & a pair oftrestyllies of gold/ and conveyed them with other jewels out of the land, to the great inpoverysshing of the same/ and over that brought the King by mean of his wanton conditions to manifold vices, as adultery and other.  
wherefore the foresaid Lords saying the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this unhappy man/ took their counsel together at Lyncolne/ and there concluded to void him again out of England, so that shortly after he was exiled into Flaunders to the Kings great displeasure.   

Anno dni. M.CC.xi.  Anno dni. M.cc.xii  Simon Merwode.  Iohn Gysours.  Anno .v.  richard wylforde.   
IN this .v. year upon the day of saint Bryce, 
Birth of Edward the third.  or the xiii day of Novembre/ was borne at windsor the first or eldest son of King Edward, that after his father was King of England, and named Edward the third. And this year was again revoked by the King Pyers of Gaveston out of Flaunders/ the which after his again coming, demeaned him worse than he before did. In so much that he disdained the Lords of England, and of them had many dispiteous and slanderous words. Wherefore the Lords of one mind assented to put this Pyers to death/ & soon after assembled their powers, and besieged him in the castle of Scarburgh/ & in process won that castle, & took him and brought him unto gaversede beside warwycke/ and there the xix day of junu smote of his heed. Whereof when the King had knowledge, he was grievously disposed again the said Lords/ and made his avow the his death should be revenged. By mean of this the rancour that before between the King and his Lords was kindled, now began further to spread/ so that after this day the King sought occasion again his Lords, how he might put them to grievance and displeasure. In this while died Sir Henry Lacie Earl of Lyncolne/ the which lying upon his death bed, required Sir Thomas Earl of Lancastre that had married his daughter, that he would stand with the other Lords in their defence for the weal of England.  
The which request the said Earl granted/ and so firmly kept or observed it, that at length he with many other lost their lives, as after in the story shall be showed.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.xii  Anno dni. xiii. C.xiii  Iohn Lambyn.  Iohn Pontenay.  Anno vi  Adam Lutekyn.   
IN this vi year/ the King held his great court or council of parliament with the Lords spiritual & temporal at London. where by the advices of them many good ordinances and statutes were made, to oppress the ryottouse and other mischiefs that at those days were used. Than the King was sworn to keep those ordinances, and after all his Lords to their powers.  
After the which oath so take/ Robert archebysshope of Caunterbury, blessed all them that upheld the said statutes/ and accursed all such as attempted to break any of the same. It was nat long after that word was brought unto the King, how Robert le bruise was returned into Scotland, and had caused the Scots to rebel of new.  
ye have before hard in the xxxiiii year of Edward the first, how the said Edward chased the forenamed Roberte le bruise out of Scotland into Normandy. But when he had hard of the mysguyding of the realm of England, and specially of the division between the King and his Lords/ he anon with a small aid of the Norgans' or Norway's returned into Scotland.  
where he demeaned him in such wise to the Lords of Scotland, that he in short process was again made King of that realm/ and warred strongly upon the kings friends, and wan from them castles and strong holds, and wrought unto english men much sorrow and tene.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xiiii.  Adam Burden.  Nicholas Faryngdon.  Anno vii  Hugh Gayton.   
IN this vii year, for to oppress the malice of the Scots, the King assembled a great power/ and by water entered the realm of Scotland, and destroyed such villages & towns as lay or stood in his way. Where of hearing Robert le bruise, with the power of Scotland costed toward the english men/ and upon the day of the nativity of saint Johan the baptist, met with King Edward & his host at a place called 
* battle of Estryvelyn.  of Estryvelyn, near unto a French river that than was called Bannockysbourne/ where atween the english and the Scots that day was fought a cruel battle. But in the end the english men were constrained to forsake the field.  
Than the Scots chased so eagerly the english men the many of them were drowned in the forenamed river/ and many a noble man of England that day was slain in that battle, as Sir Gylbert de Clare Earl of Gloucestre, Sir Robert Clyfforde, sir Edmund of Maule the kings steward, with other Lords & barons to the number, as witnesseth Guido de Columpna, of xlii, & of knights and baronets to the numbered of lxvii/ over xxii men of name which that day, of the Scots were taken prisoners. And the King himself from that battle scaped with great danger/ & so with a few of his host that with him escaped came unto Berwyke, and there rested him a season. Than the Scots inflamed with pride, in derision of the english men made this rhyme as followeth. 
Maidens of England sore may ye morn  
For your lemans ye have lost at Bannockysborne.  
with have a low.  
what weeneth the King of England  
So soon to have won Scotland,  
with rumbylow.   
THis song was after many days song in dances in the carols of the maidens & mynstrels of Scotland, to the reproof & disdain of english men, with divers other which I overpass. And when King Edward had a season tarried in Berwyke, and set that town in such surety as he than might/ he returned with small honour into Englade, & came secretly to westminster upon the day of saint Magne or the nineteen. day of August.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xiiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xv.  Stephan of Abyngdone.  johan Gysours.  Anno viii  Hamonde Chykwell.   
IN this viii year of King Edward/ a vylayn called Johan Tanner yode about in divers places of England, 
traitorous presumption of a villain.  & named himself to be the son of Edward the first/ & said that by mean of a false nurse he was stolen out of his cradle, and Edward which was a carters son was laid in the same cradle for him, & he himself was after hardly fostered and brought up in the north parties of wales. But when this by lain was laid for to be taken/ for fere he fled to the church of the frere Carmes or the white freres of Oxynforde. where he thinking to be in a surety because King Edward the first was their founder/ rehearsed again the former saying/ adding more there unto, that it appeared well that the King was a carters son, for his conditions were according to the same, as by many familiar examples and customs in him daily were apparent. When he had thus continued a season not without some rumour in the land/ lastly he was taken out of that place, & carried as a fellow unto Northampton, and there reigned and judged for his falseness, & so drawn & hanged. The which at the hour of death confessed, that he had a fiend in his house in the similitude of a cat/ the which among other promessies to him made, had assured him that he should be King of England. And Guydo saith that he confessed that he had served the fiend iii years before, to bring his perverse purpose about. Thus King Edward beset with many adversities/ kept a counsel at London for reformation of the war in Scotland, and other things for the welfare of England. Then was Sir Peter spalding knight sent unto Berwyke with a crew of soldiers, for to fortify that town, for so much as the King had certain understanding, that Robert le bruise intended hastily to lay his siege to that town.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xv.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xvi.  Hamonde Goodchepe.  Stephan Abyndon.  Anno ix  wyllyam reading.   

Berwyke lost  IN this ix year upon mydlente Sunday, was the town & castle of Berwyke yelden or lost, by treason of the forenamed Peter spalding as the common fame went, unto Robert le bruise King of Scots. This year also the dearth of corn that had increased yearly more and more, from the xvi year of Edward the first, was this year at London sold for four s. a bushel. And therewith also fill such a murrain of beasts, that all victual waxed scant and dear, as after shall be showed.  
In this year also ii cardinals that were sent into England from the .v. Clement than pope, to set an unyon & a peace atween the Kings of England and of Scots/ were met with upon the Moor of wygylsdone in york shire, & there rob of such stuff and treasure as they with them brought. For the which robbery great inquiry was made/ so the lastly a knight called Sir Robert Gylbert Myddelton was accused, and sent to prison for that felony, and after at London drawn and hanged for the same, and his heed set upon London bridge. But the cardinals received of the King double the value of their harms.  
In this year also fell so exceeding rain in the months of julii and August/ that husbands might not bring in their little store of corn that than stood upon the ground/ so that where before was great scarcity of wheat, now by this was more/ and beeves and motons were at exceeding prices, by reason of the murrain before spoken of.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xvi.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xvii.  wyllyam Caston.  johan wengrave.  Anno ten  Ralph Palmer.   
IN this year the Scots entered the borders of Northumberlande, and rob and brent the country most cruelly/ in so much that they brent the houses that women at that time lay in child bed, and spared neither man, woman, nor child, neither religious nor other/ and did so great harm that the country by it was greatly impoverysshed. To this mischief was joined another misery. For as before is said, vytayll by reason of the murrain was so scant and dear, and wheat and other grains so high prised/ that poor people eat horse flesh & dogs flesh, and many other vile beasts, which wonder is to believe. And yet for default died great multitude of people in sundry places of the land. And wheat was sold this year and the next following, at London for four mark a quarter and above. And after this dearth & scaresytye of victual, ensued mortalytye of men by god's hand and punishment/ so that what with war of the Scots, and for hunger, and death by mortality and sickness/ the people of the land was wonderslye wasted and perished. But all those monitions amended not the King of his inordynate living.   

Anno dni. M.CC.xvii.  Anno dni. M.CC.xviii.  johan prior.  johan wentgrave.  Anno xi  wyllyam Furneux.   
IN this xi year, the King assembled a new host and went into Northumberland, to resist the malice of the Scots/ which daily made assawtes upon the borders, and entered far within the land. Wherefore for great distress & need of fighting men, the King had much people out of the south and east parties of England. Among the which contrary to their liberty, the city of London was constrained to find at their costs and charge. CC. men, and so sent them to york. When the King at york had received his people from sundry countries and good towns of England/ he with a convenient number road toward Berwyke, & so sped his journeys that at length he came near unto Berwyke, and laid his siege about the fame.  
But while the King was busied in assawting of the town/ the Scots broke over the water of small in great number/ & leaving the cooste where the kings people lay, in secret wise came down into the Marchiss of york shire, and there slew the people and rob them in most cruel wise. wherefore the arch Bishop of york constrained of pure necessity to defend that country, gathered unto him an unready & dispurveyed host for the war, as priors clerks, canons, and other spiritual men of the church, with husband men and other unapt people/ and so with great number of men and few warly or discrete chieftains, yode again the Scots/ and them encountered at a place called Mitton upon small, the xii day of the month of Octobre, and gave unto them battle. But for lack of wise and warily provision, the Englysshemen were beset of their enemies upon every side/ so that of them was slain a great multitude, & the remnant shamefully put to flight/ by reason whereof the said archbishop with the abbot of Selby and other were preserved. And for so many spiritual men were slain in this battle/ therefore it was after named of many writers the white battle. When the King was informed of this overthrow of the Northyrne men, and for it drew toward winter/ he therefore broke up his siege and retourued unto york and soon after further into England. Than was nothing done without the advices and counceylies of Sir Hugh the spencers, the father and the son. By whose entysement many things were done in England, to the great grudge as well of the noble men of the realm as of the commons of the same/ so that they were had in as great hatred and indignation, as before times was Pyers of Gaueston. And many evil reports and great extortions were of them reported, as lightly men shall do that been out of the favour of the common people.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xviii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xix.  Iohn Pontenay.  Iohn wengrave.  Anno xii  Iohn dallying.   
IN this xii year, the King held his great council at york/ where contrary the mind of the Lords Sir Hugh Spencer the son was made high chamberlain of England. By reason whereof he bore him so hawtely and so proud, that no Lord of this land might gainsay him in any thing that he thought good. Whereof grew the occasion of the barons war as after followeth. In this pastime for asmuch as the foresaid Cardinals might nothing do concerning the peace between England and Scotland/ the King purchased a curse of the xxii Johan then pope, to accurse Robert le bruise and all such as with him held or maintained/ and it to stand so in strength, till the said Robert had recompensed King Edward for all such harms as his land had by him received/ & also till he had re-edified the monasteries and churches by him and his cast down in England, and restored to them such spiritual goods as the Scots had reaved and taken from them. But all this availed nothing, but put the King and the realm to great cost & charge/ so that the commons were vexed and troubled many manner of ways/ and their possessions and movable goods taken from them, upon surmised & feigned causes/ so that many were utterly undone, and a few singular & mysguyded persons advanced. When the more party of the barons of England beheld this misery of the people, how they were punished by the hand of god, and also by the ignorance of the King/ they in secret manner assembled them together at a town called shyrborn in 〈◊〉, and there condescended for a reformation of this mischief, to remove from the King the said Spensers both the father and the son. And this to bring about Sir Thomas Earl of Lancastre, Sir Humphrey Bohum Earl of Hereforde, Sir Johan Mowbray baron, Sir Roger Clyfforde baron, Sir Goselyn Danyell baron, Sir Roger Toket, Roger Benefeelde, Sir Roger mortimer, sir whyllyan Sullande, Sir wyllyam Elmynbrydge, Sir Johan Gyfforde, and Sir Johan tears barons and knights, with divers other swore each of them to stand by other, till they had amended the state of the realm. And soon after by their advice and agreement, Sir Johan Moubraye, Sir Roger Clyfforde, and Sir Goselyn Danyel, with a strong company entered upon the manors and castles of the said Spensers standing in the March of wales, and them spoiled and destroyed. Of the which riot the Spensers complained them to the King. In punysshent whereof, the King calling to him diverse of his council at wyndsore/ there determined that the said Sir Johan Moubraye, Sir Roger Clyfforde, & Sir Goselyn Danyell, with other their assistants, should appear before the kings counsel shortly after/ and there to make answer upon that riot. And if they refused that to do/ that than they should avoid the land shortly after as banished men. But no day of appearance by them was kept. Wherefore proclamations were made in divers Placies of the realm, and at London the xvi day of March, that the said Sir Johan Mowbray, Sir Roger Clyfforde and other, should avoid the land within ten days following upon pain of death. Whereof hearing the Lords and barons before named, assembled them a more strenger power/ and upon that sent a messynger unto the King, beseeching him humbly to remove from his person and counsel the Spensers, the which daily did unto him great dishonour, and to the common weal of the realm great hindrance. The King hearing this humble request, nothing with it being content, but fearing greatly the destruction of his own person/ assembled his counfeyle for reformation of this matter. where it was concluded that the King should call a parliament at London, there to be holden in the 〈◊〉 following. And that conclusion so there taken by the said counsel/ the King sent his letters unto the said barons, commanding them to come unto the said parliament. The which at the day above said, with a great host of men of arms came to London/ in a suit of iakettes of coats of demi party of yellow and green, with a band of white cast overthwart.  
For this skill that parliament long after of the common people was called the parliament of white bands.  
Than for to see the kings pease were substantially kept within the city of London/ the mayre caused daily a thousand men well harnessed to watch in divers wards, and at diverse gates of the city/ the which began at four of the clock in the morning, and so continued till vi at night. At which season as many were ordained too take than the charge of the night watch, and so to continue till the hour of .v. in the morning. And for this night watch should be surely kept/ two aldermen nightly were assigned to ride about the city with certain officers of the town, to see the watchmen we'll and discreetly guided. And the gates were shut at ix of the clock, & opened again at vii on the morrow & every cytezyn warned to have his harness by him, that he might be ready with short warning when so ever he were called.  
Thus in the city the said watch continuing/ the foresaid parliament was holden at westminster/ where among other things for the weal of the land, as that council than could think determined/ one was that Sir Hugh Spenser the father & Sir Hugh the son, should be banished out of that realm of England for term of life. And soon after that banishment was put in execution/ so that they both were brought unto Dover, there to take shiping. where Sir Hugh the father made wonderful great moon when he should take his ship/ and cursed his son in presence of such as had the guiding of them/ saying that by his means he was banished from the flower of all lands christened. Than the King dyssolued the parliament, and every man returned to his own. But it was nat long after that word was brought unto the King, that Sir Hugh Spenser the son hoved upon the cooste of England, and took prays of all merchants that passed by his course.  
But the King let as he had known of no such thing/ and suffered that with many more evil deeds to go unpunished/ the which at length he repented full sore, and took thereof great remorse in conscience, as it appeareth in the end of his reign.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xix.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xx.  Simon Abyngdon.  Hamonde Chykwell.  Anno xiii  Iohn Preston.   
IN this xiii year, the King revoked the acts, or withstood them which were made at London in the last parliament/ and called again into England the Spensers both the father & son, contrary the will of the barons/ and set them in like authority as they before had been to the great dystourbaunce of all the realm. And soon after under colour of a title made by the Queen unto the castle of Ledys in Kent, which than belonged unto Sir Barthen de Bladysmore knight than being on the baronies party/ the King besieged the said castle/ and by help of the citizens of London lastly wan it by strength, and spoiled the movables thereof, which was to a great value after the saying of some writers. In this pastime that the King had thus called again the Spensers, & ruled many things after his sensual appetite and pleasure, nothing regarding the common weal of the realm/ the barons considering well that the Spencers should in process bring the land in great ruin, & the King to great dishonour, intending to reform the mischief that thereof might ensu/ gathered unto them great power. And while Sir Thomas Earl of Lancastre was gathering of his people/ the ii Mortymers, that is to say Sir Roger mortimer of work, & Sir Roger of wigmoore with other, yode into the March of wales, & took by strength certain cities & towns belonging to the Spencers/ & pursued also some of the kings servants. Wherefore the King hearing of that rebellion of his Lords, made hasty speed and with a great host came about by Shroysbury, and was near unto them or they were ware/ so that for fere the said Mortymers yielded them unto the kings grace & mercy the which forthwith were conveyed as prisoners unto the tower of London.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xx.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxi.  reynold at conduit.  Hamonde Chykwell.  Anno xiiii  wyllyam Prodham.   
IN this xiiii year, when the King had ordered the country of the marches foresaid after his mind, & had to him gathered more strength about saint Chaddys' day or beginning of March, the King with his people came down to Glowceter/ where with him met the Spensers with their people. And from thence he yode unto Lychefeelde/ at which season the Earls of Lancaster and of Herforde were at, and the remnant of their host at Burton upon Trent/ & fortified the bridge that the King might nat win over the said river. Than the King was brought unto a ford, & began to set over his knights, whereof hering the said Earls/ forsook the said town of, and yode toward the town or city of. But or they might pass far upon their journey/ they were encountered of Sir Aymer de Ualance Earl of Penbroke with the Spensers and other of the kings host, upon the xii day of March/ and of them overset and constrained to i'll, and so yode in process of time to Pountfret. In this mean season, the Earl Thomas had sent a knight of his named Robert Holland into Lancasshyre, for to arere his tenants. But when the said Sir Robert heard of that skirmish, and how his master was fled/ he than drew him to the King, and presented him with such company as he had than gathered. And thus the kings power daily increased, and the batons dyscreased. Than the baronies hearing of the going of Sir Robert Holande unto the kings pattye, were with it sumdeale abashed/ and took their counsel in the freers of Pountfret. where after many opinions & reasons among them debated & argued it was finally by them concluded, that they should go unto the castle of Dunstanborough/ & there to hold them till they might purchase the kings grace. And so speeding their journey thy derwarde with such people as they than had they came in process of time to a town called Burgh bridge. where they were encountered of Sir Andrew of Harkeley knight, with other that were come out of the North with a strong company. The which there near unto the said town set upon the barons, and in the end sconfited them and chased their people. In the which fight was slain the Earl of Herforde, Sir Roger Benefeld, and Sir wyllyam Sullande and other and there was taken the Earl of Lancastre, Sir Roger Clyfforde, Sir Johan Moubraye, Sir Roger Tuckettes, Sir wyllyam Fyzwyllyam, with diverse other, & lad unto pork. And this field was fought as witnesseth Polycronycon the xu day of March, in the end of that year of our Lord a thousand three hundredth & twenty. It was nat long after that Sir Hugh Daniel and Sir Barthew de Bladysmoore were taken. And Sir Thomas Earl of Lancastre was brought again to his own town of Pountfret/ where he was brought in judgement before Sir Aymer de Ualaunce Earl of Penbroke, Sir Johan britain Earl of Rychemounde, sir Edmund of woodstoke Earl of Kent, Sir Hugh Spenser the father▪ and Sir Roberte Malmestorp justice with other/ and before them finally adjudged to have his head stricken of. whereof execution was done the twelef day of Aprell, in the beginning of the year of grace after the reckoning of the church of England. M.CCC.xxi. Of this Earl Thomas are diverse opinions.  
For some writers show of him to be a saint. But Policronicon in the xlii chapter of his vii book showeth otherwise. But what so ever earthly men in such things dame, it is far from the secret judgement of god/ so that to him and his sentence such things are to be referred.  
From this time forthward by the term of .v. years ensuing, that fortune of the Spensers hugely increased, And as fast the Queens dyscreased, till she was relieved by the King of of France than Charles the .v. of the name, and brother unto her, as after shallbe showed.  
Than to return unto our former matter, upon the foresaid day that Earl Thomas was thus put in execution/ Sir Roger Tutkettes, Sir wyllyam Fizwyllyan, sir waren of Iselde or isel, Sir Henry of Bradborne, & sir willyam Cheyny Barones' & knights, were drawn & hanged, & their hedes smytrens of and sent unto London. Which all were put to death at Pountfrete foresaid, with an esquire called Johan Page. And at york soon after was drawn & heeded Sir Roger Clyfford, Sir Iohn Mowbray & Sir Goselyne Danyell Barons. And at Brystowe Sir Henry womyngton, & Sir Henry Monforde Banerettes/ & at Glowceter Sir Iohn Giffard & sir william Elmyngbrydge knights/ and at London Sir Iohn Tiers or triers baron/ and at wynchelsee Sir Thomas Culpepyr knight/ and at windsor Sir Fraunceys walden ham baron/ and at Caunterbury Sir Barthew de Bladismoore, & Sir Bartholl de Asbornham baronies. And at Cardeeffe in wales, was put to like execution sir william fleming knight/ upon whose souls and all christian Jesus have mercy. When the King had thus subdued his barons/ he soon after about the feast of the assention of our Lord, kept his parliament at york. During which parliament Sir Hugh Spenser the father was made Earl of wynchester, and Sir Andrew of Harkeley Earl of Carleyle, or after some writers Cardoyll/ and disherited all such as before had holden with the Earls of Lancastre and of Hereforde, except Sir Hugh Dandell and few other/ the which Sir Hugh was received to grace by reason that he had married a kinswoman of the Kings.  
There was also ordained or soon after, that master Roberte Baldok a man of evil fame should be chancellor of England. Than forfeits & tynes were gathered into the kings treasoury, without sparing of pryvi leged places or other/ so that what might be found, all was seized for the King. By reason whereof moche treasure was brought unto the kings coffers, beside great things that were bribed and spoiled by the officers of divers shires.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xxi.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxii.  richard Constantyne.  Hamonde Chykwell.  Anno xu  Richard Hakeney.   
IN this xu year the King gathered the vi penny of temporal men's goods through England, Ireland, & wales, that to him was granted at the foresaid parliament, for the defence of the Scots. which was paid with great murmur & grudge, considering the manifold miseries that the common people at those days were wrapped in. This year also the son appeared to man's sight as blood, and so continued by the space of vi hours/ that is to mean in the month of Octobre and last day of the said month, from seven. of the clock in the morning till one of the same day. After some writers about this time the Scots intending to win an enterprise in Ireland, and for to win that country to their obeisance/ entered it with a strong host under their capitain Edward le bruise brother to the Scottisshe King. But how it was by aid of english men or of themself/ the irish quit them so well, and bore them so manfully that they vanquished the Scots, and chased them out of that country. In the which chase & fight that said Edward le bruise/ & many of the noble men of Scotland were slain.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.xxii  Anno dni. xiii. C.xxiii.  Iohn Grantham.  Hamonde Chykwell.  Anno xvi  richard of Ely.   
IN this xvi year, the King made great provision for to make a voyage into Scotland/ so that about the beginning of August he entered that country. But the Scots considering the great multitude of his host, drew them into the mountains & other places where as the englishmen might nat win to them and all to the intent for to weary and tire the Kings great host. Than diverse maladies fell among the englishmen/ so that many of them died and were lost in that journey, aswell for lack of victual as by infirmity & sickness/ so that the King for these causes & other, was constrained to return into England about the nativity of our Lady. where of the Scots being informed/ Sir Jamys Dowglas with other captains of the Scots, with a strong host followed or costed the King, in such wise that about the feast of saint Luke, they had almost taken the King at dinner at an abbey called Bella Launde or Beyghlande. Thant he King of pure constraint defended him, and withstood the Scots as he might.  
But after short and week fight the King was compelled to flee, & by that mean to save himself. In this skirmish was taken Sir Johan britain Earl of Rychemonde and the kings treasure was there spoiled and borne away/ and the ordinance belonging to the host, great part of it was by the Scots conveyed into Scotland. Than the Scots in their returning homeward won the castle of Norham, & rob the town of Northallerton and other. Of this loss and harms way Sir Andrew of Harkeley put in wite by misleading of the kings host, as in the next year shallbe showed.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxiiii.  Adam Salesbury.  Simon Franceys.  Anno xvii  Iohn of Oxynforde.   
IN this xvii year, the King being informed that he & his people were so put unto dishonour (as in the preceding year is touched) of the Scots, by the untruth & treason of the forenamed Sir Andrew Earl of Carleyl or Cardoyll/ sent a knight named Sir Antony Lucy, for to arrest the said Earl, & to bring him safely unto the kings presence. The which Sir Antony sped him in such wise, that upon the day of saint Chadde or the second day of March, the said Earl was taken, and so kept in prison long after till Octobre following at which season as affirmeth Geffrey of Monmouthe, at cardoil in wales the said Sir Andrew was arregned, & convyete that he had taken money of the Scots to betray the King his natural Lord. For the which treason he was there, or after other at westchester or at Shrowysbury drawn & hanged/ and his heed sent after to London and set upon the bridge. 
Occasion of mortal war.   
In this year the war begun to Que kin in Guyan between the english men and the French. Whereof the occasion was as saith the French book, for a bastille or fortress made by the lord of Mount Pesayne or Pesart a lord of Gascoigne, upon the French kings ground as the frenchmen said. But the Gascoynes & english men justified it to be within the territory of Guyan. For this first began great words, and after Manasses/ But lastly mortal war. So that the Gascoynes with aid of the kings steward of England, slew many frenchmen that came to overturn the said bastille. When Charles the v. or charles the fair, which at that day was King of France, heard of the overthrow of the Frenchemen, and how the Gascoynes fortified the foresaid bastille within his fygnory as he was informed/ he sent in all speed with a strong host his uncle Charles de Ualoys/ the which made sharp and cruel war upon the Gascoynys, and wan from them the towns of Angeou and Amyas with other/ and in process came unto the town or city of riol, and lay his siege unto the same. But the english with the Gascoynes issued out of the town, and gave battle unto the French men, and put them to the worse, & slew upon fourteen hundredth of them. Among the which a lord called the Lord of saint florentine with other noble men of France were slain/ & the other constrained to lie further from the town. Now be it in conclusion the said town by appointment was yelden to the French men, upon condition that all such englishmen as were within that town, should go freely with their good to Bordeaux/ or if they would remain there still, them to be sworn to the French King, and to dwell there as French men. After which town so yelden/ sir Edmund of woodstoke the kings brother than being at Bordeaux as the kings deputy, made such resistens again the said Charles de Ualoys, that a truce was taken for the year. Than about midlent the King having knowledge of this war in Guyan, and how the French King intended to seize all Gascoigne and Guyan, for breaking of certain covenants before time between them made, & nat by King Edward performed/ sent over the Queen his wife the French kings sister, to cutreate a concord & peace between them. And in the beginning of August following/ Sir Roger mortimer of wygmore, by mean of a sleeping poison or drink, that he gave unto his keepers as the common fame went, escaped out of the tour of London, and went to the Queen into France. And soon after were taken within the castle of wallyngforde, Sir Johan Goldyngton, and sir Edmund of the Beche/ the which Sir Iohn was sent unto york & there hanged and drawn for the barons quarrel, and his heed sent unto London bridge. And about the feast of the nativity of our Lady/ the King sent over Sir Edward his son into France, for to do homage unto the French King for the duchy of Guyan, whom the French King Phylip le Beawe received joyously, & caused him to tarry with the Queen his mother in the country of pontyens longer than King Edward was pleased.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxiiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxv.  Benet of Fulham.  Hamon Chyckwell.  Anno xviii  Iohn Canston.   
IN this xviii year, King Edward being informed that the French King had given unto Sir Edward his son the duchy of Guyan contrary his mind and pleasure, & that also the Queen his wife, nor the said Sir Edward made no speed into England, nat withstanding his often sending for them/ was with his said wife & son grievously disposed/ in so much that proclamations were made at London in the month of Decembre, that if the Queen and her son entered nat the land by the octavys of the Epyphany of our Lord next following in peaceable wise, that they should be taken for enemies to the King & his realm of England. But for the Queen feared the treachery of the Spensers and other that were near unto the King, she abode still in France. Wherefore King Edward after the expiration of the foresaid day, caused to be seized all such lands as to his said wife and son belonged/ and the profits of them took to his own use. when this rumour was known through the more part of England/ diverse men of name of the lands, as Sir wyllyam Trussell, Sir Iohn Cromewell, with diverse other, departed secretly out of England and sailed unto the Queen.  
when King Edward was ware of this/ he sent unto the French King so sharp and sore letters, that he monished the Queen out of his land, and would neither aid his nor her company/ but as saith Iohn Froyzarde that made a compendious work in French of the hole life or story of the third Edward, 
 and therewith expressed many other stories and chronicles, as of France, Flaunders, & other regions/ at this time when the Queen was thus monished to avoid out of France, Sir Iohn de Henawde brother to the Earl of Henawde a man of great fame, was then in the French kings court. The which having compassion of the Queen & of her young son, required her to go with him unto his brother's court foresaid. Whereof the Queen being fain granted unto his request, and sped her thither shortly after/ where she with her company was joyously & honourably received. In the time & season that the Queen with her son lay thus in the court or country of the Earl of Henawde/ by means of such as were about her, a marriage was concluded between Sir Edward her son, and Philip the said Earls daughter, upon certain condy●●ons, whereof one was that the said Earl should at his proper costs set over into England the said Sir Edward with a crew of. CCCC. men of arms. For the which, provision was made with all diligence. Of this, the fame sprang shortly in England. Wherefore the King in all haste made provision to have the havens & the ports of his land surely kept, for to resist the landing of his enemies. For subdie whereof/ the cytezyns of London were constrained to find at their proper costs an hundred men of arms/ the which contrary their liberties, with a condition that after that day it should be no precedent, they sent unto Portchestre. In this season & pass time the Queen with Sir Edward her son with a small company of englishmen, and a crew of Henawders, of the which Sir Iohn of Henawde the Earls brother was capitain/ took shiping in those parties/ & had the wind so favourable unto them, that they landed in England at a port called Orwell beside Harwyche in Suffolk the xxv day of September, without any resistens of men of war again her made. To whom after her landing, the people of the country drew by great companies/ & so sped her toward London. At this time of the Queens thus landing/ the King was at his city of London. But when he hard of the great people that drew to her out of all countries, he feared. Wherefore in safegarding of himself he fled with a small company toward Wales/ & left master walter Stapylton Bishop of Exeter behind him, to have the rule of the city of London. It was nat long after the Kings departing, that the Queen sent a letter unto the mayre & communalty of the city/ & required of them aid to subdue the oppressors of the common weal of the realm. But to that letter was made none answer. Therefore she wrote the second time/ advertising them of their landing, & of the intent that she had to reform the enormities & misgovernance of the land/ in admonesting them of their aid & succour, as by the tenure of the said letter more plainly appeareth. Whereof the circumstance I have left out of this book, for so moche as I find variance in the contents thereof/ and also for the copies there of been set out in the chronicles of England and divers other books. Than this said letter was tacked upon the cross in cheap, which at that day was called the new cross. In the night before the day of saint Denys or the ix day of October. And other copies of the same were fastened in diverse other places of the city/ whereof one was fastened upon the mayor's gate. After which letter thus published in the city/ the Bishop of Exeter, to whom as before is said the King had committed the rule of the city, sent unto the mayre to have the keys of the gates of the city by virtue of his commission. By the which he stood so firmly, & used so sharp words in the kings name, that variance grew between him & the citizens/ so ferfourth that the commons of the city in their rage took the said bishop the xiiii day of Octobre, and him with ii of his household esquires beheaded unreverently at the standard in weschep. And the same day was taken for a spy a cytezyn called Iohn Marshal, which favoured the spensers' party & in the same place also beheaded without process of law. And then the corpse of the said bishop with his ii servants, were harried to Thamys side where the said bishop had begun to edify a tour/ and there in the rubbusshe and sand of the same they buried or conveyed these three bodies. Which despite to him was done after some authors, for so moche as he had usurped of the common ground of the city in setting of the said tour. But for what cause was he thus ungodly & unreverentely dealt with no mention is made. And in this pass time the Queen easily & a foot space followed the King/ which by this season was comm● to Brystow having with him the Spensers & his defamed chancellor Master Robert Baldock, Sir Iohn Earl of Arundel & other. where by their counsels it was agreed, that Sir Hugh Spenser the father should remain there and have the rule of the town & castle, while the King with the other took shiping & sailed from thence into wales to raise the walshemen. And so the King with Sir Hugh Spenser the son & the other, took shipping at Brystowe & so sailed into walys. when the certainty thereof came unto the Queen anon she sent to Brystow the Earl of Kent the kings brother, Sir Iohn of Henawde with diverse other, for to take Sir Hugh Spenser the father. The which put them in such devour, that they took the said Sir Hugh, and left a certain to hold the town & castle till the Queen with her power came thither▪ In the which time they sped them into Wales/ and in process took the King, his chancellor, the Earl of Arundel, and Sir Hugh Spenser the son, and brought them all to the town of Hereforde. And in this while the citizens of London won the tower of London and kept it unto the Queens use.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.xxv.  Anno dni. xiii. C.xxvi.  Gylbert Moordon.  richard betake.  Anno xix  Iohn Cotton.   

IN this xix year and beginning of this mayor's charge, upon the morrow following the feast of Simon and Jude/ the same day that the mayre road to westminster to take his charge, the same day at Brystow was Sir Hugh Spenser the father put to death, and after buried at wynchestre. And upon saint Huys day following, or the xviii day of Novembre, was Sir Hugh his son drawn, hanged, and quartered at Herforde, and his head sent to London and set among other upon the bridge. The common fame of him went, that after he was taken, he would take no manner sustenance. Wherefore he was the sooner put unto death. Of this Hugh a versyfyer made these two verses following. 
Punis cum lignis a te miser ensis & ignis  
Hugo securis equus abstulit omne decus.   
which verses to them that under stand no Latin, may in this wise be exponed or englished. 
with ropes were thou bound, and  
on the gallow hung.  
And from thy body thine head with  
sword was kit.  
Thy bowels in the fire were throw  
and burned long,  
Thy body in four pieces eke with  
an axe was slit,  
with horse before drawn few men  
pytyenge it/  
Thus with these torments for thy  
sins sake,  
from the wretched Hugh, all worldly  
wealth was take.   
In this mean time and season, the King was conveyed unto the castle of Kenelworthe, and there kept under the guard of Sir Henry of Lancaster or brother unto the Earl Thomas of Lancaster that was beheaded at Pounfrette. And Master Robert Baldoke the kings chancellor was sent unto London, and put into the prison of Newgate/ where after he died miserably. The Earl Iohn of Arundel was also put to death at Herforde, within four days of Sir Hugh the younger Spenser. Then the Queen with Sir Edward her son and with a goodly company of Lords and gentlemen returned unto London/ and there of the citizens with great honour and joy was received, upon the day of saint Barbara, or the four day of December/ and so conveyed unto westminster. where in the octavys of the epiphany of our Lord, a parliament was holden/ during the which certain solemn messengers were sent unto the King to the castle of Kenelworthe/ that is to say, three bishops, three Earls, two abbots, two. barons, and two iustyces, with the procuratoure of that parliament Sir wyllyam Trussell, to depose him of all kingly dignity, as before was agreed by all the Lords spiritual and temporal and commons of the said parliament/ and they to resign unto the King, all homages and feautyes to him before made in the name of all the barony of England. Then the forenamed Sir wyllyam Trussell upon the day of the conversion of saint Poule or the xxv day of January, by the authority of his office in the presence of the foresaid Lords had these words following unto the King. I wyllyam Trussell, in the name of all men of this land of England, and procuratoure of this parliament/ resign to the Edward, the homage that was made to the sometime/ and from this time forth, deprive the of all kingly power. And I shall never be attendant unto the as King after this tyme. And thus was Edward the second deposed and his son made King/ when he had reigned full xviii years vi months & odd days. Than Edward thus remaining in prison, as first in the castle of Kenelworth, & after in the castle of Barkle/ took great repentance of his former life, and made a lamentable complaint for that he had so grievously offended god▪ whereof a part I have after set out/ but not all, lest it should be tedious to the readers or hearers. 
Dampnum mihi con tulit tempore brumali,  
Fortuna satis aspera vehementis mali.  
Nullus est tam sapiens, mitis, aut formosus,  
Tam prudens virtutibus, ceterisque famosus,  
Quin stultus reputabitur, & satis despectus,  
Si fortuna prosperos auertat effectus.   
These with many other after the same making I have seen/ which are reported to be of his own making in the time of his enprysonement. The which for length of time I have left out of this work/ and showed the effect of them in English as followeth. 

When Saturn with his cold icy face,  
The ground with his frosties turneth the green to white,  
The time of winter which trees doth deface,  
And causeth all verdure to avoid quite/  
Than fortune, which sharp was with storms not alyte,  
Hath me assaulted with her froward will,  
And me beclipped with dangers right ill.   

What man in this world is so wise or fair,  
So prudent, so vertueses, or famous under thair/  
But that for a foose, and for a man despised,  
shallbe take when fortune is from him divided?   

Alas now I cry but no man doth me move/  
For I sue to them that pity of me have none.  
Many with great honours I did whilom advance  
That now with dishonour done me sting and lance.  
And such as sometime did me greatly scere/  
Me despise, and let not with slander me to dear   

O merciful god, what love they did me show,  
And with detraction they do me hack and hew.  
Alas most sinful wretch why should I thus complain,  
If god be please ● that I should thus sustain?  
For the great offence before by me done.  
wherefore to the good sorde I will return este soon,  
And holy commit me thy great mercy until,  
And take in patience all that may be thy will,  
And all only the serve with all dysygence/  
Alas that before this time I had not that cence.  
But now good lord, which art omnipotent  
Behold me most wretched and greatly penitent/  
And of my trespass forgiveness thou me grant/  
And by what sorrow my carks is now daunt,  
Grant it may be to my soul remedy,  
That the sooner I may attain it by.  
For to the sweet Jesu I yield me sore weeping/  
And ask of the pardon for my grievous sinning.  
Most blessed Jesu,  
Root of all virtue,  
Grant I may the sue,  
In all humility.  
Sen thou for our good  
list to shed thy blood  
And stretch the upon the rood  
For our iniquity.  
And thou most mild mother and virgin most pure  
That barest sweet Jesu the world; redempture,  
That shynyst and flouryshest as flower most sine/  
And like as nardus of his sweet odour,  
Passyth all other, so thou in all honour  
Surmounts all saints by thy great excellence/  
Wherefore to pray for my grievous offence,  
I the beseech,  
Most wholesome leech  
That thou wilt seche  
For me such grace.  
That when my body vile,  
My soul shall cryle,  
Thou bring in short while,  
It in rest and peace.     

Francia.  
Lewis the. xi. of the name, and son unto philip le Beawe, or the four philip/ began his reign over the realm of France in the year of our Lord. M.iii hundredth and xv, and the viii year of the second Edward than King of England. Anon as this Lewis was crowned/ Enguer rain, which as ye have herd, was chief and most secret counccyloure with Phylyppe the four last King of France, was called to account by the mean of Charles de Ualoys uncle unto this King. And for so moche as the said Enguerram had given sharp and hasty words unto the said Charles, in affirming that moche of the kings treasure remained in the hands of the said Charles/ for this he took so great displeasure again the said Enguerran, and bare toward him such rancour and malice, that he left nat till he had bereaved him of his life/ so that in process he was accused of xxxvi articles concerning treason & injury done unto King Philip foresaid, & unto the realm of France/ the which articles in order are set out in the french chronicle which I here overpass. By force whereof this Enguerram was lastly convict and judged unto death and for the same in the even of ascension of our Lord hanged upon the gibet of Paris. This year also fell great scarcity of corn and fruit in France, by mean of unsesonable weathering/ as was in England in the ix and ten years, & before & after of the reign of Edward the second at this day & then King of England. By reason whereof great famine and death of poor people fell in France, as it then did in England.  
ye have before in the xxvii year of Philip father unto this Lewis hard how the flemings again rebelled/ & how by the mean of Enguerram, the French host was then returned with dishonour into France for revengement whereof, this Lewis assembled a right strong army of the more party of all the noble men of France/ & in the month of September entered the country of Flaunders & so came unto the town or near there unto called Courtray, & lodged his people near unto the river of Lys or lice, for so moche as the bridges over that river by the flemings were broken. where the King with his host so dying/ the flemings upon the other side lay in huge number for to defend the passage of the Frenchmen. In which time & season fell such plenty of rain, that the ways waxed noyous & foul in all that country. By reason whereof vytayll which than was as above is said scant, was than more scars.  
And over the the field where the host lay was so weet & miry/ that men and beasts were to grievously noyed. wherefore in conclusion the King considering those great hindrances & harms to his Lords & commons, & that he might in no manner win over to his enemies/ he returned as other before times had done, with little honour into France/ to the great loss of the Kings ordinance & other stuff that might nat be carried thence by reason of deepness of the way. For which cause & causes, the King was so sore displeased/ that he made then a great oath, that if he might live till the year following, that he should be set so the flemings that they should nat escape his danger/ & that he should never take treaty nor end with them, except they would fully & holy put them in his grace & mercy. But in the year following about the feast of Pentecoste when the said Lewis had scantly reigned two. Years, he died at Boys in Uyncent & the vi day of junii honourably was buried at saint Denyse, leaving after him none issue male/ wherefore his brother Phylype succeeded him in the kingdom.   

Francia.  
PHylyp the .v. of that name and brother of the forenamed Lewis, which for his height was surnamed Phylyp the long/ began his reign over the Frenchmen in the year of our Lord. M.CCC. and xvii, and the ten year of Edward the second than King of England. But first he reigned but as regent of France, for so moche as Clemence the wife of King Lewis was left of her said husband with child. The which in process of time was delivered of a man child named Johan, that died shortly after. After whose death the said Phylyp was forthwith proclaimed King of France, and crowned at Paris about christmas following/ all be it that the duke of Burgoyn with other for a while with said that coronation/ and would have preferred the daughter of Lewis last deed. But other of the Lords and nobles of France would not be agreeable, that a woman should inherit so great a kingdom. By mean whereof unkindness kindled atween the King and the said duke. But by wise medyatoures they were after acorded, in such wise that the said duke married the eldest daughter of the King.  
In this pass time such means were made by the flemings, that an unity and accord was stablished atween France and them for the time that it held. Which peace as testifieth the French chronicle, was laboured and ended by a cardinal named Josselyn, & sent from the xxii Johan than pope/ so that by mediation of the said cardinal, the Earl of Flaundres was received unto the Kings grace/ and at Paris did unto the French King his homage, & swore unto him feawtye.  
In the third year of the reign of this Phylyp/ the provost of Paris having in his prison a Pycarde a man of great richesse, which for felony or like crime was judged to be hanged. The said provost for great benefit to him done, and payment of great sums by the said Pycarde, took an other poor innocent man & put him to death in stead of the said Pycarde. Of the which offence when due proof of it was made before the Kings council/ the said provost for the same deed was put unto like judgement.  
In the fifth year of the said Phylyp, all the lazaryes of the country of Langadocke were brent, for so moche as they were accused of their own confession proved, that they had poisoned and intended to have poisoned all the wells of that country. And for many Jews were unto them consenting/ therefore many of them suffered like judgement. In this year also for so much as in those days in divers places of France, a fond prophecy was brought up among the common people, that shepherds and herds should win the holy land. Than they assembled themself in divers places and companies, and lastly came together at Paris. where they were so many in number, by reason of other of the common people that fell unto them, that the provost of Paris was not of power to withstand them/ so that they broke prysones and took out such persons as them pleased/ and from thence went begging and robbing till they came into Langedocke. where they fell upon the Jews, and rob them of all such movables as they might find, and slew of them also. Wherefore the other of the Jews fearing the said comunes/ gathered them with their wives & children to the numbered of .v. C. into a tower, and thought to defend them & their wives and children from the said herds. But anon as they had witting thereof/ they assawted the said tower so eagerly, that in the end saying they might not escape, for very despite they threw their children down at their hedes/ & after slew either other, for they should not fall in the hands of their enemies/ or else to avoid the pains of the fire, which the herds had begun to fasten upon the said tower. When the said herds had thus rob and slain the Jews of Langdocke/ they departed thence and yode toward a a country called Carcasson, intending like robbery as they before had used. Whereof the country being warned/ stopped & kept so the passages, & withstood them with such power and strength, that they dyssevered themself by small companies/ so that many of them were taken and hanged, & the other fled in save guarding themself/ and so this foolish prophecy was ended with sin and shame.  
King Phylyppe by mean of ill counsel set a great task upon his comunes/ that is to mean the fifth part of their movable goods. For the which, considering he had no charge of wars in no place, they murmured & grudged wonder sore. But how it was or this tax was levied/ he fell in a fever quarteyne & a great flix. Which sickness fell upon him by prayer of the comunes after the French book, for levying of the said grievous tax. Than for him was made many solemn processions & other prayers. How be it in long process he died, when he had languysshedde from the beginning of August till the viii day of January. Upon which day he died, when he had reigned four years & vii months & odd days/ leaving after him none heir male/ wherefore the crown dyscended unto his brother Charles Earl of the Marches.   

Francia. ¶ Charles the fifth.  
CArolus the fifth or Charles the youngest of the three brethren or sons of philip le hew began his reign over the Frenchmen, in the month of January & year of our Lord. M.CCC. and xxii, and the xu year of the second Edward yet King of England/ & was crowned at Raynes the xii day of February next ensuing. After which solemnity finished & ended/ he in short process of time after sent unto the xxii Johan than pope, & assertayned him of the gossyprede that was atween him and Blanch his wife. Whereof the examination by the said pope was committed unto the bishops of Paris & of Beawais, & Master Godfrey de Blessys prothonotayr of the country of Rome. The which after due and perfit examination in that matter made/ they found that Mawde Countess of Artoys and mother to the forenamed Queen Blanch, was godmother unto King Charles her husband. Of the which when they had made report unto the pope/ he gave sentence that the said matrimony was not legyttymat/ and commanded a divorce and a separation to be made atween those ii persons. The which was shortly after executed. In the second year of this Charles, died Robert Earl of Flaundres without issue. Wherefore the said erledam fell into the French Kings hands/ so that of it he was in process by th'agreement of the Lords of the same, put in peaceable possession/ all be it the Earl of Nevers made thereunto a pretence & title.  
And in this year King Charles about the feast of saint Mathewe in September, married his second wife named Mary the sister of the King of Bohemy or Beme, and daughter of Henry Earl of Lucenbourgh and late Emperor of Almaigne, named in the line of the emperors Henry the viii, or after some writers the vii Also in the said year one named Jourdan of the isle/ a Gascoigne borne, & a man of noble lineage but low & vile of conditions, to whom the foresaid pope Iohn in marriage had given his nyese for reverence of his birth/ this season by the mean of his vile conditions and such dishonest company as he drew until him, he fell into many slanderous vices/ so that lastly he was accused of rape & murder and of felony. Of the which he was at length in xviii articles by due proof made convict by the law, and judged to be hanged. But the King at the request of the pope and for the honour of his blood/ granted to him a charter, and pardoned him of all former transgressions. But that not withstanding he in process of time fell or returned unto his old accustomed conditions. And among other great crimes by him executed/ he slew a sergeant of arms belonging to the King, that to him was sent in message. For which murder and other detestable deeds, he was newly accused/ and upon that summoned to apere at Paris before the King and his counsel. At which day of appearance he came to the said city with a great company, and some noble men which were to him near of kin/ and excused him to the uttermost of their powers. But again him and to accuse him came many other Lords & barons. Of the which the marquis of Ampton or Dampton with his son were chief, that put causes of complaint again him. The which made such proofs and declarations again the said Jourdan, that he was committed unto the chastelet of Paris, & there to remain as a prisoner. And in process of time such matters and trespasses were proved upon him, that he by authority of a parliament holden at compeing was lastly judged to die. And soon after, that is to mean the vii day of may, he was drawn to the gibbet of Paris and there hanged. In the third year of his reign/ this charles gave unto the Earl of Nevers that before time had made claim to the earldom of Flaunders, the said earldom/ the which of the flemings and inhabytauntes of that country was well and joyously received. Than he in short while after gave unto the towns of Gaunt, Brugys, Ipre, and other, divers privileges and grants to their great advantage & profit. But it was not long after that he wan of them as much grudge and hatred as he to fore had love & good will. And all for a tax that he set upon the dwellers of Brugys and the country near there unto/ and specially of them that dwelled in the country. For they thought that their charge exceeded far the charge of the dwellers within the town. Wherefore by secret means they appointed a day of assemble among themself/ and suddenly well armed entered the town of Brugys, and slew therein divers of the Earls servants, and some of the borough masters of the said town, such as they suspected to be of counsel of the levying of the said task. In the four year of his reign, this charles after the death of Mary his second wife, by dispensation of the pope the xxii Iohn/ he married Jane his cousin Germayn the daughter of Lewis Earl of Euroux, and uncle unto this King charles, or brother to his father Phylyppe le Beawe.  
IN this abovesaid four year/ the Queen of England and sister unto this King charles of France, to treat an unite and peace between her Lord and her brother, for the war made in Gascoigne, as before is touched in the xu year of Edward the second her Lord and husband/ and there tarried, and returned, as above in the said year is expressed.  
In this year also the Earl of Flaunders fore named, for suspection that he had to Robert of Flaunders his uncle, lest he for his singular advantage would supplant him of that Earl doom/ he made letters unto the governors of the town, where the said Robert was resyaunt and abiding, that they should put him to death. But by the warning of his old and trusty friend the earls chancellor/ he was warned and so avoided that town. For this, great malice and rancour arose between this Robert and the Earl, which was not shortly pacified. But it was not long after that another task or imposition was levied of the towns of Gaunt, Brugys, Ipre, and other towns of Flaunders. The which task was levied in recompensement of such wars made upon Flaunders by Phylyp le Beawe/ or more directly for payment of twelve thousand pound awarded by Joselyn the cardinal, as before is showed in the second year of the .v. Phylyppe, that the flemings should pay to the French King for buying of their peace. Of this task to be levyers or gatherers was assigned the principal men of the said towns/ that which by their demeanour in the levying thereof demeaned them in such wise, that they ran in great hatred of the common people. In so much that they accused them and said that they had levied or gathered moche more than the said task amounted. Wherefore they desired of the earls counsel, that the said persons might be called to account. But this request might not be obtained/ which caused the commons to run in further grudge and murmur. another thing also caused suspection/ for the erlys counsel and the said collectors had so many secret assembles. At length when the earls counsel apperceived the murmur of the commons/ they with the collectors condescended for a train, to have taken certain capitains of the said commons/ and said that at Turnaye at a day assigned, the said collectors should yield up their account. At which day the Earl in proper person came unto the said town of Tournaye. And there when the Earl with the other of his council should have executed their purposed enter/ how it was by some warning or monition that the commons had, they withstood the Earl and his company, and in the end slew many of their enemies/ and took the Earl and put him in sure keeping within the town of Brugys. But in this skirmish by mean of the erlys party, a great part of the foresaid town was brent. Wherefore the town took party with the flemings/ and were a great cause that the Earl was so taken and put from his intent. Than the foresaid commons to the more displeasure of the Earl/ admitted for their Lord and capitain Roberte the uncle of the Earl foresaid/ and among them reputed him for Earl of Flaunders. The which for taking upon him delivered from prison his friend the earls chancellor, which as above is said had delivered him from former danger, & made him chief of his council. But to all this was the town of Gaunt repugnant/ in so much that mortal war began to sourde between the said town & the town of Bruges & other. And so farfourth continued/ that shortly after the people of Gaunt and of the other towns, met with them of Bruges in plain battle, & fought cruelly. But in the end they of Gaunt chased them of Bruges/ and slew of them beyond five hundredth men. But yet the Earl was never the rather delivered. After this the French King sent unto them of Bruges, requiring them in courteous manner that they would set their Earl at liberty. But they sent the messengers again without speed of their message.  
In this while died Charles de Ualoys brother unto Phylyppe le Beaw, & uncle unto this King Charles/ the which languysshed long in a consumption or he died/ in so much that the opinion of the people was, that he was so punished for the injury & malice that he bore toward Enguerram/ the which as ye have before hard in the first year of this King, was put unto death. And the rather this fame ran upon the said Charles/ for so much as in the time of his sickness, he gave great alms. And to such persons as he gave or sent his alms unto/ he willed them as well to pray for the soul of the said Enguerram as for his own heel. This Charles de Ualoyes left after him a son named Philipe de Ualoyes/ the which Phylip for so much as this Charles now King of france died without issue, he by favour of the Lords of that region was made King of France/ & put by the right and title of Edward the third than King of England, the son of Isabel & daughter of Phylyp le Beawe. Which Isabella by dissent was rightful inheritor of the crown of France For which title was after cruel war between the said Edward & Phylyp, as in the story of the said Edward after shall appear. In the v. year of King Charles the Burghmaysters & skepyns, that is to mean the rulers of the town of Bruges/ delivered their Earl & set him at large upon certain conditions following the which to be observed they caused him to be solemnly sworn. first that after that day he should nat punish nor hurt any of the land of Flaundres, for any displeasure to him done or any of his servants or council, since the time that he was Earl, concerning any cause of their rebellion. Secundaryly that he should nat abridge nor minish any of their liberties that they of old time have had, or by him newly to them granted. thirdly, that in all gross matters that concerned the governance of his realm/ such as he knew well diverse of them to be expert therein, that he should nothing conclude or do without their advices and assenties. And four that after that day he should never use the counsel of the abbot of Uersellay/ which they knew for their deadly enemy, for so moche as they before time had slain his father named Petyr Floce or Floze in the battle of Courtray as in the sixteen year of Phylyppe le Beawe is before showed, how be it the name of the said Petyr is nat there expressed. After which articles with other firmly by the Earl promised to be kept and holden/ he was delivered & set at large.  
In the sixth year of the reign of this Charles/ a great dissension and variance aroose between the dolphin of Uyen and the duke of Savoy/ so that mortal battle ensued upon the same. In the which moche people were slain upon both parties. But in the end the dolphin of Uyen had the better/ and took as prisoners in the field the duke of Burgoyne and the Earl of Ancerne, with other noble men. In this year also the Gascoynes with the english men made war upon the borders of France. Again whom King Charles sent a cousin of his, named Sir Alphons de Spain. But he spent the King great good, and returned with little worship into France, where he died shortly after. Then the King sent again the said Gascoynes the Earl of Ewe, & Sir Robert Barthram than marshal of France, with diverse other noble men. In which season the Gascoynes with the said englishmen had gotten the castle of a town standing in the country of Poytyew or Poytyers named saint Oyngne/ within which town the said Earl & other the nobles of France were lodged/ so that between them daily cruel assaults were exercised, to the great hurt of both parties. Lastly between them was a day of battle in plain field accorded/ where the frenchmen to the intent to have the advantage of the said field & there to enbatayll themself to their most advantage/ the day of the said appoytement issued of that town, & yode to the place assigned, which was a good distance from the foresaid town, & there tarried their enemies. But the Gascoynes intending an other purpose, yode straight unto that foresaid town/ and knowing it to be without great defence, assaulted and shortly got it and set it on fire nat sparing churches nor other places of religion as affirmeth the french book/ and that done returned unto the foresaid castle, and in process of time after returned again into Guyan. When King Charles was ascertained of this delusion/ he was grievously discontented again the Gascoynes, and manysshed them very sore. But in the month of December shortly ensuing, he was taken with a grievous sickness/ so that he died upon Candelmas even following at Boys in Uyncent, and was entered at saint Denyse when he had reigned five years and odd days/ leaving after him none heir of his body, except the Queen was than with child. Which child died soon after the birth. Wherefore some questions for that kingdom were moved as before touched in the end of the fourth year of this Charles, & after shallbe further expressed.   

Anglia. Edward the third.  
EDwarde the iii of that name, & son of Edward the second, and of Isabella the alonely daughter & child of Phylip le Beawe or Phylyppe the fair, father to Charles last King of France/ began to reign as King of England his father yet living, the six & twenty day of January, in the end of the year of grace a thousand three hundredth and six and twenty, and the fourth year of Charles the fifth last King of France/ and was crowned at westminster upon the day of the purification of our Lady next ensuing.  
In his beginning came forth plenty and gracious haps/ for the earth took plenty, the air tempoure, the see quietness, and to the church grew peace.  
In this first year he confirmed the liberties and franchises of the city of London/ and ordained that the mayre for the time being should sit in all places of judgement within the liberty of the same for chief justice, the kings person only except/ & that every alderman that had been mayre should be justice of peace in all London and Myddelsex/ & everich alderman that had not be mayre should be justice of peace within his own ward. And also he granted to the cytezyns the fee ferme of London for iii hundredth pound/ & that they should not be constrained to go out of the city to fight or defend the land for any need. Also that after that day the franchise of the city should not be seized into the kings hands/ but only for treason or rebellion done by the hole city. And Southwerke was admitted to be under the correction and rule of the city/ and the mayre of London to be bailiff of Southwerke/ and the mayre to choose & ordain such a bailiff of that borough as him liked/ which ordinance endureth to this day. In the month of Apryll, for so much as means were made by the frere prechours or the black freres, for the delivery of King Edward the ii out of prison/ therefore he was had out of the castle of Kenelworth, & conveyed unto the castle of Berkeley. where after about saint Mathewys tide the said Edward by the means of Sir Roger Mortimer was miserably slain. Of this Edward are like opinions as were of Thomas of Lancaster, which I refer to God's judgement. For certain it is that for his former wild and insolent living he took great repentance. And so he had great cause/ for during his reign there was heeded and put to death by judgement, upon xxviii. barons and knights, over that noble men that were slain in Scotland by his infortunyte.  
King Edward as yet being of tender age, not passing xu years/ hearing of the great pride and presumption of the Scots, and how they daily warred upon the borders, and entered the land in brenning and spoiling his people/ assembled his people about Easter, & so sped him toward Scotland. In which mean time the Scots were entered the land, & were comen as far as Stanhop in Uiridale/ and had lodged them in the woods of Stanhop park in divers bushementies. Whereof the King being informed, made such provision that he beset them round about, and trusted well to have brought them under his subjection. But when the King thought to be of them most sure/ by treason of some of his host the Scots were clean escaped and returned into Scotland. Whereof the fame ran upon Sir Roger mortimer. But how so it was the King lost that journey, and returned into England with little worship. And here ye shall understand that to this day the old mayre and shyryffes, that is to mean Hamunde Chyckwell, Benet Fulham, and Iohn Canston, stood in office till the day following of Simon & Jude, which was almost the full of the first year of the said Edward the iii And then for the residue of the first year, & for the more party of the second year, was elect and charged the mayre and sheriffs following.    

Anno domini. M.CCC.xxvi.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxvii.  Henry Darcy.  richard betake.  Anno i  Iohn Hawteyne.   
IN the end of the first year of this King Edward, & beginning of this mayor's year/ the King after christmas married dame Phylyppe the Earls daughter of Henawde in the city of york, in the even of the conversion of saint Paul, or the xxiiii day of January.  

The parliament of Northampton.  And soon after the King about the feast of Pentecoste, held his parliament at Northampton. At the which parliament by evil counsel, whereof Sir Roger mortimer & the old Queen bore the blame/ the King made with the Scots an unprofitable and a dyshonorable peace. For first he released to them their fealty and homage. Also he delivered unto them old ancient writings sealed with the seals of the King of Scots, and of diverse Lords of that land both spiritual & temporal, with many other charters & patents, by the which the Kings of Scots oblyged them to be feordaryes unto that crown of England. At which season also was delivered certain jewels, which before times had been won from the Scots by Kings of England. Among the which the black cross of Scotland is specially named, a relic accounted of great preciosyte. And nat alonely the King by his sinister counsel lost his title and right that he had to the realm of Scotland, as far as the said counsel might help it/ but also all Lords & barons & all other men of England that had any lands or rents within Scotland, lost their right in like manner, except they would dwell upon the said lands and become the King of Scots lyege men. And soon after was concluded a marriage between david le bruise son of Robert le bruise, and Jane the kings sister/ which of diverse writers is surnamed Jane of the tower or Johan of Towers.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxvii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxviii.  Simon Frances.  Hamonde Chyckewell.  Anno ii  Henry Combmartyn.   
IN this year, which at this day was the second year of the King/ david foresaid the son of Roberte le bruise than King of Scots, married upon the day of mary Magdaleyne at his town than of Berwyke, the fore named Jane sister unto the King of England. But it was nat long after or the Scots in despite of the englishmen, called her Jane make peace. And also to their more derision, they made diverse truffs, rounds, and songs, of the which one is specially remembered as followeth. 
¶ long beerdies heartless  
Painted hoods witless  
Gay coats graceless  
Maketh England thryfteles.   
which rhyme as saith Guydo was made by the Scots, principally for the deformity of clothing that at those days was used by Englishmen. then the King at his parliament holden at Salysbury, made Sir Roger mortimer Earl of the March/ and Sir Johan of Eltham his own brother he made Earl of cornwall. where after the said Sir Roger took moche more upon him than other Lords were contented with/ so that by the kings mother and him, all thing was ruled and guided. And such Lords as before time were assigned to have the rule and guiding of the King, as the Earl of kent, sir Edmund of wodestock the Kings uncle, the Earl of Lancastre, the Earl marshal with divers bishops & barons & knights to the numbered of xii in short process of time for the more party were set by/ so that the alonely rule of the land rested in the Queen and the said sir Roger. By mean whereof many and great things of the realm grew out of order, which were tedious to rehearse.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xxviii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.xxix.  richard Lazar.  johan Grauntham.  Anno iii  Henry Gysours.   
IN this third mayor's year/ the above said sir Edmund of woodstock Earl of kente intending the reformation of the miss order of the realm, being informed that his brother Sir Edward was in life/ devised certain letters touching the delivery of his said brother, and sent them to his said brother, of which deed he was shortly after accused/ and by authority of a parliament holden at westminster about Penthecost following, he for that deed was judged to have his heed smitten of. Whereof execution was done the five and twenty day of May following in the foresaid city of wynchester. And soon after King Edward sailed into France, and did homage unto Phylyp de Ualoyes then newly made King of France, for the duchy of Guyan in the town of Amyas. After which homage so done he was richly feasted of the French King, and solaced in diverse manner of forms/ as by jousts, hunting, hawking, and many other pleasures/ and then in loving manner took his leave of the King, and so returned into England. The fyfthtenth day of June following, was borne the Kings first son, and at woodstock crystened and named Edward/ which in process of time did grow to a noble and famous man, and is most commonly called in all chronicles Prince Edward. Of whom in this story some excellent deeds shall be expressed.  
In the month of Octobre upon the xvii day & even of saint Luke/ Sir Roger mortimer before named, by means of sir  Montague, Sir Ralph Staforde, Sir Iohn nevil & other, by a compassed mean was taken in the castle of Nottingham/ not withstanding that the keys of the said castle were daily & nightly under his ward and keeping/ the King, the Queen, the old Queen, with diverse other nobles, than being in the same castle lodged. The manner of the taking of this Earl Sir Roger mortimer I pass over, for the diversity that I have seen thereof of sundry writers. But many agreen that he with Sir Symonde of bedford and other, were in that night taken and after sent unto the tower of London/ and there put in straight keeping. Then the King in short process after called a parliament at London, for the reformation of many things mysordered in the realm, by mean of the foresaid Sir Roger, as the common fame went than.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxix.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xl.  Robert of Ely.  Simon Swaylond.  Anno four  Thomas Harworde.   
IN this four mayors year & end of the third year of this King during the foresaid parliament as above is touched at London, the foresaid Sir Roger mortimer was accused before the Lords of the parliament of these articles with other/ whereof v. I find expressed. And first was laid unto his charge, that by his means Sir Edward of Carnarvan by most tyrrannouse death in the castle of Barkley was murdered. Secundaryly that to the Kings great dishonour & damage, the Scots by his means & treason escaped from the King at the park on Stanhope which then should have fallen in the kings danger, ne had been that favour of the said Roger to them than showed. thirdly to him was laid, that he for execution of the said treason, received of the capitain of the said Scots named Sir James Dowglas, great sums of money. And also for like meed, he had to the Kings great dishonour and hurt of his realm, concluded a peace between the King and the Scots/ & caused to be delivered unto them the charter or endenture called Ragman, with many other things to the Scots great advantage & inpoverysshing of this realm of England. fourthly was laid to him, that where by sinister & unleeful means contrary that kings pleasure & will, or assent of the Lords of the kings counsel, he had gotten into his possession moche of the Kings treasure/ he unskilfully wasted & misspent it. By reason whereof the King was in necessity, & driven parforce to assay his friends. Fyfthlie, that he also had enpropered unto him diverse wards belonging to the King, to his great lucre & the kings great hurt/ and that he was more secret with Queen Isabella the kings mother, than was to god's pleasure or the kings honour. The which articles with other again him proved/ he was by authority of the said parliament judged to death. And upon saint Andrew's even next ensuing, at London he was drawn & hanged. About the beginning of August following Sir Edward Bayloll the son of Sir Johan Bayloll some time King of Scots, by means before purchased, obtained such favour that with the aid of Sir Henry Beawmount, sir david of Stroley, Sir Geoffrey Mowbray, and with the aid of ii M. Englysshemen entered into Scotland by water/ where in short space drew unto them such multitude of Scots, that the said Edward was lord of a great host/ & so kept on his way till he came to a place called Gledismore, or after some writers Crakismoore. where he was encountered of the power of Scotland, & fought there a cruel battle, in the which were slain a great multitude of Scots. By reason of which victory he was crowned King of Scots at that town of Scone shortly after. And shortly after he met with King Edward at the town of new castle, and there unto him made his homage & feawty for the land of Scotland.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxx.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxi.  Iohn mocking.  Iohn Pountnay.  Anno .v.  Andrew Awbrey.   
IN this fifth mayor's year and six year of the King in the month of July, for so moche as the Scots had busied them to have slain Edward Bayloll their King, and him had constrained to avoid his land, or else to keep him in some strong hold till he might by his friends or lieges be socoured/ King Edward for the same intent with a strong power pierced the realm of Scotland, & after laid his siege unto the town of Berwyke. Upon the xix day of the foresaid month of July, the Scots with a great power purposing to remove the said siege, came toward the said town. Whereof King Edward being informed, made toward them/ & are a place called Halydone hill, gave to the said Scots battle, & of them had triumphaunte victory/ in so much that he slew of them as testifyen diverse writers, viii. Earls, ix. hundredth knights & bannerets, iiii. C. esquyres, and upon xxxii M. of the common people & of english men were slain but only xu persons. After which victory thus by the King obtained/ the captain of Berwyke upon the morew following being saint Margarettes day, yielded to the King the said town with the castle. And that done King Edward betook the guiding thereof with all other castles & towns within that land, unto the forenamed Sir Edward Baylol as King of Scots/ & shortly after returned into England. Than david the son of Robert le bruise being as before is said King of Scots, was constrained with his wife secretly to sail into France/ & thither was brought by a Fleming named Marcuell as testifieth the French chronicle. where of Phylyppe de Ualoyes than French King/ the said david with Jane of the tower his wife was received. And for their comfort the said French King gave unto them the castle of Gaylarde, till fortune to them would be more friendly. This year also as witnesseth the said French chronicle, the French King sent unto the King of England the bishop of Beauvays and the high constable of France/ which showed unto King Edward, that their sovereign Lord intended a voyage into the holy land/ and required him of his aid and company for performance of the said journey. whereunto the King gave answer unto that request, than when the French King had performed all such conditions as he before times had promised to do/ than he said he should be contented to give such answer unto that request by them in his name made, as thereunto should be convenient. And more he added to the same, that he marveled greatly that the said French King intended any such voyage, till he had clearly acquitted him of the said promise & covenant with which answer the French King was nothing contented/ so that malice and mumur grew and increased between them daily after. And an occasion of this sharp answer was, for so moche as King Edward was credible informed, that the French King had victual and manned ten great ships to have sailed into Scotland, and there to have warred/ the which by tempest were wedyr driven into Flaunders, & so sore betyn with the see that after they had sold much of their stuff at the haven of sluice, they were compelled of necessity to return without worship into France. This with other kindled such a deadly hate between these ii christian Princes, that moche christian blood in process of time following was for their quarrels shed.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.xxxi.  Anno dni. xiii. C.xxxii.  Nycholas pike.  Iohn Preston.  Anno vii  Iohn husband.   
IN this vii year in the winter season, and as sayeth Guydo in the month of Novembre/ the King yode again toward Scotland and held his christmas at york. And after the solemnity of that high feast ended, he sped him into scotland/ where her laid siege unto the castle of Kylbrydge, & lastly won it by strength/ & set the country in some quietness. And after returned unto new castle upon Tyne, and tarried there a certain of time, and held there his feast of Pentecoste with great royalty. Whither within short space after came Sir Edward Baylol King of Scots/ and upon the day of saint Geruasi & Prothasi, or the xix day of June, made his homage unto King Edward/ and in presence of many other noble men of both lands, swore unto him feawty or fidelity. And the done he returned into Scotland & King Edward unto york, & so unto windsor. Then were all such Lords of England as before time were in Edward the seconds days deceased of such lands as they had in Scotland, restored again to their said possessions/ & for them made their homage unto the King of Scots, saving their allegiance unto their natural sovereign Lord.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxiii.  Iohn Hamonde.  johan Ponteney.  Anno viii  wyllyam Hansarde.   
IN this eight year certain/ ambassadors were sent from Philip de Ualoyes King of France/ as the bishop of Thuroyn, and the Lord of Ferry and Peynguy, for to conclude certain articles of variance between their lord & the King of England. But their purpose took none effect/ except that the King granted to send unto the French King shortly after, a certain of his Lords to have further communication with him touching the said articles. The which promise he fulfilled as appeareth in he next year ensuing.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xxxiii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.xxxiiii.  johan. Hynkstone.  reynold at Cunduyte.  Anno ix  walter Turk.   
IN this ix year fell exceeding plenty of rain/ & thereupon ensuyed great moreyne of beasts. And in the month of Decembre the King entered again into Scotland, and held his christmas at the castle of Rokkysborough, the which he caused to be newly repaired. And after things there ordered to his pleasure, he returned into England. And soon after he sent the archbishop of Cauntorbury, Sir Phylip de Montague, & Sir Geffrey Scrope unto the French King/ to the intent to have concluded an amity between him and the said french King which before was moved by the french ambassade, as before is showed in the eight year of his reign. But when these said Lords were landed in France, they were long delayed or they might come to the kings presence/ in so much that they said plainly unto such Lords of France as were assigned by the French King to pass the time with them, that they supposed that it was nat the kings pleasure to speak with them. By mean of which words they were shortly after brought unto the kings presence/ of whom they were received with joyous countenance, and so continued by a certain of time in furthering of their ambassade/ so that in process of time a conclusion of peace to be had between England and France was accorded, and so ferfourth sped, that proclamation thereof should have been made in Paris and the country there about upon the morrow following But how it came in the Kings mind the english ambassadors were scantly returned to their lodgings, when they were again sent fore/ and farther informed then, that the kings pleasure and mind was to have david late King of Scots to be included within the same peace/ and that he should again be restored unto his kingdom. whereunto it was answered by the english ambassadors, that their commission stretched nat so far/ nor that their prince had given unto them any such authority. wherefore all the former communication was revoked & annulled/ & they returned into England without any conclusion taking.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxiiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxv.  walter Mordon.  reynold at Cunduyte.  Anno ten  richard Upton.   
IN this ten year, for so moche as no conclusion of unity & peace might be had between the Kings of England and of France/ therefore war was proclaimed upon both parties. The which war was greatly procured by the mean of Sir Robert of Artoys, as in the story of Phylyp de Ualoyes shallbe after showed. Then either Prince sought the ways and means how either of them might discontent other/ in so much that the French King sent soon after into Scotland a crew of frenchmen, to aid such enemies as King Edward there had. By reason whereof the said Scots made sharp war upon the kings servants and friends, and put the land to great vexation and trouble/ in so much that the King was forced to assemble his power, & to speed him again thither. Than about midsummer the King entered Scotland by the see/ & warred upon the Scots and Frenchemen. Of the which no notary battle is specified, except in that journey the King subdued his enemies, & took there diverse prisoners. Among the which one called Earl of Morreta Frencheman was chief, that after was with other in process of time there delivered in exchange for the Earl of Namur another french lord, which than was taken by guile of Scottis as he was coming toward saint Johfis town for to aid the party of King Edward. When King Edward had again pacified the Scots, and taken homage of such as before rebelled/ he than as testifieth the French chronicle stablished the forenamed Edward Bayloll as King of Scots/ & committed the rule of the land unto him, as he before times had done. Than the Scots for the great kindness which they had found in the King & in recompensement of the great charge which he by sundry times had had in the defending of their enemies/ granted & bound them unto him & to his heirs Kings of England, that they should aid & assist him again all Princes. And when so ever he had war, or any King of England being rightful inheritor, again any Prince other within his land or without/ the Scots at their proper costs & expenses should find three C. horsemen well armed, and a. M footmen well & sufficiently arrayed for the war/ the which xiii C. men the Scots should wage for an hole year. And if the King of England ended nat his war within the year than he to hire and wage the said Scots as he doth the other of his soldiers. After which grants made, & bonds for the surety thereof received by the King, as witnesseth the French chronicle/ the King leaving at Edinburgh a certain of his knights to strength that Scots against the Frenchemen, which compassed all the ways they might to bring david the son of Robert le bruise in possession of that land/ he shortly after returned into England.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xxxv.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxvi.  wyllyam Brykelsworthe.  Iohn Pontnay.  Anno xi  Iohn Northall.   
IN this. xi. year, the King remembering the great charge that he had with the war in Scotland, and also for the charge that he daily had in Guyan, & more continually should have in defending of the frenchmen & winning of his right/ he therefore gathered treasure upon every side/ & by diverse & sundry ways whereof the manner is nat expressed. But so great plenty came to his use, that it was scant thorough out the realm. By reason of which scarcytie, vytayll & much other Mercimonies were exceeding good cheap. For at London a quarter of wheat was sold for ii s, a fat ox for vi s.viii. s.viii. d, a fat sheep for vi d. & viii d.vi d.vi. Peions for a penny, a fat goose for ii d, a pig for a penny, & so all other victual after the rate. This year also upon holy Rode day or the xiiii day of September died Sir Iohn of Eltham Earl of corn wail & brother unto the King without issue/ wherefore the said erldom fell into the Kings hand. This man lieth buried at westminster upon the right hand of the high altar. In this year also appeared Stella cometa in english named the blazing star, in an huge streming manner/ whereof many & diverse constructions were had among the common people, which I pass over.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxvi.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxvii.  walter Neale.  Henry Darcy.  Anno xii  Nycholas Crane.   
IN this xii year the King held his parliament, at westminster about the time of lent. During the which he made of the earldom of cornwall & duchy, & gave it with the erledam of Chestre unto Edward his son. And at this parliament were made vi Earls/ that is to say of Derby, of Northampton, of H●̄tyngdon, of Salysbury, of gloucester, & of Suff▪ as Henry of Lancastre was created Earl of Derby or after some writers of leicester, wyllyam de Bothum Earl of Northampton, wyllyam de Clinton Earl of Huntyngedon, wyllyam de Montague Earl of Salysbury, Hugh of Audeley Earl of gloucester, & Robert of Ufforde Earl of Suffolk. And in this parliament was an act enacted, that no man should were no manner of silk in gown, cote or doublet, but if he might spend of good rent an hundredth li, by year, which act was nat long holden. In this year also the King among diverse privileges granted unto the citizens of London, that the officers of the mayors & sheriffs, should from that day forthward use maries of silver parcel guilt.  
The King of France this year for so moche as he was credybly informed, that King Edward would enter the land of France, & to make war upon the same, he therefore made great purveyance to resist him. For the common fame ran then in France, that King Edward intended nat only to claim Gascoigne & Guyan, but also all France as his proper & rightful inheritance in the right of his mother. wherefore the French King assembled an huge host, and committed the rule of it unto the King of navarre, and to the Earl of Alenson brother unto the said French King▪ which said capitains with their people awaited daily the King of England's coming/ which them for that year dispointed. But as testifieth the same French chronicle/ King Edward in this while sent into Flaunders a knight called Sir barnard de Brette, for to treat of an amity between him and the flemings. For this cause, the Earl of Flaunders which was very fast with the French King, called his counsel to him, to have their advice how he might best order himself and his people. In which counsel were divers opinions/ so that many thought it better for diverse considerations/ which were long to rehearse, that the Earl should rather prefer the amity of the King of England than of the King of France. Of which opinion was a great furtherer or promoter a knight of Flaunders called Countryssye▪ with whom the Earl being for that cause discontent sent him to prison. And soon after at the request of the French King, which laid unto his charge that he had received great sums of money of the King of England, for to procure and stir the flemings again him/ he was beheaded, for which deed the dwellers of gaunt and of Bruges were so miscontent, that they utterly refused the Earl & his counsel, & made them strong to withstand his displeasure. Than the Earl was constrained to gather his Lords & knights, for the more part of the commons were again him. And in short process after met in plain battle in a place called Marchie/ where after long fight, the Earl & his holt was put to flight; & forced for his safeguard to take a castle named Mal or Malet. In which season King Edward being informed of the amity that the flemings bore toward him anon sent unto them a knight called Sir Galtyer or walter de Magny, with a goodly company of archers well appointed/ the which arrived in an isle called than cazanter. Whom the Earl of Flaunders with a certain of his knights encountered, & gave unto the englishmen battle. But in the end the Earl was shamefully chased, and many of his gentlemen slain and taken/ as Sir Iohn Rhodes sir william Gyll, Sir Nycholas Chauncy, with many other slain. And Sir Guy bastard brother unto the Earl, with diverse other taken/ of that which some were sent as prisoners into England.  
when the French King had understanding of the division that was between the Earl and his subjects, & how faithful the Earl was unto him, intending to win by fair means the favour of the flemings, which he knew well he might nat win by rigour. Than he sent unto Gaunt the bishop of saint Denys with other/ which made unto the rulers of the town & of Bruges and other towns there assembled, many fair behests & promises. Among the which one was, that the French King would acquit unto them & deliver unto their use, all such lordships & seygnoryes as he than withheld of theirs and his progenitors before him. But all was in vain. For King Edward had so sped his needs with them, by the means of one named Jaques de artivele a man of Gaunt, which was of great substance, & passing other in boldness & capacity of wit & discretion that the said town of Gaunt with Bruges, Ipre, Courtryke or country, Cassyle, and other there about, condyssended and promised jointly and holy, to refuse the French King, & to take the King of England's party/ and the rather for the war which before time Philip de Ualoyes made upon them in the beginning of his reign, as in the first year of the story of the said Phylyp shall after appear.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xxxvii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxviii.  wyllam of Pountfreyt.  Henry Darcy.  Anno xiii  Hugo Marbre.   
IN this xiii year, King Edward with Queen Philip his wife, for more assured stablysshement of amity to be had between him and the Hollanders, Selanders, & Brabanders, passed the see in the beginning of the month of junii/ & sailed with a goodly company into the country of Brabant, the Queen than being great with child, where of the Earl of Brabant he was honourably received. In which season of his there being, King Edward got unto him many friends. Among the which Lewis of Bavyere, which than took upon him as Emperor, all be that before that time he was of the xxii Johan than pope accursed, was one. This Lewis had such favour unto King Edward, that he assigned▪ and ordained him for Uycayr of the empire, by reason of which office King Edward made out his commandments, & did many things to his advantage and profit.  

* birth of Lionel.  In this season Queen Phylyppe dying at Andwarpe, was delivered of a man child, that was named Lionel. And Phylyp de Ualoys having knowledge of all this demeanour of King Edward, gathered unto him great strength/ so that he had about him innumerable people/ and tarried with them at Amyas and there about, from the end of August till the beginning of Octobre. And when he saw that King Edward came nat/ he divided the great host, in returning many of them into their own countries/ and the other he sent unto strong holds & castles for to let that passage of King Edward and his host into the land of France. And in this pass time the French King had sent diverse ships unto the see with men of war, for to take english merchants & other that came in their course. And so befell that they encountered with ii great ships of England called the Edward and the Cristofer the which as testifieth the French chronicle were freight with great richesse, and also well manned. Anon as either was ware of other/ guns and shot of long bows arblasters & were nat spared on neither side/ so that between than was a cruel fight but not equal. For of the Frenchemen were xiii sails great and small, and of the english men but five that is to mean these two foresaid great ships, two barkies, and a caruyll/ the which three small ships escaped by their deliver sailing/ & the two. abode and fought beyond ix hours, in so much that there was slain upon both parties above vi C. men But in the end the said ii ships were taken & brought into the French Kings streams/ and many of the englishmen that were sore wounded were cast into the see. In this year also the said Frenschemen of that navy landed at Southampton suddenly: and spoiled the town, and brent a great part thereof. And over this the French King made war in Gascoyn, and wan there diverse small piles and one strong castle standing in the country of Gascoigne called Agenoys, which castle was named pen. But all this season was King Edward in Almaigne, & made alliance with diverse Princes of that country and other/ and took assurances of them that they should aid & assist him to win his right and title that he had to the crown of France, & after returned into Flaunders, where he tarried all this mayor's year.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xxxviii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.xxxix.  wyllyam Thorney.  Andrew Awbry.  Anno xiiii  Roger Forsham.   
IN this xiiii year King Edward speeding his business in almain & Flaunders, as in the preceding year is touched, returned into England, and called his high court of parliament at westminster about the time of lent. In which parliament/ the King axed of his commons for the maintenance of his war, & to recover his right in France the .v. part of their movable goods, the custom of wols for ii years to be paid afore hand, & that ix sheaf of every man's corn/ that which at length was granted. And for the levying thereof, he caused the lord of every shire thorough his land to answer to him, every Lord for that circuit he dwelled near unto. But or all this grant were gathered & paid/ the love of the poor people turned into hatred, & prayer into cursing. And for the King should need and occupy for his provisions much money or this grant might be levied/ he therefore borrowed many notable sums of diverse cities & particular persons of this land. Among the which he than borrowed of the city of London twenty M. mark, to be repaid of the money coming of the foresaid grant/ the which foresaid twenty M. mark was levied in the wards of the city in form as followeth. The tower ward was sessed at iii C lxv. li, whereof wyllyam of Bryklesworthe lent. C. li/ & the residue was levied of xii persons of that ward. Byllyngysgate ward was sessed at seven. C.lxiii. li/ whereof Iohn de Cawston lent ii C. li, & Aleyn Gyll ii C. li and the residue was lent by xxvi perones of that ward.  
The bridge was sessed at vii C.lxv. li. vi. s.viii. viii. d/ whereof Iohn lovekyne bare. ii.c. li., Iohn malwayn's/ & Rauffe de Lenone ii C. li/ and the residue was borne by xxxiii persons of that ward. The ward of Dowgate was sessed at vi C.lx li. x. s/ of the which Henry Pycarde lent two. C. mark, Bartholmewe fresling and wyllyam lenglyshe ii C. mark/ & the residue was levied of xxv persons of that ward. Langbourne ward was sessed at ccc.lii li. six . S.viii s.viii. d/ whereof Thomas Horwolde lent. C. li, Iohn Peche. C. mark/ & the rest was lent by xu dwellers of that ward.  
walbrooke ward was sessed at ix c.xi li, whereof Iohn Adam lent ii C li, Iohn de Bery and Simon Pystour peperer ii C. li, & Adam de Bery and Iohn Not ii C. mark/ and the rest was levied of xxiii persons of that ward.  
Bysshoppisgate ward was sessed at .v. C.lix. li. vi. s.viii. viii. d/ whereof Adam Frauncesse lent ii C. li, & Symonde Browne and Iohn de saint Albone two. C. li/ & the residue was levied of x. persons of that ward.  
Lymestrete ward was sessed at. C x. li/ whereof Augustyne waleys lente C. li/ and ten li. was levied of iii persons of that ward.  
Cornehyll ward was sessed at iii C.xv. li/ whereof Johan cooling and Robert Manhale drapers bare that one. C. li, and the last. C. mark and the rest was levied of twenty persons of the said ward.  
Cheap ward was sessed at .v. C.xvii. li. x. s/ whereof Barthilmew Thomasyn mercer lent .cc. pound, Stephan Caundysshe draper, william Holbech & Johan Harwarde either of them C. mark, Iohn Dolsoby goldsmith cc. mark, and Johan Fawkys & jamys Naware either of them. C. li & the rest was levied of lxi persons of the same ward.  
Bradstrete ward was sessed at v C.lxxx. and viii li/ whereof Thomas Legge skinner lent ccc li, Iohn Harwarde stoke .cc. mark/ and the residue was levied of eight persons of that ward. Uyntrye ward was sessed at. cccccc.xxxiiii. li. xvi. s.viii. viii. d, whereof walter Turk fysshemonger lent .cc. mark, Iohn Stoday vyntener. C. li/ Symonde Bolsely & Iohn rothing .cc. mark/ and the rest was levied of xxiiii persons of the ward.  
The ward of Bredstrete was sessed at. cccc.lxi.li.xvi. s.viii. viii. d/ whereof Adam Brabesone lent cc.li, and the rest was levied of xxx persons of the ward. The ward of Nuene hyth was sessed at. Cccc.xxxu.li.xiii. s. iiii. d whereof Richard of Kyslyngbury lent cc.li, & Iohn of Gloucetre. C. mark/ and the residue was levied of xvii persons of that ward.  
Cord wayner street ward was sessed at two thousand and hundredth lxxx. Xu.li.iii. s. iiii.d/ whereof Andrew Awbrey grocer lente viii hundredth mark, wyllyam de Cawstone cc.li, James Andrew and Thomas Brandon either of them ii hundredth mark willyam of worceter ii C. mark, Johan Bechamp and the wife of Iohn Halle either of them. C. li, and Iohn bull, Iohn Gonwardby, & william Hampstede each of them. C. mark/ & the rest which is vi hundredth. lxi.xvi. s.viii. viii. d, was lent by xliiii persons of that ward.  
The ward of faryngedone within was sessed at vii C.xxx. li. xvi. s.viii. viii. d. whereof Gylbert Staynedrope lent two. C. li. & the rest was levied of lxvii persons of that ward.  
Faryngdone without the wallys was sessed at. C.xiiii. li. xiii. s. iiii. d. which sum was levied of xxi persones of that ward.  
Crepulgate ward was sessed at iiii. C.lxii li. x. s/ whereof Richard Lazar mercer lent ii C. mark, Symonde de Bedyngton. C. mark/ and the residue was levied of xxxvii persons of the said ward.  
Colmanstrete ward was sessed at m.li li. xvi.s.viii. d/ whereof Symonde Frances lent viii C. li, Henry of war and Iohn Denys ii hundredth mark/ and the residue was lent by vi persons of that ward.  
Candelwyke street ward was sessed at. C.xxxiii. li. vi.s.viii.d/ that which said sum was levied of xxiii persons of the said ward.  
The ward of Algate was stinted or sessed at xxx li, and levied of six enhabytauntes of the said ward.  
Portsokyn ward was sessed at xxvii. li. x.s, & was levied of vii persons of that ward.  
Castle Baynarde ward was sessed at lxiii li. vi.s.viii.d, and lent by xii. persons of that ward.  
Bassyngeshawe ward was sessed at lxxix li. xiii.s.iiii.d, and levied of six persons.  
Aldryshe gate ward was set or sessed at lvii li. x.s/ and laid out or lente by .v. persons of that ward. Which sum total of the foresaid xxv. Wards, amounteth to the sum of xiii thousand iii hundredth lxxx & five . Li.xiii.ss li.xiii.ss. &. iiii.d. Which sum exceedeth the sum of twenty thousand mark li li. vi.s.viii..d. And ye shall understand that he that paid least toward this loan paid. L.ss, & so ascending to these sums above rehearsed. Whereof many was sessed at xl li. l. li. & lx li, & many other of diverse mean sums.  
In this year also the King changed his coin, & made the noble and the half noble of the value of six s.viii. d, which at this day is worth viii. s.ix. d. or. x.d, & the half noble after the rate if they keep the true weight/ and provided diverse other things for the weal of his realm & speed of his journey into France.  
When King Edward had set his land in an order, & had all thing meetly provided for his need/ he than about Lammesse sailed into Braban, and there held his counsel with his friends/ and by their advices made claim to the hole crown of France as his rightful inheritance/ & for more authority of the same entermedeled the arms of England with the arms of France, as ye see them at this day. Then King Phylyp being of these things warned/ gathered an huge host, & came with them to a town called Uermendoys. And King Edward with his people entered the country called Theresse/ & brent & wasted the country before him. Than King Philip drew toward the english host, and came unto a place or town called in french buyron Fosse/ where he intended as saith the French book to have set upon the Englishmen. But by counsel of his Lords, for diverse causes he was let to his displeasure. For after the day, he might find no convenient time for to assail his enemies/ so that in conclusion either host departed from other without battle or fight/ and King Edward took his weigh toward Gaunt, & King Phylip returned into France. Than King Edward by means of his friend Jaques de Artyvele, had all his pleasure of the town of Gaunt/ & received of them oath and homage. And after diverse conclusions with them and other taken/ he leaving there the Queen after the testimony of some writers, returned again into Enlande/ & left with the Queen, which than was great with child, the Earls of Salysbury & of Oxynforde/ which in the Kings absence aided well the flemings again the French King, & did diverse martial acts/ which I here pass over. But in ꝓces the Earl of Salysbury was taken prisoner/ & divers english men slain at the assault of a town called the isle in Flaunders or of flanders.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xxxix.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xl.  Adam Lucas.  Andrew Awbry.  Anno xu  Bartholomewe Marres.   
IN this xu year, while the King was busied in England to make provision for meet & money to withstand the French King, aswell for the war that the said French King made upon the flemings & other being the Kings friends, as for his own particular causes, the Queen as before is said being at the town of Gaunt, was delivered of a son, which after was named Iohn, about christmas in the beginning of this mayor's year, & end of this xiiii year. This child when he came to man's estate, was surnamed Iohn of Gaunt & was first Earl of Rychemount & after duke of Lancaster. & also fast as King Edward provided for abylementes of war in England, so fast & hasty provision made the French King to withstand King Edward both by land & by water/ so that he had a great & strong navy upon & see. King Edward than in the month of junii, with ii C. sails took shiping, & sailed toward Flaunders/ & upon the see met or came unto him Sir Robert Morley with the north navy of England/ so that he had in all above iii C. sails. And at mid summer upon saint Iohnns even he fought with the french kings navy, which lay in a wait for him near to the town called the Sluse. Of this navy which were in number by the report of the French book upon iiii. C. sails, whereof were chief admirals Sir Hugh Queret, & Sir Nycholas Buchet, & one named Barb Noyre or in English black beard/ the which captains or admirals anon as they espied the english float they made toward them to begin the fight four galeys set upon a ship of advantage which sailed before the other named the rich Oliver/ the which iiii galeys the forenamed Barb Noyre had the cunduyt of/ & assailed this said ship on every part, & bet her with gunneshot & her men with hail shot excedyngely/ so that of the men within her were many slain and more wounded, & likely to have been shortly won ne had been the rescous of her company: than were the said four galeys soon becleped with the English navy, & so cruelly assailed, that they were boarded or they might be rescued. Then approached the hole float upon both sides, with hideous & fearful din & noise of guns, with terrible flaming of wild fire & other, with thick shot of quarrels & arrows/ and crushing of ships, the hideous & wonderful it was to behold/ so that many a soul was there expelled from their bodies in short while. This mortal and cruel fight continued as saith the French story by the space of viii hours or more, in such wise the hard it was to know whether part had the better/ & so many deed and wounded men were cast into the see, that the water which was in circuit about them was coloured or died as reed. 
* The manly courage of Edward the third.  But in the end by grace & great manhood of the King, which there was sore wounded. And by his great comfort/ the frenchmen were chased, and many of their ships bowged & taken with many prisoners in them. Among the which the forenamed admirals or capitains, Sir Nycholas Buchet & Sir Hugh Queret were ii/ the which in despite of the frenchmen were hanged upon the sails of their ships, which they were taken in. And among the ships that were at this season taken, were recovered the ii foresaid ships named the Edward and the Crystofer/ the which before were taken by the frenchmen, as it before is showed in the iii year of this King. In this battle also as is testified of many and diverse writers, were slain upon the number of xxx M. frenchmen/ all be it the French book nameth so many to be slain upon both parties/ & excuse this misfortune by the negligence of Sir Nycholas Buchet, which kept the French navy so long within the haven, that they were so closed in with the English navy, that a great number of them might never strike stroke nor shoot their ordinance, but to the hurt of their own company. When King Edward had obtained this triumphant victory of his enemies, he yielded great thanks unto god. How be it he was fain to tarry a season with in his ship, by reason of a wound the which he had received in his thigh. In which season the Queen his wife came to visit him, and returned again unto Gaunt. And after a few days passed/ the King departed from Swynne, & road unto our lady of Ardenbourghe/ & sent his navy in the next haven to Brugys, & moche of his people unto the town of Gaunt. And when he had accomplished his pilgrimage, he road unto Brugys, and from thence unto Gaunt/ where of the dwellers he was joyously received. Than King Edward there called a great counsel/ by the which it was determined that he should prepare ii hosts/ whereof that one should be of the men of Gaunt & of the towns there about, of the which certain Lords of Almaigne should have the rule/ & the other host should be of men of Brugys & of english archers/ & of the host was ordained Sir Robert of Artoys to be leader & captain. When the said ii hosts were all garnished with all thing for them needful/ the first of them was sent unto the town of Turney, and the other unto the town of saint Omers. The which ii towns at the day were like strength unto France, as calais is now unto England. Wherefore the French King for the more surety of them, sent unto Tournay the Earl of Foys & Sir Barthan than marshal of France, with four M. men of armis, & unto saint Omers he sent the duke of Burgoyn with a great company of Lords & other. When sir Robert of Artois had lain a certain time before saint Omers, & many sharp assaults by him and his people had been given to it, in the which diverse fortunes fell & chances of war, which were tedious and long to write/ finally upon the morrow after saint James day or the xxvi day of julii/ the duke of Burgoyne with his retinue issued out of the town, & fought with the said Sir Robert & his people a long season. In the which fight was slain of the Duke's party the Lord of Hamelcourte, Sir Froysard de Beaford, the Lord of saint Uran a Lord of Spain, & a burgonion Lord called the Lord of Branges, with other diverse knights and gentlemen to the number of liiii as saith the French chronicle/ and of the common people upon iii M. But in short time after the power of the duke increased in such wise, that Sir Robert with his company was fain to depart thence, and so yode into Ipre, & there held him. Then as above is said when King Edward had sent forth the fore named ii hosts/ he with the rest of his people yode unto a place within ii english miles of Tournaye called in French le Pount de Pree/ and there lodged him & his people. And Phylyp de Ualoys the French King, came with his people unto an house of religion, which then was called the priory of saint Andrew. At which two places these two said Princes thus dying with great strengths upon either side/ King Edward by counsceyll of his Lords sent unto the French King a letter, containing as followeth.  

