The Conspiracy of Catiline, written by Constancius, Felicius, Durantinus, and translated by Thomas Paynell: with the history of jugurth, written by the famous Roman Sallust, and translated into english by Alexander Barcklaye.  
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¶ To the most mighty, most excellent, our most gracious sovereign lord Henry the eight, the very King of England, Ireland, and of France, the true defender of Christ's faith, and in earth supreme head immediately under Christ of the church of England, his most humble servant and chaplain Thomas Paynell desireth most high honour and perfect felicity.  
WHen I consider how we are bound by the law of god, to be faithful and obedient unto our governor, which is so many ways careful for our wealths, surely I think that all that we can do, to aid and help him, both with body, counsel, goods and prayer, is but our duty: than most gracious sovereign lord, what man is he? nay what monstrous beast, that would once think to rebel against, or wilfully disobey your regal power, laws, ordinances, and express commandments? yet notwithstanding, we have seen some in our days, so slip from god, that they attempted great things against your high majesty, which by his just judgement and will, received condign punishment. The which examples without farther authority and knowledge, either of holy scripture, or other profane histories (as me seemeth) should abaundauntlye suffice, to teach men to be ever obedient unto their lyege lord: for it is a thing of all other most evident and clear, that god will not suffer so unkind caitiffs, so desperate wretches, any thing to prevail against his image in earth, a king. Where shall we read in all histories, that ravenous rebels could obtain against the sovereign governors? surely if ever any possible might, Lucius Catiline the Roman should have done, for he was in a common weal that had many rulers, of whom some the chiefest favoured his faction, he had on his side, that conspired with him, the noblest of the Senators: he had an army ready at his hand abroad, in the city such aidours confederate with him, that in manner, no wisdom, power or policy could repress: he was therewithal so witty, so wily, so subtle, so full of craft and deceit, so diligent and watchful, so bold and hardy, so expert and politic in war, that he seemed invincible: yet by the wisdom, prudence, and diligence of a few good and virtuous men, that then ruled the common weal, he and all his confederates were overthrown and clean subdued, as it shall appear to the readers of this Catilynes' conspiracy, which I have translated out of latin into english specially for this intent, that all that be unlearned may see, if God among the gentiles, would not suffer riotous rebels to overrun rulers & destroy common weals: how moche less than will he suffer them to prevail against a christian prince, his very image in earth? Therefore let all men learn by this example of Catiline what the end of them is, that rise against their rulers and evermore hatefully abhor to here speak of this cursed monster, this deadly poison in a common weal, Rebellion: but with all wit, industry, power, cunning, riches, wish for, labour for, love, favour, and maintain Obedience: whereof I would write moche more, ne were it, that I speak to your highness, which hath given unto us so manifold occasions to be most feythfullye beloved, and most entirely obeyed. For whose magnificent majesty, we are most dearly bound, daily on our knees to pray god to preserve, over us to rain as many years as Nestor lived. Amen.   

The table.  
THE wit, manners, deeds, and affections of Catiline cap. i. 
fol. primo.  The first conspiracy of L. Catiline and P. Antronius. cap. two. 
fol. two.  Of the other conspiracy far greater and more grievous. cap. iii. 
fol. iii.  The conditions, the deeds and manners of them that were fellows of the conspiracy, which were in the city, ca iiii. 
fol. iiii.  The oration of L Catiline to his fellows of the conspiracy. cap. v, 
fol. seven  The confederacy concluded and knit up with man's blond, cap, vi. 
fol. x  Of seven that desired the consulship, among whom Cicero prevailed. cap. seven, 
fo. eodem  Power that had been given to the Decemuiri by the law Agraria, if Cicero had not resisted, ca, viii, 
fol. xii  Cicero cometh by knowledge of the conspiracy, ca, ix, 
fol. xiiii.  Cicero gave over the business of France to C, Antonius, and reconciled the chivalry of Rome to the favour of the Senators cap, x. 