A letter sent by King Edward to the French King  EDwarde by the grace of god King of England & of France, and Lord of Ireland. Sir Phylyp de Ualoys, by long time we have exhorted by messengers and other manifold manner of ways, to the end that ye should restore unto us, & do to us reason of our rightful inheritance of the realm of France/ the which ye have long occupied with great wrong. And for that we see well that ye intend to persever in your injurious withholding without to do unto us reason/ for our right to demand we are entered into our land of Flaundres as sovereign Lord of the same, and pass by that country/ doing you ferther to understand, that we have taken with the help of our Lord Jesu christ the right, with the power of the said country, and with our people them allied/ beholding the right, which we have in the heritage that ye wythholde from us with great wrong/ and draw us toward you to make a short end upon our rightful demand and challenge, if ye will toward us approach. And for so much that so great power of men of arms that came upon our parties, may not long hold them togethers without great destruction of the people. Which every good christian man ought to eschew/ & specially a Prince or other that have the governance of people. we therefore much desire, that in short days they may mete. And for to eschew the more mortality of the people/ so that the quarrel apparent atween us, to the destruction of our challenge, may stand in trial atween us two/ which thing we offer unto you for the causes above said. How be it that we remember well the nobleness of your person, and your great wisdom & advisement. And in case that ye will not thereof/ that then in our challenge be set to affirm the battle of yourself with an hundredth persons of your party of the most sufficient/ & we in like wise with as many. And yfye will that one weigh nor the other/ that than ye will assign a certain day before the city of Tournay to fight with strength against strength, within ten days after the sight of these letters. And we would that all the world knew, that these things above said in this our desire is nat for pride nor for great presumption/ but for that that our Lord might set the more rest and peace among the christian/ and for that that the enemies of god might be resisted, and christendom enhanced. And the way that ye will choose of these offers abovesaid/ write again to us by the bringer of these letters, to him making hasty deliverance. Given under our great seal at Eschine sur le scaut near unto the city of Tourney, the xv. day of the month of Jule. Upon receipt of which letters the French King by the advice of his counsel wrote again unto King Edward in manner and form as followeth.  
The French kings letter.  
PHilip by the grace of god King of France/ to Edward King of England. we have seen a letter sent to Philip de Ualoys brought to our court/ in the which letter were certain requests. And for so moche as the said letter came nat to us/ the said requests were nat made to us, like as it appeareth by the tenor of the said letter. we therefore to you make none answer. Nevertheless for that that we understand by the said letter & otherwise, that ye are enbatelled in our realm of France, doing great damage to us and our said realm, & to the people/ moved of will without reason, nat regarding that which a lyege man ought to regard to his lyege and sovereign Lord/ for ye are entered into our homage in yourself, a knoweleging as reason is to the King of France, and promised obeisance such as a lyege man ought unto his sovereign Lord/ like as it appeareth by your letters patents sealed with your great seal, the which we have by us, and for that should you be obedient unto us. Our intent is such, that when we shall think it good, we shall chase you out of our realm to our honour and majesty royal, and to the profit of our people. And in this doing we have faithful hope in our Lord Jesu christ, from whom all good to us cometh. For by your enterprise which is of will nat reasonable/ hath been let the holy voyage over the see, and great quantity of christian people put to death, and the holy service of god left, and holy church unworshipped & unhonoured, with many great enormities. And in that that ye think to have the flemings in your aid/ we think us to be assured, that the good towns and the commons will behave them in such wise again us, and again our cousin the Earl of Flaunders, that they will save their honour and truth. And in that that they have miss done till now, hath been by evil counsel of such people which regard nat the common weal of the people, but of their own profit only. Given in the field of the priory of saint Andrew beside air under the seal of our secret signet in absence of our great seal, the thirty day of the month of Jule.  
It was nat long after that the French King had thus rescribed unto King Edward, but that a messynger came unto him from Tourney for hasty rescous/ for the town was daily and sharply assaulted of the english host. wherefore in all haste he sent thither the duke of Athenesse, the viscount of Thonart, the viscount of Dannaye/ with diverse other to the number of xu men of name, with great number of people.  
The which sped them straight unto the mount of Cassyle. But or they came the said mount was gotten by the flemings, so that of their lodging they were dispointed. By reason whereof they feared to set upon the english host, or yet to travail for the removing of the said siege of Tourney/ but took their council & swerved from Cassyle, and entered the land of the Earl of Barry, and did much harm therein, And when they had there executed their pleasures/ they returned unto the French King.  
In this mean while King Philip counseled with his Lords, whether it were better for him to draw toward Tourney to remove the siege or to go into Flaunders and to make war upon the towns that held with King Edward. By which counsel it was thought most honourable, that he should endeavour himself to remove the said siege. After which conclusion so taken/ he with his host drew toward Tourney/ and in the end lodged him and his people at a place or town called at that day Bowyns, within iii miles of Tourney, in whose company was the King of navarre, the King of Bohemy or beam, the dukes of Normandy, & of Loreyne, & of Athenesse or Athens, the Earls of Alensone, of Flaunders, and of Savoy/ with other to the numbered of xiiii Earls, beside viscounts, baronets and knights to a great number. And with King Edward were these Lords following/ the Earl of Herford, the Earls of Northampton of Derbye, of Southampton, of Oxynforde, of Henawd, of Harflete, and of rondell. Also of strangers, the duke of Geldre, and of sclavony, & Brabant/ with many other viscounts, bannerets, and knights which I pass over. And thus lay these two Princes with two great and mighty hosts within five miles, without great battle or fight a certain of tyme. But ever in mean while the town of Tourney was assailed of the english men and flemings/ the which defended them manfully and well. In the which pass time the Countess of Henaude which was mother unto the Queen of England, and as testifieth the French chronicle sister unto the French King, a woman of passing discretion and eloquency, with the aid of other Princes as the King of beam and other laboured such a mean of treaty, that a day of diet was between the two Kings appointed/ all be it that diverse of King Edward's counsel were sore again it, and specially Jakes de Artyvele. Than for King Edward's party was assigned the bishop of Lyncolne, Sir Geffrey Scrope, Sir Iohn of Henaude brother to the Earl, & sir william Cheyny with other. And for the French King was assigned the King of beam, the Earls of Armenake & of Savoy, Sir Lewis de Savoy and other. And to the end that this appointment might take the better effect/ a day of truce was concluded till midsummer following. But most writers testyfyen that King Edward left the siege before Tourney, for default of money and negligence of his slow procurators in England, that sped nat his needs there as they should. For that one cause and for that other the King with his host departed thence unto Gaunt, and tarried there a certain of tyme. In which season the forenamed Lords and knights met at Tournay/ and there debated the matters of challenge of King Edward, and certain articles concerning the country of Flaunders. In which counsel it was granted by the French kings party, that the French King should freely depart toward the marriage of King Edward's children, with the hole seygnoryes of Gascoyn and Guyan, and the earldom of Poytyers, in so free manner that no office of the French King should meddle or have to do with in any part of those lordships. And for Flaunders it was by the said Lords granted, that the commons of that country in all customs and laws should be judged & ruled as they of old times had used/ and also that all bonds and obligations that in times passed the chief towns had made to the French King for any cause, should be canceled and delivered. And of their Earl they should be acquitted in like wise, for all offences done before that day. Also all censuryes or curses that they before were wrapped in, should be clearly annulled & revoked, with other conclusions and offers, which I pass over.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xl.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xli.  richard berking.  johan Oxynforde.  Anno xvi  johan Rokyslee.   
IN this xvi year/ King Edward upon saint Andrew's even came to the tower of London, and sent for such Lords as before he had made his procurators to levy his money in his absence, and for their negligence & mysdemeanure cast them in prison. But in this voyage that the King passed from that other side of the see into England/ he had exceeding tempest of wether, so that he passed with great fere and danger which tempest after the opinion of some writers, was reared by the negromauncers of the French King/ to the end to have perished the King, or else to give him the less courage to take the see again. In this year also were sent from the xii Benet than pope two cardinals, to treat of a peace between the Kings of England & of France. The which concluded a peace between the said two Kings, aswell for them as for other countries which to them were allied, for the term of iii years and more. In which time it was agreed, that both the said Kings by their proctors should publish & declare before the pope their claims and causes, to the end that by him and his counsel a final direction & concord might be set between them. Which agreement of the said cardinals was thus concluded in the town called Malestrete, about the feast of saint Gregory in lente/ being there present for the King of England, the Earls of Derbye and of Northampton with other/ and for the French, King, the dukes of Bourbon & of Burgoyne, with other for his party. But this agreement stood to little effect. For it nat with standing the war between these two Kings was continued, so that either fortified their friends and allies. And soon after happened, that where Johan duke of britain died without issue/ variance fell between Charles de Bloys and Iohn Earl of Mountforde, for the title of that dukedom/ so that between them mortal war was exercised, as in the story of Phylyppe de Ualoyes shall after more plainly be declared. Which war so continuing/ the King of England aided the party of the Earl of Mountforde, and the French king aided Charles de Bloys And over that during the term of the said treuce, 
Truce Breche.  the French King made war upon the Gascoynes, as after shall apere. And in Scotland some stirring was made this year by exciting of the French King, in so much that the King was fain to send thither a crew of soldiers to strength such holds as he there held. And in this year was the Queen delivered of a man child at the town of Langeley, the which after was named Edmund, and surnamed Edmund of Langley.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xli.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xlii.  Iohn Luskyn.  Symond Frances.  Anno xvii  richard Kyslyngbury.   
IN this xvii year/ King Edward at the request of divers of his young Lords and knights, suffered to be exercised certain points and feats of war, as justices, turnamentes and other. Which were executed at Dunstable/ where the King and the Queen were present, with the more party of the Lords and Ladies of the land.  
This year died the forenamed Iohn duke of britain/ by reason of whose death the war as in the preceding year is touched, grew between the said charles de Bloyes and the Earl of Mountforde. This charles de Bloyes made his claim to that duchery, by title of his wife, that was daughter of Guy viscount of Lymogys, and second brother of the foresaid Iohn duke of britain. And Iohn Earl of Mountfort claimed by the title that he was third brother unto the forenamed duke. But of this matter I intend to show more plainly, and of the end thereof in the story of Phylyp de Ualoys as before I have said/ and rather there than here, because the fayte thereof was not done in England but in britain, whereof the said Phylyppe pretended rule and chief signory.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xlii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xliii.  Iohn steward.  Iohn Hamonde.  Anno xviii  Iohn Ayleshm.   
IN this xviii year, the King shortly after Easter called a parliament at westminster. In time whereof Edward his eldest son was created Prince of wales. And many ordinances for the weal of the land there were enacted, which for length I pass over.  

Clement the Vi. pope.  In this year also Clement the vi of the name, which newly was made pope, took upon him to give divers bishoprics and benefices which then fell void in England. wherewith the King was nothing contented/ in so much that he sent out commissions and straight commandments, that no man in time following should present or induct any such person or persons, that so by the pope were promoted without the agreement of the King, as far as touched his prerogative. The said pope Clement was first archbishop of Rouen, and monk of saint Benettes order, a Frencheman of birth, and before called Peter/ a man of excellent cunning, but a waster of god's patrimony/ & promoted to the dignity, by instant labour of the French King/ which sent his son Iohn duke of Normandy & the duke of Burgoyn unto the city of Auynyon or Auygnon, to procure and further the election. By mean whereof he was there chosen pope about the seven. day of May, and tronysed in the said month of May, in the beginning of the year of grace after th'account of the church of England, M.CCC. & xliii By means and favour of which pope, the French Kings causes and matters between King Edward and him were some deal promoted. For as testifieth the French book/ the French King this year put to death one Master Henry de Malestrete, a graduate man, and brother unto Sir Godfrey de Malestrete knight, lately also put to death by the said French King, for their fidelity which they bore toward King Edward, as his feodaryes. Whereof King Edward made his complaint unto the pope, of this and other things to be done contrary the constytutions of the former peace concluded by the two cardinals/ and had thereof no remedy. In this year also King Edward made a coin of fine gold, 
king Edwardes Floryne.  and named it the Floryne/ that is to say, the penny of the value of six s. viii. d., the half penny of the value of three s. iiii. d, and the far thing of the value of twenty d. which coin was ordained for his wars in France, for the gold thereof was nat so fine as was the noble, which he before in his fourthen year of his reign had caused to be coined.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xliii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xliiii.  Geffrey wychyngham.  johan Hamonde.  Anno xix  Thomas leg.   
IN this xix year, the King held a solemn feast at his castle of wyndsore/ where between candle mass and lent were holden or executed many martial acts, as jousts, tournamentes with diverse other/ at the which were present many strangers of other lands. 
‡ th'rder of the garter.  And in the end thereof, he there devised the order of the garter, and after stablished it as at this day it is continued. In this year about midsummer, King Edward with a strong army sailed unto Sluse, and so into little britain. But for he was dispointed of the aid of the flemings, by reason of the death of his trusty friend Jaques de Artyvele, which than was slain of the flemings of Gaunt, by a conspiracy that they made again him by such as favoured the party of the French King/ he turned home into England again the same year/ leaving behind him the Earl of Salysbury with a strong company, to aid Iohn Earl of Mountford again Sir Charles de Bloys. The which Iohn by the aid of the englishmen won diverse towns & holds in britain, upon the said Sir Charles & his Frenchmen. But in the end of this year he was taken with such sickness that he died in a town called Corentyne. After whose death the said Charles posseded the more part of the duchy of britain.  
This year the King sent the Earl of Derby with a strong army into Guyan for to aid the Earl of Northampton/ whom the King before had left there at Bordeaux, to strength that country again the French men. To whom after the death of the forenamed Sir Iohn Earl of Mountforde, drew many of the soldiers that were on his party.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xliiii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.xlv.  edmund Hempnale.  Richard Lacer.  Anno twenty  Iohn gloucester.   
IN this twenty year or later end of the xix year, that is to wit about saint Nycholas tide in the beginning of this mayor's year/ the foresaid Earls of Derby & Northampton had won the town & castle of Bergarat in Gascoigne, & slew there the Earl of Ualentynoys chief capitain thereof/ & took there a noble man called the Earl of the ilies, with many other rich prisoners. And about april the said Earls wan a strong town called the Ryall. Whereof hearing Philip de Ualoys, in all haste sent his son Iohn duke of Normandy to withstand & to give battle unto the said Earls. But when the said duke was near unto the englishmen, he had such tidings of their strength that he returned unto his father again. For the which deed his father with him was grievously discontented/ in so moche that by the occasion to avoid his father's displeasure, he returned into Gascoigne, & laid siege unto the castle of Aguyllon/ & there remained till the month of August following without getting of it any advantage/ at which season he returned again to his father. After whose departure the Earl of Northampton with his company got a strong town called in french la Roche Darien/ which is to mean the Roche or rock of Aryen. In the time of which war thus continued in britain & guian/ the French King made purveyance to defend his land again King Edward, for whom he awaited daily. And King Edward as fast gathered money, & made his daily purveyance to prepare him thitherward.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.xlv.  Anno dni. xiii. C.xlvi.  Iohn Croyden.  Geffrey wychyngham.  Anno xxi  wyllyam Clopton.   
IN this xxi year, King Edward held his parliament at westminster about the time of lent. And in the month of July following, he took shiping and sailed into Normandy, & landed as witnesseth the French chronicle at a place in that province named in French la Hougne sent Uast, with xi C. sails great & small, the xii day of the foresaid month of July. And anon as he was landed, he commanded his people to waste the country before them. And by the leading of a knight called Sir Godfrey Harcourte/ he was brought unto a town called mely, and from thence unto Mountboure, where the King with all his people rested him a season.  
In the which time the said Sir Godfrey brent & spoiled the country of Constantyne there near adjoining. Than King Edward departed from the foresaid town, & went unto a strong town called Karenten or Karenton/ the which he gate with the castle to the same belonging. And so continued his journey, that upon the twenty day of the said month of Jule, he laid his siege before the city or town of Caen. wherein were at the day chief capitains, the bishop of Bayen, the Earl of Ewe, the Lord of Turnebu, with other diverse knights & men of name. Than King Edward commanded that the said town should be assailed/ the which was done with so great force, & specially with such strong and continual shot, that the Frenchmen forsook the wallys & drew them toward the castle. And in process after long & cruel fight, the Englishmen entered the town, & there took prisoners. Among the which there was taken the constable of France & the Kings chaumberleyne. 
* Cane conquered.  Than the englishmen spoiled and pilled the town of Caen/ and bare the pillage unto their ships, which after was conveyed by them into England. When King Edward had thus spoiled and brent a part of the town of Caen, & forced the bishop of Bayen & the other capitains to take the castle for their refuge/ considering the strength of the same he departed thence, and so sped him toward the city of Rouen chief & principal city of Normandye. But the French King with a great power was in this while comen unto Roan, & had broken the bridges, and stopped the passages in such wise, that King Edward was fain to leave the way/ so that he costed toward Paris and came to a strong town called Uernon, & from thence to a town named Amyrlene/ at which towns he was resisted & lost some of his soldiers. And the xii day of August he came to a town named Poysy, & tarried there vi days/ and from thence yode unto saint german. And ever Sir Godfrey de Harcourt buying in the vaward, brent the towns & spoiled the country as he went  
And like as King Edward with his host thus passed the country toward Paris/ so in like manner the French King with his power, passed or held his way toward the said city/ being so near sundry times, that either host had sight of other. But the river of Seyne was ever between them, so that for it they might nat join in battle. When King Edward was common to a town called saint Clowe/ he set fire therein, which was seen unto Paris. Which put the citizens in great fere, in so much as witnesseth the French chronicle, that if the French King had nat been there present/ the city should have be yelden unto King Edward. Than King Edward saying he might nat pass the river of sayn toward the city of Paris, occupied all the chief palaysies & royal manors, where the French Kings were accustomed for to sojourn and lie at/ & drank the wine & occupied such stuff & necessaries as he there fande. And at his departing set fire upon them, & consumed the more part of them. As at poyzy one, at saint Germayne an other, and at Mount joy the third/ & brent the town of Poyzy, reserving an house of nuns, which was founded by Phylyp le Beawe father unto King Edward's wife. Here ye shall under stand that the auctors or writers favoureth their own nation. 
affection of Historiographers.  For the english writers say, that the French King fled/ & broke the bridges as he went, to the end that the English host should nat win to the French men to give unto them battle. And the French book sayeth, that King Edward fled, & would nat abide battle with the French men/ wherefore the French King broke the bridges to the intent that the english men should nat escape his danger. But how it was as saith an other writer called Iohn Froysarde/ the commons of France thought it a great dishonour unto all the land, that the english host should so pass through the heart or middle of France/ and to occupy the kings chief lodgings, & nat to be fought with of all that season. Which might nat be after the opinion of the said common people, without great treason of such as were near about the King. Than King Edward was so closed by reason of breaking of bridges, that he was forced to draw back, and to reedyfye the bridge of Poyzy. The which was repaired in so strong wise, that he & his host passed there over without apparel. How be it that in the time of repairing of it, the French King sent thither ii M. men to let the said work. But the archers kept them of with their shot, in so sharp manner, that the more party of them was slain, and the work ꝑfyghted as above is said Than King Edward entered the country of Pycardy/ & the French King removed from saint Denys unto saint Germains, & from thence to a town called aubevyle in Poyteau, & from thence to Antoygne. In this while King Edward with banner displayed came unto the city of Beawayze, & assailed the town. But the town was well garnished with soldiers which defended their enemies vygourously. Wherefore King Edward considering, he might nat lightly win that town, set the bulwarks on fire/ and so departed thence, & yode unto a place called in French soygnovile or blank attach. where he passed the water of Sum upon a friday the xxv day of August, and lodged him & his people near unto a forest called Cressy or Crecy. Whereof when the French King was ware anon he sped him from the forenamed town of Antoygne unto Aubevyle again. where after he had refreshed him and his people, he road unto an abbey fast by the forenamed town of Cressy.  
In this pass time, Iohn duke of Normandy and son of Phylyp de Ualoys, which as in the preceding year is touched, laid his siege unto the castle of Aguyllon, hearing that his father was thus warreyed with the King of England/ broke up his siege, and came with his strength unto his father.  
THese ii great hosts thus lodged within little compass, near unto the forenamed town of Cressy/ upon the saturday following the feast of saint Bartholmewe, being the xxvi day of the month of August, either cruelly assailed other and fought there a mortal & sharp battle. whereof in the end King Edward gloriously was victoure, and chased the French King/ and slew in that fight after the saying of most writers, the King of Bohemy or beam son of Henry the Emperor, seven. or the. eight, the duke of Loreyne, the Earl of Alenson brother unto the French King, Charles Earl of Bloys, the Earls of Flaunders, of Sancer, of Narcourt, and of Fyennes, with diverse other to the number of eight bishops and Earls, & xvii. Lords of name/ and of bannerets, knights, and esquires, beyond the number of xvi hundredth/ so that as concludeth the French history, in that battle was slain the flower of the chivalry of France, and of the commons upon viii M. men/ & that the realm of France that day sustained such confusion, that the like thereof had nat be seen many years passed/ and that be people and men of no reputation, as archers, by the violence of their importune shot, which horse nor man might stand again. Than the French King with a small company fled sore hurt unto a town called Broy, & lodged there the night following. And King Edward being warned that an other host of enemies was coming toward him/ abode still in the same field, & set good watches, & made great fires through the host, and so continued till the monday following. Upon which day in the morning appeared to them a new host of French men/ to the which they gave battle, and slew of them more in number than was slain upon the Saturday before. But of capitains or men of name the auctor rehearseth none.  
Than King Edward gave great thanks unto god of his triumphant victory/ and after departed from that town of Cressye, and took his way toward Moustruell, and from thence to Boleyne, and lastly to Caleys. Whereof than was capitain under the French King a Burgonyon knight named Sir Iohn de Uyenne/ to whom King Edward sent that he should deliver unto him the said town of Caleys. But for the King received from him no comfortable answer/ he immediately laid his siege unto the said town, which was upon the third day of the month of September/ & there abode a certain of time in making of assaults to the same. In which time and season the Earl of Derby dying at Bordeaux, and having the rule of Gascoigne and Guyan/ wan diverse towns & holds from the frenchmen, as the towns called Sayntez in Poyteaw saint Iohn de Angely, and the town of Poytyers. In the which he had exceeding treasure and richesse/ so that he & his soldiers were greatly enriched, by the pillage that they won in those towns and country to them adjoinaunt. And when the said Earl had spoiled the said towns, & brent a great part of the foresaid city of Poytyers, and the kings palace within the same/ he than at his pleasure returned unto Bordeaux.  
In this pass time also, the French King to the intent to haste King Edward into England/ sent david le bruise some time King of Scots, into the land with a strong army. The which gathered unto him such Lords and knights of Scotland as before times favoured his party and with them entered the bounds of Northumberlande, & spoiled that country without pity. But it shall apere by other authors, that this david le bruise at this day had recovered the crown of Scotland/ and that Edward de Bayloll was than deed, which before was King. Than it followeth when the archbishop of york with other Lords than left in England, heard tell that the Scots were thus entered the land anon the said archebysshppe, with Sir Henry pierce, Sir Ralph nevil, & Sir Gilbert Umfreyle knights, and other gentlemen aswell spiritual as other, appareled theyin in their best manner and sped them toward the Scots/ so that they met with them and gave unto them battle upon the even of saint Luke or the xvii day of Octobre in a place fast by Durham called at that day nevyles cross. where god showed to the english men such grace, that they scomfyted the Scots, and slew of them great foison/ and took prisoners the said David le bruise, Sir wyllyam Dowglas Sir Thonlyn Fowkys, with other of the nobles of scotland/ the which shortly after were surely conveyed unto the tower of London, and there kept as prisoners.  
when King Edward from the iii day of Septembre as before is said, had by sundry times assailed the town of Caleys, and saw well he he might nat shortly win it/ he provided for him & his people to lie there all the winter following/ so that for the lodging of him & his host, he made so many houses & lodges, that it seemed an other Caleys. Wherefore in ꝓces of time during that siege, of the vytelers & such as daily resorted unto the Kings host, it was named new Caleys. where the King in proper person abode all the winter following, & the more part of the next summer as after shall apere.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.xlvi.  Anno dni. xiii. C.xlvii.  Adam Bramson.  Thomas leg.  Anno xxii  richard Basyngstoke.   
This xxii year, King Edward after the stormy winter was overpassed/ he commanded certain ships to be joined more in number unto such as before had kept the see, that no victual should come to the inhabitants of Caleys/ so that the said town was fain to hold them content with such old store as they had for any new that to them might be conveyed or sent. And the kings host was plenteously victualed by the flemings, & by other vytayllers daily coming out of England.  
King Phylyppe having daily word of the strength of his enemies and the increase of them, as by Ester lynge and other nations that King Edward had to him allied/ & saw well that without the said town were shortly rescued, it should shortly be yoleden into the hands of his enemies, to the great hurt of all the realm of France: wherefore after a great counsel holden at Paris, he changed his money to his great advantage/ and over that set an inposition upon his commons, to their great grudge & murmur. And that done he took his leave of saint Denys about the quyndene of Pasche, and so yode unto a town called hesdom where he tarried the gathering of his host, so long that it was near unto the feast of marry magdalen or his people were all assembled. At which season he set forthward to the town of Caleys, to remove the King of England from that siege/ and so sped him, that about the end of the month of July, he drew near unto Caleys. The which before his coming was yoleden unto King Edward/ so that the French chronicle showeth no thing of the French Kings shame full departing, like as it is rehearsed in the english chronicle, & of other writers that write of the same.  

‡ when Calys was got.  Than after most writers, the town of Caleys was yoleden to King Edward about the end of Septembre after the King had continued there his siege an hole year and somedeale more. After receit whereof he tarried in the town upon a month, & voided clean all the old inhabytauntes and frenchmen, and stored it with englishmen, and specially with Kentyshmen. And when he had set that town in a sure order and guiding, and granted a peace for ix months at the request of two cardinals sent from the forenamed pope Clement the sixth, to be holden between him and the French King/ he sailed with great triumph into England, and came to London about the feast of saint Roman or the three and twenty day of Octobre/ where he was joyously received of the citizens, and so conveyed unto westminster.  
In this year also an english knight called Sir Thomas Agorne, capitain of the roche of Aryan before spoken of in the twenty year of this King, was fiercely warred of Sir Charles de Bloys. But after many bykerynges & skirmishes, a day of battle was set between the said Charles & Thomas. Or after the French books declaration, the said Charles assauting that town upon one party/ the said Sir Thomas with a company of stalworth archers & soldiers, issued out at an other part of the town & beset the said Sir Charles & his company about/ & assailed them in such wise, that in the end the more party of his company was taken and slain, & the said Sir Charles there taken among the other. And of men of name were there slain, the Viscount of Rouen, the lord Dernall, the lord of quintine, with sir wyllm his son, the lord of the castle of Bret, the lord of the roche, & Sir Geffrey turnevew, with many other men of honour, which I pass over. And after the said Charles was healed of such wounds as he had received in that fight/ he was conveyed into England, & there kept as prisoner.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xlvii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.xlviii.  Henry Pycarde.  Iohn Luskyn.  Anno xxiii  Symonde Dolsely.   
IN this xxiii year, fill great continual rain from midsummer to christmas, whereof ensued exceeding floods. By reason whereof the ground was sore corrupted, so that divers inconveniences ensued upon the same, as sickness & other, as in the years following shall apere. And in France this year the people died wonderfully in divers places of the realm/ so vehemently that in the city of Paris died in this year or lyt tell more, over l M. people/ and at saint Denys beyond xiiii M. And in Italy and many other countries, this mortalytye about this season reigned also inportunely/ and that in Hethennes aswell as in Christendom.  
And in the end of this year about the end of August/ this mortalytye began in divers places of England, and specially at London/ and so continued to the said month of August next ensuing. And upon that ensued sterylite or bareynes, aswell of the see as of the land, so that victual and corn was more scant than it was before.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xlviii.  Anno dsii. M.CCC.xlix.  Adam Bury.  wyllyam Turk.  Anno xxiiii  Rauffe Lynne.   
IN this xxiiii year, the mortality beforesaid in England & specially in London most fervently raining/ a treason, as after appeareth was conspired, to have brought the town of Caleys again to the French kings possession. King Edward beforetime had committed one of the towers of Caleys unto a januay to whom he much trusted. With the which januay a knight of Burgoyn named Sir Godfrey de Charny, was very familiar/ in so much that the said Sir Godfrey at convenient leysex brake unto the said januay, for the betraying of the town of Caleys. The which gave unto him liking answer/ so that the said januay agreed for certain sum of money to be paid in hand, to deliver unto the said Sir Godfrey and such other as he then should bring with him, the tower that he then had in keeping. By mean whereof he should shortly after have the rule of the town. In time of driving and of apoynting of which bargain as saith the French chronicle/ this januay sent secret word unto the King of England/ requiring him in secret wise to come unto Caleys. The which then holding his christmas at havering Bower in Essex, upon the morrow after new years day took his shiping, and landed that night at Caleys, in so secret manner that few of the town knew of his there being.  
when the day of appointment of delivery of this foresaid tower was common, and this januay had received his payment/ at an hour assigned between the said Sir Godfrey & him, a token was given by this said januay, that the Frenchmen should draw near unto the said tower to win their prey.  
Then the said Sir Godfrey with a certain number came within the danger of the town of Caleys, warning the residue of his company that they should tarry there till he were enterde the town/ & than at his sending to come in all speedy wise. But so soon as the said Sir Godfrey was near unto the tower, a bushment of sawdyoures were sent out at a possterne/ the which closed him and his frenchmen upon all sides, & slew of them many. Among the which, Sir Henry de Boys knight, with Sir Gautyer de Ualence, and Sir Robert of beways knights, were slain/ And the said Sir Godfrey taken sore wounded/ and the Lord of Mountmorency escaped with great danger, the whithe gave warning unto the other company and returned them into France. Than the said Godfrey de Charney was laid upon aboard, and so presented unto King Edward the which had such pity of him, that he commanded his own surgeons to look unto him, and to cure him in their best manner. And when he was somedeal cured he was sent as a prisoner with other into England.  
In this year also the King caused to be coined groats & half groats, the which lacked of the weight of his former coin ii s. vi. d. in a. li. Troy. 
* A great 〈◊〉 in London.  And about the end of August ceased the mortality or death in London/ the which was so vehemet and sharp within the said city, that over the bodies buried in churches, and churcheyerdes, monasteries and other accumed burying places/ was buried that same year in the charterhouse yard of London l M. persons and above.  
This year also was the year of jubilee or clean remission, which is kept at Rome at every l winter end like as the year of jubilee or grace is continued at Cauntorbury.  
And this year by the labour of two cardinals sent from pope Clement the vi, was a peace concluded between the two Kings of England & of France for a year, near unto the own of Caleys. wherefore the stablishing of the said peace for the said year, assembled the two said cardinals. And for the King of England, the bishop of Norwyche than treasurer and chief chancellor of the King, with other unto him by the King assigned. And for the French King, was there the bishop of Laone, and the abbot of saint Denys with other.  
And the xxiii day of the month of August. In this year and year of our Lord xiii hundredth and fyfthty, died Phylyppe de Ualoyes King of France. 
death of Pylyppe de Valois.    

Anno domini. M.CCC.xlix.  Anno domini. M.ccc.l  Iohn Notte.  richard Kyllyngbury.  Anno xxv  wyllyam wurcestre.   
IN this xxv year about the feast of the decollation of saint Iohn baptist in the latter end of August/ a noble man of Spain called Sir Charles, to whom King Johan of France had newly given the earldom of Angolesme, intending to win some honour upon the englishmen, with a strong navy of Spaynardes' entrede the english streams, and did much harm unto King Edward's friends. 
‡ King Edward's 〈◊〉 on the 〈◊〉.  So that the King about the season abovesaid, met with the said navy upon the cooste of wynchelsee/ where between the King and them was a long and mortal fight, to the great loss of moche people upon both parties. But in the end god sent unto the King victory/ so that he chased his enemies, and wan from them xxii of their ships after most writers, with many prisoners.  
And this year Sir Thomas of Agorne, which as in the xxii year of this kings reign, took prisoner Sir Charles de Bloys and other/ was slain by chance meddle of a knight of France or britain called Sir Rauffe de Caours.  
And this year were solemn messengers sent unto Rome, for to conclude and perfit the peace between the two Kings of England and of France. So that King Edward should resign and give up all his title and claim that he made unto the crown of France/ & the French King should clearly give unto him all the duchy of Guyan/ with all such lands as at any time before were taken by any of his progenytoures from it. And that King Edward and his heirs Kings should freely hold and occupy the said duchy, without doing of homage to any French King after that day. But the conclusion of this matter was so prolonged and deferred by the pope, 
Delays of the course of Rome.  and such delays as daily been used in the court of Rome, that the Earl of Derby with other, which were appointed for the King of England, returned without speed of their cause. Wherefore King Edward made new provisyons to war upon King Iohn of France.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.li.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lii.  Iohn wroth.  Andrew Awbry.  Anno xxvi  Gybbon Stayndrope.   
IN this xxvi year, the castle of Guynys was yoleden unto the englishmen dwelling in Caleys/ which as testifieth the French chronicle was done by treason of a French man named Guyllyam de Beauconroy. For the which treason the said Guyllyam was shortly after put in execution in the town of Amyas.  
And about the middle of August upon the even of our Lady assumption/ Sir Guy de Neale than marshal of France, with a strong company gave battle unto the englishmen than being in britain in the which the said Sir Guy with the lord of Brykebet and the Chaste lie of Beaunais, with many other noble men were slain, & many taken prisoners.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.li  Anno domini. M.CCC.lii.  Iohn Peche.  Adam Fraunceys.  Anno xxvii  Iohn Stodeney.   
THe summer of this xxvii year was so dry, that it was many years after called the dry summer. For from the latter end of March till the latter end of July, fill little rain or none/ by reason whereof many inconveniences ensued.  
And one thing which is specially noted/ corn the year following was scant/ whereof the price this year began to enhance greatly/ and beeves and mottons were also dear for scantness of grass and pasture/ and that aswell was expert in France as in the isle of England.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.liii.  Iohn weld.  Adam Fraunceys.  Anno xxviii  Iohn little.   
IN this xxviii year, King Edward holding his parliament at westminster/ among other things there enacted, soon after Pentecoste created the Earl of Derby duke of Lancastre, & sir Rauffe Stafforde was created Earl of Stafforde. Than this duke of Lancastre was sent again over the see/ wherein the end of this year as witnesseth Iohn Froysarde, he was appealed of the duke of Bryswyke a duke of the country of Almaigne, of certain words contrary his honour, for the which he waged battle with the said duke in the court of the French King.  
Than this Henry which of some writers is named Henry bolingbroking duke of Lancastre, purchased his sauffe conduit of the French King/ and kept his day appointed for that battle, in a field called in French La preauxclers. where for them was ordained a place lyested and cloosed in goodly wise/ King Johan being present with the more part of his nobles of France. And there came in first into that field the forenamed duke Appellaunte/ & after this noble duke of Lancastre, to the great honour of all England. And soon after divers observances according to the law of arms done & solemn oaths taken/ either set in the rest to have run the first course. But King Johan of his especial grace ceased the matter, & took the quarrel into his hands/ so that either of them departed the field without any stroke striking/ and pacified the appeal, to the honour of the duke of Lancastre as witnesseth the French book, nat with standing he was the French Kings enemy.  
And soon after the said duke of Lancastre with other nobles assigned to him by the King of England, went to avignon, with the archbishop of Rouen than chancellor of France, and the duke of Bourbon and other appointed for the King of France/ to conclude eft a peace between their two Princes. The which at the city beforesaid were hard at length, before the new pope than named innocent the vi which also like to his predecessor was a Frencheman/ and cardinal of Lymosyne in Normandy, called by his proper name Stephan Aubert. In conclusion after great argument made on either party before the pope and his counsel/ finally it was agreed, that the peace between the ii Kings should be kept & holden inviolate till midsummer next following.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.liii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.liiii.  wyllyam Tontynghm.  Thomas leg.  Anno xxix  richard Smert.   
IN this xxix year/ King Edward by the advice of his counsel, for so moche as the towns of Flaunders broke their promise before time made, and held nat the bands of amity by them promised by the life of Jaques de Artyvele, but favoured the French kings party: therefore he with drew from them the markets and staples of wols, that in sundry towns of Flaunders had than lately by the provision of the foresaid Jaques, to their great advantage used to be kept/ and ordained than the said staples to be holden in sundry good towns of England, as westminster, chichester, Lyncolne, Brystowe, and Caunterbury.  
And shortly after Easter/ the French King sent his eldest son Charles dolphin of Uyenne into Normandy, for to take the rule of the country/ and specially for to seize certain lands & castles, which at the day belonged unto the King of navarre, which than was out of the French kings favour, for the death of Sir Charles of Spain constable lately of France, that he had by his means murdered in a town called the Aygle in Normandy, upon ii years before passed. And while the said dolphin was thus busied in Normandy/ he made such means to the rulers thereof, that they granted unto him aid of iii M. men for iii months, at their proper costs and charges.  
Of this soon after sprang such tidings, that the King of England was informed that the French King had given to his son Charles the duchy of Normandy with all Gascoigne & Guyan/ and how the Normannes had granted unto the said Charles iii M. men for iii months, to war at their costs upon the Englyshmen/ which as the French book testifieth, was granted to him only to defend the King of navarre, that came to constantine shortly after, for to repossess all such lands as the said dolphin of his had there seized & for that with a big army made war upon the said dolphin.  
But were it thus or otherwise/ troth it is as divers writers agreme, in the month of October and end of this year, Prince Edward with a great host entered Gascoigne, and passed by Tholouse, and passed the river of Gerounde or Geron/ and so passed by Carcassyon, and brent the bulwarks of that city/ and from thence he road to Nerbon, in pilling & spoiling the country as he went.  
And in the same year King Edward with his power landed at his town of Caleys/ where he rested him by all the time of this mayor's year.  
And in this year was the house of the freres augustine's of London finished/ which was re-edified by Sir Humphrey Bohum Earl of Hertforde and Essex, whose body lieth buried in the quere of the said house or church before the high altar.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.liiii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lv.  Thomas Forster.  Simon Franceys.  Anno xxx  Thomas Brandon.   
IN this xxx year/ the King as ye before have herd being at Caleys, shortly after the feast of Alhalloyne took his journey toward the French King/ and continued his journey till he came to a town named Hesden/ and broke there the French kings park, & took such pleasures as him there liked. In which season of his there being, tidings were brought unto him, that the Scots had gotten the town of Berwyke, and how they made daily assaults to win the castle. Wherefore the King made the more hasty speed, and returned to Caleys, and so into England. For which cause saith the French chronicle, that King Edward fled from the French King, that than with a strong power came from Amy as unto saint Omers.  
Than King Edward sped him into scotland/ so that in the month of January and beginning of the thirty. Year of his reign, 
Berwyke recovered.  and xxvii day of the said month, he laid his siege to the town of Berwyke/ & had it yoleden unto him in short process of time after. And that done he entered ferther into the land, and subdued the chief towns & holds as he went/ & pursued the scottish King so narrowly, that in the end he was fain to submit him to the Kings grace as prisoner, and resigned his power into the kings hand. And when King Edward had set that country in a rule/ he returned with the scottish King again into England, and called his court of parliament at westminster. In the which among other things to the kings advantage, was granted to the maintenance of his wars l s. of a sack of will, for the term of vi years. But it continued longer though the merchants staplers thereat grudged.  
Than let us now return unto that noble Prince Edward, the first begotten son of the King/ which by all this time warred upon the Frenchmen, as in the preceding year is touched. So that lastly he returned to Bordeaux with many rich prisoners and pillages, to the great honour of himself, and the great advancement of his soldiers. And all be it that in that countries, which he then passed, were the Earls of Armenake, and of Foyze, of Poytyers, and of Cleremount, with Sir James de Bourbon, and many other knights, the which had double the people, as testifieth the French chronicle, that the Prince had: yet passed he from toulouse to Nerbon, & fro Nerbon to Bordeaux without battle.  
And after the Prince had there a while rested him and his people, and sent divers of his prisoners in to England/ he with his host entered the province or country of Berry in the month of July, & made therein sharp and cruel war. In which season also the duke of Lancaster with the aid of Phylyp brother unto the King of navarre, was entered the country of Constantyne/ and so with a company of four thousand men, came unto a place called Lyseux upon the see cost, & removed a siege of French men, that had lain at that castle upon viii. weeks/ and after repaired the said castle.  
when King Iohn had levied many great sums of money, to the great grudge of his commons and rebellion of some of the said commons, as in the story of King Iohn shallbe touched, and prepared his host/ he first made toward the duke of Lancaster. But the said duke had so fortified the passage, that he might not win to him without great jeopardy and danger. Wherefore he lafte that way, & yode to a castle named Bretnell, and laid his siege there unto, and won it in the end of viii weeks by appointment. Then he yode to the castle of Chartres, and tarried there a certain time for more people/ and from thence took his journey toward Prince Edward. The which Prince in this season was passed the river of Loire or Leyre, & so by the town of Romungtyne/ where he was encountered of divers nobles of France, and had with them a sharp conflycte. But in the end god sent to him the victory/ so that he slew many of his enemies, & took of them many prisoners. Among the which were taken the lord of Craon, and a knight called sir bouciquamt, with divers other to the number, as saith the French book of liiii people. And when he had sent the said prisoners under safe keeping to Bordeaux, he sped him toward Towris.  
And the duke of Lancaster with his company, after he had repaired the foresaid castle of Lyseux, and bestowed such ordinance as the French men for haste lafte behind them at the said siege: he than took his way toward Bertneyll/ & from thence unto Euroux, in brenning & wasting the country and towns as he went/ and from thence to Uermeyll in Perch, & took by strength both the town and castle. And when he had spoiled & pilled the town, he set it on fire and brent a great part thereof. And when he had done much of his will in that country, he returned into britain and held him there.  
King Iohn then as above is said, holding his way toward Prince Edward/ came to the city of towries to fortify the said town again the said Prince Edward. Whereof hearing the Prince took his way toward Poytyers. In holding of which way, as testifieth the French book, a part of his host met with an host of Frenchmen, & gave unto them battle, & at length chased the multitude of them, & slew an hundredth soldiers, & took upon lx prisoners. Among the which were taken the Earl of Sauncer, the Earl of Jurrygny, the lord Chastelleyn master of the kings palace, & a knight named Sir Guyllyam de Daneham/ the which prisoners were also sent unto Bordeaux. And soon after Prince Edward lodged him & his host near unto Poytyers. And shortly after that came the French King and lodged him in a place called in French Chamgny, near also unto Poytyers/ so that the fronts of both hosts lay within a quarter of a mile. Than the cardinal of Pernygourt sent from pope Innocent the vi. Road between the King and the Prince sundry times to have agreed some treaty and peace between them, if it might by his labour have been obtained. But when he saw his labour might not prevail/ he departed to Poitiers, and tarried there the end of the battle. The which was fought upon a monday the xix day of September, in the year of our Lord xiii C.lvi, and beginning of the vi year of the said King Iohnns reign, as after shallbe showed.  
THan as before is said, for so much as the foresaid cardinal might not purchase any treaty or mean of peace between these two princes/ provision was made upon both sides to try their matter by mortal battle/ so that about the hour of two at after noon of the foresaid mondayne, the duke of Athenes or Athens with such other nobles as were with him in the French Kings vaweward set upon the english host. 
The battle of Poitiers.  The which was mightily fenced with wood and trees, in such wise that the French spears might not win unto them. And therewith the shot of the englishmen was so fierce & sharp, that it turned over horse and man. And while the said duke of Athenes, with Sir Iohn de Cleremount than marshal of France with other, thus assailed the Prince & his people upon one part/ the duke of Normandye King Iohnns eldest son, & the duke of orleans the kings brother, assailed him upon another part. The which two dukes were leders of two strong hosts. But as saith the French chronicle, these three battles did little scathe unto the englishmen. But by reason of their shot they were so wounded and many slain, that the residue fled to the great dyscomfort of the French Kings people. Than King Iohn in all that he might comforted his people/ and with a fresh company set upon the Englyshmen, that all ways kept them hole together, and received the frenchmen upon their wepens points, with so great force that in the end the French men gave back, and were vaynquisshed by the help of god and saint George/ and slain as witnesseth the said French chronicle to the number of xvii hundredth men of arms, beside other mean soldiers. Among the which of noble men were slain, the duke of Burbone, the duke of Athenes, Sir Iohn de Cleremount marshal of France, Sir Reynold Camyan baneret, which that day bore the oryflambe, a special relic that the French Kings use to bear before them in all battles, and the bishop of Chalons, with divers other to the number of liiii bannerets, beside knights & other. And of prisoners taken at the battle, was Iohn King of France, Phylyp his four son, Sir Jaques de Bourbon Earl of Poytyau and brother unto the duke of Bourbon before slain, Sir Iohn of Artoys Earl of Ewe, Sir charles his brother Earl of Longevyle, Sir Guyffarde cousin german unto the French King, Sir Iohn de Meleoun Earl of Cancaruyle, Sir Iohn his son and heir, doctor wyllyam archbishop of Sens, Sir Simon Melon brother unto the Earl of Cancaruyle and Earl of Uandature, the Earls of Dampmartyne, of Uendosme, of Salysbruche, of Moyson, the marshal of Denehan, & many other, as banerettꝭ, knights, and men of name, to the number as saith the French chronicle of xvi hundredth & above. And from this battle escaped by flight, Charles eldest son of King Iohn and duke of normandy, the duke of orleans, & the duke of anjou, with few other of great fame/ the which yode straight unto Paris. where shortly after was called a great counsel, for matters which in the story of King johann shall after be showed.  
when the field was thus finished/ Prince Edward after dew thanks and lovynges given to god and saint George for this tryumphaunt victory/ he with his said prisoners sped him toward Bordeaux where the said King was kept till Easter after.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.lu  Anno dni. xiii. C.lvi  richard Notynghm.  Henry Pycharde.  Anno xxxi  Thomas Dosell.   
IN this xxxi year, that is to say the xvi day of the month of Apryll/ the noble Prince Edward than upon the age of xxviii years, took shiping with his prisoners at Bordeaux, and arrived in England shortly after. And the xxiiii day of may/ he was with great honour & gladness received of the citizens of London, and so conveyed unto the kings palace at westminster. Where the King sitting in his estate in westminster hall, received him with due honour/ and after conveyed to a lodging for him provided, where he lay a certain season. And after was the said French King had unto a place called Savoy/ which then was a pleasant palace & fair lodging, belonging that time unto the duke of Lancastre/ and after brent & destroyed by Jack straw and his fawtours, in the four year of Richard the second next King of England, as in the said year after shallbe showed In which place the said French King lay long after.  
And in the winter following were royal jousts holden in smithfield of London, 
justes held in smithfield.  and many goodly & knightly feats of arms done, to the great honour of the King & all his realm, and gladding of all beholdours. At the which disport was present/ the King of England, the French King, and the King of Scots/ with many noble astates of all the iii provinces or kingdoms/ whereof the more party of the strangers were than prisoners.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lvi.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lvii.  Stephyn Caundysshe.  Iohn Stody.  Anno xxxii.  Bartylmewe frosteling.   
IN this xxxii year/ pope Innocent the sixth of that name, sent into England two cardinals, to treat of a peace between the two kings The which two Cardinals tarried the more part of a year in London & other places of the land, to bring their purpose to some effect/ but they sped little of their cause.  
And in this year after most writers/ david le bruise King of Scots was delivered from the castle of Odyhm at his liberty, when he had put King Edward in a surety of an hundredth thousand marks for his ransom.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.lvii.  Anno dni. xiii. C.lviii.  Iohn Bernes.  Iohn Luffyn.  Anno xxxiii  Iohn Burys.   
IN this xxxiii year, as witnesseth the French chronicle/ Sir Robert Knollys, Sir James pipe, with other of their retinue, warred in britain. And as testifieth the French chronicle, in the month of March and x. day of the said month/ the said capitains with one which the French book nameth Thomlyn Fowke, came early in the morning unto a town that was near unto Incerre called Kegennes being in the rule of englishmen/ where the said capitains taking with them more strength, 
taking of Ancerre.  yode straight unto the foresaid town of Ancerre being within two english miles/ and scaled the walls with ladders, and quit them so manfully, that they had the rule of the town or the son rising. And in that castle was taken prisoner Sir Guyllyam de Chalon the son of the Earl of Ancerre, his wife, and many other.  
In taking of which town and castle few folks were slain/ how be it there were of armed men above two thousand, as soldiers to defend the town. Then the Englyshmen searched so near, that as the common fame went, they fande jewels as they had been privy to the hiding of them, and that of great value. Among the which as saith the said chronicle, they fande certain skins, the which were valued at .v. thousand motons of gold. ye shall understand that a mutton is a coin used in France and britain, 
El mutton of gold.  and is of value after the rate of sterling money upon .v. s. or there about.  
when the englishmen had pilled and spoiled the town by the space of viii days, and ransomed such as were of any substance/ then they showed unto the rulers of the town, that they would set it upon a fire, except that they would give unto them a certain sum of money. For the which after long treaty of this matter/ the rulers of the town to have possession thereof, and to have it preserved from fire/ agreed to give unto the english capitains xl thousand motons, and lx. perlys valued at ten thousand motons/ which l thousand motons should amount after the rate of sterling money to xii thousand and .v. hundredth pound or near about. So that what they fande within the town of any value, they bore it with them/ except the jewels and ornaments of the church of saint German/ the which goods and jewels they took for pledge of such money as was unpaid of the foresaid xl M. motons of gold, for the ransom of the town. For the which goods/ the town of Ancerre was bound unto the hedes of the church to pay for, or to redeem the said goods by the feasts of midsummer next following/ or else to pay yearly inperpetuyte to the said church in manner of quite rend iii M. motons/ whereof the value is showed in the first chapter of Phylyp the four And over all this the dwellers of the town agreed, that the Englishmen should burn the gates of the town/ and in divers parties of the town, throw the wallys to the ground.  
Upon four days following the end of the said agreement/ the foresaid Sir James pipe, and Sir Othan of Holande, & other to the number of xvi. or xviii englishmen, intending to have won some enterprise, were laid for by the soldiers of a place called the great Semyre/ and by them taken & holden as prisoners.  
And in the month of Apryll next ensuing, a town called in French Dabygny sur le Metre, was by the englishmen gotten in like manner & form as was the foresaid town of Ancerre. And the ii day of may was won by Sir Robert Knolles & his company, a town called Chasteleyn fitz Lounayn/ and pilled it as they did the other. And after with their pillage and prisoners, among the which were many women and children of four & of five years of age/ the said englishmen yode to the new castle upon Loire. And ye shall understand, that the party of the englishmen was greatly strengthened by the help of the King of navarre, and of sir Phylyppe his brother and other/ as more plainly shallbe showed in the French chronicle, or story of King Johan following.  
And thus the said Sir Roberte Knolles, with aid of the kings men of navarre, daily wan many towns and strong holds in britain.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lviii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lix.  Symonde wymondham.  Symonde Doffelde.  Anno xxxiiii  Iohn chichester.   
IN this xxxiiii year, or more verily in the month of Novembre, & end of the xxxiii year of King Edward's reign/ he with Prince Edward and the duke of Lancastre, with a puissant army landed at Caleys/ and from thence passed by land unto Artoys, & by Uermendoys to the city of reins, and laid his siege about that city/ and beclipped it in such wise, that no man might enter or go out of the city without licence of the englishmen.  
when King Edward had lain xl. Days at the siege of reins, without great dear or hurt unto it doing/ he removed his siege & passed by the country of champagne, till he came to a town called Guyllone/ where the King rested him a season. In which time came unto him certain men of the duchy of Burgoyne, as Lords of divers holds and towns within that duchery/ & gave unto him, to the intent he should nat molest or hurt the country, two. C.M. floryns of gold/ which is to the value of sterling money of xxxv M. li. And over that the said burgonions covenanted with him, that they would minister to him and his host, all such victuals as was in the country plenteously for his money. And that done he departed from thence, & yode unto Nevers/ and passed there the river of Dyon or Jon, and yode to Colanges upon Jon. And from thence in the month of March and beginning of his xxxiiii year of his reign, he yode by the country of Gastenoys toward the city of Paris. And Prince Edward with his company passed by Moret, till he came to an hold which Englysshmen than kept called Tournelles or Cournelles/ before the which town or hold lay at that season certain Frenchmen in a strong bastille, & assailed the Englyshmen daily/ and removed nat thence, all be it they were monished of the Princes coming. They trusted so moche in the strength of their bastille, which then deceived/ for within .v. days of the Princess' coming, their bastille was gotten, and many of them slain, and to the number of xlvii persons of the company taken prisoners. Among the which were four men of name/ the is to say, the Lord of Bovyle or Bonile, the Lord of Daygrevyle or of Aygrevyle, Sir Iohn de bars, and Sir wyllyam de Plassyes.  
Thus King Edward with his people speeding his journey toward Paris/ upon the tuesday being the last day of March in the week before Easter, came unto a place called the hostel of Chastelon, between mountlehery and Chastes/ & lodged him with a certain of his people there. And the prince with other Lords of his host were lodged in the towns thereabout, from thence unto the town of Corueyll, & an other town called long Jumell.  
then Charles eldest son of King Iohn, and that day regent of France/ made means of treaty. Which was laboured by a freer called Symonde de Langres, provyncial of the freers Jacobynes, & legate of the pope. By whose means a day of treaty was appointed to be held upon good Friday, in the maledery of le long Jumel. where at the same day and place, appeared for King Edward's party, the duke of Lancastre, the Earls of warwyke & of Northampton, with Sir Johan de Chande, sir waltyer de Manuy, and Sir wyllyam Cheyny knights. And for the regent appeared there, the Lord of few then constable of France, the Lord Bocyquant then marshal of France, the lord of Sarancyers, the lord of Uyg nay of the country of Uyenne, Sir Symond Bucy, & Sir Guychard of Auglye knights/ which treaty came to none effect.  
wherefore King Edward upon the tuesday following Easter day removed from the said hostel, and lodged him near unto Paris at a place named Chastellone near unto Mountrouge. And the residue of his host was lodged at Uawys, at Uaugerart, at Gentylly, and other towns there about. Than upon friday following, being the ten day of Apryl/ by means of the abbot of Clugny, which newly was sent from the pope Innocent the vi, the foresaid Lords & knights again assembled at a place called the banlyen, to treat of an accord between the King & the regent. But their labour was spent in vain, as it before had been.  
Upon the sunday next following, a part of the Kings host came before the town of Paris, and enbataylled them in a field fast by saint Marcelles/ and tarried there from the morning till three of the clock at after noon, to abide battle of the frenchmen. The which made none issue out of city/ notwithstanding that as testifieth the French book, within Paris at that day were great plenty of soldiers, over and beside the great foison of the enhabytauntes of the same.  
when the englishmen perceived that they should have no battle of the Parysyens/ they about three at after noon departed the field, and took their way toward Chartres and so unto Bonnevale near unto Chaceadon. Than King Edward was lodged at a place call Dones. To the which place came unto him out of Paris the bishop of beawayes than chancellor of normandy with other/ and so behaved them unto the King, that a new day of treaty was appointed to be holden at Bretynguy, within a mile or little more of Chartres fore said, upon the first day of May next ensuing.  
AT which day of apoyntement/ the foresaid duke of Lancaster, with the said Earls of warwyke and Northampton, and other/ at the said place appeared for King Edward. And for the regent appeared there the forenamed Bishop, with many other Lords and knights and spiritual men, to the number of xxii persons, whose names I over pass for lengthing of tyme. The which so diligently behaved him, that in the space of viii days they agreed upon an unity & peace, the which was comprised in xli articles, as at length is rehearsed in the French chronicle, whereof the effect is this.  

‡ The form of peace between England and France.  first the King of England and his heirs Kings, with all the lands as he than had in Gascoigne & Guyan/ should have to him and his heirs for ever/ the city and castle of Poytyers with all the appurtenances to that lordship belonging. Also the city of Lymoges, with all the lands of Lymosyne and all other their appurtenances. The city and castle of Perygorte, with all the lands and revenues to that lordship belonging. The earldom of Bygorre, with all things to that lordship belonging. The earldom of Poytyau, with all the appertenaunces. The sygnorye of Belevyle. The lordship of Exanctys, Exaucdoure, and Exancon. The city of again, the city of Agenoys, the city of Caours, and lordship of Caoursyn. The city of Tarbe, the city and country of Gaure, Angoulesme, of Rhodes, and of rovern. The lordship of Mostruell, with all revenues thereunto belonging. The sygnorye of Caleys, of Marquell, of Sandgate, and colyngn. The lordship of Hammys, of wales, and of Ouye. And the earldom of Guynes, with all profits thereunto belonging. All which lordships, honours, castles, towers, cities, and towns/ the King of Englange than Edward the third and his heirs Kings of England, should have & hold for evermore, in as royal wise and like manner as done the Kings of France, without doing for them any homage, feawty, or other duty.  
And King Edward after that day for him and his heirs Kings of England, should clearly renounce and give over, all his title, right, and interest, that he had unto the crown of France, and specially the name of King of France.  
Also all his right and title that he had unto the duchy of Normandye, of Thorayne, of anjou, of britain, and of the sovereignty of the earldom of Flaunders/ and of all other lordships, cities, castles, honours, towns, towers, and manors, that any King of England before that day had any right unto within the realm of France/ and to hold him content with the above named lordships, without any further claim.  
furthermore it was agreed, that the French King should pay for his ransom three millions of scutes of gold/ whereof ii should always make a noble English. ye shall understand the a million of scutes is ten C. thousand of scutes/ which extend after the value of sterling money, unto the sum of ii C.l. M. mark. And so three millions amount unto vii hundredth & l M. mark/ which maketh just .v. hundredth thousand pound of sterling money. Of the which iii millions of scutes, x. C.M. to be paid at Caleys by the first day of Juny next following the said treaty/ & an other ten C. thousand or million to be paid at the said town of Caleys, within viii months after the French King was common unto Caleys/ & the third million to be paid at London in two years and an half. That is to say at michaelmas xii months after the agreement made four C. thousand scutes, & at Mighelmas next after ensuing four C.M. scutes/ and at Easter than next following two. C. thousand scutes, in full payment of the three millions or xxx C. thousand scutes.  
And further it was agreed, that after the French King was comen unto Caleys/ he should rest him there iiii. Months. Whereof the first month should be at the charge of King Edward/ & the other iii months to be at the cost and charge of the said French King/ & to pay for everich of the said three months, if he so long tarried there for the performance of the said accord ten thousand royals of France/ which at that time were in value after the rate of sterling money, every royal xxi d. or xiiii sous Paris/ & so he should pay for a months charge eight hundredth lxxv. Pound.  
And over that it was accorded, the the French King Iohn for the time being, nor no King of France after him, should aid or assist the Scots again King Edward, nor again his heirs Kings of England. Nor King Edward nor his heirs Kings, shall ally them with the flemings, nor aid nor assist them again the said King Johan, nor his heirs Kings of France.  
And for the title or right of the duchy of britain, which was in question between the Earls of Bloys and of Mountford/ it was accorded that both Kings being at Caleys, the said parties should be called before them. And if a peace between them by the two Kings might nat be set/ than the said Kings to assign certain indifferent persons to agree the said Earls/ and they to have half a year of respite for to quiet the matter. And if the said persons so by the Kings assigned, might nat agree the said Earls by that term/ the than either of the said Earls to make the best purveyance for himself that either of them could make, with the help of his friends or otherwise, whereby they might attain to their right & claim of the said duchy. provided alway that neither of the said Kings nor any of their sons, should aid or assist any of the said Earls/ by reason whereof the peace between them accorded, might be loosed or broken. Also provided, the to whether of the said two Earls the said duchy should fall by sentence of man or otherwise/ that the homage for it shall alway be done to the King of France.  
All which ordinances & agreements, with many more, that would ask long leisure to write, were ratified and confirmed by the instruments & seals of the Prince of wales upon the party of King Edward for England's party; & by Charles regent of France for that party/ as by their letters patents than sealed appeared, bearing date that one at lours in Normandye the xvi day of May in the year of grace xiii C. & lx, & that other at Paris the ten day of the said month and year.  
And over that either of the said two. Princes, that is to say Edward Prince of wales was sworn in presence of vi French knights, upon the sacrament of the altar after the third Agnus was said in time of a low mass, at the foresaid lours' song or said, that he to the uttermost of his power, should uphold and keep the foresaid peace in every point, as far as in him was. And in like manner was Charles than regent of France sworn, in presence of sire english knights to perform the same.  
After which treaty thus finished & ended/ King Edward with his sons & nobles of England, took shipping at Hunflete in Normandy upon the xx. day of May, & sailed into England leaving behind him the Earl of warwyke for to guide the englishmen that remained in Guyan & other places, & to see that the peace which than was proclaimed through France were kept & nat broken by them/ which endured nat long without violation as saith the French book.  
HEre I leave a part the great rejoicing and honourable receiving of the King by the citizens of London, & other ceromonyes/ which at this season I spare, to th'intent I may the more substantially show unto you the final end of this accord. Than troth it is that in this season of the Kings being in France/ King Iohn for his more consolation was removed from Savoy unto the tower of London/ where after the Kings return, he fested the King & his Lords upon the xiiii day of the month of junii. And the viii day of the month of Jule next ensuing/ the French King in the morning landed at Caleys, and was lodged in the castle, and there abode the coming of King Edward.  
Upon the ix day of Octobre/ King Edward arrived at Caleys, & went straight unto the castle for to visit King Iohn/ the which welcomed him in a loving and friendly coutenaunce. And when the King should departed to his lodging into the town/ the French King required him, that he with his sons should dine with him upon the morrow following/ which of the King was granted to be upon the monday following, the xii. Day of the month. At which day King Edward was first set & kept the estate, & than secundaryly the french King. thirdly the Prince of wales, and four the duke of Lancastre, without more at the table. In the time of which dinner came to the castle the Earl of Flaunders/ whom the French King welcomed in most loving manner. And when the said dinner with all honour was ended ii of the Kings sons of England, & two of the Frech Kings, took leave of their fathers & road toward Boleyn, where at that time the regent of France was. The which met them in the mid way between Caleys and Boleyn, & so conveyed: them unto Boleyn, and rested there with them that night/ & upon the morrow lafte them there and himself came unto Caleys, first to his father/ and after his father and he came both to the kings palace to dinner. Which King Edward recevyed with moche joy & honour, and made unto them a sumptuous feast. Upon the fourthtene day of Octobre the said regent departed from Caleys, and returned unto Boleyn/ and the two sons of King Edward returned from Boleyne to Caleys.  
And upon a saturday the xxiiii day of the month of Octobre, both kings being in ii traversies & in one chapel at Caleys, a mass was said before them/ to the offering of which mass neither of them came. But when the pax was borne first to the French King, and eft to King Edward, & either refused to kiss it first/ the French King rose up & came toward King Edward. 
A peaceable kiss.  whereof he being ware rose up and met with him, & refused the pax and kissed either other. At the which mass either of them was solemnly sworn to maintain the articles of the said peace. And for more assurance of the same/ many Lords upon both parties were also sworn, to maintain the same to their powers. ye shall also understand that in this season that the French King sojourned thus at Caleys, both for the payment of his ransom & also for the delivery of certain holds and towns which as yet were nat delivered/ he put in such sureties as followeth. The duke of orleans, the duke of Burgoyn, the duke of Burbone, the Earls of Angeou, of Poyteau, of Bloys, of Alenson, of saint Poule, of Escamps, of Ualentynoys, of Brame, of ewe, of Longevyle, of Cancaruyle, of Ancerre of Dampmartyne, of Uendature, of Salysbruge, and of Uendosme/ the viscounts of Baudemount, of Beawmount, & of Ancuerre/ the Lords of Craon of Deruall, of Dabyguy, of Cousy, of fierce, of Preaux, of saint Uenant, of Garancyers, of Aluerne, of Mountmorency, and of Angest, & also the lord or warden of the forestes/ and kynghtes, Sir wyllyam de Craon, sir Louis de Harcourt, Sir Iohn de Laguy, and sir Galtyerde Donehame. Of the which xxxviii persons, divers of them as before is touched were taken prisoners at the battle of Poytyers. For the which it was agreed, that as many as had nat paid their finance before the third day of may last passed, should be acquitted by the kings finance, with divers other conditions which I pass over.  
Than upon the morrow following of the taking of the foresaid oath by the two Kings, that is to say son day the xxv. Day of Octobre/ the French King was freely delivered, the which the said day before noon, departed from Caleys and road toward Boleyn. Whom King Edward conveyed a mile upon his way. At which miles end they departed with kissing and other loving manner/ and Prince Edward kept on his way with King Iohn, & so conveyed him to Boloyn/ where he tarried that night. And upon the morrow the said Prince Edward, & Charles duke of Normandy, with the Earl of Escamps and other noble men there than being present, were again sworn to maintain and hold the said peace, without fraud, colour, or deceit. And that done the said Prince taking his leave returned that night unto Caleys. And so it now appeareth unto you, that King Iohn stood as prisoner by the space of iii years, and asmuch as from the xix day of Septembre unto xxv day of Octobre.  
And when King Edward had sped his needs at Caleys/ he after as shallbe showed in the year following sailed into England.  
It is also to be noted, that this year while the King was occupied in his wars in France as before is touched, the Earl of Seynpoule with an army of frenchmen sailed about the borders of Kent and Sussex and landed in sundry places/ as Rye, wynchelsee, and Hastynges, and spoiled the towns and slew many of the men, and did much harm to the poor fishers.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lix.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lx.  Iohn Denys.  Iohn wroth.  Anno xxxv  walter Borney.   
UPon the even of saint Quyn tyne, or the xxx day of Novembre, in the end of the xxxiiii year of King Edward and beginning of this mayor's year/ the King took shiping at Caleys, and sailed toward England/ bringing with him certain of his hostages. That is to say Louis the second son of King Johan newly made duke of Anjou & of main, which before was Earl of Angeou/ & Iohn his brother newly made duke of Aluerne and of Berry, which before was Earl of Poytyers/ which earldom now belonged to King Edward by reason of the foresaid treaty. He also had with him sir Louis duke of Brabant, and the Earls of Alenson and of Escampes, which were near of the French kings blood/ with eight other Earls and Lords named in the French chronicle. with the which the King landed at Dover shortly after, and so came to London the ix day of Novembre.  
And in this xxxv year, men and beasts were perished in England in divers places with thunder & lightning/ and the fiend was seen in man's likeness, & spoke unto men as they travailed by the way.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lx.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lx.  wyllyam Holbech.  Iohn Pecche.  Anno xxxvi  james Tame.   
IN this xxxvi year/ Prince Edward wedded the Countess of Kent, which before was wife unto Sir Thomas Holande/ & before that, wife unto the Earl of Salesbury and divorced from him and married unto the said Sir Thomas.  

‡ The second mortality.  In this year also was great mortality of men in England/ during the which the noble duke Henry of Lancastre died. This of writers is named the second mortality. For it was the second that fill in this kings days.  
when duke Henry was deed/ Sir Johan of Gaunt the kings third son, which had married the said dukes daughter, was made duke of that duchy.  
In this year also were seen two castles in the air. whereof that one appeared in the south east, and that other in the south west/ out of the which at sundry times as it were about the noon tide, issued of either of them an host of armed men to man's sight. And that host which issued out of the castle of the south East appeared white, and that other appeared black. These two hosts appeared as though they fought each of them with other, and showed as the white was first victorious, and lastly overcomen, & so dysapered.  
In this year also a great company of divers nations assembled them in Brye and champagne, whereof the ledders or capitains were Englishmen/ the which did much harm in France.  
But after the affirmance of the Frenchen chronicle/ this company which there is called the new company, began their assembles in the forenamed country of Brye, or King Iohn were delivered from Caleys. And when they were ware of his deliverance/ they departed out of Brye and yode into champagne, and took there divers holds, and spoiled and rob divers small towns, & ransomed many men. And in this year as saith the French book, they took the bridge and town of saint spirits upon the day of the Innocentes or the xxviii day of Decembre. And as affirmeth Policronycon, about the same time another company in likewise assembled than in italy, which was called the white company/ and molested that country in like manner. And in the month of Apryll following/ King Iohn sent the Earl of Cancaruyle, the Earls of Salesbrugh, of the Marchez, of Forezstes & of join guy/ the which Earls with their retinue met with the said company at a place than named Bruke, near unto lion sur Rosne. At which place was fought a cruel fight. But in the end the French men were overset & discomfited/ so that the said Earl of Cancaruyle was taken prisoner, and the two Earls of Marchez and Forestes slain, with moche of the common people.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxi.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lxii.  Iohn of saint Alban's.  Stephen Caundissh.  Anno xxxvii  james Andrew.   
IN this xxxvii year, upon the day of saint maurice, or the xv. Day of January/ blewe so exceeding a wind that the like thereof was nat seen many years passed. This began about evensongtyme in the south/ & continued with such sternes that it blew down strong & mighty buyldyngꝭ, as to wres, steeples, houses, and chimneys/ & continued for the more party in such sternness by the space of five days after. And in this year & xxiiii day of the said month of January came Iohn King of France unto Eltham beside Grenewych/ and dined there that day with the King. And upon that after noon, he was honourably conveyed through the city of London unto Sanoye, as well by the citizens as other, the which met with him upon blacketh well horsed in a livery of one colour. And while the said King Iohn lay at the said place of Savoy about the beginning of March following, a grievous sickness took him/ of the which he died the viii day of Apryl following, in the beginning of the year of grace xiii. C.lxiiii/ & after was carried into France and buried at saint Denys, the vii day of May following.  
And in this year King Edward created Sir Leonel his son duke of Clarence, & sir Edmund his other son Earl of cambridge. And in the end of this year & xvii day of Septembre, began a great frost/ the which endured to the beginning of the month of Apryl. By reason whereof much harm grew & ensued of the same.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lxiii.  richard Croyden.  Iohn Notte.  Anno xxxviii  Iohn Hyltoste.   
ANd that year came iii Kings into England for to speak with King Edward. first the King of France, the King of Sypres, & the King of Scots.  
IN this xxxviii year, Prince Edward sailed to Bordeaux and received the possession of Guyan, the King Edward had newly given unto him. For the which he after did his homage to his father, in likewise and manner as his father & other Kings of England were wont to do for the said duchy unto the Kings of France.  

‡ The battle of Danhey.  And upon michaelmas day being than upon a Sunday, before the castle of Danhoy fast by the city of Uaunes in britain, met the hosts of Sir Charles de Bloys and of Sir Iohn de Mountfort/ which long before had striven as before is showed for the said duchy of britain/ and there fought a cruel battle. But by the help of god & of the English archers, the victory fill to Sir Iohn Mountfort. And in that fight Sir Charles de Bloys was slain, and many frenchmen & Brytons that took his party. After which victory, natwythstanding that the wife of the said Sir Charles lay within that country/ there was again the said Sir Iohn made no resistance, but that he enjoyed that country in peaceable wise.  
Than Charles the vi of that name newly crowned King of France, in the right of the woman sent the arch bishop of reins & the Marshal of France into Brytaygne, for to set an unity and restful peace between the said Sir Iohn, & the last wife of Sir Charles. The which endeavoured them so well, that in the month of Apryll following the said battle, they agreed them/ so that the inheritance of that duchy should remain to the said Sir Iohn & his heirs for evermore/ & the wife of Sir Charles should hold her contented with the earldom of Penyture & the vycountye of Lymoges/ the which of old time belonged to her ancetours.  
And about this time was an ordinance and statute made, that sergeants & prentices of the law, should plead their pleas in their mother tongue. But that stood but a short while.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxiii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lxiiii.  Symonde Mordon.  Adam of Bury.  Anno xxxix  Iohn of Metforde.   
IN this xxxix year after some writers/ King Edward upon saint stephan's day fynisshed his wars. Wherefore in the worship of god and saint Stephan, he this year after the opinions of the said auctors, 
foundation of saint stephan's chapel at Westmynster.  began the foundation of saint stephan's chapel at westminster. The which was finished by richard the ii and son of Prince Edward next King of England, after this third Edward.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxiiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxv.  Iohn Brykylsworth.  Iohn Luskyn.  Anno xl  Iohn Drelande.   
IN this xl year/ and month of February, was borne the first son of Prince Edward, and was named Edward/ the which died when he was about the age of vii years. And in this year one named Barthran de Claycon a Norman, with an army of Frenchemen entered the land of Castyle, & warred upon Peter than King of that land/ & so behaved him, that in less than four months space, he chased the said Peter out of his own land, & crowned his brother named Henry King of Castyle, at a town called Burges upon Easter day. wherefore the said Peter constrained of necessity, was compelled to come to the city of Bordeaux, for to have & ask aid of Prince Edward. This Peter was rightful heir unto the crown of of Castyle, and Henry his brother after most writers was bastard. But this Peter was so vile of conditions, that his subjects had to him but little favour. And so the war continued a season between his brother and him, as after shall appear/ in the which Prince Edward with his archers took party with this Peter, and the French King with his spears took party with Henry.  
And in this year at the kings commandment, Adam Bury than mayre of London was discharged the xxviii. Day of January/ and for him elect and chosen mayre Iohn love kin grocer. And as witnesseth Polycronicon & other/ 
‡  this year was commanded by the King, that Peter pens should no more be gathered in England, nor paid unto Rome, as they of long time had been used and granted, in the time of Iuo or Jew sometime King of west Saxons, as before in his story is showed.  
But how so at that days it was than by the King foreboden/ yet nevertheless at this present time and season, they be gathered in sundry shires of England.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxv.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxvi.  Iohn ward.  Iohn Lovekyn.  Anno xli  wyllyam Dykman.   
IN this xli year, was borne the second son of Prince Edward at Bordeaux named Richard, 
Birth of 〈◊〉 the second.  in the month of Apryll and the third day of the said month. The said Prince Edward with the King of navarre and the foresaid Peter King of Castyle, met with Henry bastard & usurper of the said kingdom, near unto a town called doming/ where between them was a cruel and long fight. How be it in the end the victory fill unto the englishmen, & Henry and his men were chased.  
In this battle was taken Sir Barthram de Glaycon, & Sir Arnold Dodenhamme than marshal of France, with other aswell French as britains/ and slain upon five thousand men upon the party of the said Henry, and upon xvi hundreth upon Prince Edward's party.  
After which victory/ the Prince with the said Peter sped them unto the city of Burgys, which was yoleden to them shortly after their coming/ and after holp the said Peter to win other cities and holds, so that he tarried there till the month of August following. At which season as saith the chronicle of France, he returned unto Bordeaux without payment of wages for his soldiers, that before was to him by the said Peter promised.  
In this season that Prince Edward was thus in Spain/ Henry bastard fled with his wife into France, & abode in a place or country called Carcasson. But so soon as he was warned that Prince Edward was returned unto Bordeaux/ he gathered to him a new company, & passed by the mountains of the forestes/ & so entered the said land of Castille, the xxvii day of the month of Septembre following/ & had the city called Calahore yolded unto him. Whereunto him drew moche people of the country/ so that his strength increased hougely. Than from thence he yode unto the city of Burgys, where he was joyously received/ & behaved him in such wise, that in short while after he had the hole rule of the land of Castyle/ & his brother was fain to avoid the land, and to seche aid of the saracens as affirmeth the foresaid chronicle.  
And in this year about the month of juny/ the company before minded in the xxxvi year of this King, entered the duchy of Guyan/ and there held them in doing much harm to that country, like as they before had done in divers places of France by all that season of iiii. Years passed. And in the month of Decembre they departed from thence and yode into the countries of Avernus and Berry. And in the month of February, they passed the river of Loire, and took the way toward Marcyll/ and after entered the country of Burgoyne. And ever as they passed the countries, they ransomed men, and spoiled many towns as they went.  
And all be it that the French King appointed divers of his Lords and knights to go again them/ yet at such seasons as they drew near unto them, they would suffer them to depart without battle. For they were so many that they were numbered at lx. M. But of their capitains is none named. How be it there were Englishmen, Gascoynes, Pycardes frenchmen, men of navarre, and of many other nations, which the chronicle rehearseth nat/ & continued in their force and strength long after, to the great damage of the countries which they passed through/ as Normandy, Gascoigne, Guyan, Burgoyne, and all the chief countries of France/ and lived by raven and pillage, to the great enpoveryssing of the said countries and towns, which they passed by or lodged in.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.lxvi.  Anno dni. xiii. C.lxvii.  Iohn Torgolde.  james Andrew.  Anno xlii  wyllyam Dykman.   
IN this xlii year/ and month of March, appeared Stella cometa, that is a blazing star.  
And in the month of Apryll next ensuing, that is to say the sixth day of the said month/ leonel the son of this King Edward entered the city of Paris, where he was of the dukes of Berry and Burgoyne honourably received/ and so by them conveyed unto their brother the King of France unto Louvre, where he at that season was lodged. Of whom he was also joyously received & logged within the kings palace, & dined & souped with the King at his own table. And upon the morrow following he dined with the Queen at a place of the Kings near to saint Poule, where the Queen than was lodged. 
 And when after diver he had a while danced and passed the time with other disports/ he than with the said ii dukes was again conveyed unto the King, & souped with him again that night. And upon the morning being tuesday, the said dukes feasted the said Sir leonel at a place of theirs in Paris named Artoys.  
And upon the wednesdaye he dined & souped again with the Queen. And upon the thursday & morrow following, the said Sir leonel took his leave of the King & Queen/ the which gave unto him gifts, & to such as were in his company, to the value of twenty M. floryns & above/ & was conveyed with noble men, as the Earl of Cancaruyle & other, till he was comen to Sens/ & with knights till he came to the borders of France/ where he gave unto them rich gifts with great thanks.  
And after he continued his journey till he came unto the city of milan/ where shortly after he married the daughter of Galyace duke of the said city and country, & had by her great possessions, by reason that her said father died shortly after.  
And in the end of this year, the Earls of Armenak, of Bret, and of Perygort, with divers other nobles of the duchy of Guyan, appealed the Prince of wales in the French kings court, that he had broken the peace, and wronged them contrary the peace stablished between England & France/ & required the French King that the said appeal might have due process again the said Prince. The which as saith the French chronicle King, Charles deferred, for certain causes there touched, which were to long to rehearse.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.lxvii.  Anno dni. xiii. C.lxviii.  Adam wymbynghm.  Simon Mordon.  Anno xlii  Robert Gyrdeler.   
IN this xliii year, or more certainly in the end of the preceding year/ one walter Bernes mercer, was upon the day of the translation of saint Edward King and confessor or the xiii day of Octobre, chosen by the mayre & aldermen mayre of the city of London. But how it was for lack of substance, or by other impediment, which is nat noted, the said walter upon the day of Symonde & Jude following, when he should have taken his oath at guild hall appeared not. Wherefore in his room by election of the foresaid mayre and aldermen, was admitted for that year following Symonde Mordon fysshmonger mayre of that city.  
And in this year and month of March/ Peter King of Castyle, which by the aid of the saracens dwelling in the borders of spain, had won and recovered some part of the land of Castyle/ encountrede with his bastard brother Henry beforesaid, and gave unto him battle near to a town called Sybylle. where after long fight, the said Peter was discomfited and moche of his people slain, and him driven unto a castle/ out of the which he was shortly after by treason gotten, & presented unto his brother forenamed/ by whose sentence he was immediately beheaded. After whose death the said Henry enjoyed the hole land of Castyle. Which infortunytie & mischance fill to this Peter after divers writers, for so moche as he cruelly slew his own wife the daughter of the duke of Bourbon.  
And in this year and month of may/ the King of France in his high court of parliament held at Paris, proceeded in judgement upon the appellations before made by the Earl of Armenak, the Lord of Bret, and Earl of Perogort, again Prince Edward, as before is touched in the preceding year. Whereupon discord and variance began to take place between the ii kings/ in so moche that by mean of the said iii Lords, notwithstanding that they were before sworn to be to the King of England true lyege men/ divers towns of the country of Poyteaw yielded them to the French King, as albevyle, Rue, & the more party of the said towns of the said country. Whereupon ambassades were sent upon both parties/ & divers means of treaty were commoned, which containeth a long work, with reasoning made upon the same. But in conclusion all came to none effect. So that breach of the peace which before, between the two. Kings was so substantially concluded was broken/ & either King for his party made provision for the war. In so much the King Charles sped him to Rouen in Normandy/ & there in the month of July rigged his navy to set them forward for to war upon England.  
In which time & season the King Charles was thus occupied in Normandy/ the duke of Lancastre landed at Caleys with a strong company of archers & other warryours/ & from thence passed to Thorovenne, & so to air, in wasting the country with irne & fire as he went. wherefore the French King in defence of those parties, sent the duke of Burgoyne with a puissant army to withstand the said duke of Lancastre. The which duke of Burgoyne sped him in such wise, that about the xxiiii day of August he lodged his host upon the mountain of Turnehan near unto Arde. And the English host was lodged between Gygowne & Arde/ so that the frountes of both hosts were within a mile. Between whom were daily skirmishes and small bykerynges without any notary battle. And when the said duke of Burgoyn had thus kept the said mount, from the xxiiii day of August unto the xii day of September/ he removed his host & yode unto Hesden. For the which deed he was after blamed of King Charles his brother. After which departure of the Frenchemen/ the duke of Lancastre with his host took the way toward Caus or Caux, & passed the river of sum/ & so road toward Harflew, intending as saith the French book to have fired the French kings navy. But at their coming thither the town was so strongly manned, that they did there little scathe. Wherefore the said duke departed shortly thence, and sped him into the country of Poyteau, and so came unto the town of Albevyle. where without the frenchmen encountered him, and gave unto him battle. In the which was taken Sir Hugh Chastelon knight with other knights, esquyres, & burgesses of the town/ and upon xvi score Frenchmen slain. Which said prisoners to the number of five & forty were sent unto Caleys/ & the duke with his company yode unto Bordeaux, in spoiling of the Frenchmen as he went.   

Anno dni. xiii. C.xlviii.  Anno dni. xiii. C.lix.  Iohn Pyell.  Iohn chichester.  Anno xliiii  Hugh Holdyche.   
IN this xliiii year and month of January, died the Earl of warwyke at Caleys, after he was returned from the duke of Lancastre/ which was a man of great fame.  
And in the month of August, died that noble woman Queen Phylype & wife unto Edward the third. 
death of 〈◊〉 Phylyppe.  The which was a great benefactoure unto the canons of saint stephan's chapel at westminster.  
And soon after died dame Blanch sometime the wife of Henry duke of Lancastre/ & was buried at Paul's upon the northside of the high altar by her husband. where she ordained for him and her four chauntres for ever, & an anniversary yearly to be kept. At the which, over great things be set unto the dean & canons of the church/ she ordained that the mayre being present at the mass, should offer i d. and take up twenty s/ the sheriffs either of them a penny, and to receive either of them a mark/ the chamberlayn of the city ten s, the sword bearer vi s. viii d, and every officer of the mayors there present xxii d, and to every office to the number of viii either of them viii d. admitted for the sheriffs. The which obyte at this day is holden. But by reason that the land is decayed, these forenamed sums been greatly mynysshed/ so that the mayre at this day hath but vi s. viii.d, both the sheriffs six. s. eight. d, and other after that rate.  
In this year also the King held his parliament at westminster. In the which was granted unto him three fifteens to be paid in iii years following. And by a convocation of the clergy was also grauted unto him iii dimes, to be paid in like manner.  
And in this year was the iii mortality, whereof died moche people. And such a murrain fill also among beasts, that the like thereof was nat seen many years before. And upon that ensued such excessives of rain, that corn was therewith drowned in the earth/ and so bukked with water, that the year ensuing wheat was at xl.d. a bushel.  
And in the end of the month of July/ Sir Robert Knollys accompanied with divers noble men & soldiers, entered saint Omers. And when they had executed their pleasures there & in the country enuyron/ they than road unto Arras, in wasting & spoiling the country as they went. And when they had brent the bulwarks of the said town of Arras/ they passed by Noyn & Uermendoys/ & brent the houses of all such as would nat to them give due ransom. And thus holding their way/ they passed the rivers of Oyse & of sire/ & so came unto the city of Raynes, & passed there the river/ and road toward Troy's, & passed the rivers of Aube & of Sayne/ & so held their way to saint Floryntyne, and there passed the river of Jon/ in holding their course toward Joyngny & so to Corbueyll & Esson or essoin. And upon a monday being the xxii. day of Septembre/ the said englishmen lodged them upon the mount of saint Albone, and in the country there about. And upon wednesday following, they enbataylled them in a field between the towns of junye and Paris.  
In all which season they passed without battle through those foresaid countries, in spoiling them and ransoming the inhabitants thereof without resistance or impediment. And all be it that in the city of Paris at that day were xii C. men of arms waged by the French King, beside the soldiers and strength of the citizens of that city/ yet the said host of englishmen lay as before is said enbataylled, till it was passed noon of the foresaid day. At which time for so moche as they were credibly informed that they should there have no battle, they broke their field and sped them to a place or town called Antoygny, & there lodged the night and upon the morrow took their journey to ward Normandy.  
But after four days labour, they turned their way toward Estampys or Escamps, by because in Gastenoys, in pilling and domaging the countries as they before had done/ continuing their journey till they came into the earldom of Angeau/ where they wan by strength the townis of Uaas & Ruylly, with other strong holds thereabout.  
But than as the devil would, which is rote of all envy and discord/ the Lord Fytzwater and the lord Grauntson, fill at variance with Sir Robert Knolles and his company/ which grew to so great hatred and displeasure, that sir Roberte Knolles with the flower of the archers and soldiers, departed from the said two Lords, leaving them in the foresaid towns of Uaas & Ruylly/ & he than yode into britain.  
whereof when certainty was brought unto the French King/ anon he commanded Sir Berthram de Glaycon newly made marshal of France, with a strong army to enter the said county of Angeou, and to make sharp war upon the said Englyshmen. The which upon the twelve day of Octobre following, laid siege unto the said town of Uaas/ whereof issued out the said Lords of Fytzwater and Grauntson, and gave unto the marshal battle. But in the end the discomfiture fell unto the englishmen/ so that of them was slain vi hundredth, and the rest put unto the flight.  
In the which was taken the said Lord Grauntson with other. And that done the said Sir Barthran yode unto the town of Uaas, and got it by assault. where also were slain upon three hundredth of Englyshemen, and the other put to flight, & many taken prisoners. And after this the said Barthram pursued the English men that were fled, unto a town called Uersure. where in assawting of the said town, he slew and took prisoners upon four C. Englyshmen. And thus by strife and dyssenc. on among themself/ those that before by amity and good accord were victors, 
 now by hatred and discord were slain and taken prisoners.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxix.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxx.  wyllyam walworth.  Iohn Bernes.  Aonn xlv  Robert Gayton.   
IN this xlv year & beginning of the mometh of March/ the archbishop of winchester than being a cardinal, and present at avignon with pope Gregory the xi. of that name/ was put in commission with the archbishop of Beauvays to make or treat a peace and unity between the two realms of England and of France. Which said cardinal of wynchester after his departing from the pope, came down toward Meleoune/ where by the said archbishop and also cardinal of Beauvays, he was honourably met, and so conveyed unto the city of Melcon. And when he had rested him there upon four days/ the two cardinals ensemble sped them unto Paris/ where they with King charles had communication touching the said peace. And after his pleasure known/ the said archbishop and cardinal took his leave, & was conveyed toward Caleys/ where he took shiping, and so sailed in to England/ and showed unto the King the Pope's pleasure with the French Kings answer.  
And in this year following the somertyde in Guyan were made and fought many and divers skirmishes/ in the which for the more party the englishmen were put unto the worse/ so that many of them were slain and taken prisoners, and divers holds and towns taken from them/ and specially in the country of Lymosyne. For by the first day of the month of July, the city of Lymoges with all the country of Lymosyne foresaid was under the obeisance of the French King, as witnesseth the French chronicle.  
whereof the occasion was as affirmeth the english book, 
A task rerynge.  for so much as Prince Edward had lately before arreared of the inhabytauntes of that city and country, a great and grievous task, to their great hurt and enpoverysshing/ by means whereof he lost the love of the people.  
when the French King had thus obtained the rule of the country of Lymosyne/ he immediately after sent Sir Barthram de Glaycon into the earldom of Poyteawe or Poytyers, and wan there many towns and castles/ & lastly laid his siege unto Rochel, as after in the following year shallbe showed.  

‡ A mayor's gift to the ease of the 〈◊〉.  And to the end that good and meritorious deeds should be holden in memory/ here is to be noted that the mayre for this year being johan Bernys mercer, gave unto the commonalty of the city of London a chest with three locks & keys, and therein a thousand mark of ready money/ willing the keys thereof to be yearly in the keeping of three sundry people, that is to mean the master of the fellowship of the mercery to have one, the master of the fellowship of drapars the second, and third to be in the keeping of the chamberlain of that city. And so therein the said thousand mark to be kept/ to the intent that at all times when any cytesyne would borrow any money, that he should have it there for the space of a year/ to lay for such a sum as he would have plate or other jewels to a sufficient gage, so that he exceeded not the sum of an hundredth mark. And for the occupying thereof if he were learned, to say at his pleasure De profundis for the soul of Iohn Bernys and all Christian souls, as often times as in his sum were comprised ten marks. As he that borrowed but ten mark, should say but over that prayer. And if he had twenty mark/ then to say it twice, and so after the rate. And if he were not learned, then to say so often his Pater noster. But how so this money was lent or guided/ at this day the chest remaineth in the chamber of London, without money or pledges for the same.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxx.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxi.  Robert Hatfelde.  Iohn Bernes.  Anno xlvi  Robert Gayton.   
IN this xlvi year and month of February, King Edward held his parliament at westminster. In the which he asked of the spirytualtye l M. li, & as much of the lay fee. The which by the temporal was granted/ but the clergy kept them of with pleasant answers. So that the King and his counsel was with them dyscontented/ in so much that to their displeasures, divers officers, as the chancellor, the privy seal, the treasurer, and other, were removed being spiritual men/ and in their offices & places temporal men set in. And shortly after the foresaid cardinal of Beauvays came into England, to treat of the peace between the ii realms. But he sped nothing to the effect thereof.  
wherefore in the month of July, the French King sent into the country of Poyteaw the forenamed Sir Barthram de Claycon with a strong army/ where he won divers holds & fortresses from the Englyshmen. In which season King Edward for strengthing of the country, & specially to defend the town of Rochel, which as above in the other year is showed was at this year besieged by the said Sir Barthran/ sent the Earl of Penbroke with other noble men, to forty fie the said town, and to remove the siege. But or he might win to the said town/ he was encountered with a float of Spaynardes', the which King Henry of Castyle had sent into France to strength the French Kings party. Of the which float after long and cruel fight/ the said Earl was taken, with Sir Guycharde de Angle and other, to the number of. C and three score prisoners/ & the more party of his men slain and drowned, with the loss of many good ships.  
And in the beginning of the month of Septembre following, a Gascoigne borne, a man of good fame, whom the King of England had admitted for his lieutenant & governor of the country of Poyteaw, named le Captall de Bueffe/ fought with an army of Frenchmen before a town named Sonbyse/ where in conclusion his men were slain and chased, & he with lxx of his party taken prisoners. Than the dukes of Berry & of Burgoyne upon the vi day of Septembre, came before Rochel/ and had certain communicacions with the rulers of the said town, for the delivery thereof. In this pass time & season, King Edward hearing of the taking of the Earl of Pembroke, & of the loss that he daily had of his men in divers parties of France, with also the jeopardy that the town of Rochel and other stood in/ made hasty provision, & intended to have passed the see. But the wind was contrarious, that he might have no passage/ wherefore he returned as saith Policronicon, again into the land.  
Than upon the viii day of Septembre beforesaid, the captain of Rochel, having no comfort of short rescous/ yielded upon certain appoyntementes the said town unto the forenamed dukes, unto the French Kings use. And shortly after were also yoleden to them, the towns of Angolesme, of Exanctes, of saint Iohn de Angely, with divers other.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxi.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxii.  Iohn Phylpotte.  Iohn Pyell.  Anno xlv  Nycholas Brember.   
IN this xlvii year/ at a wresteling holden upon black Heth beside London, was slain a mercer of London named Iohn Northwode. For the which great dissension grew among the felyshyppes of the city, to the huge dystourbaunce of it/ and a good season after or the rancour thereof might be duly appeased.  
In this year also the duke of Lancastre Sir Iohn of Gaunt, & sir Edmund his brother Earl of Cambriged wedded the two daughters of Peter which was late King of Castyle, put to death by Henry his bastard brother/ as before I have showed in the xliii. Year of this kings reign. Of the which two daughters Sir Iohn of Gaunt married the eldest named Constance, & his brother the younger named Isabella/ so that by these marriages these ii brethren claimed to be inheritors of the kingdom of Castyle or Spain.  
And in this year after the duke of britain had received many exortations & requests from the French King, to have him upon his party: he sent for certain soldiers of Englishmen, & strengthened with them some of this castles & holds. Whereof hearing King Charles/ sent thither with a strong power the forenamed Sir Barthran de Claycon/ warning them to make war upon them as an enemy unto the house of France. The which according to their commission entered the land of britain, in wasting it with irne & fire/ and in short process had yoleden unto him the more party of the chief towns, except breast, Aulroy, and Deruall. Than in the end of juny the said Sir Barthran laid siege unto breast/ & the lord of Craon with other lay before Daruall. In all which season the duke of britain was in England. For so soon as he had as before is said, bestowed the foresaid english soldiers/ he sailed into England to speak with King Edward.  
In the month of July, the duke of Lancastre with Sir Iohn de Mount ford duke of britain & other, with a mighty puissance landed at Caleys. And after they had rested them there a certain days, they road unto Hesden, and lodged them within the park an other season. And after passed by Dourlons, by Benquesne, and so unto Corbye/ where they passed the river of Some, and road unto Roy in Uermendoys/ where they rested them by the space of vii days. At which term end they set fire upon the town, & took their way toward Laemoys, and burned & spoiled the country as they went. And in process of time passed the rivers of Osne, Marne, and of Aube, & road thorough champagne/ & by the earldom of Brame straight unto Guy/ & passed the river of sayn, & so toward the river of Leyr, and unto Marcynguy the nunnery. And when they were passed the said nunnery/ they kept their way toward the river of Ancherre, and so unto Bordeaux. In all which journey they passed without fight or battle/ notwithstanding the great hurt & damage they did unto the towns & countries as they passed. Except at a place or town called Orchye, a knight of France called Sir Iohn de Uyenne encountered l spears and twenty archers that were strayed from their host/ and set upon them, and slew some part of them, and took the residue of them prisoners. So that the French book saith, for so moche as for lack of meat for their horses and other painful things that in that journey to them happened, that though that journey were unto the englishmen honourable to ride so far in the kings land unfoughten with/ yet it was to them very painful, considering the manifold chances falling to them, as loss of horses and other things during that passage.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxiii.  Iohn Awbry.  Adam of Bury.  Anno xlviii  Iohn Fysshyde.   
IN this xlviii year, were sent fro the pope than being the xi Gregory, the archbishop of raven, and the bishop of Carentras/ for to treat of the peace, between the ii Kings of England and of France. The which assembled them at Bruges in Flaundres. Whither also for King Edward's party, came the duke of Lancastre, and the bishop of London, with other. And for Charles the French King, appeared there the duke of Burgoyne, & the Bishop of Amiens, and other. The which commissioners, after they had spent a great part of the lente in disputations of this matter/ the parties for the French King desired a licence of the legates, that they might ride unto Paris, and show unto the King the officers of the english party/ and so to return with his pleasure. Whereupon it was agreed, that a certain should ride & to show unto the French King, that the englishmen abode stiffly upon the sovereignty, that the King of England and his heirs Kings, shall enjoy all the former lands comprised in the peace made between him and Iohn than King of France/ as before is showed in the xxxiiii year of this King, with out homage or other duyte for them doing. For this matter as saith the French chronicle, King charles assembled at Paris a great part of the nobles of his realm, with many other wise men & doctors of divinity, to have that case sufficiently argued and debated. In the which counsel it was plenerly determined, that the King might nat give over the said sovereignty without great peril of his soul/ as there was showed by divers reasons. When this report was brought unto Bruges/ the said treaty was dissolved without any conclusion taking/ except the peace was continued till the feast of all saints next ensuing.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxiii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxiiii.  richard lions.  wyllyam walworth.  Anno xlix  wyllyam wodhowce.   
IN this year, that is to understand in the beginning of this mayor's year, and end of the xlviii. Year of King Edward/ a new wise complained upon to the King, that he was thrown into prison, where he lay many years after.  
Than King Edward created Richard son of Prince Edward Prince of wales/ & gave unto him the earldoms of Chester and cornwall. And also for the King waxed feeble & sykely/ he than betook the rule of the land unto Sir Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancastre/ and ordained him as governor of the land. Which so continued during his father's life.  
In this year also the tenants or menyall servants of the Earl of warwick, made a riot upon the monks of Euyshm/ and slew & hurt many of the abbots tenants, & spoiled and broke his closures and warynnes, and sewed their ponds and waters, and did unto them many displeasures/ to the utter ruin of that monastery, ne had the King the sooner have sent down to the Earl his letters, charging him to seize & withdraw his men from that riot. Which afterward was pacified, without any notary punishment of such persons as were beginner's or executors of that riot.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xcvi.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xcvii.  andrew Pykman.  Nycholas Bembre.  Anno lii  Nycholas Twyforde.   

IN this lii year and xii day of the month of Apryl/ Sir Iohn Mynster worth knight, for certain treasons, of the which he was convict before the mayre and other iustyces of the King in the guilded hall, was this foresaid day at Tyburn put in execution/ that is to mean, hanged, heeded, and quartered/ & his head set after upon London bridge. The cause of whose death was, for so moche as he being put in trust by the King, received great sums of money to pay with the kings soldiers/ the which he kept unto his own use, and deceived the King and his soldiers. And when thereof he was to the King accused/ he fearing punishment fled into France, & there conspired newly again his natural Prince/ & so lastly was taken and received his merit.  

A●hysme.  In this year also began a wonderful cysme in the church of Rome. For after the death of the pope the xi Gregory was chosen ii Pope's. Whereof the first was named the vi Urban, and that other the seventh Clement/ the first an Italy on borne, and that other a Frencheman. Of the which ensued such discord in election of the pope, that by the term of xxxix years after, there was ever ii Pope's in such authority, that hard and doughtefull it was to know/ whether was indubitat pope.  

‡ death of King Edward the third.  And upon the xxii day of the month of Juny, died at his manor of Shene now called Rychmount, King Edward the third of that name/ when he had reigned li years and .v. months and odd days/ leaving after him four sons, that is to say leonel duke of Clarence, Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancastre, Edmund of Langley duke of york, and Thomas of woodstok Earl of cambridge. Of the which sons with other nobles of his realm, he was honourably conveyed from his said manor of Shene unto the monastery of westminster, and there solemnly within the chapel of saint Edward upon the south side of the shrine, with this Epytaphyor superscription in a table hanging upon his tomb. 
¶ Hic decus Anglorum, flos regum preteritorum,  
Forma futurorum, rex clemens, pax populorum,  
Tercius Edwardus regni complens iubileum,  
Inuictus pardus, pollens bellis Machabeus.   
The which is thus to be understand in our mother tongue as following. 
Of english Kings, here lieth the beautevous flower.  
Of all before passed, & mirror to them shall sue  
A merciful King, of peace conservator,  
The three Edward. The death of whom may 〈◊〉  
All englishmen/ for he by knyghtehode due,  
was lyberde invict, and by feat martial  
To worthy Machabe in virtue peregall.   
PHylyp de Ualoys Earl of Ualoys, & son of Charles de Ualoys brother unto the four Philip was admitted for protector of the realm of France, in the beginning of the month of February. And upon trinity Sunday next ensuing, he with his wife were crowned at Raynes, in the year of our lord god a. M.iii C.xxviii, & the ii year of King Edward the iii than being in possession of the crown of England. Between this Philip & the said Edward King of England, as some deal before in the story, & four year of Charles the .v. is touched/ great disputations & arguments arose between their counsels, for the right & title to the crown of France. For it was thought by the counsel of England, for so moche as Edward was cousin to Philip le Beaw, & son of the said philip's daughter, which had no more childer but Edward's mother/ that he should rather be King of France than Philip de Ualoys, that was but cousin german to Philip le Beaw, & son of his brother Charles. Of which disputions & arguments the final conclusion was, that for an old decree & law by authority of parliament long before made was enacted, that no woman should inherit the crown of France/ therefore the title of Edward by might of the Frenchemen was put by, & this Philip admitted to the governance of the same. After which direction thus taken, & specially by the means of Sir Robert Earl of Artoys/ this Philip anon was proclaimed regent of France, unto such time as the Queen wife of Charles the .v. which than was with child were delivered/ & so received the rule of the land as regent. In time whereof, Peter Remy principal treasurer of King Charles last deed/ which Peter (living the said Charles) was accused of myspending of the Kings treasure, & enryching of himself contrary to right & reason, so that his goods should be esteemed at four C.M. li. after Paris money, whereof the value is set out in divers places before in this work was taken out of prison & areygned at Paris, & there convict & adjudged/ & upon the xxiiii day of March drawn thorough the city, & hanged upon the common gibet at Paris. And upon the first day of Apryll following/ the old Queen & wife of Charles last King, was lighted of child, & brought forth a daughter at Boys in Uincent, which after was named Blanch. Wherefore where before the said Philip de Ualoys ruled before but as regent/ now he was allowed & taken for King, and crowned as before is said at the city of Raynes, 
Phylyp de Valois pioned King of France.  with the Queen his wife up on trinity Sunday. And when the solemnity of his coronation was ended/ he then assembled before him & his counsel Louis the Earl of Flaundres, & received of him homage for the said earldom. And that done, he besought the King of aid to oppress certain towns of his country which rebelled again him. Whereunto the King granted/ & by counsel & exhortation of Sir Gautyer or walter de Crecy than constable of France, the King sent out his commissioners/ charging his Lords with their assigns & soldiers, to meet with him in dyffensyble array at the city of Arras, by marry Magdaleyne day next ensuing.  
At which day the King with his Lords and people there meeting, took forward upon his journey, & sped him toward Cassyle a town of Flaundres. where within little space of the town he pight his pavilions and tents/ & wasted and pilled the country thereabout. But the flemings keeping within the said town, feared nothing the French King/ but in dyrision of him and of his Lords, they caused a red cock to be painted upon a white cloth, & wrote in great letters in the said cloth this time following, & hanged it out over the walls. 
Quant ce quoc icy chantera.  
Le roy trove ca entrera.   
¶ which is thus to mean in our vulgar speech. when that this cock lo here doth sing, than shall this found King his host in bring.  
When this was red of the French men, and report made thereof unto the King/ he was therewith sore amoved/ and specially for that that they named him the founden King. Therefore they assailed them strongly upon all parties. But they of the town defended them manfully, so that their enemies had of them none advantage. Than the King sent Sir Robert de Flaundres a knight of the Earls, with a certain soldiers/ commanding him to assail the flemings toward saint Omers And the Earl he monished, that he with his people should assail them toward the isle. Than the commons of Bruges, Ipre, of Tourney, of furnaces, and of all Cassyle, assembled them/ and provided that a certain of them should keep the mount of Cassyle, and another company should keep the country toward Tourney, and the third host should fortify the country toward the isle.  
The which people ordered every host his limit to him assigned/ and daily skyrmysshed with the French men, so that between them men were slain upon both parties. When the King had thus lain before the town a certain season/ the flemings not fearing their enemies, issued out of the town, and pight their tents upon the mount of Cassyle, & showed them boldly unto their enemies/ than King Phylyp saying the boldness of the flemings, and how little they feared him/ took counsel of his lord how he might cause them to dyscende the hill/ for so long as they kept the hill it was iuperdous & perilous to sty toward them. Lastly it was agreed by the King and his Lords, that Sir Robert de Flaundres with other, should assail an hold or town thereby called Terroner de Bergner by mean whereof the King thought that they would descend the mount, to rescue the said town. which according to the Kings mind was done, and a bulwark set upon a fire. But the King had never the rather his intent. For they kept them and their gates in so sure wise, that the French King for all his great power, might to them do no scathe. In so much that the King considering their strength/ was condescended to famish them by hunger, that they might nat wynly strength/ & for that took the less watch or regard to his people, but suffered them to play and dysport them out of their harness, each of them in others tent/ thinking him sure of his enemies, for any assault or war by them to be procured or attempted again him or his Lords.  
But whether it were that his enemies of this were warned, or that of their own courage and pride they would assail the French host/ upon the xxiiii day of August toward the night, the said host of flemings availed the mount in as secret wise as men of water might/ & drew them toward the French men, which than were unarmed and in their disports of dicing and playing at the chess & other games.  
Upon whom the flemings came so suddenly, that they slew many of their enemies, and forced many to i'll toward saint Omers for their safeguard. And so the flemings held on their way till they came near unto the kings tent, which than was also unarmed. But by the noise & cry he being warned▪ in all haste armed him. In the which season as god would for the French host/ certain Marshallys of the French host with a strong company, returned from the assault of an hold thereby, and encountered the flemings/ and held with them battle, while the King and his Lords made them ready. So that in process the flemings were closed with their enemies and had a sharp and cruel fight/ wherein they defended them vigorously.  
But in the end the loss of the field journed upon the flemings/ so that the capitain named Zaunqun was slain, 
discomfit of the Flemynges.  with many other to the number of xviii M. & above as witnesseth the French book, over many which were there taken prisoners of poor men and artificers/ for the multitude of the gentlemen were upon the Earls party.  
After which victory thus obtained by the King/ anon he caused the said town of cassel to be set upon a fire/ & after yode unto Bruges and had it yoleden unto him. And in like wise was Ipre, poppering, Fournays', Tournaye, terrover, & many other good towns yolden unto him. Among the which Gaunt is nat named. Wherefore it is to dame, that it was none of those towns that at this season rebelled. Than in short process following/ the King had the rule of the hole earldom of Flaunders, and delivered the possession thereof unto Louis the foresaid Earl of that country/ and after returned into France with pomp, leaving the Earl in his county of Flaundres. Then which did after so cruel justice upon his subjects, that he put to death by diverse torments, as rakking, hedding, & hanging, in sundry towns & places of his lordships, upon the number of ten M: over & above many & divers which were banished, some for few years, some for many, & some for evermore.  
IN the second year of this King Phylyp/ like as before is showed in the third year of King Edward, the said Edward made his homage unto the said Phylyp in the town of Amyas, for the duchy of Guyon & county of Poytyers. And soon after this Phylype sent into Flaundres divers bishops and other noble men/ by whose means the gates of Brugis of Ipre, of Courtray and of other towns, were abated & thrown down, for fere lest the said towns would oft rebel again him or their Earl.  
In this year also Sir Roberte de Artoys began his plea in parliament again Johan Countess of Artoys for that earldom/ in claiming the right thereof by certain indentures of covenants of marriage, between sir Phylype de Artoys his father, & dame Blaunche of britain his mother/ which writings had been by long time kept from him and now newly founden. And for to have the better expedition in his matter/ he brought unto the King, the Earl of Alenson, the duke of britain, with divers nobles, the which made request for him to the King that he might have justice. And with the Countess came the duke of Burgoyne, Louis Earl of Flaundres, and divers other noble men, making like request for her and for her right. Than Sir Robert showed forth a writing sealed with the seal of arms of the Earl of Artoys, containing that when the marriage was solemnized of Sir Phylyp de Artoys father to the said Robert, & of dame Blaunche daughter unto the duke of britain and mother unto the said Robert, it was accorded that the said sir Phylyp his father, gave unto the said dame Blaunche and to her heirs, the earldom of Artoys. Which writings at the instance & prayer of the Countess of Artoys, were than delivered into the court to be kept/ saying that the said writings were untrue & counterfeited. Upon the which the said Countess brought sufficient proof, that the said writings were falsely made & sealed by a gentylwoman, daughter unto the Lord of Dygnon of the castle of Bethune/ that which was so learned in Astronomy that she took upon her to show things to come, wherein sometime she happened upon the sooth/ but more oftener she failed.  
By means of which woman an old chartre sealed with the seal of the forenamed Sir Phylip was found/ the which she craftily took of, & set it upon a new writing made to the advantage of the said Sir Robert of Artoys & after presented them unto the said Sir Robert, saying that she had found them in the town of Acras. The which he joyfully received, and made his title and claim upon the same. This matter thus hanging before the King and his Lords/ in the iii year of his reign in the city of Paris, after due proof made upon the same, the sentence was given again Sir Robert of Artoys to his great displeasure. In so much that he said openly, by me he was made a King, and by me he shallbe dismissed if I may. And for he feared to be cast in prison by the French King/ he therefore conveyed his horse and goods secretly unto Bordeaux upon Gerounde, and there took shipping and so passed into England his said horses and treasure & himself yode unto his cousin the duke of Brabant. with whom he bode a certain of time/ & after passed into England, and excited King Edward hougely for to make war upon the French King.  
In the four year of the reign of this Phylip/ the said Sir Robert was proclaimed open enemy to the crown of France, and his lands seized into the French Kings hands/ and he banished the land for ever, except that he within a month after Easter next ensuing, would come into the Kings court, & submit him holy unto the kings grace which sentence passed again him, for so moche as he appeared nat.  
In the vi year of the reign of this Philip/ the wife of Sir Robert of Artoys, that which was sister unto King Philip, was accused to be a great occasioner of the offence of her husband. For the which she with her children was sent into Gastenoys & there holden in straight prison.  
In the viii year of his reign, King Philip visited divers parties of his realm/ & in the doing, visited many places of pilgrimages which before he had promised to seche, for the restitution of health to his eldest son Iohn than duke of Normandy, which the year before my mean of sickness was in great jeopardy of life/ & continuing the said journey, road unto Auygnon and visited there the pope than being Benet the xii of the name. And when he had sped his needs with him, he yode into the province of Mercyle for to see there his navy/ and after returned by Burgoyne, where of the duke he was royally received and feasted. In which season of his there tarrying a complaint was brought before him by the said duke, again Sir Iohn de Chalon, for claim of certain lands within that duchy. The which variance to appease the King took therein some pain. But no direction he might set therein/ so that the said duke and Sir Iohn departed with words of dyffiaunce. And shortly after the said Sir Iohn accompanied with divers noble men of Almaigne, entered the duchy of Burgoyne, and therein did moche harm to the country and people/ and got certain castles and then fortified with Almains. Than the duke having in his aid the King of navarre the duke of Normandy▪ with the Earl of Escamps and of Flaundres▪ assyeged the castle of Chausy, & at the end of vi weeks won the same/ and after yode unto the city of Besenson, & laid siege to it also. But when he had lain there a long season, he was fain to conclude a truce, his host was in such distress of victual. By reason of which peace or truce the hosts were desevered, & the end of the war unparfyted. But in the end following, by mean of the French King a direction was taken between the said parties. And this year King Philip sent certain messengers unto King Edward, upon certain demands for the castle of yauntes & other for the which contraversie first begun to kindle between the said ii Princes as in the ten year of Edward is touched with the other years following.  
In the ix year of this Philip, appeared a blazing star. After the which ensued great mortalytye within the realm of France, aswell of men as of beasts. And in this year another man of the province of Langedok named arnold of Normandy, was heeded & hanged upon the common gibet of Paris/ for as much as by his means it was proved, that the englishmen had won the castle of Paracoll. And in the ten year of King Philip/ King Edward of England sent Sir Barnard de Bret into Flaundres, for causes touched & showed in the xii year of the said Edward. And in the xi year of this Philip King Edward sailed into Brabant, & allied him with Louis the Empour. And while the French King tarried with his host at saint quintine in Uermandoys/ King Edward entered into France, and spoiled and brent a part of Treresse, nat without some note or 〈◊〉 of Cowardyse arrected to the French King and his host, of his own subjects. And in the same year, began the town of Gaunte to rebel with other towns of Flaundres, by the motion of Jaques de Artyvyle/ as in the xiiii year is showed of King Edward the third.  
In the twelve year of this Philip which the French book calleth the year of confusion, King Edward being returned into England/ the French King assembled a mighty host to go again the Henauders, flemings, & Brytons/ & came with the said host unto Arras/ and sent from thence a part of his people with his son Iohn than duke of Normandy into Henaude, for to war upon the country there.  
which went straight unto cambray/ & after laid siege to that castle called Esthandune. And within xu days following the French King his father came unto the said siege with innumerable people. The which castle at th'end of a month after the Kings coming was given up by appointment. And that done the King removed his siege to a castle of the bishop of Cambray named Thune, standing upon the river of Lescaut▪ where the King lay long time without harm doing unto the said castle. At length the duke of Brabant with the Earl of girl, with a strong host of divers nations, came for to remove that siege/ so that the French host lay upon that one side of the river, & the Brabanders upon that other. But by mean of four bridges which were made over that river/ both hosts at sundry times met & fought divers sharp skirmishes to the loss of people upon both parties. But in the end the castle was so betyn with gonnes, that the capitain thereof put all his movables in a ship/ and after with such soldiers as were left, entered the said ship, & set the castle upon a light fire, whereof when the French King was ware/ in all haste he caused the walls to be scaled, and so entered & staunched the fire. And the same night the host of Brabanders departed also.  
when the King had thus won this castle/ he than sent the dukes of Normandy & of Burgoyn, unto a town named Quesnoy. And when the said dukes had brent a part of that town & other villages there about/ they returned again unto the French host. And shortly after the King returned into France/ & there made provision to send forth his navy to meet with King Edward, which were to the number of four hundredth or above/ the which as in the xu year of Edward the third is before showed, met the english navy, and there at a place called the Swyn were overcomen.  
AFter this great victory thus obtained by the King of England/ the French King with a great host hearing comfortable tidings of the discomfiture of sir Roberte de Artoys, before the town of saint Omers, as before in the xu year of King Edward is also showed sped him tit he came to the priory of saint Andrew. where he tarrying with his people, certain letters were sent to him by King Edward▪ whereof the tenor with the answer of the same, are set out in the foresaid xv. Year, with other matters apparteyning to the acts of both Princes. When the peace was concluded between the said Kings, as in the said xv. Year is declared/ the King of France returned to his own. And in the xiii year of his reign, died Iohn duke of britain. After whose death Charles de Bloys & Iohn de Mountfort, claimed severally to be inheritors of that duchy. Which Charles was son unto the Earl of Bloys, & nephew unto the French King, by reason that Margarete his sister was mother unto the said Charles. The which Charles had married the daughter of Guy de britain viscount of Lymoges, second brother of the forenamed Iohn duke of britain. And the said Iohn de Mountforte was the third brother unto the foresaid Iohn duke of britain now deed. So that this question of this claim rested upon this point, whether the daughter of the second brother should inherit the duchy or the younger brother, considering that Iohn the eldest brother died without heir of his body, and Guy the second brother without heir male/ wherefore the third brother Iohn de Mountfort claimed to be duke of britain. Which case and question was brought before the French King & his Lords, & there debated & argued by a long season. But in the end sentence passed again Sir Iohn de Mountfort/ & Charles de Bloys was put in possession of the duchy by King Philip/ to whom the said Charles did his homage for the same.  
For this sentence arose mortal war between the said Sir Charles & Sir Iohn. In the which the ii Kings of England & France took party/ so that King Edward aided Sir Iohn de Mountfort/ & King Philip his nephew Sir Charles. then Sir johann de Mountforte before the sentence given, fearing the sequel of the same/ departed from the court, and got him into a strong town of britain, & there held him. Whereof King Philip being advertised/ sent Sir Iohn his son duke of Normandy, & his brother Sir Charles Earl of Alenson, for to war upon the said Sir Iohn de Mountsort. The which sped them with a number of people into Britain, & besieged a strong castle standing in an isle by the river of Loyer. And after the winning thereof, they yode unto the city of Nauntes/ the which the cytezyns yielded unto them without stroke. And soon after as testifieth the French story, upon certain conditions & covenants, the said Sir Iohn de Mountfort yielded him unto the duke of Normandy/ the which sent him unto the King his father to Paris, where by the said King he was imprisoned in the castle of Louvre. But how it was by favour or otherwise▪ he escaped prison after ii years prysonement. Or after some writers, he was after ii years delivered upon certain conditions. Whereof one was, that he should nat come in britain nor any thing meddle or have to do in the country. But this prysonement of Sir Iohn de Mountfort not withstanding/ the war was maintained in Britain by the friends of the said Sir Iohn & many townis & castles thereof was held to the use of the said Sir Iohn/ whereof to show unto you the circumstance & process it would ask a long tyme. But the conclusion & fyne of this war shallbe showed in the story of the vi Charles & son of King Iohn. In the xu year of this Philip/ the Earl of Salysbury accompanied with Sir Roberte of Artoys & other noble men, entered britain, & aided the friends of Sir Iohn de mountfort/ in doing great damage to the country, & brent moche of the French Kings navy. 
death of Sir Robert of Artoys.  In assailing whereof, Sir Robert of Artoys was wounded in the thigh with a gun, whereupon he lay sick/ & upon the ensued a flux, & so thereof died, & after conveyed into England, & there buried. And soon after King Edward entered France with a strong army. But a peace was at ween him & the French King condescended for a certain term by labour of ii Cardinals, as before in the xvi year of King Edward is declared, and in this year King Philip arered a task of his people called a gabel in French. This was provided, that no subject of the Kings nor other within his land, should buy any salt but of the King & at his price. And over that he arered & lowed the coins & moneys of his land, to the great advantage of himself, and enpoverisshing of his said subjects by mean whereof he fill in great hatred of his people.  
In the xvi year of his reign, a great dissension grew among the nobles of Normandy, by reason of parties taking, some with Iohn of Harecourt, and other with Sir Roberte Barthran than Marshal of France, for covenants of maryge appointed between the son of the said Sir Robert upon that one party, & the daughter of Sir Roger Bacon/ whose wife or maids mother was than married unto Sir Godfrey de Harecourt, brother of that above said Sir Iohn upon the other party. For variance whereof great war was likely to have ensued, if the King the sooner had not sent straight commandment, that either party should keep his peace, & to apere before him and his Lords at Paris, and there to have their grievance by him & his Lords determined.  
At which day of appearance, the said Sir Godfrey appeared nat, nor none for him/ but contrary the kings commandment, assyeged sir wyllin Berthran bishop of Bayn and brother to the foresaid Sir Roberte than being in a castle. And when he saw he might nat prevail again him/ he than drew unto the englishmen and aided them against the French King.  
In this year also King Phylype intending to relieve the duchy of Burgoyn with wheat which there than was scant/ ordained that certain quarters of wheat should be gathered in the countries of Terroner, of orleans & Gastenoys, & so sent into Burgoyn. But the studyauntes of orleans, with the burgesses & commons of the city took therewith such grief, that of one mind they went down unto the river of Loyer, where at the season certain ships lay freight with victual to be had unto the said country, & there fet out the grayen, & spoiled it in such wise, that moche thereof came never to good. And that done many of that company being needy and poor/ yode unto villages there by, and rob the people, & died moche harm. When the provost or ruler of orleans beheld this rage & riot of the people, and considered the multitude of them/ he forbore for a time till they were somedeal assuaged. And than with such company as he had of his officers and other, he took a certain of them, and put them in sundry prisons, till he knew farther of the kings pleasure. But it was nat long after that the other of that affinity, hearing of the enprysonement of their fellows/ assembled them of new, and like wood men ran unto the prisons/ & nat a lonely delivered their fellows, but also many other which lay there for great causes & crimes/ & some such as were condemned to death for their transgressions. When notition of this great outrage and riot came unto the King/ anon he sent thither ii knights of his court with a puissant army/ charging them to take all such as were occasyoners and beginner's of this Riot/ and as many as were found culpable to be put unto death. The which knights according to their commission with aid of the provost of orleans, took such as were dempte guilt of this crime, & hanged them upon the common gibet or galous of the city, among the which were divers clerks, and one a deacon & within orders. And in the same year and month of August, a noble knight of britain called Sir Oliver de Clycon, for treason that he had conspired again King Philippe, or for he had favoured King Edwardis party was taken by a train at a jousts or tournament holden for the same cause at Paris, and shortly after judged to death/ as first drawn through the city unto the place of judgement, & thereupon a scaffold purposely ordained was beheaded/ and after his body with chains hanged upon the gibet, & his head standing there over upon a stake, or after an other author had unto the city of Nauntes in britain, & there pight upon a gate of the city. And in the same month Sir Godfrey de Harcourte, which as before is said, allied him with King Edward, and would nat apere after certain summons/ was now openly banished as traitor & enemy to the crown of France. And in the same month was Sir Iohn de Mountforte delivered out of prison, upon such conditions as before is rehearsed in the xiii. Year of this King. And soon after were put unto death at Paris, Sir Johan de Malestreet, Sir Godfrey de Malestreet the father & the son, Sir Iohn de Mountalbone, Sir wyllyam de Bruys, Sir Iohn de Cablat, & Sir Iohn de Plessys knights/ & esquyres, Iohn de Malestrete nephew to the foresaid knights, Guyllm de bruise, Robert de Bruys, Iohn de Senne, and Davy de Senne. And shortly after at Paris were put in execution three Norman knights, for affinity or favour, which they had borne toward Sir Godfrey de Harecourt and their heads sent unto saint Loup in Constantyne a city of Normandy. Which said knights were called sir wyllyam Bacon, Sir Roulande de la Roche tessone, and Sir richard de Percy.  
IN the xvii year of this Philip one Master Henry de Malestrete clerk & deaken, & brother to the above named Sir Godfrey before put in execution, which said Master Henry was master of the requests with King Philip/ for so much as he after the death of his said brother, yode unto King Edward and counseled him again King Philip, & after by assygnement of King Edward was set in great authority within the town of uannies in britain/ which town was after gotten by the Frenchmen, & he therein as one of the chief capitains of the same taken was imprisoned within the castle of Paris. Out of the which at this season he was taken thence, and set in a tumbril, & thereunto fastened with chains of iron/ and so conveyed bareheded with din and cry thorough the high streets of Paris, till he came unto the bishops palace of Paris/ and there delivered unto the Bishop. And soon after by virtue of a commission purchased by King Philip of the pope, to have the said Master Henry dysgraded/ he was deprived of all degrees and ordres of the church, and than delivered unto the execucioners. The which by iii days continual a certain season of the day, set him upon a ladder in the sight of all people/ to the intent that every man & child might throw at him all filth & ordure of the street/ the which was done without all compassion and pity, in so cruel wise, that by the third days end he was deed, and after buried unreverently.  
In the said xvii year of King Philippe also, as before is showed in the xix year of King Edward the third/ Jaques de Artyvele, which was especial promoter of the said King Edward's causes, came unto the town of Gaunt/ and showed unto them divers apoyntmentes to be hold between them and other towns of Flaundres. 
jaques de Artyvese murdered.  where upon the xu day of July, by divers conspirators of the said town of gaunt, he was pursued from one house to an other, and lastly slain & murdered by them to the Kings of England great displeasure & hurt. wherefore the said King Edward was fain to return into England without speed of his purpose, like as before in the said nineteen. Year of his reign is declared. In this year also and the month of Decembre, died Sir Iohn Earl of Mountfort, which as before is said claimed the duchy of britain/ and left after him a son named also Sir Iohn & Earl of Mountfort, the which in likewise claimed the said duchy of britain, & maintained the war again Sir Charles de Bloys, as his father before had done. In the xviii year of King Phylyp & first day of July, at Paris was than put to death by cruel execution, a cytezyn of compeyn named Symonde Poylet, a man of great riches. The which for he had said in open audience, that the right of the crown of France belonged more rightfully unto King Edward than to King Philip/ he was first hanged upon a tree like as an ox is hanged in the bochery, & there dismembered, as first the arms, and after the legs cut from his body, and lastly his heed stricken of, and the trunk of his body hanged by chains upon the common gibet of Paris. And upon a saturday being the xxvi day of August in the foresaid xviii year of King Philippe, was fought at Cressy the battle before expressed in the xxi year of King Edward the third/ where the flower of the chyvalry of France was slain & taken prisoners. Than soon after King Philippe for the defence of the charge of his wars, asked a subsidy of the monks of saint Denys. And among certain jewels of that place to be had/ he demanded the great crucifix of gold standing over the high altar of that monastery. Whereunto the monks answered that they might nat depart with that crucifix/ for Eugenius the third of that name pope, accursed all them that laid any hand upon that crucifix, to the intent to remove it from that place, as it appeareth by writing set under the foot of the said cross/ by which answer the King was pacified. And in the month of December, Sir Godfrey de Harecourte with a towel double folden about his neck, came unto the presence of King Philip, and yielded him holy to his mercy and grace/ the which granted unto him his pardon.  
And in short while after, all the Lombard's usurers within the realm of France, were taken and sent to divers prisons. And all such persons as stood bound unto them, for any bargeyn or lone of money by way of usury, it was ordained that the said persons being debtors to the said usurers, should pay the principal debt unto the King at their days of payment/ & the residue which remaineth to the usurer for his lucre of gain for the lone of his money, should be pardoned to the debtor. And after the said Lombard's usurers were delivered from prison, by paying of great and grievous finance.  
In the xix year of this Philippe, for so much as witnesseth the French chronicle, that the flemings by great manaces and perforce, had constrained their Earl to be assured by bond of assurance unto the daughter of King Edward, contrary his volunte and will/ the said Earl nat willing to accomplish that marriage, in the Easter week by a cautel departed out of Flaundres, and came to the French King to Paris/ of whom he was honourably and joyously received.  
And in the same year, one named Gavin de Belemount an advocate of the spiritual law, intending to betray the city of Laon/ acqueynted him with a poor man than dwelling in that city of Meaus named Colyn Tomelyn/ the which before time was fled the city of Laon, & was than for lack of substance common to Meaus, & there maintained a poor life/ to the which this Gavin resorted & relieved. And lastly when he thought he was somedeal of him assured, he broke unto him his mind/ & said if he would be ruled by him, he would restore him to his former prosperity & wealth/ whereunto this Colyner granted. Than anon this Gavin showed him a letter, & willed him to bear it unto the King of England, with certain reward to him giving/ & also promising of much more, with that that he returned to him shortly to the city of Raynes with answer of the same. When this poor and indygent man had received this letter/ he cast many ꝑelles in his mind. How be it finally contrary his oath and promise, he took his way toward the French King, and presented him with the letter/ in the which was expressed all the manner & order how the said city of Laon should be betrayed. When the King was advertised of all the circumstance of this treason/ he informed this Colyner how he should behave himself in bearing of his answer/ and provided his time according as though he had been in England, & by convenient day came unto him to Raynys according to the former appointment. In which season the King had sent in secret manner unto the provost of Raynes, that so soon as the said Colyner had showed to the said Gavin his answer, that the said Gavin should be attached and had unto prison/ the which was accordingly executed. And in short process following, for so much as he was within ordres/ he was by the provost sent unto the city of Laon, and there put to the bishops prison. But when the commons of the said city hard of such a man there being prisoner, that would have betrayed their city/ they assembled them in great multitude, & would have broken the prison to the end to have slain him. But they were so patiently answered by the bishops officers, that they returned unto their houses. Upon the morrow following, to cease the rumour of the people/ he was brought unto his judgement, & there condemned for his dymeryte unto perpetual prison. And more thereunto was added, that for his more diffamy & shame, he should be set in a tumbril upon high bareheded, that of all people he might be seen/ & so with most shameful instruments lad through the high streets of the city, and brought again unto the bishops prison, and there to remain for term of life. But he was nat far in such manner conveyed by the officers from the jail, but the commons fell upon him with cry, & casting of mire & stones/ that or he were half way lad of his circuit or progress, he was stoned to death/ and after his body buried within a maroys near unto the said city.  
And shortly after at Paris was done to cruel death a cytezyn of the said city, which intended to have betrayed the said city of Paris. For the which treason he was first dismembered of legs & arms, and after hanged by the nek upon the gibet of Paris.  
In the same year about the feast of saint Iohn baptist/ the Englishmen that had held the town & castle called the blank of Aryan in britain, by the term of two years passed, at this season they were besieged & fiercely assaulted by Sir Charles de Bloys and his friends/ in so furious manner that they rend with great ordinance divers places of the castle walls/ & in process threw down the roof of a chamber where the wife of the capitain of the castle lay in her child bed, & so far put in fere, that the rulers of the town and castle granted to deliver the town & castle to the said Sir Charles, with that they might depart with their lives & goods/ the which offer to his pain & charge he refused. For in short time after, Sir Thomas of Agorn an english knight with a strong company of archers & other soldiers, rescued the said town & castle. And after long fight and great danger, as by long process is declared in the French story/ the said Sir Thomas took the said Charles de Bloys prisoner, and slew many of his Lords, as before is shortly touched in the end of the xxii year of King Edward. After which victory thus obtained, & his prisoners put in sure keeping, he took the ordinance of the duke left in the field with other pillage, & put it within the town & castle aforesaid. And for the villages and men of the country there about, had aid the duke again the town and castle/ therefore the said Sir Thomas punished the said villages and ruralles by grievous fines, & held them in great servitude and danger/ and over the slew many of them, & many they held as drudges & captives. And this done the englishmen repaired again the walls and such other places as were before time beaten down by force of the said siege & strengthened it in their best manner.  
IT was nat long after the King Phylype at the request of the country, sent thither the lord of Charon with a strong army/ to whom also great multitude of the people of that country resorted. With whose aids the said Lord assailed the said town & castle by ii days continual. But the Englysshemen deffended themself vygurously/ and threw upon their enemies hot boiling oils and other gresies, with fire coals & hot ashes, wherewith they grieved their enemies painfully.  
Thus continuing the siege/ means of treaty were offered and condyssended to yield the town, with condition that they mynght safely departed with their lives and goods/ but the Frenchemen and Brytons would nat to it be agreeable. Than the assault began of new. And the lord of Charon to encourage his soldiers, hinge a purse and therein l scutes of gold upon a speries end/ and cried with loud voice, that who that first entered the town, should have the said l. scutes of gold. When the ianuays or soldiers of the city of jeane and of the city of italy, hard the promise of their chevytayne/ a certain of them with long pycaxses and sharp approached them unto the wallys/ and so demeaned them, that in less than .v. hours they minded so the wall, that there fill thereof as testifieth the said French chronicle the length of l foot. By reason whereof entered first the januays/ & after the hole host. The which with out compassion or pity slew man, woman, & child that came in their way, nat sparing the children that soaked upon the mother's breasts/ & spoiled and rob the town, every man getting what he might to his own advantage. And when the Frenchmen and Brytons had thus miserably slain many englishmen, & also Britons & other inhabitants of the town/ they than assailed the castle to the which was fled upon ii C. & xl englishmen. After divers assaults it was offered by the soldiers of the castle, that they would yield the castle their lives and goods saved. And finally it was agreed, their bodies only to depart, & to be conveyed ten miles upon their way toward such place as they would appoint. Upon the which appointment ii knights Brytons that is to say Sir Sylvester de la full and sir wyllm de Stratton received them in their coats, and conveyed them with great pain & not without loss of some. For their enemies of the host caste stones at them, and beat them so with their staves, that divers of them died/ & the remnant were brought near unto a castle than in the power of englishmen, named quintine.  
But when the commons of the town there near, hard of the coming of such englishmen under safe conduit, the which before in the battle of the roche of Arian where Sir Charles de Bloys was taken, had slain their lord, that is to mean the Lord of quintine/ anon they issued out of the town/ and for they fond little resistance in their guides, they slew them there except one, which was capitain of the englishmen/ which one of the said knights caused to be set upon his horse, & so fled from the peril. And when the cruel Brytons had thus shamefully slain the Englyshmen/ they gathered the cariens up on an heap, & suffered them there so to lie, to the end that beasts & fowls might devour them. And in short time after, the Earl of Flaundres by means of the French King left the daughter of King Edward, and was married unto the daughter of the duke of Brabant.  
In the twenty year of Phylyp/ the town of calais was gotten, like as the circumstance thereof is declared in the xxii. Year of King Edward the third. And in the same year the mortality or sickness, which after reigned in England reigned now fervently in France, and most specially in the city of avignon/ by force whereof the third part of the people of the city died. And from thence it came unto saint Denys, and so unto Paris. In which coost it was so fervent, that there died in those ii towns over the number of lvi M. within the space of xviii months.  
And in this year the dolphin of Uyen named sir ymberte, sold his dolphynage unto the French King/ & became a freer at lion upon the helayne of the order of the freer prechours or black freers.  
In the xxi year of this Phylyp/ Charles the first begotten son of Iohn duke of Normandy eldest son of this Phylip, took possession of the said dolphynage of Uyen. And in the month of August following, died the Duchess of Normandy and mother of the said Charles. And in the month of Decembre following, died dame Jane Queen of France & daughter of Robert duke of Burgoyn. And in this year was the treason wrought by Sir Godfrey de Charny, to have again won the town of calais/ like as I to you before have showed in the xxiiii year of King Edward the iii. And in the month of January next ensuing & ix day of the same/ King Phylyp spoused his ii wife Blaunche, sometime the daughter of the Queen of navarre lately dyscesed, which was sister unto the Earl of Foyze. Which espousayles were secretly done in the manor of Robert Earl of Bray. And so the said King Philip was widow from the xii day of Decembre to the ninth day of January, which was by the space of xxviii. Days. And upon the ix day of the month of February/ Iohn duke of Normandy eldest son of this Philippe, spoused his second wife johann Countess of Boloygne, at a town called Miriaux near unto Meulene. And so he mourned for his wife which was named the good Duchess of Normandy, by the term of vi. Months & ii days lacking.  
In the xxii year of King Philip & month of July/ Sir Thomas de Agorne befornamed, was by chance medley slain of a Bryton knight called Sir Ralph de Cuours. And upon the xxiii day of August following, died Sir Phylyp de Ualoys King of France/ when he had reigned over the Frenchmen in great vexation & trouble by the space of xxii years lacking v. months & odd days/ and was after interred at saint Denis by his first wife/ & left after him Iohn duke of Normandy for his heir.   

¶ Of King Iohn.  
IOhn the first of that name, & son of Phylype de Ualoys/ began to reign over the Frenchmen, in the month of August & year of our lord. M.CCC. and l, & xxiiii year of Edward the iii than King of England/ & was crowned at Raynes the xxvi. day of Septembre following with dame johann his wife. In time of the which solemnity, King Iohn dubbed his eldest son dolphin of Uyen, and Louis his ii son Earl of Alenson, knights, with other noble men.  
And upon the xvi day of Novembre following/ sir Rauffe Earl of ewe and constable of Guynes when it was French, the which was newly comen out of England where he had been long prisoner/ was accused of treason, and so commanded unto prison at Paris. within which prison he was shortly after beheaded in the presence of the duke of Burgoyne and other nobles.  
In the third year of King Iohn & viii. day of January/ Charles King of navarre caused to be slain with in the town of Aygle in Normandy Sir Charles de Spain constable of France. For the which murder sourdyd great war between King Johan & the said King of navarre/ which continued many years after, notwithstanding that the said King of navarre had married the daughter of the said King Iohn. Than by meditation of friends, a peace was driven between them/ so that King Johan should give unto the King of navarre, for contentation of certain sums of money yet owing unto him for the dower of his wife, certain lands within the duchy of Normandy/ and over that the French King should pardon all such persons as were consenting to the death of the constable before murdered. After which treaty thus concluded/ the King of navarre under assurance of hostage came unto King Johnns' presence at Paris. And after he had tarried there a season/ he departed with dissimulation on either party used, as after shall appear.  
In the four year of King Iohn/ Sir Godfrey de Harecourt, which with his son & other had been consenting unto the death of the constable of France, were reconciled again to the King. The which ensensed him again the King of navarre by means of their sinister report/ so that the peace between them before concluded, was disappointed & broken. And soon upon this, Sir Robert de Loryze that was chamberlain unto King Iohn, avoided the court for fere, lest the said Sir Godfrey had showed of him any thing to the King/ and so yode unto the King of navarre in Normandy. After whose coming, the King of navarre departed shortly thence and sped him toward avignon. It was nat long after that the King of navarre was departed out of Normandy but that King Iohn sped him thither, & seized all the lands that the King of navarre had within that duchy/ and put officers and rulers in his castles & towns such as him liked, and discharged the other/ except vi castles, that is to say Euroux, le Pount Audemer, Chirebourt, Ganeray, Auranches, & Martaygn/ the which were holden by the servants of the King of navarre, & men of navarre borne.  
In the month of January following/ Sir Robert de Loryze abovenamed, under safe conduit came unto King Iohn to Paris, and there was to him in process reconciled. And in this year were the articles of peace between the Kings of England & of France prolonged, till the feast of saint Iohn baptist next ensuing/ as before in the end of the xxviii year of King Edward is more at length declared.  
In this .v. year of King Johan & month of Apryl/ he sent Sir Charles his son dolphin of Uyenne into Normandy, to ask aid of the normans again the King of navarre. The which granted unto him iii. M. men at their charge for iii months. And in the month of August following, the King of navarre accompanied with ii M. soldiers, came unto the castle of constantine, & there tarried with the said people. With whose coming the soldiers of the forenamed vi castles were so well comforted, that they rob and pilled all the country about them. And some of the said soldiers came unto a castle of the French Kings named conket, & won it by strength, & after victualed & manned it in most warly wise/ & did many other things to the French Kings great displeasure. The which war thus continuing, by mediation of friends the King of Navarn road unto the dolphin to a town called the Uale de Rueyll/ where they meeting, and either to other showing loving countenance, upon the xviii day of September they together took their way toward Paris. where the King of Navarne was brought unto the French Kings presence.. where he excused him of all trespasses done again the King sign the time of the last accord/ beseeching the King to be good and gracius Lord unto him, and he should be to him as a son ought to be unto the father, & as a true man unto his sovereign Lord. And after the King by the means of the duke of Athenesse, forgave unto him his offences, and promised to stand his good and gracious lord/ and so either departed from other in loving manner.  
And soon after King Iohn gave unto the dolphin of Uyen Sir Charles his eldest son the duchy of Normandy for the which he did unto his father homage, in the house of Master Martin canon of Paris, in the cloister of the minster called Noterdame. And by authority of a parliament held in the city of Paris, was granted unto King Iohn of the three astates of his realm/ that is to mean the spiritualty, the lord and nobles, and the hedes or rulers of cities and good towns of his realm, that he should have xxx M. men waged for a year, for to defend his ancient enemy the King of England. For purveyance whereof certain persons of the said iii astates assembled shortly after, to provide for the levying of that great sum of money  
After which provision or sessing agreed or concluded by the said persons, and commissioners sent out to divers coostes and good towns for the levying of the said money/ in the town of Arras fill a dissension between the rich & the poor of that town/ the poor saying that the rich men had laid all the burden upon the poor men, & themself bare little charge or none. For this first began great altercation of words, & after ensuyed strokes & stripes, so that of the hedes and chief burgesses of the town were xvii men slain. And the day following they slew four more/ & banished divers that at that time were absent & out of the town. And so the town of Arras rested as than in the guiding of the poor artificers of that town.  
IN the vi year of the reign of King Johan and month of March▪ he being accompanied with a secret many, before the day departed from the town of Manuyle/ & road straight, he & his Lords being armed, unto the castle of Rovan/ & entered suddenly into the same. where he fande in the chief hall of the castle, Sir Charles his eldest son duke of Normandy, Charles King of navarre, Sir Iohn Earl of Harecourt, the Lords of Preaux and of Gravyle, & the Lord of Cleremount, sir Louis & Sir Guylliam de Harecourt brethren of the foresaid Earl, Sir Fryquet de Fryquante, the Lord of Tournebu, sir Manbuc de Mamesmares, with Colinet Doubliec and Iohn de Pountalu esquyres.  
The which Lords and knights the King took at dinner within the said hall/ & them took suddenly, & divers of them put under sure keeping. And as soon as the King had there taken a small and short repast/ he with his sons & other nobles in his company took their horse & road into a field upon a baksyde of the castle/ whether shortly after were brought in bands the foresaid Earl of Harecourt, the Lord of Gravyle, the foresaid Sir Mambue, and Colinet Doubliet. Which iiii. were there beheaded/ and after the bodies of them drawn to the gibet of Rouen, & there hanged/ and their heads set over them upon the same gibet. At the which time of the execution of hedyng of the said four persons/ the French King as before is said was present in proper person. After the which execution, the King upon the morrow following delivered many of the other prisoners/ so that there remained no more as prisoners but iii, that is the King of navarre, Sir Fryquet de Fryquant, & Iohn de Pountalu/ the which were sent unto Paris. where the King was kept in the castle of Louvre, and the other two. in the chastelet. In which time of his inprysonement/ sir Phylype brother to the King, with Sir Godfrey de Harecourt uncle to the Earl lately heeded, held certain castles in Normandy/ and came with their powers into the country of Constantyne, and held it maugre the French Kings will and pleasure.  
In the month of Apryll, sir arnold de Denham than marshal of France, road by the Kings fond unto Arras/ & there without great distourbaunce of the town, took upon an hundredth of such as before had made the former rebellion within the same. And upon the day following/ he caused to be heeded in the market place upon lx of the same/ & the remnant he sent unto prison there to abide the Kings pleasure.  
In this time and season was the noble Prince Edward at Bordeaux & warred upon the French Kings lands, like as it is before to you showed in the xxx year of King Edward the third.  
And in the vii year of King Iohn, & beginning of the same, was the battle of Poytyers. In the which King Iohn was taken prisoner of Prince Edward, & many of his Lords taken and slain, as before in the xxx year of the foresaid Edward is declared at length. After the which scomfiture/ the duke of Normandy which hardly escaped from the said battle, entered the city of Paryz the xxix day of Septembre/ & called there a great counsel of the three astates of the realm, and the xu day of Octobre next ensuing there to be assembled. At which day the said duke with the said iii astates of the realm being in the parliament chambre/ Peter de la Forest archbishop of Rouen and chancellor of France, declared there the great misfortune that to the land was lately fallen, by the taking of their head and Prince/ and exorted them by a long oration to aid & assist every man after his power, for the redelivery of their Prince again.  
whereunto it was answered for their clergy or spiritual/ by the mouth of Master Iohn de Carone than archbishop of Raynes/ and for the nobles or the chevalty of France, by the mouth of sir Phylype duke of orleans and brother unto King Iohn/ & for the commons of the good towns of France, by the mouth of Stepyn martel burgeys of Paris and provost of the same, that either of them should help to the uttermost of their powers/ & prayed that they might have convenient leisure to counsel and common for provytion of the the same/ the which to them was granted.  
Than the said three astates held their counsel at the friar minors or grey friars in Paris, by the space of xu days. In which season they appointed among them to the number of l persons, to take a vyew and make search of certain things than myslad and evil guided within the realm. The which l persons when they had appointed vi of themself to go unto the duke/ they in the names of the other made request unto the duke, that he would keep secret such things as they intended to show unto him. which request he granted. Than they showed unto the duke that the realm before time had been mysseguyded by officers/ and except that remedy for it were shortly founden, it should stand in great apparel to be lost. Wherefore they besought him to discharge all such as they would name unto him, & over that to forfeit their goods unto the kings use. And first they named Master Peter de la Forest archbishop of Rouen & chancellor of France, sir Symonde de Bucy chief counceloure of the King and chief presydente of the parliament, sir Roberte de Loryze that before time was chamberlain unto the King, Sir Nycholas broke knight and master of the Kings palace, Engueram of the Celer Burioys of Paris and under treasurer of France, Iohn Pryll burioys, also sovereign master of the money and master of thaccompties of the King, and Iohn Chamnean de Charters treasurer of the kings wars. All which officers the said persons would that they should be discharged of all royal offices for ever. Also the said constituted persons, would that the King of navarre were delivered free from prison/ also that he himself would be contented to be advertised and counceyled by such as they would appoint unto him, that is to say four prelate's, xii. Knights, and xii. burioys.  
The which xxviii persons should have authority to rule and ordain all things necessary for the realm, and to set in and put out all officers appertaining to the realm/ with diverse other requests which unto the duke were nothing agreeable. Upon the which requests, the duke gave answer that he would gladly feel the opinion of his council, & upon that shape unto them some reasonable answer. But first he desired of them to know what aid the three astates would give unto him, for the delivery of his father. Whereunto it was answered, that the clergy had granted a dime & a half to be paid in a year, with that that they may have licence of the pope/ and the Lords asmuch to be levied of their lands/ and the commons the ten penny of their movable goods. Than upon the morn following within the palace of Louvre, the duke assembled his counsel/ & there showed unto them the desire & request of the iii astates. Whereupon were made many reasons/ and many messages sent between the duke and them, to reform some part of the said articles. But it was firmly answered by them, that except he would reform the said defaults, & confirm him unto their minds for the common wealth of all the land/ they would nat aid him with their goods, like as they had to him showed. Wherefore the duke by secret means sent letters unto his father, showing unto him the circumstance of all his matter/ the which wrote unto him again, that in no wise he should be agreeable unto the said requests. Than the duke to the end that he would nat that these matters should be touched in the open parliament, sent for such persons as were the chief rulers of the said iii astates/ so that to him came for the clergy the archbishops of Raynes and of lions, and the Bishop of Laon/ & for the Lords came sir warayne de Lucembourgh, Sir Johan de Comflans marshal of Champeyne, and Sir Iohn de Pygueny than ruler or governor of Artoys/ & for the commons Stephan martel than provost of the merchants of Paris, Charles Cusake, with other of other good towns.  
Than the duke showed unto them of certain news that he had lately received from the King his father/ and that done he asked their advices whether it were best the day to show their requests openly in the parliament chamber, or else to defer it for that day. And lastly after many reasons made, it was agreed, that it should be deferred till the four day after/ at the which four day the duke with the other assembled in the parliament chambre. At which season the duke said that he might nat intend that day to here and argue the said requests, for certain tidings that he had lately received from his father, and from his uncle the Emperor of Almaigne/ of the which he than showed some openly, and after dissolved for that day the counsel.  
In the month of Octobre, the iii astates of the province of Languedocke, by the authority of the Earl of Armenake than lieutenant for the King assembled for to make an aid for the Kings deliverance. And first they agreed to purvey at their proper costs .v. C. men of arms, with a seruyture to everich spear/ and over that a. M. soldiers on horseback, and a. M. of arblasters, with ii M. of other called paunsyers' in French/ all which to be waged for an hole year. The spears to have for them & their custrun every day half a floreyn, & every soldier and arblaster viii floryns for a month, and the paūsiers after the same rate.  
Also it was further ordained by the said three estates of Languedocke, that no man should were any furrys of any great price/ and that women should leave the rich attire of their heads, and were neither pearl nor gold upon them, nor silver upon their girdles, so long as the King remained prisoner. Also that all manner of minstrels for the season should be put to silence/ with divers other things for the weal of that province which would ask a long leisure to write.  
UPon all sowlyn day or the second day of November, the duke of Normandye by the advice of his council, dissolved the council of the three estates assembled at Paris/ and commanded every man to return unto his own, without effect growing of their long council or assemble. Wherewith many of the said persons were grievously miscontent/ saying among themself that they apperceived well, that this was done by the duke, to the intent that the requests by them devised should not take place/ but that the old misgovernance should continue, like as it befortymes had done. Wherefore divers of them assembled after again at the grey freres, and there made out divers copies of the said requests/ to the end that either of them might bear them into their countries, and there to show them unto the good towns. And all be it that the duke after this council thus dissolved, asked aid of the city of Paris and other good towns to maintain his wars/ he was plainly answered that they might not aid him without the said three estates were again reassembled, & that the grant of the aid might pass by their authority/ whereunto the duke in no wise would be agreeable.  
In the month of November aforesaid/ Sir Robert de Cleremount than lieutenant for the duke in Normandy, fought with sir Phylyp brother unto the King of navarre, and Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, the which then took party again the French King for the death of his nephew before put to death by King Iohn. The which knights with other held the more part of the country of Constantyne within Normandye, maugre the Duke's power. In this said fight the victory turned unto the French party/ so that the said Sir Phylyp was chased, and Sir Godfrey de Harcourt slain, with viii hundredth men of that party. And the fourth day of December following, was the castle de la Pount near unto Rouen, which by a long season had been in the rule of the forenamed Sir Phylyp, given up by appointment/ the which by the Duke's soldiers had been besieged from the month of July to that day/ so that than the holder's of the said castle departed with all their goods, and vi thousand franks for a reward for the yielding up of the said castle. A frank is in value after sterling money ii s. or thereupon.  
Upon the ten day of December were proclaimed at Paris certain coins and values of money newly ordained by the duke, and his counsel. With the which proclamation the commons of the city were grievously amoved. And for reformation the provost of the merchants with other, yode upon the second day following unto the castle or palace of Louvre, there to treat with Sir Lewis Earl of Angeou brother unto the duke and his lieutenant while the said duke was gone unto the city of Meaus, there to speak with charles of Bohemye or of Beaume then Emperor of Almaigne & uncle unto the said duke▪ where the said provost with the other made request unto the Earl, that he would cease the use of that money. And if not/ they would so demean them that it should not be suffered to be put forth nor taken within the city. Whereupon it was answered by the Earl, that he would take advice of his council, & upon the morrow give to them an answer. Upon the day following/ the said provost with a great company of the city returned. At which season the Earl in courtesy manner, desired them to return that other day, for as much as yet he had not sufficiently commoned with his council. Upon the morn the said provost returned with a moche greater company. where after long debating of the matter, it was agreed by the said Earl and provost and his company, that the money should be stopped and not to be put fourth, till they had further knowledge of the Duke's pleasure/ for knowledge whereof the Earl sent forth messengers in all speedy wise.  
And in this pastime, Peter de la Forest archbishop of Rouen and chancellor of France was made & published a cardinal. And the xxiiii day of the month of January, the duke returned unto Paris with the said cardinal in his company/ the which for reverence of the cardinal, was fet into the city with procession and other ceremonies, as well of the clergy as of the citizens. The xxvi. Day of the month of January the provost of the merchants of Paris with other of the city, appeared before the dukes council at saint germans. where it was desired of the said provost, that he should suffer the foresaid money to run and be current through the city. The which the said provost with his company utterly denied/ and after many great and bold words, departed from the said council in great ire/ and after their return unto the city, incensed so the comynalty, that they set a part all werkmanshyp and occupation in shytting in their shops, and drew unto them their armour and harness. When the duke was informed of this mumur of the commonalty of the city, he sent unto the provost/ commanding him straightly that the kings peace were kept within the city/ and over that, that he with a certain of the citizens should apere before him in the palace of Louvre upon the morrow following at an hour assigned. At which hour the said provost with his company came unto Louvre, and so were conveyed into the parliament chamber, where the duke with his council was than present. Than the duke after certain chalengys' made unto the provost for his obstinacy in this matter, and mysleding of the commonalty of the city/ said unto him, that all be it that the King by his prerogative might at his pleasure and for his advantage, make his moneys when he would, & so to suffer them to be current through his realm: yet for the weal and ease of his subjects, considering their manifold and late charges/ he was content that at this season this new money should be spared/ and that the three estates should be again assembled/ & that they should deprive all such persons than bearing offices, as they should think prejudicial to the realm/ & over that to ordain such money as might be beneficial for the land. Of all which grants, the provost, to the intent that he might of authority show them unto the commonalty of the city desired writing. The which the duke to appease the people, though it were some deal contrary his mind and pleasure, granted unto his request. For the which grant, divers of the said officers, as the chancellor or cardinal and other absented themself, and came not in Paris by a tract of time after. The xxx day of January ensuing/ the duke at the request of the said provost, sent certain officers unto the house of sir Symonde de Bucy, and of Sir Nycholas broke, and of Enguerran of the Celer, and of Iohn Prylle, which before with other were accused of misgovernance of the realm/ whose houses were by the said officers kept, and inventuaryes made of such goods as than remained within the said houses. And that done, the duke sent out commissions, that the three estates should reassemble at Paris the xv. Day of February next following/ which was observed and kept. When the said iii estates were again assembled in the parliament chamber at Paris, in the presence of the duke and his brethren with divers other nobles of France/ Master Robert Coke bishop of Laon, by the commandment of the said duke, made a long preposition of the mysguyding of the King and the land by the mean of ill officers/ as well by changing of the moneys as other many unleeful excysies and tasks, to the great inpoverysshing of the commonalty of the ream, great disclander to the King, and to the singular enriching and advancement of the said officers. Wherefore the iii estates prayen, and specially the poor commons, that all such officers may be removed from their offices/ and other that shall be thought more beneficial for the King and his realm, to be admitted. Of the which the cardinal was noted for principal/ and other to the number of xxi whereof some were right near unto the duke.  
AFter which preposition or oration thus by the said bishop ended/ Sir Iohn de Pygqueny in the name of the iii astates, offered that the said iii astates should give unto the King xxx M. men for an hole year/ with that that all things might after that day be ordered as the bishop had before devised. All which articles were unto them by the duke granted. And inconveniently all such officers as they before had named, were clearly avoided/ and other such as by the said iii astates were though most necessary, were put and chosen to their rooms/ except that some of the old, as masters of thaccounts and some of the presidents & masters of the requests, were holden in for a time, to practs & show unto the new how they should order and guide the said offices.  
And the xxvi day of the month of March was a new money proclaimed through Paris, such as the said iii astates had newly devised. Upon the vi day of Apryll was proclaimed in Paris, that the people should nat pay such subsydes as the iii. astates had ordained for the waging of xxx M. men aforesaid or for the kings finance/ and also that the said iii astates after that day should no more assemble for any causes or matters before touched, till they had farther knowledge of the Kings pleasure. For the which proclamation the citizens of Paris were grievously amoved again the bishop of Sens, the Earl of Ewe cousin Germayne to the King, and again the Earl Cancaruyle. By whose means they said this proclamation was purchased. And truth it is that the said archbishop of Sens with the said ii earls, were sent from the King from Bordeaux yet there being, to the intent that they should see the said proclamation put in ure. But so soon as the said proclamation was made/ they hearing of the mumur of the people of the city, sped them thence shortly after. Then upon this the commons waxed so wild, that they left their occupations & drew them to conventyculies and companies, and had many unsytting words by the King and his counsel. Whereof in avoiding of inconuenyency/ the duke commanded a watch to be kept within the city both by day and by night/ and certain gates of the city kept shit, and the remnant watched with men of arms. Upon the eight day of Apryll then being Easter even, another proclamation was made all contrary to that other/ by virtue whereof it was charged, that the foresaid subsidy should be levied, and that also the three estates should reassemble at Paris the xu day after Easter/ and there to proceed upon all such matters as before were by them begun. Upon the vi day of Apryll the French King shipped at Bordeaux and so was conveyed into England, like as before is showed in the xxxi. Year of King Edward. And about midsummer following, the duke of Lancaster, which by a long season had lain before a town in britain named Rosne, broke up his siege/ taking of them of that town for a finance lx M. scuties of gold. A scute is worth xi d. sterling. About the feste of Mary Magdalene in the month of July, controversy and variance began to arise among the parsons assigned for the three estates. Whereof the cause was, for so much as the sessing which they had aviewed & sessed for the xxx M. men, would nat extend unto the sum by large & great sums. So that the clergy answered that they would pay no more than they were first sessed unto. And in like manner answered such as were appointed for the Lords & for the good towns. Wherefore the archbishop of Raynes, which before was one of the chief rulers of them, refused their party and drew him all to the duke. By means of which controversy many of their acts failed/ & such as before were put out of their offices, were again restored. About the middle of August, the duke sent for the provost & Charles Cusake, with Iohn de la I'll/ the which bare the principal rule within the city, and also were great sayers & doers in the assembles of the three astates, & had taken upon them much rule in the business/ so that moche of the business was ruled by them & their means. To whom the duke gave straight commandment, that they should cease of their authorities, & nat to deal any more with the rule of the realm, but only to the good rule & governance of the city of Paris. And that done the duke road about unto divers good towns, & made request unto them for aid/ and also to have the money to be current among them, which as before is showed the x. day of Decembre was at Paris proclaimed. But he sped little of his purpose.  
In this mean while, the citizens of Paris of one will & mind, offered before saint Remyge a taper of wax of wonderful length and greatness/ the which they ordained to bren day and night while it would last. And shortly after they sent unto the duke so pleasant message, that he returned again unto the city/ whom they received with all honour and reverence. And upon the morrow after his return/ the provost with certain other of the city, showed unto the duke that they would make a great shift for him toward the maintenance of his wars. And to bring that matter to good conclusion/ they besought him that he would assemble at Paris shortly, a certain persons of twenty or xxx good towns there next adjoinaunt. The which was unto them granted/ so that shortly after there assembled at Paris, upon lxx. persons/ the which held their counsel together by sundry days. How be it in the end they showed unto the duke, that nothing they might bring to effect, without assemble of the iii astates/ & besought him that they might be eft reassembled/ trusting that by their presence the Duke's mind should be content and satisfied.  
Upon which request the duke sent his commyssions, charging the said three astates to apere before him at Paris, the wednesday next following the day of all saints. And full fain he was to do all thing that the citezyns of Paris him required to do/ for as testifieth the French chronicle, he was so bare of money that he had nat sufficient to defend his quotidian charge.  
IN the viii year of King Iohn and wednesday after Alhalowen day/ the iii astates reassembled at Paris, and held their counsel within the black freers. During which counsel the King of navern that long had been holden in prison within the castle of Alleux, was delivered by the means of Sir johann Pyquygny, than governor of the country of Arthoys/ and after conveyed by the said Iohn unto the town of Amyas. When the King of navarre was thus set at large/ anon his sister and other of his friends made means unto the duke of Normandy, for an unity & a peace to be had between them/ and by them a mean was founden, that the King with such as were in his company, should come under safe conduit to Paris to common with the duke. When divers of the iii astates, as such as were of Champeyn and Burgoyn, knew of the coming of the King of navarre unto Paris/ they without leave taking departed. And upon the even of saint Andrew the said King entered Paris with a great company of men of arms. Among the which was the bishop of Paris, with many other of the said city. Upon the morrow following the day of saint Andrew/ the King intending to show his mind unto the commonalty of the city, caused an high scaffold to be made by the wall of saint german where he was lodged. where much people being assembled, he showed unto them a long process of his wrongful enprysonement, and of the mysgyding of the land by means of ille officers, with many covert words to the dishonour of the French King, and justification of himself and excusing of his own deeds, and so returned into his lodging.  
Upon the third day of December/ the provost with other of the city yode unto the duke/ and in the names of the good towns or commynaltyes of the same, required of him that he would do unto the King of navarre reason and justice.  
To whom it was answered by the bishop of Laon, that the duke should nat allonly show unto the King reason & justice/ but he should also show unto him friendly brotherhood, with all grace & courtesy. And all be it that at that season, many of the dukes counsel were present, to whom the giving of that answer had more conveniently appertained than to the said Bishop/ yet they were at that time in such fere, that they durst nat move any thing that should sound contrary the displeasure of the King of navarre or of the provost & other. Than it was agreed that upon the Sabbath following, the King and the duke which as yet had nat spoken together, should meet at the place of the sister of the said King. where they met with unfrendely countenance/ & after they had communed there a long season, departed with little love or charity. And upon the Monday following, were showed unto the duke & his counsel, certain requests desired by the King of navarre/ the which the duke was forced to grant. whereof the substance was, that the King should have again and enjoy all such lands, castles, and towns, with all movables to them belonging, as he was in possession of the day that King Iohn was taken within the castle of Rouen/ and over that he should be pardoned of all offences by him done again the crown of France before that day, and all other his adherentes, or such as had taken his party before that tyme. And soon upon this, was ordained that the Earl of Harcourt and other, which King Iohn had caused to be beheaded and after to be hanged upon the common gibet of Rouen, should be delivered unto their friends, to be buried at their pleasures. After which conclusions taken, and assurances made as far as the Duke's authority would extend unto/ Sir Almary knight, Menlene knight, with three or four men of honour more, were sent into Normandye, to repossess the King of navarre in all such lands, castles, and towns, as he before time was in possession of, with all movables unto the said lands appertaining. And than the said King and duke held familiar company, and dined and souped together often scythes, at the manoir or lodging of Queen Johan sister unto the said King, and other places.  
Also the said King delivered out of prison, all prisoners as well spiritual as temporal, such as were thought any thing favourable unto his cause. Among the which some there were, that for their demerits were adjudged to perpetual prison.  
In this time & season tidings sprang within the city of Paris, that the Kings of England and of France were agreed, and that King Johan should shortly return into France. By reason of which tidings, the King of navarre made the more haste to dyspache him out of Paris/ so that he with his company departed from Paris the twenty day of December, & road toward the city of Maunte in Normandy. Soon after the King was thus departed/ divers enemies to the numbered of ten or xii C. came within four or .v. miles of Paris/ which were deemed to be of the company of Sir Phylip brother unto the King of navarre. These rob and pilled the country thereabout/ in so much that the people of the country of Preaux and traps, and other there about, were constrained with their movables to flee unto Paris. Wherefore the duke sent out his letters and commissions, for to assemble his knights to withstand the said enemies.  
But the said citizens of Paris cast an other way/ and thought it to be done to the grievance or correction of them. For doubt whereof/ the provost with other that had the governance of the city, caused the gates to be kept/ and none should enter but such as liked them.  
In this pass time the King of navarre being in Normandy, required deliver of the castles of Bretnell, of Euroux, and other/ the which to him by the capitains were denied. Wherefore he thinking that the duke performed nat to him his promise/ gathered unto him great strength to win by strength that he might nat have his former band & promise. Of this was put in great wite the bishop of Laon, which was the chief counceloure of the duke, & especial friend unto the King/ so that what thing was spoken in the Duke's counsel, was shortly after manifested by him and his means unto the King of navarre. This also was one of the chief rulers of the assemble of the iii astates/ and after left them and fell by his great doubleness and dissimulation in the Duke's favour, and so became chief of his counsel, for the which of the common people he was named the best with ii mouths. Than the citizens of Paris hearing of the denayeng of the said castles unto the King/ knew well that mortal war should grow between him and the duke. And for they would have the citizens known from other strangers/ therefore they ordained them hodies parted of red and blewe/ charging every man that he should nat pass his lodging without the hood and cognisance.  
Upon the viii day of January the King of navarre entered the city of Rouen with a great company of men of arms/ and drew unto him many english men; and such as were enemies unto the French King. And upon the xii day of January the said King assembled the people of that city, and made a like sermon unto them as before he had done unto the commonalty of Paris/ and did a solemn obsequy to be done for the Earl of Harcourt and the other with him put to death, as above is said by King Iohn. in this while the duke of Normandy that long while had tarried in Paris, in hope and aid of the citizens/ & was ever by the provost and other driven of from day to day: It was advised him by his counsel, that he should show his mind unto the commonalty of the city.  
whereof when the bishop of Laon and the provost were ware/ anon they showed unto him many doubts and impediments and also parels, for to treat with a commonalty. Nat withstanding he refused their counsel, & caused the people to be assembled at their common hall. Whither he with a small company came, the xi. Day of January about ix of the clock in the morning/ where he showed unto the commons a long and a pleasant oration. Whereof the effect was, that he bore very faithful mind unto the city/ and for the weal thereof he would put his life in jeopardy. And where as by his evil willers he was reported, that he should gather men of arms to grieve the city/ he said and swore it was never his entention, but only to avoid such enemies as daily pilled and rob their neighbours and friends. And where he also knew well, that great sums of money were gathered of the people toward the kings finance/ he let them understand that no penny thereof was common to his hands.  
But his mind was, that such persons as had received that money, should with their assistance be called to a due account. Which oration with many kind and loving words ended/ the people with it were very well contented/ so that of them he was well commended and allowed. Upon the morrow being Friday and xii. day of January/ the provost and other of his affinity, hearing of the favour that many of the commons bare unto the duke, and fearing lest the duke should by his means turn the commons upon them/ assembled a great part of the city at a place called saint James hospital, & specially such as they knew well favoured their party. When the duke was ware of the assemble, anon he sped him thither, having with him the bishop of Laon. where by the mouth of his chancellor, he caused to be showed a part of the matter which he himself had showed the day before unto the commonalty/ with more, that where as such as aught unto him no good will, reported him that he kept nat promise made with the King of navarre/ he showed there the contrary. And if any thing were nat to him performed, it was contrary to his mind & pleasure/ & that that in his power lay nat to fulfil. And so soon as the chancellor had ended his tale/ Charles Cusake stood up to the intent to have showed his mind. But there was such a rumour and noise among the people, that he might nat be hard/ so that than the duke parted with such company as he brought, except the bishop of Laon, which tarried there with the provost and other. And when the duke was departed Charles Cusake began his tale, & spoke boldly again the kings officers/ and by covert words somewhat again the duke. After which tale finished one named Iohn de saint Ounde, which by authority of the three astates was newly made one of the general governors of the subsydy/ stood up and said, that the provost nor no other person of the three astates, had no penny of that subsidy in their hands/ the which saying the provost also affirmed.  
furthermore showed than there the said Iohn, that certain knights which he there named sent from the duke, had received of the said subsidy to the sum of l or lx M. more tons of gold, the which were employed to no good use. After which process ended by the said Johan/ Charles Cusake again began to speak, and made a long commendation of the providence and good disposition of the provost, which had taken upon him great pain and displeasure, & spent largely of his own for the common wealth of the city. wherefore if he might know that the commonalty would nat aid and stand by him for the furtherance of the same/ he would be content to leave of, & get him there as he should be quite of all trouble, and also out of the danger of all his enemies. whereunto was anon made a great exclamation by the people, saying they would live and die with him in that quarrel.  
vpon the xiii day of January/ the duke sent for divers persons of the three astates, & exorted them by goodly and amiable words, that they would demean them again his father and him, as faithful and loving subjects/ and he should so report them unto the King, that they of him should have great thanks.  
And as touching himself/ he would be so good lords unto them, that they should think their kindness and fidelity well bestowed. bestowed. The which granted unto him their troth and service to the uttermost of their powers/ advising him to take upon him the governance of the realm/ for they thought he tarried to long or he took the rule thereof. Than soon upon this, the said three estates ordained a more feeble money than they before had made, to the advantage of the duke/ to the end that he should withstand the enemies forenamed, which as yet remained in the country about Paris, and pilled the villages and took prisoners/ the which they conveyed unto such holds as they than held in that country. Thus during these manifold adversities among the Frenchmen/ upon the xxiiii day of the said month of January, Iohn Baylet treasurer unto the duke, was slain at Paris of a yeoman or Uarlet of the change called Peryne mark. The which Peryne after that cursed deed done, fled unto saint Mary church. But at night the duke sent Sir Iohn de Shalous his marchall, with the provost of the city named Guillyam Scayse and other/ the which broke up the church doors and took the said Peryne out by force/ and lad him unto prison called the Chastelet. Out of the which upon the morn he was taken, and his hands smitten of/ and so drawn unto the gibet of Paris, & there hanged. But upon the third day following, by means of the bishop of Paris he was taken down and buried within the said church of our lady, with great reverence and solemnity. At which obsequy was present the provost of the merchants, with many other burgesis of the city. The first day of the month of February/ Sir Iohn de Pyquyny came unto Paris from the King of navarre, and made request unto the duke, of divers covenants by him to be performed toward the King, which as yet were nat accomplished. Which request the duke took unpatiently/ and gave unto the said Sir Iohn many high and displesaunt words. How be it in the end the Bishop of Laon said, that the duke should be advised upon the answer of the Kings demand. Upon the iii day of February, the provost of the merchants, with certain of the university of Paris & other burgesses, yode unto the duke unto Louvre. where it was required by the said persons, that he would fulfil unto the King of navarre, all such covenants as were lately made with him/ and specially that the castles of Euroux & other before named, might be delivered unto him according to his apoyntement. And furthermore it was showed unto the duke by a doctor of divinity, that if he or the King of navarre would serve from any point or article of the said former agreement/ that the iii astates had utterly determined to aid and assist him, that would keep the said agreement, & to withstand the other that would nat obey or uphold the said concord & agreement. whereunto the duke was well agreeable/ saying that he had performed all his promise, except the deliver of certain castles, which the capitains wythhelde contrary his mind and pleasure/ laying for their excuses, that by the King his father to them they were delivered, and to him and none other they will deliver than again.  
Upon the xi day of February, certain of the iii astates being at counsel in their place accustomed/ the provost of the merchants assembled their crafts of the city at a place called saint Clowe or Cloy in harness.  
In which time of his with them there being/ an advocate of the parliament called master reynold Dacy, as he was going from the Duke's palace toward his own house, he was slain by men of the town.  
And soon thereafter the said provost with a great company of armed men entered the palace of Louvre/ & so with a certain complices entered the dukes chamber, & there without saluting of the duke said unto him: sir dysmay you nothing whatsomever ye see us do, for we intend to your person no harm. And or these words were fully ended/ his company fell upon a knight called Sir Nycholas de conflans than marshal of champagne, and upon Sir Robert de Cleremount leaving upon the Duke's bed, & slew them out of hand. When the duke beheld this horrible deed, he was in marvelous fere of his own person/ & prayed the provost with his cap in his hand, that he would safeguard his person/ the which the provost granted, with that he would by him be advertised.  
Than the said ii deed corpses were drawn down the steyers without pity/ and laid in the court that all men might behold that miserable spectacle. And for the Duke's safeguard, the provost took unto his party a hood of red & blue, the which he put upon his head/ and the provost received the Duke's hood being of burnet & garnished with a frenge of gold/ & so either ware others hood all that day. And that done, the provost with his company went unto their common hall/ where he showed unto the comynalty that the ii persons were especial enemies unto the common weal, and false traitors to god & to the crown of France/ and that he and his adherentes intended the preservation of the common weal of the realm, and the city/ & would understand of them, whether they would stand by him in that doing or not. The which cried with one voice ovy, ovy/ that is to say ye, ye. And when he had received this comfort of the people, he returned again unto the duke. Than he recomforted him and said, that all that was done, was done by th'assent of the people, & for to avoid the greater inconvenience. For these that were slain were great enemies unto the common wealth, & traitors unto the crown. Wherefore he willed the duke to allow that deed/ & if any pardon were requisite for the deed or any other to be had, that he should liberally grant it. All which things the duke was fain to say ye unto/ and prayed him & the other than also of the citizens to be his friends, & he would in likewise be theirs. And after this agreement/ the provost sent for ii clothes one of red/ and the other of blue/ and willed the duke to make hoods of the same for all his servants. And so the duke and his servants were clothed in the livery of the town/ the blue set upon the right side. Than again night when the said ii corpsies had lain all day upon the stones of the palace/ the provost commanded them to be laid in a cart, and so without priest or other reverence to be conveyed unto a place of saint Katherine there to be buried. And when the said corpsies were thus brought unto the said place, that carter took one of their garments for his labour, & so departed.  
It was nat long after that a messenger came from the bishop of Paris, which warned the brethren of that house to spare the burying of Sir Robert de Cleremount, for as much as the bishop noted him, accursed for breaking up of saint Mary church, when he by force fet out Peryne mark, as before is showed. But after, they and also the advocate master Reynolde Dacy were buried secretly. Upon the morn following the provost assembled at the frere augustine's a great company of the city, with all such as then were there of the good towns by reason of the foresaid counsel. To which assemble, by the mouth of master Roberte de Corby a man of the city, was showed a protestation of all the circumstance of the foresaid matter/ and how that by the Duke's coūs●●l & also by the three astates, many good things were concluded for the delivery of the King/ & should or that time have common to good effect, ne had been the enpechement of four persons, the which at that season were nat named.  
This business thus continuing, the King of Navarne came unto Paris the xxvi day of February, with a good company of armed men/ and was conveyed by the citizens unto a place of the dukes called the Neel, & there lodged. To whom the provost with his complyces made request, that he would make alliance with them, and to support them in that the they had done/ the which by him was granted. Than the Queen his sister and other, made instant labour to agree him and the duke. Which in conclusion took such effect, that the King should have in recompencement of his wrongs, the earldom of Bygorre and the vynery of Ramer, with the erledom of Maston, and other lands to the extente of ten M. li. of Paris money by year. And over that his sister called Queen Blanch, should have the lordship of Morette for her Dowry. After which accord thus concluded/ the King and the duke kept together very friendly and loving familyarite, dined and souped either with other by many and sundry times, & either unto other gave rich gifts. Among the which one was, that the duke gave unto the King the said place of Neel which he than lodged in.  
Upon the xii day of March, the duke of Normandye was proclaimed regent of France through the city of Paris/ and after through all France. And soon after he departed from Paris, and road into the country of champagne, where he tarried a season. And the King of navarre returned to Maunt in Normandye. Than the regent drew unto him the nobles of champagne & of province/ and began to menace the provost and other of Paris, that before had put him to dishonour, and slain so villainously his true counselors. And after promise taken of the Earl of Brene and other nobles of that country, that they should aid him again his father's rebels and his enemies/ he than road unto the abbey of Ponley in Monstruell/ and after yode unto a castle which belonged unto Queen Blanch sister unto the King of navarre, and willed the capitain named Tanpyne to deliver to him that castle. The which after divers denayes, opened the gates and received in the regente, and lodged him therein that night. Upon the which the regent caused the said Tanpyne to swear unto him, that he should keep that castle to his use/ and after made him still warden of the same/ and so departed thence & road to Meaux where his wife lay.  
In this time and season the provost of the merchants of Paris, hearing of the regentes doing▪ and of the affinity that he made with them of champagne, feared the sequel thereof. Wherefore by the advise of such as favoured his cause/ he yode into the castle of Louvre, and there took out artylery, gunnys, and other abylymentes of war, and put them in the store house of the city, to be ready when time requered. The regent speeding his journey returned again to compeygn. And where as before was appointed, that the iii astates should the first day of May assemble at Paris/ the regent than sent out his commyssions, and charged the said iii astates to assemble the third day of the said month of May at Compeyngne aforesaid/ wherewith the said citizens of Paris were greatly amoved. At this assemble was granted unto the regent, a subsydy both of the Clergy and also of the lay fee/ so that the regent waxed daily stronger and stronger. Whereof hearing the King of navarre/ removed from a town called Merlo/ and with a strong company came unto a place or town named damage, purposely for to treat with the regent for the citizens of Paris. where in the beginning of May that said two Princes met, either having great strength of men of arms.  
When the King of navarre had by ii days continual made request unto the regent for the citizens of Paris, and might natte speed of his request/ he departed the third day and road unto Paris. where he was honourably received & feasted by the space of ten or xii days. In which season he warned them of the great displeasure that the regent bare toward the city/ and advised them to make them as strong as they might. In this pass time the bishop of Laon being with the regent at Compeyne, was like to have been vylonyed by some of the regents counsel. wherefore in secret wise he departed unto saint Denyse/ and from thence he was fet by the kings servants of navarre unto Paris/ in whom was put great fault of all this trouble.  
About the middle of may/ one named Guyllyam Calley gathered unto him a company in the province of Beavaysyn, as of the towns of Cerreux Norecell, Cramoysye, and other there about. The which being evil disposed, slew divers knights and esquires of that country, and their wives and servants/ and pilled and spoiled the country as they went, and threw down certain piles and other strengths, and a part of the castle of Beawmount/ and forced the Duchess of orleans to forsake that castle, that than was there lodged/ and for her safeguard to go unto Paris.  
Upon the xxx day of May/ the provost and other governors of the city of Paris, caused Iohn Paret, master of the bridge of Paris, and the master carpenter of the kings works, to be drawn, hanged, heeded and quartered. For it was put upon them, that they should have brought into the city a certain number of of the regentes soldiers, and so to have betrayed the city. And the foresaid people of Beawaysyne gathered unto them daily more people, as labourers and villains/ the which came into the country of Mountmerencie, & slew and rob there the gentlemen of that country as they had done of other, and so passed the country without resistance. And the regent in this while came to the city of Sens in Languedocke, where he was honourably received/ all be it that the commons of that city & gentiles of that country, were greatly leaning unto the citizens of Paris/ & there tarried a season to express to them his mind. In which mean time a spycer or grocer namer Gill of Paris, with one Iohn Uayllaunt provost of the Kings money, with a company of viii C. men in harness road unto the city of Meaux/ whereof the mayre of that city they were joyfully received, contrary his promise before made unto the regent. where with assistance of the said mayor & other of that city, they intended to have taken the wife of the said regent, with other noble women than there sojourning with her/ and so to have conveyed them unto Paris, there to have kept them till the citizens might purchase the favour & grace of the regent.  
But when the Earl of Foyse, which then had the rule of the said gentlewomen, knew their intent/ anon he gathered unto him his company/ and with assistance also of some of the said city, he made upon vi or vii C. men in harness, and issued boldly again the foresaid persons and skyrmysshed with them. In which skirmish in the end, the men of Paris were sconfited and chased, & the mayre of Meaus named Iohn Soulas taken with other/ which after for their rebellion were put in execution. And after this victory thus obtained/ & in revengement of the death of a knight called Sir Lewis de Chambly there slain with other gentlemen/ & for the untruth of the city: the foresaid Earl set fire upon a side of the city, & brent a great part thereof, as well churches as other/ which fire was scantly stenched in viii days after.  
In this while the King of navarre hearing of the great harm & destruction that the company of Guyllyam Calley made of gentlemen in Mountmerency & other places, like as before is showed, yode again him/ & near unto a place called Cleremount encountered him and his people, and gave unto them battle, and slew much of his people/ and took him on live, & caused his heed to be stricken of. And soon after, the citizens of Paris sent unto him/ requiring him to draw toward them. At whose request he sped him thitherward, and entered the city upon the xu day of juny/ and was conveyed unto saint Germayne in Pree & there lodged. And upon the morn he went unto the common hall of the city/ where the commons being assembled, he made unto them a long & pleasant oration, of the great kindness that he had found in many of the good towns of France & specially in the city of Paris. For the which they had bound him to take their party again all other, making none exception. After which tale by him ended/ Charles Cusake stood up, & showed unto the people what ruinous point the land stood in for lack of a wise head & governor. Wherefore he exhorted the people to choose the King for their governor. Which than was so done/ & he there took upon him the rule, & promised with them to live and die. Upon the xxii. day of the said month of juny/ the King of navarre with a company of vi. M. spears of the city & other, departed from Paris, and road unto a town called Gonnesse, where an other company of the city tarried for him/ & from thence road toward Senlys. But when the gentlemen of his host understood that he had taken upon him to be capitain of the commonalty, where again the more party of the nobles of France were of the contrary party/ they left him many of them, & specially such as were of the duchy of Burgoyne/ and with congee of him taken, resorted into their countries. When the regent had visited divers countries, & won unto him the benevolence of the same, & had also gathered unto him great strength/ he sped him toward Paris/ & lodged him in the end of the month of Juny, in a place called in French le Pount de Charenton fast by boys in Uyncent. In whose company were numbered upon xxx M. horsemen/ so that the country there about was pilled & wasted with that host.  
whereof hearing the King of navarre, returned back again, and came with his host unto saint Denys within ii miles of Paris. And the city of Paris was kept day & night, that no man might enter or go out, without licence of the provost & other rulers thereof. In this mean while that the said two Princes lay thus with their two hosts about the city/ Queen Johan sister unto the King, made an instant labour unto the regent for grace for the citizens. By whose means a comucation was appointed to be held between the King & the regent, the eight day of July, at a place called the wind mill fast by the house of saint Anthony. At which meeting it was lastly accorded between the said Princes, that the King of navarre should do his best to bring the citizens of Paris unto due obedience. And if he saw in them such obstinacy, that they would nat do their duty, & to give for their rebellion such sums of money as by him & the regent should be thought according/ that than the King should utterly refuse their party, and turn unto the regent with all his power.  
And over that, the King for all demands that he could ask of the regent for any cause, over the agreement between them last made, should have iii. C.M. floryns of gold, whereof an C.M. to be paid that day xii months, and yearly after l M. till the full were paid. And farther it was accorded, that the King after that day should take party with the regent again all persons, except only the King of France/ And to the end that this accord should be firmly held upon both sides/ the bishop of Lyseux there being present, with many other Lords, sang there mass within the tent where this accord was concluded/ and after agnus dei, swore the two Princes upon the sacrament, that without collusion or fraud they should observe and keep everich article of the said accord. After which conclusion thus taken/ the regent repaired unto his host, & the King unto saint Denys. Than upon the morrow the King entered Paris, and conveyed thither with him but a certain/ & so tarried there all that day, without any report sending unto the regent.  
And the second day for the more strengthing of the town, he sent for certain english soldiers, as archers and other, and set them in the town wages/ & neither sent nor returned unto the regente with any answer. Than toward the night, how it was assault was made by some of the regentes people upon a part of the town, so that divers men were slain upon both sides/ but the more upon the party of the city.  
Than the King of navarre upon the morrow returned unto saint Denys/ leaving within the city the foresaid strength of Englyshmen with other. When the regent was ware of the Kings being at saint Denys/ he sent unto him, and him required of performance of such accord as lately between them was condissended/ & sins by his means he might nat induce the citizens to due obedience, that he would according to his promise take party with him/ whereby they and other enemies to the common wealth, might be recounceyled. whereunto the King answered and said, that the regent had broken the said accord. For where he by his diligence & labour, had brought the citizens to a near point of reconciliation & submyssion/ the regent by the mean of that assault which he made unto the town, caused the said citizens to renounce all their former grant, & to bind them upon their former will fullness. After which answer thus given by the King/ the regent caused his people to pass the river of Sayne by a bridge made of botes, and so to bren the town of Uyttry & divers other towns, & rob & pilled the country there about.  
Upon the xiiii day of July, divers of the town of Paris issued out of the town/ & with the aid of the Englyshmen endeavoured them to have succoured the said town of Uyttry/ with also to have destroyed the brydg. At which journey they bore them so well, that with their shot they wounded many of their enemies/ and took prisoner the regentes marshal named sir Reynolde de fountains with divers other/ & after returned unto their city.  
Upon the xix day of July, the Queen Iohn sister unto the King of navern, with the archbishop of lions, the bishop of Paris, with certain other temporal persons of the city/ yode unto a place assigned without the town. where with them met the regent & certain of his counsel/ & at length concluded an unyte and concord between the said regent & citizens, without farther pain or exaction to be put unto them/ except that the said citizens should humbly submit them unto the regent, in aknowleging their offence, & asking of him mercy & grace for the same/ & over that to be ordered further as the King of navarre, the said Queen Iohn, with the duke of orleans & the Earl of El camps, would dame & adiuge/ and that granted, the regent to open all ways & passages as well by land as by water, that all merchants may pass as they before times used/ & in likewise they of the city to open the gates of the town, and to receive all strangers.  
AFter which agreement thus concluded & agreed, with all other before made between the King & the regent to be maintained & upholden/ the regent sent from him much of his people/ & appointed the said bishops & the other for the town, to meet with him the four day following at a place called Laiguy Sir Marne. where he would have also the King of navarre & the other, to perfect and clearly finish the said agreement/ & upon this made proclamations through the host, that a good and perfect peace was agreed. wherefore many of the host for divers causes them moving yode toward the city, trusting there gladly & lovingly to be received. But uponn the morn when they came unto the gates, they fande them watched with harnessed men, which would none suffer to enter but such as them liked/ among the which one named Macequetta servant of the regents was miss entreated. And nat withstanding that accord/ yet the movable goods of such as were with the regent & had houses within the city, where disperbled and stroyed.  
Upon the xxi day of July & even of mary Magdaleyne, a strife began to kindle within the city/ so that the citizens complained them upon the englishmen, surmising again them divers causes. By mean whereof the comonte in a fury yode unto the palaye of Necl, where at that time many of the capitains of the englishmen dined with the King of navarre/ upon whom they fell suddenly, and slew of them upon xxiiii & after in divers places of the city, took the other deal to the numbered of four C. or thereupon, and closed them in divers prisons. with which doing, the King of navarre, with also the provost and other the governors of the city were right fore discontented. Wherefore upon the day following, the King assembled the commonalty at their common hall/ intending by pleasant words to have caused them to have been repentant of the murder of the foresaid capitains, & also to have gotten the remanant out of prison.  
But the more the King spoke for the englishmen, the more woder were they disposed again them/ saying that those which were within the city, should nat alonely be put to death; but also such as were at saint Denys, which there spoiled that town & country environ/ and had had such words unto the King, that in the end he with the provost & the other governors, were fain to grant unto them, that they would go with them for to help to distress the said englishmen. And so the same day again night/ the commons issued by the gate of saint honour/ & the King of navarre with the provost & their company went out by the wyndemylle, so that in the said assembles of the King & the commons were numbered upon xvi C. spears, and of foot men upon viii M. when the King with his company was comen into the field where the said wyndemylle standeth/ he hoved there well up on half an hour, to see what the other company would do. The which sent out iii spears to espy where the Englyshmen were, and espied of them upon xl or l that appeared by a woods side near unto saint Clow/ and weening that the said englishmen there had been no more, returned & showed what they had seen. whereupon the said commons in all haste sped them thither. And when they were within the danger of their shot/ the Englishmen issued out of diverse parties of the wood, and wounded and slew many of them. Wherewith the other being feared fled incontinently/ whom the englishmen pursued so cruelly, that they slew of the foot men upon vi C. in all.  
which season the King of navern and also the provost with their people, stood still & never moved toward them for their defence or aid. After this scomfiture thus sustained by the Parysyens/ the King left the city and road unto saint Denys/ and the provost with his company returned unto Paris. where he was received with hydyous noise and cry, aswell of women as men, for that he so cowardly had suffered his neighbours to be wounded and slain. By reason of this the murmur of the people increased daily more and more again the provost/ so that in manner a party was taken between the provost and the other governors of the city and the commonalty. For the commons would have put to death many of the prisoners of the englishmen/ but the provost with his affinity let them, and preserved them from their fury and malice.  
And upon the xxvii day of July being friday/ the said provost being encompanyed with viii score or two. C. men in harness, yode unto Louvre and other prisons and, took out the said Englishmen, & conveyed them unto the gate of saint honour/ and so sent them unto their other fellowship than being at saint Denys.  
Of whom they were joyously received and welcomed/ & specially of the King of navarre, at whose request as the common fame went, that provost with the other rulers of the town them delivered. Thus more & more civil discord began to increase within the city/ so that the rulers of the city were now in as great dought and fere of their neighbours, as before time they were of the regent & his knights.  
So that upon the tuesday following being the last day of July/ the provost with other of his company being in harness as daily they were used, went to dinner unto the bastille of saint Denys. And there being at dinner/ the provost commanded to such as than kept the keys of that bastille, that they should deliver them unto Geffrey de Maston than treasurer of the wars of the King of navarre. But the porters denayed the commandment/ & said presysely that they would nat deliver the keys to him nor yet to any stranger. For the which answer many haught words were blown on either party/ so that people gathered about them. Whereof hearing one named Iohn Maylart, to whom belonged the watch of a quarter of the city/ wherein & in which quarter the said bastille stood, drew near & gave ere unto the words/ & shortly after in bold manner said unto the provost, that the keys should remain still with the said keepers, & nat to be taken out of their possession. By mean of which words the provost with his company were incensed with more malice/ & uttered many high and dysdaynous words to fere the said Iohn Maylart and the other. Wherefore the said Iohn Maylart fearing the provost, lest he should shortly call his strength to him, & by mean thereof put him and other to an afterdele/ suddenly gate him on horseback/ & bearing a banner of the French Kings in his hand, cried with aloud voice, Mon joy saint Denys au Roy et a duke. When the people saw him thus ride about, and cried joy to the King & the duke/ anon moche people followed him, & cried in the same wise. And in likewise did the provost & his company, which took the way toward the bastille of saint Anthony. And the said Maylarte road toward the market place, & there hoved with his company. In which time & season one called Pepyn de Essars, not knowing of the feat of Iohn Maylart, in like manner gathym on horseback/ and bearing a banner of the arms of France, road about crying the foresaid cry, & so lastly came unto the other. While the commons were thus assembled in the market place/ the provost came unto the foresaid bastille of saint Anthony/ where it was reported to that keepers of that bastille, that the provost had lately received letters from the King of navarre which they desired to see/ whereof the provost denayed the sight, & specially one named Guyffarde. wherefore after some words of displeasure, one struck at the said Guyffarde, & through his harness wounded him. where with the provost being amoved, made resistance again the said keepers/ so that either ran at other with their wepyns. In which strife the said Guyffarde was first slain/ & after the provost with one of his comperes named Symonde Palmeyr. Whereof hearing the fore said Iohn Maylart & his company, in all haste sped them thither & pursued upon other that than were fled for fere/ & so straightly searched, that they fond one called Iohn of the isle, & Giles marcel under the provost of merchants, which they also slew without pity. And after at the bastille of saint Martyne, they found one called Iohn Paret the younger, whom they slew also. And soon were they spoiled of all that they had, and laid naked in the open street for all men to look upon. And when they vi corpsies had so lain by a certain time/ they were than put in a cart & drawn unto a house of saint Katherine, and there buried unreverently. And upon the morrow following, were taken Charles Cusake, & Josseron or Geffrey Maston, and put into the chastelet, and there kept in straight prison. And thus seized this riot within the city of Paris, that had continued for the more party by the space of a year & ix months/ as from the beginning of the month of November in the vii year of King Iohn, unto th'end of the month of July in the viii year of this said King/ or from the taking of the duke in his chamber, to the death of the provost by the space of vi months. After which persons thus slain/ the said Iohn Maylart sent unto the regent, requiring him that he would speed him unto the city/ & in the mean while to send some noble man to have the rule of the same. And in that while the commons made search, & took many of the former rulers, as Petyr Gill grocer, which as before is said was capitain unto them that were sent unto Meaus. And with him was taken Sir Pyers Caylart knight and warden of the castle of Louvre. Also one called Iohn Prenost, with Petyr Blount. Also a vocate named Master Peter Puyssour/ & a fellow of his named Master Johan Godarde. All which persons were shortly after put to death by sundry times, & their bodies cast in to a river called Bone Uoycyne. And upon the xii day of August, the regent was received into Paris with all honour and gladness. whereof hearing the King of navarre, & of the putting to death of Ioss●ran his treasurer/ sent unto the regent words of defiance/ letting him to understand that he would be revenged of that wrong and other.  
UPon the xiiii day of August, the regent caused to he assembled within the common hall of Paris the cytezyns/ to whom he made a long declaration of the treasons & riots done by these persons put to death, & by the bishop of Laon & other yet leaving/ which intended as he said to have made the King of navarre King of France, & to have yelden the city of Paris into the power of Englishmen. Than the King of navarre with the Englyshmen yode unto Meloon/ where they by favour & strength occupied the isle, & all that country which stretched toward Byer/ & warred upon the country toward Gastenoys & did therein moche harm aswell by fire as otherwise. And shortly after Sir Iohn Pyquegny & Sir Robert his brother, which were capitains under the King of navern, made war upon the town of Turnay and other towns of Pycardy/ and slew many of the common people, and took prisoners of the gentlemen of that country to the numbered of an hundredth & above.  
Among the which the bishop of Noyen was taken, and with the other lad unto a castle or town called Creeyll, whereof the foresaid Sir Robert was capitain/ and so continued in doing damage in diverse places, aswell near unto Paris as else where. During which war thus made by the King of navarre and his accessaries/ in the month of Septembre and beginning of the ix. Year of King Iohn, the foresaid Sir Iohn de Piquegny laid his siege unto the city of Amyas, & won within the bulwarks of the same/ so that the city was like to have been yelden unto him, ne had been the rescous of the Earl of saint Poule, which drove the said Iohn & his people a back. But the said Sir Iohn with aid of the Englysshemen quit him so manfully, that he had the dominion of all that country of beawuasyne/ so that wine nor no merchandise might pass to Tournay nor other towns thereabout, without his safe conduit or licence. And in like manner Sir Robert knolls capitain of the Englisshemen in britain, got there many holds & towns, which I pass over.  
Upon the xxv day of Octobre, divers of the burgeysies & rulers of the city of Paris, as Iohn Guyffarde, Nycholas Poret, & other to the numbered of xix persons, by the commandment of the regent were arrested & sent unto prison/ and so remained by the space of four days. Wherefore the friends of the said prisoners yode unto the provost of the merchants than named Iohn Culdoe, and required him to make labour with other unto the regent than being at Louvre, for the delivery of their friends, or at the lest to know the cause of their inprysonement/ which request the provost and other executed. It was answered to them by the regent, that upon the morrow he would be at their common hall/ where before the commonalty that cause of their inprysonement should be showed. And if than the citizens thought good to have them set at large/ he would therewith hold him contented. At which hour appointed, the regent came unto the said hall/ and there showed that one named Iohn Damyens, which had married the daughter of Iohn Restable one of the said prisoners, had caused his said father & the other, that they had allied them with the King of Navern contrary their allegiance/ wherefore he thought they had deserved to die. But for the favour that he owed unto the city & to them, for they were of good substance/ he would nat do any thing to them till they were inquired of by their neighbours. After the which declaration thus made by the regent/ every man feared to speak any more for them, but suffered the law to have his course. How be it in the end they were acquitted of that treason, and finally delivered by the end of the next month.  
Upon the third day of December, entered into Paris the Cardinals of Pierregort & of Urgell, to treat a concord and peace between the regent & the King of navarre. But in conclusion nothing they sped of that they came for/ wherefore they returned unto Auynyon. In which return they were rob of great substance/ whereof Englyshmen bore the disclaunder. And thus this grudge hanging between the King & the regent/ many robberies & other harms were done unto divers towns in France, to the great enpoverysshing of the people of that land, and to the great enriching of such Englyshemen as than were there abiding in daily wars, both with the King of navarre & also in britain.  
For shortly after this, the foresaid Sir Roberte Knolles and other englishmen wan the town of Ancer and other, like as in the three and thirty year of King Edward is before more at length declared.  
In the month of May & xix day of the same/ the regent for tidings which he had received from his father out of England, by the report of the archbishop of Sens & other/ assembled many of the good towns at Paris. But the way were so stopped by men of war he was fain to tarry till the xxv day of the said month following. At which season was showed to the people there assembled, that the King of England to have a final concord with the King of France, would have over and above his ransom, the duchy of Normandy, the duchy of Guyan, the duchy of Exanctes, the city of Ageu, the city of Carbe, the city of Pierregort, the city of Lymoges, the city of Caours, with all the diocese of the said cities belonging/ the earldoms of Bygorre, of Poytyers, of anjou, and of main, of Thorayn of Bouloyne, of Guynys, of pountesses, or Pountyeu/ the towns of mounstruell, of calais, & of Marquet/ with all appertenauntes to the said duchies, earldoms, cities, and towns belonging/ them to enjoy and hold without feawte or homage for them doing, with many other things to the King of England's great advantage. Which tidings were right displeasant unto all that company/ in so much that they answered that the said treaty was neither honourable nor profitable. And rather than the King should bind him & his land to such inconvenience/ they would prepare to make sharp war again England. With which answer the said assemble was dissolved.  
Upon the xxviii day of May, the regent reassembled the said people/ where it was condescended that the nobles of the realm with a certain persons every man after his estate, should serve the regent in his wars by the space of a month at their own proper costs. And the city of Paris granted to find to him at their charge vi C. spears, iiii. C. archers, & a. M. of other soldiers. And for so moche as the other good towns would nat grant any subsidy till they had spoken with their commynaltyes/ therefore they were licensed to depart home, and to bring report again within xiiii. Days. At which season they showed unto the regent, that their countries were so pilled & wasted by the King of navarre and Englishmen, that the people might nothing aid him as they thought to have done. Wherefore with moche pain they granted to him viii. M. men for iii months.  
In the beginning of the month of Juny, the regent with a strong power sped him toward Meleon where the King of navarre lay with his people/ so that the King occupied the country toward Byeir, and the regent the country toward Brye. where both hosts thus dying without notary feat of war/ a treaty of accord was yet again moved at length, by agreement of the Parysyens, accorded moche like unto the former accord concluded at Paris. So that by mediation of certain temporal Lords of both hosts, that said princes agreed to meet at Menlane/ and there to conclude the said peace. where about the twenty day of August, with hostage delivered upon both parties/ the said Princes met/ & after road unto Pountoyse, where they were both lodged within the castle/ where both their counsels were assigned to meet for the perfecting of this accord. But so it was that for such lands as should be assigned unto the King, they could nat agree. Wherefore the regent in conclusion sent unto the Earl of Stamps or Escamps, charging him to say, that he to the intent to have his good will, had offered unto him reasonable offers.  
which if he would accept, he would be fain thereof/ and if nat, he let him understand that he should have no peace with him while he lived. By reason of which message, the counsels on both parties conceived none other, but that this treaty should have concluded no amity nor peace. But how it was, by counsel or of his own liberality, when the King had digested this matter in his mind by all that night following/ he on the morrow sent for the counsel of the regent/ & willed them to show unto the regent, that he considered well in his mind the great danger & misery which the realm of France stood in. Wherefore he being of the natural house of France, and one of the Flouredelyce/ aught to see the maintenance of the honour of the same. And for that that no ruin of the said realm should to him (if any fell) after be arected/ therefore he was contented to set a part all such great offers & promises, as to him before time had been offered & promised/ & to hold him only contented with his own right as he before times had enjoyed. And to the end that this his will & pleasure might to the people be known/ he willed the regent that the people of that town of Pountoyse should be assembled in the court of that castle, that he might declare it to them in proper person. The which according to his mind was done. All which rehearsal he made before the regent and commonalty of the town/ promising there to deliver out of his possession all such towns, castles, and Holdies, as he had won sin he stood enemy to the crown of France/ & to become true subject unto the King, & loving nephew and friend unto the regent from that day forward. Whereof the regent & all the commons were very glad & joyful all be it that some trusted little to this accord, nor yet to the continuance thereof/ considering the manifold accords which before times had been between them concluded. After which accord thus ended/ the King with his people returned to M●iant, & the regent to Paris/ appointing between them to meat at Paris the first day of Septembre next following.  
According to the appointment made at Pountoyse between the King and the regent/ upon the first day of Septembre & beginning of the x. year of King Iohn, the said King & regent met at Paris/ where atwen them was holden familiar company, and great kindness showed upon either party. There also they counseled how they should withstand the King of England, which intended to enter France shortly after with a strong power. And after many amytees and friendly dealings between them executed/ the King road to Meleon to deliver that town and castle into the regentes possession as the story showeth. But when he was common thither, were it with his will or contrary/ the soldiers took grievous tolls of all wines and other merchandises that passed that way/ which after was known to be for the wage & sowed of the navaroys and englishmen, which held the said town and castle. And so that Frenchmen were constrained to pay the wages of their enemies/ which grieved them very sore, considering that manifold harms and pillages of them before were received. And after the King had avoided the said soldiers/ he departed & road unto Maunt leaving Creyell in the possession of Englyshmen & other. And over these manifold miseries and myschyeves thus falling in the realm of France/ there fell so great abundance of water in the harvest season, that the corn was lost/ so that it rose to an high price to the great damage of the common people.  
And in the month of Novembre following/ the King of England, with Prince Edward & other many Lords, with a strong power landed at calais/ & so pierced France by Artoys in Pycardy & Uermendoys, & subdued the countries before him till he came to reins, like as before is showed in the xxxiiii & xxxv years of King Edward/ where all this matter with the tenor of the peace between the said Kings of England and of France is more at length declared.  
The last day of the month of Decembre, one Marten of Pysdo burgeyse of Paris, was drawn unto the place of judgement/ & there upon a scaffold had first his arms cut of & after his legs by the thighs, & lastly his head/ & than he was quartered, & his four quarters set upon iiii. principal gates of the city, & his heed set upon the pillory. The cause of this judgement was, for so moche as one called Denysot Palmer, to whom he had discovered his counsel, and caused him to be as an accessary in all his works/ had accused him that the said Marten had agreed & covenanted with certain officers & capitains of the King of navern, that they at a time appointed should have entered the city of Paris, & to have slain the regent & other, & to have had the city at their rule and pleasure. And so the season than of the ten year till that month of July, passed in the wars & treaty before touched/ so that the viii day of July, the French King landed at calais, & there tarried as prisoner till the xxv day of Octobre following, as before in the xxxiiii year of King Edward is more plainly showed.  
Than upon the xxix day of Octobre and beginning of his xi year/ King Iohn came to saint Omers, where he tarried till the fourth day of Novembre. And the xi day of December he came unto saint Denys/ where unto him upon the xii day came the King of navarre, which had nat seen him since he was delivered from prison/ & brought with him certain hostages which the French King had sent unto him for his safeguard/ putting him holy in the French kings grace & mercy. And upon the morrow following, he was newly sworn unto the King to be his true & faithful son & subject/ and the King again unto him, to be his kind father & good & gracious sovereign Lord. And forth with were sworn the duke of Normandy & Philip brother unto the said King of navarre, to maintain all covenants made & to be made between the said ii Kings/ so that they were finished & concluded by the xviii day of January next following. And soon after returned the said King of navarre unto Maunt. And King Iohn upon the xiiii day of December with great triumph was received into Paris.  
And when he was common unto his palace, the provost of merchants with certain burgesses of the city, in the name of the commonalty of the same, presented him with a present to the value of a. M. mark sterling.  
Upon a tuesday being the first day of July, was fought a battle at Paris between two knights/ whereof the appellaunte was named Sir Foukes Dorciat, and the defendant Sir Maugot Mawbert. Which appellaunt was sore vexed with a fever quarteyne/ by reason whereof and of the great heat that the day appeared, after long fight the said appellaunt light from his horse for his refresshement/ wherefore his friends of him were in great doubt. But his enemy was also so sore travailed, that what for heat & labour he was also overcome, & was likely to have fallen from his horse/ and or he might be taken down he swooned & died.  
when Sir Fowkes was ware of the feebleness of his enemy anon as he might he dressed him on foot toward his adversary, & fande him stark deed/ which by licence of the King was after had out of the field, and secretlo buried/ & the said Sir Fowkes for feebleness was by his friends lad unto his lodging.  
In the xii year of King Iohn & xxi. day of Novembre, Phylyp duke of Burgoyn, Earl of Artoys, of Aluerne, and of Boloyngn, a child of the age of xiiii years or less, died at a town near unto Rome called Guyon By reason of whose death King Iohn as next heir had after possession of all the said lands, & took possion thereof shortly after.  
In the xiiii year of the reign of King Iohn & third day of January/ he for special causes him moving, as for the enlarging of his son the duke of orleans & other yet pledges for his ransom, took shipping at Boloyne, & so sailed into England, and arrived at Dover the vi, day of the said month/ and after yode to Eltham, and from thence was conveyed unto London, as before is showed in the xxxvii year of King Edward. In time of whose there being/ sir Barthram de Glaycon made war upon the King of navarre, & won from him the town of Maunt in Normandy. And by the duke of Normandy soon after was won from the said King the town of Menlence. within the which were taken divers Parysyens, that shortly after for their infidelity were put in execution at Paris. And thus the war between the Kings of France & navarre was newly begun. Than King Iohn being as before is said in England/ a grievous malady took him in the beginning of March, of the which he died at London upon the viii day of Apryll following/ & so with great honour and solemnity conveyed to the sees side, and there shipped, & than in process carried into France.  
where upon the vii day of May, and year of our Lord god. M.CCC.lxiiii. he was solemnly interred in the monastery of saint Denys/ when he had reigned xiii years vii months and odd days/ leaving after him three sons, that is to say Charles, which was King after him, Lewis, and Phylyp.  
CArolus or Charles the vi of that name or .v. after some writers, the eldest son of King Iohn/ began his reign over the realm of France, the ix day of Apryll, in the beginning of the year of our Lord god. M.CCC.lxiiii and the xxviii year of Edward the the iii than King of England/ and was crowned with dame Jane his wife at Raynes the xix day of May following  
In this first year Sir Barthran de Glaycon lieutenant of the said Charles in Normandy, fought with a capitain of the King of navarre named le Captall de Bueffe, near unto a place called cocherel, near unto the cross of saint Lyeffroy/ in which fight the said captal was scomfited and great numbered of his people taken and slain, himself chased & taken/ for whom the French King gave after unto the said Sir Barthran the Erledam of Longevyle. And when he had received him/ he sent him unto a strong prison called the Merchy in Meaux.  
At michaelmas following/ the duke of britain Sir charles de Bloyes, and Sir Iohn de Mountfort son and heir to the forenamed sir Iohn Mountforde before deed, which by a long season both father & the son had holden war with the said Sir Charles, met in plain battle/ in the which as before is showed in the xxxviii year of king Edward, the said Sir Charles was slain & divers noble men of France with him. In the month of Juny and second year of this charles, an other accord was yet concluded atween this Charles and the King of navarre. By reason of which accord, the captal of Bueffe was clearly delivered, and Maunt and Menlene again also to the King restored. And over that to the King of navarre was given for a recompensement, the earldom of Longevyle, which as above is said the French King had given unto sir Barthran de Glaycon, for to have the captal to his prisoner. And also to the said King of navarre was given the lordship of Mountpyller. And in the month of February began the war in Spain, where prince Edward aided Peter King of the land, as before is showed in the xl and xlii years of King Edward.  
In the four year, the peace atween the Kings of England & of France began to break, by means of the Earl of Armenake & other, as in the xlii year of King Edward is before showed. And in the month of Decembre and the said year, the Queen was lighted of a man child in the hostel of saint Paul/ the which was after christened with exceeding solemnity over other before passed, in the church of saint Paul in Paris, the vi day of Decembre of the cardinal of Paris. To whom were godfathers the Earls of Mountmerency and of Dampmartyn, & godmother Jane Queen of Euroux/ and bare the name of charles after the Earl of Mountmerency. In the .v. year of this charles, he called his counsel of parliament at Paris. During the which, the appellations of the Earl of armenake and other purposed again Prince Edward, were published and read/ & the answers of the said prince upon the said appellations made, which I overpass for length of the matter. But the conclusion was, that the prince had broken the peace and covenants of the same as they there deemed. Wherefore all such towns & holds as the French King had gotten, he should them retain/ & make war upon the King of England for the recovery of the other. where upon King Charles in the month of July following, road unto Rouen, and there rygged his navy/ intending as saith the French history, to have made war upon England/ and to have sent thither his youngest brother Philippe than duke of Burgoyne with a strong army. But while he was there busied about his purpose/ the duke of Lancastre arrived with a strong power at Caleys/ and so passed to Tyrwyn, & so unto Ayr. wherefore King charles then changed his purpose, and sent his said brother into those parties. Then by that season that the said duke was prepared with his people/ the englishmen were common unto Arde. And the French men sped them in such wise, that they logged them the xxiiii. day of August upon the mountain of Tournehawe near unto Arde/ so that both hosts were lodged within an english mile. Atwene whom were daily bekeringes and small skirmishes. All which season the French King tarried still about Rowan.  
Than the king of navarre, which by a long season had dwelled in navarre, came by ship into Constantyne/ and sent unto King charles that if he were so pleased, he would gladly come unto him for to show to him his mind. Wherefore the king sent unto him as hostagys', the Earl of Salebruge, the dean of Paris, with ii other noble men/ the which the King of navarre would nat accept. In the month of Septembre and upon the xii day/ when the duke of Burgoyne had lain as before is said near unto the english host, he that day removed his people, and so went unto Hesden. And the english host removed to Caux & other places, as before I have showed to you in the xliii year of King Edward, with other things appertaining unto the same matter. And in the said month of Septembre, King Charles manned and victualed certain galeys & other ships/ and sent them into wales, and so to have entered into England. But they returned with little worship/ notwithstanding that he had ii noble men of wales named Owan and James win, which made to him fast promise of great things, by reason that they were enemies unto the King of England. For this and for other charges, the King called a convocation of the temporalty and spiritualty at Paris. where to maintain his wars, was granted to him of all thing bought & sold except victual, the four penny/ so that all thing that was sold by retail, the seller should pay the exaction/ and that which was sold by great, the bier should pay the said exaction. And the spiritualty granted a dime to be paid in ii half years. And the Lords and gentlemen were stinted at a certainty, after the value of their lands. In the month of February, the King sent unto the King of navarre than being at Chierbourgth certain messengers, to perfyght an amity atween them, lest he took party again him with the englishmen. But this treaty continued a long season/ so that in the vi year & month of June, the King of navarre having sufficient hostages, came to the French King to Uernon. where in conclusion the King of navarre made his homage unto the French King, and became there his feodary/ whereof the frenchmen made moche joy. After which accord/ the said King of navarre the third day following took his leave of the King, and so road unto Eureux. All which season the war was continued by Englisshemen within the realm of France & province of britain, as before is expressed in the. Xliiii.xlu.xlvi. Years of King Edward.  
In the vii year and month of August/ the duke of Braban with many nobles of France, met in plain battle with the duke of juillers & the duke of Guellre. In which battle after cruel fight, the duke of Braban was chased/ and upon his side slain the Earl of saint Poule, with many other noble men, which the story nameth nat. And upon the other side was also slain the duke of Guellre, with many other upon that party.  
IN the xi year of King Charles & month of may/ he assembled his great counsel of parliament at Paris. where among many acts made for the weal of his realm/ he with assent of his Lords and commons there assembled, 
At what age the heir to the crown of France should be crowned.  enacted for a law after that day to be continued, that all heirs to the crown of France their father's being deed, may be crowned as Kings of France so soon as they attained unto the age of xiiii years. And in this year was the treaty of peace laboured by the two cardinals sent from the pope, as before is showed in the xlix year of King Edward. After which treaty not concluded/ the King of England lost daily of his lands in France. For in the month of August following, the duke of Berry, the duke of Angeo, and many other Lords to them assigned in divers places, as in Guyan, Angeo, and Maine/ gate and wan from the englishmen many countries, towns, and castles/ as Pierregort, Roverge, Caoursyn, Bigorre, Basyndas, Berregart, Daimet/ with many other towns and holds, which would ask a long leisure to rehearse, to the numbered of vi score and xiiii what of towns, castles, and other holds/ which in short while were won from the englishmen, in the parties of France and britain.  
In the xiii year of this Charles/ the Emperor of Rome & Almaigne named Charles the four of that name, came into France by Cambray, to do certain pilgrimages at saint Denys and else where/ and so was conveyed with honourable men, as the Lord of Cousy and other, unto saint quintine/ where he tarried christmas day. And after he was conveyed to a town called En of Ewe/ and from thence to Noyen, and than to Compeygne/ where he was met with the duke of Bourbon and other nobles. Than he road to Senlys'/ where he was met with the dukes of Berry and of Burgoyne, brethren of the French King, and many other, as bishops and other Lords. And ye shall understand that all such as road in the companies of these foresaid dukes, except bishops and priests, road in their liveries. As the company first of the duke of Bourbon brother unto the Queen, to the numbered of. CCC. men, were all clad in white and blue. The company of the ii other dukes, the numbered of .v. C. men, in black and russet/ that is to mean the Earls and other Lords in cloth of gold, the knights in velvet, the gentlemen in damask and satin, and the yeomen in cloth. then from Senlys he was brought unto Lowris/ where met with him the duke of bar, with a company of CC. horse, and his company clad in green and red. And from thence he was had to saint Denys upon the third day of January/ whither the king sent to him a chair richly garnished, for so moche as he was vexed with the gout. And the Queen sent to him an horse litter with ii white palfreys: where he was also met with a great company of bishops and other spiritual men, as abbots, priors, and other/ and tarried there ii days.  
Upon the .v. day of January being monday, he road toward Paris. But or he were half a mile from saint Denys, he was met with the provost of the merchants, with a company of xu C. horse, that citizens being clad in white and violet/ and so rod before him till he came to Paris. When the King was warned that he was near the city, he leapt upon a white palfrey/ and accompanied with many Lords and other to the numbered of a. M. men, all his household servants being clad in one livery of brown blue and dark tawny, and the servants of the dolphin of Uyen in blue and cremesyne every man after his degree/ and so the King with his company met with the Emperor at the mill without the town called the wind mill. where after due salutes made either unto other/ the French king put the Emperor upon his right hand, and took the King of Romans son unto the Emperor upon his lift hand. And so the French King riding in the mids, passed thorough the high streets of Paris till they came to the kings palace. where he was lodged with all honour/ & after feasted with the King and the Queen by the space of xvi days. Which term ended, like as with all honour he was conveyed into the land/ so with great honour and rich gifts he was again conveyed out of the land.  
In the month of Februarye following and the vi day, died the Queen of France in the hostel of saint Poule in Paris/ and after buried with great solemnity and honour in the monastery of saint Denys. In the month of March the King received letters from certain Lords of his land/ in the which was conteygned that the King of navarre had imagined and conspired with one Jaquet de rue his chamberlain, for to poison him/ the which Jaquet was than common into France to execute his cursed purpose. Wherefore the French King laid such wait for him, that he was taken/ and founden upon him a bill of certain instructions, how he should behave himself in accomplishing his evil purpose. Than he was brought unto the kings presence/ to whom he confessed the circumstance of all his treason to be done at the commandment & counsel of the King of navarre. Soon after the eldest son of the King of navarre, which was newly common into Normandy, sent unto king Charles/ showing to him that if it were his pleasure, he would gladly come unto his presence for to speak with him/ with that he might have a sure safeconduyt for him, and all such as he should bring with him. The which to him was granted/ and upon the same came unto Selys where the King than was. And after he had commoned a season with the King/ he made to him request for the deliver of the foresaid Jaket de Rue/ laying for him sundry excuses. But when the King had caused the said Jaket to be brought forth before the said son of the King of navarre named Sir charles/ he avouched such things before him that he could not denay, but that his father had committed many and sundry treasons, as well again King Iohn as now again King Charles his son. Wherefore after divers assembles and counsels had upon this matter/ the King and the said sir Charles agreed, that all such towns and holds as the said King of navarre had within Normandy, should be delivered unto the duke of Burgoyne to the French Kings use. And for that promise should be truly performed/ the king first swore the said Sir Charles/ and after many of the captains which had the rule of the said towns and castles. And for so moche as the said Sir Charles had there presence with him a captain named sir Fernande de Oyens, in whose guiding many of the said holds than were, and suspected him that he would nat perform the said promise/ therefore he caused him to be arrested, and to be had unto prison, till the holds being under his guiding were clearly delivered. Upon which agreement thus concluded and sworn/ the duke of Burgoyne with the said sir Charles and the said Sir Fernande as a prisoner was sent into Normandye, with a convenient army. where with awe and favour the duke in process of time had to him delivered, all such towns and holds as the King of navarre there had/ except the town and castle of Chirebourgth▪ In which pass time and season was also taken in a town called Bretnell, a secretary to the King of navarre, with certain writings being in a coffer within the chambre. By reason of which writings, and also by the confession of the party/ many more things concerning the confession of Jaket de Rue was than manifested and approved: which secretary was named Master Peter de Tertre a frenchman borne. But he had served the King of navarre by the more term of his life. Upon this confession made and written by the said secretary/ the King called his court of parliament. 
● A schism begun in the church of Rome.  during which, both the said Master Peter and also the said Jaket, were brought before the Lords and commons. where their confessions were red, & they examined upon every article of the same, and affirmed all their former sayings. wherefore shortly after by authority of that court, they were deemed to die for their treasons/ and so were hanged and heeded, and their viii quarters hanged at sundry gates and places of Paris. And when the King had received into his possession the foresaid holds belonging unto the King of navarre, the which so often had rebelled again his father & him/ he was counseled by his Lords that he should throw to ground divers of the said castles/ lest the king of navarre them recovered again, and by mean of their forces work unto him and his realm new displeasures. By reason of which counsel, the King made even with the ground these fortresses following. first the castle of Bretnell, of Dorlet, of Beaumount le Roger, of Pacy Damyet and cloisters of the same/ the tower & castle of Nogent le roy, the castle of Euroux, the castle of Pount Andemer, the castle of Mortaygne, and of Ganraux or Ganray, with other in the country of Constantyne. But the town of Chirebourgth remained still in the poscessyon of the navaroys/ the which with aid of english men was kept from the French King. And the forenamed Sir Farnande was contyrmaunded to prison, for so much as he was captain of the same town/ thinking in him defaute that the said town was nat delivered with the other.  
IN the xiiii year of this Charles and month of August/ tithings came unto him of the schism which was begun in the church of Rome. For after the death of the xi. Gregory which died in the month of Apryll fore passed/ by mean of the French cardinals which were xi in number, after the other Italyen cardinals with other of their affinity had elected and chosen a Napolytane and archbishop of bar, the French cardinals with the election nat being contented, with such as favoured their party, denounced and published one named Robert cardinal of basil, and named him Clement the vii, where the first was named Urban the vi Of the manner of this schism some what I have showed to you in the lii year of Edward the iii But to express the certainty of this schism/ troth it is that after the death of the forenamed xi Gregory, the cardinals being in the conclave or counsel chamber where the pope is accustomed to be chosen/ the romans being in harness made such exclamations upon the cardinals being in the conclave for to have an Italian pope, that the cardinals for fere to be slain elected and chase one named Bartholomew a Napolytan & archbishop of bar, & named Urban the vi But this after he was admitted was so proud & so cumbrous, that he ruled all by will & nothing by right or goodly order of reason or conscience. Wherefore the cardinals being repentant of that they had done/ a certain of them in the city of Fondes, the twenty day of Septembre elected & chase an other named Roberte cardyvall of basil, and named him Clement the vii/ and by their authorities published him for very pope, & disallowed that other before choose. But the Romans would nat thereunto be agreeable/ but held them unto their former pope. With whom also held the provinces of Germany & Pamnony, with the more part of Italy. And with the last chosen pope, held France, Spain, Cateloyne, & England. And thus began the schism, which continued by the term of xxxix year after. In the xu year of King Charles, he for so moche as Sir Iohn de Mountforte duke of britain, took party with the Englyshemen again him, & would nat apere at such days as to him were assigned/ therefore the said King Charles sent into the duchy of britain to seize the land into the Kings hands, the duke of Bourbon, Sir Lewis de Sancer marshal of France, Sir johann de Uyenne admiral of France, & Sir Berian de Ryvyer his chamberleyne, with other men of name, with a great company of men of arms/ the which at their coming into britain fande the country all otherwise disposed than they supposed. For where as they at their coming thought to have received the possession of that towns & castles in peaceable wise/ they were denayed & plainly answered, that they were sworn to their duke to bear to him true fidelity & service/ which they intended to observe & keep with which answer the said duke & his company were fain to return unto the French King. The which shortly after sent thither the duke of Angeou with a strong army to war upon the country. In which season Sir Iohn de Mountfort hearing of the french Kings intent, arrived in britain with a company of english archers. To whom drew such multitude of Brytone▪ that the duke of Angeou was fain to return into France without worship there than winning.  
In the month of Octobre the Flemyngis of Gaunt & other, for grievous exaction upon than set, rebelled again their Earl/ & slew his bailie & office assigned by the Earl to gather his tolls & after besieged other towns which took party with the Earl again them, as Audenarde, Terremonde & other. Whereof hearing the duke of Burgoyn, whose daughter the said duke had married/ assembled his Burgonyons & sped him into the marches of Flaunders, and so laid his siege unto Tourney. But the flemings defended the duke in such wise, that the duke was agreeable to fall to a treaty. In the which it was first accorded and agreed, that the Earl at the request of the duke, should pardon & forgive clearly to his subjects, all offences by them to him done before that day/ & also that he should grant unto them all their former liberties & privileges, in as ample & large wise as they had them granted at his first coming in/ & maintain & uphold their ancient customs, & to rule them after the same. Secondarily, if any letters have been made & sealed contrary their privileges since the time of this rebellion, that the Earl shall revoke them & cancel them for ever. thirdly, that all such capitains of Almaigne as at this time have been in the dukes or Earls wages again the flemings, shallbe solemnly sworn, that for any hurt or harm by them in this war received/ they nor none of their nation as far as they may let it, shall nat hurt nor harm any man of the country of Flaunders at any time here after in revengement of this war. And so four, that of four of the best towns of Flaunders, xxv. men to be chosen by the burgesses of the same, the which shall have correction of all defaults nat touching life & death done by the flemings/ & also to have power to correct all such as be found culpable of the Earls counsel, in complaints or offences crymynall. fifthly that the said xxv persons shall have authority and power, to make inquisition from year to year of the governance of the land/ and what fawtes been to them presented, as of ten as xiii of them be sitting together in one counsel, they shall have full power to give sentence upon the same/ & that sentence to be obeyed without interruption. And what by them is sentenced/ the Earl to uphold and maintain with all his might and power. sixthly it was desired but not concluded, that for so much as the town of Audenarde & of Terremound took party again their neighbours, that the walls of them in certain places should be evened with the ground, in token of their unnatural dealing. And sevently & lastly it was concluded that the provost of Brugys should after that day be put out of the Earls counsel/ and nat after thereunto to be admitted without consent of the forenamed xxv persons. All which articles were agreed unto by the Earl, & passed & authorized by his letter & seal/ all be it this accord continued no while, as here after shall apere.  
In the xvi year & month of Octobre the inhabytauntes of the city/ or town of Mountpyller, in the country of Languedoke, for an inposition or aid that was put to them by the duke of Angeou, arose by one accord again the ministers & counselors of the duke (which duke was lewtenaunt general under his brother the French King) and without reason or discretion, in their fury and rage slew Sir Guyllyam Poncell knight and chancellor to the duke, Sir Guy Desseryke steward of roverge, master Arnolde governor of Mountpyller, Master James de Chainy secretary to the duke, & many other officers and servants of the said duke, to the numbered of lxxx persons. And when they had them slain, as tyrants natte being content with that cruelness, they threw the deed bodies into diverse foul and stinking pits/ nat suffering them to be buried as christian men should.  
whereof when knowledge was brought unto the duke, he was therewith grievously amoved/ and made his oath that he should punish them to the fere and example of all other/ and thereupon gathered his people for to revenge this cruel deed. When the rumour of this mischievous deed was some deal appeased, and the wise men & ancient of the town had digested this hasty and cruel deed, & looked upon the end thereof/ than they were appalled in their minds, and were very repentant of the deed that they had done. And when they had considered all things, as the deed detestable of itself, the great might of the duke, & over that the aid which should to him be given of the King/ they conceived well there was no remedy but to seche for means of mercy & grace. For opteyning whereof they made divers ways to the duke/ but none would be accepted lastly in the month of January, when the duke had prepared all things necessary to the war/ he took his journey toward the said town of moumpyler, leading with him a strong host of men of arms/ utterly intending to subvert that town, & to destroy the more part of the people. whereof hearing the people of the town, took their advice & ordered them as followeth. first they sent out again him divers officers of the Kings such as they knew were in his favour/ and ordained them to be in a place, & there kneeling to ask grace & mercy for the town. Secondarily they sent the cardinal of Albany/ & thirdly all the collages and men of religion as well nunnys as other/ and four they sent the estudyauntes of the law canon and civil, and also of medicine or physic/ all being set upon either side of the way where the duke should pass, & kneeling upon their knees, should cry without ceasing mercy gracious Prince mercy. Than after these were set the consuls or rulers of the town, in gowns without their cloaks ungyrde, every man with a cord about his neck, having with them the keys of the city. And at the entry of the city, stood the women with the maidens of the same/ & all men children which were under the age of xiii years. And between that age & vi years, were set next after the studyauntes foresaid. When this innumerable people was thus ordered, and everich taught in what wise they should behave them/ upon the xxv day of January about the hour of iii, the duke with his people approached the town/ & beholding the multitude and the lamentable cry, was some what moved with compassion/ and so holding his way, met with the said cardinal. The which after convenient salutation unto him made, showed that as a legate & messynger he was sent unto him from the pope Clement the vii, requiring of him pardon for the town and people of Mountpiller/ admonesting him farther in the said Pope's behalf, that what so ever punishment he did unto the town, that he should abstain him from the shedding of christian blood, and specially of such as he might know was innocent of that deed. To which message the duke gave none answer/ but took the cardinal upon his right hand, and so road forth together. where ever the people kneeled on either side of the way, and cried lamentably, mercy gracious Prince mercy/ and so passed till he came where the consuls stood, which kneeling offered unto him the keys of the town. But he as though he regarded them nat, cast his look from them & commanded that senesshal of Beaucayr to receive the said keys/ & so passed on till he came unto the company of women; which relented his stony heart to see the great lamentation they made with their woeful cry. wherefore to be rid of them, he called upon his fore riders to pass on more faster/ so that lastly he came to his lodging.  
When the duke was comen unto his lodging/ anon he commanded all the officers of the town with the consulat or rulers of the same unto a place called saint Germayne, & the gates of that place he took to be watched with men of arms/ & upon the morrow following, commanded all the armour & artylery belonging unto the town, to be brought to a place by him assigned, & there to be kept by his officers. Than the Cardinal came again unto the duke, and brought with him divers doctors of divinity & other, which made unto him assyduat labour for mercy to be showed unto the town & to the inhabytauntes of the same. But all they could get no grant of him, but that as upon the morrow they should know the sentence that he would give upon the town and inhabitants of the same. And for that sentence might be well understanden of the people, he commanded that at afternoon a scaffold should be made in the chief place or street of the town. Whereupon the morrow being the xxvii day of January/ divers of the Duke's counsel being upon that said scaffold, & the people of the town being there present as well prisoners as other, after a long oration made by the Duke's chancellor of the great & heinous deed lately there done by the inhabitants of that town, for the which correction temporal might nat be to grievous/ all be it that the duke at the commandment of the pope, & request of his legate & cardinal there present, had mitigate or lessed the punishment, as after should well apere by declaration of the sentence following/ after which protestation, the sentence was proclaimed as followeth.  
first the commonalty of the town for their rebellion & disobedience again their Prince done, should pay unto the King vi score. M. franks, & a frank is worth ii s. sterl. And so the town should be charged with lx M li. 
‡ A terrible my 〈◊〉 of punishment and execution.  And over that to pay all such costs & charges, as the duke had spent by occasion of this journey. Secondaryly vi hundredth persons of the town such as might be tried most culpable in this offence, should suffer death. That is to wit ii C. to be hanged with chains ii C. to be beheaded & their hedes to be sent unto divers good towns of France/ & the other two. C. such as of the vi C. shallbe found moste guilty of the beginning of that riot, should be brent/ & that they & also the other ii C. which should be hanged, should be carried unto diverse good towns of France, & there to have their execution, to the utter fere and terror of all other/ and all their goods to be forfeited to the King. thirdly two gates of the town such as the duke would appoint, with the walls & towers standing between that said gates, to be made plain with the ground/ & the dyke of the town to be be filled with the same. Fourthly all manner of ordinance & abylymentes for war belonging to the town, to be forfeited unto the King. fifthly, the comynalty of the city to build a chapel, and to endow it with so moche land as might find vi priests there in to sing for ever, and to pray for the souls of the persons before slain. And the bodies which they had thrown before into the foul and stinking pits/ the counsel and chief rulers of the town, should upon their proper backs bring them unto the said chapel, and there cause them solemnly to be interred. sixthly, that all such goods as the said persons so slain had within the town, or else were spoiled by the said citizens/ that it should be restored unto the wives or next kinsfolks of them so deed. When the proclamation of this sentence was ended, there was an exclamation & crying of mercy/ & such sorrow & lamenting made of the people, that the noise thereof sounded to the heavens. But to bring this tragedy to conclusion/ finally such labour was made unto the duke, aswell by exortation of sermons & other, that all things were pardoned, except the foundation of the chapel/ & execution of certain persons, which were accused to be the occasyoners of this mischief/ and also the costs of that journey, the which were cessed at xxiiii M. frankies or xxiiii C. li. sterlynges. After which end thus made/ the consulatꝭ of the town were restored again to their habit & rule/ and to them was admitted all former offices and rule of the town, except the office of baylywyke.  
In the month of July began the inhabytauntes of Gaunt in Flaunders to rebel again their Earl of new/ the cause whereof is not showed. But they with aid, which they had of Ipre, Courtray, and other towns, made a great host/ & yode straight unto a town in Flaunders called Dyxmew, intending to have taken it. But the Earl being warned thereof/ with aid of Bruges & of Frank and other, manned out a company again the other, and met with them in plain field/ and after a sharp skirmish, put them of Gaunt to flight, & slew of them divers, & took of them certain prisoners/ & pursued them unto the town of Ipre, and laid siege to the same. When the heads of the town knew that the Earl was there in proper parson/ under a certain appointment they opened the gates, and received him in. But many of his enemies were fled unto Courtray. And when the Earl had rested him in the town ii days, & done there some execution/ he departed thence and road unto Bruges and held him there. In which season the other which as above is said were fled unto Courtray/ fell at variance within themself, & slew their capitain/ & after fled the town & shifted every man for himself. Than a knight called Sir Soyer of Gaunt, came unto the town of Courtray/ and so exhorted the rulers of the town, that they promised him to take his part. Whereupon he gate a banner of the Earls arms in his hand/ and so riding about that town cried, who that would take the Earls party & his, let him follow that banner/ whom the people followed in great number. And when the Earl was ascertained of that deed, & how the town of Courtray was turned unto his party/ anon he assembled of other towns, & also of that, and of Ipre, so moche that his host was esteemed at lx. M. men. With the which he sped him unto gaunt, & laid a strong siege there about. But by the death of the French King which died shortly after, the Earl was fain to change his mind, & to remove his siege or else, as some writers report, for strength of the said town, which might nat lightly be gotten, for lack of good upon the Earls party to maintain that siege. 
death of King Charles  Than in the month of Septembre and xxvi day of the same/ King Charles died at his manoyr called pleasance sur Marne/ & was buried by his wife in the monastery of saint Denys, when he had reigned xu years and vi months with odd days/ leaving after him three sons, Charles which was King after him, and Lewis that he had made Earl of Ualoys and after duke of Angeowe, and Phylyppe Earl of Poytyers.   