fol, eodem  Catylynes endeavour and diligence, in augmenting the conspiracy cap, xi. 
fol. xv  how Cicero opened the conspiracy before the Senators, ca, xii, 
fo. xvi  The decree of the Senate, that the common weal should take none harm, cap, xiii, 
fol, xviii  how Manlyus and other Catylynes' companions prepared war abroad, cap, xiiii, 
fol, nineteen.  The oration of Manlyus' ambassadors to Q, Martius, ca, xv, 
fol. xx  The fury and fyercenes of Catilyne, cap, xvi, 
fol. xxii  Cicero and Catylyne in the Senate, cap, xvii. 
fo, xxiii  The oration of M. T. Cicero against L. Sergyus Catilyne, cap. xviii 
fol. xxiiii  Catilynes answer to Cicero in the Senate, cap, nineteen, 
fol, xxxiii  Catilyne in great wrath departeth out of the court, exhorteth his companions to stick to their enterprise, he voideth the city prepareth war. cap, xx 
fol. xl  Catilyne sent divers letters into the city against Cicero, in which he feigned himself to be exiled, cap. xxi 
fol xli  Many in the city blamed the softness of Cicero, that he sufferrd their enemy to go his way, cap. xxii. 
fol. xlii  Catilyne and Manlyus are proclaimed enemies, unto whom fled very many hopelostes cap. xxiii 
fol xliii.  Ambassadors are sent from the Senate into divers provinces of Italy, to withstand the rebellion. cap. xxiiii, 
fol. xliiii  The preparation of the rebels in the city, and their councils with ambassadors of Delphinois, cap, xxv. 
fol. xlv.  Cicero's watchful diligence, and his monitions to the French ambassadors, which uttered secrets of the conspiracy. ca xxvi. 
fo. eodem  The vain bragging of Lentulus, and cruel council of the conspirators in the city. cap, xxvii. 
fol. xlvii  The night appointed to cruelty, the fury and wrath of Cethegus, the deceit of Lentulus, cap. xxviii. 
fol. xlvi.  L. Vulturtius with letters of Lentulus to Catylyne, and the French ambassadors be taken in their journey, cap, xxix. 
fol. xlix  The conspirators are by Cicero brought into the Senate, and witnesses against them, and accusers are examined. cap. thirty. 
fol, eodem  The thanks and most ample praises given of the Senate to Cicero for detection of the conspiracy, cap, xxxi. 
fol. li  The sentence of the Senate concerning the conspirators, cap, xxxii 
fo. eodem.  Why in civil war triumph after victory is to none granted, cap, xxxiii 
fol. lii  L. Tarqvinius caused M. Crassus to be suspect of the conspiracy, cap. xxxiiii. 
fol. lii  The oration defensive made for M. Crassus by his friends, cap. xxxv 
fol. eodem  The decree of the Senate for M. Crassus, the suspicion against Cicero and his purgation, cap, xxxvi. 
fol. lv  Of Lentulus and his fellows seditious servants bond and free, and a wonderful token showed to Cicero, cap, xxxvii. 
fol. lvi  The sentence of D. Sylianus and other noble men given against the conspirators cap, xxxviii. 
fol, eodem  The oration of C. Caser, wherein he contendeth that the conspirators should not be put to death, but kept continually in prison, cap. xxxix, 
fol. lvii  The oration and sentence of Caeser, pleased very much even the friends of Cicero, cap. xl, 
fol, lix  The oration of the consul against the conspirators, ca, xii, 
fol, lx  The oration of M. Cato taken out of Saluste, cap xlii, 
fol. lxviii  The contention of C. Caeser, and Cato in the Senate, and of the love letters sent to Caeser, cap, xiiii, 
fol, lxx  L. Vectius accuseth C. Caesar as culpable of the conspiracy, Caeser cleareth and revengeth himself, cap, xliiii. 
fol, lxxi  The execution done on Lentulus and his fellows. cap. xlv 
fo. lxxii  After the conspirators were dead, the people with great glory brought Cicero home to his house, cap, xlvi. 
fol. eodem  Cicero's oath in the end of his consulship, cap, xlvii. 
fol. lxxiii  The contention between Cicero, and Q. Metellus Nepos, cap, xlviii. 
fol. eodem  M. Cato's request to Metellus, cap. xlix, 
fol. lxxiiii.  The contention of Cato and Metellus, ca l. 
fol. eodem.  Q. Metellus and C. Ceasar are removed from their offices. cap. li. 
fol, lxxv.  Ceasar with commendation is restored to his office. cap. lii 
fol. lxxvi  Catilynes army, his labours and his journey toward France. cap. liii. 
fol eodem.  Catiline enclosed between two armies, determined to fight. cap. liv. 
fol lxxvii.  The oration of Catiline to his souldydurs, in which he exhorteth them to fight manfully, cap. lv. 
fol. lxxviii  how Catiline ordered his battles, cap, lvi. 
fol. lxxix  The oration of M. Petteius to his soldiers cap, lvii. 
fol. lxxx  How valiant a captain Catiline was, cap, lix. 
fol. lxxxiii  The war that C. Promptinius made with the Delphinoyes cap, lx 
fol, lxxxv  The other conspirators condemned at Rome, cap, lxi 
foe, eodem,   
FINIS TABULE.   

¶ The wit, manners, deeds, and affections of Catiline.  

Cap. primo.  
LUCIUS Sergius Catiline, a noble man borne, had many virtues, dusked and defaced with exceeding great vices. He was ingenious and bold, he had a good memory, and was well learned. To do any great enterprise, his counsel was not to seek, and to go thorough therewithal, he wanted neither tongue nor hand. He was an expert man of war: he could suffer and endure labour, watch, cold, thirst, and hunger, far beyond that any man would believe. But at these his qualities men most marveled: he could win and obtain the love and friendship of every man, and with serviceable lowliness keep and maintain the same: all that he had was at his friends commandment, and he denied to no man desiring any thing that he could give. But exceeding great vices surmounted these virtues: his audacity was incredible, his unshamefastness very singular, his unconstancy wonderful, fierce of mind, dishonest, deceitful, and lecherous: ne there was never man more unfaithful or more cruel than he. Ne there was never man in this world, I think, that had his desires and inclinations so contrary, so divers, and so repugnant to nature. In rapinge and catching he was avaricious, in rewarding prodigal: he kept company with many lewd and dishonest persons: and yet feigned himself to esteem none but men most virtuous and honourable. He highly hated all good men: and was most familiar with men most noble. With men of sadness he lived soberly, with pleasant fellows merrily, with old men sadly, with youth youthely, with misdoers boldly, with lecherous lecherously. This man from his child had led his life in all unleeful lewdness: many things after his lust and pleasure, and many things crucily, he did to the citizens of Rome and their allies: and many deeds of sacrilege and wickedness he committed both against the gods and men. For he taking Sulla's part, slew with his own hand Q. Cecilius, M. Volumnius, and L. Tantasius, most noble citizens of Rome: because they were of the contrary part. Also after that he had with beatings all to haled and torn through the city of Rome M. Marius Grandianus (the which was of the common people singularly beloved, and which had been twice Praetor, and to whom for honour the people had erected images in every street of Rome) he struck of the head from his shoulders, the people looking upon him: and he with his own hands bore the head not yet fully dead, from the little town, not far from Rome, called janiculum, unto Sylla to the temple of Apollo. There be also, which say that Catiline defiled himself with slaughter of his own brother: and afterward dreading therefore to be punished, he besought Sylla that his brother that he had killed, might be entitled among the number of them that were condemned. He slew also Catullus, his sisters husband, a right worshipful knight of Rome. Catiline was had in suspicion of incest, committed with his own sister. furthermore being Praetor in Africa, he so vexed and afflicted the country, that the ambassadors of Africa (he yet governing the Province) made a grievous complaint upon him in the Senate house, and sharp sentences were of the fathers given against him in the senate house: for some Senators would he should have been delivered