¶ Anglia.  
RIchard the second of that name, and son of Prince Edward eldest son of Edward the iii, a child of the age of a xi years, began his reign over the realm of England, the xxii day of juny in the year of our Lord. M.CCC.xxvii/ & the xiii year of the vi Charles than King of France. This richard was borne at Bordeaux/ of whose birth some writers tell wonders, the which I pass over.  
And upon the xu day of July in the year abovesaid he was crowned at westminster; being the day of the translation of saint Swythyn. In which time & season stood Mayre & shrives of the city of London these persons following.    

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxvii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxviii. Grocer. Andrew Pykman.  Nycholas Brembre.  Anno. i.  Nycholas Twyfforde.   
THe which continued so in their offices, that is to say the shrives till michaelmas, & the mayre till the feast of Simon and Jude. At which season were chosen & admitted new officers.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxviii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxix. Grocer. Iohn Boseham.  Iohn Phylpot.  Anno. two.  Thomas Cornwaleys.   
IN the month of August & beginning of the second year of King Richard/ for variance which was between the Lord Latymer & sir Ralph Ferrer upon that one party, & Sir Robert Hal & Shakerley esquire upon that other party, for a prisoner taken beyond the see in Spain, called the Lord of Dene, whom the said esquires held in their possession contrary the wills of the foresaid knights/ for the said cause the said knights entered the church of saint Petyr, and there finding the said Sir Robert kneeling at mass, without reverence of the sacrament or place, slew him in the church at the high mass season/ & after that other named Shakerley was by their means arrested and had to the tower of London, where he was kept as prisoner long after.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxix.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxx. Grocer. Iohn Heylysd●ne.  Iohn. Hadley.  Anno. iii.  wyllyam Baret.   
IN the month of May & the later end of the second year of King richard/ certain Galeys and other ships sent by Charles the sixth than King of France, of the which was chief patron or capitain a knight named Sir Oliver de Clycon/ landed in diverse places of England and did much harm, & lastly entered the river of Thamis, and so came to Gravesende where he spoiled the town and brent a part thereof and returned into France with moche richesse as affirmeth the French chronicle. In this year also was holden a parliament at westminster/ in the which was granted that all men & women being of the age of xiiii years and above, should pay unto the King four d. By reason whereof great grudge and murmur grew among the commons as after shall appear. Than with the money an army was prepared/ and thereof was made chief governor Sir Thomas of woodstoke Earl of cambridge and uncle unto the King. The which with a company of vii or viii M. as testifieth the French chronicle, passed the water of sum, in the beginning of August, and also beginning of the third year of King richard/ and so came to Soysons, and passed the rivers of Oyse and of Marne and other/ & so went before Troy's and wan it/ and after lodged them atween new town and Sens. And ever as they passed the countries, other they took great finances, or else fired the towns as they went. And all be it that the French King had sent again them an army of frenchmen to withstand them, they letted them nothing of their purpose/ but and they had any skirmishes with them, the frenchmen were put unto the worse/ so that they bet them & took of them divers prisoners, and ransomed them at their pleasures. And thus holding their journey, they passed by the country of Gastinoys, and so into britain/ where they were joyously received of Sir Iohn de Mountforde duke of that province than newly common thither.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxx.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxi. Fysshemonger. walter Doket.  wyllyam walworthe.  Anno. iiii.  wyllyam knighthood.   
IN this Mayres year and end of the third year of King richard, toward the summer season in divers places of the land the commons arose suddenly, and ordained to them rulers and capitains/ and specially in Kent & Essex. The which named their leders, Jacke straw wylwawe, watte Tyler, Jacke shepherd, Tomme miller, & Hobbe Carter. These unruled company gathered unto them great multitude of the commons/ & after sped them toward the city of London, and assembled them upon black hethes in Kent, within iii miles of London. And upon corpus Christi day being than the xi day of June, they entered the tower of London/ and there the King being than lodged, took from thence parforce master Sudberye than archbishop of Caunterbury, Sir Robert Halys Lord or prior of saint Johannes, and a white frere confessor unto the King. Which iii persons with huge noise & cry they lad unto the hill of the said tower and smote of their heads. And when they had so done, they returned into Suthewarke by botes and barges, & there slew and rob all strangers that they might find. And that done they went to westminster, & took with them all manner of Seyntwarymen/ & so came unto the duke of Lancaster's place standing without the Temple bar called Savoy, & spoiled that was therein/ and after set it upon a fire, and brent it. And from thence they yode unto the heed place of saint Iohnns in Smythefelde, & despoiled that place in like wise. Than they entered the city, and searched the temple & other inns of court, and spoiled their places & brent their books of law/ and slew as many men of law and questmongers as they might find. And that done they went to saint martyn's the grand, & took with them all sayntwary men, and the prisoners of Newgate, Ludgate, & of both counters/ and destroyed their registers and books/ and in like manner they did with the prisoners of the Marshalsy and kings bench in Southwerke.  
when Jacke straw had thus done all thing at his will, & saw that no resistance was made again him/ he was smitten with so huge a presumption, that he thought no man his peer. And so being inflamed with that presumption & pride/ he road unto the tower where the King was, being smally accompanied of his Lords/ & caused him to ride about some part of the city, and so conveyed him into smithfield. where in the kings presence, he caused a proclamation to be made, and did full small reverence unto the King. 
 which misorder & presumption when wyllyam walworthe than Mayre of London beheld/ of very pure disdain that he had of his pride, ran to him suddenly with his sword, and wounded him to death/ & forthwith struck of his heed, and arreared it upon a spears point/ and therewith cried King richard, King richard. When the rebels beheld their capitains heed/ anon they fled as sheep. How be it many were taken and many were slain/ and the remnant chased, that the city and subbarbes of the same was clean voided of them that night, which was mondaye and the xu day of June.  
when the King had beholden the great manhood of the Mayre, and assistance of his brethren the Aldermen/ anon in reward of that deed he dubbed the said wyllyam walworthe, Nycholas Brembre, Iohn Philpot, Nycholas Twyfforde, Robert Laundre, and Roberte Gayton, aldermen, knights.  
And in this season also called the hurling time/ the commons of Norfolk and Suffolk came unto the abbey of bury, & there slew one of the kings justyces called Iohn Caundysshe, and the prior of the place with other/ and after spoiled & bore away moche thing out of that said place. But after this, aswell the one as the other of these rebels were taken in divers and sundry places, and put in execution by ten by xii by xu and twenty so that one of them accused the other, to the destruction of a great number of them.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxi.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxii.  Iohn Rote.  Iohn Northampton.  Anno. v.  Iohn hind.   
IN this Mayres year and month of Aprell/ landed in Kent dame Anne the daughter of Charles the four late Emperor of Almaigne lately deed, and sister unto wensyslaus at that day Emperor/ the which of the Mayre & citizens of London was honourably met upon black hethes, and conveyed with great triumph unto westminster the viii day of the month of may/ & shortly after there solemnly married unto King Richard. And about the same season, or after some writers in the later end of June, was an erthequave in Englange, that the like thereof was never seen in England before that day nor sen.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxiii.  Adam Bame.  Iohn Northampton.  Anno. vi.  Iohn Sely.   
IN this year Master Henrye Spencer bishop of Norwyche, with a great power of spiritual men and other, croysed by the commandment of the pope than Clement the vii enduring the schism before touched in the last chapter of Charles the vi than King of France. This said pope gave this authority to the said bishop to make war upon the King of Spain as some writers have/ for so moche as he contrary the said Pope's commandment, withheld certain possessions belonging of right unto the duke of Lancastre Sir Iohn of gaunt/ and specially unto dame constance his wife. In performance of which act, the said bishop entering the country of Flaunders, fande there the flemings with divers miscreants such as the foresaid king of the country of Spain had thither sent, making resistance again him. Wherefore he made to them sharp war, and wan upon them certain towns, as gravelling, Burburgth, and Dunkyrke/ and wan great and rich pillage, so that he & his soldiers stuffed and fraught with it as testifieth Policronycon, xli. ships. But soon after the flemings assembled with such strength, that about dunkirk they gave unto him such assault, that he was constrained to give back. And for the said ships and goods should nat come unto the possession of his enemies/ he set them on fire within the haven, and so was wasted both ships and goods. And all be it that after this miss hap he recovered his strength, & laid siege unto the town of Ipre, and wrought the flemings much care and trouble/ shortly after such sicknesses fell among his people, as the flyre and other, that his soldiers died of them great number/ for the which he was compelled to leave his journey and to return into England. In this year also was a battle or feats of arms done in the kings palace of westminster, atween one called Garton Appellaunt, and Sir Iohn Ansley knight defendant/ of which fight at length the knight was victor, and caused his enemy to yield him. For the which the said Garton was from that place drawn unto Tyburn, and there hanged for his false accusation and surmise.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxiiii. Grocer. Symonde wynchecombe.  Nycholas Brembre.  Anno. seven.  Iohn more.   
   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxiiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxv.  Nycholas Exton.  Nycholas Brembre.  Anno. viii.  Iohn Frenshe.   
THis year king richard holding his Christmas at Eltham/ thither came unto him the King of Ermony, which was chased out of his land by the infidels and Turks/ and required aid of the King to be restored unto his dominion. The King feasted and comforted him according to his honour/ & after counsel taken with his Lords concerning that matter, he gave unto him great sums of money and other rich gifts. with the which after he had tarried in England upon two. Months, he departed with glad countenance.  
And soon after Ester the King with a great army yode toward Scotland. But when he drew near unto the borders/ such means were sought by the Scots, that a peace was concluded atween both realms for a certain tyme. After which conclusion so taken/ the King returned unto york and there rested him a season. In which time variance fell atween Iohn Holand brother to the Earl of Kent, and the Earls son of Stafforde/ by reason of which variance, in conclusion the said son of the Earl was slain of the hand of the same Sir Iohn holade/ for the which deed the King was grievously amoved, & departed shortly after with his company toward London.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxv.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxvi. Grocer. Iohn Organ.  Nycholas Brembre.  Anno. ix.  Iohn Chyrcheman.   
THis year King richard assembled at westminster his high court of parliament. During the which among other many acts in the same counsel concluded/ he created ii dukes, a marquis, and .v. Earls. Of the which first sir Edmonde of Langley the kings uncle and Earl of cambridge was created duke of york/ Sir Thomas of woodstoke his other uncle Earl of Buckyngham was create duke of Gloucester/ Sir Lionel Vere that was Earl of Oxenford was made marquis of Develyn/ sir Henry Bolingbrooke son and heir of Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancastre was made Earl of Derby/ Sir Edward son & heir unto the duke of york was made Earl of Rutland/ Sir Iohn Holande brother to the Earl of Kent was made Earl of Huntyngdone/ Sir Thomas Monbraye was made Earl of Notyngham and Martial of England/ and Sir Mychaell de la Poole was made Earl of Suffolk & chancellor of England. And by authority of the same parliament, Sir Roger mortimer Earl of the March, and son and heir unto sir Edmonde mortimer and of dame philip eldest daughter and heir unto Sir Lionel the second son of Edward the third, was soon after proclaimed heir paraunt unto the crown of England. The which sir Roger shortly after sailed into Ireland, there to pacify his lordship of wulster, which he was Lord of by his foresaid mother. But while he was there occupied about the same/ the wild irish came upon him in number, and slew him and moche of his company. This sir Roger had Issue Edmonde/ and Roger, Anne, Alys, and Elynoure that was made a nun. The ii foresaid sons died without issue, and Anne eldest daughter was married to richard Earl of cambridge, which richard was son unto sir Edmonde of Langley before named. The which richard had issue by the said Anne Isabella Lady Bouchier, richard that after was duke of york & father to King Edward the four which said Richard Earl of Cambridge was put to death by Henry the .v. as after shall appear. In this year also Sir Henry Bolingbroke Earl of Derby, married the Countess daughter of Herforde/ by whom he was Lord of that country. And by her he had issue Henry that after him was King, Blaunche Duchess of bar, and Philippe that was wedded to the King of Denmark. Also Thomas duke of Clarence, Iohn duke of bedford, & Humphrey duke of Gloucester.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxxvi.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxxvii. Goldesmythe. wyllyam Stondon.  Nycholas Exton.  Anno. x.  wyllyam More.   
IN this ten year the Earl of Arundel was sent into the duchy of Guyan, for to strength such soldiers as the king at that time had in those parties/ or after some writers to scour the see of rovers & enemies. The which Earl in keeping his course or passage, encountered a mighty float of flemings laden with Rochel wine/ & set upon them, and distressed them & their ships, and so brought them unto divers ports of England. By reason whereof the said wine was so plenteous in England, that a ton thereof was sold for a mark and twenty s. the choice. And among other in that float was taken the Admyralle of Flaunders, which remained here long after as prisoner.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxxvii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.lxxxviii. Goldesmythe. wyllyam Uenour.  Nycholas Exton.  Anno. xi.  Hugh Fostalfe.   
THis xi year of King richard/ Sir Thomas of woodstock duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Arundel, with the Earls of warwyke, of Derby, and of Notyngham, considering how the king and his land was miss lad by a few persons about the King, intending reformation of the same/ assembled them to have a counsel at Radecoke bridge, and after arreared great people, & so with a strong power came to London, & there caused the king to call a parliament. Whereof hearing Master Alexander nevil than archbishop of york, sir Lionel Vere marquis of Develyn, and Sir Mychaell de la Poole chancellor and Earl of Suffolk, fearing punishment fled the land, and so died in strange countries. Than the King by counsel of the other above named Lords, during the parliament caused to be taken sir Roberte Trevylian chief justice of England, Sir Nycholas Brembre late mayre of the city of London, sir Iohn Salysbury knight of household, sir Iohn Beauchamp steward/ also of the kings house, Sir Symonde Burley knight, Sir James Bernes, and Sir Robert Belknappe knights, and a sergeant of arms called Iohn Uske/ the which by authority of the said parliament were convict of treason, and for the same put to execution at Tybourne and at the tower hill. And Iohn Holt, Iohn Locton, Richard Gray, willyam Burgth, and Roberte Fulthorpe justice, with the other foresaid Lords, which as before is said voided the land/ were by authority of the said court of parliament banished & exiled the land for ever.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxxviii.  Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxxix. Goldesmythe. Thomas Austeyne.  Sir Nycholas Twyfforde.  Anno. xii.  Adam Cathyll.   
IN the xii year and month of Novembre yet during the parliament, was executed in Smythefylde of London a martial justes and tournement/ where as all such persons as came in upon the Kings party, their armour and apparel was garnished with white hearts & crowns of gold about their necks. And of that short were xxiiii with xxiiii Ladies also appareled as above is said, lad with xxiiii chains of gold the horses of them/ and so conveyed them thorough the city unto Smythefelde from the tower of London. where the king, the Queen, and many other great estates being present, after proclamations by the herroddes made/ many goodly and martial acts of war were there put in ure, to the great recreation and comfort of the King and Queen and all other beholders of the same. To this disport came many strangers. Among the which the Earl of saint Poule, the Lord Ostreuaunt son and heir unto the duke of Holand, and a younger son of the Earl of ostrich, were greatly commended. And when this justes had continued by sundry times by the space of xxiiii days, to the great comfort and recreation of many young and lusty bachelors desirous to win worship, and to the Kings great honour, that by all that season kept open household for all honest comers/ it was finished, & the strangers returned to their countries with many rich gifts.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.lxxxix.  Anno domini. M. CCC.lxxxx. Grocer. Iohn walcot.  wyllyam Uenour.  Anno. xiii.  Iohn Louene●.   
IN this xiii year of King Richard/ an esquire of the province of navarre by France, accused an English esquire called Iohn Welsh of certain points of treason. For the trial whereof a day of fight was between them taken, to be fought in the kings palace at westminster/ where either of them kept his day & fought there a strong fight. But in the end Iohn Welsh was vyctoure/ and constrained that other to yield him. where after he was despoiled of his armour, and drawn to tyburne, and there hanged for his untruth.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xc.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xci.  Iohn Frances.  Adam Bamme.  Anno. xiiii.  Thomas vyvent.   
IN this xiiii year of King Richard/ Sir Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancastre, with a goodly company of men of arms sailed into spain, to claim such lands as he there should have in the right of dame constance his wife/ which was the daughter of Peter rightful King of Spain, as in the xl year of King Edward the third is more plainly declared. When the said duke was upon that other side of the see/ there came unto him the King of Portyngale with a strong army, and so entered the territory of Spain. But whether it were of the English men long or of the Portyngaleys/ moche harm was done to the spaniards, in robbing and pilling of the country/ which was cause of grudge between the King of Portyngale and the duke/ and caused many spaniards which ought to them good will to withdraw and departed from them. In reformation of which ille, certain persons aswell English as Portyngaleys that were found guilty of such robbery, were put unto death/ by mean whereof the other feared so, that where by that mean the King and the duke were before put to great afterdeale, by reason of reformation of that ille they got daily upon their enemies/ so that in process of time following, the King of Spain was driven of necessity to treat with the duke of a peace & concord. Of the which peace as witnesseth Polycronycon in his last book and vii chapter/ the condition was, that first for a final concord the King of Spain should mary the duke eldest daughter name constance and that done he should give unto the duke in recompensation of his costs, so many wedges of gold as should charge or lad viii charettes/ and over that yearly during the lives of the said duke and his wife, he should at his proper cost and charge deliver to the Duke's assygneys ten M. mark of gold within the town of Bayon.  
And after this peace was stablished, and sureties taken for the performance of the same/ the duke departed with the King of Portyngale. To whom shortly after he married his second daughter named dame Anne.  
In this year also for cruel war which the Turks made again the janueys or men of jeane/ they required aid of the Kings of England and France. For which cause out of England was sent a noble warrior called Earl of Alby with two thousand of archers/ and out of France the duke of Bourbon and the Earl of Ewe, with xu C. spears. The which kept their journey till they came unto a city in Barbary named Thunys, & sometime belonging to the said januays. where the said english & frenchmen bore them so manfully with the aid of the genoese, that in process of time they wan the said city from the Turks, and put the genoese again in possession thereof/ & took of them many prisoners, the which were exchanged for christian prisoners before taken/ and over that forced the said saracens to yield unto the genoese ten M. ducats of gold, for confirmation of a peace for a certain tyme. But the French chronicle saith, that for so moche as the duke of Bourbon had understanding that the duke of Lancaster made war upon King Iohn of spain/ he therefore left this journey and aided him again the said duke of Lancaster to his little honour.  
But how so ever it was/ many of the englishmen were lost in those countries by reason of the flix and other sicknesses. Also Antoninus sayeth, that the saracens at this journey were nat dyspossessed of the city of Thunys/ but for a truce to be had for two years, they granted unto the christian men a certain sum of money, and restitution of many christian prisoners.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xci.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xcii.  Iohn Chadworth.  Draper.   Iohn Heende.  Anno. xv.  Henry Uamere.   
IN this xu year of King richard/ he keeping his christmas at his manor of woodstock, the Earl of Pembroke being young of age was desirous to learn to just/ and required a knight named Sir Iohn saint Johan, to run with him certain courses. At whose request the said knight ran with him in woodstoke park certain courses. In the which were it with stroke or other mishap/ the said Earl received there his deaths wound & died shortly after.  
In this year also & month of juny/ a bakers man bearing a basket full of horsebrede to serve his masters customers in Fleetstreet/ when he came foreagayn the bishop of Salysburyes' place standing in Salysbury alley, a servant of the bishops start unto the basket and took out one of the Louis. And for the baker would again have recovered his horse loaf/ the bishops servant with his dagger broke the bakers head. Than came the inhabytauntes of the street, & would have brought the yeoman unto ward for breaking of the kings peace. But he was rescued by his fellows/ and so had unto the bishops palace, which that day stood treasurer of England.  
For this rescous the people being in a fury/ in great multitude gathered about the palace, and would have entered parforce to have set out the yeoman.  
Again whom the bishops servants made resistance/ so that the rumour grew more and more. And the people of the city, aswell such as were of ill disposition as other, increased into a great number. Fame of this doing than sprang to the mayor/ which in all haste with divers aldermen & the shyryves, sped him thither to see the peace kept/ & did that he could to withdraw the people. But after the mayor & the officers of the city were common thither/ the commons out of all parties of the city drew thither, in moche more multitude than they had before/ so that the more they were in number, the worse they were to rule. In so much that they would nat be satisfied, but they might have the yeoman delivered, whose name was walter Roman. And for to bring about their folly/ they made many assaults at the gates of the said palace, the bishop himself being than at windsor. Lastly after many shouts & lyftes at the gates made, by discretion of the mayre & aldermen with other discrete commoners of the city, the people was minished and sent again every man to his dwelling, & all was set in quiet & rest. When word of this came unto the Bishop, in much worse manner than the thing was in deed/ he giving light credence without examination made in the matter, assocyat unto him Master Arundel than archbishop of york and chancellor of England/ & so grievously informed the King, that he took again the city right grievous displeasure/ so that in all hast the mayre was sent for to the King. At whose coming was laid unto his charge great & heinous matters, that he non otherwise ruled the city/ but suffered the citizens to make such assaults upon the kings head officers, to the Kings great dishonour, & jeopardy of such great treasure as he than had of the Kings in his custody and keeping. And after brought unto the kings presence/ of whom nat withstanding his reasonable excuse before made, he was of the King right sore blamed & grievously said unto. Than was the mayre & the sheriffs discharged of the rule of the city/ & the liberties of the same seized into the kings hands/ & a knight of the court called Sir Edward Dalingryge, a good man and favourable to the citizens, was made governor of the city the xxi day of June/ & continued in that office to the first day of July next ensuing. At which day being in the beginning of the Kings xvi year of his reign, he was discharged/ & Sir Baldewyn Radyngton knight put in his room/ & so continued till the feast of Symonde & Jude following. And for the more displeasure of the citizens/ all pleas & suits kept before time in westminster hall, were than removed & held at york, to the great noyance of all the land/ which so continued till christmas. And in this mayor's year also, was a great translation of bishops. This displeasure thus hanging toward the city/ the cytezyns made continual labour unto the kings grace, by means of the Queen and of doctor Gravesende than bishop of London/ which ought their especial favours unto the city. By whose means the citizens were restored unto their liberties, & had licence to choose of themself a mayre & two shyryves/ so that upon saint Mathewis day following, they chose for shyryves gilbert manifold or Manfelde and Thomas Newyngton/ and upon saint Edward's day King and confessor, they chase for their mayre wyllyam Stondon Grocer/ which by the Lyeutenaunte of the tower were at that time admitted and sworn.  
But yet the kings displeasure was natte reconciled, nor the citizens admitted unto his grace and favour.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xcii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xciii. Grocer. Gylbert Manfeylde.  wyllyam Stondon.  Anno. xvi.  Thomas Newynghtyn.   
IN this mayor's year and xvi year of King richard/ this new mayre with the worthiest men of the city, made assyduat & daily means unto the kings grace, for to have his most bounteous pardon & his especial favour unto the city. The which at length by means of such friends as they purchased about the King/ & specially by labour of the good Queen Anne, and the forenamed bishop of London, they were put in good comfort upon their demeanour & submission at the kings coming to London. Upon which comfort the cytyzyns made royal and costyous purveyance to receive the King in their best manner/ & having monyssyon that the King intended to come unto his palace of westminster, appareled them in one livery/ & to the number of four C. horsemen well be seen, met with him upon the heath on this half his manor of sheen. where in most lowly wise according to their duties they submitted them unto his grace/ beseeching him of his special grace & pardon, in all such things as they before times had offended again his highness. And to the intent that his grace might see the comformyte of all his other subjects/ the recorder made instance to him, that he would of his great bounty take so great pain upon him, as to ride through his chamber of London.  
The which request he graciously accepted/ & so held on his journey till he came at London bridge/ where he was presented with ii fair steeds trapped in rich cloth of gold parted of red and white. The which present he thankful received/ & after held on his way till he came at the standard in cheap/ the cytezyns of the city standing upon either side of the streets in their liveries, and crying King richard King Richard/ and at their backs, the wyndowies & wallys hanged with all rich tapets & clothes of arasse in most goodly & showing wise. And at the said standard in cheap, was ordained a sumptuous stage/ in the which were set divers personages in rich apparel. Among that which an anngell was ordained/ which set a rich crown of gold garnished with stone & pearl upon the kings heed as he passed by. And that done he road to Paulys, and there offered, and so road unto westminster/ where the mayre and his company taking their love returned unto London.  
Upon the morrow which was the fifteen day of the month of the said mayre and his brethren yode unto westminster, & presented there that King with two guylte basyns, and in them two thousand nobles of gold/ beseeching him in most humble wise to be good and gracious Lord unto the city. The which he accepted right favourably/ and gave unto them many comfortable words.  
And the third day following, they received a new confirmation of all their old Fraunchyses and liberties. Wherefore by counsel of their friends, they ordained an altar table of silver and over guilt/ & therein imagery graven & enamelled most curiously of the story of saint Edward, the which was valued at a. M. mark/ & presented that also, & gave it unto the King/ the which he shortly after offered to the shrine of saint Edward within the abbey, where yet it stands at this day. And for the great zeal & love which the fore said bishop of London ought unto the city, & that by his means their liberties were again restored/ they therefore of their own goodly disposition, after his decease accustomed them, and yet at this day done/ to go yearly upon the feestfull days following, that is to say first the morrow after Symonde Jude which day the mayor taketh his charge at westminster, to Paulys/ & there to say in the west end of the church where he lieth graven (Deprofundis) for his soul and all christian/ & in like manner upon Alhalowen day, christmas day, & two. the next days following, new years day, twelve day, and Candelmas day/ with also the morrow after michaelmas day, upon the which the shyryfes yearly taken their charge at westminster. All which ix days, nat all only the mayor & his brethren use this progress and keep this obsequy/ but also all the crafts of the city in their liveries use the same yearly.  
And when the King had withdrawn as above is said, his displeasure from the city/ than at Hyllarye term following the feast of Cristmas, all the kings courts and pleas of the crown wytl; other returned from york to westminster.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xciii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xciiii. Grocer. Drew Barentyne.  Iohn Hadley.  Anno. xvii.  richard whytyngton.   
IN this mayor's beginning & xvii. Year of King richard, that is to mean the month of Novembre/ certain gentlemen of Scotland intending to win honour, challenged certain points of arms. As first the lord Moryf challenged the Earl of Nothyngham & marshal of England/ sir william Darel knight challenged Sir Peter Courtnay knight & Cokborne esquire, challenged Sir Nycholas Hawberke knight. which feats of arms were done in smithfield of London. But Marse was so friendly unto the Englyshmen, that the honour of the journey went with them/ in so much that the Earl marshal overthrew his appellaunte/ & so bruised him, that in his return toward Scotland he died at york. And Sir wyllyam Darell refused his appellant or they had run their full courses. And the third of them, that is to wit Cocborne, was thrown at the second coping to ground horse and man.  
And upon the vii day of Juny following, died that gracious woman Queen Anne/ and lieth now buried at westminster by her Lord King richard, upon the southside of saint Edward shrine/ to whose soul & all christen our lord be merciful. And this year in the month of Septembre as witnesseth the French chronicle, by means of the Earl of Derby and other, which than were in France for the King of England's party/ and the duke of Burbone & the Earl of Ewe upon the French party with other/ a truce was concluded at saint Omers for four years. But nat withstanding that peace, the Frenchmen and englishmen ran together sundry times, when the one espied to have any advantage upon that other.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xciiii.  Anno dni. M.CCC.xcv. Mercer. wyllyam Brampton.  Iohn Frenshe.  Anno. xviii.  Thomas Knolles.   
This xviii year of King richard, he shortly after christmas with a strong army sailed into Ireland. The which journey was more to his charge than honour. For the manner whereof, sin it sounded to no honour of the Prince/ mine auctor therefore list nat in his book to make any long process of the matter In this year also or about this time, began the heresy of Iohn wycclyffe to spring in England/ the which was greatly advanced by mean of the schism in the church hanging at those days between two Pope's sitting at one's/ the which began as before is showed in the xxiiii year of Charles the vi than King of France, Urban the vi and Clement the sixth/ & continued under Bonyface the ix and Benet the xiii Of which erroneous oponyons of the said heresy, who so is desirous to see the contents of them/ let them search cronica cronicarum, and there he shall see them briefly set out.  
In this year also was wonderful tempest of wind, by the space of July, August, & specially September/ by violence whereof in sundry places of this land, great and wonderful hurt was done both of churches and houses. This year died Constance second wife to Iohn duke of Lancastre, and lieth buried at leicester.   

Anno domini. M.CCC.xcv.  Anno dni. M. CCC.lxcvi. Uy●tener. Roger Elys.  wyllyam more.  Anno. nineteen.  wyllyam Sheryngham.   
IN the beginning of this mayor's year, and xix year of King richard, and xviii day of Novembre as affirmeth the French chronicle/ King richard being than at calais, spoused or took to wife within the church of saint Nycholas, Isabel the daughter of Charles the vi than King of France. Which lady Isabella as witnesseth the said French story, at the day of her marriage was within viii years of age. And as it is registered in one of the books of guyldehalle of London/ the French King in proper person came down with a goodly company of Lords and knights, unto a town called Arde, which standeth upon the utter border of Pycardy/ where within his own dominion a rich and sumptuous pavilion was pight. And in like manner a little beyond Guynys within the english pale, was another like pavilion pight for King richard/ so that between the two said pavilions, was a distance of lxx pace. And in the midway atwene both, was ordained the third pavilion/ at the which both Kings coming from either of their tents sundry times there met, & had communication either with other/ the ways or distance atween set with certain persons appointed standing in arm ii and ii/ the one side being set with Englishmen, and that other with French. And a certain distance from either of the two. first said pavilions, stood both hosts of both Princes, or such companies as before either of them was appointed to bring. Here if I should bring in the divers meetings of the said princes, and the curious services that either caused other to be fed & served within either of their tents, or of their dalliance or pastimes continuing the season of their meetings, and the diversity of the manifold spices and wines which there was ministered at the said season, with all the rich apparel of the said pavilions & cupboards garnished with plate & rich jewels/ it would ask a long tract of tyme. But who that is desirous to know or here of the circumstance of all the premisses/ let him read the work of Master Iohn Froysarde made in French/ and there he shall see every thing touched in an order. And here I shall shortly touch the gifts that were given of either of the princes & of their Lords. And first king Richard gave unto the French King, an hanap or basin of gold with an ewer to the same. Than againwarde the French king gave unto him three standing cups of gold, with covers garnished with pearl & stone/ & a ship of gold set upon a bear richly garnished with pearl & stone. Than at their second meeting king richard gave unto him an ouche set with so fine stones, that it was valued at .v. C. mark sterling. where again the French king gave unto him ii flagons of gold/ a tablet of gold, and therein an image of saint Mychaell richly garnished. Also a tablet of gold with a crucifix therein well and richly dight. Also a tablet of gold with an image of the trinity, richly set with pearl and stone. Also a tablet of gold with an image of saint George, in likewise set with pearl and stone. Which all were valued at the sum of xu C. mark. Than king Richard seeing the bounty of the French King/ gave to him a bauderyke or collar of gold set with great dyamantes, rubies, and balessies, being valued at .v. M. mark/ the which for the preciosyte thereof, that it was of such an excellency and finesse of stuff, the French King therefore wore it about his neck as often as the king and he met together. Than the French King gave unto him an ouche, a spice plate of gold of great weight, and valued at ii M. mark. Many were the rich gifts that were received of Lords and Ladies of both Princes. Among the which specially are noted iii gifts, which King Richard gave unto the duke of orleans/ for the which he received again of the duke trebyll the value. For where his were valued at a. M. mark/ the dukes were valued at three thousand mark. Finally when the said princes had thus either solaced with other, & concluded all matters concerning the abovesaid marriage/ the French King delivered unto King richard dame Isabella his daughter, saying these words following.  
Right dear beloved son, I deliver here to you the creature that I most love in this world next my wife & my son/ beseeching the father in heaven, that it may be to his pleasure, and of the weal of you and your realm/ and that the amity atween the ii realms in avoiding of effusion of christian men's blood, may be kept invyolet for the term atween us concluded/ which term was xxx winter as expresseth the French chronicle. After which words with many thanks given upon either parties/ preparation was made of deꝑtinge. And after King richard had conveyed the French King toward Arde/ he took his leave and returned unto his wife. The which was immediately with great honour conveyed unto Caleys/ and there after to the King spoused, as before to you I have showed. After the which solempnisation with all honour ended/ the King with his young wife took shipping, and so within short while landed at Dover/ and from thence sped him toward London. Whereof the citizens being warned/ made out certain horsemen well appointed in one lyvetye of colour, with a cognisance broidered upon their sleeves, whereby every fellowship was known from other. The which with the Mayre and his brethren clothed in scarlet, met the King and the Queen upon the black heath/ & after due salutation and reverent welcomes unto them made by the mouth of the recorder, the said citizens conveyed the King upon his weigh till he came to Newyngton: where the King commanded the Mayre with his company to return to the city/ for he with his Lords & Ladies was appointed that night to lie at Kenyngton. It was nat long after but that she was from Kenington brought with great pomp unto the tower of London. At which season was so exceeding prece at London bridge, that by reason thereof certain persons were thrust to death/ among the which the prior of Typtre a place in Essex was one. And upon the morrow following, she was conveyed through the city with all honour that might be devised unto westminster/ & there crowned Queen upon the Sunday being than the viii day of January. In the summer following the King by sinister counsel delivered up by a poyntement the town of breast in britain to the duke/ which was occasion of displeasure atween the King and the duke of Gloucestre his uncle as in the year following shallbe more clearly showed.   

Anno domini. M. CCC.lxxxxvi.  Anno dni. M. CCC.lxxxxvii. Goldesmythe. Thomas wylforde.  Adam Bame.  Anno. xx.  wyllyam Parker.   
IN this twenty year of King richard and month of February/ the King holding a sumptuous feast in westminster hall, many of the soldiers which were newly comen from the town of breast foresaid, pressed into the hall, and kept a room together. Which company when the duke of Gloucestre had beholden/ and frayned and known what men they were, and how the said town was given up contrary his knowledge/ was therewith in his mind sore discomforted. In so much that when the King was entered his chamber, and few near unto him, he said unto the King: sir have ye nat seen the fellows that sat in so great number to day in your hall at such a table. And the King answered yes, and axed of the duke what company it was. To whom the duke answered & said, Sir these been your soldiers comen from breast/ and as now have nothing to take to, nor known at how to shift for their living/ and the rather for that as I am informed, they have been before time evil paid. Than said the king it is nat my will but that they should be well paid. And if any have cause to complain, let them show it unto our treasurer, and they shallbe reasonably answered. In reasoning of this matter farther/ the duke said unto the King, sir ye ought to put your body to pain for to win a strong hold or town by feat of war, or ye took upon you to sell or deliver any town or strong hold gotten with great difficult, by manhood of your noble progenitors. To this the King with changed countenance answered & said, Uncle how say ye thoses words. Than the duke boldly recited the foresaid words. Whereunto the king being more discontented said, ween ye that I be a merchant or fool to sell my land/ by saint Iohn baptist nay. But troth it is, that our cousin the duke of Britain hath rendered unto us all such sums of money as our progenitors lente unto him or his ancestors, upon the said town of breast. For the which, reason & good conscience will that he have his town restored again. By mean of which words thus uttered by the duke/ such rancour and malice kindled atween the King & him, that it ceased nat till the said duke was put to death by murder unleefully. Than the duke apperceiving the kings misleding by certain persons about him, intending thereof reformation for the weal of the King and his realm/ called unto him the abbot of saint Albon, & the abbot & prior of westminster, and showed to them his secret mind. By whose counsels he made assemble shortly after at Arundel/ to which assemble came at the day appointed, divers Lords both spiritual & temporal/ as himself, the Earl of Arundel and other. Also thither came the Earl of Notyngham than marshal of England, the Earl of warwyke/ & of spiritual Lords, the archbishop of Caunterbury, the abbots of saint Alban's and of westminster with other.  
After which assemble thus made, and everich of them to other sworn within the castle of Arundel/ the viii day of August they took there their counsel, and condescended yts divers Lords about the king, as the duke of Lancastre, the duke of york and other, should be put from such authority and rule of the land as they than bore/ and other officers such as were thought prejudicial unto the weal of the land, should be discharged and punished for their demerits. When this with many other things was among them concluded/ everich of them departed till the time of an other meeting atween them appointed. But the Earl of Notyngham contrary his oath and promise fearing the sequel of the matter/ yode shortly after unto the King, and discovered unto him all the premises. wherefore the King in all haste called a secret counsel at London in the said Earl of Notynghames place, or after some at the place of the Earl of Huntyngdone.  
where it was concluded that the said Earl of Huntyngdone & other, should by strength fetch unto the king the Earls of Arundel and of warwyke. And in the mean while, the King in proper person arrested his uncle Sir Thomas of woodestoke at Plasshy in Essex as sayeth the english chronicle. All be it an other writer in latin saith, that King richard in proper person road unto the manor of Grenewyche in the night time, & there took him in his bed, & commanded him unto the tower of London/ which shortly after was conveyed unto calais and there piteously murdered. And soon after were the foresaid Earls of Arundel & warwyke brought unto the tower of London, with also Sir Iohn Cobham & Sir Iohn Cheynye knights. But the Earl of Arundel was taken to bail and went at large under surety, till the beginning of the parliament. In which season divers other were brought to sundry prisons. Than the King sent out his commissioners unto the Lords of his realm, for to come unto his parliament/ which began after upon the xvii day of Septembre, in the beginning of the xxi year of the King, and later end of this mayor's year.  
Here it is to be noted, that Adam Bame mayre died in the beginning of the month of June. For whom was after chosen and admitted the viii. day of the said month for mayre, richard whytyngton, to occupy the full of that year/ that is to mean till the feast of Symonde and Jude. But upon saint Edward's day following when the new mayre is accustomed to be chosen/ Than was he elect again for that year following. And so he stood in the office of mayraltye an hole year/ and .v. months. Than to return to our first matter, when the King had assembled his Lords/ that which came with so strong and mighty companies, that the city sufficed nat to lodge the people, but were fain to be lodged in small towns and villages near unto the same/ within short time after the said parliament was begun, the Earls of Arundel and of berwick were brought before the Lords of the parliament holden at westminster, and there finally judged as followeth/ the Earl of Arudell to be lad on foot from westminster and place of his judgement thorough the high streets of the city unto the tower hill, where his heed to be stricken of/ and the Earl of berwick was also judged to death. But for his great age, by mean of his friends his judgement was pardoned and altered to perpetual prison, where as the King would command him. Which after was had unto the isle of Man in Lancasshyre/ where he consumed the residue of his old days. And the Earl of Arundelle according to the sentence upon him given, upon the morrow following the feast of saint Mathewe being Saturday, & the xxii day of Septembre, was lad on foot unto the tower hill being accompanied with great strength of men, for so moche as it was deemed that he should have been rescued by the way/ how be it none such was attempted/ but peaceably he was brought unto the said place of execution, and there patiently & meekly took his death. whose body after was by the freres augustine's borne unto their place within the ward of Bradestrete of London, & there in the north side of the choir solemnly buried/ and after upon his grave a sumptuous tomb of marble stone set and edified. And by authority of the said parliament, the archbishop of Caunterbury was exiled the realm. And upon the monday following being the xxiiii. Day of Septembre, Sir Iohn lord Cobham, and sir Iohn Cheyny knight, were judged to be drawn, hanged and quartered. But by instance and labour of their friends, that judgement was changed unto perpetual prison. And this done/ the King ordained a royal feast, and held open household for all honest comers. For as affirmeth Peter Pyctavyence a writer of histories/ this Prince King richard passed all other of his progenitors in liberality and bounty. The which feast and also parliament yet holding/ the King created .v. dukes, a marquis, and .v. Earls. As first the Earl of Derby Sir Henry of Bolygbrooke, son and heir of Iohn of gaunt duke of Lancastre, was created duke of Herforde. The second which was Earl of Rutland, was created duke of Amnerle. The third being Earl of Kent, was created duke of Surrey. The fourth being Earl of Notyngham, was created duke of Norfolk. And the fift was the Earl of Huntyngedon, the which than was created duke of Exeter. Also of the Earl of Somerset, was made a marquis of Dorset. And for the Earls/ first the Lord of westmerlande named Dane Raby nevil, was made Earl of westmerlande/ the Lord treasurer sir william Scrope, was made earl of wilshire/ and Sir Iohn de Montague was made Earl of Salesbury. And when this business was fynisshed/ the parliament was removed unto Shrewysbury unto Hyllarye term/ where it was finished to many men's displeasures, & dysheryting of many true heirs.   

Anno domini. M. CCC.lxxxxvii.  Anno dni. M. CCC.lxxxxviii. Mercer. wyllyam Askeham.  richard whyttyngton.  Anno. xxi.  Iohn wodecoke.   
IN this xxi year of King richard/ the people of the land murmured and grudged sore again the King & his counsel/ for so moche as the goods belonging unto the crown, were disperblyd & given to unworthy persons/ by occasion whereof divers charges and exactions were put upon the people. Also for that the chief rulers about the Prince, were of low birth and of small reputation/ and the men of honour were kept out of favour. Also for that the duke of gloucester was secretly murdered without process of the law/ and many things else mysordered by the last parliament, whereof the wite and blame was laid unto the King and other persons after named, as well for wrongful dysheryting of sundry persons at the said parliament, such as were menyall servants of the foresaid duke of Gloceter and of the Earls of Arundel and of warwyke, contrary his own proclamations made concerning such matters. Also that where divers patents & grants passed the kings great seal, as well for pardons and other great matters/ yet for the Kings singular advantage & such few persons as bare the rule about him, many of them were called again. Also where for sheriffs and other officers of all shires of England, were wont to be named four by discrete persones as judges & other, of the which the King should assign two for the year following/ he of his own will & pleasure would refuse them, & chose such ii as him liked/ the which he knew well would lean more to his weal, than to the comen weal of this land or of his subjects. Also that where before times the Kings of England used to send out commissions unto burgesses of cities & towns, to choose of their free liberty such knights of the shire as they thought most wealefull for the comen weal of the said shire & land/ now King richard would appoint the persons, and will them for to choose such as than he named/ whereby his singular causes were preferred, and the comen causes put by. Also King richard thorough evil counsel, commanded by his letters unto the sheriffs of all shires few excepted, that all persons of honour within their counties as well spiritual as temporal, should make certain oaths in general words, and over that to write and seal certain bonds for performance of the said oaths/ and also for blank charter, which many men of substance were constrained to seal to their great charges. The people continually murmured and grudged, for these injuries and many more, which at the time of his deposing were artyculed again him in xxxviii sundry articles/ with also the rumour that ran upon him, that he had let to farm the reveneus of the crown, to Busshey, Bogot, and Grene/ which caused as well the noble men of the realm to grudge again him as other of the common people. Thus continuing this misorder within the land/ died Sir Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancaster, at the bishop of Elyes' place in Holborn/ and from thence was carried unto saint Paul's, and there upon the north side of the choir honourably buried. At whose enterrement all the chief Lords of England were present. For whom after was founded by dame Blaunche his wife an honourable anniversary, as before I have showed in the xliiii year of Edward the third, which of right aught to be set in this place.  
This year also about the feste of saint Bartholomew, fell dissension & discord between the duke of Herforde & the duke of Norfolk. Wherefore the duke of Herforde accused the other, that he had taken four thousand mark of the Kings, of such money as he should therewith have waged certain soldiers at Caleys/ which he left undone, & took the same money to his own use. But an other writer saith, that as the said two dukes road upon a time from the parliament toward their lodgings/ the duke of Norfolk said unto that other: sir see you not how variable the King is in his words, and how shamefully he putteth his Lords and kynesfolkes to death, and other exileth and holdeth in prison. Wherefore full necessary it is to take keep, and not for to trust much in his words. For without doubt in time to come, he will by such like means bring us unto like death & destruction. Of which words the said duke of Herforde accused that other unto the King/ wherefore either waged battle with other before the King. To whom day of meeting was given to either upon the xi day of September, to fight within lists at coventre, where all thing was ordained for. At which place at the day assigned thither came the said two dukes, and appeared in the field before the kings presence, ready to do their battle. But the King anon forbade that fight/ and forthwith exiled the duke of Herforde for x. years, and the duke of Norfolk for ever/ which sentence was shortly after put in execution. then the duke of Herforde sailed into France and there tarried a season. But for lack of aid and comfort he departed thence and came into britain. And the duke of Norfolk passed divers countries/ and lastly came unto the city of Uenyce, and there ended his life. And soon after this was Master Roger walden a chapeleyne of the Kings, made archbishop of Caunterbury/ the which was a special lover unto the city of London, and made great labour for them unto the kings grace, the grievously with them was of new disposed, for so moche as he was informed of them, that they should counsel with other sheriffs to withstand certain acts made in the last parliament/ for that which the communalty of the city was endited with other sheriffs. In redress whereof/ by counsel of the said archbishop, & of Master Robert Braybroke than bishop of London, the citizens made a lamentable supplication unto the King. Which by aid & favour of the said two bishops & other lovers of the city/ the Kings ire & indignation by mean of that lowly supplication was some part appeased & withdrawn. But yet to content a part of the Kings mind, many blank charters were devised & brought into the city/ which many of the most substantial men of the same were fain to seal, to their pain and charge in conclusion/ that which shortly after was used thorough all countries of England.   

Anno domini. M. CCC.lxxxxviii.  Anno dni. M. CCC.lxxxxix. Goldesmythe. Iohn wade.  drew Barentyne.  Anno xxii  Iohn warner.   

IN this xxii year of King richard/ the common fame ran, that the King had letton to firm the realm of England unto sir wyllyam Scope Earl of wilshire & than treasurer of England, to sir Iohn Busshey, Sir John Bagot, and Sir Henry Grene knights/ the which returned shortly after to their great confusyons. This year also, Thomas the son and heir of the Earl of Arundel lately beheaded/ the which Thomas not all to his pleasure was kept in the house of the duke of Exeter, passed the see by the means of one william Scot mercer/ & yode unto his uncle that archbishop of Caunterbury, & so continued with him in the city of Colayne than being. In this pastime great purveyance was made for the Kings journey into Ireland/ so that when all things necessary to the honour & need of the King & his people was ready, he set forthward upon his journey in the month of Apryll/ leaving for his leutenaunt in Englange sir Edmonde of Langley his uncle & duke of york/ and after took shipping at Brystowe, and sailed with a mighty & strong host into Ireland. where he had so prosperous speed, that in process of time with manhood and good policy he subdued to him that country. In the which voyage, were it for act that he did or of the Kings bounty/ Henry son and heir of the duke of Herforde than exiled, was of the King made knight. This Henry was after his father crowned King of England, & named Henry the .v.  
King Richard thus being occupied in Ireland, and receiving of the capitains of the wild irish into his subjection, and ordering of that country to set in an order and rule/ Henry of bolingbroking duke of Herforde before exiled, with the archbishop of Caunterbury and Thomas of Arundel and other, landed with a small company at ravens spore in the north country, in the month of August/ and under colour of the claim of his rightful inheritance, ceysed the people as he went/ to whom in short process great multitude of the people drew and gathered. Of this landing king richard being warned/ for hasty speed of returning into England, left in Ireland behind him moche ordinance/ and landed at Mylforde haven in the beginning of Septembre, & beginning also of the xxiii year of his reign/ & so yode unto the castle of flint in wales, and there rested him and his people/ and intended there to gather unto him more strength. In the which mean time the foresaid Henry that than had proclaimed himself duke of Lancaster in the right of Iohn of Gaunte his father, was common to bristol/ and there without resistance took sir wyllyam Scrope Earl of wilshire & treasurer of England, Sir Iohn Busshey, and Sir Henry Grene.  
Also there was taken sir Iohn Bagot/ but after he escaped and fled into Ireland. Than were the other three there judged & put in execution. And King richard still being at the castle of flint/ hearing of the great strength that was about the duke, feared sore of himself. And in like wise so did all such as were about him. Wherefore Sir Thomas percy Earl of worcetyr and than steward of the kings household, contrary his allegiance, broke openly the white rod in the hall, & commanded every man to shift for himself. By reason whereof the people voided, and the King left without comfort, so that he was shortly after taken and presented unto the duke. The which put him under safe keeping/ & shortly after sped him toward London. And when he came near unto the city/ he sent king richard with a secret company unto the tower, there to be safely kept till his coming. Whereof many evil disposed persons of the city being warned/ assembled them in great number, & intended to have met him without the town, & there to have taken him from such as lad him, & so to have slain him for the great cruelty that he before time had used unto the city. But as god would/ the mayre & rulers of the city were informed of their malicious purpose, and gathered to them the worshipful commoners and sad men/ by whose policies nat without great difficulty, they were revoked from their evil purpose/ all be it that lasting that rumour they yode unto westminster, and there took Master Iohn Slake dean of the kings chapel/ and from thence brought him unto Newgate, and there cast on him irons.  
Shortly after/ the duke came unto London/ & there by the consent of King richard, a parliament was begun upon the xiii day of the month of Septembre. Enduring which parliament, many accusations & articles of mysruling of the land were laid unto the charge of this noble prince King richard, which be engroced at length in xxxviii articles. For the which, voluntarily as it should seem by the copy of an instrument here after showed/ he should renounce & wilfully be deposed from all kingly majesty, the monday being the xxix. day of Septembre, and the feast of saint Myghell the archangel, in the year of our lords incarnation after the account of the church of England, M. lxxxxix. and the xxiiii. Year of the reign of the said richard. The copy of which instrument here under ensueth.  
THis present instrument made the monday the xxix day of Septembre, and feast of saint Mychaell tharchangel, in the year of our Lord god. M.CCC.lxxx. and nineteen. and in the xxiii year of King richard the second/ witnesseth, that where by the authority of the Lords spiritual and temporal of this present parliament and commons of the same, the right honourable and discrete persons here under named, were by the said authority assigned to go unto the tower of London, there to here and testify such questions and answers as than & there shude be by the said honourable and discrete persons hard: know all men to whom these present letters shall come, that we sir Richard Scroop archbishop of york, Iohn bishop of Herforde, Henrye Earl of Northumberlande, Ralph Earl of westmerlande, Thomas Lord of Barkeley, wyllyam abbot of westminster, Iohn prior of Caunterbury, wyllyam thyrning, and Hugh Burnell knights, Iohn Markeham justice, Thomas Stowe, & Iohn Burbage doctors of the law civil, Thomas Feryby and Denys Lopham notaries public/ the day & year abovesaid atwene the hours of viii & ix of the clock before noon, were present in the chief chamber of the kings lodging within the said place of the tower. where was rehearsed unto the King by the mouth of the foresaid Earl of Northumberlande, that beforetime at Conwey in Northwalys the King being there at his pleasure and liberty, promised unto the archbishop of Caunterbury than Thomas of Arundel, and unto the said Earl of Northumberlande/ that he for insuffycyency which he knew himself to be of, to occupy so great a charge as to govern this realm of England/ he would gladly leave of and renounce the right and title, aswell of that as of his title to the crown of France and his majesty, unto Henry duke of Herforde/ and that to do in such convenient wise, as by the learned men of his land it should most sufficiently be by them devised and ordained. To the which rehearsal the King in our said presences answered benignly, and said that such promise he made/ and so to the same he was at that hour in full purpose to perform and fulfil/ saving he desired first to have personal speech with the said duke and with the archbishop of Caunterbery his cousins. And furthermore he desired to have a bill drawn of the said resignation, that he might be perfect in the rehearsal thereof. After which copy to him by me the said Earl delivered/ we the said Lords and other departed. And upon the same after noon the King desiring much the coming of the duke of Lancaster/ at the last the said duke with the archbishop entered the foresaid chamber/ bringing with them the Lord Roos, the Lord Burgeyny, and the Lord wylloughby, with diverse other. where after due obeisance done by them unto the King/ he familiarly and with a glad countenance to us appearing, talked with the said archbishop and duke a good season. And that communication finished/ the King with a glad countenance in presence of us and the other above rehearsed, said openly that he was ready to renounce and resign all his kyngelye majesty, in manner and form as he before seasons had promised. And all though he had and might sufficiently, have declared his renouncement by the reading of an other mean person/ yet he for the more surety of the matter, and for the said resignation should have his full force and strength, he therefore red the scroll of resignation himself, in manner and form as followeth.  
In the name of god Amen. I richard by the grace of god King of England and of France, and Lord of Ireland/ acquit and assoil all archbishops, bishops, and other prelate's secular or religious, of what dignity, degree, state, or condition that they be of/ and also all dukes, marquis, Earls, barons, Lords, and all mine other lyege men both spiritual and secular, of what manner name or degree they be/ from their oath of feaute and homage, & all other deeds and privileges made unto me/ and from all manner bands of allegiance and regaly or lordship. In the which they were, or be bounden to me, or in any otherwise constrained/ and them their heirs, and successors for evermore from the same bands and oaths, I release, deliver, acquit, and let them for fire, dyssolued, and acquit, and to be harmless, for so much as longeth to my person, by any manner way or title of right that to me might follow of the foresaid things or of any of them. And also I resign all my kingly dignity, majesty, and crown/ with all the lordships, power, & privileges to the foresaid kingly dignity and crown belonging/ and all other lordships and possessions to me in any manner of wise pertaining, what name & condition they be of/ out take the lands and possessions for me and mine obyte purchased and bought. And I renounce all right and colour of right, and all manner title of possession and lordship, the which I ever had or have, or by any manner of mean might have in the same lordships and possessions or any of them or to them, with any manner rights belonging or appertaining unto any part of them.  
And also the rule and governance of the same kingdom and lordships, with all administrations of the same/ and all things & everich of them, that to the hole empire and jurisdiction of the same belongeth of right, or in any wise may belong.  
And also I renounce the name, worship, and regalye, and kingly highness, clearly, freely, singularly, and holly, in the most best manner and form that I may/ and with deed and word I leave of and resign them and go from them for evermore/ saving alway to my successors Kings of England, all the rights, privileges, & appurtenances to the said kingdom & lordships abovesaid belonging & appertaining. For well I wot & knowledge, & dame, myself to be and have been unsufficient & unable, and also unprofitable/ and for mine open deserts nat unworthy to be put down. And I swear upon the holy euamgels here presently with my hands touched, that I shall never repugn to this resignation, dimyssyon, or yielding up/ nor never inpugne them in any manner by word or by deed, by myself nor by none other. Nor I shall nat suffer it to be impugned, in as much as in me is privily nor apperte. But I shall have, hold, & keep this renousing, dimyssyon, & leaving up, for farm and stable for ever more, in all and in every part thereof, so god me help and all saints, and by this holy evangels by me bodily touched & kissed. And for more record of the same/ here openly I subscribe and sign this present resignation with mine own hand. And forthwith in our presences and other subscribed the same/ and after delivered it unto the archbishop of Canterbury/ saying that if it were in his power or at his assignment, he would that the duke of Lancaster there present, should be his successor & king after him. And in token thereof he took a ring of gold from his finger being his signet, and put it upon the said dukes finger/ desiring & requiring the archbishop of york, to show and make report unto the Lords of the parliament of his voluntary resignation/ And also of his intent and good mind, that he bore toward his cousin the duke of Lancaster, to have him his successor and King after him. And this done▪ every man took their leave and returned to their own.  
UPon the morrow following being tuesday and the last day of Septembre/ all the Lords spiritual and temporal, with also the commons of the said parliament assembled at westminster: where in in the presence of them, the archbishop of york according unto the kings desire, showed unto them seriously the voluntary renouncing of the King/ with also the favour the which he ought unto his cousin the duke of Lancaster for to have him his successor. And over the showed unto them, the cedule or bill of renouncement signed with King Rychardes' hand. After which things in order by him fynisshed/ the question was axed first of the Lords, if they would admit and allow the said renouncement. The which when it was of the Lords granted and confirmed/ the like question was axed of the commons/ and of them in like manner affirmed. After which admission, it was than declared, that nat withstanding the foresaid renouncing so by the Lords and commons admitted/ it were needful unto the realm, in avoiding of all suspection and surmises of ill disposed persons, to have in writing and registered, the manifold crimes and defaults before done by the said richard late King of England/ to the end that they might first be openly showed unto the people, and after to remain of record among the kings records. The which were drawn and compiled as before is said in xxxviii articles/ and there showed ready to be radde. But for other causes than more needful to be preferred/ the reading of the said articles at that season were diff●ered and put of. Which articles for that that they would ask long time to write, & also would to some readers be but small pleasure to read/ I have therefore left them out here of this work: which at length are set out in the book of the Mayres, and year of drew Barentyne than mayre of London.  
Than for so moche as the Lords of the parliament had well considered this voluntary renouncement of King richard/ and that it was behoveful & necessary for the weal of the realm to proceed unto the sentence of his deposayll: they there appointed by authority of the states of the said parliament, the Bishop of saint ass, the abbot of Glastonbury, the Earl of Gloucester, the Lord of Barkeley, wyllyam thyrning justice, & Thomas Erpyngham and Thomas gray knights, that they should give and bere open sentence to the kings deposition. Whereupon the said commissioners laying there their hedes together/ by good deliberation, good counsel, and advisement, and of one assent/ agreed among them, that the bishop of saint ass should publish the sentence for them and in their names, as followeth.  
In the name of god Amen. we Iohn bishop of saint ass or Assenence, Iohn abbot of Glastynbury, richard the Earl of Gloucester, Thomas Lord of Berkeley, wyllyam thyrning justice, Thomas Erpyngham and Thomas gray knights, chosen and deputed special commissaries by the three estates of this present parliament, representing the hole body of the realm, for all such matters by the said astates to us committed: we understanding and considering the manifold crimes, hurts, and harms done by richard king of England, and misgovernance of the same by a long time, to the great decay of the said land, and utter ruin of the same shortly to have been, ne had the especial grace of our Lord god thereunto put the sooner remedy/ & also furthermore avertysinge that the said King richard knowing his own insufficiency, hath of his own mere volunte and free will, renounced and given up the rule and governance of this land, with all rights and honours unto the same belonging, and utterly for his merits, hath judged himself nat unworthy to be deposed of all kingly majesty & estate royal: we the premisses well considering by good and diligent delyberation, by the power, name, and authority to us as above is said committed/ pronounce, discern, and declare, the same King richard before this to have be & to be unprofitable, unable, unsufficyent, and unworthy, to the rule and governance of the foresaid realms and lordships, & all other thappurtenances to the same belonging. And for the same causes, we prive him of all kingly dignity and worship, of any kingly worship in him left.  
And we depose him by our sentence ●ifynityfe/ forbidding expressly to all archbishops, bishops, & all other prelate's, dukes, Marquesses, Earls, barons, and knights, & to all other men of the foresaid kingdom and lordships, or of other places belonging to the same realms and lordships, subjects and lieges what so ever they be, that none of them from this time forthward, to the foresaid richard as King & Lord of the foresaid realms & lordships, be neither obedient nor attendant.  
After which sentence thus openly declared/ the said astates admitted forthwith the same persons for their procurators, to resign and yield up unto King richard, all their homage & fealty which they had made & ought unto him before times/ and for to show unto him if need were, all things before done that conceived his deposing.  
The which resignation at that time was spared, and put in respite till the morrow next following. And anon as this sentence was in this wise passed, and that by reason thereof the realm stood void without heed or governor for the time/ the said duke of Lancaster rising from the place where he before sat, & standing where all might behold him/ he meekly making the sign of the cross upon his forehead and upon his breast, after silence by an officer was commanded/ said unto the people there being these words following. In the name of the father & son and holy ghost/ I Henry of Lancastre claim the realm of England and the crown, with all the appurtenances, as I that am descended by right line of the blood coming from that good Lord King Henry the third/ & through the right that god of his grace hath sent to me, with help of my kin & of my friends to recover the same/ that which was in point to be undone for default of good governance & due justice. After which words thus by him uttered/ he returned & set him down in the place, where he before had sitten. Than the lords apperceiving and hearing this claim thus made by this noble man/ either of them frayned of other what he thought. And after a distance or pause of time/ the archebysshope of Cauntorbury having notition of the lords minds, stood up & asked of the commons, if they would assent to the Lords/ which in their minds thought the claim by the duke made to he rightful and necessary, for the wealth of the realm & of them all. Whereunto with one voice they cried, ye, ye, ye. After which answer/ the said archbishop going unto the duke, & setting him upon his knee, had unto him a few words. The which ended he rose/ & taking the duke by the right hand▪ lad him unto the kings seat/ & with great reverence set him therein/ after a certain kneeling and orison made by the said duke, or he were therein set.  
And when the King was thus set in his throne, to the great rejoicing of the people/ the archbishop of Cauntorbury began there an oration or collation in manner as after followeth.  
Ubi dominabitur in populo, primo Regum capitulo ix These been the words of the high and most mighty King, speaking to Samuel his prophet/ teaching him how he should choose and ordain a governor of his people of Israel, when the said people asked of him a King to rule them. And nat without cause may these words be said here of our Lord the King that is. For if they be inwardly conceived/ they shall give to us matter of consolation and comfort, when it is said that a man shall have lordship and rule of the people & nat a child. For god threateneth nat us as he sometime threat the people by I say, saying/ Isaiae. 3 Et dabo pueros principes corum, & effeminati dominabuntur eyes: I shall sayeth our Lord give children to be their rulers and Princes/ and week or fearful shall have dominion over them.  
But of his great mercy he hath visited us I trust his peculiar people, and sent us a man to have the rule of us/ and put by children that before time ruled this land after childish conditions/ as by the works of them it hath right lately appeared, to the great disturbance of all this realm/ and for want or lack of a man.  
For as sayeth the apostle Paul ad Coryntheos primo. capitulo xiii Cum essem▪ paruusus, sapiebam ut paruusus, & soquebar ut paruusus. etc. Quam so autem factus sum vir/ evacuani quae erant paruusi/ That is to mean, when I was a child, I savoured and spoke as a child. But at the time when I came unto the state of a man/ than I put by all my childish conditions.  
The apostle saith he favoured and spoke as a child/ in whom is no steadfastness or constancy. For a child will lightly promise, and lightly he will break his promise, & do all things that his appetite giveth him unto, & forgetteth lightly what he hath done. By which reason it followeth, that needily great inconvenience must fall to that people that a child is ruler and governor of. Nor it is nat possible for that King doom to stand in felicity, where such conditions reign in the heed and ruler of the same. But now we ought all to rejoice, that all such defaults been expelled/ and that a man and nat a child shall have lordship over us. To whom it belongeth to have a sure rain upon his tongue, that he may be known fronra child, or a man using chyldysche conditions. Of whom I trust I may say as the wise man sayeth in his Proverbys Prouerbiorum tercio capitulo. Bea tus homo qui invenit sapientiam, et qui affluit prudentia The which is to mean, Blessed be the man that hath sapience or wisdom, and that aboundeth in prudence. For that man that is ruled by sapience, must needs love and dread our Lord god. And who so loveth and dreadeth him/ must consequently follow that he must keep his commandments. By force whereof he shall minister true justice unto his subjects, and do no wrong nor injury to any man/ so that than shall follow the words of the wise man the which been rehearsed Prouerbiorum decimo. Benedictio domini super caput justi, os autem impiorum operit iniquitatem which is to mean, The blessing of our Lord god shall a light upon the heed of our King, being a just and rightwise man/ for the tongue of him worketh equity & justice. But the tongue of wicked and of sinners, covereth iniquity. And who that worketh or ministereth justice in due order/ he nat alonely savegardeth himself, but also holdeth the people in a surety of restfulnesse/ of the which ensueth peace & plenty. And therefore it is said of the wise King Solomon Ecclesiastes decimo. Beata tetra 〈◊〉 tex nobilis est, & 〈◊〉 principes vescuntur in tempore sun. which is to be understand, that blessed and happy is that land of the which the King or ruler is noble and wise/ & the Princes been blessed that live in his tyme.  
As who would say, they may take example of him to rule & guide their subjects. For by the digression of a noble & wise man being in authority/ many evils be sequestered and put a part, and all dyssmilers put unto silence. For the wise man considereth & noteth well the great inconveniences which daily now grow of it/ where the child or insypyente drinketh the sweet & delicious words unadvisedly, & perceiveth nat entoxycation which they been minged or mixed with, till he be environed and wrapped in all danger/ as lately the experience thereof hath been apparent to all our sights & knowledges, and nat without the great danger of all this realm. And all was for lack of wisdom in the ruler which deemed & taught as a child, giving sentence of wilfulness and not of reason. So that while a child reigned, self will & just reigned/ & reason with good conscience were outlawed, with justice, steadfastness, & many other virtues. But of this apparel & danger we been delivered by the especial help & grace of god, Quia vir dominabitur tur in populo/ that is to mean, he that is nat a child but perfect in reason. For he cometh natte to execute his own will/ but his will that sent him, that is to wit gods will/ as a man to whom god of his habundaunte grace hath given perfect reason and discretion, to discern & dame as a perfect man. wherefore nat alonely of this man we shall say that he shall dwell in wisdom/ but as a perfect man and nat a child, he shall think & dame/ & have such a circumspect with him, that he shall diligently foreloke & see that gods will be done and nat his. And therefore now I trust the words of the wise man Ecclesiastici decimo shallbe verified in our King/ saying index sapiens judicabit populum suum, & principatus sensati stabilis erit/ that is as sayeth the wise man, A wise and discrete judge shall now dame his people/ & the dominion or lordship of a discrete wise man, shall stand steadfast. Where upon shall than follow the second verse of the same chapter/ saying Secundum judicem populi, sic & ministri eius. etc. that is, like as the heed and sovereign is replenished with all sapience and virtue in guiding of his people, admynistring to them law with due & convenient justice/ so shall the subjects again ward be garnished with awe and loving dread/ & bear unto him next god all honour, truth, & allegiance. So that than it may be concluded with the residue of the foresaid verses, Queen alis rector est civitatis, tales & inhabitants in ca which is to mean, such as the ruler of the city is such than be the inhabytauntes of the same. So that consequently it followeth, a good master maketh a good disciple. And in likewise/ an evil King or ruler shall lose his people, and the cities of his kingdom shallbe left desolate and unhabited.  
wherefore thus I make an end, in stead of a child wilfully doing his lust and pleasure without reason/ now shall a man be Lord and ruler, that is replenished with sapience and reason/ and shall govern the people by skilful domys, setting a part all wilfulness and pleasure of himself. So that the word that I began with, may be verified of him, Ecce quia vir dominabitur in populo. The which our Lord grant/ and that he may prosperously reign to the pleasure of god and wealth of his realm Amen.  
The which oration being thus finished, & the people answering with great gladness, Amen: the King standing upon his feet, said unto the Lords & commons present. Sirs, I thank you my Lords spiritual & temporal, and all the states of this land/ and do you to understand, that it is nat my will, that any man think, that by the way of conquest I would disherit any man of his heritage, franchise, or other rights that him ought to have of right/ nor for to put him out of that which he now enjoyeth, and hath had before time by custom of good law of this realm/ except such private persons as have been again the good purpose and the common profit of the realm.  
And this speech thus finished/ all sheriffs and other officers were put in their auctorytyes, which seized for the time that the Kings see was void/ and after every man departed.  
And at after noon were proclamations made in accustumat places of the city, in the name of King Henry the fourth. And upon the morrow following being wennysdaye, and the first day of October/ the procurators above named yode unto the tower of London & there certified him of the admission of King Henry. And the foresaid justice wyllyam thirning in the name of the other, & for all the states of the land/ gave up unto Richard late King, all homage & fealte to him before time due, i like manner & form as before I have showed to you in the nineteen. Year of King Edward the ii And thus was the noble Prince prived of all kingly dignity & honour, by reason of his evil counsel, and such unlawful ways & means as he by his insolency in his realm suffered to be used, when he had reigned cxii years three months & viii days.   