to the Ambassadors, And as soon as he was returned from Affryca, the young man Pub. Clodius accused him or extortion and bribery. Cicero in Toga candida, and Lucretius in the orations that he wort against Catiline, objected against him, that he had married his own daughter, the which he begat on a gentle woman, whose company he haunted very moche: And it was reported for so certain, that he had committed fornication with Fabia, Cicero's wife's sister, and a nun, that being accused thereof, uneath he escaped through favour of Catulus. Finally Catiline caught with the love of Aurely Orestilla, that had (as the fame went) a fair and a beautiful face, slew his own wife. After that he desired Aurelia to his wife, but she not fearing his house that run of blood of his first wife, but that she was adredde of his son in law a young man, therefore she said she durst, not mary with him. But Catiline to the end he might have Aurelia, heaped mischief upon mischief: for when he had poisoned his son in law, he married Aurelia. Nor Catiline defiled himself no more with the filthy love of women, than he did of boys. Thus Catiline being spotted with so many wicked cursed, and shameful deeds burned alway with an incredible desire to oppress the common wealth. For he coveted honours, the imperial rooms, provinces, triumphs, and things out of his reach: the which he had no hope to obtain, so long as the common weal was in quiet: but being troubled, he believed verily to have them. lastly trusting in his great rout of unthrifts and hopelostes, he took counsel to invade the common weal.  
¶ But for because L. Catiline conspired twice against the common weal, once when Lepidus and Vulcatius were consuls, and again when Cicero was consul it is requisite, before we come to the things that were done in the time of Cicero's consulship, somewhat to recite of the former Conspiracy.   

¶ The first Conspiracy of L. Catiline and P. Antronius. Cap. two  
WHEN P. Antronius and P. Sylla were chosen to be consuls: (L. Tullus, M. Lepidus being consuls) they were accused of ambition, and spoiled of honour and fame: Antronius (as he was a man, which in prosperity was accustomed to despise all men, and in adversity to strive against those that were good men) would neither give place to time, nor yet to Fortune herself, but thought in his mind by force to recover the consulship, which he had foregone by justice. Wherefore he disclosed his intent to L. Catiline, and L. Vargunteius, and Gn. Piso, an unthrifty, riotous, and hasty young man, and very desirous to disturb the common weal. The which supposing they could not easily bring this thing to pass, without the help of some great man, they got to associate and help them L. Licinius Crassus, a man that flourished in great favour, richesse, and honour. Him they made their chief captain in this matter? because he was not friendly but enemy to Gn. Pompey, and sore aggrieved that he grew so great in the common weal. These men conspired about the seven. day of December, and purposed with a great number of bondmen and sword players, gathered together the first day Ianuarye following, to slay L. Cotta, and L. Torquatus the consuls, and to besiege the Palace: and after they had murdered many of the senators, Crassus should invade the dictatourshyppe: Catiline and Antronius, catching up the ornaments of consulship with the sergiantes, should descend into the field: and the common weal ordered after their device, Piso with an army should be sent to conquer both Spain's. But Crassus, when the day of this murder was come, repenting himself, would not be there. Wherefore the other conspirators were so discouraged, by reason of his absence, that they could not perform their enterprise. Some report otherwise, and they written, that these noble men were not slain, by reason that Catiline gave token to the rebels, before they were ready. C. Caesar, and P. Sylla, most noble citizens were named to be in this conspiracy. And farther they say, it was so appointed, Caesar should have been master of the horsemen. But Caesar's virtue, nobleness, and magnyficente mind defendeth him not to be in this conspiracy: And the most noble orator, Q. Hortentus defendeth Sylla. Of this conspiracy Cicero speaketh in his eplstoll, which he sent to Pompey, of his deeds, and of chastity of the common weal writing, that two years befoore, there was an incredible foroure, and brought to light in his consulship, But hitherto we have spoken of the first conspiracy.   

¶ Of the other conspirary far greater and more grievous. Cap. iii.  
ALL though the first conspiracy came shamefully to pass, yet Catiline changed not his purpose, nor would desyste from his wicked and cursed persuasion to oppress the common weal: But was more fervent and desirous by reason that he supposed, some mishap letted, that the first conspiracy went not luckily forward: and again because there were many citizens of Rome, which to live in lust and liking, were so far indebted, that they could not come, out without selling of their lands. But they loved so moche their possessions, that rather than they should be spoiled of them, Catiline wist very well they would venture to do what soever he desired them. Also the hope that he had, to obtain the consulshep, kindled much his courage, and, namely, because he hoped to have to be his fellow in office C. Antonius his special friend. furthermore his decay in substance, and his beastly, cruel, and importunate nature steered him, which desired neither rest nor yet war: except it were among themself. There was also a greater cause which stablished Catiline (a man of his own courage bend to disturb the common weal) in his hardiness & desire: For after that L. Sylla had by conquest taken on him to rule the common weal, putting out the old inhabitance of Fesules, appointed his men of war (to whom he had given right great prays) to dwell there. These men of needy persons being suddenly enriched with other men's goods, began, to build right sumptous and stately manor places and houses, and to make costly feasts and great expenses. And while they thus lived after the manner and array of kings, the great abundance of goods, that they by spilling of blood and slaughter of citizens had heaped together, were soon wasted and spent. For ill gotten goods are soon brought to naught. 
Ill gotten goods.  And after ward in that neediness, the riotous and sumptouse fashion, that they used in abundaunde remaining still, it is incredible to speak, how greatly they fell in det. And for this cause all their hole desire was to have sedition, discord, and war among themselves. And to the great setting forward of their matter, Gn. Pyso a stout stomached and valiant young man, of whom we spoke before, was in the hither Spain with an army. But he was endued and brought up in condition like Catiline, covetous a foo to rest and quietness, enemy to good men, a waster of his own goods, and a catcher of other men's, a standard bearer of sedition and sterer to strife of chapemem. Fartherfore P. Siccinius Nucerius ruled then the province of Maurytayne, which was a man beyond all measure desirous of a new alteration in the common weal: those were Catiline's greatest friends. For likeness of nature and manners hath great strength in knitting fast frindshyp. 
Likeness of manners  With these two Catiline had oft afore time a counsel as concerning to move war, and hoped now at this time, that the conspiracy should be right greatly furthered by their aid and power, Into this devellysshe desire he was drawn with a certain vehemency and fury because he saw all things went as Gn. Pompey, and a few other would have it. For while L. Tullus, and M. Lepidus were consuls, it was long debated in the Senate house, who should be chosen captain against the king Mithridates: Catiline laboured all that he could with friendship, favour, and ambition, to be captain of that war: but all the senators styfely withstood him, and appointed Gn. Pompey, to be in that high room, namely by the means of Cicero, then being Praetor. Fierce Catiline touched with this rebuke, being enemy to good men, and sore displeased with the senators, determined himself to disturb the common weal. Calling also to mind, how many citizens he had slain, the manifold cursed and wicked fornications, & adulteries, and the infinite vengeable deeds, that he had committed and done against his country, the gods and men, and thought every hour either to be put in prison or to be banished For the misdoers fear always to be punished. 
Fear followeth misdoers.  And this seemed to Catiline to make highly for his purpose, that there was none army in italy, and that every place was full of desperate, unthrifty, and naughty persons. Wherefore Catiline surely trusted by so many and so great opportunities, easily to oppress the common weal, got unto him very many friends and allies of all sorts of men.   

The conditions. the deeds, and manners of them that were fellows of the conspiracy, which were in the city. Cap. iiii.  