¶ Charles the vii Francia.  
CArolus or Charles the vii of the name, or the vi after th'account of the French history, a child of xiii. Years of age, & son unto Charles the vi/ began his reign over the frenchmen in the month of Septembre, & year of our Lord. M.CCC. & lxxx/ and the third year of the second richard than King of England. This Charles was crowned King within the age of xiiii years, contrary a law made in the xi year of his father. And where by him he was committed unto the rule of Lewis his uncle & duke of Angeou, to the time of the full of xiiii years/ yet after the death of the father, such unkindness begun to spring between the Lords of the realm, that for the common wealth of the same it was agreed by the more party, that this Charles should be crowned at Raynes i all hasty speed. The which was done in short season after/ & so continued nat without dysturbaunce of malice which kindled between his two uncles, and other inconveniences, by the space of three years ensuing. The four year of his reign/ the citizens of Paris murmuring and grudging for diverse impositions & tasks of them, levied suddenly arose in great multitude, intending to have distressed some of the kings household servants, & such as were men of person. But by mediation of one discrete parson named John Marsyle, with assistance of the provost of the merchants, the rumour was somedeal appeased/ in so much that the great multitude was withdrawn and returned to their occupations. But some evil disposed, which in suspycyous congregation ever use to exyte and stir the people unto robbing and other unleeful acres/ reassocyate them, & said and cried that they would have the jews banished the city. To whom it was answered that the King should be informed of their desire/ and that upon it they should have knowledge of the kings pleasure, whereupon in a rage they ran unto the houses of the Jews/ and entered them by force, in robbing and spoiling them, and bare away what they might carry/ in slaying such of the Jews as any resistance and defence made again them/ & never after restored the said goods, not withstanding that the King in that behalf gave sore and straight commandments. It was not long after that such as were of the Kings secret counsel, considering the great charges and needs of the King, and the weakness of his treasure/ by authority of the kings commissions called before them the rulers of Paris, of Rouen, and other good cities. The which being assembled, to them was showed the many and importune charges which the King daily had for the defence of his realm and subjects. Wherefore by all wise & politic means that they might use, they exhorted the said commons to grant unto the King in way of subsidy. xii.vi. of the pound of all wares at that days current. To the which request in conclusion after advise taken of their neighbours/ it was answered that the people were so sore charged in times passed, that they might nat sustain or bear any more charges, till their necessity were otherwise relieved/ so that in conclusion at this season the King and his counsel were dispointed.  
In the vi year of this Charles/ the flemings, which by a certain season had rested them from battle/ were it for necessity or singular covetyze of Lewis their duke, he asked of them a great aid or task. And for he knew well that if he might win the favour and grant of the town of Gaunt, he should the sooner have his pleasure of the residue/ therefore he first began by means of fairness. And after when thereby he saw he might take none advantage, he added thereunto manasses & thretenynges/ the which not withstanding the flemings bode steadfast in one opinion, & denayed stiffly their Duke's request. Whereupon he lastly departing from Gaunt, with great displeasure said, I shall show myself to be Lord & sovereign of this town & of the obstinate people of the same. And shortly after the duke made sharp war upon them of Gaunt/ & they in likewise defended them vigurously, so that their enemies won of them little advantage. And after this war had been a season continued, nat without loss of many men upon both parties/ the gaunteners' remembering the obedience and fidelity which they should bear to their sovereign Lord & duke, made means that they might be hard. After grant whereof, they sent unto him certain orators which had unto him the words in sentence following. most sovereign next god, we deny nat but we accept the for our Prince and leader/ & to the as thine it becometh us to obey with all reason.  
And thou again art bound to defend us. If we any thing by our oversight & negligence have again the trespassed/ we meekly beseech the of forgiveness. And furthermore beseeching thee, that such franchises & liberties to us by thy noble progenitors before granted, thou will nat from us withdraw nor abridge/ by reason whereof thy people of Gaunt may nat to any tax contrary their volunte be constrained. But & to thy need of wars thou have necessity of aid of thy commons, they of free will all constraynte set a part, are ready to aid and help thee, as free & as liberal as thy true subjects. By reason of which words the duke was of his ire toward them some what appeased. But after their departing from the duke or Earls presence/ such young knights as were of the Earls host, had unto them many high & dysdaynous words/ saying that they were thrall unto their Earl, and that their obstinacy should be to the uttermost of their reproach & correction, and they by coaction and constraint forced to do their duty. By occasion of which words/ the Gaunteners returning to their former wilfulness, kept still their former opinion, & defended the Earl & his people as they before had done. Wherefore the Earl saying he might nat by strength prevail again his enemies/ studied the ways & means to famish them by hunger/ so that by that mean he might draw the town to his subjection. And that to bring to effect he gird the town about with a strong siege. Than the Gaunteners supprysed with more obduration of heart again their Prince/ made them a capitain named Phylype Artyvele, the son of Jakes de Artyvele before slain of the flemings/ like as to you I have before showed in the xvii year of Philippe de Ualoys late King of France The which furnysshing his people with all habylymentes of war/ made out of the town & pight his field in a plain joining unto it/ where the Earls people & they fought a sharp fight & long. But in the end fortune was unto the Earl or duke so froward that with loss of .v. M. of his soldiers he was forced to take Bruges for his surety.  
By reason of this victory this Artyvele being nat a little surprised with pride/ exorted in such wise the dwellers within the town of gaunt, and all such as were near neighbours unto them, to set a part all occupation aswell husbandry as other, & give their hole study unto acts and feats of war. The Earl thus being within the town of Bruges/ a day of great solemnity yearly holden by them of Bruges approached, which they wordshypped in the honour of our lords blood. To this day of solemptye used yearly to come, all the inhabytauntes of the villages & country there about. Which day of feast Phylyp de artivele calling to mind/ appointed unto him ii M of his soldiers/ & warned them with armour being clad under their clothes, to ascend by ii, by three, by four, & like small companies unto this feestfull solemnity/ & at such time as he gave warning, every man to be ready with sword in hand, to make room among the press to the end that they might take the Earl than of help destitute. Which cautel thus prepared for/ at the day common of this said feast, the town being replenished with people/ the said Artyvele unsuspect of any person, with his company in manner abovesaid entered the town of Bruges. And when he saw his best time/ he suddenly cried, asarmis, asarmes. With which sudden cry the Earl being astonied/ manfully for a while withstood his enemies, and encouraged the people again them. But for that the gaunteners' were in armour and the other unarmed/ they of the Earls party fled soon. That saying the Earl, with great difficulty fled/ & so leaping ieopardously into the house of an old woman, escaped & went unto Scluse, & there a while held him.  
Than this Artyvele saying that by the aid of them of Bruges he was dispointed of the Earls taking/ fell upon the inhabytauntes of the town, and slew of them a certain/ and after with great pomp & pillage returned unto Gaunt.  
IN the vii year of this Charles/ by procuring of his uncle Lewis duke of Angeou, a tax was eft axed of the commons of France. The which to bring to effect many friends & promoters were made, aswell of citizens as other. But anon as the commons of Paris understood of this/ they became wild, & assembled in thick companies/ nat regarding the reasonable allegations to them laid and showed by Petyr Dylet & Iohn Matsyll, though in them they had great affection & trust/ but took them to their affection & mind, and made among them certain capitains & rulers/ and kept the watch by night as enemies had lain about the city. Which insurrection & rebellion thus begun within the city of Paris/ the city of Roan taking thereof example, arreared a like murmur/ and sensed the city of Roan with like provision/ & made them a mamet of a fat/ and unwieldy as a villain of the city carried him about the town in a cart, & named him in dyrysyon of their Prince their King/ & ceased nat to fall into many inconveniences, as robbing of holy places and other, nat without shedding of blood, whereof the circumstance were long to tell. But as all operation of man hath end so this folly and rebellion of frenchmen was ceased/ & many for the trespass thereof cast in hard & dark prison. Of the which the King intended to have taken cruel correction, ne had been the great instant labour made by the rulers of the university of Paris, and other such as were near about the King. By whose means the multitude was pardoned/ and a few such as were the beginner's were put in execution. And than as testifieth mine author Master Robert Gagwyne, for to appease the kings high displeasure, to him was granted an hundredth thousand franks, which after sterling money amounteth the sum of ten thousand li.  
ye have before hard how the Earl of Flaunders with great jeopardy escaped the hands of Phylyp de Artyvele capitain of gaunt/ & how he came to Scluse, and there safegarded himself. where with all diligence he gathered unto him his people, & made a new raise upon the said Artyvele. The which to him had assocyat as affirmeth my said auctor xl. M. men/ so that between the Earl & him was fought a cruel fight. Whereof in the end artivele was again victor, & constrained the Earl to forsake the field with loss of ten M. of his knights/ & he himself escaped with great danger unto they land of 〈◊〉/ and divers of his people as Frenchmen and other, in a good number fled unto a town called And werpe/ where a season they defended them again the malice of their enemies. In which pass time this Artyvele conjecturing in his mind that the French King would take the Earls party/ sent unto him an ambassad●or message with letters/ beseeching him nat to intermeddle of this war between the Earl and the Gaunteners/ which war the Earl had 〈◊〉 only of tyranny and not of justice, intending utterly to destroy the ancient liberty & franchise. Showing also farther; that if he would nat as their contemplation & prayer forbear to aid their said Earl/ that than to defend their liberty & right, they would seek aid of the King of England. To the which request none answer was made, neither by the King nor by his counsel wherefore this Artyvele made strong provision to withstand the French King/ and set a certain of his soldiers for to keep the siege before▪ And werpe, while he made provision for other needs.  
In this mean while the Earl went unto the duke of Burgoyn/ & they together yode after unto King Charles/ showing to him lamentably what wrongs the Earl had sustained of the obstinate Gaunteners/ beseeching him of aid to redress the said wrongs. which complaint the King graciously heard/ and benyngly granted to them their petition. And natwythstanding that the deed of winter was coming, he in all haste assembled his knights/ & taking with him, the Oryfflambe, with a mighty strong host pierced the country of Flaunders toward Marquet in the end of the month of Octobre. Whereof hearing Actyvele/ made provision to stop the ways, 
‡ The battle of Courtray.  by breaking of bridges and other means/ whereby the French host was greatly impeached & let/ so that with great difficulty & danger, they passed the river of Lyze at a brydg long defended by the inhabitants of the country, with aid of their capitain named Peter would/ which there was slain with iii M. of his adheretes. After winning of which bridge, the French host passed the river, & spoiled the country before them/ which unto them was much available, for that circuit was inhabited with many rich clothmakers Than the King with his host made toward the mount of Ipre. whereof the dwellers of Ipre being ware/ sent out two freers of the order of preachers, to beseech the King to accept that town and dwellers unto his mercy, the which returned with comfortable answer. Wherefore forthwith yode forth xii of the notablest of the town, & offered the town and dwellers to be in the kings power. The which offer the King accepted/ and after entered the town. Of whom the King received xl M. franks, or four M. li. sterling toward the waging of his knights. And shortly after all the villages there toward the see submitted them unto the king/ bringing unto him certain capitains which belonged unto Phylyppe de Artyvele, with also fourthy thousand franks toward their costs/ which capitains the King commanded to be fourth with beheaded.  
when King Charles had tarried five days at Ipre/ word was brought to him that Phylype Artyvele was coming toward him with lx thousand men. Wherefore the King set forward his host, & followed after as fast as he might some deal to his pain, by reason of rain & fowl way that he passed/ so that finally he approached within iii miles of his enemies. Upon the morrow following theing the .v. day of the month of Decembre, & year of our lords incarnation. M.CCC.lxxx. & viii. and beginning of the viii. Year of this Charles/ in a plain near unto the town of Courtray was fought a cruel battle. whereof in the beginning the flemings had the better & forced the French host to lose place. But in the end, by special calling of the French knights unto our Lady & other saints/ half by miracle as witnesseth mine auctor, the Frenchmen obtained victory, and put the flemings to flight/ & them chased in so cruel wise, that by death in the field/ & drowning in mareys and other waters, there was of them slain at that fight upon xl M. Than narrow search was made for the captain Phylyppe de Artyvele. And lastly a Fleming being a capitain of his sore wounded/ said that he saw him fall in the field. Whereupon search being made/ his caryens was founden oppressed of his own people as they fled. Anon as tidings came unto the flemings, that lay about Andwerpe of the losing of the field/ they in all haste leaving their ordinance behind them, fled from the siege. That perceiving their enemies, issued out of the town/ and slew of them many/ & many were drowned in fennys and marycies.  
when the French King had obtained thus this glorious victory he than entered the town of Courtray. where he so resting him/ orators were sent to him from the town of Bruges, which than had newly taken party with Artyvele/ & with the payment of an. C. & twenty M. franks or xii M.ii sterling money, there made a peace for the said town of Bruges.  
And when the King should departed from Courtray/ he commanded his knights to beat down the gates of the same, without harm doing unto the people. But the Frenchmen bearing in mind the rebukes and harms, which they before of that town had sustained/ bete down great part of the walls, rob and slew moche of the people, & set fire upon the town when they had done. In robbing of this town of Courtray▪ divers letters were found of the town or city of Paris, which contained the rebellion of the Parysyences before declared, with comfort to them for aid if they needed which letters when they came unto the kings sight, he was with them of Paris grievously displeased/ and for the same, them by fine grievously after punished. At such time as the King had thus repossessed the Earl of the lordship of Flaunders/ Gaunt yet remaining in their first error, held their town so strongly, that neither King nor Earl might win within them. All be it that after the French King was returned into France/ they sent certain orators unto him, the which he in no wise would suffer to come in his sight.  
In these passed years many skirmishes and fights were done between the Frenchemen & englishmen, which some deal are touched in the beginning of Rychardes' reign. But nothing to the honour of the frenchmen, as they in their chronicles boast & advance themself. Many more rebellyons & insurrections of this people might I here bring in. But for divers considerations which to wise men may appear, I think it better to spare/ & also the rehearsal of them would ask a long tract of tyme. wherefore I pass over.  
AFter the appeasing of these inordynate insurrections and murmurs, & that the land was some deal set in a quietness/ King Charles in the beginning of the ix year of his reign, married Isabella the daughter of the duke of Bavary. 
Death of Charles King of navarre.  In this year also died Charles the King of navarre a man of great age/ and by a wonderful hap as rehearseth mine avetoure. For so it was, that for his feebleness or debility of age/ he by counsel of physicians was sowed in a sheet washed with aqua vite, to the end to rause his old body to catch natural heat. But how it was, as this sheet was tacked about his body/ the sewer taking his candle to burn of the end of the trede, or he were ware the fire fastened in the sheet/ & so brent his flesh or it might be loosed from him, that he caught thereof such disease, that he died the iii day following. Which mishap fell to him after the opinion of mine author by the wretch of god, as condygne merit for his unsteadfastness & untruth by him before used, as in sundry places before in the stories of King Iohn & Charles his son are manifestly showed.  
In this year also a battle was done at Paris between ii knights of the duke of Alenson/ whereof the cause ensuyeth. This said duke had in his court two knights/ whereof that one was named Iohn Carengon or Carongyon, and that other Jaquet. Gry●er, which were both in good favour of their master. this Carongon, were it for delight to see strange countries, or cause of other adventure as pilgrimage or other, departed out of France, leaving his wife in a castle or fortress of his own/ which wife was goodly and fair.  
After whose departing, were it for beauty of the woman or for evil will that he bore toward his fellow/ this Jaquet Gryse entered the castle, bearing his wife on hand, that he was common to see that house, which showed so fair outward. The woman casting no apparel, accepting him for her husbands friend & hers showed to him the circuit of the place. But he in contrary awaiting his, pray, when he saw the woman far from company, forced her in such manner, that contrary her will he commised with her adultery. At whose departing she gave unto him many rebukeful words/ saying plainly that if her husband ever returned, she would of that villainy be revenged. This deed was kept secret till the return of her husband. At whose home coming, she with lamentable countenance showed till her husband all the demeanour of the said Jaquet.  
After which complaint by her husband well understanden/ he yode straight unto the duke of Alenson/ requiring him to do correction upon the avoutrer, or else that he might try it with him in the field by fortune of battle/ whereof neither the duke would grant, but brought the quarrel before the King. By whose agreement and commandment a day by the King was set to fight at Paris. When the day of battle was comen/ Carogon brought his wife unto the place, to justify her former saying. After affirmation whereof/ either first ran at other with sharp spears. At which course Jaquet wounded his enemy in the thigh with his spear. But Carongon being with it nothing dismayed/ light from his horse, and bore him so manfully, that he overcame his adversary, & caused him to confess his offence/ for the which he was straight drawn unto the gibet of Paris, and there hanged. And to the said Carongon the King gave in reward a thousand franks or a hundredth pound sterling money/ & over that he gave unto him as an annual fee or rend two hundredth franks, which is in value of twenty pound sterling money.  
In these days as witnesseth Gagwynus/ an anchor bearing in his hand a reed cross, a man to look to of ghostly conversation, came unto the French kings court. The which by the household servants or familiars of the court, was long kept from his presence/ all be it that lastly he was brought unto him. To whom he showed that he was divinely monished, that he should charge him to abstain from his customable use in levying so often tasks & subsidies/ & it he did nat, he should well understand, that the wrath of god was near to him to punish him, if he refused his commandment. The which message the King took at small regard. But shortly after the Queen was delivered of a daughter that died soon after. wherefore the King calling to mind the anchors words/ for fere of other punishment refrained a season from levying of tributes and tasks.  
But by the exhortation of his two unkylles, he in short season after turned to his former custom. King Charles thus passing his time with great murmur of his commons, & rebellion of the duke of britain, with many other adversities which were long to write/ lastly in the xiiii year of his reign or near about, he made war upon the people of west France called in late Cenomanni.  
when Charles was entered this country, which was in the dominion of the duke of britain/ the duke sent unto him messengers, saying to him that he should nat need to invade his country with so great strength/ for he and his should be holy at his commandment. But of this message the king took no regard/ for as saith mine author, he was nat most wisest Prince, but was ruled by his household servants, and believed every light tale that was brought to him/ and over that he was so liberal that it was of wise men accounted more prodygalyte than liberality. As Charles nat withstanding this message of the duke held on his journey/ coming near unto a wood, he was suddenly met of a man like unto a beggar which said unto him whither goest thou sir King/ beware thou go no farther for thou art betrayed/ and into the hands of thine enemies thine own meinie shall deliver thee▪ with this monyssion of this poor man/ the King was astonied, & stood still, and begun to muse. In which study he so being/ one of his followers which after him bore his spear, sleped upon his horse back/ & in his so sleeping let his spear fall upon the helmet of his fellow▪ with which stroke the King was suddenly feared, thinking his enemies had comen unwarely upon him wherefore he in a gear drew his sword & laid about him at the geynest, and slew four of his knights or he were refrained/ and took therewith such an endelye fere, that he fell therewith dystraughte.  
wherefore he was to a place there by brought, & lay there in point of death a long season after, in so much that the fame ran that he was ded. But by prayers & other great deeds of charity done for him/ lastly he recovered and returned unto Paris. And for he was nat yet returned to his perfect health/ his two uncles than being that one duke of Berry, & that other duke of Burgone, took upon them by authority of the estates of the land, to rule the realm for that season/ in which season divers officers were altered & changed. The King thus continuing his likeness/ many interludes and games were devised for the kings recreation & comfort.  
And upon a season he being lodged in the queens lodging in the subarbes of saint marcel/ divers noble men of the court made a disguising, and appareled them in linen clothes glued unto their naked bodies with pitch/ & flourished them with diverse colours & oils so that they were covered all except the faces/ and thus appareled with torch light entered the chambered where as the King was, and there in goodly manner showed their disport/ so that the King was therewith well contented.  
But were it of retchlessness or of some evil disposed person/ fire was put to the vestures of the disguysers'/ the which anon was upon such a flame, that no man there could quench it. Wherefore the said disguysers being by reason of pitch and oils grievously tormented, ran into pits and waters which they might soonest attain unto/ and so with great difficulty saved themself.  
In mean time whereof, the chamber being with the same tired, grew in so great a flame, that in short while the more part of that lodging was consumed/ to the great fere of the King and other astates than there being present, and augmenting again of his former sickness/ so that certain appoyntementes to be held between him and Richard King of England, were for that time put of.  
IN the xvi year of this Charles/ the marriage of peace between both realms was concluded and finished at calais/ as before I have showed to you in the xix year of King richard. And that triumph finished/ Charles at the contemplation and prayer of the King of Hungry, sent unto him Phylyp Earl of Arroys, with divers other knights in good number, to aid the said King again the turks. The which after that they had there a season warred/ the capitains & the more party of the frenchmen, of the turks were distressed & slain/ & many taken prisoners to their great charge.  
This Charles thus continuing his likeness/ two freres of saint augustine's order being desirous of money, took upon them to cure the King. And after they had shaven his heed and ministered to him medicyns/ the King daily feebled in such wise that he was nigh deed. For which consideration/ they examined by philosophers and doctors of physic & founden uncunning, were degraded of their priesthood, & after beheaded. To this folly were these fretes brought, by the exciting of the duke of Burgoyne as the common fame went.  
In the xix year of this Charles the land of France was grievously vexed with the plague of ipydymye/ of which sickness a great multitude of people died. And that year was there also seen a blazing star of wonderful bygnes, with streams appearing to men's sight of most fervent brenning. In this year also Charles hearing of the subduing of King richard, sent into England two of his household knights/ requiring King Henry the fourth than newly made King, to send home his daughter Isabella lately married unto King Richard, with such do war as with her was promised.  
In doing of which message King Henry took such displeasure, that as sayeth Gagwinus mine author, he threw the said two knights in prison/ where through one of them named Blanchet died in England, and that other called Henry, after great sickness returned into France. And shortly after King Henry sent the said dame Isabella unto calais/ where she was joyously received of the frenchmen, and so conveyed unto her said father, which as yet was nat of his sickness cured. By reason whereof among the Lords of France, everich of them coveyting to have rule, great dissension & malice begun to kindle/ and specially between the dukes of orleans, of Burgoyne, and of Berry. Than the duke of orleans intending to promote his cause/ unknowing the other Lords, allied him with the duke of Geldre, & strenghthed him with .v. C. men of his, & so entered the fields of Paris. And in like manner the duke of Burgoyne with a strong company kept an other cooste of the country.  
notwithstanding by means of other Lords these two dukes were kept asunder/ & at length that duke of orleans by the kings commandment that somewhat was than amended, was ordained regent of the realm. The which anon as he was set in authority/ fell to all ravin, and oppressed the people with quotidian tasks and tallages/ and the spiritual men with dymes & other exactions. Wherefore by reason of the studyentes of Paris, he was at length discharged of that dignity, and the duke of Burgoyne for him put in authority. Than the duke of orleans being discontented, yode unto lucembourgth a town in high Almaigne, & sought again aid of the duke of Geldre foresaid. But by his friends he was so advertised, that with his own folks he returned into France. But yet the malice and strife atween him and the duke of Burgoyne seized not.  
About this season or soon after, died the duke of britain. And as affirmeth the author afore named/ King Henry the four married his wife. Whereof herring the duke of Burgoyne, with a company of vi M. knights entered britain/ & there by strength took from her, her iii sons named Iohn, Richard, & Arthure/ & presented them unto King Charles. In the xxii. Year of this Charles, was borne of Isabella his wife a man child, which also was named Charles/ the which after the death of his father, unto the great adversity of all the realm of France, was king of that realm/ & contrary the appointment taken atween Henry the .v. after King of England, and this Charles the father now of France King/ as after shall more appear in the story of the said King Henry the fift.  
In this year also was dame Isabella sometime wife of richard lately King of England, married unto Charles eldest son of the duke of orleans. And Iohn the eldyste of the iii forenamed sons of the duke of britain lately deed/ took to wife Margarete the daughter of King Charles. And Phylyppe duke of Burgoyne died soon after/ leaving an heir after him named Iohn. The which after he was gird with the sword of the duchy of Burgoyne/ he anon by evil enticing and counsel, arreared war again the duke of orleans, to the great disturbance of all the realm. For the said duke of orleans was a Prince of a wonderful high courage, and desirous of great honour/ and after the saying of Gagwynus coveted to be King of France. The which went to Auyngnyon/ where as than sat the xiii Benet than pope during the schism, and admitted by some of the Cardynalles after the death of Clement the vi To which Benet the said duke made great labour, to deprive the universite of Paris from the great authority that it at those days stood in/ which was of marvelous authority than, as sayeth the forenamed author. In this while thus enduring the land full of miseries & adversities/ the Queen which that much favoured the Duke's party accompanied with the said duke road to take her disport of hunting in to the country of Meldon. To which place she sent letters unto the dolphin by the duke of Bavary her brother, that he with his wife which was daughter unto the duke of Burgoyne, should come for to disport them. whereof Iohn than duke of Burgoyne being warned/ suspected the Queen, that she with aid of the duke would convey the dolphin into Germanye, and there to hold him at their pleasures. And to enpeche that purpose/ he in all haste sped him toward the dolphin/ and contrary the mind of the duke of bavary which than was upon his way with the said Doulphyne toward the Queen, returned him and lodged him in a strong castle called Lupar. whereof hearing the duke of orleans/ assembled to him a company of vi thousand knights & came again toward Paris, where as that time the duke of Burgoyne was. And he hearing of the dukes coming, made him strong to receive him. To whom the citizens of Paris were favourable & aiding, for the evil will that they before bore unto the duke of orleans/ & also for they hoped by him to be defended from tasks and tallages. Thus continuing the provision upon both parties to meet shortly in plain battle/ such politic means was found by a noble man called Montague, that a concord and unity was for that time by him set atween the said dukes. And for that new occasion should nat by presence kindle atween them/ therefore the duke of orleans with his company was sent into Guyan, to war upon the englishmen/ & that other unto calais to lay siege unto that town. The which before had prepared a wonderful engine set upon whelies/ by the strength whereof he thought to wreak great disturbance unto the said town/ & as saith mine author Gagwyne, was in great hoop to recover it again to the subjection of the house of France. But that hope was soon despaired/ for it was nat long after or the said duke by the King was countermanded and returned. And the duke of orleans, after he knew that rescous were coming from Bordeaux/ he removed his siege laid by him to Burgus a town of Guyan/ & so returned into France, to his confusion as after shall appear.  
IN the xxvii year of this Charles/ the former malice and envy continuing in the breasts of the said dukes of orleans and of Burgoyne/ as the said duke of orleans was going toward his lodging in the night of the ten day of Decembre, fell upon him certain knights, of the which one named Ralph Auctovyle was leader/ & slew him near unto a gate of the city of Paris named Barbet gate.  
After which murder finished/ the said sir Ralph with his adherentes fled unto the place of the Earl of Artoys, where the duke of Burgoyne used accustomably to resort. And the deed corpse was soon after by such as came to the exclamation, with also a servant of his with him slain/ born into the next houses. When the rumour of this murder was blown about the city/ anon Lewis uncle unto the King and than King of Scecyle, the dukes of Berry and of Bourbon with other, drew thither/ and there with lamentation beholding the corpse, commanded provision to be made for the burying of it within the monastery of Celestynes/ where upon the second day following, he was buried with great pomp. Whom among other Lords followed to his burying the duke of Burgoyne, nat without great suspicion of the said murder. And that enterrement with due observance finished/ authority was given unto ii knights named Roberte Tuyller & Peter orphever, to make inquiry for the murder of this prince. Whereof the duke of Burgoyne being ascertained, voided the city, & broke the bridge of saint Maxence after him, that pursuit after him should nat be made/ and so hastily sped him, that that night following he came to Andwarpe, which is upon an. C. mile from Paris. When Charles the King hard of the escape of the said duke/ fearing lest he would accuse him to be consenting unto that evil deed, sent unto him comfortable messages/ so that the said duke without war rested all that winter, sometime in Arthoys, and an other while in Flaunders at his pleasure. In the which pastime he sent into divers places of France sundry accusations of the duke before slain, that he intended to depose the King, and to take upon him the rule & governance of the realm, and to have poisoned the said King, as by divers tokens by him affirmed for performance of the same. And also that the said duke of Orleyaunce was cause of fyring of the disguysers garments before showed, to the end to bring the King in more danger of sickness, or else to be consumed with the same fire/ with sundry other distamations, as levying of tasks and impositions of the people, to his singular advantage and hougely enriching, whereby he might the sooner attain unto his said purpose. Thus continuing this great unkindness atween the duke of Burgoyne, and the son and other of his blood of the duke of orleans/ the said duke again the beginning of the year, hearing that the king and the Queen were departed from Paris to Charters, assembled to him a strong power of Holanders & other, and came unto Paris, in which city he much trusted/ to the end to cause the King, the Queen, and the dolphin, to whom he had married his daughter, for to return unto Paris. And to strength his party, he brought with him wyllyam Earl of Hanster/ which wyllyam was a man of great strength and alliance, and had married his sister unto the duke of Burgoyne foresaid/ and his daughter and heir unto one of King Charles sons/ and was gossyppe unto the Queen. For which said, considerations, the said Earl intending the weal of that realm of France, laboured such ways and means, that by him for that time a concord and unity was driven and made atween the two dukes of orleans and Burgoyne, with assured oaths and necessary acts to that concord belonging/ and the king with his retinue was again returned unto Paris. These dukes thus appeased, and the duke of Burgoyne again restored to the governance of the realm/ assocyate unto him the King of navarre, which varied not from his father's unstable conditions/ so that by him new occasions of strife and variance were moved atween the said dukes and their allies. For first they sought occasion again the forenamed Montague, a man of great wisdom and honour in the kings court, and especial friend unto the duke of orleans/ and by their malice and untrue surmises finally put to death. And one named Peter Essayer or Sayer than provost of the city of Paris or governor, they admitted to the rule of the Kings treasoury/ and other divers offices such as were any thing favoured of the duke of orleans, they clearly discharged. The which for their relief and comfort resorted unto the said duke, showing to him all the demeanour of their adversaries/ adding thereunto, the all such conventions concerning the amity atween him and the duke of Burgoyne before sworn & enacted, were clearly annulled & broken. with these tidings the duke being fired with new malice, accompanied to him the dukes of Berry, of Bourbon, and of Alenson, the Earls of Rychemounte, of Alyberte, and of Armenake, with other nobles nat a few/ by whose counsels he determined to be avenged upon the duke of Burgoyne & other his fautors. Whereof the said duke being monished, drew him toward Paris, and strengthened the fortresses as he yode. To this duke of Burgoyne was brother the duke of Brabande named Anthony, a man of great policy and wisdom/ the which forecasting the great shedding of christian man's blood, with many other inconveniences likely to have ensued of this variance atween these two dukes, made such affectuous labour, that with great difficulty he pacified them again for that time/ and brought them to personal communication, and lastly to amiable and friendly departing. After which concord and amity thus again concluded/ the duke of Burgoyne departed into Pycardy, leaving behind him the forenamed Peter Essayr to rule the city of Paris. The which shortly after drew to him such persons, as before time had vexed and distourbed the duke of orleans friends & servants with in that city. By whose means the said Peter sought first occasion again a knight named Uenyt Thorney/ and by false suggestion smote first of his heed, and after did his body to be hanged upon the common gibet of Paris, in despite of the said duke as testifieth mine author. Wherewith the duke being wondrously amoved/ resembled his knights, & sped him toward a town named  
And for to strength another town named, he sent a certain number of his knights/ charging them with the dwellers to withstand the force of his enemies. Of this hearing the duke of Burgoyne/ anon gathered unto him the number of xvi M. flemings and Pycardes/ and sped him unto the said town of And so with his instruments of war assailed the gate of the said town, which leadeth toward saint quintine, that in short space the said flemings won the entry of the town. In which mean season the dwellers with the other soldiers by a back way or water, whereof the manner by this author is nat expressed/ left the town, & yode unto the duke of orleans being as yet at the foresaid town of when the flemings were entered the town, & found it desert of people and pillage/ were it for that they lacked their pray, or for other cause here not showed/ they took such unkindness again the duke, that for prayer nor yet for manasses they would nat with him any longer tarry/ but returned them home in all hastily speed toward their own country. So that the duke was fain to withdraw/ and for the more surety, to ask aid and help of englishmen/ and so was helped by the princes comfort Henrye son of Henry the iiii, as after shall be touched in the xii year of the four Henry.  
IN the xxxi year of this King Charles, which was the xii year of the four Henry than King of England/ the duke of orleans saying his enemy was turned from Paris, caused such bridges as before by his said enemy were broken to be re-edified. By the which he passed the river till he came to saint Denys/ where as than he fande a capitain a noble man named Sir Iohn Cabylon of the dukes of Burgoyne, there left by him to strength the town. The which Sir Iohn, considering the weakness of the said town. with also his lack of strength/ yielded him & the town unto the duke/ swearing to him by solemn oath, that after the day he should never bear arms again him. In this pastime an other capitain of the burgonions called Gancourt, secretly by night won upon the French men the bridge of saint Clodalde. But nat long after the duke of orleans sent thither certain Brytons/ the which again recovered the said bridge, & held it unto the said dukes use. In which time and season the duke of Burgoyne recovering his strength, passed the bridge of Melent, & so came unto the city of Paris/ and the day following with help of the citizens recovered the abovesaid bridge of saint Clodald, and distressed upon a. M. Brytons, which had the ward of the same. Then the duke of orleans made out of saint Denys over Sayne bridge toward Paris. Whereof that other duke being warned, refused the city/ and with the King than there being present, removed with the dolphin to the town called Stamps/ and sent the Earl of March named jamys, with a certain knights to a town named to strength it again the duke of orleans. The which of the said dukes knights was encountered with and taken, and so sent to prison. Whereof hearing the duke of Burgoyne, in short process after returned unto Paris with the King and dolphin/ and the duke of orleans yode to a town called Seyntclowe.  
And in the xxxii year of this said King Charles, by council of the duke of Berry and other, seeing that the said city of Paris was so let again him with also the King & the dolphin, sent a noble man of his host named Albert unto Henry the iiii yet King of England, to require him of aid to withstand the tyranny of the duke of Burgoyne, that with his complices intended to subvert the realm of France. To this request King Henry gave good ear, and lastly granted to his petition/ & sent thither as saith the French chronicle, Thomas his son duke of Clarence/ also the duke of york, with Iohn Earl of cornwall, accompanied with viii C. knights and soldiers, & a thousand archers. The which company, when they were landed in France, & heard that the French Lords were in treaty of peace, & no man to them gave wages as they tofore were promised/ fell upon a town called and it ryffled/ & therein took as prisoners the abbot of that monastery with other, and conveyed than to Bordeaux, and after into England/ where for their finance & other money due of old by the French King, as affirmeth Gagwyne, they remained many years after. And that the English men were thus departed, albeit that in the english chronicle and xiii year of the forenamed King Henry, of them is other report made/ the Lords of France returned to their old dissension & continued in long strife/ whereof the circumstance were long and tedious to tell, & to show the unstableness of them, how some while the duke of orleans was favoured of the King and the dolphin, and there again the duke of Burgoyne cleyne out of conceit. The which contencyon thus enduring King Henry the iiii. Died/ and Henry his son the .v. Henry, was admitted for King of England after him/ that shortly after sent his ambassadors unto the French King, aring of him his daughter Katherine in marriage as affirmeth the French book. But divers other writers show, that he asked the hole lands due to him within the realm of France, by reason of the composition made in time passed, atween his progenytour Edward the third, & Iohn than king of France. And for he was dysdeynously answered/ he therefore made upon them sharp war, as in the iii year of the said Henry after some deal doth appear. By reason of which war, the civil battle or strife the long while had continued among the French men, than did assuage. For in the iii year of this Henry, which was the xxxv year of this Charles/ the said Henry invaded the realm of France, & had at Egyncourte a triumphant victory/ as in the said third year of Henry the .v. is more at length declared. Than it followeth in the story, after many towns and strong holds by the english men in sundry places of France obtained/ in the xxx & viii year of this Charles, a French man named the Lord of the isle of Adam & Iohn Uyllers in proper name, gathering to him a company of tyrants to the number of. CCC. or more/ whereof many were old servants of the kings household, & than put out by the dolphin & other that than had the rule of the King/ by treason of a clerk obtained the keys of one of the Gates of Paris, and so entered the city by night/ & by a watch word among them devised, associate to them many burgonions/ and so being strong, yode where the King was, and gate the rule of his person. And that done, all such as they might find that than bare any rule, they slew by one mean & other/ so that upon the day following, was numbered of deed corfes within the city upon four M. among the which, of noble men was Henry de Marle than chancellor of France, & Graun●pre with many other. And for to have the more assistance of the common people/ the said Uyllers set the King upon an horse, and lad him about the city, as he that had small reason to guide himself/ & so ruled all thing as he & his company would. Wherefore the dolphin fearing to fall in the danger of so wild a company, yode to Meldune or/ and there called to him such as then were left on line to withstand these tyrants, and the duke of Burgoyne than being within the city, & compasser of all this mischief as some construed and deemed. After which company to him gathered he returned to the city of Paris, and assailed one of the gates. But when he saw the citizens took party again him, he thought his travail lost. Wherefore without great assault making, he called thence his knights, and so departed again to the place which he came fro/ and from thence unto Thuron, in appeasing the countries & towns as he went, which at those days were far out of frame. And than in the xxxix year of the said Charles/ king Henry the .v. landed with a strong power at a place called Touke in Normandy/ and after laid siege to many strong holds and towns & them wan, as Cane, Phaleys', Rouen, and other/ as in the vi year of the said henry following is more at length declared. In time of which war thus made by King Henry/ the dolphin and the duke of Burgoyne, either of them provided to defend the malice of the other/ in so much that as testifieth the French chronicle, the duke was advised to have taken party with the englishmen. This saying as witnesseth an author named flower of histories, which toucheth in Latin many gests & deeds done by Kings of England/ sayeth that the French men bring in that, for to excuse their infortune & cowardice/ by reason whereof they lost nat all only their land, but also the honour & name of the same. Than lastly the duke being of mind by exhortation of Phylyppe josquyne and Iohn de tolongn, with also a lady called the Countess of Grat/ the duke was reconciled unto the dolphin/ and a day of meeting appointed at Monstruell, where either of them should be accompanied with ten Lords only without more. At which day the said Princes with their assigned Lords being assembled/ many reasons and arguments were laid and replied upon both sides. By occasion whereof one of the dolphins company suddenly drew his knife and struck the duke unto the heart, so that he died soon after. Which murder was supposed to be done by a knight called Tanguyde de castle/ which offtime passed had been familiar servant with the duke of Orleyaunce before slain, by means of the said duke of Burgoyne.  
After which murder thus committed/ the land of France was brought in moche more strife & variance/ in so much that Phylyppe the son of the said Iohn duke of Burgoyne being than in Paris, & having the rule of the King and the city, took party with the english men again the dolphin. By reason whereof as sundry writers agree, king Henry's party was greatly augmented & helped/ so that finally King Henry obtained moche of his will/ & shortly after married dame Katherine daughter of Charles King in the xli year of his reign, with assurance & promise of the inheritance of the realm of France to him and his heirs after the death of the said Charles/ as to you more plainly shall be showed in the viii year of the said Henry the fift. After which marriage concluded and finished/ yet the dolphin ceased nat to make new motions & stirrings. During the which, King Charles died in Octobre/ and was buried at saint Denys, when he had reigned in great trouble upon the point of xlii years/ leaving after him as is affirmed by the forenamed author Gaguyne, a son & dolphin of Uyenne called Charles, which after was King of frenchmen, and was named charles the vii or the viii after some writers.   

Henry the four Anglia.  
HEnry the four of that name, and son of Iohn of gaunt late duke of Lancaster/ took possession of the dominion of the realm of England as before in the end of the story of the second richard is showed, upon the last day of Septembre in the year of our Lord a. M. CCC.lxxxxix/ and in the xix year of Charles the vii than King of France. After which possession so by him taken, anon he made new officers. As the Earl of Northumberlande he made Constable of England, the Earl of westmerlande was made marshal, Sir Iohn Serle chancellor, Iohn Newebery esquire treasurer, and Sir richard Clyfforde knight keeper of the privy signet. And that done, provision was made for his coronation again the day of translation of saint Edward the confessor next than coming. And the parliament was prolonged till the tuesday following the said day of coronation. Than upon the even of the said day of coronation, the King within the tower of London made xli knights of the bate whereof iii were his own sons, 
Coronation of Henry the fourth.  & iii Earls, & .v. Lords. And upon monday being the said day of saint Edward & the xiii day of October/ he was crowned at westminster of the archbishop of Canterbury. After which solemnity finished an honourable feast was holden within the great hall of westminster. where the King being set in the mid see of the table/ the archbishop of Canterbury with iii other prelate's were set at the same table upon the right hand of the King/ & the archbishop of york with other iiii. Prelate's was set upon that other hand of the King/ & Henry the kings eldest son stood upon the right hand with a poyntlesse sword holding up right/ & the Earl of Northhumberlande newly made constable, stood upon the left hand with a sharp sword held up right. And by either of those swords, stood ii other Lords holding ii sceptres. And before the King stood all the dynerwhyle the dukes of Amnarle of Surrey & of Exeter, with other ii Lords. And the Earl of westmerlande than newly made Marshal, road about the hall with many tipped staves about him, to see the room of the hall kept, that officers might with ease serve the tables. Of the which tables the chief upon the right side of the hall was begun with the Barons of the five ports, & at the table next the cupboard upon the left hand, sat the mayre and his brethren the aldemen of London. Which mayre than being drew Barentyne goldsmith, for service there by him that day done, as other mayors at every Kings & queens coronation use for to do/ had there a standing cup of gold. Than after the second course was served/ Sir Thomas Dymmoke knight being armed at all pieces, & sitting upon a good stead, road to the higher part of the hall/ & there before the King caused an herald to make proclamation, that what man would say that King Henry was nat right full inheritor of the crown of England, & rightfully crowned/ he was there ready to wage with him battle than, or such time as it should please the King to assign. Which proclamation he caused to be made after in three sundry places of the hall in english & in French, with many more observances at his solemnity exercised & done, which were long to rehearse.  
Than this feast with all honour ended/ upon the morn being tuysday, the parliament was again begun. And upon wednysdaye Sir johann Cheyny that before that time had occupied as speaker of that parliament, by his own labour for cause of such infirmities as he than had, was discharged/ and a squire named wyllyam Durwarde was elect to that room for him.  
And then was the parliament and the acts thereof last called by King richard annulled, and set at nought/ and the parliament holden in the xi year of his reign holden for farm and stable. And the same day Henry the kings eldest son was chosen & admitted Prince of wales, and duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, and heir apparent to the crown. Upon the thursday following was put into the common house a bill, devised by Sir Iohn Bagot than prisoner in the tower. whereof the effect was, that the said sir Iohn confessed that he hard King richard say divers times and at sundry parliaments in his time holden, that he would have his intent and pleasure concerning his own matters, what so ever betide of the residue. And if any withstood his will or mind/ he would by one mean or other bring him out of life.  
Also he showed farther, that king richard should show and say to him at lichfield, in the xxi year of his reign, that he desired no longer to live, than to see his Lords & commons to have him in as great awe and dread, as ever they had of any of his progenitors/ so that it might be cronycled of him, that none passed him of honour and dignity/ with condition that he were deposed and put from his said dignity the morrow after. And if ever it came so to, that he should resign his kyngelye majesty/ he said his mind was to resign to the duke of Herforde, as to him that was most ablest to occupy that honour. But one thing he feared, lest he would do tyranny again the church. More over he showed by the said bill, that as the said Sir Iohn Bagot road behind the duke of Norfolk toward westminster/ the said duke laid to his charge, that he with other of the Kings counsel had murdered the duke of Glocetyr/ the which at the time to the said duke he denied, & said at the day he was on live. But within iii weeks after, the said Sir Iohn by the Kings commandment was sent with other persones unto calais/ where for fere of his own life, he saw the said murder put in execution. And furthermore he showed, that there was no man of honour at that days more in favour with king richard, than was the duke of Amnarle/ & that by his counsel he took the Lords, & wrought many other things after the said dukes advice. Also he showed, that he hard the King being than at Chyltrynlangley swear many great oaths, that the duke of Herforde now King, should never return into England/ and rather than he should again inherit his father's lands, he would give them unto the heirs of the duke of Glocetyr, and of the Earls of Arundel, and of warwyke, at the last parliament adjudged. And farther he showed, that of all these matters he sent the said duke knowledge into France, by one named Roger smart/ admonasting him to provide by his wisdom to withstand the kings malice, which showed him to be his mortal enemy. And lastly he showed in the said bill, that he hard the duke of Amnarle say unto sir Iohn Busshey and to Sir Henry Grene/ I had liefer than. xx. Thousand pound, that this man were deed. And when they had axed of him which man/ he said the duke of Herforde/ nat for dread that I have of his person, but for sorrow and rumours that he is likely to make within this realm. Which bylt was than borne unto the Kings parliament chamber, & there radde. After reading whereof/ the said duke of Amnarle stood up, and said as touching such articles as in that bill were put again him, they were false and untrue, & that he would prove upon his body or otherwise as the King would command him. Upon Friday the said Sir Iohn Bagot was brought into the said parliament Chambre, and examined upon every article of his bill all the which he there affirmed Than it was axed of him what he could say the duke of Exeter. where unto he answered and said, that he could lay nothing to his charge. But there is he said a yeoman in Newgate called Halle, that can say somewhat of you. Than said the duke, what so ever he or ye can or list to say of me/ this is truth that I shall here express. Troth it is that the last time that the King was at woodstoke, the duke of Norfolk & ye have had me to you into the chapel, and closed the door upon us. And there ye made me to swear upon the sacrament there present, to keep such counsel as there ye should than show unto me. where after ye showed to me, that ye could never bring your purpose about, while Sir Iohn of Gaunt late duke of Lancastre lived. Wherefore ye were advised for to have shortly after a counsel at Lychefelde/ by the which ye condescended that the said Sir Iohn should be arrested, in such manner that he should have occasion to disobey that arrest/ by reason whereof by chance medley he should be there slain. Whereunto my counsel than was, that the King should call his secret counsel/ & if they agreed thereunto, I for my part would agree unto the same. To which saying Sir Iohn Bagot gave none answer. And upon Saturday, the said Bagot & Halle were both brought into the parliament chamber, & there examined/ and after countrymaunded to prison. And as soon as they were departed/ the Lord Fitz water stood up and said. Most redoughted sovereign Lord, where as the duke of Amnarle hath before times and now lately, excused him of the death of the duke of gloucester/ I say and will justify it, that he was cause of his death and that I shall prove upon his body if your grace be so contented. To the contrary whereof the duke with sharp words answered/ so that gaugys' of battle were offered of both parties, and sealed and delivered unto the Lord Martial. Than parties began to be taken among the Lords/ in so much that the duke of Surrey took party with the duke of Amnarle/ and said that all that by him was done, was done by constraint of richard than King/ and he himself and other consented parforce to the same. where again the said Lord Fytz water and other replied. Wherefore silence was commanded/ and forthwith the forenamed Halle for that he had confessed before the Lords, that he was one of them that put to death the duke of Gloucetyr at calais/ he therefore was judged to be drawn from the tower of London unto tybourne/ and there to be hanged and quartered.  
The which execution was done upon the monday following. Thus with these causes and many other this parliament continued, till a new mayre named Thomas Knolles grocer was admitted and sworn, upon the day following the feast of Symonde and Jude.    

Anno dni. M.CCC.xcix.  Anno dni. M. CCCC. Grocer. wyllyam walderne.  Thomas Knolles.  Anno i  wyllyam Hyde.   
IN this first year of king Henry the four yet lasting the foresaid parliament/ upon the wednesday next following the feast of Symonde and Jude, the Lord Morley appealed the Earl of salisbury of treason/ & cast his hood for a gage to try with him by battle. The which saying he replied/ and cast from him his gloves for a gauge, to prove his saying false and untrue/ which were there sealed and delivered unto the Lord Martial. And upon the monday passed an act, that no Lord nor other person of no degree, should after that day lay for his excuse any constraint or coarting of his Prince, in executing of any wrong judgement or other crymynous and unleeful deeds, saying that for fear they durst none otherwise do/ for such excuse after that day shall stand him in none effect. And also that all sheriffs may yield account in the exchequer upon their oaths/ and that they be changed in all shires yearly. And also that no Lord nor other man of might, give any gowns or liveries to any of their tenants or other persons, except only their household & meynyall servants. And also than was enacted, that all repyers and other fishers from Rye and wynchylsee & other coostes of the sees side, should sell it themself in cornhill & cheap and other streets of London, to all men that would of them buy it/ except fysshemongers and other that would buy the said fish, to make sale of it again.  
And upon the wednesday following/ was enacted that richard late King of England, should for his miss governance of the realm be holdyn in such prison as the King would assign, during his natural life. And than the King granted to all persons general pardons/ so that they were fet out of the chancery by Alhalownetyde next following/ except such persons as were present at the murder of the duke of Gloucester. And in this while was the archbishop of Caunterbury restored to his church of Caunterburye/ and doctor Roger, which there was set by King richard, was removed and set in the see of London/ with the which he was right well contented. And then was the Earl of Arundelles son restored to all his father's lands, with divers other before by King richard disherited. And shortly after was the said parliament dissolved/ and every man had deycence to depart to his own. And than was richard late King had unto the castle of Ledes in Kente, and there kept. And provision was hade at windsor for the King to kepe there his christmas. In which pastime the dukes of Amnate, of Surrey, and of Exetyr, with the Earls of salisbury and of Gloucester, with other of their affyny●/ made provision for a disguising or a mumming to be showed to the king upon twelve the night/ and the time was near at hand and all thing ready for the same. Upon the said xii day came secretly unto the King the duke of Amnarle/ and showed to him that he with the other Lords afore named, were appointed to slay him in the time of the foresaid dysguysing showing/ wherefore he advised him to provide for his own surety. At who'e warning the King secretly departed from windsor/ and came the same night to London. Whereof the said Lords being ware, and that their counsel was bewrayed/ fled in all haste westward. But the King caused hasty pursuit to be made after them/ so that shortly after the duke of Surrey & the Earl of Salysbury were taken at Syrcetyr/ where they were straight beheaded, and their heads sent at London and set upon the bridge. And at Oxenford were taken Sir Thomas Blont and sir Benet Sely knights, and Thomas wyntercell esquire/ the which were there heeded and quartered, and their hedes sent to London bridge. And at Pytwell in Essex was taken Sir Iohn Holland duke of Exetyr/ & after brought to Plasshy a place fast by, where he was beheaded/ and after his head was sent to London and let there with the other upon 〈◊〉 bridge pight upon a stake. And 〈◊〉 about the same time at Brystowe was taken the Lord Spencer than Earl of gloucester and there beheaded, and his heed sent unto London bridge. And in the same year, sir barnard Brokeys, Sir Iohn Selly, Sir Iohn Maundeley, and Sir Johi Fereby knights and clerks, we taken as prisoners in the tower of London/ and soon after foriudged, hanged and heded/ and their heads also set upon London bridge. In which pastime, richard late King was removed from the castle of Ledys in Kent, and sent unto Pountfreyt castle.  
In this year also as before is touched in the xix year of the vii charles/ King Henry sent unto Caleys Isabella late Queen of England, and wife unto richard lately King/ and with her great treasure and many rice jewels, as te●yfyeth the english chronicle/ and there received by the Frenchmen undersafe conduit passing, and by them conveyed unto her father into France/ and after married unto charles son and heir to the duke of orleans, as before I have showed in the xxii year of her said father's reign.  
Than it followeth in the story of King Henry/ when he had firmly considered the great conspiracy again him by the forenamed Lords and other persons intended and imagined to his destruction/ and relieving of richard late King he in avoiding of like danger, provided to put the said richard out of this present life/ and shortly after the opinion of most writers he sent a knight named Sir Pyers of Exton unto Pountfreyte castle/ where he with viii other in his company, fell upon the said richard late King, and him miserably in his chamber slew/ but not without revengement of his death. For or he were felled to the ground/ he slew of the said viii four men, with an axe of their own. But lastly he was wounded to death by the hand of the said Sir Pyers of Exton, and so died.  
After execution of which deadly deed, the said Sir Pyers took great repentance, in so much that lamentably he said, alas what have we done/ we have now put to death him that hath been our sovereign & dread Lord, by the space of xxii years/ by reason whereof I shall be reproached of all honour where so I after this day become/ and all men shall redound this deed to my dishonour and shame. Other opinions of the death of this noble Prince are left by writers, as by way of famine and other. But this of most writers is testified and alleged.  
when the death of this Prince was published abroad/ he was after open vysaged laid in the minster of pounfrayt, so that all men might know and see that he was deed. And the xii day of March following/ he was with great solemnity brought through the city of London to Paul's/ and there laid open vysaged again, to the end that his death might be manifestly known. Which was doubtful to many one/ & specially to such as aught to him favour. And than after a few days the said corpse was carried unto the freers of Langley, & there entered. But after he was removed by King Henry the .v. in the first year of his reign/ & with great honour and solemnity conveyed unto the monastery of westminster/ and there within the chapel of saint Edward honourably buried upon the south side of saint Edward's shrine, with his epytaphy upon his tomb as followeth. 
Prudens & mundus Richardus iure secundus,  
Per fatum victus, jacet hic sub marmore pictus.  
Verax sermone fuit, & plenus ratione.  
Corporae procerus, avimo prudens ut omerus.  
Ecclesiam favit, elatos subpeditavit.  
Quemuis prostravit regalia qui violavit.  ¶ which verses are thus to be understand in our vulgar & English tongue as followeth.  

Parfyght and prudent richard by right the second,  
vanquished by fortune lieth here now graven in stone/  
True of his word, & thereto well resound/  
seemly of person, & like to omer as one  
In wordly prudence/ & ever the church in cry  
Upheld & favoured, casting the proud to ground,  
And all that would his royal state confound   

But yet alas, though that this metyr or rhyme  
Thus doth enbelysshe this noble Princess' fame,  
And that some clerk which favoured him some time  
List by his cunning, thus to enhance his name▪  
Yet by his story appeareth in him some blame.  
wherefore to princes is surest memory,  
Their lives to exercise in virtuous constancy.   
when this mortal Prince was thus deed & graven/ King Henry was inquyet possession of the realm/ and found great richesse that before time to King richard belonged. For as witnesseth Polycronycon, he fande in King Rychardes' tresoury iii hundredth thousand li. of ready coin/ beside jewels and other rich vessels which were as much in value or more. And over that he espied in the keeping of the tresourers hands, an C. and l M. nobles/ and jewels and other stuff that cunteruayled the said value. And so it should seem the King richard was rich, when his money & jewels amunted to vii C.M. li. And in the month of Octobre and end of this mayor's year/ was brent in smithfield of London a priest named Sir wyllyam Sawtry, for certain poyntts of heresy.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.i. goldsmith. Iohn wakele.  Iohn Frances.  Anno ii  wyllyam Ebot.   
IN this second year of King Henry and month of Frebruary/ were drawn and hanged for treason a knight named Sir Roger Claryngeton at tybourne with two of his servants, the prior of land, and eight freres minors of grey freres/ of the which some were bachelors of divinity.  
And in this year began a great dissension in wales, between the Lord Gray Ryffyn, & a welsheman named Howen of Glendore. Which Howen gathered to him great strength of welshemen, and did much harm to that country/ nat sparing the kings lordships nor his people/ and lastly took the said Lord Gray prisoner, & held him prisoner, till contrary his will he had married the said Howens daughter. After which matrimony finished/ he held the said Lord still in wales till he died, to the Kings great displeasure.  
wherefore the King with a strong army sped him into wales, for to subdue the said Howen & his adherentes. But when the King with his power was entered the country/ he with his fawtours fled in to the mountains & held him there/ so that the King might nat win to him with out destruction of his host. wherefore finally by the advice of his Lords, he returned into England for that season.  
In this year also wheat & other grains began to fail/ so that a quarter of wheat was sold at London for xvi s/ & dearer should have been, had nat been the provision of merchants that brought rye & rye flower out of Spruce, wherewith this land was greatly sustained and eased.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.i.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.ii.  wyllyam Uenour.  Iohn Shadworth.  Anno iii  Iohn Fremynghm.   
IN this year/ the conduit standing upon cornhylle in London, was begun to be made. And in the summer following/ Sir Thomas Percy Earl of worceter, and Sir Henry Percy son & heir unto the Earl of Northumberlande, gathered a great power/ and upon the day of saint Praxede the virgin or the xxi day of July, 
The battle of Shrowysbury.  met with the King near unto Shrowysbury, and there gave unto him a cruel battle/ but to their own confusion. For in that fight the said Sir Thomas Percy was taken, and his nephew the foresaid Sir Henry with many a strong man upon their party was there slain. And upon the Kings party, the Prince was wounded in the head/ & the Earl of Stafforde with many other slain. And the xxv day of July following at Shrowysbury, the said Sir Thomas Percy was beheaded/ and after his head carried to London, & there set upon the bridge.  
In this battle was many a noble man slain upon either party. And it was the more to be noted vengeable/ for there the father was slain of the son, & the son of the father, and brother of brother, & nephew of nephew. And in the month of August following, the Duchess of britain landed at Fulmouth in the province of Cornwayll, & from thence was conveyed to wynchester. where in short time after, King Henry married her in the cathedral church of the said city. And soon upon was the eldest daughter of King Henry named dame Blanch married at Coleyn to the Duke's son of Bayer.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.ii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.iii.  richard Merlewe.  Iohn walcot Draper.  Anno iii  Robert Chichele.   
IN this year and xiiii day of the month of Septembre, was the foresaid Duchess of britain and wife of the King, received with great honour into the city of London/ & so by the mayre and the cytezyns conveyed unto westminster. where upon the morrow following she was crowned Queen of England, with great honour and solemnity/ the circumstance whereof I pass over.  
In this year also, Rupertus which after the deposing of wessenselans, was by the electors of the empire, and by authority of Bonyface the ix▪ than pope, admitted for Emperor of Rome, and came into England with a goodly company, only to see the country and commodities of the same. The which of the King was honourably received and feasted/ and lastly conveyed by the King toward the see side, where either departed from other with exchange of rich and precious gift. For this Rurpartus was named of writers a man of excellent bounty and largesse. And he gave more liberally/ for so moche as all the time of his being in England, he lay here at the kings costs. And while he was at London he was lodged at the house of saint Johannes in smithfield.  
This year also upon saint Laurence even or the ix day of August/ a Lord of britain named the Lord of Castyle in French, landed within a mile of Plymmouth with a great company of Normans and Brytons/ and came unto the said town, and lodged there all night and spoiled and rob the said town. And upon the day following when they had done what they would/ they returned again to their ships, with plenty of pillage and prisoners such as they fande.   

Anno domini. M. CCCC.iii.  Anno domini. M. CCCC.iiii.  Thomas falconer.  wyllyam Askam.  Anno .v.  Thomas pool.   
IN this year soon after Candelmas, the foresaid Lord of Castyle trusting to win a like enterprise, as in the year passed he had done/ he being accompanied with a strong navy of French men & Brytons, was encountered with the english floot within ii miles of Deermouth at a place called Blak pooll, where after long and cruel fight the said lord was slain, with the more party of the people, and divers of his ships taken/ as witnesseth the english chronicle with divers other english auctors. But the French book excuseth this scomfiture of Frenchmen, and sayeth that by treason of a Gascoigne named Peryn or Perot de Languyle, which showed unto the said Lord Castyle that he had espied certain english ships in a Greek lightly without resistance to be taken/ caused the said Lord to make sail toward the said town of Dartmouthe. where after he had continued a certain time his course/ he espied the hoteflo●e of english men which made toward him/ and so at the said Blake pool encountred and fought, and lastly escaped the danger of his enemies as testifieth the said French chronicle▪ but natte unhurt/ for he was so wounded in that fight that he died shortly after.  
And the month of Apryll following, the duke of Clarence with the Earl of Kent & many other Lords, took shiping at Meregate, & so sailed unto Scluce in Flaunders. And after the said duke had there refreshed him & his company, he took shiping again/ and holding his course toward swine, he was encountered with iii great carykes of jeane/ the which he assailed, and after long bekering them took being laden with merchandise/ & so with that pray returned to Cambre before wynchelsee/ in the which haven the said goods were canted and shared. But how it was, by variance among themself or otherwise/ one of the said carykes was suddenly fired & so consumed. For restitution of which goods & ships, the merchants januence made after great & long suit to the King & his counsel/ in which pastime they borrowed cloth, wool & other merchandises, amounting unto great and notable sums of divers merchants of England. And when they saw that they might have none hope of recovery of their lost/ they suddenly avoided the land, and lafte the foresaid notable sums unpaid, to the great hindrance and utter undoing of many english merchants.  
In this year a yeoman named wyllyam Serle, sometime yeoman of King Rychardes Robys, was taken in the marches of Scotland and brought unto London/ & there in the guildhall areygned for the murder of the duke of gloucester at calais. Upon which murder he was attaint & convict/ & upon the twenty day of Octobre he was drawn from the tower unto Tyburn, and there hanged and quartered/ & his head was after set upon London brydg, & his four quarters were sent to four sundry good towns.   

Anno domini. M. CCCC.iiii.  Anno domini. M. CCCC.v.  wyllyam Lowfte.  Iohn Hyende Draper.  Anno vi  Stephen Spylman.   
IN this year and month of January, were certain courses of war run in smithfield, between sir edmund Earl of Kent, & the Lord Moryfa Baron of Scotland, upon the challenge of the said scottish Lord. But the Earl of Kent bore him so valy auntly, that to him was given the price of that journey to his great honour. And in the same year, Sir richard Scrope than archbishop of york, and the Lord Moubraye than marshal of England, with other to them allied/ for grudge that they bore again the King, gathered unto them great strength, intending to have put down the King as the fame than went. Whereof the King being informed/ in all haste sped toward them, and met with them on this side york. where after askyrmysshe by the said Lords made/ they were than taken and after presented unto the king at york/ where they were both deemed to suffer death for their rebellion. 
‡ A Bishop beheaded.  Than when the bishop came unto the place of execution/ he prayed the bowcher to give to him .v. strokes in the worship of Christ's five wounds, & for his more penance. At everich of which .v. strokes/ King Henry being in his lodging, had a stroke in his neck/ in so much that he deemed that some person there being with him present had stricken him. And forthwith he was stricken with the plague of lepyr/ so that than he knew it was the hand of god, and repented him of that hasty judgement without authority of the church. And soon after god showed many miracles for the said bishop/ which called the King unto the more repentance.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.v.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.vi.  Henry Barton.  Iohn woodcok Mercer.  Anno vii  wyllyam Crowner.   
IN this year, dame lucy the duke of Myllanies sister came into England/ and was married unto sir Edmund Holande Earl of Kent, in the church of saint Mary overey in Southwark upon the xxiiii. Day of January/ where the King was present and gave her that day unto the priest. And after the solempnyzation of the marriage was finished/ she was with great honour conveyed unto the bishop of wynchesters palace there fast by/ where that day for her was holden a sumptuous and pumpous feast. And in the same year and month of May, dame Phylyppe the youngest daughter of King Henry, accompanied with divers Lords spiritual and temporal, was shipped in the north, and so conveyed into Denmark/ where in a town or city called London she was married unto the King of the said country.  
In this year also Sir Thomas Ramston than constable of the tower, by oversight of his boatmen as he would have passed the bridge toward the said tower, was drowned. And in the same year, for the grievous complaints that before time had been showed and evidently proved before the kings counsel, and also before the mayre and his brethren, of the great destruction of fry and young fish by reason of weirs standing in divers places of the river of Thamys, whereby the fish of the said river was greatly minished and wasted/ and that also if the said weirs so continued, the said river should in short process be destroyed: wherefore the mayre & his brethren the aldermen as conservators of the river, made such labour unto the King and his counsel, that they obtained commission to pull up all the weirs that stood between London and vii miles beyond Kynston/ and in likewise for such other as stood between London and Gravesende, aswell creaks or several grounds and other/ the which commission by the said mayre and his officers was this year put in execution. And in this year Sir Robert Knolles knight, the which in France and britain had before time done so many victorious acts, as in the xxxiii year of Edward the third and other years of his reign is somedeal touched/ made an end of his work at Rochester bridge and chapel at the said bridge foot/ and died shortly after, when he had new re-edified the body of the white friars church standing in Fleetstreet, & done to that house many notable benefits/ where after he was buried in the body of the said church. Which church and place was first founded, by the ancestors of the Lord Gray Cotnore.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.vi.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.vii.  Nycholas wotton.  richard whytyngton Mercer.  Anno. viii.  Godfrey Brook.   
IN this year & month of Novembre, one named the walche clerk, apeched a knight called sir Percyuall Sowdan of treason/ for trial whereof day was given to them to fight in smythfylde the day above said. At which day either appeared, and there fought a season. But in the end the clerk was recreant. wherefore immediately he was spoiled of his armour, & laid upon an hardyl, and so drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged.  
And in this year also, Sir Henry Earl of Northumberlande & the Lord Bardolf, coming out of Scotland with a strong company, to the displeasure & hurt of the King as they intended/ were met and encountered with the gentlemen and commons of the north, and fought with and dystressed/ and after struck of their heads, and sent them to London/ which then were pyghte upon the bridge among many other.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.vii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.viii  Henry Ponfreyt.  wyllyam Stondon Grocer.  Anno. ix.  Henry Halton.   
IN this year and month of Decembre, begun a frost/ the which continued by the space of xu weeks after or thereupon/ so that birds were wonderly famished and distressed by violence of the same.  
And in the same year/ sir Edmonde of Holande Earl of Kente, was by the King made admiral of the see. The which scoured & skimmed the see right well and manfully/ & lastly landed in the coost of britain, & besieged there a castle named Briak, and won it by strength. But in the winning thereof he was so deadly wounded with an arrow in the heed, that he died shortly after. And than his corpse was brought again into England/ & buried among his ancestors. And in the beginning of this year, was slain & murdered the duke of orleans in Paris/ like as before it is more at length showed in the xxviii year of Charles the vii King of france.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.viii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.ix  Thomas Duke.  drew Barentyne goldsmith.  Anno. x.  wyllyam Norton.   
IN this year the seneshal of Henaude came into this land with a goodly company of Henauders & other strangers/ for to do & perform certain fayte of arms again divers nobles & gentlemen of this land. And first the said seneschal challenged the Earl of Somerset/ and other of his company other gentlemen of this land, as after shall apere. For executing of which disport/ the place of smithfield by the King was appointed, and barred & fenced for the same intent/ and day set for every man to be ready by the xi day of. At which day the seneschal as challenger entered the field pompously. And after with a goodly company of men of honour, was the Earl of Somerset brought into the same/ where they ran together certain courses and executed other fayte of arms/ whereof the prise & honour was given by the herawdes unto the Earl, so that he wan that day great honour.  
Than the second day came in a knight Henauder as Chalengeoure. To whom as defendant came Sir richard of Arundel knight/ the which ran certain courses on horsebak, & after went together with axes on foot where Sir Richard was put to the worse, for the Henauder brought him upon his knee.  
Than the third day came in an other knight of Henaude challenger. To whom as defendant came in Sir Iohn Cornewayl knight/ and so well bore him, that he put the stranger to the worse. Upon the four day came into the field an esquire Henauder. Again whom ran the son of Sir Johan Cheyny. The which at the second course set his stroke so eagerly, that he over threw the Henauder horse and man/ for which deed the King dubbed him forthwith knight. Upon the .v. day. played together an Henauder and a squire called Iohn steward/ which day also the Englyssheman won the worship. Upon the vi day skyrmysshed there together an Henauder and an english esquire named wyllm Porter/ the which got such worship of the same Henauder, that the King for his guerdon made him straight knight. Upon the vii day in likewise played insemble an Henauder and one Iohn Standysshe esquire/ the which semblably for his prowess & manly dealing, was also of the King dubbed knight. And a Gascoyn that the same day won the price of an other stranger, was immediately made knight of the King. And upon the viii day or last day of this challenger, came into the field ii Henauders. Unto whom came ii brethren being soldiers of calais/ the which bekered together a long season, so the either party received plenty of good strokes, till peace by the King was commanded. And so this challenge was finished, to the great honour of the King the which after feasted these strangers, & with rich gifts sent and returned them again to their countries.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.ix.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.x.  Iohn law.  richard Marlowe Irenmonger.  Anno xi  wyllyam Chycheley.   
IN this year & month of March/ a tailor of London named Johan Badby, was brent in smithfield for heresy: all be it that by means of the Prince & one Master Courtnay than Chauceller of Oxenford, he was for a while reconciled, and promised to leave that error. But when the sacrament of the altar was brought tofore him/ he despised it, and would in no wise therein believe/ wherefore he had as he deserved. Of whom a versifier in reproach of his error, made these two. verses following. 
Hereticus credat, ut perustus ab orb recedat,  
Ne fidem ledat, sathan hunc baratro sibi predat.   
The which verses are thus much to mean in english. 
The perverse heretic, though that he do bren,  
And from this world be razed utterly/  
No force, sin that he list nat ken  
Our sacred faith/ but it right perversely  
●yst of his will erroneously to reply,  
What force thought sathan with his eternal pain  
Do him reward, sin he will not refrain.   
IN this year also & month of april, within the lists of Smythfeld was fought a sore fight between an esquire named gloucester Appellaunt, & an other esquire called Arthur defendant. The which acquitted them either party so manfully, that the King of his especial grace seeing they were both so well fighting men, took the quarrel into his hands, & pardoned the offence to either party.  
And this year the market house called the Stokes, standing by the church of saint Mary wolchurch of London, was begun to be edified. In this year also the King held his parliament at westminster. 
A bill put up in the parliament  during the which the commons of this land put up a bill to the King, to take the temporal lands out from spiritual men's hands or possession. The effect of which bill was, that the temporaltes dysordinatly wasted by men of the church, might suffice to find to the King xu Earls, xv. C. knights, vi. M. & two. C. esqiers & an. C. houses of alms to the relief of poor people more than at the days were within England. And over all these foresaid charges, the King might put yearly in his coffers twenty M. li. provided the every Earl should have of yearly rend iii M. mark/ every knight an. C mark & four plough land/ every esquire xl mark by year with ii plough land/ & every house of alms an. C. mark, with oversight of ii true seculars unto every house. And also with provision that every towneshyppe should keep all poor people of their own dwellers which might nat labour for their living. with condition that if more fell in a town than the town might maintain, than the said alms houses to relieve such townshyppes. And for to bear these charges they alleged by their said bill, that the temporalties being in the possession of spiritual men, amounted to iii C. & xxii M. mark by year. Whereof they affirmed to be in the see of Caunterbury, with the abbeys of Christ's church, of saint Augustyns, Shrowysbury, Coggeshale, & saint Osiys/ xx. M. mark by year. In the see of Durhm & other abbeys there, xx. M. mark. In the see of york & abbays there, xx M. mark. In the see of wynchester and abbeys there, xx. M. mark. In the see of London with abbeys and other houses there, xx. M. mark. In the see of Lyncoln, with the abbays of Peterbourth, Ramsay, and other, xx. M. mark. In the see of Norwych, with the abbeys of Bury and other, xx. M. mark. In the see of Hely, with the abbeys of Hely, Spalding & other, xx. M. mark. In the see of Bathe, with the abbey of Okynborne & other. xx. M. mark. In the see of worceter, with the abbeys of Euishm, Abyngdon & other, xx. M mark. In the see of Chester with precinct of the same, with the sees of saint David, of Salysbury, and Exeter with their precincts, xx. M. mark. The abbeys of ravens or revans, of fountains, of Geruons, and divers other to the number .v. more twenty thousand mark. The abbeys of leicester, waltham, Gysbourne, Herton Tircetir, Osney and other, to the number of vi more, twenty thousand mark. The abbeys of Dovers', battle, Lewis, Cowentre, Dauentre, and Courney, xx. M. mark. The abbeys of Northampton, Thortone, Brystow, Kelyngworth, wynchescomb, hails, Parchyssor, Fredyswyde, Notley, and Grymmysby, xx. M. mark.  
The which foresaid sums amount to the full of iii C.M. mark. And for the odd xxii M. mark/ they appointed Herdforde, Rochester, Huntyngdon, Swyneshede, Crowlande, Malmesbury, Burton, Tewkisbury Dunstable, Shirborn, Taunton, and Bylande.  
And over this they alleged by the said bill, that over and above the said sum of iii C. & xxii M. mark/ divers houses of religion in England, possessed as many temporaltyes as might suffice to find yearly xv. M. priests and clerks/ every priest to be allowed for his stipend seven. Mark by year.  
To the which bill none answer was made, but that the King of this matter would take deliberation & advycement/ and with that answer ended, so that no ferther labour was made.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.ix.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.x.  Iohn Penne.  Thomas Knolles Grocer.  Anno xii  Thomas pike.   
IN this year, asquyer of wales named Ryze ap dee, the which had long time rebelled again the King and ●rotysfyed the party of Howan of Glendore/ was taken and brought to London/ and there upon the ix day of Decembre, drawn, hanged, and quartered/ and his head set upon the bridge among the other. In this year also was the guild hall of London begun to be new edified and of an old & little cottage, made into a fair and goodly house as it now appeareth.   

Anno domini. M. CCCC.x.  Anno domini. M. CCCC.xi.  Iohn Raynewell.  Robert Chycheley Grocer.  Anno xiii  wyllyam Cotton.   
IN this year and upon the xii day of Octobre, were three floods in thamies/ which thing no man than living could remember that like to be seen.  
And in this year was the Lord Thomas son to the King, created duke of Clarence. And in this year, the King at the request of the duke of orleans, sent over the foresaid duke his son to aid the said duke of orleans again the duke of Burgoyne. Of whose acts and his company/ I have before made report in the story of Charles the vii King of France.  
And in this year, the King caused a new coin of nobles to be made, which were of less value than the old noble by four d. in a noble.  
In this year also the King created Iohn his son duke of bedford. And his other son Humphrey duke of Glounceter. He made also Sir Thomas Beauforde Earl of Dorset/ and the duke of Anmarle he created duke of york.   

Anno domini. M. CCCC.xi.  Anno domini. M. CCCC.xii.  Rauffe Levenhm.  wyllyam waldrens Mercer.  Anno xiiii  wyllyam Sevenok.   

IN this year and twenty day of the month of Novembre, was a great counsel holden at the white freers of London. By the which it was among other things concluded, that for the Kings great journey that he intended to take in visiting of the holy sepulchre of our lord/ certain Galeys of war should be made, and other purveyance concerning the same journey. whereupon all hasty & possible speed was made. But after the feast of Crystemasse, while he was making his prayers at saint Edward's shrine to take there his leave, and so to speed him upon his journey/ he became so sick, that such as were about him feared that he would have died right there. Wherefore they for his comfort bore him into the abbots place, and lodged him in a chambre/ and there upon a paylet laid him before the fire, where he lay in great agony a certain of tyme. At length when he was common to himself nat knowing where he was/ he freyned of such as than were about him what place that was. The which showed to him that it belonged unto the abbot of westminster, and for he felt himself so sick/ he commanded to ask if that chamber had any special name. where unto it was answered, that it was named Jerusalem. Than said the King, loving be to the father of heaven. 
death of King Henry the four  For now I know I shall die in this chambre, according to the prophecy of me beforesaid, that I should die in Jerusalem. And so after he made himself ready/ & died shortly after upon the day of saint Cuthbert or the twenty day of March/ when he had reigned xiii years, v. months, & xxi days/ leaving after him four sons/ that is to mean Henry that was King. Thomas the was duke of Clarence, Iohn duke of bedford, and Humfrey duke of gloucester/ and ii daughters, that one being Queen of Denmark, and that other Duchess of bar, as before is showed.  
when King Henry was deed/ he was conveyed by water unto Feversham, and from thence by land unto Caunterbury/ and there entered by the shrine of saint Thomas.   

Anglia. ¶ Henrici quinti.  
HEnry the v▪ of the name, and son of Henry the iiii begun his reign over this realm of England, the xxi. day of the month of March In the year of our Lord & end of the same xiiii C. &. xii. And in the xxxii year of Charles the vii yet King of France. And the ix day of Apryll following, which was that year passion sunday, being a day of exceeding rain, he was crowned at westminster. This man before the death of his father, applied him unto all vice & insolency/ & drew unto him all riottours & wyldly disposed persones. But after he was admitted to the rule of the land/ anon & suddenly he became a new man, & turned all that rage & wildness into soberness & wise sadness, & the vice into constant virtue. And for he would continue the virtue, and nat to be reduced thereunto by the famylyarytye of his old nice company/ he therefore after rewards to them given, charged them upon pain of their lives, that none of them were so hardy to come within ten mile of such place as he were lodged, after a day by him assigned.  
In this beginning of this King Henry/ the old mayre and shrives continued their offices to the terms accustomed.    

Anno dni. M. CCCC.ii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.iii.  Rauffe Levyngham.  wyllyam waldern Mercer.  Anno i  wyllyam Sevenok.   
anon as King Henry was crowned, and the solemnity of the feast of Easter was passed/ he sent unto the friars of Langley where the corpse of King richard was buried/ and caused it to be taken out of the earth, & so with reverence and solemnity to be conveyed unto westminster/ & upon the south side of saint Edward's shrine there honourably to be buried by Queen Anne his wife▪ which there before time was interred. And after a solemn interment there holden/ he provided that four tapers should burn day and night about his grave, while the world endureth/ and one day in the week a solemn Dirige, and upon the morrow a mass of Requiem by note/ after which mass ended, to be given weakly unto poor people xi s. viii. d. in pens. And upon the day of his annyversary after the said mass of Requiem is song, to be yearly destrybuted for his soul twenty li. iii. d. And about harvest time, was Sir Iohn Oldcastell knight appreched for an heretic & committed to prison. But how it was he escaped for that time out of the tower of London/ and so yode into wales, where he lined over four years after.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xiii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xiiii.  Iohn Sutton.  wyllm Crowmer Draper.  Anno ii  Iohn Mycoll.   
IN this year and month of January/ certain adherentes of the forenamed Sir Iohn Oldcastell, intending the destruction of this land & subuercion of the same/ assembled them in a field near unto saint Gyles in great number. Whereof the King being informed took the field before them, & so took a certain of them. Among the which was Sir Roger Acton knight, Sir Iohn Beverley priest, and a squire called Sir Iohn Browne. The which with xxxvi. more in number were after convict of heresy and treason/ and for the same hanged and brent within the said field of saint Gyles.  
And in the same year, Iohn Claydon skinner & richard Turmyne baker, were for heresy brent in smithfield.  
And this year the King held his parliament at leicester. where among other things, the foresaid bill put up by the commons of the land, for the temporaltyes being in the church, as it is before touched in the xi year of the four Henry, was again minded. In fere whereof, lest the King would thereunto give any comfortable audience as testify some writers, certain bishops and other heed men of the church, put the King in mind to claim his right in France. And for the exploit thereof, they offcede unto him great and notable sums. By reason whereof the said bill was again put by, and the King set his mind for the recovery of the same/ so that soon after he sent his letters unto the French King, concerning that matter/ and received from him answer of derision as affirmeth the english book.  
And Gaguynus sayeth in his French chronicle, that King Henry sent his orators unto Charles the seven. than King of France, for to have dame Katherine his daughter in marriage/ with other requests touching his right and inheritance. whereunto it was answered by the counsel of France, that the King had no leisure to intend such idleness. Whereupon King Henry made quick provision for to war upon the French King, as after appeareth.  
In this year also, by procurement of Sigismunde than Emperor/ a great counsel or synod of bishops were assembled at a city in high Almaigne called constance, for the union of the church. And for to avoid the schism, which began in the xiiii year of Charles the vi, as before in the said xiiii year is touched. In the said synod or general counsel, was the xxiii Iohn than pope put down or resigned by his volunte. And by authority of the same counsel/ the opinions and heresy of wyklyf were utterly annulled & dampened/ and two of his disciples there present named Iohn Hus or hus and Jerom the heretic, were there brent  
And many notable acts for the weal of the church there were enacted. And finally when the said counsel had endured near upon the term of iiii. years/ they there by an hole asset chase a new pope, and named him the .v. Martyne. Which occupied Peter's chair xiiii years and odd months, as indubitat pope, and so other after him.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xiiii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xv.  Iohn Mychell.  Thomas Fawcomer Mercer.  Anno iii  Thomas Aleyn.   

IN this year after the King had made sufficient provision for all things concerning his war to be made upon the French King/ he with his Lords honourably accompanied, road thorough London upon the xviii day of Juny, toward the port of Southamton/ where he had appointed his host to meet with him. And while the King there was shiping of his people/ divers of his Lords, that is to say Sir Richard Earl of cambridge and brother unto the duke of york/ which Sir Richard bearing the name of Langley, had wedded dame Anne the daughter of Sir Roger mortimer Earl of March and wolster/ by whom he had issue Isabella, which after was married unto the Lord Boucher Earl of Essex, & richard which after was duke of york & father to King Edward the iiii. To whom also wasassenting Sir richard Scrop than treasurer of England, and Sir Thomas gray knight, were there arrested for treason, and areygned, and so examined upon the same, that the xxix day of July following they were all three beheaded. After which execution so done/ the King upon the morrow or shortly after, with his Lords took shiping there, & landed at a place called Kydcaus in Normandy. And the xvi day of August/ he said siege unto the town of Harflew, & assailed them by land and by water/ and continued so his siege unto the xxii. Day of September. At which day as saith the French Gaguinus, it was delivered by Albert than there capitain/ upon condition that King Henry might safely win or pass to Calayes, and so he being there, the town to be yoleden unto him. But the French writer Gaguinus upholdeth the honour of the frenchmen in all that he may/ and borroweth of his conscience for sparing the troth in report of many things. For after most writers, the said town after sundry appoyntementes of rescous/ was delivered unto the King without any condition the day above. Said. where after the King had ordained Sir Thomas Beauforde his uncle and Earl of Dorser capitain of that town/ he sped him toward calais.  
Than the dolphin with other Lords of France, which at that time had the realm of France in governance, for so moche as the French King was visited with such malady as before I have showed/ broke the bridge to let the King of his passage over the water of Sum. wherefore he was constrained to draw toward Pycardy/ & so pass by the river of Peron. Wherefore the Frenchmen being ware/ assembled and lodged them at certain towns named Agyncourt, Rolandcourt, and Blangy, with all the power of France.  
And when King Henry saw that he was so beset with his enemies/ he in the name of god & saint George pight his field in a plain between the said towns of Agyncourte and Blangy/ having in his company of hole men that might fight, nat passing the number of vii M. But at those days the yeomen had their limbs at liberty/ for their hosyn were than fastened with one point/ and their jacks were long & easy to shoot in, so that they might draw bows of great strength, & shoot arrows of a yard long, beside the head.  
Than the King considering the great number of his enemies, & that the act of Frenchmen standeth much in over riding of their adversaries by force of speremen/ he therefore charged every boweman to ordain him a sharp stake, & to pitch it a slope before him/ and when the speries came, somedeal to draw back, & so to shoot at the horsemen. And at the proper request of the duke of york, he ordained him to have the vawewarde of the field. And when King Henry had thus provydently ordered for his battle over night/ upon the morrow being the xxv day of Octobre, and the day of the holy martyrs Cryspyne & Cryspinian/ the King caused divers masses to be sungen. And where that night before, the english host was occupied in prayer and confession/ he than caused the bishops and other spiritual men, to give unto them general absolution.  
And that done/ with a comfortable cheer ordered his people as they should fight, having unto them good & comfortable words/ & so abode the coming of their enemies, which of divers writers were and are remembered to be about xl thousand fighting men.  
The which about ix of the cloak in the morning, with great pride set upon the english host/ thinking to have over riden them shortly. But the archers, like as before they were taught pight their sharp stakes before them. And when they saw the French galantes approach, they a little yode back & received them as here after ensueth.   

The battle of Agyncourt.  
THat is to mean, they shot at them so fervently, that what with the shot, and goring of their horses with the sharp stakes, they tumbeled one upon an other/ so that he or they which ran formest, were the confusion of him or them that followed/ so that in a short while a great multitude of horse & men were laid upon the ground. And after their shot spent/ they laid about them with their glaynes and axes, that by the great grace of god and comfortable aid of the King, the victory fell that day to the englishmen/ and with little loss of their company. For after the opinion of sundry writers/ were slain that day of englishmen, the dukes of york and of Suffolk/ & not over xxvi parsons moo. But of Frenchmen were slain that day after english writers, over the number of ten thousand. Albeit the French Gaguinus saith, that of the english host were slain the duke of york, and with him four hundredth men/ and of the French host four M. men of name beside other/ which he numbereth not.  
Also he affirmeth to be horsemen at that field upon the French party ten thousand over and beside the footmen/ and that the englishmen were numbered at xu C. spear men, & xviii. M. of yeomen and archers.  
At this said battle was taken prisoners, the duke of orleans, the duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Uendosme, of Ewe, of Rychemount, and Bursigaunt than marshal of France/ with many other knights & esquyres, which were tedious to name, to the number of xxiiii hundredth & above, as witnesseth the book of mayors.  
And in this battle were slain of the nobles of France, the dukes of bar, of Alencon, and of Braban, viii. Earls, and barons above lxxx with other gentlemen in cote armours to the number of iii thousand and above. By reason of which pillage the englishmen were greatly advanced. For the Frenchmen were so assured of victory by reason of their great number, that they brought the more plenty of richesse with than, to the end to buy prisoners either of other/ and also after the victory by them obtained, to show unto Englishmen their pride & pompous array. But god which knew the presumption and pomp turned all thing contrary to their minds & intents.  
when the King by grace and power of god, more than by force of man had thus gotten this tryumphaunt victory, and returned his people from the chase of their enemies: tidings were brought unto him, that a new, host of Frenchmen were coming toward him. Wherefore he anon commanded his people to be embattled/ and that done made proclamations through the host, that every man should slay his prisoner. By reason of which proclamation, the duke of orleans and the other Lords of France were in such fere, that they anon by licence of the King sent such word unto the said host, that they withdrew them. And the King with his prisoners upon the morrow following took his way toward his town of Caleys/ where he rested him during this mayors tyme.    

Anno dni. M. CCCC.v.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.vi.  wyllyam cambridge.  Nycholas wotton Draper.  Anno iii  Aleyn Euerarde.   
This year and xxix day of November, as the mayre road toward westminster for to take his charge/ a pursyvaunt of the Kings came with letters unto the mayre, giving to him knowledge of the Kings good speed. Wherefore the Bishop of winchester than chancellor of England having like witting, came that day to Poulys, and there caused Te deum to be sungen with great solemnity. And in like wise was like observance done in the parish churches and other religious houses through the city of London.  
And at Poulys, by the said chancellor standing upon the steps at the quyerdore, were the said tidings denounced unto the people. And upon the morrow following, the said chancellor who other bishops and temporal Lords, with a general procession of the mayre and commonalty of the city yode from Poulys to westminster on foot, and offered at saint Edward's shrine, & so returned to their own houses. then King Henry with his prisoners shipped at calais, and so landed at Dover. And after he had been at Caunterbury, and there made his offering unto saint Thomas/ he than sped him on his journey till he came unto Eltham, where he rested him a season.  
Upon the xxiii day of Novembre he was met with the mayre & his brethren upon the black heath/ & so conveyed with all honour thorough the city unto westminster, wherein divers places of the said city, as the bridge & cross in cheap, were ordained certain pagentes to the Kings great comfort. The manner whereof, with all processions and other ceremonies I pass over for letthing of the tyme.  
In this year also Sigismunde Emperor of almain came into England. And in the month of May, by the kings commandment & vii day of the said month, the mayre and brethren met him upon Blakheth. And at saint Georges met him the King and his Lords in great number/ and so conveyed him unto westminster with great honour, & lodged him in his own palace. And shortly after was the feast of saint George holden at windsor/ which before was deferred for his coming. In time of which solemnity during the divine service/ the King kept the estate. But in sitting at the feast▪ the Emperor kept the estate. The service & sotyltees of which feast, with sitting of the Lords after their degrees I pass over. And shortly after came the duke of Holande into this land, for certain causes concerning the Emperor. Whom the King honourably received/ and lodged him in the bishops palace of Ely in Holborn. And so the King entreated and cheered these strangers that for the season that they tarried in England, they lay here at the kings cost and charge.  
And the Emperor and he were made knights of the garter/ and also a great duke of the emperors named duke of Bryga. And when the Emperor had tarried upon vii weeks and odd days in England/ which after some writers was to th'intent to set an unity and rest between the French King and King Henry: he after took mind to return into Almaigne▪ whom the King for his comfort and needs that he had to do at Caleys, accompanied him thither/ where either with gifts & thanks departed from other. And the duke of holland went with the Emperor into holland and other countries.  
while the King was thus at Calys/ to him came thither under safe conduit the duke of Burgoyne, and had with the King divers communications/ and after returned to his own. And soon after the King returned into England/ and came to westminster upon saint Luke's even or the xvii day of October.  
This year and season while the King was at Calayes, that is to mean upon the day of assumption of our blessed lady/ the duke of bedford accompanied with the Earl of March and other Lords, had a great conflict and battle with divers carikkes of jeane and other ships. where after long and sore fight, the honour fill to him and his englishmen/ to the great loss of the strangers both of their men, and also of their ships/ as some drowned, & iii of the greatest of their carykkes taken.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.vi.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.vii.  Roberte wodtyngton.  Henry Barton skinner.  Anno .v.  Iohn Couentre.   
This year the King holding his parliament at westminster/ to him was granted by auctoryt of the same a fifteen. And by a convocation of the clergy was granted to him a dime, for the maintenance of his wars. whereupon new provision was made for his second viage into France.  
By authority of this parliament also, richard which was son & heir of the Earl of cambridge, which Earl was put to death at Southampton, was created duke of york/ which after was married unto Cecyle the daughter of Daraby Earl of westmerlande, by reason that he brought his wardship of the King. By the which lady Cecyle he had Henry that died young, Edward that after was King, Edmund Earl of Rutland, Anne Duchess of Exeter, Elyzabeth Duchess of Suffolk, George duke of Clarence, richard duke of gloucester and after King, and Margaret Duchess of Burgoyne. And when all thing was ready for the kings viage/ he ordained Iohn duke of bedford his brother protector of this land in the time of his absence. And that done/ he with his Lords about whitsuntide took his shipping at Southampton, and so sailed into normandy/ and landed upon Lammas day at a place called took or Towke. And after he was with his host there landed, for so moche as he was warned of certain ships of war the intended to do some harm in England being than upon the see: he therefore to withstand their malicious purpose, sent the Earl of March, the Earl of Huntyngdon, with other, to scour the see. The which encountered the said enemies/ and after a long and cruel fight them venquysshed & overcame. Which fight was upon the day of saint Roman or the ix day of August, as hath the French chronicle. And of the French navy, was chief capitain the viscount of Narbon/ which in that fight was taken with great plenty of treasure. For as saith Gaguinus, he with one Mountney an other capitain, to whom the soldiers wages was committed/ of one assent of their singular lucre wythhelde the said wages. By reason whereof when they should join in battle, many of them with their ships withdrew, & last their captains in the danger of their enemies. But this is like to be a feigned excuse of the said Gagwyne, to save the honour of the Frenchmen/ as he many times semblably doth in many places of his book.  
Then to return unto King Henry/ when he was thus landed, he sent unto the rulers of the town of Towke and had it unto him delivered. But the castle was defended again him till saint Laurence day following/ the which he gave after unto his brother the duke of Clarence, with all the signory thereunto belonging.  
And this done, the King sped him toward Cane, & laid his siege thereunto upon the xvii day of the foresaid month of August. The which continued till the feast of the nativity of our lady/ & than won upon the ꝑty that the duke of Clarence assaulted. But the castle held by apoyntement, if no rescous were had till the xiiii day following. At which day the said castle was delivered with other xiiii strong holds, which had before taken the same appointment. Than the King made the foresaid duke of Clarence capitain of the said town & castle. And in this pastime were divers other towns & strong holds gotten, by divers of the Kings retynew/ as the Earl Martial, the Earl of warwyke & other/ the which won lovers, Faloys, Newelyn, Cherburgth, Argentyne, & Bayons the city, with many other strong abbeys & pilies. Than the king held there saint George's feast, and dubbed there xu knights of the Bath/ & after continued his wars during this mayor's year, in winning upon the Frenchmen by apoyntementꝭ and otherwise/ whereof the circumstance were very long to declare in order.  
In this year also, & upon the festfull day of Ester, till a chance in London/ which to the fere of all good christian men is necessary to be noted. 
A fray on Easter day  For upon the high & solemn day, by exciting of the devil & ill disposytion of ii women, that is to mean the wife of the Lord strange, & the wife of Sir Iohn Trussell knight/ such unkindness fill between their two husbands, that either would have slain other within the parish church of saint Dunstanes in the east. In ꝑting of which persons divers men were hurt & sore wounded/ & one named Thom Petwarden slain out of hand, which was a freeman & fysshemonger of the city. Than lastly both frayers were taken & brought unto the Countour in the poultry. And for the said Lord strange was deemed culpable of the beginning of this fray/ he therefore upon the Sunday following, & for suspending of the church, was denounced accursed at Poulys' cross & in all parish churches of London. And finally he was deemed to open penance & did it/ and made great amends unto the wife of the said Thomas for the death of her husband.  
And in the end of this year, where at London was sold for ii s. a bushel.   