THERE WAS neither at Rome, nor yet in no corner of Italy, any poisoner, sword player, thief, murderer, parent's sleer, forger of false testaments, horemonger, riottoure, or adulterer, but that he was somewhat familiarly acquainted with Catiline. And who so ever at Rome had prodigally spent away his lands, and ryottovisy consumed his goods, such were Catiline's most near and dereste friends. And look whom he knew folehardye, him most gladly would he retain into his friendship. For he said they that must be called to be associate in a civil war, should in no wise be fearful and coward caitiffs. furthermore he intyced to him many noble young men, to some promising bodily lust and pleasure, to some the death of their parents, some he won with money, some with favour, some with bodily labour, ye with the help of a mischievous deed, if need required: and as he saw in them divers inclinations, so with divers reasons he alured them to be his friends. Also he entertained certain men of great power and honesty by dissimulation and cloaked virtue. For (as we said) he was adorned with many noble qualities, the which I would to god he had turned and applied to a better intent and purpose.  
¶ Thus when Catiline had got together a huge multitude of riotous hopelostes, and unthrifty caitiffs about the first day of june, L. julius Cesar, and C. Marius Fygulus being consuls, first he began to prove every man's courage apart secretly, & to declare what great advancements they should have by reason of the conspiracy, to some that were covetous he said, their time was come to have enough: to some desirous thereof he behight room and authority: some he put in remembrance of great spoil, pillage, and robbery. And so after he perceived they were ready and prompt to the matter, all the most noble, and most valiant and hardy enterprisers, and them, with whom he was most familiar and nearest allied, he assembled together into the house of M. Lecca. This house Catiline chose out for him, because it stood far from the frequency and resort of people: for he deemed an out corner or a solitary place most convenient for his purpose. So thither resorted to this assembly of the most noble lineage of the Cornelians, P. Lentulus Sura, a man likely to be consul, and was nephew to that most noble and worthy Lentulus, which being armed, pursued Gracchus into the hill Aventine. This Lentulus in fervent desire of room and authority was equal to Catiline: but touching the great diligence, wit, and policy used in war, he was nothing comparable to him. Ne the less he was a man of goodly person, and right eloquent in words, and being induced by divination, he believed, that his name was predestinate to destroy the common weal. For he said, that by the books of Sibyl, and answers of the southesayers, there should be three of that name Cornelius, that should be sovereign governors: and that he himself was the third Cornelius, to whom the empire and kingdom of the Romans ought of necessity to come. For he said, that Sinna and Sylla had been before him.  
¶ Miserable and wretched are those men that put trust in such soothsayers, to whom the punishment of Lentulus ought to be a good example, on how many rough rocks and perils they make men to run  
¶ In this lentulus' nought remained of the noble blood of his ancestoures, ne nothing of their glorious and famous deeds: but all things contrary to them, for in stead of their honesty, temperance, manliness, and prudence, he was endued with filthiness, lechery sluggish sloth and foolehardynesse. But yet he was twice Senator, and twice accused in judgement, and escaped.  
¶ Also thither came C. Cethegus, this man passed Catiline in lewd enterprises, and foolehardynesse, but in feats of war, nobility, and strength of body, he was in manner equal to him. For he being but a souldioure in the wars, did many great and notable deeds, full oft his enemy in arms he overthrew: he was a right good horseman, and a perfect man of arms. And there was no business so weighty, nor none so hard and difficile, but that it seemed to him light and easy: So great so large, and so immoderate was his heart and courage. This man had afore time fore wounded the most noble and worthy man Q. Metelius Pius. And had an other time, as it was said, conspired against the common weal  
¶ Also of this band was P. Cimber Gabinius, a great man of birth: but he was dishonest, cruel, a poller, proud, deceitful, unshamefast, and given to bodily lust.  
¶ Also of this confideraci were L, Crassus Longinus and P. Antronius, both noble men, both eloquent, both had in great honour and estimation, and both were consuls at divers times: those two were like in carnal lust, in cruelness, in shamefastness, and their audacity double: of the which the tone by force and violence thrust men out of their possessions, slew and murdered, and rob churches and chapels, the t'other committed many abvoutries and fornications. It were to long for me to diserive every man's life and manners, namely sith I haste me to declare the things that are more necessary to be spoken.  
¶ So there assembled together in this house, beside those that are afore rehearsed, L. Vargunteius a Senator, P. Servius Silla, Q. Curius, Q. Annius, P. & M. Lecca, L. Calphurmus Bestia, M. Fuluius Nobilior, P. Satilius, P. Furius, Manlius Chilo, and P. Tongillus: And more over strangers borne and inhabitants of towns that were under the dominion of the Romans, such as were chiefest and of most estimation, they made of counsel with them.  
¶ Also there were some, that would not come at this assemble, but they were privily partners to this mischievous deed, and secretly did aid and help Catiline. Among the which some said, that M. Crassus, and C. Cesar, had knowledge of this conspiracy, and were both helpers and furtherers of the same. They said, that Crassus was driven thereto by reason that he was sore grieved in his mind to see G. Pompey his enemy to be of all men (for the noble deeds and conquests that he had done, both by land and sea) deemed and esteemed as chief and sovereign of the city: and for that cause Crassus trusted, if the conspirators did vanquish and overcome, that he himself might easily be the prince and sovereign of all the world. They said Cesar was driven thereto, by reason that through his great and large liberality, he owed above, DCCC.xxx. talentes. Some say that all these things were feigned and blown abroad by their enemies: and should in no wise be believed, that so noble men should confederate themselves with Lentulus Catiline, and Cethegus, desperate caitiffs'. What certain knowledge I have of either of them, I will after in place convenient declare. But when these men that I have rehearsed were there assembled together, Catiline took them a part, and thus he said.   

¶ The oration of L Catiline to his fellows of the conspiracy. Cap. v.  
your incredible faythefulnes, and the great fortitude and manhood that I have alway perceived in you, doth encourage my heart, yea and putteth me in great hope, not only to recover liberty, but also to enlarge and augment our old dignity. For when I look and well behold each of you, I see no man in this company, that hath not done some noble and worthy act: ne no man, but that he dearly tendereth my wealth, ne no man but either he hath done me pleasure, or else I him, ne no man but that I am bound to remember for ever more his goodness toward me. And therefore now I have no fear to disclose and open unto you, what I purpose and intend: nor I have no dread nor mistrust, but that each of you will endeavour him to the uttermost of your power, to accomplish and bring to effect, that that I shall show you. For the old law of just and true amity, that of a long time hath been between us, is, that friends should alway will one thing: nor there is no bond of friendship more certain and sure, than the consent and society of counsel and will. And therefore in this cause most specially your wills and mine ought to be one, for so moche as ye shall well perceive, that those things, that my heart so sore desireth to bring to pass, are equally good and evil, both for you and me. Oftentimes by myself thinking on the miseries, that we many years have been wrapped in, and (as me seemeth, shall be still, unless your most prudent wisdom's will provide remedy: I am wont to call to remembrance, what a wretched life we shall lead in time to come, without we set ourself at liberty. For I need not to rehearse to you, yourself bear it well enough in in remembrance, how many and divers hurts and griefs we have endured sith the most common weal through the cruelty of certain ungracious persons, was permitted and let slip to be under the rule, order, and power of a few, and such as began to take more, upon them, than all the rest beside. For I, letting pass to rehearse the mishap and chance that each of us hath had, you may with one regard behold all us that be here: noble, strong, and valiant men, which often times for the common weal have not eschewed perils most great and grievous) and having neither land nor rent, left as wretches, needy, sorrowful, and out casts, have as much as we can do, to defend our lives, fame, city and goods, But they, which violate, vex, and trouble all together, both the law of god and man, not only walowinge in riches and wealth, pleasantly pass away their time where they