Anno domini. M. CCCC.xvii.  Anno domini. M. CCCC.xviii.  Henry Rede.  richard Merlowe. Iremonger.  Anno vi  Iohn Gedney.   

Sir Iohn Oldcastell Lord Cobham put to death.  IN this year Sir Iohn Oldcastell Lord cobhm/ the which as before is showed in the end of the first year of this King, escaped out of the tower of London/ was in the month of sent unto London by the Lord powies out of wales. The which Sir Iohn for heresy & treason was convict in the month of following/ and for the same drawn unto saint Gyles field/ where he was hanged upon a new peyre of gallows with chains, and after consumed with fire.  
And about that season, the person of wortham in Norfolk, which long time had haunted Newmarket heath, and there rob & spoiled many of the kings subgettes/ was now with his concubine brought unto Newgate where he lastly died.  
And King Henry being still in Normandy/ divided his people in three parts. Whereof one he reserved unto himself/ the second he committed to the rule of the duke of Clarence/ and the third unto the Earl of warwyke. Which said duke & Earl employed their arms so well and valiantly, that either of them encroached sore upon the Frenchmen, and wan from them many strong holds and piles. And the King after long besieges by him continued about argentine, Cressy, saint land, and other/ he then in the end of this year, that is to say upon the day of the translation of saint Edward or the xiii day of October/ laid his siege unto the city of Rouen/ and continued the same till the xii day of January following.  
In the which pastime the old mayre was changed to a new as followeth. Upon the ix day of October died Iohn Bryan sheriff/ and for him was chosen to that office Iohn Parnes Draper.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xviii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xix.  Iohn Bryan.  wyllyam Sevenoke Grocer. Rauffe Barton. Anno vii  Iohn Parnesse.   
This year the foresaid siege about the city of Rouen continuing/ upon the xii day of January foresaid, the Frenchmen offered to treat, which treaty the King admitted unto the earls of warwike and Salysbury with other. And for the French party, was appointed the captain of the city named Sir Guy de Bocyer & other. By reason of which treaty it was agreed, that the said captain upon the xix day of the said present month of January, at such an hour as it should please the King to assign/ should deliver unto such persons as the King would appoint the city & castle of Rouen in all peaceable wise/ except the said city and castle be rescued by the dolphin of France before the said nineteen. Day.  
And the xxii day of the said month, the inhabytauntes of the said city to pay unto the King xu C. scutes of gold/ whereof two should alway be worth and english noble. And other xu hundred of like scutes, they should pay upon the xxiii day of February next following. Which covenants with many and divers other comprised to xxv articles, were by the assurance of both parties surely ratified and assured. And for no rescous by the said dolphin or any other Frenchman, was made by the day above limited/ therefore the said capitain according to his bond and promise, delivered the said city and castle, upon the xix day of January afore said being the day of saint wolstan.  
The winning of this city of Rouen ascribeth Gaguinus, unto the civil discord that was between the citizens and their first capitain named Earl of Danmale/ whom they expulsed the city with a strong power of Normans. But yet as he affirmeth, the citizens held the city till they were constrained for lack of victual to eat horses, dogs, cats, rats, and other vermyn.  
when King Henry had set the city of Rouen in an order/ he then passed the countries toward France/ so that he subdued the cities and towns as he road. And the twenty day of may he came to Troy's in champagne, where he was honourably received.  
In which pastime, Iohn duke of Burgoyne that before time had been the occasion of the murder of the duke of orleans, was now slain in the presence of the dolphin/ like as before I have showed to you in the xxxix. Year of Charles the vii wherefore Phylyppe his son and duke after him, refused the dolphins party and drew him unto King Henry/ and delivered to him the possession of charles the French King and dame Katherine his daughter, as affirm Gaguinus.  
Then were means of concord and unity sought and laboured by the frenchmen, in so effectual manner, that shortly after for a final peace to be had between both realms/ King Henry at Troy's in champagne foresaid by the means of the said Phylyppe duke of Burgoyn, married the forenamed Katherine, upon trinity sunday than being the iii day of Juny.  
Before solemnisation of which marriage a treaty and conclusion of a peas containing xxxvii articles between both Kings was concluded. Whereof the effect was, that King Henry should be admitted and named regent of France/ and that Charles should be King for term of his life, and receive the issues and profits of the same/ and Queen Isabella his wife to enjoy her dower for term of her life to Queens of France due and accustomed. And Queen Katherine King Henry's wife, to have her dower in England to the value of xl thousand scutes/ which should be in value ten thousand mark english. And if the overlived King Henry/ then she to have dower of the realm of France, to the value twenty thousand franks yearly to belevyed of such lordships as Blaunche sometime wife to Phylyple Beaw held. And after the death and time of the foresaid charles, the crown with all rights belonging to the same of the realm of France, to remain unto King Henry and to his heirs Kings. And for the said charles was visited with sickness/ the King as regent should have the hole governance of the said realm and defence of the same/ & specially again the dolphin, which intended and did his uttermost power to disturb the said peace. And that the Lords and nobles of France as well spiritual as temporal shall make oath unto King Henry, to be obedient unto his leeful commandments concerning the foresaid governance and defence/ and they with the hedes and rulers of cities, castles, and towns to maintain & uphold the said peace to the uttermost of their powers/ and after the death of the said Charles, to become his true subjects and lyege men. And that all such lordships as after that day should be be conquered or won fro the dolphin and other dysobedyentes, that they should remain to the use of the said Charles during his natural life. provided that if any were won within the duchy of Normandy/ that they should incontinently remain to King Henry's use. And that after the disease of the said Charles, the duchy of Normandy & all other lordships thereunto belonging, to be as one monarchy under the crown of France. And also that during the life of the said Charles/ King Henry should nat name or write himself King of France. And that the said Charles should in all his writings name King Henry his most dearest son Henry King of England and inheritor of the crown of France. And that none imposition or task should be put upon the commons of France, but to the necessary defeuce & weal of the realm. And that by the advice of both counsels of the realms of England and of France, such stablished ordinances might be devised, that when the said realm of France should fall to the possession of King Henry or his heirs, that it might with such unity join unto the realm of England, the one King might rule both kingdoms as one monarchy/ reserved always to either principate or realm, all rights, liberties, franchyses, and laws/ so that neither realm should be subiecre unto other. And that perpetual amity and friendship with all familiar conversation, aswell by buying, selling, and all other leeful, to be contonued atween both subjects for ever/ all customs and privileges to either realm to be paid and obeyed. And that King Charles nor Phylyp duke of Burgoyne, should make any concord or peace with the dolphin of Uyen, without the assent & agreement of King Henry. Nor he in likewise without the consent of the said Charles and Phylyp. And the said Charles during his life, should honourably be found and entreated/ and to have in his household and about him noble men of his own nation, with all other things concerning his estate/ and to be lodged in notable places of his realm, where the people to him should be most obedient.  
After which articles by the consents of both Princes well and nobly ratysfyed and confirmed, and solempnyzation of the foresaid marriage ended/ King Henry with his people sped him toward Paris, where he was honourably received. And when he had with his new wife rested him there a season/ he than with the duke of Burgoyne and divers other Lords of France, laid siege unto divers towns which held upon the dolphins party, & them wan by strength or by appointment/ and lastly laid siege and his ordinance about a strong town named Meldune or Meleon, whereof was capitain a noble warrior named Barbasan, the which defended that town manfully. Than the King saying the foresaid sternness of the captain/ beclipped that town with a strong siege/ dying himself on that side toward the wood, and the duke of Burgoyne upon the other side again the temple or monastery of saint Peter/ which siege so continued during this mayor's year.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xix.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xx.  Robert whytyngham.  Richard whytyngham Mercer.  Anno viii  johan Butler.   
THis year continued still the former siege about Meleon till about the middle of Novembre. At which time the forenamed capitain sore famished, sought means of treaty. By mean whereof it was agreed, that he with all other should safely avoid by a day lymyted/ except all such persons as before time had been consenting unto the death of Iohn lately duke of Burgoyne. For the which crime the forenamed capitain named Barbasan was after accused with many other/ and sent unto Paris, and there holden in prison. And that done King Henry laid his siege unto a town called Melden. The which finally was also given up by a like appointment. Wherein were founden certain persons detected of the foresaid murder/ for the which after due examination made, they were hanged upon an elmen tree standing by the way leading unto Paris. When King Henry had thus wrouthte moche of his will in France/ he took leave of his father the French King/ & with the Queen his wife sailed into England, & landed at Dover upon Candelmas day/ leaving in France for his deputy his brother the duke of Clarence. Than the King sped him on his journey toward London/ & came thither on the xiiii day of February. And the Queen came thither upon the xxi day of the same month. But here for length of time I will pass over the great and curious ordinance provided by the citizens for the receiving of the King and Queen, aswell of their ordinate meeting with them upon horseback, as the sumptuous and honourable devices prepared within the city to the Kings and Queens great re●ioysynge. And forth I will proceed to show unto you some part of the great honour, that was used and exercised upon the day of the said Queens coronation/ which was after solemnized in saint Peter's church of westminster, upon the day of saint Mathy the apostle or the four & twenty day of February. After which solemnisation in that church ended/ she was conveyed in to the great hall of westminster, and there set to dinner. Upon whose right hand sat at the end of the same table the archbishop of Canterbury, and Henry surnamed the rich cardinal of wynchester. And upon the left hand of the Queen sat the King of Scots in his estate/ the which was served with covered mess like unto the forenamed bishops, but after them. And upon the same hand and side near to the boards end, sat the Duchess of york, and the Countess of Huntyngdon. The Earl of the March holding a sceptre in his hand, kneeled upon the right side. The Earl marshal in like manner knyled upon the left hand of the Queen. The Countess of Kente sat under the table at the right foot/ and the Countess Martial at the left foot. The duke of gloucester Sir Humphrey was that day overloker/ and stood before the Queen bore heeded. Sir Richard nevil was that day carver to the Queen/ the Earls brother of Suffolk cupberer/ Sir Iohn Steward Sewar/ the lord Clyfford panterer in stead of the Earl of warwick/ the lord wyllughby butler in stead of the Earl of Arundel. The lord Gray Ruthyn or Ryffyn naperer The lord of Awdeley amner in stead of the Earl of cambridge. The Earl of worceter was that day Earl Martial in absence of the Earl Martial, the which road about the hall upon a great courser, with a multitude of tipped staves about him to keep the room in the hall. Of the which hall, the barons of the .v. ports begun the table upon the right hand toward saint Stephen's chapel/ & beneath them at the table sat the bowchyers' of the chancery. And upon the left hand next unto the cupboard, sat the mayre and his brethren aldermen of London. The bishops began the table foreagayne the barons of the .v. ports/ & the ladies the table again the mayre. Of which ii tables, for the bishops began the bishop of London and the bishop of Durham/ and for the Ladies, the Countess of Stafforde/ & the Countess of March. And ye shall understand, that this feast was all of fish. And for the ordering of the service thereof were divers Lords appointed for heed officers/ as steward, controller, surveyor, and other honourable offices. For the which were appointed the Earls of Northumberlande, of westmoreland, the Lord Fitz Hugh, the Lord furnevall, the Lord Gray of wylton, the Lord Ferers of Groby, the lord Ponynges, the Lord Haryngton, the lord Darcy, the Lord Dacre, and the lord Delaware.  
The which with other ordered the service of the feast as followeth/ & thus for the first course.  

Brawn and mustard.  
Dedellies in Burneux  
Frument with Balien  
Pike in Erbage  
Lamprey powdered  
Trought  
Codling  
Plays fried  
Marling fried  
Crabbies  
Leche lumbarde florysshed  
Tarties.   
And a sotyltye called a Pellycane sitting on his nest with her birds/ and an image of saint Katherine holding a book and disputing with the doctors/ holding a reason in her right hand, saying Madame le Royne, and the Pellycan as an answer Ce estia sign, et du roy, pur tenir joy, et a tout sa gent, esse meet sa intent.  

The second course.  
Gely coloured with columbine flowers  
white pottage or cream of almandes  
Breme of the see  
Counger  
Solys  
Cheven  
Barbyll with Roche  
Fresh salmon  
Halybut  
Gurnarde  
Rochet broiled  
Smelth fried  
Crevys or lobster   
Leche Damask witw the kings word or proverb flourished, une sanz plus.  

Lamprey fresh baken  
Flampeyne flourisshed with a scochon royal/ and therein iii crowns of gold planted with flower delice and flowers of camemyll wrought of confections.   
And a sotyltye named a Panter with an image of saint Katherine with a wheel in her hand/ & a roll with a reason in that other hand, saying, La Royne ma fise, in ceste isle, per bon reason, aves renount.  

The third course.  
Dates in compost  
cream motle.  
Carpe deore.  
Turbut.  
Tenche.  
Perche with goion.  
fish sturgeon with welkes  
Porperies roasted.  
men's fried.  
Crevys de ewe douce.  
Pranies.  
Elys roasted with lamprey.  
A leche called the white leech  
flourished with hawthorn  
levys and red hawies.   
A march pain garnished with divers fygurs of angels/ among the which was set an image of saint Katherine holding this reason, I lest escrit, pur voir et eit, per marriage pure cest guerre ne dure. And lastly a sotyltye named a tiger looking in a mirror/ and a man sitting on horse back clean armed holding in his arms a tiger whelp with this reason, Par force sanz reson ie ay prise ceste best. And with his one hand making a countenance of throwing of mirrors at the great tiger. The which held this reason, Gile the mirror ma feet distour.  
And thus with all honour was finished this solemn coronation. After the which/ the Queen sojourned in the palace of westminster till palm sunday following. And upon the morn she took her journey toward windsor where the King and she held their Easter. And after that high feast passed/ the King made provision for his war in France, during the term of this mayor's year.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xx.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxi.  Iohn Boteler.  wyllyam cambridge Grocer.  Anno ix  wyllyam weston.   
THis year upon Easter even, being than the xxii day of Apryll, the duke of Clarence brother unto the king, whom at his departing out of France he had laft there for his deputy/ was at a place called in French Baugy or Bauge, overset & slain, by a French capitain named Sir Iohn de la Croyse. And the earls of Huntyngdon & of Somerset with many more gentlymen of England and Gascoigne taken prisoners, to the Kings great displeasure. Than shortly after the king held his pliament at westminster. By authority whereof & of a convocation of the clergy holden at Poulys, was granted to him a fifteen & dime. And for the money thereof should not be hastily called on of the commons/ the Bishop of wynchester of his own free mind, lent to the King twenty M. li.  
And about Pentecoste following King Henry shipped at Dover, & say led to calais/ & from thence yode the third time into France, where he warred during this mayor's year.   

Anno domini. M. CCCC.xxi.  Anno domini. M. CCCC.xxii.  richard Gosselyn.  Robert Chycheley Grocer.  Anno ten  wyllyam weston.   

IN the beginning of this mayor's year and vi day of December/ was King Henry the vi borne at windsor. And in the ix day of the said month began a parliament at Poulys. 
Birth of Henry the sixth.  By the which was granted to the King a fifteen and a dame of the clergy. And for the coin of gold at those days was greatly minished with clipping & washing, to great hurt of the commonalty/ therefore at this parliament it was enacted & agreed, that in the payment of this aid to the King granted/ his officers should receive all light coins of gold, so that they wanted nat in weight over the rate of xii d. in the noble. And if any noble wanted more than. x.i. d, or any other peses of gold after the rate/ than the owner to make up the value to vi s. viii. d. By reason of this also, silver, as groats & pens were geson/ for all men put forth the gold and made store of silver. This year also after Easter, the Queen took shipping at Southampton, & sailed to the King into France/ where she was honourably received of her father and mother, & of the cities & good towns. And in the city of Paris upon whitsunday, the King and she sat crown at dinner, which had nat before time been seen of any King of England.  
In this mayor's year also, but the x. year of the King and ten day of August/ a new wedyrcok was set upon the cross of saint Paulys' steeple of London. Than King Henry being still occupied in his wars in France, & daily wynnyg upon the Frenchmen in this said month of August and x. year of his reign/ he waxed sick at Boys in Uincente, and died there like a good christian man upon the last day of August, when he had rained ix. years .v. months and ten days/ leaving after him his only young son Henry of the age of viii months & odd days. And than his body was embalmed and cered, and after brought unto westminster/ as in the beginning of the next mayor's year shallbe showed. And in the month of Octobre following, died the French King father unto the Queen, as in his story before is declared.  
who that would take upon him to rehearse all the conquests and triumphaunt victories obtained by this most victorious Prince, with other laudable deeds/ he should to rehearse them seriously make a great volume. But where to fore I have showed to you briefly some part of the famous deeds of this excellent Prince, touching the actuel deeds of his body/ now I will briefly touch the acts done by him for the merit of his soul. And first for asmuch as he knew well that his father had laboured the means to depose the noble Prince richard the second, & after was consenting to his death/ for the which offence his said father had sent to Rome, of that great crime to be assoiled/ and was by the pope enjoined, the like as he had bereft him of his natural and bodily life for ever in this world, that so by continual prayer and suffragyes of the church, he should cause his soul to live perpetually in the celestial world/ which penance for that his father by life did nat perform, this ghostly knight in most habundaunt manner performed it. For first he builded iii houses of religion/ as the Charterhous of monks called Shene, the house of close nuns called Zion, and the third was an house of observants builded upon that other side of thamies, and betwixt let fall by him for the skill that followeth as testifieth the book or register of mayors.  
where it is reported that after this noble Prince had thus founded these said iii houses, and endowed them with competent lands/ he of a ghostly disposition with a secret company for to upsyt them and to see how they kept their divine service/ would divers times go fro his manor of Shene now called Rychemounte unto the said three places, for the causes abovesaid. At which times and seasons he ever found the two houses of monks and nuns occupied as their statutes required. But the third house which was of French friars, he fande sundry times negligent and slack in doing of their duty. wherefore he called before him the father with some other of that place, and reasoned with them sharply, why none otherwise they intended their divine service, & prayed more specially for him as they were bound of duty. whereunto it was after pardon required lastly by the said father answered, that in convenient wise they naturally might nat pray for him and his good speed, considering that he daily warred upon their fathers and kinsmen, and slew of them and spoiled them daily/ and enpoverysshed that land, which they of very kind ought to love and pray for. After which answer thus by them made/ the King avoided the house of them, and turned the land thereof to such use as him best liked, and suffered the house to fall in ruin. And over this great act of founding of these ii religious houses/ he ordained at westminster to burn perpetually without extinction, iiii. tapers of wax upon the sepulture of King Richard/ and over that he ordained thereto/ to be continued for ever, one day in the week a solemn Dirige to be song, & upon the morrow a mass/ after which mass ended certain money to be given, as before is expressed with other things in the beginning of this kings reign. And over this his great business in war notwithstanding/ this most christen prince by his life chase his place of sepulture within the foresaid monastery/ & there ordained for him to be song iii masses every day in the week while the world lasteth, in manner and form as by these verses following doth appear. 

Henrici missae quinti, sunt hic tabulatae.  
Quae successive sunt per monachos celebratae.   

¶ Prima fit Assumptae de festo virginis almae.  
Poscit pusiremam Christus de morte resur gens. Dominica  
¶ Prima salutate de festo virginis extat.  
Nunciat angelicis laudem postrema choreis. Lune  
¶ Esse deum natum de virgine prima fatetur.  
Commemora natam, sic ultima missa Mariam. Martis  
¶ Prima celebretur, ad honorem neupmatis almi.  
Vltima conceptam denunciat esse Mariam. Mercurij  
¶ Semper prima coli, debet de corpore Christi.  
Vltima fit fata, de virgine purificata. iovis  
¶ Concedet ut prima, celebretur de cruce sancta.  
Atque salutate fiet postrema Mariae Veneris  
¶ Omnes ad sanctos, est prima colenda supernos.  
Vltima de requie, pro defunctis petit esse. Sabati  
¶ Semper erit media, de proprietate dei. Omni die   

¶ Missa Assumptionis Mariae.  
Missa dnieae resurrectionis. 1  
¶ Missa salutationis Mariae.  
Missa annunciationis Mariae. 2  
¶ Missa nativitatis Christi.  
Missa nativitatis Mariae. 3  
¶ Missa sancti spiritus.  
Missa conceptionis. 4  
¶ Missa corporis Christi.  
Missa purificationis. 5  
¶ Missa sanctae crucis.  
Missa salutationis Mariae. 6  
¶ Missa omnium sanctorum.  
Missa de requie. 7  
¶ Missa diei quotidie.    
¶ which verses may thus to unlettered be englished. 

Loo here is noted and put in memory,  
That over these acts noble and martial/  
This excellent Prince, this fift King Henry,  
His soul to endow he was memorial.  
For with suffrages which ever last shall,  
Of masses three that follow seriously,  
At westminster he ordained to be said daily.   


Sunday.  Upon sunday the first mass to begin,  
Devoutly to be said, of the Assumption  
Of our blessed Lady/ and nat thereafter blynne,  
But than the latter of the resurrection.  

Monday.  And on the monday, of the visitation  
The first mass after ordained is.  
Of the Annunciation the latter mass said is.   


Tuysday.  Upon the tuysday, to keep the order just,  
The first to be said of crystes nativity.  
Than of our Lady birth the latter follow must.  

wednesday.  On wednesday, the holy ghost hallowed to be.  
And of the Conception the third willed he.  

Thursday.  The thursday to sing the first of Corpus xpi/  
Of the purification the last of our Lady.   


friday.  Upon the friday, a mass of crystes cross/  
And of the salutation the latter for to sing.  
And for of day or time should be no loss  

saturday.  Upon saturday, the first of that morning  
A mass of all saints to pray for the King.  
Than mass of Requiem to be last of all.  

Quotidie.  And every day, the day mass amid these masses to fall.     

¶ envoy.  

¶ O merciful god, what a Prince was this,  
Which his short life in martial acts spent  
In honour of Conquesis/ that wonder to me it is,  
How he might compass such deeds excellent/  
And yet for that his mind nothing detent,  
All ghostly health for his soul to provide,  
Cut of his world or he fatally should slide   

So that though I had Tullyes' eloquence,  
Or of Senek the great morality,  
Or of Solomon the perfect sapience,  
Or the sweet dyties of dame Calliope:  
Yet might I nat in prose or other dytte,  
accordingly advance this Princess' fame,  
And with due honour to enhance the same.   

Considering his acts, whereof parcel appear  
In this rude work/ with many more left out/  
The time also, which was less than ten year,  
That he so shortly brought all thing about/  
By divine grace furthered without doubt,  
That myghtfull Lord he halpe his ghostly knight  
With grace & honour to pass this worlds sight.   

And to have reward double & condign.  
And first for martial acts by him done,  
To be advanced among the worthies Nyne  
And for his virtues used by him eft soon,  
With many good deeds which he in earth had done  
Above the Hierarches he is I trust now stalled,  
That was on earth/ King of Kings called.    

Anglia. ¶ Henry the sixth.  
HEnry the vi of the name, and only son of Henry the v, & of Queen Kathryn daughter of Charles the seventh King of France/ began his reign over the realm of England, the first day of September, in the year of our Lord. M.iiii. C. & xxii and in the end of the last year of the reign of the foresaid vii Charles than King of France.  
This Henry for the insufficience of his age, which as before is showed was but of viii months and odd days/ was committed unto the rule of his uncles, the dukes of bedford and of gloucester. The which during his none age ruled the realms of England & of France honourably/ as the duke of gloucester protector of England, and duke of bedford regent of France. Than upon the xxi day of October during this mayor's year Robert Chyceley/ died at Paris the above named seven. Charles King of France. By reason of whose death, by force of appointment before made between Henry the .v. and him, as before is touched in the seventh year of the said Henry/ the realm of France & right thereof fill unto the young King Henry. To whose use the nobles of France, except a few of such as held with the dolphin, delivered the possession thereof unto the duke of bedford, as regent thereof during that nonage of this King.    

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxiii.  wyllyam Estfeylde.  wyllyam walderne.  Anno primo.  Robert Tatersale.   
IN the beginning of this mayor's year, and first year of the King/ that is to say the vii day of the month of Novembre, the corpse of the excellent Prince King Henry the fift was with great solemnity and honour brought unto the monastery of westminster/ and there at the feet of saint Edward with due reverence interred/ to whose soul Jesus be merciful. And upon the ix day of the said month, was a parliament called at westminster. By reason whereof, the kings governance during his nonage was provided for/ with all the rule of both realms of England and of France. And by authority of the same, the duke of gloucester Sir Humphrey, was ordained protector of England/ and duke Iohn of bedford regent of France. And during the parliament/ was granted unto the King for a subsidy for iii years, v. nobles of every sack of wool that should pass out of the land. And the first day of March after, was of his preestehode deregraded and heretic named wyllyam Tayllour, and brent to ashes in smithfield. whose opinions for the hearing of them should be tedious and unfruitful/ I therefore will nat with them blot my book. In this month of March also was the town of Pount Melane delivered by appointment unto the regent of France. Of the which apoyntement one article was, that all horses, abylmentes of war, harness, and other, should be left within the said place/ and also gold and silver and other jewels there to remain holy. And if that any person were within the hold found, which before time had been guilty or consenting to the death of the duke of Burgoyne/ that he should be delivered to the regent/ and not to take any benefit or privilege by that appointment.  
And this year the west gate of the city called Newgate, was newly builded and repaired by the executors of richard whytyngton late mayre of London. And this year after midsummer fill great water or rain/ so that for the more party every day atween the beginning of July and end of Septembre, it rained little or much/ and yet that not withstanding, that year was convenient plenty of all grain, so that wheat passed not eight shillings at London, and malt five shillings.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxiii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxiiii.  Nycholas James.  wyllyam Crowmer draper.  Anno ii  Thomas wadeforde.   
THis year, that is to mean in the begynnge of this mayor's year and xiii day of Novembre/ the King and the Queen his mother removed from windsor toward London, and came that night unto Stanies/ and on the morrow being Sunday when he was borne toward his mother's char, he shyrled and cried so fervently, that the nurse with her breasts nor nothing else that the Queen could devise might content him. Wherefore the Queen being feared that he had been diseased, returned again to her chambre/ where anon he was in good rest and quiet. This of some writers is noted for a divine monition, that he would not travail upon the Sunday. But how it was, the Queen tarried with him there that night/ & on the morrow he was borne to the char with glad semblant & merry cheer, and so came to Kyngeston that night/ and upon the morrow unto his manor of Kyngeston. Upon wednesday, the Queen sitting in her char and he upon her lap, passed with great triumph thorough the city/ and so unto westminster, where than was holden his parliament/ & there set in his kingly majesty within the parliament chambre among all his Lords, where the speaker of the parliament made a famous preposition/ whereof the effect was, of the grace that god had endued the realm with, for the presence of so toward a Prince and sovereign governor as he was, with many other words of commendation, which I pass over. The xxvi day of the same month of Novembre/ the King with the Queen removed from westminster unto waltham holy cross. And after he had there a season sojourned/ here moved unto Hertford, where he held his christmas, and the King of Scots with him. And the foresaid parliament was journed unto the twenty day of christmas. In the which parliament among other acts, was ordained that what prisoner that for grand or petty treason was committed to ward, & after wilfully broke the same, it should be deemed petty treason/ and that the goods of him so escaping, should be forfeited to the Lord of that soil that they were found in. In the month of Februari, Sir James steward King of Scots married in the face of the church of saint marry Ouereys in Southwerke, dame Johan the Duchess daughter of Clarence/ which was daughter unto the Earl of Somerset first husband unto the said Duchess. And the feast was holden in the bishop of wynchesters' place by. And soon after upon the xiii. day of February, the foresaid parliament being again holden at westminster/ for breaking of the foresaid act of breaking of prison, Sir Johan mortimer was accused by a yeoman named wyllyam King and servant unto Sir Robert Scot knight and keeper of the tower of London, of divers points of treason as followen. first he counseled with the said wyllyam King to the end to break out of prison/ and promised to him for the same, the yearly value of xl. li. land, & in process an earldom. Also the said mortimer should say that he would go into wales unto the Earl of the Marches/ and there he would raise xl M. men, and with that power he would enter this land, and strike of the heads of the Lord protector and of the bishop of wynchester, to the intent that he might tell or play with some of his money.  
And furthermore he accused him, that the said mortimer should say, that the Earl of March should be King by right inheritance/ & that he himself was next rightful heir to the said crown after the said Earl of March. Wherefore if the said Earl would not take upon him the crown & rule of the land, he said that he else would. And over this the said wyllyam. Alleged to the said Sir Johan mortimer, that he should say that if he failed of his purpose, and might not win unto the Earl of Marches, that than he would sail unto the dolphin and aid and take his party/ where he wist well he should be accepted, and have good aid of him to bring about his purpose. All which matters were duly approved by the said wyllyam again the said Sir Johan, before the Lords and commons of the said parliament/ for that which treasons he was after drawn and hanged.  
In this year also the duke of bedford being in France as regene, warred strongly upon the dolphin, & wan from him many strong holds and towns/ as Crotey, Basyde, Ryol, Rulay, Gyrounde, basil, Mermounde, Mylham, Femel, Seintace, Jensak, Mauron, Duras, Mountsuer, la, Palageeu, Cerneys, Noelam, Cusak, and doval with divers other/ and so continued till he came unto Uerneyll in perch. The which he held so straight, that lastly Gyrande the captain thereof agreed to deliver it by a certain day, except he were rescued. After which appointment so taken/ the said Gyrande as witnesseth Gaguinus, sent word to Charles the viii of the name or the vii after divers writers, which of his fautoures was than accounted for King of France. And he in all possible haste, sent thither the duke of Alencon, the Earl of Turon or of Douglas, of Bowgham or Boucam, of Daumayll, & the Viscount of Nerbon, with a strong power of Armenakkes, Scots, & Frenchemen/ the which host or it might approach to the said town to make rescous, the day expired, & it unto the duke delivered. When the duke of Alencon was ascertained of the delight of the town, he took his advise of the other captains, whether it was better to return considering the town was yoleden, or to give battle unto the English men. But finally for no reproach should be to them arected as they had fled for fere/ they kept on their iournany, & pight their field in a plain near unto the said town of Uernoyl. where they being strongly enbataylled, upon the vii day of the month of August, the duke of Bedford with his retinue gave to them sharp and cruel battle/ the which endured long without knowledge of victory.  
But finally by god's ordinance and power, the vyctyry fell to the english party, to the great loss of their enemies. For in the fight was slain/ as testifieth the French Gaguyne, the Earls of Turon, and Boucam, of Daumayle, with the Uycounte of Narbon, and divers other men of name. And of the commons were slain to the nombree of five thousand. And there was taken the duke of Alencon, the marshal of France, and other. But the english writers affirmeth ten M. to be slain and more.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxiiii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxv.  Symonde Seman.  Iohn Mychell.  Anno ix  Iohn Bywater   
this year after Easter, the King held his parliament at westminster/ the which began upon the day of Etkenwalde or the last day of Apryll, And ii days before, the King with the Queen his mother came thorough the city from windsor. And when he came at the west door of Poulys/ the Lord protector took him out of the char, and so was lad upon his feet between the said Lord protector and the duke of Exeter, unto the steps going into the choir. Fro whence he was borne unto the high altar/ and there kneeled in a travers purveyed for him. And when he had be there, he yode to the road of the north door and there made his offerings. And then was he borne into the church yard, & there set upon a fair courser, and so conveyed thorough cheap, and the other streets of the city unto saint George's bar/ and so held his journey to his manor of Kenyngton. And continuing the foresaid parliament/ the King was sundry times conveyed to westminster/ and within the parliament chamber kept there his royal estate. By authority whereof, to him was granted a subsidy of xii d. in the li of all manner merchandise coming in or passing out of this realm and iii s. of a tun of wine for the term of iii years to be holden. And furthermore it was enacted, that all merchant strangers should be set to an english host within xu days of their coming to their port sale, & to make no sale of any merchandise or they were so lodged/ & them within xl days following to make sale of all that they brought. And if any remained unsold at the said xl. days end/ that than all such merchandise being than unsold, to be forfeited unto the King. Also that all strangers that carried any wols out of this land, should pay xliii s. iiii. d. for a sakke custom, where the english merchant and denyzen paid but .v. nobles/ with many other conditions and penalties as well for English as the other merchants, which would are long leisure to show, enacted and passed during this said parliament.  
And the second day of the month of August, was yoleden unto the Earl of Salysbury appointed with other by the regent, the city of man's, under appointment comprised in ix articles. Whereof one special was, that if any persons were found within the city which had been consenting unto the Duke's death Johan late duke of Burgoyne, that they should stand at the grace of the said regent.  
Also this year the duke of gloucester lord protector, which lately before had married the Duchess of Holande a woman a great possession/ for cause of rule whereof, to have dominion of the same, he with the said Duchess sailed toward that country, and thereof her subjects was peaceably and with honour received. But finally he had such cheer, that he was glad to return into England, leaving his wife therein a town of her own named Mounse But after his departing, the duke of Burgoyne so demeaned him to the rulers of that town, were it by battle or otherwise, that they delivered her to the said duke/ and he forthwith sent her unto gaunt, there to be kept as prisoner. But by the friendship of one named Sir Jaques de la Grayll a burgonion knight, & her own policy/ she escaped thence in a man's clothing, and came to a town in zeland named zyryxe/ and from thence to an other town in zeland called Ghwode or Ghow-Ghowde, where she withstood the dukes power.  
Than the duke of gloucester hearing of the escape of his wife, and of the malice of the duke foresaid/ in all haste provided a strong company of soldiers and archers, and committed them unto that rule of the lord Fitzwater. The which in process of time landed with them at a place in zeland called brewer's haven/ where of their enemies they were encountered and driven back, & so returned into England without any great feet doing, leaving the Duchess behind them for that season.  
This year about michaelmas the Prince of Portyngale came into England/ & was honourable received and feasted of the kings uncles/ and tarried here the time of this mayor's year. This year also began a grudge to kindle between the Lord protector and his half brother the bishop of wynchester/ the which after grew to a great dystourbaunce of the city of London, as in the next mayor's year shallbe showed. And in the end of this year, were many honest men of the city apeched of treason, by a false and malicious person belonging unto the said bishop/ and put them unto great vexation and trouble. Which was done by the procurement of the said bishop as the common fame than went. And nat alonely men of the city were thus vexed, but also other burgesses of divers good towns, as leicester, Caunterbury, Northampton, and other.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxv.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxvi.  wyllyam Mylrede.  Iohn Couentre Mercer.  Anno four  Iohn Brokle.   
IN this year the xxix day of Octobre, and self same day that the mayre for the year following yearly at westminster taketh his charge/ at such time as he was holding his great dinner, he was by the Lord protector sent for in speedy manner. And when he was common to his presence/ he gave to him a straight commandment, that he should see that the city were surely watched in that night following, and so it was. Than upon the morrow following about ix of the clock/ certain servants of the forenamed bishop would have entered by the bridge gate. But the rulers thereof would nat suffer them in so great number/ but kept them out by force, like as before they were commanded. wherewith they being grievously dyscontented/ gathered to them a more number of archers and men of arms, and assaulted the gate with shot & other means of war. In so much that the commons of the city hearing thereof, shit in their shops & sped them thither in great number. And likely it was to have ensued great effusion of blood shortly thereupon, ne had been the discretion of the mayre and his brethren, that exhorted the people by all politic mean to keep the kings peace. And in this pass time, the archbishop of Canterbury, with the Prince of Portyngale and other, took great labour upon them to pacify this variance between the lord protector and the bishop/ in so much that they road between them viii times or they might bring them to any reasonable conformity. Than lastly they agreed to stand to the rule of the regent, or of such as he would assign. Whereupon the city was set in a more quiet. Than the Bishop of wynchester wrote a letter unto the duke of bedford or lord regent, whereof the tenure ensueth.  
RIght high and mighty price & right noble, and after one liefest earthly lord/ I recommend me unto your grace with all mine heart. And as ye desire the welfare of the King our sovereign Lord, & of his realms of England & of France, & your own weal with all yours/ haste you hither, for by my truth & ye tarry long, we shall put this land in jeopardy with a field/ such a brother ye have here god make him a good man. For your wisdom knoweth well, that the profit of France standeth in the welfare of England. Right high & mighty Prince, I beseech you hold Master Johan Estcourt your councillor excused of his tarrying/ for it is moche again his will. But the counsel here hath made him do contrary his mind. And that it may like you to give credence unto your chamberlain Sir Robert Boteler. And the blessed trinity keep you. Written in great haste at London the last day of Octobre.  
Upon the ten day of January next ensuing, the said duke of bedford with his wife came unto London. And with them came also the said bishop of wynchester. And the mayre & the cytezyns received him at Merton, & conveyed him thorough the city unto westminster/ where he was lodged in the kings palace/ & the bishop of wynchester was lodged within the abbots lodging.  
Than upon the morrow following or the xi day of January/ the mayre presented the regent with a payere of basyns of silver & over guilt, & in them a. M. mark of gold. But the Bishop had so incensed him again the city, that they received but a small thank for all their labour and cost. Upon the xxi day of February, than began a great counsel at saint albonies/ and after it was adjourned unto Northampton. But for due conclusions might nat be driven by the said counsel/ therefore upon the xxv. Day of March ensuing, was called a parliament at leicester/ the which endured till the xv. Day of Juny following. This was cleped of the common people the parliament of bats. The cause was, for proclamations were made, that men should leave their swords & other wepyns in their innies, the people took great bats & staffs in their necks/ and so followed their Lords & masters unto the parliament. And when the weapon was inhybyted them/ than they took stones & plummets of lead, and trussed them secretly in their sleeves & bosomys. During the parliament/ among other notable things for the weal of the realm, the variance that was between the foresaid Lords was herein debated & argued. In so much that the duke of gloucester put in a bill of complaint, again the bishop containing vi articles. Whereof the first was, that where the Lord protector would have had his lodging within the tower of London/ he was by the comfort & aid defended & let of the bishop, and of Richard wydevile esquyer than being lieutenant of the same. The second was, for that that the bishop would have removed the King from elthm/ & have set him at his governance, without the advice and counsel of the Lord protector. The third was, that when the duke was informed of the bishops intent/ and he intending according to his office and duty, in peaceable wise to have riden to the King to have given upon him attendance: the bishop intending the destruction of the duke, assembled a great multitude of men of arms and archers in Southwark/ & there drew the chain at the bridge foot, and set up pipes & other engines to stop the kings high way/ & ordained men to stand in chambers and solers to throw stones/ and by their ordinances and policy, to have destroyed the duke and his company. The four article was, that King Henry the fift should by his life time show unto the said duke, that by the opening of a spaynell, a man was taken behind a tapet in one of the kings chambers. The which man after examined by the Earl of Arundel/ confessed that he was sent thither by the said bishop, to the end to murder King Henry the forth. After which confession/ the said Earl let sakke that man, and so cast him into the thamies. The fift was, that the said Henry the fift being Prince and heir parant to the crown/ the said bishop should come unto him and say, that for so much as his father was vexed with grievous sickness, & was not apt to come in conversation of the people, nor might not conveniently guide the realm/ that he therefore should take up on him the rule and governance of the same, and put his father from all kingly power. The vi and last article was, that seditiously the said bishop had by his letters sent lately unto the duke of bedford/ wrongfully accused him, in that he should areyse the kings people, and iuparde this land by a field/ contrary to the kings peace and common weal of this land.  
All which articles were by the bishop weal and sufficiently answered and replied/ so that he laid from him the blame. And finally by the provident counsel of the Lord regent/ all the said articles and matters of variance atween the said two Lords hanging, were put to the examination and judgement with the assistance of the Lords of the parliament, of Henry the archbishop of Caunterbury, of Thomas duke of Exeter, of Iohn duke of Northfolk/ Thomas bishop of Durhm, of Phylype bishop of worceter, or Iohn bishop of Bathe, of Humphrey than Earl of Stafforde, of Rauffe Lord Cornewell, & of Master wyllyam Alnewyke than keeper of the privy seal. The which Lords with assistance of the other Lords of the parliament, made a decree and a ward/ so that either party took other by the hand, with friendly & loving words/ none having amends of other, except the bishop had words of submyssyon unto the duke, in requiring him of his favour & good lordship. And the accord thus finished, the parliament was adjourned till after Easter. Upon whytsondaye following, was a solemn feast holden at leicester foresaid/ where the regent dubbed King Henry knight. And than forthwith the King dubbed richard duke of york, that after was father to King Edward. Also he dubbed knights, the son and heir of the duke Johan, duke of Norfolk, and the Earls of Oxenford and westmerlande, with other Lords and gentlemen to the numbered of xxxiiii  
And after that feast with all honour was ended/ the King with the regent and other of his Lords drew toward London. And so the regent continued with the King in England, by the full term of this mayor's year.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.vi.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.vii  Iohn arnold.  Iohn Raywell Fysshmonger.  Anno .v.  Iohn hyghthm.   
IN this .v. year and month of February/ the regent with his wife & household meinie passed the see unto calais, and so thorough Pycardy into France. But or he departed thence, that is to mean upon the day of annuncyation of our Lady/ the bishop of wynchester within the church of our Lady of calais was created cardinal, by authority of the bulls of pope Martyne the .v. of the name. And after that solemnity done/ the regente took him on his right hand, & so conveyed him unto his lodging.  
This year was unreasonable of weathering/ for it rained most part continually from Easter to michaelmas, where thorough hay and corn was greatly hindered.  
And in this year the duke of Alenson, that before was taken prisoner at the battle of Uernell in perch, was delivered for a ransom of ii C M. scutes of gold as testifieth Gaguinus, which is thirty. M. mark sterling money.  
In this year also the Earl of Salysbury, which of divers writers is named the good Earl/ accompanied with the Earl of Suffolk, the Lord Talbot, and other, laid a strong siege unto the city of orleans, & held the citizens very straight/ and maugre the duke of orleans and the Marshal of France than named Boussaak, the englishmen wan from them divers strong holds adjoining to the city/ and forced them to burn a great part of the subbarbes of the city.  
But sorrow it is to tell and doolfull to write, while one day the said good Earl Sir Thomas Mountagu, rested him at a bay window, and be held the compass of the city, and talked with his familiars/ a gone was leveyled out of the city from a place unknown, which broke the timber or stone of the window with such violence, that the pieces thereof all to quasshed the face of the noble Earl/ in such wise that he died within three days following. Upon whose soul & all christian Ihesu have mercy Amen.  
This after divers writers was initium malorum. For after this mishap, the englishmen lost rather there than wan/ so that little and little they lost all their possession in France. And all be it that somewhat they gate after/ yet for one that they wan they lost three, as after shall appear.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xxvii.  Anno dni. M. iiii.xxviii.  Henry Frowyk.  johan Gedney draper.  Anno vi  Robert Otley.   
IN this vi year & beginning of the same/ the King held his parliament at westminster. By authority whereof was granted to him a subsidy in manner as followeth. first of every ton of wine that came into this land, from the feast of saint Ambrose or the fourth day of Apryll till the end of that year, the King should have iii s. belonging to a denyzyn or the kings lyege man. Also of all merchandise passing or coming into this land, shipped by denyzon/ the King to have of every. xx. s. xii d. except will, fell, & cloth.  
Also to him was granted, that of all parishians thorughout his realm being the benefice of the value of ten mark, that ten of the said parysshons should pay of their movables six shillings & eight pens, after the rate of eight pens every man. And of all benefices that were of ten li. x. parysshons to pay xiii s. and iiii. d. all cities and borrows to be excepted. And so rate rate like from the lowest benefice to the highest. And for the inhabytauntes of cities, boroughs it was enacted that eveman being it value of twenty s. above his stuff of household & his apparel and his wife's, shulne pay. iiii.d. & so after the rate unto the richest.  
In this year also and day of saint Gyles or the first day of September/ the cardinal of wynchester was met by the mayre and his brethren and certain citizens on horse back without the city, and so brought unto his palace in southwerke.  
About the same time, a Bryton that a good widow and honest woman had cherished and brought up of alms, dwelling in white chapel paresshe without Algate/ murdered the said woman in a night sleeping in her bed/ and after conveyed such jewels and stuff as he might carry. But he was so pursued upon, the for fere he took a church in Estsex, & there forswore the Kings land. And the constables caused him be brought to London, and so intended to have conveyed him westward. But so soon as he was comen in to the parish where before he had committed the murder/ the wives cast upon him so much filth and ordure of the street, & not withstanding the resistance made by the constables, they slew him there out of hand.   

Anno dni M.iiii. C.xxviii.  Anno dni M.iiii. C.xxix.  Thomas Dushous.  Henry Barton skinner.  Anno vii  Raffe Holande.   
THis year upon the viii day of Novembre/ the duke of Norfolk accompanied with many gentlemen, took his barge at saint marry Ouereys/ intending to have passed thorough the bridge, and so unto Grenewytche. But by the mysgyding of the sterysman, he was set upon the piles of the bridge, and the barge whelmed/ so that all were drowned, except the duke and a few persons that leapt upon the piles, which after were drawn up with ropes and so saved. And in the month of Iuny following, the cardinal of wynchester with a warly company passed the see/ intending to have made war upon the heretics or lollers inhabited in the country of prague. But how it was for need of men that the regent had in France/ the cardinal changed his purpose, and tarried there a season with the said regent.  
After some writers it was for to strength and replenish certain holds, that weked by reason of a conflycte that the englishmen had with the frenchmen. At the which the Lord Talbot was taken prisoner/ and the Lord scales with many other to the number of iii M. english men were slain and taken. But after the opinion of the French chronicle/ this victory should be obtained by Jane or Johan called in French la puzele de dieu, in the xi year of this King.  
Of the foresaid heretics of prague speaketh somedeal the author of Cronica Cronicarum/ and showeth that the chief capitains of them were named Procapius, Saplicius, and Lupus a priest, with other both learned and unlearned. And Policronicon showeth in the xix chapter of his last book, that in the twelve year of King Henry, the foresaid three capitains were slain/ with one Master Peter clerk being an Englyssheman taken on live with divers other/ and of the said heretics slain at ii journeys over two and twenty thousands.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xxix.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xxx.  wyllyam ruff.  wyllyam Estfelde mercer.  Anno viii  Raffe Holande.   
IN this eight year upon the day of saint Leonarde the vi day of Novembre/ King Henry being upon the age of nine years, 
King Henry the vi crowned.  was solemnly crowned in saint Peter's church of westminster. At whose coronation were made six & thirty knights of the bathe. And after that solemnization in the said church finished/ a honourable feast in the great hall of westminster was kept/ where the King sitting in his estate, was served with iii courses as here under ensueth.  

Frument with venison  
Uyand royal planted losynges of gold  
Bore hedes in castles of gold and enarmed  
Beef with motten boiled  
Capon stewed  
signet roasted  
Heyron roasted  
Great pike or luce  
A reed leche with lions coruyn therein  
custard royal, with a lyoparde of gold sitting therein, and holding a flower delice  
Frytour of sun fashion, with a flower delice therein.   
A sotyltye of saint Edward and saint Louis armed, & upon either his cote armour/ holding between them a figure like unto King Henry standing also in his cote armour/ and a scripture passing from them both, saying behold ii perfect Kings under one cote armour. And under the feet of the said saints was written this ballad. 
Holy saints, Edward and saint Lowice,  
Conserve this branch borne of your blessed blood  
Live among christian most sovereign of price,  
inheritor of the flouredelice so good/  
This sixth Henry, to reign and to be wise,  
God grant he may to be your mode/  
And that he may resemble your knightehude and virtue,  
Pray ye heartily unto our lord Jesus.   


Uiand blank barred with gold  
Gely party written & noted with  
Te deum laudamus.  
pig endored  
Crane roasted  
Byttore  
conies  
Chekyns  
Partryche  
Pecok enhakyll  
Great Breme    
A white leech planted with a reed antelope, with a crown about his neck with a chain of gold. Flampayne powdered with leopards & flower delice of gold.  
A frytoure garnished with a leopards heed & ii Estryth feders.  
A sotyltie, an Emperor & a King arrayed in mantelles of garters/ which figured Sigismunde the Emperor and Henry. the .v. And a figure like unto King Henry the vi, kneeling tofore them with this ballad tacked by him. 
Again miscreauntes the Emperor Sigismunde  
Hath showed his might, which is imperial.  
And Henry the .v. a noble knight was found  
For Christ's cause in acts martial/  
cherished the church, to lossers gave a fall,  
giving example to Kings that succeed,  
And to their branch here in especial,  
While he doth reign to love god & dread.   


quinces in compost  
Blaund sure powdered with quarter foils guilt  
Uenyson  
Egrettes  
Curlew  
cock and partridge  
Plover  
quails  
Snytes  
Great birds  
larks  
carp  
Crabbe  
leech of iii colours  
A bake meat like shield quartered red & white, set with losynges' guilt & flowers of borage. A frytour crisped.    
A sotyltie of our Lady sitting with her child in her lap/ and she holding a crown in her hand. Saint George & saint Denys kneeling on either side, presented to her King Henry's figure bearing in hand this ballad as followeth. 
O Blessed lady Christ's mother dear,  
And thou saint George that called art her knight  
Holy saint Denys o martyr most enter/  
The sixth Henry here present in your sight,  
sheddeth of your grace on him your heavenly light/  
His tender youth with virtue doth advance,  
Borne by descent & by title of right,  
justly to reign in England & in France.   
THis solemn coronation with all honour and joy finished provision was made for the kings journey into France. In which pastime, that is to mean upon the xxiii. Day of January, an heretic was brent in smithfield.  
And upon the morrow next following, was in that field fought a strong fight/ between Iohn Upton Appellant, & Iohn down Defendant. But for they quit them both so manfully/ the King at length released their quarrel, and pardoned them of their trespass.  
Than upon saint George's day following, or the xxiii day of Apryll/ the King took shiping at Dover and landed the same day at calais/ having in his company ii dukes, of york and Norfolk, three bishops, of Bathe, Ely, and Rochester, eight Earls, that is to mean, of Huntyngdon, Stafforde, warwyke, Orenforde, Devonshire, Morteyne, of Ewe, and of Urmund/ and xi barons, that is to say, lord Bowchier, Beawmounde, Typtost, Fytzwater, Roos, Arundel, Awdeley, Fawcunbrydge, Gray, Codnoor, the Lord Scroop, and the Lord wells.  
In this time and season that the King lay thus at calais/ many skirmishes were fought between the englishmen and the frenchmen in divers parties of France. And greatly the frenchmen prevailed by the help of a woman/ which they as before is touched named the maiden of god. So that lastly she with her company came to a town called Compeyne, to the intent to remove the siege laid thereunto by the duke of Burgoyne and other of the english capitains. And thereupon the xxiii day of May, she gave battle unto englishmen and burgonions/ and fought with them long tyme. But in the end, by the manhood of a burgonion knight named Sir Iohn Luxemburghe, she was taken on live, and her company distressed, and she carried to the city of Rouen/ and there kept a season, for so much as she feigned her with child. But when the contrary of it was known/ she was there forjudged and brent.  
Of this woman Gaguynus maketh a great process, of her parenty, and of her first taking upon her/ whereof a part I intend to show after in the vi year of Charles next following King of France.  
And in this time and season, one Richard bounden wool pakker of London, was convict of heresy and brent at tower hill. Than King Henry thus lodging at calais, was ascertained of the taking of the foresaid woman, by the letters of the duke of Burgoyne. And after he took his small journeys till he came into France, and so unto Paris. Of whose citizens he was honourably received, & taken for the sovereign & King/ and there so tarried all this mayor's year. In which season as witnesseth Gaguynus/ the frenchmen won divers holds of englishmen and Burgonyons in the country of Brye. And a capitain named Barbasan scomfited viii M. Englyshmen and Burgonyons, at a place called in Latin Cathalamencis, as affirmeth the foresaid author.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xxx.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xxxi.  water Chertsey.  Nycholas wotton.  Anno ix  Robert Large.   
This ix year about midlent/ a priest named Sir Thomas Bagley and vicar of a village in Essex called Manueden a little from walden, was detect of heresy. Upon the which he was degrated, and than brent in the place of smithfield. And soon upon Easter following/ the Lord protector was warned of an assemble of heretics at Abyndom. Wherefore he sent thither certain persons, or road thither himself as some writers affirm/ & there arrested the bailie of that town named wyllyam maundevyle a weaver, the which was appointed for a capitain of the said heretics. And for to draw the people unto him/ he changed his name & called himself Jack sharp of wygmories land in wales. But after he was examined, he confessed to have wrought much sorrow again priests/ so that he would have made their heads as cheap as sheep heads, so that he would have sold iii for a penny or ten after some writers. And the same season were taken many of his complycies, which were sent unto divers prisons. And the said Jack Sharpe was for his offence, drawn, hanged, and heeded at the forenamed town of Abyndon, upon the tuysday in whitsun week/ and his heed was sent to London, & there pight upon the bridge. And the other of his fawtours were put in execution in divers places and countries, to the terror of other. And upon the xiiii day of July, that year was one named richard russel a wool man, drawn, hanged, and quartered at Tyburn for treason.  
And this year the King being still in France/ the Earl of Arundel accompanied with ii M. of english soldiers, sent a certain of his company unto a town called Beale Mount, to provoke the frenchmen to issue out of the town. Which small company when Bossycant and Seyntrales than capitains beheld/ anon they with their sowdyoures of that town sped them forth to take the said englishmen. The which little and little gave bake, till they had tolled the frenchmen a good space from the town/ and than set upon them with a stern courage, and held them on hand till the said Earl with his company rescued them. Than between them was a cruel fight. But in the end the frenchmen were chased/ and the said Seyntrayle with many foot men of the said town were slain at that journey. And shortly after the duke of Burgoyne with aid of the englishmen, at a place called bar, discomfited a great company of frenchmen/ and took ii capitains belonging to the duke of bar the which were named Renat and Barbazan/ for whose ransom the duke had yielded to him the Uale of Cassyle in Flaundres.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxi.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxii.  Iohn Adyrlee.  Iohn welly Grocer.  Anno ten  Stphyn Browne.   

King Henry the vi crowned in Paris.  IN this ten year and vii day of December/ King Henry the vi was crowned in Paris of the cardinal of wynchester. At the which coronation was present the Lord Regent, the duke of Burgoyne, and divers other nobles of France/ whose names Gaguinus putteth not in his book, for reproach of the Frenchmen. And after the solemnity of this fest was ended, whereof the circumstance to show in order would ask a long leisure/ the King departed from Paris, and so came to Rouen, where he held his christmas/ & that done he sped him to Caleys.  
And when he had sojourned there a season/ he took shiping and returned into England, and landed at Dover the ix day of February. Than he was met upon Baram down or Baram Howth, that is between Dover and Cauntorbury, with a great company of gentiles & commoners of Kent all clad with read hodes. The which accompanied him till he came to black Heth/ where he was met with the mayre and the citizens of London upon a thursday being the xxi day of February/ the citizens being clad in white, with divers works or conysaunces broidered upon their sleeves after the faculty of their mysteries or crafts. And the mayre and his brethren were all clothed in scarlet. And after due obeisance and saluting of the King/ they road on before him toward the city. When the King was comen to the bridge/ there was devised a mighty giant standing with a sword drawn, having this speech written by him. 
All though that been enemies to the King/  
I shall them cloth with confusion/  
Make him mighty by virtuous living,  
His mortal soon to oppress & bear down.  
And him to increase as Christ's champion,  
All mischiefs from him to abridge,  
With grace of god at the entry of this bridge.   
ANd when the King was passed the first gate, and was comen to the draw bridge, there was ordained a goodly tower hanged and appareled with silk and clothes of arras in most rich wise. Out of which suddenly appeared iii Ladies richly clad in gold & silk, with coronettes upon their heads. Whereof the first was named dame Nature, the second dame Grace, & the third dame Fortune/ the which unto the King had this speech. 

We ladies three all by one consent,  
Three ghostly gifts heavenly & divine,  
To the sir King, as now we do present.  
And to thine highness here we do this time,  
Utterly show & them determine.  
As I Grace, first at thy coming,  
Endow the with science and cunning.   

And I Nature, with strength and fairness,  
For to be loved and dread of every wight.  
And I Fortune, prosperity and richesse,  
The to defend and to give the might,  
Long to enjoy and to hold thy true right,  
In virtuous life with honour to proceed,  
That thy two ceptours thou may well possede.    
There was also in the said tower xiiii. virgins all clothed in white. Whereof vii stood upon the right hand of the said iii Ladies, & vii upon the left hand. The vii upon the right hand, had bawderykes of saphyr colour or blue. And the other vii had their garments powdered with stars of gold. Than the first vii presented the King with the vii gifts of the holy ghost/ as sapience, intelligence, good counsel, strength, cunning, pity, and dread of god. And the other vii, gave unto him the vii gifts of grace in manner as followeth. 
God the endow with crown of glory,  
And with the sceptre of cleanness and pity,  
And with a sword of might and victory,  
And with a mantel of prudence clad thou be,  
A shield of faith for to defend thee,  
An helm of health wrought to thine increase,  
girt with a girdle of love and perfit peace.   
And after they had thus saluted the King/ anon they began this roundel with an heavenly melody and song, as followeth. 

sovereign Lord, welcome to your city/  
Welcome our joy, and our hearts pleasance/  
Welcome our gladness, welcome our suffisance,  
Welcome▪ welcome, right welcome mut ye be/  
Singing before thy royal majesty,  
We say with heart withouten variance  
sovereign Lord, now welcome out of France.   

The mayre and citizens with all the commonalty  
Rejoice your coming newly out of France/  
Whereby this city and they rescued be,  
Of all their sorrow and former grievance,  
Wherefore they say and sing without grievance,  
Welcome welcome, welcome our hearts joy,  
Welcome you be unto your own new Troy.    
Than the King road forth a soft pace till he came at the entry of Corn hill. where upon the hill was ordained a tabernacle of curious work/ in the which stood dame sapience, and about her the vii arts or sciences liberal/ as first grammar, logic, rhetoryke, music, arithmetyke, geometry, and astronomy/ every of them exercising their cunning & faculty, and the lady herself had this speech to the King. 
Lo I chief princess, dame Sapience,  
Show unto you this sentence of scripture/  
Kings that been most of excellence,  
By me they reign, and most joy endure.  
For through my help and my busy cure,  
To increase their glory and their high renown/  
They shall of wisdom have full possession.   
Than the King passed on till he came to the conduit in Cornehylle. where was set a pageant made circle wise/ & in the summet or top thereof was set a child of wonderful beauty, appareled like a King. Upon whose right hand sat lady Mercy, & upon the left hand lady troth/ and over them stood dame Clennese embracing the kings throne. Then before the King stood two judges & viii. sergeants of the coif. And dame cleanness had this speech to the vi. Henry the King. 

Lo by the sentence of prudent Solomon,  
Mercy and right preseruyn every King.  
And I cleanness observed by reason,  
Keep his throne from mischief and fassing,  
And maketh it strong with long abiding.  
So I conclude that we Ladies three,  
A King preserve in long prosperity.   

And david said, the psalm beareth witness/  
Lord god thy doom thou to the King/  
And give to him thy troth and rightwiseness,  
The kings son here on earth living.  
And thus declared he by his writing  
That Kings and Princes should about them draw,  
folk that been true and well learned in law.    
After his speech thus declared/ the King road forth a quicker pace till he came unto the conduit in cheap. where were ordained divers wells as the well of mercy, the well of grace, and the well of pity. And at every well a lady standing, that ministered the water of every well to such as would ask it/ and that water was turned into good wine.  
About these wells were set divers trees with flourishing leaves and fruits, as oranges, almandes pomegarnardes, olives, lymones, dates, pepies, quinces, blaunderelles, peaches, & other more common fruits, as costerdes, wardens pomewardons, rycardons, damysyns, and plums, with other fruits long to rehearse/ the which were so cunnyngly wrought, that to many they appeared natural trees growing.  
In the border of this delicious place which was named Paradyse, stood two forgrown fathers, resembling Enocke and Hely/ the which had this saying to the King. 

Ennok first with a benign cheer,  
Prayed god to uphold his prosperity/  
And that none enemies have of the power/  
Nor that no child of false iniquity,  
Have power to perturb thy feiycyte.  
This old Ennok to process can well tell,  
Prayed for the King as he road by the well.   

After Helias with his sokkies hoar,  
Said well devoutly soaking on the King/  
God conserve the and keep evermore,  
And make the blessed here on earth living  
And preserve the in all manner thing,  
And special among Kings all,  
In enemies hands that thou never fall.    
And that speech finished/ the King road forth a little further. And there was ordained a tower garnished with the arms of England and of France. This tower was wonderful to behold/ for there was showed in order the title which the King had unto the crown of France. And upright by this tower stood ii green trees artifycyally with green levys garnished and wrought/ that one vering the genealogy of saint Edward, and that other of saint Lewis/ and garnished with leopards and flourdelyces. And over these ii foresaid trees was ordained the third/ which was made the forth spring of Jesse/ wherein was showed the genealogy of our blessed lady set out in most curious wise. And upon the front of this tower were written these verses following. 

By these two trees which here grow upright,  
From saint Edward & also sent I owies/  
The rote I take, palpable to each sight,  
Conveyed by sign from Kings of great price,  
Which some bare leopards, & some flourdelice/  
Arms excellent of honour have no lack,  
Which the vi Henry may now bear on his back,   

As in degree of just successiowne,  
As old chronicles truly determine/  
Unto this King is now descended down,  
From either party right as any sign.  
Upon whose heed now fresshesy doth shine,  
Two rich crowns much sovereign & pleasance  
To bring in peace between England & France.    
Than from this the King passed on till he came at the conduit at Paulys' gate/ where was pyghte a celestial throne/ and therein was set a parsonage of the trinity, with a multitude of angels playing and singing upon all instruments of music. And upon the front of the said throne, was written these verses or ballads following/ the which were spoken by the father unto the King. 

To you my angels this precept ye assure,  
This prince that is so young & tender of age,  
That ye intend & do your busy cure,  
To keep & save him from all manner damage,  
In his life here during all his age,  
That his renown may spread & shine far,  
And of his two realms to cease the mortal war.   

And I will ferther as I show to him here,  
Fulfil him with joy & worldly abundance/  
And with length of many a wholesome year,  
I shall comfort & help with all pleasance/  
And of his lieges to have faithful obeisance/  
And also multiply & increase his line,  
And cause his nobles thorough the world shine.    
ANd this done he entered the churchyard/ where he was met with procession of the dean & the canons of Paulys. With whom also in pontificalibus came the archbishop of Cauntorbury and chancellor of England, with the bishop of Lyncolne, of Bathe, of Salysbury, of Norwyche, of Ely, & of Rochestre/ the which so conveyed him into the church, and there made his oblations. And that done he took again his stead at the west door of Paul's, and so road forth unto westmynker/ where again he was of the abbot & covent received with procession and by them conveyed unto saint Edward's shrine, and there tarried a while Te deum was song in the choir. And that finished/ he was of his Lords conveyed unto his palace. And than the mayre with his citizens returned ioyusly to London.  
Than upon the Saturday following being the xxiii day of Februarii/ the mayre and aldermen yode unto the King, and presented him with an hamper of gold, & therein a thousand pound of fair nobles/ for the which the King yielded unto them loving thanks.  
This year also by reason of the soldiers of calais, a restraint was made there of the wols/ for they were not content of their wages. Wherefore the regent of France being than capitain of calais, came down thither in the easter week. At which time being the wednesday in the said week, many sowdyoures were arrested and put in ward. And when he had so done, he road to Tyrewyn/ & there by the means of the bishop of Tyrewyn, he married the Earl of saint Paul's daughter/ and shortly after returned to calais, and caused the said soldiers to be inquired of/ and finally four of them were deemed to die. Which four that is to say Johan Maddely; Johan Lundaye, Thomas Palmer, and Thomas Talbot, were beheaded at calais the xi day of Juny. And an hundredth and ten soldiers were banished the town/ over sir score banished before that tyme. And upon midsummer even following, the said Lord regent with his new spouse came unto London/ and so tarried in England till the later end of August.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxiii.  johan Olney.  johan Parneys Fysshmonger.  Anno xi  johan Pa●dystey.   
IN this xi year after some writers/ was by the authority of pope Martin the .v. of that name, 
‡ Countyse of Basyse.  the counsel of basil gathered. During the which, the heretics of prague otherwise called of Bohemy or Beme were summoned thither. The which under a surety or safe conduit, sent thither for them with other, an english clerk named Master Peter a renegade. The which defended so stiffly their erroneous opinions, that they returned without reconciliation. Thus hanging this counsel, pope Martin died/ & for him w●schosen Eugeny the fourth. 
Bugeny; the pope.  The which being admitted, demeaned him so nicely in the beginning, that he was put out of Rome/ & divers Princes took party again him, in such wise that he was likely to be deposed. But after he bore him so sadly, that he recovered such as he had lost, & continued the see by the space of xvi years/ and ruled so, that of some writers he is called Eugenius gloriosus. And that is of religious men/ for unto them he had a special zeal and favour. And upon the eyhgte day of July/ King Henry this year began his parlyamet at westminster, and so continued it till it was Lammas/ and than it was aiourned unto saint Edward's day.  
And this year in the south West appeared a star which was like to a blazing star/ and of some it is so named. The Earl of Huntyngdon also this year was sent into France with a warly company/ and did there great feats as saith the english chronicle. But of that is nothing touched in the French book.   

Anno dni. M.iii C.xxxiii.  Anno dni. M.iii C.xxxiiii.  Thomas Chalton.  johan Brokley draper.  Anno xii  johan Lynge.   
IN this xii year and ix day of Novembre/ the terment of the Earl of saint paul father unto the Duchess of bedford was solemnly held in Paul's church of London/ where the more party of astates of this realm were present. And the ix day of March following/ the Lord Talbot with a goodly company passed thorough the city of London toward the see into France/ where he wrought moche woe unto the French men, whereof the particulars be not touched. continuing the foresaid war in France/ the town of saint Denys which is within ii english miles of Paris, was gotten by treason or practise of one named Johan Notyce a knight of orleans, from Matthew Gougth and Thomas Kyryell captains/ and slew there many englishmen and many they took prisoners. But soon after the said capitains with strength taken to them of the Parysyens and other, laid such a strong siege round about the said town of saint Denys, that finally they agreed to redeliver the town, if they were not rescued of the French King within fifteen days/ so that the said days expired, it was returned to the Englysshemen. But this not with standing the frenchmen wan daily upon the english men, both in those parties and also in Normandy. Among which gains, the French Gaguyne bringeth in a matter of game, as he rehearseth to the mockage of englishmen/ and saith that in this year and feast of michaelmas at a place called Fewgeri in Guyan, a strong fight was fought between the englishmen and the Frenchemen. During the which/ one named Boosaprest a French knight, for fere fled from that fight and hid him in a covert of bushes/ and there stood still till the fight was ended, and the englishmen discomfited and scared. Of the which two of adventure to safeguard themself fled to the said thick bush, where the coward French knight stood. The which when he had espied and learned of them, that the French party had won the field/ he became so courageous, that he forced the said two englishmen to become his prisoners/ and so with them entredde the host of the Frenchemen, and bore a countenance as he had won them in the foresaid fight. But at length when all his demeanor was known/ he was for his feat had in great derision, and by his chief capitain named Guyllan de saint Albyne prived of his prisons.  
And in this season also the Earl of Arundel, which in Normandy had manly borne him/ hearing that one Hyrus a French capitain had fortified a strong castle named Gerborym before destroyed of english men, took with him a certain of sow dyoures, and gird the castle with a strong siege/ and assawted it by sundry times manfully, as saith the French chronicle. But Gagwyne in his chronicle saith, that or the siege were fully laid or the castle were fully repaired/ the said Hyrus with his company issued out of the castle, & gave unto the said Earl a cruel skirmish, in the which the said Earl received a deadly wound, and died shortly after. And that victory so by the French men obtained/ that castle was to the hurt of the englishmen re-edified/ and a place called Dyepp with other also won from them.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxiiii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxv.  Thomas Bernwell.  Robertr onlay grocer.  Anno xiii  Symonde Eyre.   
IN this xiii year and even of saint Katherine/ began a frost that endured unto the feast of saint Scolastica, or the ten day of February/ the which phrase the thamies so fervently, that ship nor boat might come with victual to London. Wherefore such ships as came this year to Thamys mouth from Bordeaux were discharged there, and the wine and other merchandise by them brought, carried by land to the city. And in the latter end of Decembre this year ended the parliament holden at westminster, begun at michaelmas term before passed.  
This year also by means of the pope than Eugeny the iiii, at arras in Pycardy was holden a great counsel, for to conclude an unyon and peace atween the two realms of England and France. To the which counsel, by the said Pope's commandment came as a person indifferent, Nicholas cardinal of the holy cross, with six Roman bishops to him assigned. And for the King of England's party was there assigned the cardinal of wynchester, the archbishop of york, the Earls of Huntyngdon and of Suffolk, with divers other. And for the French King, was there the duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Rychemount, the archbishop of Raynys chancellor than of France, the dean of Patys with many other which I pass over. There were also as fortherers of the matter, the cardinal of Cyprys. And for the duke of Burgoyn, was there the bishop of Cambray, and Nycholas Raulyn the said Duke's chancellor, with divers Earls and barons of that duchy. And for the duke of britain, were there the Earls of Alenson and of bar with other/ over and above divers orators appointed for the county of Flaundres. At which assemble and counsel thus holden as testifieth divers writers/ many great offers by mean of the above named cardinal of holy cross or ●aī● cross, to the english Lords were offered. But as saith Gaguinus the Englysshemen were so obstinately set on war/ the reason might not content. By reason of which obstinaci/ the counsel was deferred till an other day. At which day the englishmen intending the continuance of war, absented themself. Wherewith the said cardinal being discontented, made means of an entreaty of peace atween Charles, that took upon him as French King, and Phylyp duke of Burgoyn. Whereof the said Charles was so fain, the for stablishing of the peace, and to satisfy him for the murder of his father/ he gave unto him all the utter bounds of Champeyn marching upon Burgoin, with divers cities, as saint quintine, Corbie, Peron, Abbevyle, and other, with the county of Poytyaw & lordship of Macon. And as witnesseth the foresaid Gagwyne/ many more things were unto the duke by the said Charles promised, which after their both deaths were broken and stood for nought. After which peace thus atween them confirmed and proclaimed/ the said duke became utter enemy to the King of England, as after shall appear. And soon after the said duke began his order of the lyle and the golden fleece, and ordained certain knights of that order/ and made thereunto many statutes and ordinances, whereof divers were like unto the statutes of the garter. And in the end of this year and xiiii day of Septembre/ at Roan in Normandye died the noble Prince Iohn duke of bedford and regent of France/ and was after with great solemnity buried within the church of notir Dame of the same city, where for him are founded wonderful things after some men's report. But for I find thereof in writing nothing, I pass it over.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.xxxv.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xxxvi.  Thomas Catworth.  Henry Frowyk mercer.  Anno xiiii  Robert Clopton.   
IN the xiiii year & beginning of the same/ the duke of bar accompanied with Burgonyons and frenchmen, wan the town of Harflewe with divers other villages. And in Apryll following/ the said duke accompanied with the Lord Teruan and the master of the kings chyvalry, took the town of saint Denys, and slew therein above four C. Englishmen/ & took prisoner Thomas Beleamounde their capitain with many other. And than the French men assawted a tower thereby called ueven, and took it by appointment.  
Than one named Notyce a knight of orleans, with a strength of knights drew him near the city of Paris/ and there at a house of religion of the charterhouse order, lodged him beyond saint Denys over the water of sayen/ and confedered with certain citizen of the city named Michael Laylery, Johan Frountayne, Thomas Pygacen, Johan de saint Benoit, Nicholas Lorueyn, and Jaques Bergery, for to betray the city, & to bring it out of the english possession. The which persons being hedes of the city conveyed their purpose in such wise, that they turned the commons of the city upon the english men/ and suddenly arose again them, and by force slew of them a great number, and there they did take many prisoners. And as the english men fled or fought by the streets, the women and other feeble persons cast upon them stones and hot lycoures to their great confusion/ so that the english men were in passing misery and desolation. In this time of persecution, the bishop of Mores, which than was named chancellor of english men in those parties with other/ hardly escaped and took the tower of saint Denys, which as yet rested in the english possession.  
Than the other host of frenchmen hearing of this rumour in the city/ anon drew near, & entered by saint James gate without moche resistance/ and so enjoyed the city at their pleasure.  
Than the englishmen being in the tower of saint Denys, fearing that they might not long hold the said place again their enemies/ fell to a treaty, and condescended to pass free with their lives. The which when they should pass upon their journey were dirided and scorned of the frenchenacyon out of all measure. And when the city of Paris was thus subdued to the French dominion/ anon the english people that there abode under fine and ransom, were sworn to Charles the seventh than taking upon him as French King. And anon after were won from the english power, the holds named Creoll and saint Germayne. In which pass time and season, for to strength and have the guiding of Normandy/ the duke of york encompaned with the Earl of Salysbury, and the Lord of fawcoumbrydg sailed into France. And the Earl of Morteyn being than at calais, made a viage into Flaundres, and skyrmysshed with them the bordered upon Pycardy, and slew of them over. CCCC, and gate a great drove of beasts, and brought them unto calais. And for that certainty was had that Phylyp duke of Burgoyn intended to lay his siege about calais/ therefore London and all the good towns of England were charged to send thither certain men well and sufficiently for the war appareled. Whereof London sent at their charge men.  
Than upon the ix day of evil/ the duke of Burgoyn with a great multitude of burgonions and flemings appeared before calais, 
Calys besieged.  and there pight his pavilions and tents/ so that every town of Flaundres had their tents by themself. At which season was lieutenant of calais Sir Iohn Ratclyf knight, & of the castle was lieutenant the baron of Dudley. And so that siege endured upon iii weeks. In which season many knightly acts were done and exercised upon both parties, which for lengthing of the time I pass. Than upon the second day of August, the duke of gloucester & protector of England with a company of .v. C. sails as some writers have, landed at calais/ and intended upon the third day following to have issued out of the town, and to have given battle to the flemings. But as testifieth all english writers/ so soon as the duke of Burgoyn was ware of the great power of the Lord protector, he took with him of his ordinance that he might lightly carry/ and the other that were heavy and cumbrous, he left behind him. Among the which one was left before Guynes a great gun of brass named Dygon, over divers serpentynes and other great guns. And the flemings left behind them a great quantity of bear, beside wine and flower and other victual.  
But of this viage writeth otherwise Gaguyne/ & saith that the duke well and manfully, as a valiant knight in his acts, continued his syge before calais over two months/ And there did many noble acts in assailing of his enemies. And after the flemings by reason of their murmur and rebellion had refused him, and in manner lafte him almost with out company/ yet not withstanding he daily assailed his enemies/ and after with such small company as was laft him, when he saw he might not prevail he returned into his country. And so thus always in all the said Gagwynus book, he wipeth from the Englishmen in all that he may the honour/ and excuseth their enemies to his power. When the duke with his host was thus fled/ the Lord protector with his people followed him into the country by the space of. xi. Days. In which season he brent but two towns/ which were named and yet be, poppering and Bell/ and returned to calais & after into England.  
And this year was the castle or town of Rokkesborouth in Scotland besieged of the King of Scots. But so soon as he had witting that Sir Rauffe Gray knight was coming with a competent number for to remove that siege/ anon he departed, leaving some part of his ordinance behind him/ to his great dishonour.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxvi.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxvii.  Thomas Morsted.  Iohn Mychell.  Anno xu  wyllyam Gregory.   
IN this xu year & third day of Januarii/ Queen Katherine mother unto Henry the sixth, wife of Henry the fift, died at Barmundissey in southwark/ & after with due solemnity brought thorough the city, and so conveyed to westminster/ and there buried in the mids of our lady chapel under a tomb of marble. But when our sovereign Lord Henry the vii than being King, caused the chapel to be taken down & builded a new, without the like there unto as now to men doth appear/ than the corpse of the excellent Princes was taken up, and set by the tomb of her Lord and husband during the time of the building of the said new chapel/ and after buried by her said Lord within the said chapel. And the xiiii. day of the said month fill down suddenly the furthest gate toward Southwark with the tower thereupon, and ii of the furthest arches of the said bridge, but as god would no creature was therewith perished, that is to mean of human persons.  
And the xxi day of this same month of Januarii/ the King began his parliament at westminster, which before was purposed to have benholden at cambridge. To this parliament came the bishop of Turuyn/ and the counsel of the Earl of Armynak, whereof I find not the cause expressed. And after easter was a day of dyot held between Gravening and calais, for matters touching the King and the duke of Burgoyne/ where for the King appeared the cardinal of England, the duke of Norfolk, and the Earl of Stafforde, with divers other. And for the Duke's party, appeared there the Duchess his wife, with divers other of the said Duke's counsel. where by means of the said persons, an abstinence of war was taken for a certain time in the Duchess name. For the King would take none appointment with the duke/ for so much as he had gone from his truth & allegiance, that before time he had made with the King. And upon the second day of July this year died Queen Jane, the which sometime had been the wife of King Henry the iiii, and before that the wife of the duke of britain/ & was carried from Barmundessey to Cauntorbury, and there buried by her husband Henry the four And this year fell a chance that had not been seen many years before. For all lions died in the tower/ the which had continued there a long season.  
In this year also the King of Scots was traitorously murdered by servants of his own. 
king of Scots murdered.  Of the which traitors the capitain of them was named Robert Grame/ the which after was with other of his company taken and put unto most painful death. This said King of Scots had been prisoner fifteen years in England.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xxxvii.  Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.xxxviii.  wyllyam Chapman.  wyllyam Estfelde Mercer.  Anno xvi  wyllyam Halys   
IN this xvi year and month of Novembre/ King Henry caused to be kept a solemn obyt or terment within the church of Paul's, for Sygysmonde the Emperor and knight of the garter. This was a man of marvelous great & worthy fame, as by the author of Cronica Cronicarum is expressed. After whose death the guiding of the empire fill to Albert that had married the only daughter of the said Sygysmonde.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.xxxviii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xxxix.  Hugh Dyke.  Stephen Browne Grocer.  Anno xvii  Nycholas you.   
IN this year, upon new years day in the after noon, a stake of wood fill down suddenly at Baynard's castle upon Thamys side, and slew iii men and hurt divers other. And at Bedford this year at the keeping of a shire day, by the falling of a steyer were xviii murdered & slain/ beside many other sore hurt and maimed. And the last day of Apryll, died in Rouen Sir richard Beauchamp called of common fame the good Earl of warwyke. This was lieutenant of the King in Normandy, and demeaned him there full well and manfully/ whose body was after brought unto berwick, & there in a new chapel builded upon the south side of the choir, buried full honourably.  
This year also was great dearth 
A dearth.  of corn in England & also in France/ in so much that a bushel was sold at London for iii s. & iii. s. & iiii. d. And in France in Paris, it was at like value. And there also they died sore of the sickness of ipidimie. For this scarcity of wheat in England in many places the people made them breed of fetches, pesyn, and beans. And after some writers for lack of these foresaid grains, some poor people made them breed of Fe●necotes. But yet by the providence of Stephen Browne this year Mayre/ many ships were freyghte with rye out of Pruce, and discharged at London, that eased the people near to the city greatly. This of many writers is named the second dear year.  
In this year ended the counsel or synod held at basil, begun as before is said in the xi year of this King. 
Pope Eugeny deposed.  By authority of which counsel Eugeny the four was deposed/ & Amedeus a duke and Prince of Savoy, was chosen for pope in the place of the forenamed Eugeny. But yet he had such aid, that he continued in Rome as pope all his lives tyme. And that other which was named of his aiders Felix the v, continued his dignity in other places/ so that than arose a great schism in the church, whether of these ii was indubitat pope. For some countries upheld the one and some that other/ so that therwere allowed none of them both/ and that was called the neutralytie. This scysine continued upon ix years, the term while Eugeny lived. After whose death was chosen a cardinal named Thomas Sarazen/ and after was named Nycholas the .v. To whom the said Felix after that he was admitted for Peter's successor, of his own good mind renounced his dignity of papacy/ and submitted him to the rule and obedience of them said .v. Nycholas than being indubitat pope. And thus cessed the schism in the church, which had continued by the term above specified. This Felix was a devout Prince & saw the sons of his sons/ and after lived a devout and holy life, and lastly was chosen pope as before is showed/ for the which he is of divers writers accounted for happy. But and he had not meddled with the title of the church, and therewith blotted his old age/ he had after the opinion of other writers, be named or allowed moche more blessed & happy. And this year in the month of August in London, were two bawds punished with wearing of ray hodes/ & after xl days enprysonment, they were banished the town and driven out with most shame.  
In this year also the conduit in Fleetstreet was begun by Sir wyllyam Estfelde knight and late mayre/ and so finished of his good disposition without cost or charge to the city. And he with Sir Lewes and Johan of Estsex were made knights of the Bathe in the same year.  
And in this year died Robert Chicheley grocer & twice mayre of London/ the which willed in his testament, that upon his mind day a good and competent dinner should be ordained for xxiiii C. poor men/ and that of houssholders of the city if they might be found. And over that was. xx.li. destrybuted among them/ which was to every man two pens.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xxxix.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xl.  Robert Marchall.  Robert Large mercer.  Anno xviii  Phylyp Malpas.   
THis xviii year upon the day of saint Botolph or xvii day of juny/ a pressed after he was degrated of his priestly dignity named Sir richard was brent for heresy at the tower hill/ how well in his latter day he took great repentance, and died gods man and in the faith of the church. This for words spoken by his life that the postern of the tower should sink as after it did, & other fantastical deeds or words/ he of many lewd folks was accounted for an holy man. wherefore after his death they came to his place of execution, and there made their oblations and prayers, and arered a great heap of stones, and pight there a cross by night/ so that bi this means a great disclander ran upon the church, & specially upon such as had put him to death. But to cease that rumour/ commandment was sent from the King to punish all such as thither went on pilgrimage. By virtue whereof the mayre and sheriffs did such diligence, that shortly after all the seeking and offering was fordone and laid apart.  
This year also the sheriffs of London fet out of saint Martynes legraunt .v. persons being there in sayntwary/ and lad them to the country in bred street, where they remained certain days. But those days expired/ they were by the Kings justyces restored unto sayntwary. In this pastime the war atween England & France enduring/ in a winter season when the ground was covered with a mighty snow, and therewith all a great frost had hardened the ponds and dyches/ the englishmen which lay in a strong hold nigh unto a town called Pountlarge, arrayed them in white clothes over their harness/ and so in great number approached the dykes, and passed upon the ice to the walls and them scaled/ and the watch of the town sleeping, took the town and distressed therein much people. From the which danger escaped right hardly ii capitains of that town named Johan de Uyllers and Narabon a knight Burgonyon. The country about Paris was also sorevexed with the ravin of wolves, that proclamation was made, that every green or new flayn skin of a wolf that was brought unto Paris, the provost should give to the bringer twenty shillings or twenty sous of that country money/ which amounteth to ii s. vi. d. sterling. 
Dyf●rrcyō of wolf  It was not long after, or Charles the French King laid unto the foresaid town a strong siege. But it by the duke of york & the Lord Talbot was well and knightly defended/ in so much the one time they put the frenchmen to rebuke, and were likely to have taken their King, ne had be the sooner rescous. Lastly the duke of york and the said lord Talbot, for urgent causes departed thence to Rouen/ and betook the town to the rule of sir Gerueys of Clifton knight and other, having with them to the number of a thousand soldiers, But the third day after the Duke's departing/ the French King so fiercely assailed the town, that in the end he wan it by strength, and slew therein many an english man, & took many prisoners. And soon after was the towns of Meleon, of Corbeyll, and of the Ebreouse, lost from the englishmen. For ye shall understand that sundry and many times the towns & holds in France were lost and eft won. But ever the more loss turned/ to the english party, till all Normandy were lost, and all other lands of France appartyning to the King of England.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xl  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xli  johan Sutton.  johan Paddysley goldsmythe.  Anno xix  William wetynhale.   
THis xix year began murmur & grudge to break at large, that before had been kept in mewe, atween persons near about the King, and his uncle the famous Humphrey duke of Gloceter and protector of the land. Again whom divers conjectures were attempted a far/ which after were set near to him, so that they left not till they had brought him unto his confusion.  
And first this year dame Eleanoure Cobham, whom he was familiar with or she were to him married, was arrested of certain points of treason/ and thereupon by examination convict, and lastly deemed to dwell as an outlaw in the isle of Man, under the ward of Sir Thomas Stanleye knight. And soon after were arrested as aiders and counsellors of the foresaid Duchess, Master Thomas Southwell a canon of saint Stephyns chapel at westminster, Master Johan Hum a chaplain of the said Duchess, and Master Roger bolingbroking a man expert in nigromancy, & a woman called Margery jourdemayne surnamed the witch of Eye beside wynchester. To whose charge it was laid that these iiii. persons should at the request of the Duchess, devise an image of wax like unto the King/ the which image they dealt so with, that by their devyslysshe incantations and sorcery, they intended to bring out of life little and little the kings person, as they little and little consumed the image. For the which treason and other, finally they were convict and adjudged to die. But Master Thomas Southewell died in the tower of London, the night before he should have been judged on the morn/ as in the next year following shallbe declared.  
ye have in the preceding year heard, how the town of Pountlarge was won by Charles the took upon him as King/ where as many englishmen were taken prisoners and sent to a castle named Coruyle. where they so being in prison, laboured unto the ruler of that hold, that one of them might be set at large to labour to their friends for their ransom. The which person when he was at his liberty/ went unto a strength thereby, whereof an aragon knight was a capitain under the duke of york, and showed to him that the castle of Coruyle was but slenderly manned, and that it might be won by policy and strength. Whereupon the said capitain named Francis in the night following, set a busshment near unto the said castle/ and in the dawning of the morning arrayed iiii. of his sowdyoures in husbandmennes, array, and sent them with sakkes filled with divers fruits to offer to sell to the occupiers of the castle. The which when they were common to the gate, & by their language taken for frenchmen/ anon without suspicion were taken in/ and seeing that few folks were stirring, held the porter mute while one gave the foresaid bushment knowledge/ so that shortly they entered and took the capitain in his bed, and after spoiled the castle, and delivered the english prisoners, and conveyed the Frenchemen with all the goods that they might carry out of the castle unto Roan.  
Upon the day of the translation of saint Edward or the twelve day of Octobre/ upon which day the mayre is named by the mayre and his brethren for the year following/ that day when the commons of the city after their ancient custom had chosen two alderinen such as before had been sheriffs of London and of myddelsex, that is to weet Roberte Clopton Draper and Rauffe Holland tayllour, and them presented by name unto the mayre and his brother than sitting in the utter chambre where the mayors courts been kept, to the intent that the said mayre & his brother might choose one of the said two such as they thought most necessary and worshipful for the room: the said mayre and his brethren chase there Roberte Clopton and brought him after down upon his right hand toward the hall. whereof when certain tailors there being were ware, and saw that Rauffe Holand was nat chosen/ anon they cried, nay nay nat this but Rauffe Holande, wherewith the old mayre being astonied, stood still upon the stayer, and commanded them to keep silence/ & after held on his way to the east end of the hall, and there set him down, and his brethren about him. In which mean time the said tailors had continued their cry, and encensed other of low felysshyppes of the city as simple persons, to take their part and to cry as fast as they/ & would nat cease for speech of the mayre nor oyes made by the mayor's sergeant of arms. wherefore the mayre to appease the rumour, sent down the sheriffs and commanded them to take the misdoers, and to send them unto prison.  
The which precept observed, and a twelve or syxten of the chief of them sent unto Newgate/ the said rumour was anon ceased. Of the which prisoners some were after fyned and some punished by long inprysonement.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xii  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xlii  wyllyam Cumbys.  Robert Clopton.  Anno twenty  Richard rich.   
IN this twenty year/ and in the month of following/ the parties before in that other year arrested for treason, were brought unto the guyldhall of London, and there arraigned of such points as before been rehearsed/ and for the same finally Master Iohn Hum and Master Roger Bolynbroke were judged to be drawn, hanged, & quartered, & the witch to be brent. But Master Thomas Sothwell died in the tower the night before that he should have be judged. Than according to the sentence of the court before passed/ Master Roger was drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged & quartered/ the which at the season took upon his death, that he was nat guilty of the treason that he was put to & judged for. And the next day following was the witch brent in smithfield/ and Master Johan Hum was pardoned & sued out his charter.  
This year also the lord Talbot laid siege before an haven town in Normandy named deep, & set his ordinance upon an hill called Poleet/ where among other engines and instruments of war he had devised a mighty tower of timber, out of the which he shot his guns and other ordinance, and therewith brosyd and crasyd the wallys, and wrought thereby great displeasure unto the town of deep.  
In this town was capitain charles Mareys a French knight knight/ the which manfully defended the town, till unto him with rescous came Iohn Notice of orleans knight with a company of. M. soldiers. And there after came to the rescous of the said town ii other knights named Arthur de Longevyle and Sir Thomas Droynon, with vi C. men. And after this Charles which named himself French King/ sent thither the third rescous of .v. C. men of arms and a. M. of other soldiers, under ii leders called Theodalde/ & Guyllyam rychavyll knights. The which rescous not withstanding/ the said Lord Talbot well & manfully continued his siege, & assawted the town in right cruel manner, so that they were fain to call for more aid. whereof the lord Talbot being ware, thinking that shortly the Frenchmen should be constrained to give over the town/ left the guiding of the siege unto Sir wyllyam Poyton & Sir Iohn Ryppeland or Tryppelande knight, & after departed. After whose departing with in short while, the dolphin of Uyenne Louis by name, and son unto the forenamed Charles' French King/ accompanied with the Earl of saint Paul & other to the number of xvi C. knights, came unto the rescous of the said town. And after he had a day rested him and his soldiers he sent the forenamed Theodalde with a strength of four C. men for to assail the foresaid tower of timber/ but little hurt did they thereunto. Than the said dolphin sent an other strength of vi C. men to assail it/ but the englishmen quit them so manfully that they slew viii score Frenchmen, & wounnded over iii C. wherewith the dolphin being grievously amoved/ assembled the uttermost strength he might make, aswell of the town and other, and set upon the english men, which were sore bruised with daily fight and few in number/ and finally scomfited them, and slew of them upon. CCC. and took the rest prisoners. Among that which the foresaid two english captains were taken/ and a kynnesman of the Lord Talbotteses or more verily one of his baste sons. And thus was deep rescued, & the englishmen discomfited/ after they had manfully maintained that siege by the space of ix weeks and odd days.  

† 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉  Also this year in the month of August was a great affray in Fleetstreet, atween the getters of the inns of court and the inhabytauntes of the same street. Which affray began in the night/ and so continued with assawtes and small by kerynges till the next day. In which season moche people of the city thither was gathered/ and divers men of both parties were slain and many hurt. But lastly by the presence & discretion of the mayor and sheriffs this affray was appeased. Of the which was chief occasyoner a man of Clyfforde in named Herbotell.  
In this year also, by certain ambassadors that were sent out of England into Guyon/ a marriage was concluded in the beginning of the year following, atween the King and the Earls daughter of Armenak. Which conclusion was after disallowed and put by, by the means of the Earl of Suffolk. Which kindled a new brand of bruning envy atween the Lord protector and him/ and took fire in such wise that it left not till both parties with many other were consumed and slain, whereof ensued moche mischief within the realm, and loss of all Normandy/ as after to you shall appear.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xlii  Anno dni. M.iiii. C. xlili.  Thomas Beaumount.  jon Athyrley Irenmonger.  Anno xxi  richard Nordon.   
IN this xxi year/ the foresaid Earl of Suffolk, which as before is touched had fordon the conclusion of the marriage taken by the ambassadors, between the King and the Earl of Armenakes daughter, went over himself with other unto him assigned/ & there in France concluded a marriage between the King and dame Margarete the kings daughter of Cecyle and of Jerusalem as saith the english chronicle. And for that marriage to bring about/ to the said King of Cecyle was delivered the duchy of Angeou and earldom of main, which are called the keys of Normandy.  
But the French writer Gaguyne saith in his Latin chronicle, that about this time the Earl of Suffolk came unto Charles the French King to a town in Lorayn named nance or aunt, & axed of him his daughter to be Queen of England/ but he giveth to her no name. The which request of the said Charles to the said Earl was granted. Also he affirmeth little tofore that season, a peace between both realms was concluded for the term of xxii months/ which peace endured but a while after.  
And this year upon Candelmas even, the steeple of saint Paul's church in London was set on fire by tempest of lightening/ and lastly quenched by great diligence and labour of many persons. But of all that there laboured, the morrow mass priest of bow church in cheap was moste commended and noted.   

Anno dni. M. CCCC.xliii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xliiii.  Nycholas wyfforde.  Thomas Catworthe Grocer.  Anno xxii  Iohn Norman.   
This xxii year/ the Earl of Stafforde was made or created duke of Bukkyngham, the Earl of berwick, duke of berwick, the Earl of Dorset marquis of Dorset, and the Earl of Suffolk marquis of Suffolk. The which marquis of Suffolk soon after with his wife and other honourable personages aswell of men as of women, with great apparel of chairs and other costyous ordinance for to convey the forenamed lady Margarete into England, sailed into France/ where they were honourably received, and so tarried there all this mayor's year.  
In this year was also an act made by authority of the common counsel of London, that upon the sunday should no manner of thing with in the franchise of the city be bought or sold, neither victual nor other thing/ nor none artificer should bring his ware to any man to be worn or occupied that day, as tailors garments or cordewayners shoys/ and so in likewise of all other occupations.  
The which ordinance held but a while.   

Anno dni. M.CCC.xliiii.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.xlv.  Stephyn Foster.  Henry Frowyke Mercer.  Anno xxiii  Hugh which.   
This xxiii year and month of the foresaid lady Margarete came over into England/ and in the month following she was married unto King Henry at a town called Sowthwyke in the country of hamshire. And from thence she was honourably conveyed by the Lords and estates of this land, which met with her in sundry places with great retinue of men in sundry liveries, with their sleeves browdered and some betyn with gold smiths works in most costly manner. And specially the duke of gloucester met with her with five hundredth men in one livery. And so she was conveyed unto black heath/ where upon the xviii day of May she was met with the mayre, aldermen, and sheriffs of the city, and the crafts of the same, in brown blue with brawderyd sleeves. That is to mean every mystery or craft with cognisance of his mystery, and red hoods upon either of their heads/ and so the same day brought her unto London, where for her were ordained sumptuous and costly pageants and resemblance of diverse old histories, to the great comfort of her and such as came with her, the manner whereof I pass over for lengthing of the tyme. And so with great triumph she was brought unto westminster/ where upon the xxx day of the month of may, that was the sunday after trinity sunday, she was solemnly crowned.  
After which feast, jousts were there holden by three days continual within the saintwary before the abbey. Of this marriage are of divers writers left divers remembrances/ saying that this marriage was unprofitable for the realm diverse ways. For first was given up for her out of the kings possession the duchy of Angeou and the earldom of Maine. And for the costs of her conveying into this land, was axed in plain parliament a fifteen and an half by the marquis of Suffolk. By reason whereof he grew in such hatred of the people/ that finally it cost him his life. And over that it appeared that god was nat pleased with that marriage. For after this day the fortune of the world began to fall from the King, so that he lost his friends in England and his revenues in France. For shortly after all was ruled by the Queen and her counsel/ to the great disprofit of the King & his realm/ and to the great maugre and obloquy of the Queen.  
The which as sin that time hath been well proved, had many a wrong and false report made of her, which were to long to rehearse. All which misery fill, for breaking of the promise made by the King unto the Earl of Armenakkys' daughter/ as before in the twenty year of the King is touched as agreeth most writers. Which misery in this story shall somedeal appear, as first by the losing of Normandy, the division of the Lords within this realm, the rebellion of the commonalty again their Prince & sovereign, & finally the King deposed, and the Queen with the Prince fain to i'll the land, & lost the rule thereof for ever.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.xlvi.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xlvii.  Robert horn.  Iohn Olney Mercer.  Anno xxv  Godfrey Boloyne.   
This xxv year, was a parliament held at saint Edmondes Bury in Suffolk. To the which town all the commons of that country were warned to come in their most defencyble array, to give attendance upon the King. And so soon as this parliament was begun, and the Lords assembled/ Sir Humfrey duke of gloucester and uncle unto the King, shortly after was arrested by the viscount Beawmonde than high constable of England/ whom accompanied the duke of Bukkynghm & other. And after this arrest was executed/ all his own servants were put from him/ & xxxii of the principal of them were also put under arrest, & sent unto divers prisons/ whereof arose a great mumur among the people.  
Than thus continuing this parliament, within vi days after the duke was arrested, he was found deed in his bed being the xxiiii day of February. Of whose murder divers reports at made, which I pass over.  
Than his corpse was laid opyn that all men might see him, but no wonde was found on him. Of the honourable fame of this man, a long style I might make, of the good rule that he kept this land in, during the none age of the King/ and of his honourable household & liberty which passed all other before his time/ and true of his allegiance that no man could with right accuse him, but malicious persons which his glorious honour & fame lafte nat to malign again him, till he were put from all worldly rule/ and specially for it was thought, that during his life he would withstand the delivery of Angeou & main before promised. This for his honourable and liberal demeanour was surnamed the good duke of gloucester. Than after he had lain opyn a season that all men might be assured of his death/ the corpse was honourably provided for and so conveyed unto saint albonies, & there buried near unto the shrine of saint Albone/ to whose soul god be merciful Amen.  
And when this noble Prince was thus entered/ five persons of his household, that is to say, Sir Roger chamberlain knight, Myddelton Herbarde, & Arthur esquires, & one richard Nedan yeoman, were sent unto London/ & there arraigned and judged to be drawn, hanged, and quartered. Of the which sentence drawing & hanging were put in execution. But when they were cut down to be quartered/ the marquis of Suffolk there being present, showed the Kings charter for them/ & so were delivered to the great rejoicing of the multitude of the people there being present. But for this the grudge & mumur of the people ceased nat again the marquis of Suffolk, for the death of the good duke of gloucester/ of whose murder he was specially suspected.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xlvii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xlviii.  William Abraham.  Iohn Gedney Draper.  Anno xxvi  Thomas scot   
IN this xxvi year after concordance of most writers or near there about/ the xxiii schism of the church ceased, that before had continued between Eugeny the four & Felix the .v. upon xvi years.  
This schism as before is touched, began by reason of the deposition of the said Eugeny at the counsel of Basile, for that that he would nat observe the decrees before made in the counsel of constance, & other causes to him laid. But yet that deposing natwythstanding/ perforce he continued pope by the term of xiiii years after. And the said Felix at the said counsel admitted in like manner, continued as pope by all that said season/ like as before to you I have showed in the xvii year of this King. And as now by exhortation of christian Princes, as the King of England, whose messengers in the behalf were the bishop of Norwyche, and the lord of saint Johnns, & other princes/ the said pope Felix to set a perfit unyon in the church, in this year of his own volunte resigned his authority of papacy, and submitted him unto the obedience of Nicholas the .v. of that name/ nat withstanding that the said Felix was a man of great birth, & allied to the more party of all christian Princes. And this Nycholas a man of low birth, & of unknown kindred within the city of jeane.  
Than was Felix made legate of France & cardinal of Savoy/ and lived after a blessed & holy life & so ended. And as some writers testify, god for him hath showed divers miracles sins he died. And for this schism thus graciously was ended/ a vercyfyer made this verse following. 
¶ Lux fussit mundo, cessit Felix Nicholas.   
The which verse is thus to mean in english. 
¶ light into the world now doth spring and shine.  
¶ For Felix unto Nicholas all freely doth resyne.   
Also as testifieth Gaguyne & also some english writers, that trewies between England & France continuing/ a knight of the English party named Sir Fraunceys Arrogonoyse, took a town upon the borders of Normandy belonging unto the duke of britain. For that which he complained him unto Charles the French King/ & he at the said dukes request sent unto the King of England Iohn Hanart & Guyllm Consynot knights, to axe restitution of the harm. The which were answered of the Kings counsel, that the deed was right displeasant unto the King/ & that the said Sir Fraunceys had enter prised the faith of his own presumption & nothing with the kings mind or pleasure. Than after this answer thus made/ it was agreed by the duke of Somerset than lieutenant under the King in Normandy, that a comynycation for this matter should be had at a town named lovers. To the which place at the day assigned appeared & came certain persons for both parties/ where they so being occupied, a train was compassed by the French men to take from the Englishmen a strong town or hold named Pount all arch, whereof the manner was this.  
A French man or Norman being a carter, which daily used to enter this town with victual and other loading of his cart/ saying the negligence of the Engglysshemen, how little heed they took unto the watch of the town, warned a French capitain named Floquet/ and said that with little help that town would be gotten. For expedition whereof, this Floquet with other covenanted with the said carter to bring about their purpose/ & ordained unto him ii hardy soldiers of Frenchemen, which bore in their necks ii carpenter axes to show that they were carpenters. And after agreement made among them, how they should enter into the town, & where they should meet the carter, which after his old custom entered the gates without suspicion/ and soon after with his axe in his neck came by one soldier, & in a while after that other/ & so with little questyoning to them made, passed the gates/ and so lastly unto the house of the carter before appointed, & there kept them secret till night was common knowing well that the host of the house was enemy to englishmen, for an injury to him of an english man before done, & showed to him all their counsel. The which promised to them all the assistance & aid that he might make. In this nights pass time for the furtherance of this purpose/ the lord of Bressy with a chosen company of knights lodged him in a bushment near unto the town toward the gate of saint Andrew/ & the forenamed Floquet lodged him with an other chosen company under the part of the town which is toward lovers, being with him Sir Jamys de Clerimont and other men of name. These ordinances & provisions thus ordained for/ the forenamed carter with his ii soldiers forenamed in the spring of the morning, as in the month of Octobre, came early unto the gatewith his cart, & called the porter by name in fair manner to open the gate, & promised to him a reward for his labour. The porter knowing well the carter, & taking little regard to the other ii which came with him/ opened the gate, and sent an other fellow of his to open the former gate. When the fryste was opened/ the carter set his cart in the self gate, & drew to his purse to give to the porter his reward before promised. And as he told the money into his hand/ of a falsehood he let part of the money fall upon the ground. The which while the porter stooped to take up/ the carter with his dagger or other wepyn gave such a stroke unto the porter, that he ne spoke nor cried after. And so soon as this mischief was done/ so soon was the other porter slain of the ii soldiers. And that done, one of them run forth of the gates & gave a sign unto the Lord of Bressy/ which forthwith entered the town, & took & slew all such as to them made resistance/ & wan in short while the castle as the town, & slew therein moche people, and took many prisoners. Among the which as sayeth Gagwyne, the Lord Facounbrydge as capitain of that town was there taken prisoner. When this town was thus won by the cautel of the Frenchemen, & the term of the trewis was nat yet expired/ than was labour made unto the French King for restitution of this town and other wrongs done in winning of the same. To the which it was answered, that if the englishmen would restore the town of Fogyers with other harms there done/ that than the frenchmen should restore this town with the other harms. For treaty whereof a day of meeting was appointed at a place called boumport/ where the time was spent in vain of both parties/ so that of the meeting came none effect.  
Of the taking of this said town of Fogyers ensuyed much harm to the englishmen/ for this was the occasion, by the which the frenchmen after got all Normandy.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xlviii  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xlix.  William Cantlow.  Stephyn brown Grocer.  Anno xxvii  wyllyam marrow.   
IN this xxvii year as witnesseth the english chronicle, a knight of France called sir Louis de Bueyil, challenged an esquire of England named Rauffe Chalons of certain feetes of war. The which to approve, a day to them was given to meet at a town in France named Maunt or mance where the French King at that day was present. But fortune to Chalons was so friendly, that he ran the French knight thorough with his spear/ whereof the said sir Louis shortly after died. Than this Chalons like a chartable christian man, mourned for his enemy, and kept for him his obsequy as he had been his carnal brother. For the which deed of the French King he was greatly allowed/ all be it he was bound so to do by the law of arms.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.xlix.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.l.  wyllyam Hulyn.  Thomas Chalton.  Anno xxviii  Thomas Canynges.   
IN this xxviii year/ the King called a parlyaments at westminster, the which was adjourned to the black freers at London/ and after christmas to London again. In which pastime, as ship man of the west country named Roberte of Cane, with a few ships of war took an hole fleet of merchants coming from the bay being ladyn with salt/ the which were of Pruce, Holande, and zealand, & other parties of Flaunders/ and so brought them to Hampton, and there made his port sale▪ For the which prise the merchants goods of England were arrested in divers places of flanders/ as Bruges, Ipre, & other good towns/ and might nat have the said goods delivered, till they had taken appointment for to pay for the said prize & their hurts & damages.  
And continuing the foresaid parlyament/ the duke of Suffolk was arrested, & sent as prisoner to content some minds unto the tower/ where he was kept at his pleasure a month & after delivered at large/ the which discontented many men's minds. For to him was laid the charge of the delivery of Angeou & main, & the death of that noble Prince Humphrey duke of gloucester. Than of this grudge ensued rebellion of the commons, in so much that they assembled them in sundry places, & made of themself capitains, and named them blue beard and other counterfeit names/ and so intended to have gathered more company. But anon as the kings counsel was thereof warned, they were laid for, and taken, and put to death.  
then the foresaid parliament was adjourned unto leicester/ whether came the King and with him the duke of Suffolk. Than the commons of the common house made request to the King, that all such persons as were consenting and laboured for the giving over the duchy of Angeou and earldom of main, might be punished. Of which offence to be guilty/ they accused the foresaid duke of Suffolk, the Lord say, the bishop of Salysbury, and one Danyell a gentleman, with Trevylyan & other. Than to appease the common house/ the duke was exiled for .v. years, and the lord say as treasurer of England/ and the other were put a part for a while, & were promised to be sent unto the kings gayoll or ward.  
Than the duke in obeying the sentence foresaid, sped him toward the sees side in the month of Apryl, and took his shiping in Norfolk, intending to have sailed into France. In keeping of which course/ he was met with a ship of war named Nicholas of the Tower, the which took his ship. And when the capitain was ware of the duke/ anon he took him into his own ship, and so kept his course toward Dover. And when he was comen unto the road/ anon he caused him to be confessed of his own chaplain/ and that done shipmen put him in a shypbote, and there upon the side of the boat, one struck of his head. Which head with the body was soon after conveyed to the land of Dover, and there left upon the sands/ and the said shipmen returned to the see again. And thus one mischief ensued upon an other, to the destruction of the nobles of this land. And so upon the first day of May, was this deed corpse found upon Dover sands, and after conveyed to his resting place to This year also being the year of our Lords in carnation xiiii C. and l was the jubilee or the plenary pardon at Rome, which of Englishmen is called the year of grace.  
And this year a town in Normandy named Uernoyll, was taken by the treason of a French baker/ the manner whereof were long to write. But finally it came to the possession of Floquet before rehearsed, to the great destruction of englishmen. For now was the truce ended, & mortal war was executed upon both parties/ & the englishmen unto the French wrought moche mischief divers ways, which were long to write. But as tofore I have showed to you sundry times/ the most loss turned ever last ward upon the english party. For this season also were the towns of Nogent & pount Andenere won by the Earl of saint Paul & other. And in the month of juny this year, 
Insurrection in Kent.  the commons of Kent assembled them in great multitude, & chase to them a capitayee, and named him mortimer and cousin of the duke of york/ but of most he was named Jack Cade. This kept the people wondrously together/ & made such ordinances among them, that he brought a great number of people of them unto the Blak haveth. where he devised a bill of petitions to the King & the counsel/ & showed them what injuries & oppressions the poor commons suffered, by such as were about the King a few persones in number, & all under colour to come to his above. The kings counsel saying this bill, disallowed it, & counseled the King, which by the vii day of Juny had gathered to him a strong host of people, to go again his rebels, & to give unto them battle. Than the King, after the said rebels had held their field upon black hethes vii days/ made toward them. Whereof hearing the capitain, drew back with his people to a village called Sevenok, & there embattled▪ them. Than it was agreed by the Kings counsel, that Sir Humphrey Stafforde knight, with wyllyam his brother, and other certain gentlemen, should follow the chase/ and the King with his Lords should return unto Grenewyche, weening to them that the rebels were fled & gone. But as before I have showed, when Sir Humfray with his company drew near unto sevenok/ he was warred of the capitain that there abode with his people. And when he had counsayledde with the other gentlemen/ like a manful knight set upon the rebels, and fought with them long. But in the end the capitain slew him & his brother with many other, and caused the rest to give back. All which season the kings host lay still upon Blakhethe, being among them sundry opinions/ so that some and many favoured the capitain. But finally when word came of the overthrow of the Staffordes/ they said plainly and boldly, that except the Lord Say and other before rehearsed were committed to ward, they would take the capitains party. For the appeasing of the which rumour, the Lord Say was put into the tower/ but that other as than were not at hand. then the King having knowledge of the scomfiture of his men, and also of the rumour of his osting people/ removed from Grenewyche to London/ and there with his host rested him a while.  
And so soon as Jack Cade had thus overcomen the Stafforde/ he anon appareled high with the knights apparayll, and did on him his bryganders set with guilt nail and his salet and guilt spurs. And after he had refreshed his people, he returned again to Blakhethe/ and there pight again his field as here tofore he had done/ and lay there from the nine & twenty day of Juny being saint Peter's day, till the first day of July. In which season came unto him the archbishop of Cantorbury and the duke of Bukkyngham/ with whom they had long communication, and fond him right discrete in his answers. How be it they could not cause high to lay down his people, and to submit him unto the kings grace.  
In this while the King and the Queen hearing of the increasing of his rebels, and also the Lords fearing their own servants lest they would take the capitains party, removed from London to Kyllyngworth/ leaving the city without aid, except only the Lord Scales/ which was left to keep the tower, and with him a manly & warly man named Mathewe Fowth. Than the capitain of Kente thus hoving at Blakhethe/ to the end to blind the more the people, and so bring him in fame that he kept good justice, be heeded there a petty capitain of his named Paris/ for so much as he had offended again such ordinance as he had stablished in his host/ & hearing that the King and all his Lords were thus departed, drew him near unto the city. So that upon the first day of July, he entered the bourgh of Southwark, being than wednesday/ & lodged him there that night, for he might not be suffered to enter the city.  
And upon the same day, the commons of Essex in great number pight them a field upon the plain at miles end. And upon the second day of the said month, the mayre called a common counsel at the Gyldhall, for to purvey the withstanding of these rebels and other matyers. In which assemble were divers opinions/ so that some thought good that the said rebels should be received into the city, and some otherwise. Among the which, Roberte Horn stok fysshmonger than being an alderman, spoke sore again them that would have them enter. For the which sayings, the commons were so amoved again him, that they ceased not till they had him commit to ward.  
And the same afternoon about v. of the clock, the capitain with his people entered by the bridge. And when he came upon the draw bridge/ he hew the ropes that drew the bridge insunder with his sword, and so passed into the city/ and made in sundry places thereof proclamations in the kings name, that no man in pain of death should rob or take any thing parforce without paying therefore. By reason whereof he wan many hearts of the commons of the city/ but all was done to beguile with the people, as after shall evidently appear. For he road through divers streets of the city/ and as he came by London stone, he struck it with his sword, and said now is mortimer Lord of this city. And when he had thus showed himself in divers places of the city, & showed his mind to the mayre for the ordering of his people/ he returned into Southwark, and there abode as he before had done, his people coming & going at lawful hours when they would. Than upon the morn being the third day of July and frydaye/ the said capitain entered again the city, and caused the Lord say to be fet from the tower and lad unto the Guyldhall/ where he was areygned before the mayre & other of the Kings justice. In which pass time he intended to have brought before the said iustyces the foresaid Robert horn. But his wife and friends made to him such instant labour, that finally for .v. C. mark he was set at his liberty. Than the Lord say being as before is said at Guyldhall, desired that he might be judged by his peers. Whereof hearing the capitain, sent a company of his unto the hall/ the which parforce took him from the officers, and so brought him unto the standard in the cheap/ where or he were half shriven they struck of his head/ & that done pight it on a long pole, & so bore it about with them.  
In this time and season had the capitain caused a gentleman to be taken named Cromer, which before had been sheriff of Kent, and used as they said some extortions. For which cause, or for he had favoured the Lord say, by reason that he had married his daughter/ he was harried to Miles end, and there in the captains presence beheaded. And the same time was there also beheaded a man called Baylly/ the cause of whose death was this as I have herd some men report. This bailie was of the familiar and old acquaintance of Jack Cade. Wherefore so soon as he espied him coming to him ward, he cast in his mind that he would discover his living & old manners, and show of his vile kin and lineage. Wherefore knowing that the said Baylly used to veer scrowes and prophecies about him, showing to his company that he was an enchanter and of ill disposition, and that they should well know by such books as he bore upon him/ and bad them search, and if they found not as he said, that than they should put him to death/ which all was done according to his commandment. When they had thus be heeded these ii men/ they took the heed of Croumer & pight it upon a pole/ and so entered the city with the hedes of the Lord say and of Croumer. And as they passed the streets/ they joined the poles together, & caused either deed mouth to kiss other divers and many times.  
And the capitain the self same day went unto the house of Phylyppe Malpas draper and and alderman/ and robbeb and spoiled his house, and took thence a great substance. But he was before warned, and thereby conveyed moche of his money and plate, or else he had been undone. At which spoiling were present many poor men of the city, which at such times been ever ready in all places to do harm, where such riots been done.  
Than toward night, he returned into Southwark/ & upon the morn re-entered the city, and dined that day at a place in saint Margaret Patyns parish called ghersties house. And when he had dined/ like an uncurteyse guessed he rob him as the day before he had Malpas. For which ii robberies, all be it that the porayll & needy people drew unto him, & were partners of that ill/ the honest and thrifty commoners cast in their minds the sequel of this matter, and feared lest they should be dealt with in like manner/ by mean whereof he lost the people's favour and hearts. For it was to be thought, if he had not executed that robbery, he might have gone far, and brought his purpose to good effect, if he had intended well. But it is to dame and presuppose, that the intent of him was not good/ wherefore it might not come to any good conclusion. Than the mayre and aldermen with assistance of the worshipful comeners, saying this mysdeanour of the capitain/ in savegarding of themself and of the city, took their counsels how they might drive the capitain and his adherents from the city, wherein their fear was the more, for so moche as the King and his Lords with their powers were far from them. But yet in avoiding of apparent peril/ they condescended, that they would withstand his any more enter into the city. For the performance where of the mayre sent unto the Lord Scales and Mathewe Gowgth than having the tower in guiding/ & had of them assent to perform the same.  
Than upon the .v. day of July the capitain being in Southwark, caused a man to be heeded, for cause of his displeasure to him done as the fame went/ & so kept him in Southwark all the day. How be it he might have entered the city if he had would.  
And when night was coming/ the mayre and citizens with Mathewe Gowth like to their former appoynmtent kept the passage of the bridge being Sunday, and defended the Kentysshe men which made great force to re-enter the city. Than the capitain saying this bykering begun/ yode to harness, and called his people about him/ and set so fiercely upon the citizens, that he drove them back from the stulpes in Southwark or bridge foot unto the draw bridge. In defending whereof, many a man was drowned and slain. Among that which, of men of name was Johan Sutton alderman, Mathewe Gouth gentleman, and Roger Heysande cytezyn. And thus continued this skirmish all night till ix of the clock upon the morn/ so that sometime the citizens had the better/ & thus soon the Kentysmen were upon the better side. But ever they kept them upon the bridge/ so that the citizens passed never much the bulwark at the byrdge foot, nor the Kentysshmen moche ferther than the draw bridge. Thus continuing the cruel fight to the destruction of moche people on both sides/ lastly after the Kentysshmen were put to the worse, a true was agreed for certain hours. During the which true, the archbishop of Cantorbury than chancellor of England, sent a general pardon to the capitain for himself, and an other of his people. By reason whereof he & his company departed the same night out of Southwark/ & so returned every man to his own.  

† th'end of Jacke Cade.  But it was nat long after that the capitain with his company was thus departed, that proclamations were made in divers places of Kent, of Southsex, and Sowtherey, that who might take the foresaid Jack Cade other on live or deed, should have a. M. mark for his travail. After which proclamation thus published/ a gentleman of Kent named Alexander Iden, awaited so his time that he took him in a garden in Sussex. where in the taking of him the said Jack was slain/ & so being deed, was brought into Southwark the day of the month of & there left in the kings bench for that night. And upon the morrow the deed corpse was drawn thorough the high streets of the city unto New gate, & there heeded and quartered. whose heed was than sent to London bridge/ & his four quarters were sent to iiii sundry towns of Kent.  
And this done/ the King sent his commissions into Kent, & road after himself/ and caused inquiry to be made of this riot in Caunterbury/ where for the same viii men were judged & put to death. And in other good towns of Kent & Southsex, divers other were put in execution for the same riot.  
In this year also, in the west country was slain the Bishop of Salysbury by the commons of that country. 
Bishop of Salysbury slain.  wherefore after the King had sped his business in Kent & Sussex, he road thither to see also those malefactors punished.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.l.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.li  Iohn Myddylton.  Nycholas wyfforde Grocer.  Anno xxix  wyllyam dear.   
IN this xxix year upon saint Leonardes' day or the vi day of Novembre, began the parliament at westminster. And the first day of December following/ the duke of Somerset which newly was common out of Normandy, was put under arrest/ and his goods by the commons were foully despoiled & borne a way out of the black friars. For at this season was much people in the city by reason of the parliament/ & specially of lords servants, which were awaiting upon their Lords and masters in great multitude. For ye shall understand, the temporal lord in those days kept other manner of households & other manner of reteyndour of household servants and other number, far exceeding that the Lords at these days done. wherefore at parliament times and other great counsels/ the cities or towns where they assembled, were hougely stuffed with people. Than after this riot this committed/ upon the morrow following proclamation was made thorough the city, that no man should spoil or rob upon pain of death. And the same day at the standard in cheap, was a man beheaded for breaking of the said proclamation. And thus began rumour & malice to spring between the lord of the land. And specially the duke of Somerset & other of the Queens counsel were had in great hatred, for the losing of Normandy/ whereof the chief city of Rouen was lost or give up by apointement the year preceding, as witnesseth Gaguynus upon condition that the duke of Somerset with his wife and english sowyours, should with such goods as they might carry, depart freely from the city. For which free passage he should pay unto the French King lvi. M. scutes which amount to xiiii M. mark sterling. And also he was bound to deliver into the French kings possession, all towns and castles that at that day were in the possession of englishmen within the duchy of Normandy. For performance of which covenants, the Lord Talbot was set for one of the pledges/ and so by one Floquet before named all the said towns and castles were by him to the French Kings use received/ Harflete only excepted. Whereof the capitain named Cyrson or Curson denied the delivery/ with assistance of one named Sir Thomas Auryngham. The which in despite of all the French kings power laid both by see and land, held it from the beginning of Decembre till the month of January/ and than for lack of rescous gave it up by appoynment in the beginning of this mayor's year. For this yielding up of Normandy, moche displeasure grew unto the Queen and her council/ in so much that the duke of york father unto King Edward the four with many Lords with him allied, took party again her and her counsel/ so that mortal war thereof ensued as here after in this story wall appear.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.li  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lii.  Mathewe Phylyp.  wyllyam Gregory skinner.  Anno xxx  Chrystofer warton.   
IN this xxx year & xvi day of February/ the King being accompanied with the duke of Somersette and many other Lords, took their journey toward the marches of wales/ for so moche as he was credibly ascertained, that the duke of york assisted with divers other Lords & men of name, had in those parties gathered great strength of people, and with them was entering the land/ and so held on his journey toward him. But when the duke had wyting of the Kings great power/ he swaved the way from the kings host, and took the way toward London. And for he had received knowledge from the city, that he might not there be received to refresh him and his people/ he therewith went over Kyngstone bridge and so into Kent/ and there upon an haveth called brent heath, he pight his field. Whereof the King hoving knowledge, sped him after/ and lastly came unto black haveth & there pight his field. where both hosts being thus embattled/ meidation was made of peace between both hosts, For furtherance whereof/ to the duke were sent the bishops of wynchester and of Ely, with the Earls of Salysbury and of warwyke. To whom it was answered by the said duke, that he nor none of the company intended none hurt unto the kings person, nor to any of his counsel being lovers of the common weal and of him and of his land/ but his intent & purpose was, to remove from him a few evil disposed persons, by whose means the common people was grievously oppressed, and the commonalty greatly enpoverysshed. Of the which he named for principal the duke of Somerset. Of whom it was finally agreed by the King▪ that he should be committed to ward, there to abide & answer unto such articles as the duke of york would lay again him. Upon which promise so made by the King the first day of March being thursday, the duke broke up his field, & so came unto the Kings tent/ where contrary the former promise made, he fande the duke of Somerset as chief awayter & next unto the King. And than was the duke of york sense before to London, & was holden somedeal in manner as prisoner/ & more straighter should have been kept, ne had been tidings which daily sprang, that Sir Edward his son than Earl of the March, was coming toward London with a strong power of Welsh men & March men/ which feared so the Queen and her counsel, that the duke was lyberted to go where he would. And so after he departed unto his own country/ and peace was dissimuled with feigned love for a while.   

Ann odni. M.iiii. C.lii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.liii  Richard Lee.  Godfrey feylding.  Anno xxxi  Richard Alley.   
IN this xxxi year/ the King held a solemn feast at westminster upon the xii day of Cristmas/ where he created ii Earls the which were his brethren upon the mother's side Queen Katherine, that after the death of King Henry the .v. was married unto a knight of wales named Dwayne, the which begat upon her these foresaid ii sons. Whereof that one this said day was created Earl of Rychemount, which was named sir Edmonde/ & the younger called Sir Jasper was create the Earl Penbroke. The which lastly was created duke of bedford by our sovereign Lord King Henry the vii & so died. And in March following as witnesseth Gaguyne, was the town of Herf●ewe won by the Frenchmen. And soon after the city of Bayons was given up by appointment/ so that the soldiers should leave their armour behind them. And for every woman there being was granted an horse to ride upon/ & to every horse man ten scutes to pay for their costs/ & to every foot man .v. without more by them to be taken. And this year the King lay long sick at Claryngdowne/ & was in great jeopardy of his life. And in the end of this mayor's year & beginning of the xxxii year of the King, that is to mean upon the day of translation of saint Edward or the xiii. day of Octobre/ the Queen at westminster was delivered of a fair Prince.  
For the which great rejoicing and gladness was made in sundry places of England, and specially within the city of London/ where of the expressement of the circumstance would are long leisure to utter. This Prince being with all honour and reverence sacred and crystened, was named Edward/ and grew after to perfect and good lie parsonage/ and lastly of Edward the fourth was slain at Tewkysburye field, as after to you shall be showed.  
whose noble mother sustained not a little disclander & obloquy of the common people/ saying that he was nat the natural son of King Henry, but changed in the cradle, to her great dishonour & heaviness, which I over pass.  
This year also which was the year of grace. M.iiii c.liii Mahumet than Prince of Turks, in the month of Juny and four day of the said month being the third year of his empire or reign/ after l days of continual assault by his innumerable multitude of Turks to the city of constantine the noble with exceeding force and cruelty made and excercised, 
Constanty noble conquered of Turks.  won and obtained the dominion and rule of the same/ to the great hindrance and shame of all christendom, and enhauncing of the power and might of the said Turks. Of the exceeding number of men, women, and children that in that city at that day were slain/ I will not speak of, for the great diversity that I have seen of writers. Among the which the Emperor named Paleogolus with many other nobles of the city being taken on live, were than beheaded/ and many a pressed and religious man put unto death by sundry cruel torments. After which great cruelty, with many other long to rehearse put in execution/ a commandment passed from the said Emperor of Turks, that all children being above the age of vi years as well men as women kind, should be straight put unto death/ the which after some writers exceeded the number of four M. Here for tydeousnesse and lamentable process, which I might show in the rehearsal of the abomination of the most damnable and accursed turks, by them done unto the crucifix and other images of the churches and temples within the city, I cease. For painful it were to read, & more painful and sorrowful to here, that the faith of Chryst should in so vile manner be despised.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.liii  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.liiii. Draper. Iohn walden.  Iohn Norman.  Anno xxxii  Thomas Cook.   
IN this xxxii year, Iohn Norman foresaid upon the morrow of Symonde and Judys day, the accustomed day when the new mayre used yearly to tide with great pomp unto westminster to take his charge/ this mayre first of all mayors broke that ancient and old continued custom, and was rowed thither by water/ for the which the watermen made of him a roundel or song to his great praise, that which began, row the boat Norman row to thy leman, and so forth with a long process.  
ye have in your remembrance, how I before in the xxx year of this King showed to you of the appointment taken between the said King & the duke of york at Brent heath/ which appointment as before is said, was soon broken and set at nought. By reason whereof great envy and dissension grew between the King and divers of his Lords/ and most specially between the Queens counsel and the duke of york and his blood. For all contrary the Kings promise, by means of the Queen, which than bare the cure and charge of the land/ the duke of Somerset was set at large and made capitain of Caleys, and had as great rule about the King as he before days had. wherewith not only some of the nobles of the land grudged, but also the commons/ which by his counsel and other than rulers as the fame went, sustained many grievous impositions & charges. This fire, rancour, and envy by the space of xvii or xviii months smoking and brenning under covert dissimulation/ now at this day broke out in great and hot flame of open war and wrath/ in so much that the duke of york being in the Marches of wales, called to him that erlys of warwyke & of Salysbury with other many honourable knights and esquyres, & gathered a strong host of people/ and than in the month of Apryll took his journey toward London, the King there than being with a great retinue of Lords. Whereof when the Queen and the Lords were advertised, that the duke was coming with so great power/ anon they cast in their minds that it was to none of their profits. And for that in all possible haste as they might/ they gathered by the authority of the kings commissions such strength as they could have/ & intended to have conveyed the King westward, and not to have encountered the duke of york. And for the execution of this purpose/ the King accompanied with him the dukes of Somerset & of Buckyngham, the earls of Stafforde & of Northumberlande, with the Lord Elyfforde, and other many noble men of the realm, departed upon the twenty day of may from westminster/ and so held his journey toward saint albonies. Then the duke of york having knowledge of the Kings departing from London, costed the countries/ and came unto the end of saint Albon upon the xxiii day of may foresaid, then being the thursday before whytsondaye. where while means of treaty and peace were commoned upon that one party/ the Earl of warwyke with his March men entered the town upon that other end, & fought eagerly again the Kings people/ & so continued the fight a long season. But in conclusion the victory fell to the duke of york and his party/ in so much that there was slain that duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberlande, and the Lord Clyfforde, with many other honourable men of knights & esquires, whose names were tedious to write. After which victory thus obtained by the duke/ he with honour and reverence upon the morn following conveyed the King again to London, and there lodged him in the bishop of London's palace. And soon thereupon was called a parliament and holden at westminster/ by authority whereof the duke of york was made protector of England, the Earl of Salesbury chancellor, and the Earl of warwyke capitain of Caleys. And all such persons as before were in authority and near about the King, were clearly amoved and put by/ and the Queen and her counsel that before days ruled, all utterly set a part concerning the rule of the King and of the land. Which continued for a while, as after shall apere.  
In this year also as affirmeth the French chronicle, this misery and unkindness thus reigning in England/ the lord Talbot than being in Normandy, and in defending of the Kings Garysons was beset with French men at a place named Castillyon, and there strongly assailed. where after long and cruel fight, he with his son and to the number of xl men of name and viii hundredth of other english soldiers, were miserably slain/ and many more taken prisoners.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.liiii  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lu  Iohn field.  Stephan Forster.  Anno xxxiii  wyllyam tailor.   
IN this xxxiii year of Henry the vi. Certain evil disposed persons being sentuary men within saint Martens the grand, issued out of the said place and frayed with some citizens, and of them hurt and maimed/ and that done re-entered the seintuary. Wherewith the commons being amoved, with certain rulers of the city entered the said sayntwary by force, and pulled out the occasyoners of the said fray, and committed them to prison. Of this matter by the dean of saint Martens and such as favoured him, was a grievous complaint made unto the King and his counsel, of the mayre and the citizens. For discharge whereof the recorder of the city with certain aldermen to him assigned, were sent unto the King then lying at the castle of eagle in Herford shire/ where after the matter duly debated before the Kings counsel, they were with letter of commendation returned unto the mayre, willing him to keep the said persons safely till the kings coming to London/ at which season he intended to have the matter more clearly examined.   

Anno domin. M.iiii. C.lu  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lvi Grocer. Iohn young.  wyllyam marrow.  Anno xxxiiii  Thomas Dulgrave.   
IN this year & month of May/ an italians servant walked through cheap with a dagger hanging at his girdle. Whereof a mercer's servant that before time had been in Italy, and there challenged or punished for wearing of a like weepen, challenged the stranger, & questioned with him how he was so bold to bear such a warrely wepyn, considering he was a stranger and out of his native country, & also knowing that in his country no stranger should be suffered to bear any like wepyn. To which question such answer was made by the italian, that the mercer took his dagger from him, and broke it upon his heed. The stranger thus being dealt with complained him unto the mayre/ that which upon the morrow following keeping a court at the Guyldhall, sent for the young man/ and after his answer made unto this complaint, by agreement of a full court of alder men, sent the said mercer unto prison. And after this court was finished/ for rumour that he hard of, to be among the servants of the mercery, he with the two sheriffs took his way homeward through cheap. But when he was near unto th'end of saint Lawrence lane toward cheap/ he was met with such a multitude of mercer's servants and other, that he could not pass for aught that he might do or speak, till he had contrary his will and mind, delivered the young man, that before was committed by him and his brethren to ward/ and so was he forthwith delivered. This thus done/ rumour sprang thereof lightly about the town/ in so much that among many citizens, it was construed that this was done by the assent of the masters and householders of the mercery, to the intent to have the strangers punished, for so much as they took from them great living by reason of their utterance of cloth of gold and silks to the estates and Lords of the realm. But how so it was unto men of honest/ to vacabondes and other that looked for pylfry and ryffling, it was a great occasion and stirring. And that appeared well/ for the same afternone, suddenly was assembled a multitude of rascal and poor people of the city/ which without heed or guide ran unto certain italians places, and specially unto the florentines, Lukessys, and Uenicyan, and took and spoiled what they in their places might find, and did great hurt in sundry places, but most in four houses standing in Bredstrete ward/ whereof three stood in saint Barthelomewys parish the little, and one in saint Benettes parish, and much more would have done, had not been the speedy aid of the mayre and aldermen and worshipful commoners of the city/ which with all diligence resisted them, and of them took divers that rob, and sent them to Newgate. And finally not with out shedding of blood and mayming of divers citizens, the rumour and people were appeased. When the young man beginner of all this business saw this inconvenience ensue of his wantonness/ were it by counsel or otherwise fearing the sequel of the matter, yode straight unto westminster/ and there tarried as a sayntwary man, till all the matter were ended. It was not long after or the duke of Buckyngham with iustyces and other noble men, was sent down from the King into the city/ & charged the mayre by virtue of a commission, that an inquiry should be made of this riot. And so by virtue of the said commission called an Oyer determyner, a day was kept at Guyldhall upon the day of the month of/ where the said day sat for judges the mayre as the kings lieutenant, the duke of Buckyngham upon his right hand, the chief justice upon the left hand, with many other men of name which I pass over. While the mayre and the said Lords were calling of the panels of the enquests at the Guyldhall/ the other commoners of the city not being content with the order, many of them secretly armed them in their houses/ and intended as the common fame after went to have rung Bow bell, & so to have raised & gathered the comynalty of the city/ and by force to have delivered such persons as before for the robbery were committed to ward. But this matter was so discreetly handled, by the counsel and labour of some discrete commoners, which appeased their neighbours in such wise, that all this fiery haste was quenched, & came to none effect/ saving the word was brought unto the duke of Buckyngham, that the comynalty of the city were in harnysse, & if he tarried long there, he with the other Lords should be in great jeopardy. with which untrue tidings he being feared/ hastily took leave of the mayre, & so deꝑ●ted unto his lodging, and so ceased the inquiry for the day. Upon the morrow, for so much as the mayre had understanding of the secret murmur/ he commanded the common counsel with all wardens of felysshyppies to apere upon the morrow at Guyldhall. where by the recorder in the kings name, & the mayor's as his lieutenant, was commanded to every wardens, that in that after none following either of them should assemble his hole felisshyp at their proper hallies/ & there to give every cytezyn straight commandment, that every man see & intend to see the kings peace with in the city. And if they find any person that maketh any reasoning, whereby they might conceive or espy that he favoured any gathering of companies, or the delyverey of such persons as were in ward/ that the said wardens should with fair words exhort him to the best/ and with out sign or token thereof showing, secretly co bring the name or names of him or them unto the mayre. By mean of which policy & good order the citizens were brought in such a quietness, that after that day the foresaid inquiry was duly pursued/ & three persons for the said riot put in execution and hanged at tybourne. whereof ii after some writers were seyntwarye men of saint martyn's/ and the third was a shipman or boatman.  
The Queen with certain Lords which favoured her party/ disdained sore the rule which the duke of york bare and other/ & specially for that that the said duke bare the name of protector, which argued that the King was insufficient to govern the realm/ which as she thought was a great dishonour to the King and to all the realm. wherefore she made such means, and wan by her policy such friendship of diverse of the Lords both spiritual and temporal, that she caused the duke of york to be discharged of his protectourshyp, & the Earl of Salysbury of his chauncellershyp/ which was cause of new war as after shall appear.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.lvi  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lvii. Grocer. Iohn steward.  Thomas Canynges.  Anno xxxv  Ralph Uerney.   
IN this year and beginning of the same/ the Queen suspecting the city of London, & deemed it to be more favourable unto the duke of yorks party than hers/ caused the King to remove from London unto coventry, and there held him a long season. In which time the duke of york was sent for thither by privy seal, with also the Earl of Salesbury & the Earl of warwyke/ where by covin of the Queen they were all iii in great danger. How be it by moneys shement of their friends they escaped. And soon after the said duke or Earl went into the north/ and the Earl of warwyke with a goodly company sailed unto calais. And shortly after were taken at Eryth within xii miles of London iiii, wonderful fishes/ whereof one was called Mors marine, the second a Sword fish, & the other ii were Whalies/ which after some expositors were prognostications of war & trouble to ensue soon after. In this year also was a great fray in the north country, between the lord Egremond and the sons of the Earl of Salysbury/ and divers men maimed & slain between them. But in the end the lord Egremonde was taken/ & how it was by the doom of the kings counsel or otherwise, the said Lord Egremond was founden in such default, that finally he was condemned in great sums of money to be paid unto the said Earl of Salysbury. For lack of payment whereof, or of putting surety for the same/ the said Lord Egremonde was committed to Newgyte. where after he had continued a certain of time, he broke the prison and escaped with three other prisoners, to the great charge of the sheriffs.  
It was not long after that dissension & unkindness fell between the young duke of Somerset and Sir Iohn nevil son unto the Earl of Salysbury, being than both lodged within the city. Whereof the mayre being warned ordained such watches and prouysyons, that if they had any thing stirred, he was able to have subdued both parties, and to have put them in ward till he had known the kings farther pleasure. Whereof the friends of both parties being ware/ laboured such means that they agreed them for that tyme.  
In this also as testify the english chronicle and also the French/ a navy or float of frenchmen landed at sandwich, and spoiled and rob the town, & excercised there great cruelty. Of which float was capitain a French knight named after the French book sir Guyllyain de Pomyers. And this year after the opinion of divers writers/ began in a city of Almaigne named Magounce, the craft of enprenting of books/ which sen that time hath had wonderful increase, as experience at this day proveth. In this year also the prisoners of Newgate by negligence of their keepers broke out of their wards, and took the ledies of the tower, and it defended a long while again the sheriffs & all their officers/ in so much that they were forced to call more aid of the citizens of the city/ by whose aid they lastly subdued them, and put the said prisoners in more straighter keeping. Cronica cronicarum saith that about this time was such an earthquake in the province of Naples, that byforce thereof there were perished over xl M. christian souls. Of the abovesaid spoiling of sandwich speaketh Polycronycon/ and sayeth that Sir Pyers de Bresy senes shall of Normandy, with the capitain of deep and many other capitains of France, came with a great & strong navy into the downies by night/ and upon the morrow came certain of them unto Sandwich, and there spoiled and rob the town, and took with them great prays and many rich prisoners/ whereby or by which saying appeareth some diversity between the english writers and the French.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lvii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lviii. Mercer. wyllyam Edward.  Godfrey Boleyn.  Anno xxxvi  Thomas Reyner.   
IN this year & the third day of December, reynold Pecoke than being bishop of chichester/ at Lambyth by the archbishop and by a Cot of divyns, was abjured for an heretic and his books after brent at Poulys' cross/ & himself kept in mewe ever while he lived after. And soon after, for to appease this rancour and malice between the Queen and the other lorder/ a day of meeting was appointed by the King at London, whither the duke of york with the other Lords were commanded to come by a certain day. In obeying of which commandment, the duke of york came unto London the xxvi day of January, and was lodged at Baynard's castle. And before him the xv. day of January came the Earl of Salysbury to London, & was lodged at his place called the Erber. And soon after came unto London the dukes of Somerset & of Exetyr/ & were lodged both without temple bar. And in likewise the Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Egremonde, & the young Lord Clyfforde, came unto the city, and were lodged in the subbarbes of the same. And the xiiii day of February came the Earl of warwyke from calais, with a great band of men all arrayed in red iakettes with white ragged staves upon them/ & was lodged at the grey freres. And lastly, that is to say the xvii day of March/ the King & the Queen with a great retinue came unto London/ and were lodged in the bishop of London's palace. And ye shall understand that with these foresaid Lords came great companies of men, in so much that some had vi C. some .v. C & the least four C. wherefore the mayre, 
A good 〈◊〉.  for so long as the King & the Lords lay thus in the city, had daily in harness .v. M. citizens/ and road daily about the city & subbarbes of the same to see the kings peace were kept. And nightly provided for ii M. men in harness, to give attendance upon three aldermen/ and they to keep the night watch till vii of the clock upon the morrow, till the day watch were assembled. By reason whereof, good order and rule was kept, and no man so hardy ones to attempt the breaking of the kings peace. During this watch, a great counsel was held by the King and his Lords.  
By reason whereof, a dyssymuled unity and concord between them was concluded. In token and for joy whereof, the king, the Queen, and all the said Lords, upon out Lady day annuciation in lent at Poulys went solemnly in procession/ and soon after every Lord departed where his pleasure was. And in the month of following, was a great fray in fleet street, between the men of court and the inhabytauntes of the said street/ in which fray a gentleman being the Queens attorney was slain.  
Upon the thursday in whytsonweke, the duke of Somerset with Antony rivers and other iiii, kept jousts of peace before the Queen within the tower of London, again three esquires of the Queens/ and in like manner at Grenewych the Sunday following. And upon Trynyty Sunday or the monday following, certain ships appertaining unto the Earl of warwyke met with a floote of spaniards/ and after long & cruel fight, took vi of them laden with iron and other merchandise/ and drowned and chased to the number of xxvi, nat without shedding of blood on both parties/ for of the Englyshmen were slain an. C. and many more wounded and sore hurt.  
In this year after some auctors, a merchant of Brystowe named Sturmyn, which with his ship had travailed in divers parties of levaunte and other parties of the Gest, for so moche as the same ran upon him that he had gotten green pepyr and other species to have set and sown in England as the fame went/ therefore the genoese waited him upon the see, and spoiled his ship and other.  
But this is full like to be untrue that the genoese should spoil him for any such cause/ for there is no nation in England that delyth so little with spycies. But were it for this cause or other, troth it is that by that nation an of fence was done/ for the which all the merchants genoese in London were arrested and committed to the fleet, till they had found insufficient surety to answer to the premisses. And finally for the harms which their nation had done to the said Sturmyn & to this realm/ vi. M. mark was set to their pain to pay. But how it was paid no mention I find.  
In this year also was made an ordinance by authority of the King and his counsel, for the ordering of the saintwary men within saint martyn's the grand. whereof the articles are at length set out in the book of. K. within the chambered of guild hall in the lief. CC.xcix. Whereof the execution of observing were necessary to be used/ but more pity it is, few points of it been exercised.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.lviii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lix. Draper. Ralph Josselyn.  Thomas Scotte.  Anno xxxvii  richard Nedeham.   
This year about the feast of Candelmasse, the foresaid dissimuled loveday hanging by a small thread, between the Queen and that fore named Lords, expressed in the preceding year/ the King and many Lords than being at westminster, a stray happened to fall between a servant of the Kings & a servant of the Earls of warwyke/ the which hurt the kings servant & after escaped. wherefore the Kings other meynial servants saying they might nat be avenged upon the party that thus had hurt their fellow/ as the said Earl of berwick was coming from the counsel, & was going toward his barge, the kings servants came unwarely upon him, so rabbysshely that the cookies with their spytties & other officers with other wepyns, came running as mad men, intending to have slain him, so that he escaped with great danger & took his barge/ & so in all haste rowed to London, nat without great maymies & hurts received by many of his servants. For this the old rancour & malice which never was clearly cured, anon begun to break out/ in so much that the queens counsel would have had the said Earl arrested and committed unto the tower. Wherefore he shortly after departed toward warwyke/ and by policy purchased soon after a commission of the King, and so yode or sailed unto calais. then increased this old malice more & more/ in so much that where the Queen and her counsel saw that they might nat be avenged upon the Earl, that so unto calais was departed/ than they maligned again his father the Earl of Salysbury, & imagened how he might be brought out of life. And in process of time after, as he was riding toward Salysbury, or after some from his lodging toward London/ the Lord Audeley with a strong company was assigned to meet with him, & as prisoner to bring him unto London. whereof the said Earl being warned, gathered unto him the more men/ & keeping his journey, met with the said lord Audeley at a place called Bloreheth/ where both companies ran together & had there a strong by kering. Whereof in the end the Earl was vyctoure, and slew there the Lord Audeley & many of his retynew. At this skyrmies she were the ii sons of the said Earl sore wounded, named sir Thomas and Sir Iohn/ the which shortly after as they were going homeward, were by some of the queens party taken, & as prisoners scent unto Chestry. When this was known unto the duke of york and to the other Lords of his party/ they knew & understode that if they provided nat shortly for remedy for themself, they should all be destroyed. And for that they by one assent gathered to them a strong host of men, as of March men and other/ & in the month of Octobre, that was in the beginning of the xxxviii year of the reign of King Henry, & the later end of this mayor's year, they drew them toward the King/ to the intent to remove from him such persons as they thought were enemies unto the common weal of England. But the Queen and her counsel hearing of the intent & strength of these Lords, caused the King in all haste to send forth commissions to gather the people/ so that in short while the King was strongly accompanied, & so sped him upon his journey to ward the duke of york & his company. Whereof hearing the said duke, than being with his people near unto the town of Ludlowe/ pight there a sure & strong field, that none of his foes might upon any part enter. where he so lying, came to him from calais the Earl of warwyke with a strong band of men/ among the which was Andrew Trollop and many other of the best soldiers of calais. The duke thus keeping his field upon that one party, and the King with his people upon that other/ upon the night preceding the day that both hosts should have met/ the forenamed Andrew Trolloppe with all the chief soldiers of calais, secretly departed from the dukes host, and went unto the Kings, where they were joyously received. When this thing to the duke and the other Lords was ascertained they were therewhyth sore dismayed/ and specially for the said Lords had to the said Andrew showed the hole of their intents, which than they knew well should be clearly discovered unto their enemies. Wherefore after counsel for a remedy taken/ they concluded to flee, & to leave the field standing as they had been present and still abiding. And so incontinently the said duke with his two sons & a few other persons fled toward Wales/ and from thence passed safely into Ireland.  
And the Earls of Salysbury, of March, & of warwyke, and other, with a secret company also departed and took the way into devonshire/ where a squire named Johan Dynham (which after was a Lord and high treasurer of England, & so lastly in Henry the vii days and xvi. Year of his reign died) bought a ship for a. C. & ten marks or a leaven score nobles/ and in the same ship the said Lords went, & so sailed into Gerneley. And when they had a season there sojourned and refreshed themself/ they departed thence, as in the beginning of the next mayor's year shallbe clearly showed. Upon the morrow when all this covin was known to the King and the Lords upon his party/ there was sending and running with all speed toward every cooste to take these Lords/ but none might be found. And forthwith the King road unto Ludlowe, & despoiled the town and castle, & sent the Duchess of york with her children unto the Duchess of Buckingham her sister/ where she rested long after.   

Anno. dni. M. CCCC.lix.  Anno dni. M. CCCC.lx. Fysshemonger. Hohn Plummer.  wyllyam Hulyn.  Anno xxxviii  Iohn Stocker.   
This year that is to mean upon the Friday next ensuing Alhalowen day, after the said Earls of Salysbury, of March, & of berwick had as before is said refreshed them in the isle of Gernesey/ they upon the Friday foresaid landed at calais/ and there were at a postern by their friends joyously received. Than anon upon this these foresaid Lords were proclaimed rebels & traitors/ & the young duke of Somerset was made captain of calais. Wherefore in all haste he made purveyance & sailed thither to take possession of the town. But he failed of his purpose/ for the foresaid Earls there being, kept so the town, that there he might have no rule/ notwithstanding that he showed the kings letter patenties, with many other straight commandments of the King. For which cause the said duke yode unto Guynys, and there held him for a season. And anon as the said duke was landed/ some of the shipmen, which had brought him thither, for good will that they owed unto the Earl of warwyke conveyed their ships straight into calais haven, & brought with them certain persons named Genyn Fenbyll, Iohn fellow, Kayles and Purser, which were enemies unto the said Earl of warwyke/ the which were presented unto the Lords, and soon after within the said town of calais they were beheaded. This rumour thus continuing/ daily came unto these Lords great succour out of England. And upon that other party the duke as before is said lying in the castle of Guynes gate unto him aid and strength of soldiers, & made out and skyrmysshed with them of calais many and sundry times. In which assaults many men were slain & hurt upon both parties/ but most wicked the Duke's party. For all be that the Lords lost many men/ yet they daily came so thick to them out of divers parties of England, that their loss was nat espied/ so that they wanted no men, but money to maynteyn their daily charge with. For remedy where of they shifted with the staple of calais for xviii M. li. which sums of money when they had received, the said Lords of one assent made over the forenamed Master Iohn Dynham with a strong company/ & sent him unto sandwich to win the Kings navy than there dying, and other things for their needs necessary. The which sped him in such wise, that he took the lord rivers in his bed, & wan the town, & took the lord scales son unto the said lord Rivers, with other rich prays and after took of the kings navy what ships them liked, and after returned unto calais/ nat without consent & agreement of many of the mariners, which owed their singular favours unto the Earl of warwyke. In this journey was the said Johan Dynham sore hurt, that he was maimed upon the leg, & halted while he lived after. Than after this journey thus achieved/ the said Lords by tailed and manned the said ships/ & sent with them as chief capitain the Earl of warwyke into Ireland, to speak with the duke of york, and to have his counsel for matters concerning their charge, as re-enter into this land and other. where when he had happily sped his needs, he returned toward calais, bringing with him his mother the Countess of Salysbury/ & also kept his course till he came into the west country. where at that time was the duke of Gretyr as admiral of the see, with a competent number of ships well manned/ in so much that the Earl of warwyke provided to have given battle unto the said duke, if he had made any countenance toward him. But the duke hard such murmur & speech among his own company, which founded unto the Earl of warwykes favour, that he thought it was more unto his profit to suffer him to pass than to fight with him. But were it for this cause or for other which the common fame runneth upon which were long to write/ certain & troth it is that the said Earl passed without fight, & came in safety to calais. In this pass time a parliament or great counsel was held at coventry. By authority whereof the duke of york and all the other foresaid Lords with many other were attainted, and their lands & goods seized to the kings use. And for the more surer defence that they should nat eft land in Kent, provision was made to defend the havens & porties upon the sees side. And at sandwich was ordained a new strength with a capitain named Sir Symonde Mounforde. And over this provision was ordained, that no merchant passing into the costs of Flaunders, should pass or go by calais, for fere that any should come to the aid of the said Lords. But this provision notwithstanding/ comfort to them was sent daily out of England.  
Than these Lords hearing of all this provision made upon the sees side to withstand their landynge, sent out an other company unto Sandewyche/ the which there skyrmysshed with the said Sir Symonde Mountforde, & in the end took him & brought him unto rise bank, & there smote of his heed. The foresaid Lords than considering the strength, which they had with them, and manifold friends & hearts, which they had in sundry places of England/ condescended for to sail into England, & so to bring about their intent & purpose. Which was as the common fame went, to put a part from the King all such persons as were enemies to the common weal of the land. And this to bring about, after they had set the town of calais in an order & sure keeping/ they took shiping, & so sailed into England, & landed at Dover/ and from thence held on their journey thorughe Kente, so that they came to London the ii day of July. And after they had there refreshed them and their people/ they departed thence, & sped them toward the King, which at the same time of their landynge was at Coventry, and there gathered his people/ & so came unto 
‡  Northampton where he pight his field. Whereof the said Lords being informed, sped them thytherward/ so that upon the ix day of July, both hosts there met & fought there a cruel battle. But after long fight, the victory fell unto the Earl of Salysbury and the other Lords upon his party/ & the kings host was sparkled & chased, & many of his noble men slain. Among the which was the duke of Buckynghan, the Earl of Shrowsbury, the vycount Beaumound, the Lord Egremond, with many other knights and esquires/ and the King taken in the field. After which victory thus by these Lords obtained/ they in goodly haste after returned unto London, and brought with them the King keeping his estate, & lodged him in the bishop of London palace. And after speedy knowledge sent of all the premisses unto the duke of york yet being in Ireland/ a parliament in the name of the King was than called & holden at westminster. During which parliament the duke of york came unto westminster upon the friday before saint Edward's day or the ten day of October, and lodged him in the kings palace. Whereof anon arose a noise thorough the city, that King Henry should be deposed, & the duke of york should be King. Upon this this parliament thus continuing, the duke came one day into the parliament chamber/ & there boldly being the Lords present, set him down in the kings seat/ & so there sitting, made a pretence and claim unto the crown, affirming it to be his rightful inheritance/ & had there certain bold words in justifying of the same/ wherewith all the lords present were greatly dismayed. For this, great & many opinions were moved among the Lords. How be it aswell divers of his friends as other, were of the mind that he should nat be admitted for King, during the life of King Henry. For appeasing whereof, many great counsels were kept aswell at the black freres as at westminster.  
In all which time and season the Queen with such Lords as were of her affinity, held them in the north country/ & assembled to them great strength in the kings name, to the end to subdue as she said the kings rebels and enemies. Thus continuing this unkindness between the King and the duke/ all be it that at that season both the King and he were both lodged within the palace of westminster/ yet would he natte for prayer nor instance one's bysyte the King, nor see him, till the counsel were concluded upon some final end concernyug this great matter/ the which so continued the full term of this mayor's year.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lx  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxi Grocer. richard Fleming.  richard Lee.  Anno xxxix  Iohn Lambarde.   

This year which was in the beginning of thee. xxxlx. Year of King Henry's reign, that is to mean upon the even of all saints or the last day of October/ it was condescended by the Lords spiritual & temporal, & by the hole authority of the said parliament, that King Henry should continue & reign as King during his natural life/ & after his death his son Prince Edward to be set a part, & the duke of york & his heirs to be Kings/ & incontynentely the duke to be admitted as protector and regent of the land. And if at any time after the King of his own free will and mind were disposed to resign & give up the rule of the land, that than he should resign unto the duke if he than lived, and to none other/ & to his heirs after his days/ with many other matters and conventions which were tedious to write. All which conclusions as than by man's wit might be assured for the parfourmaunce of them when time required parfyghted/ the King with the duke & many other Lords than there present, came that night to Poulys, & there hard evynsong/ & upon the morrow came thither again to mass, where the King yode in procession crowned with great royalty/ & so lay still in the bishops palace a season after. And upon the saturday following being the ix day of November/ the duke was proclaimed through the city heir paraunt unto the crown of England, & all his progeny after him. Than for as much as Queen Margarete accompanied with price Edward her son, the dukes of Somerset & of Excetyr, and divers other Lords, held her in the north as above is said, and would nat come at the Kings sending for/ therefore it was agreed by the Lords than at London presence, that the duke of york should take with him the Earl of Salysbury with a certain people, to fetch in the said Queen & Lords abovesaid. The which duke & Earl departed from London with their people upon the second day of December/ & so sped them northward. Whereof the Queen with her Lords being ware, and having with them a great strength of Northernemen/ met with the duke of york upon the xxx day of December near unto a town in the north called wakelfeld were between them was fought a sharp fight. 
The 〈…〉  In the which the duke of york was slain with his son called Earl of Rutland, and Sir Thomas nevil, son unto the Earl of Salysbury, with many other/ and the Earl of Salysbury was there taken on live with diverse other. when the Lords upon the queens party had gotten this victory/ anon they sent their prisoners unto Pountfreyte, the which were after there beheaded/ that is to mean the Earl of Salysbury, a man of London named Iohn narrow, and an other capitain named Hanson/ whose heads were sent unto york/ and there set upon the gates.  
And when the Queen had obtained this victory/ she with her retinue drew toward London/ where at that time during this troublous season, great watchies were kept daily and nyghtelye/ and diverse opinions were among the citesyns. For the mayre and many of the chief commoners held upon the queens party/ but the communalty was with the duke of york & his affinity. when tidings were brought unto the city of the coming of the Queen with so great an host of Northernemen/ anon such as were of the contrary party brought up a noise thorough the city, that she brought those Northernemen to the intent to rifle and spoil the city, where thorough she was increased of enemies. But what so her intent was/ she with her people held on her way till she came to saint Albon.  
In the which mean time the Earl of warwyke and the duke of Norfolk, which by the duke of york were assigned to give attendance upon the King/ by consent of the King, gathered unto them strength of knights, and met with the queens host at saint 
‡ The battle of saint Albon:  Albon's foresaid/ where between them a strong fight was fought upon Shrove tuysday in the morning. At that which the duke of Norfolk & the said Earl in the endewere chased/ and King Henry taken eft upon the field & brought unto the Queen. And the same after noon after some writers, he made his son price Edward knight which than was of the age of viii years/ with other to the noubre of xxx persons.  
when Queen Margaret was thus comen again to her above/ anon she sent unto the mayre of London, willing & commanding him in the Kings name that he should in all speedy wise send to saint albonies certain carts with lentyn stuff for the vytayling of her host. Which commandment the mayre obeyed/ and with great diligence made provision for the said victual/ and sent it in carties toward Crepylgate for to have passed to the Queen. where when it was common/ the commons many there being, which had hard other tidings of the Earl of March as after shallbe showed/ of one mind with stood the passage of the said carts, & said it was nat behoveful to feed their enemies, which intended the robbing of the city. And nat withstanding that the mayre with his brethren exhorted the people in their best manner, showing to them many great dangers which was like to ensue to the city if the said dytayll went nat forth/ yet might he nat turn them from their obstinate error but for a conclusion was fain to appoint the recorder & with him a certain of aldermen to ride unto the kings counsel to Barnet, and to make request unto them that the Northern men might be returned home for fere of robbing of the city/ and overthies other secret friends were made unto the queens grace, to be good & gracious unto the city. During which treaty/ divers citizens avoided the city and land. Among the which Phylip Malpas, which as before is showed in the twenty and viii year of this King, was rob of Jacke Cade/ which Malpas & other was met upon the see with a Frenchman named column, and of him taken prisoner/ & after paid iiii M. mark for his ransom. Thus passing the time/ the tidings which before were secret, now were blown abroad/ and openly was told that the Earls of March & of warwyke, were met at Cottyswolde, and had gathered unto them great strength of Marchemen, & were well sped upon their way to ward London. For knowledge whereof, the King and the Queen with their host were returned northward. But or they departed from saint Albonis/ there was beheaded the lord Bonuyle & Sir Thomas Teryll knyghet, which were taken in the forenamed field. Than the Duchess of york being at London, hearing the loss of this field/ sent her two younger sons, that is to mean George which after was duke of Clarence, and Richard that after was duke of gloucester, into Utrych in Almaigne/ where they remained a while.  
Than the foresaid Earls of March and of warwyke sped them toward London, in such wise that they came thyderupon the thursday in the first week of lent. To whom resorted all the gentlemen for the more party of the south & east party of England. And in this while that they thus rested at London/ a great counsel was called of all Lords spiritual & temporal that than were there about. By the which finally after many arguments made, for so moth as King Henry contrary his honour and promise at the last parliament made and assured, and also for that that he was reputed unable and insufficient to rule the realm/ was than by their assents deposed and discharged of all kingly honour and regally. And incontinently by authority of the said counsel and agreement of the commons there present/ Edward the eldest son unto the duke of york, than was there elected and then chosen for King of England. After which election and admission/ the said Earl of March giving laud and praise unto god, upon the four day of March accompanied with all the foresaid Lords & multitude of commons, was conveyed unto westminster/ and there took possession of the realm of England. And sitting in his estate royal in the great hall of the same with his sceptre in hand/ a question was axed of the people than present, if they would admit him for their King & sovereign lord/ the which with one voice cried, ye ye. And than after the accustomed use to Kings to swear and after the oath taken/ he went into the abbey, where he was of the abbot & monks met with procession, & conveyed unto saint Edward's shrine, and there offered as King & that done received homage & feaute of all such Lords as there than were present. And upon the morrow following, were proclamations made in accustomat places of the city, in the name of Edward the four than King of England. Upon which day the King came unto the palace at Poulys, & there dined/ and there rested him a season, in making provision to go northward for to subdue his enemies. Than upon the saturday following being the day of March/ the Earl of warwyke with a great puissance of people departed out of London northward. And upon wednesday following the kings footmen went toward the same journey.  
And upon friday next following, the King took his voyage through the city with a great hand of men/ and so road forth at bishop pesgate. In which self same day, which was the xii day of March/ a grocer of London named walter walker, for offence by him done again the King, was beheaded in smithfield. But his wife, which after was married to Iohn Norlande grocer & lastly alderman/ had such friends about the King, that her goods were nat forfeited to the Kings use. The King than so holding his journey, met with his enemies at a village ix miles on this half york called Towton or Shyreborn/ and upon palm Sunday gave unto them battle. The which was so cruel, that in the field and chase were slain upon xxx thousand men over the men of name/ of the which here after some ensue. That is to say the Earl of Northumberlande, the Earl of westmerlande, the Lord Clyfforde, the Lord Eyromonde, Sir Iohn Sir Andrew Trollop, and other to the number of xi or more. And among other at the same field was taken the Earl of devonshire, & after the Earl of wilshire/ which said Earl of devonshire was sent unto york, and there after beheaded. Henry than which lately was King, with the Queen & their son Sir Edward, the duke of Somerset, the lord Rose and other, being than at york/ hearing of the overthrow of their people, and great loss of their men, in all haste fled toward Scotland. And upon the morrow following, the King with moche of his people entered into york, and there held his Easter tide. And upon Easter even, tidings were brought unto London of the winning of this field. Wherefore at Poulys Te deum was sungen with great solemnity, & so thorough the city in all paryssh churches. And thus this ghostly man King Henry lost all, when he had reigned full xxxviii years vi months & odd days. And the noble & most bounteous Princess Queen Margarete of whom many an untrue surmise was imagined & told/ was fain to fly comfortless, and lost all that she had in England for ever. When that King Edward with great solemnity had holden the feast of Easter at york/ he than removed to Durham. And after his business there finished, he returned again southward/ & left in those parties the Earl of warwyke to see the rule & guiding of that country.  
Than the King coosted and visited the countries southward & eastward/ that about the beginning of the month of Juny he came unto his manor of sheen now called Rychemount. In all which pastime purveyance was made for the kings coronation. In accomplishing whereof the King upon the xxvii day of Juny being Friday, departed from the said manor & road unto the tower of London. Upon whom gave attendance that mayre & his brethren all clad in scarlet, and to the numbered of four C. commoners well horsed & clad all in green. And upon the morn being Saturday/ he made there xxviii knights of the bath, & after that four moo. And the same after noon he was with all honour conveyed to westminster/ the said xxxii knights riding before him in blue gowns & hoods upon their shoulders like to priests, with many other goodly and honourable ceremonies that which were long to rehearse in due order. 
‡ coronation of Edward the fourth.  And upon the morn being Sunday & saint Peter's day/ he was with great triumph of the archbishop of Caunterbury crowned & anointed before the high altar of saint Peter's church of westminster. And after this solemnisation of the crowning of the King with also the sumptuous & honourable feast held in westminster hall was finished/ the King soon after created George his brother duke of Clarence.  
And in the month of July following at the standard in cheap, the hand of a servant of the Kings called Iohn Davy was stricken of/ for that he had stricken a man within the palace of westminster.   

Francia. ¶ Carolus viii  
CArolus or Charles the vii of the name after the account of this book, or the seven. after the French history, son of charles the vii or vi, began his reign over the Frenchmen in the month of October in the year of our Lord. M.iiii. C. & xxii/ and in the beginning of Henry the vi than King of England. Of this charles sundry writers sunderly write/ in so much as some affirm him to be the natural son of Charles the vii/ some affirm him to be the son of the duke of orleans & borne of the Queen/ and some there been that name him the son of Charles fore named gotten in the baste, upon his most beauteous paramour named Agnes/ the which as testifieth Gaguynus, excelled all other women in feature & beauty, and for the same to be surnamed the fair Agnes. This in her middle age died/ & was so rich that her testament amounted to ix M. scutes in gold, the which in sterling money amounteth to the sum of ten M. li. Than to return to this charles/ likely it is that he was nat the natural son of the forenamed charles, for as much as his said father ordained and willed the realm of France unto Katherine his daughter and wife unto King Henry the v/ and agreed with the consent of the more part of the Lords of his realm both spiritual & temporal, that during his life the said King Henry should be regent of France, & after his death to be King of the said reg●on, as more at length before I have showed unto you in the vii year of the said Henry the .v. But whether he be his legyttymat son or not, where upon I purpose no longer to stand/ troth it is that he was by his father admitted & made dolphin of Uyen/ by reason whereof he was in a great authority, & won to him favour of some Lords of France, which strongly maintained his party during the life of King Henry the v, & after all that season while the duke of bedford occupied there as regent of that region, & was of some parties of France reputed for King. How be it he was never crowned, so long as the said duke of bedford lived. Nevertheless he by mean of policy & his friends so defended himself, that little by the Englyshemen was won upon him, of such lands as he first was in possession of. But polytykely he defended them, & little and little so prevailed again them, that in the end he all only wan nat to him the possession of that province that which is named France, but also he wan to him in the end the King of England's old inheritance, that is Normandy, with all dominions to the same appertaining.  
The manner of winning of them I will nat in this story speak of, for so much as in the former years of King Henry the vi I have there expressed the manner of some part thereof. But that I shall speak of them, shallbe of things done between him & other Princes. And for that I before in the viii year of Henry the vi, promised in the vi year of this Charles to show unto you some what of the maiden or pucel, which the French men named 
‡ La ●ucesse de dieu.  lafoy pucelle de dieu, & her for a messenger from god to be sent reputed/ I shall here follow the saying of Gaguyne, which sayeth as followeth. In the vi year or there about, to rekyn from the death of this Charles father/ a wench or maiden being bred in a street or village called in Latin Ualli colour, & in this time being sprung to the age of twenty years or there about, having to father a poor man named Jakes Delarch and her mother Isabella, she also bearing the name of Jane or Johan/ required by divers & sundry times an uncle of hers being prefect of the foresaid village, that he would present her unto the French King for things concerning greatly the weal of him & of his realm. Which said perfect after many delays, for so much as in her words he had little trust/ yet at length her said uncle being named Robert Baudryncourt, sent her with a convenient company unto the King, with letters certyfyenge him of all the manner of this maid. Whereof the said Charles being ascertained/ thought he would use some mean to know the virtue of this wench. And for he had perfect experience that before times this woman had never seen his person/ he thought he would change his room and habit, to see whether she by her virtue could know him from other/ and that done, he standing among other of his familiars as one of them/ she was called into the chamber, & demanded if ever before time she had seen the King. And after she had answered nay/ she was bidden to espy out the King, which there stood among that company.  
The which anon without dyfficulte him fande and saluted as king, And all be it that he refused her reverence, & said that she erred in her choice/ yet she parsevered kneeling at his feet and said that by god's purveyance she was taught that he was her very sovereign prince & none other. Wherefore the King & all his Lords had in her the more affiance, that by her the land should be relieved, which at that day was in passing misery. Than after divers questions to her made, what was the cause of her thither coming/ she answered & said that she was sent from god, to stablish the King in his realm/ and that by her she being leader & capitain of his people, by divine grace only the King should shortly subdue his enemies. By reason of which words, the King with his Lords were somedeal comforted.  
Upon this, armour & sword was sought for this maiden/ the which as sayeth my said author, was founden miraculously/ whereof the process to me appeareth so dark & fantastycall, that therewith me list nat to blot my book but suffer it to pass by. Than this wench being purveyed of all things necessary to the war/ a company of knights & soldiers to her by the King was assigned. And so she riding as a man & in man's habit/ continued by the space of ii years & more, and did many wonderful feats/ and got from the englishmen many strong towns and holds. wherefore among frenchmen she was wordshypped for an angel or a messynger sent from god, to relieve their great misery. And as affirmeth the said author/ she by her providence caused the said Charles as King of France to be crowned at Raynes, in the year of our lord. M. four hundredth and xxix  
All be it nouther the French chronicle nor other, which I have seen testifieth that/ but affermyn that he was nat crowned during the life of the duke of bedford. But almighty god which for a season suffereth such sorcery and devilish ways to prosper & reign, to the correction of sinners/ lastly to show his power, and that good men should nat fall into any error, he showeth the clearness of such mystical things/ and so he did in this. 
th'end lapucelle de dieu.  For lastly she by a knight Burgonyon was taken, & after sent to Rouen, and there brent for her demerits, as in the viii year of Henry the vi is more at length showed. Than the time forth passing, and continual war between England & France continuing/ among many tribulations by this Charles sustained, one that was his own son named Lewis, comforted and assisted by the dukes of Bourbon and Alenson with other men of name, rebelled again his father, and warred upon him/ and by strength won from him certain towns & strong holds. For remedy whereof/ the said Charles made war upon the forenamed duke of Bourbon/ and wasted with iron and fire the countries of the said duke of Bourbon. By mean whereof, after this unkyndely war had dured by the space of six months or more/ a peace and unity between the father & son was treated/ & by means of the Earl of Ewe, a concord & unite between them was finally concluded/ & he the said Lewis & all such as with him were retained or allied, were for this offence by the said Charles clearly pardoned/ one person all only excepted named Jaket or Jakis, by whose treason the castle of Maxente was lost and taken/ for which offence he was after drawn, hanged, & also quartered.  
Than in process of time following the flemings of gaunt rebelled again their duke or Earl named Philip. The cause of which rebellion was, for that he arreared a grievous task upon salt/ & put the people there by to grievous charge. Whereupon deadly war between the duke and his subjects arose, to the dystruction of moche people upon both parties, whereof the circumstance were long to write. How be it in the end the duke or Earl by aid of the French King was victor/ & held them of gaunt so straight, that they were compelled by force to buy their peace with great sums of money, & to their other many fold damages.  
About the xxxi year of this said Charles/ came unto him from pope Nycholas the .v. of that name an ambassade, for to require aid again the turks, for the defence of Constantyne the noble, which the turks purposed shortly after to assail. To which ambassade by the said charles it was answered, that to him it was right grievous to here of the intolerable persecution, which the christen daily sustained of the turks. But he was of the English nation so vexed and warred, that he might nat leave his land without an head, to the comfort of other, & to lose his own. But to the intent that he before times might have warred upon the said turks/ he for that cause only had offered unto the King of England many reasonable offers. And if of the english party any like offers might be to him proffered/ he would gladly them accept, & turn his spear incontinently again the forenamed Turks. And over that he would for the furtherance of the matter, send with them unto the King of England certain ambassadors, to see if that as yet any reasonable peace might be between them concluded. For accomplisshement whereof as testifieth mine author Gaguynus he sent the archbishop of Raynes with other honourable persons. The which when they to King Henry and his counsel had showed their legation/ it was to them shortly answered, that at such season as the Englysshemen had won again so moche land as the frenchmen by Cawtelies had won from them/ than were it good time & season to treat of accord, & nat before. By reason of which answer/ the Pope's ambassade returned to Rome without aid or comfort. And thus the French writers lay ever the charge from their Prince, & put it unto other. But of this ambassade or answer, find I no memory of any english writers.  
About the xxxiiii year of the reign of this charles/ Lewis his son before named being a man of great liberality and largesse, thought his father departed nat with him of his movables & possessions as he had cause to do. For the which by comfort of young persons as he had about him, he rebelled this second time again his said father/ & by reason of his largesse & liberality, drew unto him much wanton & wild people/ & with their assistance warred upon his father's friends, & intended to deprive his father of all governance of the realm. Whereof hearing his father/ in all possible haste gathered to him great strength, and sped him toward his said son. But when Lewis was warned of the coming of his father with so great an host, & considered his quarrel & weakness/ he with a few persons fled toward Burgoyne. whereof hearing the father sent in all haste people to keep the passages/ and did that he might to have stopped him of his way. But that provision notwithstanding/ the said Lewis escaped, and came safely unto the presence of Phylyppe then duke of Burgoyne/ the which him received with glad cheer, and entreated him according to his estate, and so kept him during his father's life. Nowbeit he made for him great suit and labour, to win him to his father's grace. But all was in vain. For what by obstinacy of the same that he would not submit him to his father, and come unto his presence when he was sent for, & for the great stomach of the father, that he would not be conditioned with of the son/ this variance continued between them as above is said the term of his father's life. In the which pass time this charles concluded a marriage between his daughter called Magdaleyne, and Ladyslaus King of Beme, Hungary, and of Polayne. But while the bride with great apparel and pomp was conveyed toward her husband to be married/ her said husband was taken suddenly with sickness, and died with in xxiiii hours after that he first complained him/ which was by force of poison as most writers agreen. Of which tidings when charles was asserteyned/ he therewith took such a pensyffenesse, that he died shortly after, when he had ruled a part and the hole realm, to reckon from the death of his father xxxvi years. How be it of French writers no certain term of his reign to him is assigned/ for so much as King Henry the vi. Long after the death of his father, was allowed in Paris and many other cities of France for sovereign and King of that region. This charles thus being deed, left after him two sons/ that is to say Lewis that after him was King, and a younger named charles, with the forenamed daughter named Magdaleyne, or after some Margarete. And after with great pomp his corpse was conveyed unto saint Denys, and there buried.   

Francia. Lewis the xi  
LEwys the xi of that name after the account of this book, and ten after the French account, whereof the cause is before showed, son to Charles last deed/ began his dominion over the realm of France, in the month of October, in the year of grace. M.iiii. hundredth and lviii and the xxxvi year of Henry the vi than King of England. This of Gaguinus is called the sturdy or fell Lewis. The which at the time of his father's death, being, as above is said unrecounsyled in the province of Burgoyne, & hearing of the death of his father/ with aid of the foresaid duke Phylyp shortly entered the realm of France, & took upon him the rule in every good city & town as he passed as King of the same/ so that many Lords & head officers drew unto him. By mean whereof he was strong/ & put such unto silence, as after the will & purpose of his father would have preferred his younger son named charles. Than this Lewis by strength of his friends was shortly after at Raynes crowned King of France. After which solemnity finished, he repaired unto Paris/ and there by consent of his council made a law, that no man of what degree that he were, should use hunting or hawking without special licence/ & specially for chasing or hunting of wolfs/ nor to keep with him any hounds or other instruments whereby the game might be destroyed. And that done, Phylyp foresaid duke of Burgoyne after counsel to him given that he should forget and forgive all dyspleasurs to him tofore done by any of his Lords, and them to honour and cherish/ & specially his young brother charles to nourish and to depart with him lovingly of his father's possessions/ took leave of him and departed. After whose deꝑture/ he contrary the foresaid counsel, refused the company of his Lords & also their counsel/ and drew unto him as his chief counsellors villains and men of low birth. Of that which, the four principal were named as followeth, Iohn de Lude, Iohn Balna, Oliver devil, whom for the odyousnesse of the name the King caused it to be changed and to be named Damman/ and the fourth was named Stephan and usher of the kings chamber door/ the whithe he promoted to great honour & dignities. Among whom Balna being a pressed, was by his means at length made a cardinal of Rome.  
Thus he using the counsel of these persons/ murmur and grudge began to spring between him and his Lords/ in so much that first the duke of britain began to estrange him from the King, and refused to come unto his presence when he was sent for. Whereof hearing the Earl of Ewe with other, drew them unto the duke. To the which party soon after, the Kings brother charles, with also the duke of Bourbon which had married the kings sister, with many other noble men of the realm, resorted. When the King was ware that his Lords conspired again him/ fearing the rebellion of his commons, sent in speedy manner unto Paris the forenamed Iohn Balna with other certain persons, to keep that city in due obeisance toward him/ thinking that the other cities & good towns of his region, would take ensample thereof, and demean them as that city did. After whose coming/ the rulers of Paris by the amonystement of the said Iohn, ordained good and sure watch/ and so by that mean kept the city in good order. And in the mean season, the King gathered to him great foison of knights and soldiers, that his host was numbered at xxx thousand men. And in like wise the other party had assembled as many or more. And not withstanding the assyduat labour and means made by the duke of Burgoyne, and Carlota wife to the duke of Bourbon & sister to the King as is above said, to make an unity and peace between Lewis and his Lords/ yet finally the King & they met in plain battle at a place called Chartres, where between them was a long and cruel battle, to the loss of moche people on both parties. And all be it that the King in the beginning had the better of his enemies/ yet in the end he was overcomen, his men chased, and he forced to fly, & to take for his safeguard a castle named Mountclere. From the which he shortly departed, and yode to an other castle called Corboyll, and from thence lastly unto Paris/ where he intended to have gathered new people, and to have revenged him of his enemies. But by the wise and good exortation of the bishop of Paris, the King changed his purpose/ and all was set in a quietness for that tyme. But how or in what manner, or what the conditions of the accord were/ mine author doth not express. The which accord thus concluded/ the King continued his old manners, and delighted him more to company with simple and inreverent parsons to eat and drink with them, to the end that he might talk of ribaldry and vain and vicious fables/ than to accompany him with his Lords, where he might have won him much honour. This Lewis also was of so divers and wanton condition, that he would go more lyker a yeoman or a serving man, than like a Prince. The which was for no regardshyp nor sparing of good/ for as before I have showed, & also after shall appear, he was a Prince of most liberality, and therewith an oppressor of his subjects.  
LEwis thus passing his time/ was driven of necessity for lack of money, to a pressed of the citizens of Paris. The which after many excusies by them laid to put it by, and might not be allowed/ they lastly denayed the kings pleasure. where withal he being grievously discontented, removed diverse from their offices/ and other which were of the richest and head men of the city, he sought again them surmised causes/ & without proofs or justice, put many of them to death. For these foresaid causes & many other which tedious were to express, the foresaid Lords again assembled their people/ intending to subdue the King, and to set his brother in his place/ or to cause him otherwise to rule the common weal. And to strength the barons party/ Iohn son unto the duke of Calabre approached to them, with a good band of men. And to them came also the son of the duke of Burgoyne named charles. All which barons of one assent met at a town called stampies/ where they continued their counsel by the space of xu days/ and after that counsel finished, took their journey toward Paris. In which pass time a spy of the duke of britains, called Peter Gerold was taken in Paris, and drawn, hanged, and quartered/ and divers men and women that were suspected to owe favour unto the Lords, were sacked and cast in to the water of sayn. Then for to strength and guide the city of Paris, the King sent thither the Earl of Donoyse/ by whose provision all warly ordinance for to defend their enemies was there prepared. In the which time & season, the Lords in iii parts embattled, approached the city. Whereof the first host lad charles brother unto the King/ the second the duke of britain/ & the third charles the son to the duke of Burgoyne. provided that charles first named lad the myddleward. When the said Earl of Donoyse had well considered the strength of the Lords/ he sent unto them a messenger, saying that in his mind he marveled to see so great a multitude of people assembled again the city and common weal of the land/ considering that he was set there by the King as a mediator and a mean, rather to make peace than war, if they were contented that by him any mediation might be laboured and had. But this came to none effect, so that small assaults and skirmishes ensued, to the little damage of both parts. In which pass time the King sent by secret means unto the forenamed Iohn son unto the duke of Calabre/ and him by many means instaunted, to leave the company of the Lords. But all his offers availed right nought. then the foresaid Lords thus dying before the city of Paris, in the plain where standeth the monastery of saint Antony/ charles brother to the King caused four letters to be devised. Whereof one he sent to the bishops and spiritual men within the city/ the second to the consuls or head men/ the third to the scholars of the university/ and the four unto the commonalty. Of which letters the intent ensueth/ that he nor none of his company was comen thither as an enemy to the city, or to make war again it or the common weal of the land/ but for the increase and augmentation thereof, to the uttermost of their powers. After receit of which letters, and the matter in them contained well understanden and debated/ certain orators for the said four parties were assigned/ as three for the spiritual men, three for the consuls, three for the university, & three for commonalty/ whose names I over pass. The which with the bishop of Paris were sent unto the barons/ & after long communication with them had, returned to the city with such report as followeth.  
first the Lords would that the inhabytauntes of the city should consider the conditions of the King, that which yearly oppressyth his subjects with tasks and other grievous seruagys'. Secondaryly how he despiseth the noble blood of his realm, and draweth to him villains and men of no reputation/ by whose counsels only all the common weal of the land is ruled and guided. thirdly how he ruleth his subjects by force and will, without ministration of justice/ and himself in all counsels and parlyaments is judge in all causes, and calleth his self counsels and parliaments, more for his singular weal than for the common weal of his realm. fourthly how he enhaunsyth men of low birth unto great honours and causeth noble men to be obedient unto them/ intending to bring the same ignoble men, for to be equal with the Princes of the land. fifthly how the laws be delayed and bolstered by such as stand in his favour/ where thorough as this day law is will and will is law/ and no man almost in any surety of life or goods/ in so much that daily many been banished and put to death for unleeful causes/ and also to any noble man at this day no power or room of honour belongeth/ so that to wild beasts in the forestes appertaineth more liberty and surety, than the more party of the kings subgettes. sixthly the great tasks and sums of money which daily be levied of the commons been not spent in the kings honourable needs and for the common weal of the realm/ but are spent nysely & ryottously, and bribed out of the Kings coffers. For which enormities & misgovernance with many other/ the said Lords were thither comen in defensible array, for the safeguard of their own persons/ as to the head and principal city of the realm, for to have aid and counsel to reform the foresaid evils/ not with standing any harm unto the kings person, or yet to remove him from his regally or kingly majesty/ but to induce him & advertise him to that that should be his honour and the weal of his realm, and to live in wealth and honour as his noble ꝓgenitours have lived before him. For the which causes and considerations with many other which I pass over/ the said Lords as the Kings true subeittes and friends unto the common weal of the land and of that city, desire to enter/ there to refresh them and their people, and to pay truly for all thing that they should take, & without doing harm or violence to any person. All which requests and matters of the Lords showed unto the inhabytauntes of the city, by favour of some friends that they there had, it was with the more party well accepted, and thought convenient that they said nobles should be received into the city. How be it that after long debating of this matter, by mean of the forenamed Earl of Donoyse, a sparing of this receit of the Lords should be, till they had further knowledge of the kings pleasure. Which provision the said Earl fande, for so much as he was secretly warned of the Kings thither coming. And upon this agreement the city rested. For surety whereof, such as were within the city of the kings servants and friends, road daily & nightly about the city with a strong company in harness, to see the people kept in due order. Than upon the day following came unto Paris a capitain of the Kings named Mountalbone, and with him a good bend of men/ the which showed unto the citizens that the King was coming out of Normandye with a great host of. The Lords being warned/ embattled them in the foresaid plain of saint Antoyn, to show the strength of their host unto the city, or such as were therein as their enemies. where they so dying/ certain knights of the kings party, diverse and sundry times broke out by sudden resies, and skyrmysshed with the lords people, to the little hurt of both parties. In the which pass time King Lewis coming out of Normandye, was received into the city. where after his coming he put in execution .v. persons, named Iohn worter, Eustace and Arnolde worter, Iohn Coart, and Fraunceys hast. The which persons were accused to him to be chief occasyoners of the legation made unto the Lords. Of which said .v. persons/ three, as Iohn Coart, Fraunceys hast, & Arnolde worter, were messengers assigned in the said legation for the consuls of Paris/ and the forenamed Eustace worter, was one of the three assigned for the clergy.  
The King thus being in possession of the city/ many and divers assaults and skirmishes between his knights and the Lords were made/ but no notary battle, for the King was far weaker. And over that in this time & season, the said Lords got unto them sundry castles and strong holds. Than at length means of a peace was offered by the King. For concluding wherofꝭ for the King was admitted the Earl of man's, with certain other persons. And for the barons, was assigned Iohn son unto the duke of Calabre, Lewis Earl of saint Poule and other/ the which assembled and commoved together by sundry times ix days. In which season came unto the King a new strength of soldiers out of normandy/ the which the King appointed to keep the subarbes of saint marcel. This treaty thus hanging without conclusion or end taking/ upon the xiiii day of October in the vii year of the reign of this Lewis, was proclaimed through the city and also the host a day of longer truce/ so that than the Lords withdrew them unto their strong holds and castles, holding with them many soldiers which fill to robbing and other unleeful acts, to the great danger and hurt of the land. And at such seasons as the arbytrours met to finish this great matter/ among other things offered by the King, he granted to give unto his brother charles for his portion, all champagne with the lordship of Brye/ the cities of Melde, Monstruell, and Meldune thereof to be excepted. And unto charles son of the duke of Burgoyne, he was contented to give so much money as he had spent in that journey. But all was refused. And finally for obstinacy of both parties/ the day of expiration of the true approached, without hope of accord concluding. Wherefore provision for war upon both parties was devised. Than begun grudge and murmur between the citizens and the kings soldiers/ wherthorough many of the commons hearts turned to the Lords/ so that for fere the surer and stronger watches were kept to the Kings great charge. Shortly after tidings were brought unto the King that the castle of Gysons was of the Lords vesyeged/ and that also the prefect of the Kings palace in Rouen, was taken of the citizens and holden in prison. And the day following came an other messengare, showing unto the King that the duke of Burbone was by the postern received into the castle of Rouen/ and was likely to have shortly the rule of the city/ which came to effect in short while after. When the Lords had gotten the castle and city of Rouen, which is head city of Normandy as Paris is head of France/ than in manner of derision they sent unto the King, saying that neither with champagne nor with Bry his brother charles would be contented, but scantly with the hole duchy of Normandy. Than King Lewis considering the great advantage, which the Lords had of him, both by strength and favour of his commons which daily drew unto them by sundry companies/ in avoiding of more danger, concluded a peace. For performance whereof, he granted unto charles his brother the hole duchy of Normandy/ taking to him in exchange the county of Berry. And to Charlis son to the duke of Burgoyne, Peron, Roya, & a city or town called in Latin Mondiderium/ and therewith he joined Gwynary and the earldom of Boloyne/ which lordship's the said King Lewis had before times bought of duke Phylyp his father. To Iohn of Calabre he granted all such sums of money as he demanded, to wage with soldiers to aid his father again Fardynande then King of Arragon. And to Iohn duke of Bourbon, that which as before is said had married his sister/ he granted all such dowar as to him was promised at the time of marriage/ & all such pension as he was wont yearly to take, of the grant of charles last King within the realm of France. To the duke of britain was restored the earldom of Mountferard, with great sums of money which the King had received of the said county. And to the Earl of Dampmartyne was restored all such lands as before by act of parliament were forfeited to the King. To the Earl of saint Poule was restored the office of the constablerye of France/ & to other men of name other notable things which I pass over. All which grants firmly and fastly assured/ proclamations were made of this pease thorough the realm of France. And after this pease was thus concluded/ the King and his Lords met. To whom he showed great semblant of kindness/ and specially unto his brother. Wherein appeared great dissimulation, as here after shall appear. For this Lewis was of such condition, that what he might not over come with strength, he would win with dissimulation and trechety, After which peace thus concluded, and the Lords departed/ the King feasted the rulers and consuls of the city of Paris/ and gave unto them due thanks, for the great troth & fidelity, which they bore toward him during that troublous season and granted unto them such things, as than they would ask for the weal of that city.  
IT was not long after, that dissimulation fell between charles duke of Normandye, and Iohn foresaid son unto the duke of Calabre and the Earl of Dampmartyne. Whereof a part of the cause was, that the said charles after their thinking, had not so bounteously rewarded them as they had deserved. Of which discord King Lewis was fain/ and in speedy manner road unto a town called argentine/ and there with the said Iohn than being duke of Calabre, by reason of his father's death, held with him long and great counsel, to the intent to dyspossesse his brother of the duchy of Normandye. By reason of which discord between the said two dukes/ King Lewis as aider of the duke of Calabre, made war in the parties of Normandye/ and in process wan therein divers castles and other strong holds, and compelled his brother to hold the city of Rouen for his refuge. where he so being/ the King wan daily upon him/ in so much that divers towns and strong holds submitted them to his grace. Whereof hearing the citizens of Rouen, made an ambassade unto the King, for purchase of grace for their duke and for themself. The which when the duke understood, fearing lest his own citizens would betray him, fled thence/ and so yode to Humflewe, and from thence to Cadomy. In which pass time the King was with due honour received into the city of Rouen/ where he removed many from their offices, and of his servants or such as liked him put in their places/ & much of the ordinance and of abylymentes of war belonging to the town he sent unto Paris/ and the provost of Rouen named gavyne Manuel he put to death/ & after his body was cast into the river, and his head set upon a pole/ & divers of the college with the dean of the same place were put unto death. And all which tyranny by the King executed, and the town put in surety by strength of soldiers/ he after sped him unto orleans, where as saith mine author he purveyed an honourable ambassade, and sent it unto Edward the four then King of England.  
In the ix year of the reign of this Lewis was so great a mortality of men in France, that in Paris died that year over xl M. people. And in this year began a grudge to grow between this Lewis and Phylyppe duke of Burgoyne. But it was kept unkindly during the life of the duke, which died shortly after. To whom succeeded charles his son before named, which in process of time married dame Margarete sister unto King Edward the four as after shallbe showed. It was not long after that this Lewis assembled a great host of people to make war upon charles duke of Burgoyne. Of which people he had committed the rule and charge unto Iohn Balna, which at that day was pressed and cardinal/ and he as a temporal capitain, took of them the mustyrs & other orders. where at the temporal Lords disdaining / the Earl of Dampmartyne said in the names of them unto the King. Most redoubted sovereign Lord, it hath pleased your highness to commit unto a spiritual man the charge of your puissant host/ & he not fearing god, hath taken upon him the cure and charge of them, to the effusion of christian men's blood. Wherefore it may like your most noble grace, to send me a temporal man to visit his diocese, and to take the charge of his flock/ which is as sitting for me, as that other deed is for him. At this saying the King had good game/ but for all that he did as to him seemed best. Of this war between the King & duke charles of Burgoyne I intend not to speak/ for the matter of it is somedeal long and tedious to write. But in this while that Lewis was occupied in this war/ that Brytons with an exceeding power assailed the parties of Norue having Charlis brother unto Lewis to their leader, which to the duke of britain was fled for aid & succour. Whereof hearing King Lewis/ all such host of soldiers as he had purposed other ways, he than lad again his brother. In which host as after myth mine author, were an. C.M. men, over such as had the guiding of the ordinance. When charles was advertised of the great strength of his brother/ by politic means he sought for a peace. And after many delatory communications and other delayous means wrought upon both parties/ lastly the King sent unto his brother Iohn Balna cardinal with other, to show unto him his mind and pleasure. Whereof when charles was sufficiently instructed/ he gave for an answer, that if a perfect concord should be stablished between his brother and him, that it should be authorized by the hole consent and counsel of the barony of the realm. with which answer the King being contented/ at Turon in the month of Apryll & x. year of his reign, assembled a great counsel of his Lords spiritual and temporal/ in the which the demaundies of the said charles and offers of the King were showed. And after the said counsel had at length reasoned the said demands and offers/ it was finally determined, that the duchy of Normandye was so approved unto the King of France and to his heirs Kings, that in no wise it might be dissevered from the crown. But to the intent that a perfect unity might be had between the King and his brother/ the King shall be instaunted to give yearly unto his said brother in recompensement of the said duchy xii thousand pound of Turon money/ with also a certain of land to him to be assigned with the name of a duke/ and over that the King to be instanted to give unto him during his natural life, for such portion as he claimed to be his right within the realm xl M. li. of annual rent yearly to him to be paid of the foresaid Turon money. To all which grants the King was agreed/ & over that to pardon the duke of britain all offences now newly done again his majesty, and contrary the Duke's faith and allegaunce/ and all such lordships as the King had won within britain, to restore unto the duke & his assigns. All the which offers might not satisfy the counsel of the said charles/ but clearly was set apart and refused.  
AFter the foresaid offers were by Charles refused/ the King in speedy wise upon the refusayll sent a strong host into britain, under the guiding of a knight called arnold. And in the mean season the King visiting the borders of his realm/ put in execution diverse parsons, such as were accused to offend again him. Passing which season, were it for the grievous which the foresaid host wrought within the country of britain, or for other skill/ the foresaid charles & the duke of britain made new means for a peace unto the King/ & offered to be contented, with that they might stand in his favour & grace, with such proffers as the counsel of the realm was before time agreed and condyssended upon. where unto a sophistical answer was made by the King/ so that the said Charles at that time might nat be ascertained of peace or of war. How be it in the year following by instant labour of the forenamed Iohn Balna cardinal, the King agreed to give unto his brother charles the duchy of Guyan only. where with he held him contented/ & so ceased of his war in Normandy.  
It was nat long after that this said Iohn Balna forgetting the manifold great benefits showed to him by the King/ conspired again him, & devised certain letters/ the which he sent unto charles duke of Burgoyne. Wherein was contained that he should beware and have himself in good gayte/ for the unity and peace which lately was stablished between the King & charles his brother, was principally to dear & war upon him, & to bring him in subjection. Wherefore in avoiding that danger/ he advised him in all possible haste to assemble his knights, that he were nat taken unpurveyed. The which letters were it by reason of the bearer or otherwise, came to the Kings presence. After receipt of which letters, & knowledge of the content of them/ anon the King caused the said Iohn Balna to be taken, & to be cast in strong prison. And that done he road unto Thuron/ whither to him came his brother Charles, and to him did homage, & swore unto him fealty for the duchy of Guyan. And for to knit the duke of britain more fastly to him/ he sent to him a sceptre with a chain of gold/ the which the duke refused to take, wherewith Lewis was grievously dyscontented. The cause of which refusal was, for the said duke of britain had lately before that allied him with charles duke of Burgoyne, & had received his livery of golden flees. And soon after, which was the xi year of this Lewis/ Carlota his wife was lighted of a son, & after named Charles by charles his brother/ which after his father was King of France. And shortly after by means of charles duke of Guyan, & of the duke of Bourbon & other/ the duke of britain was recouncyled unto the kings favour. And in the xii year of the reign of this Lewis, died by force of veni the above named charles duke of Guyan. But by whose means mine author mindeth nat.  
Than continuing the war between this Lewis & this duke of Burgoyne/ a merchant of Guyan named Itery, which after the death of the said duke of Guyan was fled unto the duke of Burgoyne, & with him a season remained/ showed unto him many tedious tallies of the King. Wherefore the duke apperceiving that he owed to the French King no favour/ exorted him to poison the said King. And if he might bring to effect his purpose/ he should therefore have l M. florynes of gold. A floryne is in value of sterling money iii s. After which promise and assurance thus made by the duke/ this Itery to bring his evil purpose about, made his servant named Iohn de Boldy of counsel/ and promised to him great things, if he would take upon him that act. And after grant had of the said Iohn/ the said Itery provided the poison, & delivered it unto his said servant. The which incontinently sped him unto Ambasye, where the French King than lay/ where this Iohn de Boldy being of familiar acquaintance with one named Popyn, to the intent to bring his intent the better to effect, after assurance of oath to him made to keep his counsel/ showed unto him all his mind, & promised to him twenty M. florynes if he would help to bring to conclusion his purpose. The which Popyn made unto him assured promise/ & said that to bring this matter about, it was very expedient to have of counsel the Kings master cook named Colynet/ whom he knew well to win, for the great favour that either of them owed unto other. And after communication had with the said Colynet/ the said poison to him was delivered. wherewith the said Colynet & Popyn his fellow went a convenient time unto the King, & showed to him the compass of all the matter. where after anon the said Iohn de Boldy was taken, & confessed the circumstance of all the hole treason/ for the which at Paris he was after drawn, hanged, and quartered. Soon upon this, frederic the iii. of the name than Emperor of Almaigne, sent unto this Lewis/ willing & requiring him that he would nat endeavour him to any peace or accord with the duke of Burgoyne. For he intended in such wise to aid his party, that he trusted in god to bring the said duke to his due, & convenient obeisance & subjection. But the King regarded nothing the emperors request/ but concluded a trewies with the duke for a year following, by authority of a great counsel or parliament. At the which the duke of Alenson was judged to lose his head, & his hereditaments to be forfeited unto the King.  
Than it followeth in the story/ or this foresaid trewies between the King & Charles the duke were fully expired/ the said Charles made war upon the said Lewis, and procured King Edward of England, whose sister he had married, to make also war upon him. For expedition whereof/ the said King Edward landed at calais shortly after, with a competent number of soldiers, as after in the xiiii year of the reign of the said Edward the four it shallbe to you more clearly showed, with conclusion of a peace & other things. After that which peace between the said two. Kings agreed/ a unity and concord was also stablished between this Lewis & the duke of Burgoyn for ix years.  
About the xvii year of this Lewis/ the steward of Normandy named Lewis Brysey, that which had married the niece of King Lewis/ being warned of the wanton rule of his wife, & of her avountry with one named Iohn lovyr/ upon a day to prove his said wife, went on hunting/ & at his retourn feigned him weary & faint for labour, & went to his bed. And she anon deming her husband to be at his natural rest/ yode straight unto the chamber of the said John lovyr. Whereof the husband being warned/ with his sword in hand sped him unto the said chamber & after the door broken up by violence, & finding them in bed or other suspeciouse manner, with his said sword slew first the said Iohn/ & after notwithstanding her miserable & lamentable crying, & asking forgiveness upon her knees, he also slewher/ & after fled till he had made his peace with the King.  
Long it were & also tedious to follow mine author, in declaring of every particular deed done by this Lewis. Wherefore to shorten this story/ troth it is that after this Lewis had by long time exercised him in wars, he lastly fell in a grievous sickness. The which continued & so increased upon him/ that he knew well he should nat long endure. Wherefore he disposed there after/ & caused many deeds of alinesse to be done for him. Among the which within saint Iohnns church the Baptist within Paris, he founded certain priests to sing for him in perpetuity. For sustentation of whom, he gave of yearly rent a. M. li. of Paris money. And so languysshing by the space of iii years more before he died passed his time with great tribulation. In the which pass time orators were sent from the flemings for to conclude a marriage between Charles his eldest son, & Margarete than daughter of Maxymylian son of frederic the Emperor/ which Maximilian before those days had married Mary the daughter of Charles duke of Burgoyne. After which conclusion ended & finished/ the King gave unto the said orators thirty. M. scutes of gold, which amounteth to .v. M. li. sterling money. And over that gave to them in plate purposely made, to the value of v C. li. sterling. And in the xxv year of the reign of the said Lewis/ the forenamed Margarete a child of tender age, with great & sumptuous pomp was brought unto Paris. And from thence she was conveyed unto Ambasye/ and there in the month of July, cowpeled by marriage unto the forenamed Charles son unto the King. After which solemnity finished/ the said Lewis feeling his sickness more and more increasing/ upon a season called his said son Charles before him, 
The words of king Lewis dying to his son.  and exhorted him in this wise as after followeth. My most deryst child, I feel & know well that I shall nat tarry long in this country/ for I am more nearer mine end than thou knowest. For I am so continually grieved with sickness, that no medicine may or can relieve me. And thou art he that must rule this land after me. Wherefore to the it is specially behoveful & necessary, to have true servants. Among many that I have proved in my days/ two. there been, the which I specially commend unto thee/ that is to mean Oliver Damman, and Iohn doyacoes. whose services I have in such wise used, that by their means and counsel I think my life hath been long preserved. And therefore specially these ii keep near about that, nothing minishing to them of their offices or possessions, that I before times to them have given. And after these two/ take to the for thy counsellors, Guyot & Bochage/ & for to guide that wars, Phylyp Desquyer/ that which in featies of war as I have well proved, hath passing experience. And other which I have advanced to offices within this realm/ let them so remain. And the commons of the land, the which by occasion of wars I have grievously tarid & greatly weked & enpoverysshed/ succour and favour to thy power. To the Burgonyons me thought ever good to show favour/ or else me thought it should have sounded to my dishonour. So I think it shallbe good that thou so do. After that King Lewis had thus exhorted and counseled his son/ he than returned unto Turon.  
where for the mitigation of this painful sickness, which of mine author is called in Latin Morbus Elephantie/ he commanded to be brought before him all the cunning masters of music within his realm, that by the melodious sound of their instruments, he might be eased of his pain. But when he had assembled of the best an. C. and twenty in number/ a few shepherds pipes were to him more solace, than all the other or any part of them/ that which he held still in his court, & commanded that every day the said shepherds should play a certain distance from the place where he lay. And over this he sent for all anchors and other religious men that were famed for holy & perfect men/ and for them ordained places within Turon, that by the mean of their prayers he might be released of his continual pains. And to have longer countenance of life/ mine author sayeth that this Lewis had so great a desire to have length of life/ for so moche as he knew well that the realm of France should be in great trouble & vexation shortly after. But nat withstanding all these provisions and ordinances, with many moo which long were to write/ finally this Lewis died, when he had been King of France by the term of xxvi years or there upon/ and after was buried in the church of our Lady of Raynes, where before time he provided his sepulture, & in time of his sickness laye in it a certain season, while that certain orisons were over him said.   

Anglia. ¶ Edward the four  
EDwarde the four of that name, son of richard duke of york as before is touched/ began his reign over the realm of England the four day of March in the end of the year of grace, to reckon after the church of England. M.iiii. C. & lx/ and the ii year of Lewis the xii than King of France. The which Edward after his possession taking at westminster & getting of the field at Touton by york, was crowned & anointed for King at westminster foresaid, the xxix day of Juny, as before is showed in the end of the last year of Henry the vi After which solemnity finished/ the King in August after road to Cauntorbury/ & from thence he road to sandwich/ and from thence a long by the sees side to Southampton/ & so into the march of wales/ & returned by Brystowe, where he was with all honour received/ and after visited sundry parties of his realm. In which season or soon after, the time of Richard Lee mayre of London expired/ and Hugh which mercer was admitted for the year following.    

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxi  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxii  Iohn look.  Hugh which.  Anno i  George Ireland.   
THis year being the later end of the first year of Edward the iiii, and the beginning of this mayor's year, that is to say the fourth day of September/ a parliament was begun at westminster. And upon the morrow following died Iohn duke of Norfolk/ the which had been a special aider of the King. And upon Alhalowen day before passed/ the King created richard his younger brother duke of gloucester, the Lord Bowchyer Earl of Essex, & the Lord Fawcumbrydge Earl of Kent/ & upon the xii day of February, was the Earl of Oxenford, with the Lord Aubry his elder son, Sir Thomas Todenham, willyam Tyrell, & other, brought unto the tower of London. And upon the twenty day of the said month, the said Lord Awbry was drawn from westminster unto the tower hill, & there beheaded. And upon the xxiii day of the same month/ Sir Thomas Todenham, william Tyrell, and Iohn mongomory, were also there beheaded. And upon the Friday next ensuing, or the xxvi day of the said month/ the Earl of Oxenford was lad from westminster upon his feet to the said place of, & there also beheaded. whose corpse was after borne unto the frere Augustine's/ and there buried within the choir for that tyme. And in the later end of the month of July/ was the castle of Awnewyke yelden unto the Lord Hastynges by appointment.  
when King Edward was thus stablished in this realm/ great suit and labour was made to him for the repayment of the foresaid xviii M. li. to him and other delivered by the stapelers, as before in the xxxviii year of Henry the vi to you I have before showed. Whereof was labourer, were it by the agreement of the said stapelers or otherwise, one named richard Heyron a merchant, of pregnaunte wit and of good manner and speech. To whom at length was answered by the kings counsel, that the said xviii. M. pound with much more, the which was covertly kept from the kings knowledge, belonged of right unto the Earl of wilshire/ which at the time of delivery of the said goods, was high treasurer of England/ and after for treason by him done again the King, the said Earls lands and goods were forfeited unto the King. Wherefore the King retained the said xviii M. li. as parceyll of his forfeiture, & would retain as his own. Upon which answer/ this heyron saying that of the King he might have no remedy, and for so moche as much of the said good belonged to his charge, he than resorted unto the stapelers for contentation of the said money. But how it was that there be fande no comfort/ he finally sued the mayor of the staple and his company, and put them unto great vexation and trouble. And in the end fande such favour in the court of Rome/ that he denounced all the merchants stapelers accursed. How be it that soon after they purchased an absolution. And he in conclusion after long being in westminster as a seyntwaryman/ without recovery of his costs or duty, died there, being greatly indebted unto many persons.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxii  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxiii.  wyllyam Hampton.  Thomas Cook.  Anno ii  Barth Jamys.   
This year and beginning of the month of November/ Margaret late Queen of England came out of France into Scotland & from thence into England, with a strength of French men & Scots. Wherefore the King sped him into the north with a strong host. Whereof hearing the Queen/ broke her array and fled/ and took a caruyle, & therein intended to have sailed into France. But such tempest fell upon the see, that she was constrained to take a fisher's boat/ and by mean thereof landed at Barwyke, & so drew her unto the scottish King. And shortly after her landing tidings came to her, that her said caruyll was drowned, within the which she had great treasure and other richesse.  
And the same day upon four C. of the frenchmen were driven upon land near unto Bambourth. where they for so much as they might nat have away their ships, they fired them/ & after for their safeguard took an island within Northumberland. where they were assailed of one called manners with other in his company/ & of them slain & taken prisoners as many as there were. When the King was ware of the Queens thus avoiding/ he intended to have followed, & to have made war upon the Scots. But he was than visited with the sickness of pocks, that he was forced to leave that journey. In the week of christmas following/ the Scots with a strong power pierced the land, intending to have rescued certain castles in the north. But they returned shortly without harm doing.  
And shortly after the duke of Somerset and Sir Rauffe Percy, submitted them to the kings grace.  
when the King was cured & returned southward/ the Scots about the time of lent entered again into England/ & laid a siege unto Banbourth castle and wan it, wherefore the King in the month of August following, road again northewarde with his power/ and over that victualed certain ships in the west country, & manned them, & sent them thither to make war upon the see cost.  
And in the latter end of this mayor's year/ the duke of Somerset hearing that King Henry was coming into the land with a new strength, departed secretly/ & went again to him.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.lxiii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxiiii.  Robert Basset.  Mathewe Phylyp goldsmith.  Anno iii  Thomas Muschampe.   
IN this year & month of May, which was in the beginning of the four year of King Edward/ the Lord Iohn of Mountagu having than the rule in the north parties, being warned of the coming of Henry late King with a great power out of Scotland, assembled the Northynmen, and met with him about Exhm, and there skyrmysshed with the Scots, & at length won the victory of his enemies/ and chased Henry so near, that he won from him certain of his followers trapped with blue velvet, and his bycoket garnished with two crowns of gold and fret with pearl and rich stone.  
He also took at the said journey the duke of Somerset, the Lord Hungerforde, & the Lord Roos. Which said duke was shortly after put to death at the said town of Exhm/ & the other two. Lords were soon after beheaded at new castle. And other which were after that fight taken in a wood fast by, as Sir Phylyp wentworth, Sir Edmond Fiz knights, black Jaquis Iohn Bryce, & Thomas Hunt/ were also put to death at Exhm foresaid or Myddelham after some writers/ & Sir Thomas Husey knight was beheaded at york. And in the month of July next following, the said Lord Mountagu with aid of his brother Earl of berwick, wan by strength the forenamed castle of Bamburgth/ wherein as one of the said captains was taken with other, Sir Rauffe Gray/ which shortly after at york was drawn hanged & quartered.  
In such pass time in most secret manner upon the first day of May, King Edward spoused Elizabeth late the wife of Sir Johan gray knight/ which before time was slain at Toweton or york field. Which spousayles were solemnized early in the morning at a town named Graston near unto Stonyngestratforde. At which marriage was no persons present, but the spouse, the spousess, the Duchess of Bedford her mother, the pressed, two gentlewomen, & a young man to help the priest sing. After which spousayles ended/ he went to bed, & so tarried there upon iii or four hours/ and after departed and road again to stoning stratforde, and came in manner as though he had been on hunting, and there went to bed again. And within a day or ii after, he sent to Graston to the Lord rivers father unto his wife, showing to him, that he would come and lodge with him a certain season/ where he was received with all honour, & so tarried there by the space of four days. In which season she nyghtely to his bed was brought, in so secret manner that almost none but her mother was of counsel. And so this marriage was a season kept secret after, till needily it must be discovered & disclosed, by mean of other which were offered unto the King, as the Queen of Scots & other. what oblyquy ran after of this marriage, how the King was enchanted by the Duchess of Beforde, and how after he would have refused her with many other things concerning this matyer/ I here pawn it over.  
And this year was King Henry taken in a wood in the north country by one named Cantiowe, and presented to the King/ and after scent to the tower, where he remained long after.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxiiii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxv.  Iohn Tate.  Rauffe Josselyne Draper.  Anno four  Iohn Stone.   
IN this year was a new coin ordained by the King, that which was named the royal/ & was & yet is in value of ten s. the half royal .v. s/ & the ferthing ii s. vi. d. And over that he ordained the second coin of gold & named it the angel, which was & yet is in value of vi s.viii. s.viii. d/ & the half angel iii. s. iiii. d. He ordained also a new coin of groats, half groats, & pens which were of lass weight than the old groat was by viii d. in an ounce. And than was fine gulled advanced from s. to xl s an ounce/ & other base golds after the rate. And silver that before was at viii groats and xxx d. an vunce, was highed to xl d. an vunce and iii s. two. d.  
And in this mayor's year and beginning of the .v. year, that is to say the xxvi day of May that year whit Sunday/ Queen Elizabeth was crowned at westminster with great solempnytie. At the which season at the tower/ the night before the coronation/ among many knights of the bathe there made, was as of that company Sir Thomas Cook, Sir Mathewe Phylyp, Sir Rauffe Josselyne, and Sir Henry wavyr cytezyns of London than and there made knights.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxv.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxvi.  Sir Henry wavyr.  Rauffe Uerney Mercer.  Anno .v.  wyllyam Constantyne.   
IN this year, that is to say the xi. Day of the month of February/ was Elizabeth princess and first child of King Edward borne at westminster. whose christening was done in the abbey with most solemnity. And the more, because the King was assured of his physicians that the Queen was conceived with a Prince/ and specially of one named Master Dominyk, by whose counsel great provision was ordained for christening of the said Prince. Wherefore it was after told, that this Master Domynyk to the intent to have great thank and reward of the King/ he stood in the second chamber where the Queen travailed, that he might be the first that should bring tidings to the King of the birth of the Prince. And lastly when he hard the child cry/ he knocked or called secretly at the chamber door, and frayned what the Queen had. To whom it was answered by one of the Ladies, what so ever the Queens grace hath here within/ sure it is that a fool standeth there without. And so confused with his answer/ he departed without saying of the King for that tyme.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxvi.  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxvii.  Iohn Browne.  Sir Iohn young Grocer. Henry Bryce. Anno vi  Iohn Stokton.   
IN this year and month of, died the forenamed Henry Bryce/ and for him was chosen immediately a sheriff for this year Iohn Stokton. And in the month of Juny following, were certain acts and feats of war done in Smythfeld, between Sir Antony devil called Lord scales upon that one party, and the bastard of Burgoyne chalengour on that one party. Of which the lord scales won the honour/ for the said bastard was at the first course running with a sharp speries overthrown horse & man. which was by the rage of the horse of the said bastard, and nat by violence of the strooken of his enemy/ & by a pike of iron standing upon forepart of the saddle of the lord scales. wherewith the horse being blind of the bastard was stricken into the nose thrills, and for pain thereof mounted so high upon the hinder feet, that he fill backward. Upon the second day they met there again upon foot, and fought with their axes a few strokes. But when the King saw that the Lord scales had advantage of the bastard, as the point of his axe in the vysour of his enemies helmet, and by force thereof was likely to have borne him over: the King in haste cried to such as had the rule of the field, that they should depart them/ and for more speed of the same, cast down a warderer which he than held in his hand/ & so were they departed to the honour of the Lord scales for both days. Upon the morrow following & the other days, were certain acts of war done between divers gentlemen of this land, and certain of the said bastards servants. Of the which also the Englyshmen won the honour. In this year also one named Iohn Derby alderman, for so moche as he refused to carry or to pay for the carriage away of a deed dog dying at his door, & for unsitting language which he gave unto the mayre/ he was by a court of aldermen deemed to a fine of l pound which he paid every penny.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxvii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxviii.  Humphrey Heyforde.  Thomas owlegrave.  Anno vii  Thomas Stalbroke.   
IN this year of the mayre, and in the beginning of the viii year of this King Edward, that is to mean upon Saturday next ensuing the feast of corpus christi/ dame Margarete sister unto the King, road thorough London toward the sees side to pass into Flaunders, there to be married to charles duke of Burgoyne before named in the story of the xi. Louis King of France. After whose departure, Sir Thomas Cook late mayre, which before was peched of treason by a servant of the lords wenlokkes called Hawkyns, and at the request of the said lady Margarete upon surety suffered to go at large/ than was arrested & sent unto the tower, & his goods seized by the Lord ryverse than treasurer of England/ and his wife put out of his house, and committed to the charge of the mayor/ in whose place she lay a season after. And after the said Sir Thomas had lain a time in the tower he was brought unto the Guyldhal, and there areygned of the said treason and quit by sundry enquests/ & after that committed unto the countour in Bradstrete, and from thence to the kings bench in Southwark. where he lay within the said prison till his friends agreed with Sir Iohn Brandon than kepar of the said prison, to take him home to his place where to his great charge he remained as prisoner long after. In which time and season he lost much good/ for both his places in the country and also in London were under the guiding of the said Lords rivers servants, and of the servants of Sir Iohn fog than undertresourer/ the which spoiled & destroyed moche thing.  
And over that moche of his jewels and plate with great substance of the merchandise, as clothe of silks and clothes of arras, were discovered by such persons as he had betaken the said goods to keep/ & came to the treasurers hands, which to the said Sir Thomas was a great enemy. And finally after many persecutions and losses/ was compelled as for a fine set upon him for offence of mysprysyon, to pay, unto the King viii thousand pound. And after he had thus agreed, and was at large for the kings interest/ he was then in new trouble again the Queen.  
The which demanded of him as his right, for every thousand li paid unto the King by way of fine, an hundredth mark. For the which he had after long suit and great charge/ and in conclusion was fain to agree, and to give to her a great pleasure/ beside many good gifts that he gave unto her counsel.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxviii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxix.  Symonde Smyth.  wyllyam tailor Grocer.  Anno viii  wyllyam Haryot.   
This year and xxi day of Novembre/ a servant of the dukes of Exeter named Richard Sterys, after his judgement was drawn thorough the city unto the tower hill, and there parted in two pesies/ that is the heed from the body. And upon the day following/ two persons being named the one Poynys & that other Alforde, were drawn west ward to Tyburn/ and there when they should have been hanged, there charters were showed and so preserved.  
And about this season or soon after/ was the Earl of Oxenford, which before time was taken by a surmise in jealousy of treason awaited for and after delivered. In the latter end of this mayor's year, & ix year of the king/ the merchants eesterlynges were condemned unto the merchants adventurers english, after long & sumptuous expenses in the law & before the kings counsel/ in xiii M.u. C. and twenty li. whereof the payment was kept secret from writers.  
In this year the dyssymuled favour, which between the King and the Earl of berwick had still continued sign the marriage of the Queen, began to appear/ in so much that the Earl withdrew him from the King, and confedered unto him the duke of Clarence that before had married his daughter.  
whereupon the commons of the north began to rebel, and chase them a capitain, whom they had named Robin of Ryddysdale. The which did many feats/ and lastly bore him so wisely, that he & his company were pardoned of the King. In the which rumour and stirring/ the lord rivers, and Sir Iohn his son, that before had married the old Duchess of Norfolk, dying at a place by charing cross called the Muys, were taken by Lyncolnnshyre men and brought unto Northamton, and there beheaded.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxix.  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxx  richard Gardyner.  richard Lee Grocer.  Anno ix  Robert drop.   

This year soon after Alhalowen tide, proclamations were made thorough the city of London, that the King had pardoned the northyrnmen of their riot/ & aswell for the death of the Lord rivers, as all displeasures by them before that time done. And soon upon this, a new stirring begun in Lyncoln shire whereof the occasyoner was the Lord wells, as the fame than went. For whom the King sent by fair means, promising him to go safe and come safe as it was said. But troth it is after his coming to the King had he before such promise or not, he was shortly after beheaded.  
Than in February following/ by mediation of Lords a treaty of unity and concord was laboured between the King & his brother and the Earl of warwyke. For which cause the said Earl came then unto London. And shortly after came the said duke, as upon shrovesonday following. And upon the thuysday following, the King & the said duke mettte at Baynard's castle, where the Duchess of york their mother than lay. In the which pastime the Earl of berwick was returned to warwyke/ and there gathered to him such strength as he might make, as it was reported.  
And in Lyncolnnshyre/ Sir Robert wells son unto the Lord wells before put to death, in this while had also assembled a great bend of men, & purposed to give the King a field. Of all which tidings when the King was ascertained/ he with his said brother the duke spedhim north ward/ and in that while sent to the said Sir Robert wells, willing him to send home his people, & come to him, and he should have his grace. But that other answered that by like promise his father was deceived/ and that should be his example. But in conclusion when the King with his power drew near unto him, he took such fere that he fled/ and soon after was taken, and with him Sir Thomas Dymmok knight and other, the which were shortly after put to death.  
In this season was the duke of Clarence departed from the King/ and was gone unto the Earl of warwyke to take his part. To whom the King in likewise sent, that they should come to his presence without fere/ where unto they made a feigned answer. And than considering their lack of power again the King/ departed and went to the see side, & so sailed into France/ and required the xi Louis than King of that region, that he would aid and assist them to restore King Henry to his rightful inheritance. Whereof the said Louis being glad, granted unto them their request/ & held them there, while they with the counsel of Queen Margarete provided for their return into England.  
when the said Lords were thus departed the land/ the King commanded them to be proclaimed as rebels and traitors thorough out his realm. And in the Easter week following/ Sir Geffrey Gate & one named Claphan, which intended at South ampton to have taken shiping & to have sailed to the said Lords, were there taken by the Lord hayward and sent unto ward. Which said Clapham was beheaded soon after/ and the said Sir Geffrey Gate fande such friendship, that lastly he escaped or was delivered/ so that he yode after to saint wary.  
then was the Lord of saint Iohnns arrested. But at instance of the archbishop of Caunterbury, he went a season at large under surety, and was finally committed to the tower. In which pastime the Earl of Oxenford got over unto the foresaid Lords. Thus enduring this trouble/ a stirring was made in the north parties by the lord Fitz Hugh wherefore the King sped him thitherward. But so soon as the said lord knew of the Kings coming/ anon he left his people & fled into Scotland. And the King which than was common to york, rested him a season there and there about.  
In the month of Septembre & x year of the King/ the foresaid duke of Clarence accompanied with the Earls of warwyke of Penbroke & of Oxenford & other many gentlemen, landed at Dartmouth in Devonshire/ & there made their proclamations in the name of King Henry the vi/ and so drew ferther into the land. Whereof hearing the commons of that country & other/ drew unto them by great companies.  
Than the Kentyshemen began to were wild/ & assembled them in great companies, and so came unto the out parties of the city of London, Rad●lyffe, saint Katherynes, and other places, & rob and spoiled the flemings and all the bear houses there as they came.  
Than the foresaid Lords holding on their journey/ drew toward the King being in the north as above is said. Whereof he being warned, and having with him as than but small strength whereof some to him were nat very trusty/ he with a secret company took the next way toward the wash in Lyncolneshyre/ and there passed over with great danger, nat without loss of divers of his company/ and so passed the countries into Flaunders, and stynted not till he came to Charles his brother than duke of Burgoyne/ with whom he rested a season. When the Queen which than was in the tower hard of the Kings avoiding/ anon she departed from thence and yode unto westminster, and there registered herself for a saintwary woman/ and in like wise did many of King Edward's friends.  
And than about the beginning of Octobre/ Sir Geffrey Gate that till that time had holden the said saintwary and other with him, went unto the prisons about London/ & all such as they had favour unto, took them out and set them at liberty. And than shipmen & other evil disposed persons as than drew to the said Geffrey Gate/ rob again the berehouses, & set some of them in fire/ and after resorted unto the gates of the city, & there would have entered by force. But the citizens withstood them with such force, that they were compelled to depart thence.  
Upon the xii day of October, the tower was given up by appointment/ & King Henry was taken from the lodging where he before lay, and was than lodged in the kings lodging within the said tower. In which pastime the duke & the foresaid Lords drew near unto the city.  
And upon Saturday than next following/ the said duke accompanied with the Earls of warwyke & of Shrowysbury and the lord Stanley, road unto the tower/ and there with all honour and reverence fet out King Henry, & conveyed him to Poulys/ & there lodged him in the bishops palace/ & so was than admitted & taken for King thorough all the land.   

Readoptio Henrici vi  
HEnri the vi of that name before by Edward the four put down, was again restored to the crown of England, the. day of Octobre, in the year of grace. M.iiii. C.lxix/ and the ten year of Edward the iiii/ & the xii year of the xii Louis than King of France.  
In whose beginning of readoption, the Earl of worceter which for his cruelness was called the bochier of England/ was taken and put in straight prison. And upon the xv. Day of October, was the said Earl aregned at westminster in the white hall, and there endited of treason/ and upon the mondaye following adjudged that he should go from the same place unto the tower hill, and there to have his heed smitten of. But as he was coming from the said place of judgement toward his execution/ the people pressed so inportunatly upon him for to see & behold him, that the sheriffs were fain to turn into the Flete, and there to borrow gayoll for him for that night. And upon the morrow after at afternoon being saint Lukys day and xviii. Day of Octobre/ he was lad to the tower hill/ where he took his death full patiently. whose corpse was after borne with the head unto the black freres, and there honourably buried in a chapel standing in the body of the church which he before time had founded. And than was daily awaiting upon the see side, for the landing of Queen Margaret and Prince Edward her son/ and also provision made for the defence of landing of King Edward and his company.    

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxx  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxi.  Iohn Crosby. Anno Henrici vi primo. Iohn Stokton. mercer.    Iohn ward. Anno Edwardi. iiii.x.  

IN this year, which was in the end of the ten year of King Edward, and beginning of the readoption of King Henry, that is to mean the third day of Novembre/ Queen Elizabeth being as before is said in westminster saintwary, was lighted of a fair Prince. And within the said place the said child without pomp was after crystened. whose godfathers were the abbot & prior of the said place, & the lady Scrope godmother. And the xxvi day of the said month following, began a parliament/ & from thence prorogued to Paulys, where it continued till Cristmas. In the parliament Sir Thomas Cook before trowbeled as I have showed in the vii year of King Edward, put in a bill into the common house, to be restored of the Lord rivers lands & other occasyoners of his trouble, to the sum of xxii M. mark. Of the which he had good comfort to have been allowed of King Henry, if he had prospered/ and the rather, for that that he was of the common house, and therewith a man of great boldness in speech and well spoken, & singularly witted & well reasoned.  
Than during this parliament/ King Edward was proclaimed usurper of the crown, and the duke of gloucester his younger brother traitor/ & both attainted by authority of the said parliament.  
And upon the xiiii day of February, came the duke of Exeter to London. And the xxvii day of the said month, road the Earl of warwyke thorough the city toward Dover for to have received Queen Margarete/ but he was dispointed. For the wind was to her contrary, that she lay at the see side tarrying for a convenient wind, from November till Apryll. And so the said Earl after he had long tarried for her at the see side/ was fain to return without speed of his purpose.  
Thus during this queysy season/ the mayre fearing the return of King Edward feigned him sick/ & so kept his house a great season. All which time Sir Thomas cook which than was admitted to his former room, was set in his place, and allowed for his deputy/ which turned after to his great trouble and sorrow.  
Than finally in the beginning of the month of Apryll/ King Edward landed in the north at a place called ravynspore with a small company of flemings and other, so that all his company exceeded nat the number of. M. persons/ & so drew him toward york, making his proclamations as he went in the name of King Henry/ and showed to the people, that he came for none intent but only to claim his inheritance the dukedom of york/ & so passed the countries till he came to the city of york, where the cytezyns held him out till they knew his intent. And when he had showed unto them as he before had done unto other, & confirmed it by an oath/ he was there received and refreshed for a certain time, & so departed & held his way toward London/ and passed by favour & fair words the danger of the Lord marquis Mountagu, which in that costs lay than in await for him purposely to stop his way, & had people double of number that King Edward had of fighting men. When King Edward was thus passed the said marquis, and saw that his strength was greatly amended, & that also daily the people drew to him/ he than made proclamations in his own name as king of England/ & so held on his journey till he came unto London. In which pastime, that is to mean upon sherethursdaye/ the archbishop of york being than at London with King Henry, to the intent to move the people's hearts toward the King/ road about the town with him, and showed him to the people/ the which rather withdrew men's hearts than other wise. And in this season also Sir Thomas Cook beforenamed avoided the land/ intending to have sailed into France. But he was taken of a ship of Flaunders, & his son & heir with him/ and so set there in prison many days/ & lastly was delivered unto King Edward.  
Than upon sherethursdaye at after noon, King Edward was received into the city/ and so road to Poulys, and there offered at the rood of the north door/ and that done yode incontinently into the bishops palace, where he fande King Henry almost alone. For all such Lords and other as in the morning were about him, when they hard of king Edwardes coming, anon they fled, and every man was fain & glad to save himself. Than king Edward lodged him/ where King Henry lay, & put him under safe keeping/ and so rested him there till Easter even. Upon the which even, hearing of his brothers coming & the other Lords with him with a strong host unto saint Albonis/ sped him thitherward, & lay that night at Barnet. In which season the duke of Clarence contrary his oath and promise made unto the French King refused the title of King Henry/ and suddenly with the strength that he had, road straight unto his brother King Edward/ wherewith the other Lords were somedeal abashed. The which not withstanding/ the said Lords, by the special comfort and exhortation of the Earl of Oxenford as it was said, held on their journey toward Bernet, the said Earl of Oxenford being in the vaward/ and so came unto the plain without Bernet, and there pight their field. Then upon the morrow being Easter day & the xiiii day of Apryll very early, both hosts met. Whereupon that one party were two knyges present, as Henry the vi which King Edward had brought thither with him, and King Edward the four And upon that other party was the duke of Exeter, the Lord marquis Mountagu, and the two earls of warwyke and of Oxenford, with many other men of name.  
There the said Earl of Oxenford and his company quit them so manfully, that he bore over that part of the field which he set upon/ so ferforthly the tidings came to London, that King Edward had lost the field. And if his men had kept their array & not fallen to ryffling/ likely it had been as it was after told, that the victory had fallen to that party. But after long and cruel fight, in conclusion King Edward obtained the upper hand, & slew of his enemies the marquis Mountagu and the Earl of warwick his brother, with many other. And upon the kings party was slain the Lord Barnes. And of the commons upon both parties were slain upon xu C. men and more.  
Of the mists and other impediments which fill upon the lords party by reason of the incantations wrought by friar Bungey as the fame went, me list not to write. But troth it is that after this victory thus won by King Edward/ he sent the deed corpse of the said marquis and Earl of warwyke unto Poulys' church/ where they lay two days after naked in ii coffyns that every man might behold and see them. And the same after none came King Edward again unto London, and offered at the rood of the North door at Poulys/ and after road unto westminster and there lodged him. And soon after that the King was thus passed tho▪ ough the city, was King Henry brought riding in a long gown of blue velvet/ and so conveyed thorough cheap unto westminster, and from thence unto the tower/ where he remained as prisoner all his lives time after.   

The repossessyon of Edward the four  
EDward the four before named began again his dominion over the realm of England, the xiiii day of Apryll, in the beginning of the year of our lord. M.iiii. C.lxxi/ & the xii year of Lewis the French King/ and reposseded all things as he before had done. And when the said two corpse had lain in Paul's openly from the sunday till the Tuysdaye/ they were had from thence & buried where the King would assign them.  
The King then being in authority/ made provision for the defence of the landing of Queen Margaret and her son/ the which all this while lay at the see side tarrying the wind/ and so lastly landed at, and came with a strength of Frenchmen & other, as far within them land as to a village in called Tewkysbury. where the King met with her and her distressed, & chased her company and slew many of them. In the which battle she was taken, & Sir Edward her son/ and so brought unto the King. But after the King had questioned with the said Sir Edward, and he had answered unto him contrary his pleasure/ he then struck him with his gauntelet upon the face. After which stroke so by him received/ he was by the kings servants incontinently slain upon the four day of the month of May.  
when King Edward had thus subdued his enemies/ anon he sent Queen Margarete unto London, where she rested a season/ and finally she was sent home into her country. And the goods of Sir Thomas Cook were again ceased/ and his wife put forth, and commanded to be kept at the mayor's.  
Upon the xiiii day of May following/ the bastard of Fawconbrydge, that unto him had gathered a riotous and evil disposed company of shipmen and other, with also the assistance of the commons both of Essex and of Kent/ came in great multitude unto the city of London. And after that the said company was denied passage through the city/ they set upon divers parties thereof, as bishops gate, Algate, London bridge, and along the water's side, and shot gonnes and arrows, and fired the gates with cruel malice, as bishops gate and Algate/ and fought so fiercely that they wan the bulwarks at Algate, and entered a certain within the gate. But the cytesyus with comfort and aid of Robert Baset alderman assigned to the gate/ withstood the said rebels so manfully, that they slew all such as entered the gate/ and compelled the other to draw a back and forsook the gate. Upon whom the citizens pursued/ and chased them unto the further Stratforde, and slew & took many of them prisoners.  
whereof hearing the other which assailed the other parts of the city, fled in like wise. whom the other citizens pursued as far as Depforde, in slaying and taking of them prisoners in great number, and after them ransomed as they had been frenchmen. And the bastard with his shipmen were chased unto their ships dying at Blackwall/ and there in the chase many slain. And the said bastard the night following stolen out his ships out of the river/ and so departed and escaped for the tyme.  
Than upon ascension even next ensuing, the corpse of Henry the vi late King was brought unreverently from the tower through the high streets of the city unto Poulys' church, and there left that night/ and upon the morrow conveyed with gleyvys and other weapons as he before thither was brought unto Chertyssey, and there was buried.  
Of the death of this prince divers tales were told. But the most common fame went, that he was sticked with a dagger by the hands of the duke of gloucester/ which after Edward the four usurped the crown, and was King as after shall appear.  
Than King Edward after this victory thus had at Tewksbury, returned unto London/ and upon the monday following assention day, he took his journey into Kent, having with him a strength of people/ and there set his iustyces, and made inquisitions of the riot before done by the bastard and his accessaries. For the which at Caunterbury and other good towns in Kent, divers were put in execution. Of whom the hedes were sent unto London, and set upon the bridge. And in like manner inquysytions were made in Essex/ and some also of them put in execution. Of which a capitain named spysing was hanged, and his heed set upon Algate. And many of the rich commons of Kent were set at grievous fines, both for themself and for their servants. And when the King had thus sped his journey/ he returned & came to London upon whitsun even. And that done, soon after was bishop nevil archbishop of york sent unto Guynes, and there kept as prisoner long after. This was brother to the Lord marquis Mountagu and to the Earl of warwycke.  
Also in the end of this mayor's year, was the forenamed bastard of Fawconbrydge taken about Southamton, and there put to execution. whose head was sent to London, and pight upon London bridge among other.    

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxi.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxii.  Iohn Aleyn.  wyllyam Edward Grocer.  Anno xi  Iohn Chelley.   
IN this year the Earl of Oxenford, which sin the season of Barnet field had holden saint Myghellys mount/ was by an appointment taken thence, and shortly after sent to the castle of Guynes. where he remained prisoner till the last year of richard the third, which was upon xii years. In all which season my lady his wife might never be suffered to come to him/ nor had any thing to live upon, but as the people of their charytees would give to her, or what she might get with her needle or other such cunning as she exercised.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxii.  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxiii.  Iohn Browne.  wyllyam Hampton Fysshemonger.  Anno xii  Thomas Bledlow.   
IN this year upon the sixth day of October, began a parliament at westminster. By authority whereof an aid was granted to the King, toward the great charge of his wars/ the which was levied of men's lands, as well of Lords as other.  
This mayre above all other, corrected sore bawds & strumpettes/ & caused them to be lad about the town with ray hoddes upon their heads divers & many/ and spared none for meed nor for favour that were by the law attained/ not withstanding that he might have taken xl li. of ready money to him offered, for to have spared one from the judgement.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.lxxiii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxiiii.  wyllyam Stocker.  Iohn Tate Mercer.  Anno xiii  Robert Byllysdon.   
IN this year was the duke of Exeter founden deed in the see between Dover & calais/ but how he was drowned the certainty is not known.  
In this mayor's year also was one wyllyam Oldhall condemned, unto a draper of London called Chyrstofer Colyns. For the which condemnation he remained as prisoner in Ludgate. Whereupon a season he went at large with a keeper/ he broke from him, and so escaped/ and after was taken and brought again to the said prison. But that not withstanding the said Chrystofer sued the sheriffs, and caused them to spend great money in defending of his action/ and finally were fain by way of compremyse to give unto him an hundredth mark for his duytye of lxxx. li. and odd.  
And in this year was one Iohn Goos a loller brent at the Tower hill for heresy/ the which before dinner was delivered to Robert Byllydon one of the sheriffs to put in execution that same after none. Wherefore he like a chartable man had him home to his house, and there exhorted him that he should die a crystenman and renye his false errors. But that other after long exhortation heard, required the sheriff that he might have mate/ for he said that he was sore hungered. Then the sheriff commanded him meet/ whereof he took as he had ailed nothing/ and said to such as stood about him: I eat now a good and competent dinner/ for I shall pass a little sharp shower or I go to supper. And when he had dined he required that he might shortly be lad to his execution.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxiiii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxv.  Edmonde Shaa.  Robert Drop Draper  Anno xiiii  Thomas hill.   
This year the King intending to make a viage over see into France called before him his Lords severally both spiritual & temporal, to know their good minds, what of their free wills they would aid and departed with him toward the said viage. And after he had so known their good disposition to him ward/ he then sent for the mayre of London and his brethren the aldermen, and them severally examined and exhorted to aid & assist him toward the said journey. Of which the mayre for his part granted xxx li/ and of the aldermen some twenty mark/ and the least ten li.  
And that done he sent for all the trusty commoners within the said city/ and them exhorted in like manner. Which for the more party granted to him the wages of half a man for a year. The which amounted to iiii. li. xi. s. iiii. d. And after that he road about the more part of the land, & used the people in such fair manner, that he raised thereby notable sums of money. The which way of the levying of this money was after named a benevolence.  
Then the King thus having this great substance of goods/ made purueyannce for the said journey. And upon the four day of July following, in the xu year of his reign road with a goodly company thorough the city toward the see side/ and so sped him to Caleys, and from thence into France. Whereof hearing Lewis the French King/ assembled his people in great number, and so sped him toward the King. But when both hosts were met/ within short space such offers of a peace were proffered by the French King, that finally both Princes agreed upon a pease to be had for the term of both their lives, and a year after, as some writers have. For the performance of which said pease/ both princes after met upon the day of the decollation of saint Iohn the baptist or the xxix day of August, at a place named in French Pynyak/ and the four day of November as affirmeth Gaguinus. But that can not stand with/ for King Edward was received again into London after his return out of France the xxviii day of September. At this place was a river/ upon the which a bridge was made such wise, that both Princes thereon might meet, with such company as either for them had appointed. There also was ordained a place with a partition between both Princes, that neither of them might enter unto other/ but made with a lowpe, that either might see other & take either other by the hand.  
where at the day lymyted, either met with other hosts standing a certain distance from the rivers side in convenient array. Then the said Kings there after salutation due made, either to other had long communication. In conclusion whereof, as saith Gaguyne, a peace was confirmed between both realms for seven. Years. For performance whereof as affirmeth the said author/ the French King gave unto King Edward incontinently .lxxv. M. crowns of gold/ and yearly after during the said vii years l M. crowns. And so he received in hand accounting every crown at four s. xv. M. li. and yearly after ten M. li/ which said xu M. li. the said French King borrowed of his citizens of Paris. After this truce and peace thus concluded between these two princes/ anon after their sondering, ploclamations were made thereof through both hosts/ and commandment given to the captains, that they should provide for their return homeward. And soon upon the French King sent unto the dukes of Clarence and of gloucester with other Lords such as were in King Edward's favour, great and costyous gifts. Of the nice and wanton disguised apparel that King Lewis ware upon him at that time of his meeting I might make a long rehearsal. But for it should sound more to dishonour of such a noble man, that was appareled more lyker a minstrel than a Prince royal/ therefore I pass it over. For all be it that he was so newfangyll in his clothing/ yet had he many virtues. Whereof largesse was one/ as it appeared by sondy gifts, which he gave unto sundry strangers, which in his story somedeal I have touched. And also his bounty appeared by a gift that he gave unto the Lord Hastynges than lord chamberlayn/ as xxiiii. Dozen of bollies, whereof half were gilt & half white/ which weighed upon xvii nobles every cup or more.  
Then to return unto King Edward/ troth it is that after the comformacyon of the foresaid peas, King Edward returned to Calys & there shipped/ & so sped him that upon the xxviii day of September following, he was with great tryumghe received of the mayre & citizens of London at Blakheth, & with all honour by them conveyed through the city unto westminster/ the mayre and aldermen being clad in scarlet, and the commoners to the number of .v. C. in murrey.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxv.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxvi.  Hugh Bryce.  Rober Basset Salter  Anno xu  Robet Colwych   
this year this mayre did sharp correction upon bakers for making of light breed/ in so much that he set divers upon the pillory. Among the which in the month of Iohn Mondue baker was there punished. And in the month of one named william Hubbard was also there shrined for like offence. And a woman named Agnes dainty was also there punished for selling false minged butter.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxvi.  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxvii.  richard Rawson.  Rauffe Josselyn Draper.  Anno xvi  wyllyam horn.   
IN this year the mayre having a great mind to have the walls of the city repaired/ by a consent of the bench and of the common counsel, caused the More field to be searched, and there provided for brick & lime. As first caused the earth to be digged and tempered, and then set men or work to moolde/ and then sent into the west country and there purveyed wood for to bren it. And that done sent into Kent, and there purveyed chalk, that shortly was brought into the said More field. And right there in a kill which he in that season had provided, was brent and made lime of a great furtherance of that work.  
The mayre then being purveyed of brick and also of lime, the which was brent within the said more/ caused by consent of a comen counsel to be granted, that in every parish church every sunday, every parysshon should pay toward the charge .v. d. And for an ensample to other felysshyppes/ he caused his own company to make as much of the wall as strechyth from the church of Alhalowen within the said wall unto bishops gate. Which president caused other worshipful felysshyppes to make the other parter as now appeareth new made/ and the more part thereof done in this year by his procuring and calling upon of him. Which was wonderful that so much should be sped in one year, considering the purveyance of the stuff, which had been sufficient for some man to have purveyed for in an hole year.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.lxxvii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxviii.  Henry Colet.  Humphrey Heyforde goldsmith.  Anno xvii  Iohn Stocker.   
IN this year that is to mean the xvii day of February, the duke of Clarence and second brother to the King than being prisoner in the tower, was secretly put to death and drowned in a barrel of maluesye within the said tower. And this mayre this year pursued also the reparation of the wallys/ but not so diligently as his predecessor did/ wherefore it was not sped as it might have been. And also he was a sick and feeble man, and had not so sharp and quick mind as that other had. And one other cause was which ensueth of a generality, that for the more party one mayre will not finish that thing which that other beginneth. For than they think be the deed never so good and profitable, that the honour thereof shallbe ascribed to the beginner and not to the fynyssher. Which lack of charity and desire of vainglory, causeth many good acts and deeds to die and grow out of mind, to the great decay of the common weal of the city.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.lxxviii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxix.  Robert Hardynge.  richard Gardyner Mercer.  Anno xviii  Robert Byfelde.   
IN this year was great mortality and death in London and many other parties of this realm/ the which began in the latter end of September in the preceding year/ and continued in this year till the beginning of November. In the which pass time died innumerable people in the said city, & many places else where.  
In this year also the mayre being at Paul's kneeling in his devotions at saint Erkenwaldies shrine/ Robert Byfelde one of the sheriffs unadvisedly kneeled down nigh unto the mayre. Whereof the mayre after reasoned him, & laid it to his charge. But that other being somedeal rude for lack of cunning/ answered the mayre stubbornly, and would not be aknowe of his offence. Wherefore the mayre showed his behaviour both of word and deed unto the bench/ by authority whereof after the matter had been there at length debated, the said Robert was fyned at l pound, to be paid toward the reparation of the conduits.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxix.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxx.  Thomas Ilam.  Bartylmewe Jamys Draper.  Anno xix  Iohn ward.   
IN this year one called Robert Deynys, for that that he presumed to marry an Orphan without licence of the mayre and aldermen, was for that offence deemed to pay to the chamber as a fine twenty li.  
And in the year and month of/ were four fellows hanged at the tower hill/ and incontinently their bodies with the gibbet brent unto ashes. Which execution was, for that they rob a church, and entreated the sacrament of the altar inreverently.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxx.  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxxi.  wyllyam Danyell.  Iohn Browne.  Anno twenty  wyllyam Bacon.   
This year King Edward required great sums of money to him to be lent of the citizens of London. To whom after divers assembles/ they granted to lend unto him .v. thousand mark. For the levying whereof, a man was chosen of every ward/ that is to mean xxv men. The which xxv persons assembled in the Guyldhalle, ceased all the city over with two persons of every parish to them assigned/ which said .v. thousand mark was repaid in the year following.   

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxi.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxii.  Robert Cate.  wyllyam Haryat Draper. wyllyam wyking. Anno xxi  richard Chawry.   
This year in the month of February, or end of January, died wyllyam wyking one of the sheriffs/ for whom was imedyately chosen richard Chawry. And in the month July following, the King road on hunting in to the forest of waltham/ where he commanded the mayre with a certain of his brethren to come, & to give attendance upon him with certain comeners of the city. where when they were common/ the King caused the game to be brought before them/ so that they saw course after course, and many a dear both red & fallow to be slain before them. And after that goodly disport was passed/ the King commanded his officers to bring the mayre and his company unto a pleasant lodge made all of green bows and garnished with tables & other things necessary/ where they were set at dinner, and served with many dainty dishes and of divers wines good pleynty, as white red and claret/ and caused them to be set to dinner or he were served of his own/ & over that caused the Lord chamberlain with other Lords to him assigned, to cheer the said mayre and his company sundry times while they were at dinner/ & at their departing gave unto them of venison great pleynty. And in the month of August following, the King of his great bounty sent unto the mayresse and her sisters aldermennes wife's two hearts and vi bucks, with a ton of wine to drink with the said venison. The which venison & wine was had unto the drapers hall/ to which place at a day assigned the mayre desired the aldermen and their wives with sundry commoners/ and there the venison with many other good dishes were eryn, and the said wine merely drunken. The cause of which bounty thus showed by the King, was as most men took it, for that that the mayre was a merchant of wondrous adventures into many and sundry countries. By reason whereof, the King had yearly of him notable sums of money for his customs, beside other pleasures that he had showed to the King before times.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxiii.  wyllyam white.  Edmonde Shaa goldsmith.  Anno xxii  Iohn Mathewe.   

THis year, that is to mean of the mayre and beginning of the xxiii. Year of the King/ at westminster upon the ix day of Apryll died the noble Prince Edward the iiii. late King of England. whose corpse was after conveyed with due solemnity unto wyndsore, and there honourably buried/ when he had reigned to reckon his beginning out of the land with all other time full xxii years, and as much as from the four day of March unto the ix day of Apryll/ leaving after him ii sons, that is to say Prince Edward his eldest son, and richard duke of york/ and iii daughters, as Elysabeth that after was Queen, Cecyle, and Katherine.   

Edward the .v.  
EDward the .v. of that name & son unto Edward the iiii/ began his reign over the realm of England the xi day of Apryl in the beginning of the year of our lord god. M.iiii. C.lxxxiii/ and the xxiiii year of the xi Lewis than King of France.  
Anon as King Edward the four was deed/ grudge and unkindness began to take place between the Kings and the queens ally. For the Lord marquis of Dorset brother unto the Queen and other of his affynytye, had then the rule & keeping of this young King, which at the time of his father's death was of the age of xi year or there about/ and so being in his guiding in the March of wales, conveyed him toward London, and there to make provision for his coronation and for other necessary things for his weal. But the duke of gloucester brother unto Edward the four intending otherwise as after shall appear/ with a competent number of gentlemen of the North all clad in black, met with the King at Stonyngstratforde/ & there after dissimuled countenance made between him & the foresaid marquis, discharged him of the rule of the king, and took upon him the rule/ & so from thence being accompanied with the duke of Buckyngham, brought the King with all honour toward London. Whereof hearing Queen Elysabeth mother unto the King/ fearing the sequel of this business, went or took sentwary within westminster with her younger son richard the duke of york. And the King drawing near unto the city/ upon the four day of may, was of the mayre and his citizens met at Harnesey park/ the mayre and his brethren being clothed in scarlet, & the citizens in violet to the number of .v. hundred horses/ and than from thence conveyed unto the city/ the King being in blue velvet, and all his Lords and servants in black cloth/ and so after conveyed unto the bishops palace of London and there lodged. And shortly after the said duke of gloucester inveleged so the archbishop of Caunterbury named Bowchyer/ that he went with him to the Queen Elysabeth, and there made such assured promise to the said Queen, that she upon the said archishops promise delivered unto them her younger son duke of york. And than the said duke caused the King to be removed unto the tower, and his brother with him. But the Queen for all fair promises to her made/ kept her and her daughters within the foresaid saintwary/ and the duke lodged himself in Crosbyes' place in Bysshoppesgate street.  
Than provision was made for the kings coronation. In which pass time the duke being admitted for Lord protector/ caused Sir Antony wydyvyle called Lord scales & brother unto the Queen a virtuous knight with the Lord richard the queens son, Sir richard Hawte, and Sir Thomas Uaghan knights, to be beheaded at Pountfreyt/ more of will than of justice. Than the Lord protector in furthering of his purpose and cuyll intent/ sent for the more party of the nobles of the land/ and behaved him so covertly in all his matyers, that few understood his wicked purpose. And so daily keeping & holding the Lords in counsel and feeling their minds/ suddenly upon the xiii day of Juny being within the tower in the counsel chambre with diverse Lords with him, as the duke of Bukkyngham, the Earl of Derby, the lord Hastynges than lord Chamberlayne, with diverse other, an out cry by his assent of treason was made in the utter chambre. wherewith the said Lord protector being warned/ roose up and yode himself to the chamber door, and there received in such persons as he before had appointed to execute his malicious purpose. The The which incontinently set hand upon the forenamed lord chamberlain and other. In the which stirring the Earl of Derby was hurt in the face and kept a while under the hold. Than by commandment of the said Lord protector/ the said lord chamberlain in all haste was lad in the court or plain where the chapel of the tower standeth/ & there without judgement or long time of confession or repentance, upon an end of a long & great timber log which there lay with other for the repairing of the said tower, caused his head to be smitten of/ and all for he knew well that he would nat assent unto his wicked intent. whose body with the head was after carried unto windsor, and there buried by the tomb of King Edward.  
After which cruelty thus done/ he shortly after set in sure keeping such persons as he suspected to be again him. Whereof the bishops of york & of Ely were ii as it is said And the Earl of Derby for fere of his son the lord Strange, lest he should have arreared Cheshire & Lancastershyre again him, was set at large.  
Than began the long covert dissimulation, which of the lord protector had been so craftily shadowed, to break out at large/ in so much that upon the sunday following at Paul's cross, himself with the duke of Bukkyngham & other Lords being present, by the mouth of doctor Ralph Shaa in the time of his sermon, was there showed openly that the children of King Edward the four were nat legytymat, nor rightful inheritors of the crown/ with many dyslaunderous words in preferring of the title of the said lord protector and in dysanulling of the other/ to the great abution of all the audience, except such as favoured the matter which were few in number, if the troth or plainness might have been showed.  
Of the which declaration as the fame went after/ the said doctor Shaa took such repentance, that he lived in little prosperity after. And the more he was wondered of, that he would take upon him such a business, considering that he was so famous a man both of his learning and also of natural wit. Than upon the tuesday following/ an assemble of the commons of the city was appointed at the Guyldhalle. where being present the duke of Buckingham with other Lords sent down from the said Lord protector/ and there in the presence of the mayre and commonalty, rehearsed the right and title that the Lord protector had to be preferred before his of his brother King Edward, to the right of the crown of England. The which process was in so eloquent wise showed and uttered without any impediment of spitting or other countenance, and that of a long while, with so great sugared words of exhortation and according sentence, that many a wise man that day marveled and commended him for the good ordering of his words, but not for the intent and purpose the which thereupon ensued.  
Upon the Thursday than next ensuing being the twenty day of juny/ the said protector taking then upon him as King and governor of the realm/ went with great pomp unto westminster, and there took possession of the same. where he being set in the great hall in the See royal, with the duke of Norfolk before called the Lord haward upon the right hand, & the duke of Suffolk upon the left hand/ after the royal oath there taken, called before him the judges of the law/ giving unto them a long exhortation and straight commandment, for the ministering of his laws, and to execute justice, and that with out delay. After which possession taking, and other ceremonies there done/ he was conveyed unto the kings palace within westminster and there lodged.  
In which pass time, the Prince or of right King Edward the .v. with his brother the duke of york, were put under sure keeping within the tower/ in such wise that they never came abroad after.  
And thus ended the reign of Edward the v/ when he had borne the name of a King by the space of two months and xi days. And upon the friday being the xxii day of Juny was the said lord protector proclaimed through the city King of England, by the name of Richard the third.  
Then soon after for fere of the queens blood and other which he had in jealousy/ he sent for a strength of men out of the North. The which came shortly to London a little before his coronation/ and mustered in the More fields well upon four M. men in their best jacks and rusty salattes, with a few in white harness not burnysshed to the sale/ and shortly after his coronation were countermanded home with sufficient rewards for their travail.  
In which foresaid pass time/ the marquis of Dorset brother unto Queen Elysabeth that before was fled, escaped many wonderful dangers both about London, Ely and other places/ whereof▪ to write the manner & circumstance would ask a long and great leisure.   

richard the third.  
RIcharde the third of that name, son to richard late duke of york, & youngest brother unto Edward the iiii. late King/ began his dominion over the realm of England the twenty day of midsummer month, in the year of our Lord god. M. CCCC.lxxxiii. & the xxv year of the xi Lewis than King of France. Of whom tedious it is to me to write the tragedyous history/ except that I remember that good it is to write and put in remembrance the punishment of sinners, to the end that other may eschew to fall in like danger.  
Than it followeth, anon as this man had taken upon him/ he fill in great hatred of the more party of the nobles of his realm/ in so much that such as before loved and praised him, and would have ieoparted life and good with him if he had remained still as protector, now murmured and grudged again him/ in such wise that few or none favoured his party, except it were for dread or for the great gifts that they received of him. By mean whereof he wan divers to follow his mind/ the which after deceived him.  
And after his coronation solemnized, which was holden at westminster the vi day of July, where also the same day was crowned dame Anne his wife/ he then in short process following road Northward to pacify that country, and to redress certain riots there lately done. In the pass time of which journey/ he being at york created his legyttymat son Prince of wales/ & over that made his bastard son capitain of Caleys, which increased more grudge to hymwarde as after shall appear.    

Anno. dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxiii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxiiii.  Thomas Norland.  Rober Byllysdon Haberdassher.  Anno ii  wyllyam Martin.   
IN this year the foresaid grudge increasing, and the more for as much as the common fame went, that King richard had within the tower put unto secret death the two sons of his brother Edward the iiii. For the which and other causes had within the breast of the duke of Buckyngham/ the said duke in secret manner conspired again him, and allied him with divers gentlemen, to the end to bring his purpose about.  
But how it was his intent was espied and showed unto the King/ and the King in all haste sent for to take him, he then being small accompanied at his manor of Brekenok in the March of wales. Whereof the said duke being ware, in all hast he fled from his said manor of Brekenok unto the house of a servant of his own called Banaster/ and that in so secret manner, that few or none of his household servants knew where he was become.  
In the which pass time/ King richard thinking that the duke would have assembled his people, & so to have given to him battle, gathered to him great strength/ and after took his journey westward, to have met with the said duke. But when the King was informed that he was fled/ anon he made proclamations, that who that might take the said duke, should have for a reward. M. li. of money/ and the value of an hundredth pound in land by year to him and to his heirs for ever more. Whereof hearing the foresaid Banaster, were it for meed of the said reward, or for the fere of losing of his life and good/ discovered the duke unto the sheriff of the shire/ and caused him to be taken, and so brought unto Salysbury, where the King than lay.  
And all be it that that the said duke made inportune labour to have common to the kings presence/ yet that natwythstanding, he was beheaded upon the. day of the month of without speech or sight of the King. Than all such gentlemen as had appointed to meet with the said duke, were so dismayed, that they knew nat what for to do/ but they that might fled the land, and some took saintwary places as they might win unto them. But the King to the end to let them of their purpose, sent to the see costs and stopped their way in that he might. And he with a certain strength road unto Exeter/ where about that season was taken Sir Thomas Sellinger knight, and ii gentlemen that one being named Thomas Ram and that other  
The which iii persons were there shortly after beheaded  
And soon after in Kent were taken Sir George Browne knight, & Robert Clyfforde esquyer/ and brought unto the tower of London. And upon the. day of Octobre, the said Sir George and Roberte were drawn from westminster unto the tower hill and there beheaded.  
And the same day were four persons lately yeomen of the crown with King Edward the iiii, drawn out of Southwark thorough the city unto Tyburn, and there hanged. And when the King had sped his journey in the west country/ he hasted him toward London. whereof the mayre & the citizens having knowledge, made provision to receive him/ and upon that made purveyance for horse with violet clothing and other necessaries.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxiiii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxv.  Richard Chester.  Thomas hill. Thomas Bretayne. Anno. ili.  Raffe Astry.   

IN the beginning of this mayor's year and second year of King richard/ that is to mean upon the ix day of the month of Novembre, the mayor and his brethren being clad in scarlet, & the citizens to the number of .v. C. or more in violet/ met the King beyond Kenyngston in Sutherey/ & so brought him thorough the city to the ward rob beside the black friars, where for that time he was lodged. And in short time after was Sir Roger Clyfforde knight taken about Southampton/ and from thence sent to the tower of London, and after areygned & judged at westminster/ & from thence upon the. day of drawn unto the tower hill. But when he came fore again saint martyn's le grant/ by the help of a friar which was his confessor, & one of them that was next about him, his cords were so loosed or cut, that he put him in devoir to have entered the saintwary. And likely it had been that he should have so done/ had nat been the quick help & rescous of the sheriffs and their officers.  
The which constrained him to lie down upon the hardyll/ and newly band him, and so haryed him to the said place of execution, where he was divided in two pieces/ and after his body with the heed was conveyed to the fryeres Augustine's, and there be buried before saint Katherynes' altar.  
And in the month of February following/ died richard Chester one of the sheriffs. For whom was immediately chosen Raffe Astry, to continue for that year following. King richard than leading his life in great agony and doubt/ trusting few of such as were about him, spared nat to spend the great treasure which before King Edward the four had gathered, in guing of great & large gifts. By mean whereof he alonely wasted not the great treasure of his said brother, but also he was in such danger, that he borrowed many notable sums of money of rich men of this realm, and specially of the citizens of London/ whereof the least sum was xl li. for surety whereof he delivered to them good & sufficient pledges.  
In the which pastime many & sundry gentlemen and divers sheriffs, departed over the see into France and there allied them with that virtuous Prince Henry son unto the Earl of Rychemonde, descended lineally from Henry the four lately King of this realm/ and convenaunted with him, that if he would marry Elizabeth the eldest daughter of Edward the iiii, they would with gods help strength him to be King of England & aid him in such manner, that he and also she were or might be possessed of their rightful inheritance. Among the which gentlemen/ Sir Jamys Blount than keeper of the castle of Guynys was one/ which with him conveyed the Earl of Oxenford, that long tofore had been prisoner within the said castle.  
Upon which agreement thus concluded/ provision by them and their friends was made, to sail into England. And after all things prepared/ the said Prince with a small company of english, French, & Brytons, took shiping in France or britain/ and so landed lastly in the port of Mylbourne in the month of August. For whose defence of landing King richard for so moche as he feared him little, made but small provision.  
while these foresaid gentlemen of divers coostes of England escaped as is abovesaid over the see/ of that affinity was one named william Colyngbourne taken. And after he had been holden a season in prison/ he with another gentleman named Turbyruyle were brought unto guild hall, and there areygned. But the said Turbyruyle was repryed to prison/ and that other was cast for sundry treasons/ & for a time, which was laid to his charge that he should make in derision of the King and his counsel as followeth. 
¶ The cat, the rat, and lovell our dog.  
Ruleth all England under a hog.   
THe which was meant that Catysby, Ratclyffe, and the Lord Lovel, ruled the land under the King which bore the white bore for his cognisance. For the which and other upon the. day of he was put to the most cruel death at the tower hill, where for him were made a new payer of gallows/ upon the which after he had hanged a short season, he was cut down being a live, and his bowels ryped out of his belly & cast into the fire there by him, and lived till the boucher put his hand into the bulk of his body/ in so much that the said in the same instant O lord Jesu yet more trouble/ & so died to the great compassion of moche people.  
Than to return unto the noble Prince and his company, when he was common unto the land/ he incontinently kneeled down upon the earth/ & with meek countenance & pure devotion began this psalm: judica me deus, & decern causam meam. etc. The which when he had finished to the end, and kissed the ground meekly, and reverently made the sign of the cross upon him/ he commanded such as were about him, boldly in the name of god & saint George to set forward.  
when the landing of this Prince was blown about the land/ many was the man that drew unto him, aswell such as were in sundry seyntwaryes as other that were abroad/ so that his strength increased shortly. Than the King gathered his power in all haste/ and sped him in such wise, that upon the xxii day of August & beginning of the third year of his reign/ he met with the said Prince near unto a village in Leycetershyre named Bosworth, near unto leicester. where between them was fought a sharp battle/ & sharper should have been, if the kings party had been fast to him. But many toward the field refused him, & yode unto that other party. And some stood hoving a far of, till they saw to the which party the victory fill.  
In conclusion King richard was slain/ and upon his party the duke of Norfolk before time named Lord Hawarde, with Brakyngbury lieutenant of the tower, and many other. And among other was there taken on live the Earl of Surrey son to the foresaid duke of Norfolk, & sent unto the tower of London/ where he remained as prisoner long time after.  
Than was the corpse of Richard late king spoiled, & naked as he was borne cast behind a man/ and so carried unreverently overthwart the horse back unto the friars at leicester. where after a season that he had lain that all men might behold him he was there with little reverence buried. And thus with misery ended this Prince/ which ruled most what by rigour and tyranny, when he in great trouble & agony had reigned or usurped by the space of ii years ii months and ii days.  
And than was the noble Prince Henry admitted for King, and so proclaimed King by the name of Henry the vii The which sped him shortly to London/ so that upopn the xxviii day of the said month of August, he was by the mayre and the citesyns met in good array/ as the mayre and aldermen in scarlet, and the citizens in violet, at harnesey park/ & from thence conveyed thorough the city unto the bishop of London's palace, and there for that time lodged.  
And upon the xi day of Octobre next following, than being the seating sickness of new begun/ died the said Thomas hill than of London mayre. And for him was chosen as mayre Sir wyllyam Stokker knight & Draper, which died also of the said sickness shortly after. And than Iohn ward Grocer was chosen mayre/ which so continued till the feast of Symonde and Jude following.   

Francia. Charles the ix  
KArolus or Charles the ix or viii of the name, son unto the xi Louis/ begun his reign over the realm of France the fourth day of Septembre in the year of our Lord god. M.iiii. C.lxxxiiii/ and the second year of richard the third at the time King of England.  
This Charles was noble of wit and meek of condition/ the which his father would nat set to learning of letters in his youth, lest that by such study he should at his lawful age have thereby the more refrained him from knightly and martial acts. But when he came to man's estate he than was right sorry, and would say full often to his familiars, A Prince is greatly blemished, when he lacketh cunning of lecture. He was also in his youth so week & impotent, that he lacked natural strength as was according to his age, in so much that he might nat go. And when he should ride, he had always on either side of the horse ii men to stay him, and to give on him like attendance. Than after solemnity of his coronation ended at the city of Raynes, which there was solemnized with great pomp upon the Sunday nerte ensuing the feast of saint Denys/ commissions were sent out into all coostes of his dominion, for to inquire of all superfluous gifts given before time by his father/ the which shortly after were resumed into the kings hands. And in that season, Oliver Damman whom Louis had in many great rooms & offices set, and by his days had him in singular love and favour, in so much as before I have showed in the end of the story of the said Louis, he made a special request unto this Charles his son that he should specially cherish this said Damman/ now was appeached of treason with one Danyell a Fleming. The which after inquisition of them made/ both after the law of that land were judged to death/ and so put in execution of hanging. whose death of the nobles and astates of the realm was little ruyd/ considering the room that he bore by King Louis days, and the ignobility of his birth, as an handcrafty man and barber. After whose death a metrycyan compiled these verses following. 
SVnt tua criminibus ridentia tempora tonsor  
Currere, quae subito ꝓuida parca vetat  
Hoc poteras osim song prenoscere damma,  
Vt saltem horrores tollere cede pios.  
Te natura humilem cum matter Flandra tulisset,  
Arte una noras radere Cesariem.  
Hunc talem & servum te saepe Lutetia vidit,  
Tutus ab hac poteras ducere sort dies.  
Raptus ad excelsam, Lodowici principis aulam,  
Mox herebifur surias, moribus ante venis,  
Et caput huic tendeus/ dum suffers singere ficos,  
Pre ducibus regi, regulus alter eras.  
Quid tibi nen sicuit, sobeles tam dira Neronis,  
Nemo non vixit, te reserente reus,  
Nemo deisacra censuram, nemo gerebat,  
Gaudia, qui renuit premere dona tibi  
Protenus exilium, vel mors vel mulcta negantem  
Pressit, eras judex lictor & exicium.  
Regnasti, satis est, surgunt nova sedera mundo,  
Turba coelestorum, territa luce sugit.  
Agnosce o tonsor, quo te scoelus extulit atrox,  
Et te praecepitem depulit in laqueos.  
Te Daniel, te dira cohors, te menimius odit,  
Et scelerum auctorem, dampnatet insequitur.  
Nescio quid de te superi velfata deponunt,  
Seu lictore cades, seu cruce liber eas.  
una tamen vulgi constans sententia, furcas  
Expedit, ut faciet, te periunte odium  
Interea vinctus, culpas absterge gemendo,  
Peccasti, morte est nunc redimenda salus.   
The which metyr or verses to them that have none understanding in Latin, may be exponed in manner as followeth. 

The laughing times with their crimes spent,  
Thou barboure are run/ the which by sudden fate  
Are now forbode. Whereof the clear intent  
Thou might have known Damma right well the state,  
when thou by means which were inordynat,  
Put unto death many an innocent man,  
By cruel malice/ and well remembered than.   

That of low birth Flaundres thy mother the fled,  
And taught the a craft, the here well to shave  
Lutecia that city where thou thy life led,  
witnesseth the a servant therein thy living to crave,  
And for thy days an honest life to have/  
But when thou were in Louis court up brouht,  
Than had thou no mind that thou were come of nought.   

But like the hell hound thou waxed full furious,  
Expressing thy malice when thou to honour stied/  
Thinking for so moche as that Prince bountevous,  
His head and beard to the he nought denied,  
And with all worldly pleasure he also the allied,  
The before his Princes making his governor/  
Thyself thou blyndest, with worldly vain honour.   

which made the so proud, thou son of hard Neron,  
That none might live that thou accused of crime,  
No man was cursed nor none had punyssyon,  
That would thy hand with gold of gifts lime/  
And who that nat his gift offered in time,  
Other death or exile to him was soon applied/  
For as judge and hangman thou all thing excercised.   

Thou reigned long enough/ but now are sprungen new  
Sterrys to the world/ and fled is now clearly  
The scelerat flock. Wherefore thou barber yet rue,  
Thine odious acts which have the suddenly,  
Cast down from wealth in snares vytterly.  
For also Daniel thy most odious fere  
damneth the of crime which with the dieth here.   

I know nat what of the the upper bodies above  
Have defined, whether by sword or by gibet  
Thou should end the life. But one thing I approve,  
The sentence holy of the people is set,  
That on a gallow thou should pay death his debt.  
Inwardly therefore bewayll so thine offence,  
That by this death, to god thou Mayst make recompense.    
THus execution of this Damman & his fellow ended and finished, to the little compassion of the people/ within few days after another of the affeccionat servants of King Louis named Iohn Doyacon for trespass and hatred by his occasion and desert unto the common people, was with all shame brought unto the market place of Paris, & there bereft of both his ears. After which villainy to him done, he was there right banished the court for ever.  
And thus two of the most special and dearest beloved servants and counsellors of King Louis, were shortly after his death brought unto confusion. By reason whereof as affirmeth mine author Gaguyne, arose a proverb among the French men/ saying, Principibus obsequi haereditarium non esse. The which is to mean, the service of princes is nat hereditable. This time thus passed with many other matyers, which I over pass/ the season approached that variance and envy began to move among some nobles of the land/ in so much that the duke of orleans disdained, that Anne sister to the King with such as she would call to counsel, had all the rule about the King. Wherefore he intending to have the said rule, for so moche as he had married that other daughter of Louis/ gathered unto him strength of knights, purposely to remove from the King such as he liked/ and to set about him such persons as he thought convenient.  
But how it was for lack of wise ordering of his people or other negligence/ at a place called saint Albynys he was taken of his adversaries/ & so by the King commanded to prison to the castle of byturicence, where he remained long time after. It was nat long after, that Marymylyan the which had married duke Charles daughter of Burgoyne, gathered his soldiers to have relieved the foresaid duke of orleans out of prison/ but he prevailed not. During which war, Fraunceys duke of britain died/ whose daughter named Anne & inheritor of that duchy, Maxymylyan had before troth plyted for his lawful wife. Wherefore he hearing of the death of the said Fraunceys/ shortly entered the territory of britain, and seized it for his. But Charles with his Frenchmen withstood him, by such force that he was constrained to axe help of our sovereign lord King Henry the seven. The which in most bounteous manner aided & assisted him both with men and money/ to the Kings exceeding great charge and cost. How be in the end the French King had his intent/ & than married the said Anne Duchess of britain, and refused Margarete the daughter of Ma●imylyan, which he before had married at Ambasy/ as before I have showed to you in the end of the story of his father Louis. After which victory thus obtained by this Charles in britain/ he made claim and pretence unto the land of Scicilia or Sicily. And by the exhortation and stirring of the pope Alexander the vi he with a strong host entered the same both by land and by water. To whom was a great aid the duke of milan/ by whose means he shortly won a strong city or town named Campania and divers other towns and in process Naples the chief city that belonged unto the King of Naples. In so much that he constrained Alphounce that than was King of Naples and of Scicile to forsake that country/ and so had the dominion of the more part of both the said countries. The which when he had set in such order as he thought convenient/ he took his journey home ward into France through Italy. In which passage this charles was beset of the Uenecyan & other italians, the which intended to have stopped his way/ and meeting with him at a place called in Latin fornoviences, gave unto him battle. Whereof as saith mine author he won the victory to his great honour, considering his few soldiers again their multitude and strength.  
But to this saying repugn the italians dwelling in London/ and say that if the said charles had not sped him fastly into France, he had not comen there that year. But how so it was he eetourned home in safety.  
And soon after pope Alexander foresaid took such displeasure again the said charles, that he stirred almost all christian Princes of the world again him/ he had such hatred to the great honour of the French King as saith mine author Gagwyne, that which in all his works extolleth the deeds of frenchmen further than may be verified in much of his writing. But what so he write of the pope/ it is to be deemed that he would not take so great party again this charles, and exite other Princes to do the same, except it had been for great and urgent causes/ and not for malice as he affirmeth only.  
And thus the said Gagwyne endeth the story of the said charles, in the year of our Lord god. M.iiii. C. xcv/ and the xi year of the reign of the same charles then presently reigning and guiding the realm of France/ which was the ten year of our most redoubted Prince King Henry the vii   

Henry the seventh.  
HEnry the vii of the name son unto the Earl of Richemount, began his dominion over the realm of England, the xxii day of August, in the year of our Lord god. M.iiii. C.lxxxv/ and the second year of the viii charles then King of France. And the xxx day of October following with great solemnity the said Henry was crowned at westminster.  
And here according to my first saying in the beginning of this rude work, I make an end of the seven. Part and hole work, the vii day of November in the year of our lord Jesu Crystes incarnation. M.u. C. and iiii/ and the twenty year of our moste christian and dread sovereign Lord King Henry after the conquest of the name the vii For which expedition and good exploit that I have had in the accomplysshyg of this work, wherein is included to rekyn from the landing of Brute in this i'll of albion, unto the first year or beginning of the reign of our most dead said sovereign lord, two. M.vi. C. and xx. Years: I here again salute and give thanks unto that most excellent virgin our lady saint Mary with the last and vii joy of the foresaid, seven. Joys, beginning, 

Gaude virgo matter pura etc.   

Be joyful and glad virgin and mother pure  
For farm and steadfast thy joy shall abide  
And these vii joys shall evermore endure,  
And never hereafter minish by time nor by tide  
But ever shall increase flourish and abide,  
By worlds all, ever in one to last  
Time to come, time present, & time that is past.      
And thus than endeth this seventh part, the which from the first year of wyllyam conqueror to the last year of richard the third includeth. iiii. C.xvii. Years.   

Envoy.  

Limas adest, praecessit opus, ne liuidus assis.  
Lector habent mendas, denia presa suas  
Quoduis ingenium, quadam vel part redundat  
Vel rudum, vel mancum est, vel grave vel fluidum  
Concio crebra tibi, culpatur furta Maronis,  
Est Cicero elumbis, pes tibi naso ceser.   

Non satis historiae, Crispi praefatio quadrat,  
Nil adeo cultum, livor iniquus habet.  
Non minus hoc poterit tantillum capere morsor,  
Laeserit illustres cum fera lingua viros.  
Sed quid agas residem, taxabit inertia mutum  
Scriptorem risor, extenuabit inners.  
Audendum tamen est, spernendi mill latratus  
Occidet a busto murmur & invidia.   
The which verses to them that been unlettered may be englished in manner and form as followeth. 

An end of this book, or of this rude work  
Here is now fined/ whereof the sense precedyth.  
Thou that shall it read, be thou lay or clerk,  
Be not envious/ consider how it leadeth  
The reign of Princes. And where as mendment needeth,  
If thou expert be, the fawtes thereof amend/  
And him ascribe no slander, that did but well intend.   

Consider every science, in part that it is such,  
To rude or to curious, to brief or to long.  
Some blamyn! Livins for that he wrote so moche/  
Some other Uyrgyle/ and Cicero among  
For he was to scarce. Sallust that dytyes' song  
So excellently, yet is he not unblamed/  
So that to all men nothing is duly framed.   

Than sin the old writers which were so excellent,  
Might not all men please with their famous writing/  
No marvel though I which never cunning hent,  
Might order this matter to every man's liking/  
And specially to such as have their delyghting,  
Ever with disclander most writers to lack,  
And bark while they may to set good writers a back.   

But though that ignorance and derision been met,  
And reprove the maker in all that they can/  
why should any good work for their malice be let.  
For though they grudge & scorn/ yet every wise good man,  
will take the intent and praise the maker than/  
And him allow for his laborious deed/  
And require of god that he may have his meed.     


Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxxv.  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxxvi.  Iohn Tate.  Hugh Bryce goldsmith.  Anno i  Iohn Swan.   
IN this year a priest was made to the King of ii M. li/ of the which the mercers, grocers, & drapers lent ix C.xxxvii. li. and vi s. The coronation was holden at westminster the xxx day of October. And this year wheat was at iii s. the bushel, & bay salt at the same price.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxxvi.  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxxvii.  Iohn percival.  Sir Henry Colet  Anno ii  Hugh Clopton.   
In this year the King married King Edward's eldest daughter named Elizabeth. This year was slain at Stookfelde the Earl of Lyncolne. And in the month of September was borne Prince Arthur.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxxvii  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.lxxxviii.  Iohn Fenkyll.  wyllyam horn.  Anno iii  wyllyam Remyngton.   
This year was the Queen crowned at westminster upon saint Katheryns' day. And this year was a priest of four M. li./ whereof mercers, grocers & Drapers lent xvi C. & xvi li. And this year was an other priest of two thousand. And this year Iohn Ashley with other two were put in execution at the tower hill.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxviii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxix.  wyllyam Isaak.  Robert Tate Mercer.  Anno four  Ralph Tynley.   
IN this year the commons of the North slew the Earl of Northumberlande/ and chamberlain their capitain with divers other were after at york hanged. This year was the task of the tenth penny of men's lands and goods. This year was the field of Dykysmew in Flaunders fought by the Lord Dawbeney.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.lxxxix.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xc  wyllyam capel.  wyllyam white  Anno .v.  Iohn Brook.   
IN this year one named Roger Shavelok slew himself. For whose goods was business between the kings amner and the sheriff. But the amner obtained.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xc  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xci  Henry Coot.  Iohn Matthew Mercer. Robert revel. Anno vi  Hugh Pemberton.   
IN this year died Robert revel shyryffe/ & in his stead was chosen Hugh Pemberton. And in March Sir Robert chamberlain knight was beheaded. And this year was a great benevolence granted unto the King for his journey into France/ where unto the fellowship of the Drapers granted more than any other fellowship of the city/ and every alderman of London that time being, paid volente & nolente two hundredth pound. Over which some the commoners some extended to ix M.vi. C.lxxxii. li. xvii. s. iiii. d. And this year was a bushel of wheat at xxii d.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.xci  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.xcii.  Thomas wood  Hugh Clopton Mercer.  Anno vii  wyllyam Browne.   
IN this year a yeoman of the crown named was put to death at Tybourne for treason. And in this year was the city of Garnad gotten by the King of spain. And in this year was Sir Jamys Parker knight slain in jousting at Rychemont, with a gentleman named Hugh Uaghan. Also in the month of September the King took his viage toward France.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.xcii  Anno domini. M.iiii. C.xciii.  wyllyam purchase.  wyllyam Martin skinner.  Anno viii  wyllyam welbek.   
IN this year upon the ix day of November, was red a letter in the Guyldhall, that showed of a peace concluded between the Kings of England & of France. And the xvii day of December following, the King landed at Dover. And the saturday before Cristmas he came to westminster. Upon the xvii day of may were four men put to death at Tyborn for treason. And this year in the month of October and end of this mayor's year, was the fray made upon the Eesterlynges by the commons of the city, and specially mercers servants.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xciii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xciiii.  Robert Fabyan.  Ralph Astry Fysshemonger.  Anno ix  Iohn wyngar.   
IN this year in the beginning, an inquiry was made for the riot forenamed/ for the which many young men were punished by long imprisonment. Also upon the xxii day of February, were reigned at the Guyldhall iiii. persons named Thomas Bagnall, Iohn Scotte, Iohn Heth, and Iohn Kenyngton/ which were taken out of saint martyn's saintwary. Whereof iii were put to death at Tyburn/ & Thomas Bagnall was had unto the tower of London. And the xxvi. day of the said month, with the foresaid iii persons was put in execyon William Bulkley a yeoman of the kings chamber, and a duche man. this year wheat was at vi d. a bushel, and bay salt at iii d. ob. And this year doctor hill bishop of London pursued grievously Persy than prior of Crystes church in London. And in this year was the royal feste kept in westminster hall by the King. This year in the end of Apryll was brent in Smithfelde an old woman for heresy, which was called mother to the lady young. And this year the xv. day of August were rained at the Guyldhalle one named Iohn Norfolk, & an other named Iohn white/ & convict for bawdry & set upon the pillory.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xciiii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. 195  Nycholas Alwyn.  richard Chawry Salter.  Anno ten  Iohn warner.   
THis year the day that the mayre took his charge, in the afternone came thorough the city Henry duke of york a child about four years of age toward westminster riding upon a courser, with many goodly gentlemen to convey him. And upon the ix day of November following, was holden a goodly justice within the palace of westminster. Whereof were challengers sir william de la Pool than duke of Suffolk, th'earl of Essex, Sir Robert Curson, & Iohn Pechy esquire. Also this year about Cristmas, sir Robert Clifford which before was fled the land/ came again & appeached sir william Stanley than chamberlain to the King of treason. which Sir wyllyam upon the xvi day of February following, for the said treason was beheaded at the Tower hill. And the same season was adjudged to death at the Guyldhall the dean of Poulys a famous doctor & preacher, the provincial of the black freres, and the prior of Langley, the person of saint Stephyns in walbroke named doctor Sutton, Sir Thomas Thwatys' knight, Robert Ratclyffe, wyllyam Dawbeney, willyam Cressener esquire with Sir Simond Mounford knight, & more other/ whereof the more part was pardoned. And this year was white hearing at xl d. a barrel. And this year began the first trouble of sir william capel alderman. And in July Perkyn with his rebels arrived in Kent which named himself Richard second son of Edward the four And in the same month was doctor Draper perforce borne out of Poulys, & so lad to Lambehyth for variance that than was between the bishops of Canterbury and London. And soon after was hanged in sundry costs of England an. C. and odd persons of the forenamed rebels. And this year was a perlyament holden at westmnynster. Also in the month of October was an exceeding thunder.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. 195  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xcvi.  Thomas Kneysworth.  Sir Henry Colette Mercer.  Anno xi  Henry Somyr.   
IN this year in the xvi day of November, was holden the sergeants feste within the bishop of Elyes' place. This year was the body of Richard Hakendyes wife take up in saint Mary hill church hole, that had lain in the ground over. C. & twenty years. And this year was great bysynesse for the intercourse between England and Flaunders. And this year the King of Scots made sharp warro upon the marches. And this year many lollers stood with faggots at Poulys' cross.   

Anno domini. M.iiii. C.xxvi.  Anno domini. M.iiii. C. cxvii.  Iohn Shaa.  Iohn Tate Mercer.  Anno xii  richard Haddon.   
THe latter end of October, by great counsel holden at westminster/ was granted to the King fer the defence of the Scots. C.xx. M. li. The xviii day of November was Poulys church suspended by a fray of two young men. And in the same month was granted to the King a priest of the city of four M. li. And the same month at Calys was beheaded the lord Fitzwater. The xxi day of January a parliament began/ whereby was granted two dymes & a half, two aids and two fyftenies, to levy the foresaid. C.xx. M. li. And in the month of Juny and xvii day were the Cornyshmen discomfited at Blakheth. 
 And upon the xxviii day of Juny, the Smyth & a gentleman named Flammok two capitains of the said rebels, were put in execution at Tybourne. And shortly after the Lord Audeley, which was head capitain of the said rebels, was put to death at the tower hill. And this year was concluded a marriage between my Lord Prince & the kings daughter of Spain. This year also the King sent into Scotland an army, under the guiding of the Earl of Surrey and the lord nevil/ the which made sharp war upon the Scots. And in the month of October Perkyn landed in cornwall, and assailed the town of Exeter & other towns But finally he took the saintwary of Beawdely/ and after was pardoned of his life.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xcvii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xcviii.  Bartholomewe Rede.  wyllyam purchase Mercer.  Anno xiii  Thomas wyndowght.   
IN this year upon the xxviii day of November, the said Parkyn was brought thorough the city unto the tower, & there left as prisoner. And with him a tall yeoman sometime sergeant ferrour to the King/ which ferrour & one named Edward, were shortly after put to death at tibourn. Upon saint Nycholas day was a proclamation made thorough the city, of a peace between the realms of England & Scotland for term of both kings lives. And in December a carpenter called Godfrey, took down the wedercok of Poulys' slyple & set it up again. And this year in christmas week was a part of the kings palace of Rychemount brent And this year upon the ix day of Juny, the forenamed Parkin being at large in the kings court, went secretly away/ and lastly went to the father of Zion. And after the second pardon to him by the King granted, he was showed at westminster & in Chepys side, with much wonderment/ and finally had to the tower and there keeped.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xcviii.  Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xcix.  Thomas Bradbery.  Sir Jon Percyvale.  Anno xiiii  Stephyn Jenyns.   
IN this year upon the xxx day of Octobre, came my lord price through the city with an honourable company toward westminster. And upon Shrove tuysdaye was put in execution at saint Thomas warring, a strepeling of twenty years of age/ which had advanced himself to be the son or heir to the Earl of warwykes lands, & was the son of a cordyner of London. And this year Master Iohn Tate alderman begun the new edefyinge of saint Anthony's church. And this year upon the xvi day of July being Sunday/ & upon the Sunday following, stood xii heretics at Paul's cross shrined with faggots.   

Anno dni. M.iiii. C.xcix.  Anno dni. M.u. C.  jamys wylforde.  Nycholas Alwyn.  Anno xu  Richard Brond.   
IN this year the xvi day of November, was areyned in the white hall at westminster the forenamed Parkyn & iii other. The which Parkyn and one Iohn Awatyr were put shortly after in execution at Tyburn. And soon after was the Earl of warwyke put to death at the tower hill/ & one Blewet & Astwood at Tyburn. And this year in May the King & the Queen sailed to calais. And this year was Babran in Norfolk brent. And in July was an old heretic brent in smithfield. And this year was a great death in London/ whereof died over xx. M. of all ages. And this year died doctor Morton cardinal and chancellor of England in the month of October.   

Anno. dni. M.u. C.  Anno dni. M.u. C.i.  Iohn Hawys.  wyllyam Remyngton.  Anno xvi  wyllyam stead.   
IN this year the xxi day of December, in the night was an hydyous thunder. And this year was the name of the kings palace of Shene changed, & called after the day Rychemount. And this year in August departed secretly out of this land, the duke of Suffolk. And the four day of October landed at Plymmowth Kateryn daughter of the King of spain. And this year was finished by Master Tate the church of saint Anthony.   

Anno domini. M.u. C.i.  Anno domini. M.u. c.ii  Sir Laurence Aylemer.  Sir Iohn Shaa  Anno xvii  Henry Hede.   
IN this year began the mayre & his brethren to ride to the barge & other places. Upon saint Erkenwaldes day, was my lord prince married to the King of Spain's daughter. And this season the duke of Bukkyngham with other was chief chalengeour, at a royal justice & tourney held in the palace of westminster. And this year came a great ambassade out of Scotland/ by reason whereof conclusion of marriage was made between the king of Scots & dame Margarete eldest daughter to our sovereign lord. Also this year was an exceeding great fish taken near unto Quynbourgh. And in March Sir wyllyam of Devonshire, Sir Jamys Tyrell, & his eldest son, & one named welborne, were arrested for treason. And in Apryll following died the noble Prince Arthur in the town of Ludlow. And upon the last day of April were set upon the pillory ii youngmen, for defaming of the Kings counsel/ and there ears cut of. Also about this time that grey friars were compelled to take their old habit russet, as the sheep doth die it. And the vi day of may Jamys Tyrell & Sir Iohn wyndhm knight, were beheaded at the tower hill And a shipman for the same treason was the same day drawn to Tyburn & there hanged & quartered. And soon after a purseuaunt named Curson, & a yeoman called Matthew jonies, were put in execution at Guynys/ & all was for aiding of Sir Edmond De la pool. Also this year about midsummer was taken a fellow which had renewed many of Robin hodes pageants/ which named himself Greneleef. And this year begun the new work of the houses office within the Guyldhall of London. And in the end of October, was proclaimed a peace between the king & the archduke of Burgoyne. And the Sunday before saint Symond & Jude was showed a bull/ by virtue whereof were denounced at Paul's cross as accursed, Sir Edmond de la pool late duke of Suffolk Sir Roberte Curson knight, & .v. other persons. And all such as aided any of them again the king.   

Anno domini. M.u. c.ii  Anno domini. M.u. c.iii goldsmith. Henry Kebyll.  Bartholomew Rede.  Anno xviii  Nycholas Nynys.   
IN this year begun the new work of the kings chapel at westminster. And upon the xi day of February, died Queen Elizabeth within the tower lying in childbed. And upon the first Sunday of lent, was solemnly accursed at Paul's cross with bell & candle, Sir Edmond de la pool, Sir Robert Curson & other, & all that the aided again the King. And in th'end of the month of March, was the prior of the Charterhous at Shene sinfully murdered with an other monk of the same house, by sinister means of a monk of the same place named Good wine & other mischievous persones. And this year the felisshyp of tailors of London purchased a grant of the king to be called merchant tailors. And the viii. day of August, was the King of Scots married unto the eldest daughter of the King. Also in July were areyned at the Guyldhall Oliver saint Iohn, Robert Simpson, wellys●orfi before named, Pool bailie of Thorok amp; four other all being cast for treason, whereof the said Oliver and Pool with hyppemen were put in execution at Tyburn, and the other were pardoned.   

Anno. dni. M.u. c.iii  Anno dni. M.u. c.iiii Draper. Chrystoffer Hawys.  Sir wyllyam capel. Robert wattes. Anno xix  Thomas Granger.   
IN this year the xiii day of November, in the palace of the archbishop of Caunterbury at Lambehyth was held the sergeants feast. And the xxi day of November in the beginning of the night, was a dreadful fire upon the north end of London bridge. And upon the vii day of January were certain houses consumed with fire again saint Botulphis church in Thamys street. Upon the xxv day of January, begun a parliament at westminster. And the xxvii day of March, was an house brent again saint Mattyus le grant. And the same day was hurt done with fire in the parish of faint Peter's the poor. And in the forenamed parliament was ordained a new coin of silver, as groats, half groats, & shillings with half faces. And in the foresaid parlyament was granted to the King an aid of xxxvi. thousand li And a correction was devised for clipped groats.   

Anno domini. M.u. c.iiii  Anno domini. M.u. C.u. Grocer. Roger Achylley.  Iohn wyngar.  Anno twenty  wyllyam Browne.   
IN this year the citizens of London granted to the King .v. M mark for confirmation of their liberties. Whereof a. M. mark was paid in hand, & four M. mark in four years next ensuing. Upon sat George's day the King went in procession in Paul's church/ where was showed a leg of saint George closed in silver, which was newly sent to the King. And upon the xxv day of Apryll, was a money maker one of the coiners of the tower drawn to Tyburn, & there hanged. And in the later end of this year, came the third cap of maintenance from the pope.   

Anno domini. M.u. C.u.  Anno domini. M.u. C.vi. Fysshemonger. richard Shore.  Thomas Kneysworth  Anno xxi  Roger grove.   
This year upon xii even, the kings chamber at Rychemount was brent. And upon the even of saint Maury begun an hideous wid/ which endured upon xi days following more or lass, in continual blowing/ by mean whereof the wedercok of Paul's was blown down, & much other harm done. And by force of this tempest the archduke of Burgoyne was driven to land in the west country. And upon the second Sunday of lent stood at Paul's cross the prior of saint Osyes & .v. other heretics. And in the end of the month of March Sir Edmond de la pool was conveyed through the city unto the tower, and there left as prisoner. And in may month was the lord of burgeveny committeth to the tower, for a certain displeasure which concerned no treason. This year a new builded galerey fill in the night at Rychemount. And this year in the end of July was a gracious miracle showed by our Lady image of barking, by a maiden child that a cart laden with stone yode over.   

Anno domini. M.u. C.vi.  Anno domini. M.u. c.vii mercer. wyllyam Copynger.  Sir Richard Haddon. Thomas Iohnson. Anno xxii  wyllyam Fytz wyllyam.   
IN this year about christmas was the bakers house in warwyke lane brent. And this year was a wonderful easy & soft winter, with out storms or frosts. And this year the King of his goodness delivered out of all prisons in London, as many prisoners as lay for xl s. & under. And this year was Thomas Kneysworth late mayor & his ii sheriffs condemned to the King in great sums of money/ over painful prisonment by them in the marshalsy sustained.   

Anno domini. M.u. c.vii  Anno domini. M.u. c.viii mercer. wyllyam Butler.  wyllyam Browne.  Anno xxiii  Iohn Kyrkby.   
This year in the end of April, died the said wyllyam brown/ and for him was immediately chosen Sir Laurence Aylemer, for the residue of that year/   

Anno supradicto.  Anno supradicto. Draper. wyllyam Butler.  Sir Laurence Aylemer.  Anno predicto.  Iohn Kyrkby.   
IN this year upon the last day of Juny, was an house in Southwark near unto the bridge consumed with fire. And this year was Sir wyllyam capel again put in vexation, by suit of the King, for things done by him in the time of his mayralte.   

Anno. dni. M.u. c.viii  Anno dni. M.u. c.ix Tayllour. Thomas Exmew.  Stephyn Jenyns.  Anno xxiiii  Richard Smyth.   
IN the beginning of the mayor's time, Sir wyllyam capel after his prisonment in the countour & sheriffs house, was by the kings counsel commanded to the tower/ where he remained till the King died/ & shortly after was delivered with many other. And in likewise was Sir Laurence Aylemer dalt with/ & committed to the ward or house of Richard Smyth shryfe/ & there remained as prisoner by the space above said. This year upon the saturday next before saint George's day in the night, which saturday was the xxi day of Apryll, died the King our sovereign Lord at his manor of Rychemount/ upon whose soul and all christian Jesu have mercy. Amen.  
And so this foresaid noble prince reigned xxiii years and vii months, and one day thereof lakking.  
This magnyfycent & excellent Prince Henry the vii thus paid to death his debt of nature as before is said. Of whom sufficient laud & praise can nat be put in writing, considering the continual peace & tranquylete which he kept this his land & commons in/ with also the subduing of his outward enymyes, of the realms of France & Scotland by his great policy & wisdom, more than by shedding of christen blood or cruel war. And ever ruled so mightily his subjects & ministered to them such justice, that nat alonely they loved and dread him/ but all christian princes hearing of his glorious fame, were desirous to have with him amity & alliance. And for that he in all temporal policies & provisions exceeded all Princes by his time reigning/ divers Pope's, as Alexander the sixth, Pius the iii, & Julius the ii now being pope, by their times either of them sunderly with authority & consent of their spiritual & divine counsel, elected & chase this excellent Prince, and admitted him for chief defensor of Christ's church, before all other christian Princes. And for a confirmation of the same/ sent unto this invyncibyll prince by iii sundry famous ambassades, three swords with iii caps of maintenance. what might I write of the steadfast contynency, great justice, & merciful dealing of this Prince. what might I report of his excellent wisdom & most sugared eloquence, or of his inmovable patience & wonderful discretion. Or what should I tell of his most beautiful buildings, or exceeding charges of manifest reperations and over all this of his exceeding treasure & richesse innumerabyll. But as who would say, to consider in order all his notabyll acts, which would ask a long tract of time, with also the liberal & somptuous endowment of the monastery of westminster & other, to write/ I might conclude that his acts passed all the noble acts of his noble progenitors sign the conquest/ and may most congruly above all earthly Princes, belykened unto Solomon King of the israelites and be called the second Solomon for his great sapience & acts by him done his lives time executed. All which premisses tenderly considered, every natural Englysshman now living, hath cause & ought devoutly to pray for the soul of this most excellent Prince Henry the vii, that he may attain that celestial mansion, which he and all true christian souls are inheritors unto/ the which god him grant. Amen.  
And the rather because of the excellent virtuous bringing and leaving unto us by god's aid and provision, of our most gracious and most dread sovereign lord Henry the viii. of that name, as tyghtfull inheritor unto the ii crowns of England and of France. The which began his most gracious reign the xxii. day of Apryll, in the year of our lord god. M.u. C. and ix   

HEnry the viii of that name and second son of the forenamed excellent Prince Henry the seuith began his most gracious reign over the realm of England the xxii day of Apryll, in the year of our lord god M.u. C. and ix To whom by all honour, reverence, & joyful countenance of prosperous reign, to the pleasure of god & weal of this his realm. Amen.    
Thus endeth Fabyans chronicle.  

 

  

  

   

Printed by. w. Rastell, & finished the last day of December, in the year of our Lord. M.u. C. and XXXiii.  
CUM PRIVILEGIO.