lust: but also every thing being done at their commandment and will, seek ways and means to attrape and destroy the most noble and valiant men of our city: and they themself are in doubt of nothing: finally they have and exercise a regal power. I have no word more grievous when I name this royal power: but surely their power is greater than a kings. What kingdom was there ever, that had more kings at one time, what king was there ever so mighty and so strong, the which had a power to constitute and make kings? But these men have full power to rule all provinces, and deprive free nations of their lands, and to give and dispose other men's royalmes and kingdoms. To these men all the whole world, kings, princes, and strange nations have been always tributours. And so they have all the power, favour, riches, worship, and honour. To the satisfying of the whole covetousness, surely it seemeth all the whole world is to little and over strait. But now, if they would seek only to have the power, riches and honour, they should be to us grievous, but yet they mought be suffered and borne. But what is he that can endure and suffer, that they having abundance of cattle, gold, silver, ivory, rich array, costly household stuff, and other things, should daily lie in await to catch us in some snare, that are needy and want all these things, and that are with their boastynges and brags, grievously wronged: ye and beside that, to go about still to deprive us of this our sorrowful and most wretched life? We are sore threatened, and are in perpetual peril and dread of them, our judgements and putting from all rooms and offices are prepared. Which things how long will you most valiant and noble men, patiently bear and suffer? Were it not better for a man a thousand times to die, then to live in that city where he is an abject, contemned, and despised of all other, desperate and forsaken, trembling and quaking, mistrusting his own affairs, not so hardy to speak, without liberty, without authority, and without any shape of free man? Yea and to be subject to those, the which if we had a common weal, would be in fear and dread of us. Wherefore most hardy and valiant men, let us at last shake of our stuggishenesse, and let us take such heart and courage as beseemeth noble Romans borne. Our forefathers could not suffer the proud king Tarquimus: and can we suffer not one king, but many most cruel tyrants? Surely I will never leave you, I will monish you, I will teach and instruct you, I will alway declare to you, what I think best to be done: there shall no time escape me neither night nor day, but that I will mind and imagine, what so ever concerning our liberty, aught to be thought on, that thing, that ought to be enterprised and done, will not I make courtsye to do, but shall desire and pray you to have the doing thereof, finally I will do that that becometh a worthy Roman to do: that is, for our liberty I will put my life in jeopardy: But I protest before god and man, that the victory is in our hands, if we will play the men. We have here at hand Sulla's soldiers, with all their favour, strength, and one assent, ready to aid us: by whose sudden coming, we shall shortly have a strong and sure host of men, With like diligence, favour and love to recover liberty, the most bold and valiant men, Gn. Piso, and P. Siccinius Nucerius, have conspired with us: of the which the tone is in the hither Spain with a great army, the t'other is capitain and ruleth Mauritaine. Those two shall we have as fellows in counseling, and most trusty and sure helpers in our needs and business. But other men, good lord what routs, and with what favour, and hardy courage they agree with us to recover liberty? I let pass here to speak of the noble citizens, the which having neither land nor rent left, and being wrapped in great wretchedness and need, can uneath suffer and endure, that this so noble and mighty a city should be subject to the will and power of a few persons. For who is the most noble and valiant men, the whose riches, worship, honour, provinces, rooms, offices, and high authorities, are not dear and pleasant? Whereto should I rehearse to you the good wills of poor men, which unfortunate fellows, being oppressed with exceeding great debt, and trouble with infinite wrongs, can not be safe and sure by none other mean than by civil war, But what needeth me to remember to you these men, the which very need, the which private injuries, the which fear of judgements, and the which necessity compellethe unto war? I swear to you my faith, there is no citizen, without this domination of the mighty men, the which would not with all his heart resist and withstand these cruel tyrants. There are but over many ready to recover liberti, the market place is full of those men, all the towns of italy are full, all Italy is raised up, men of all states and condition, and finally men of every age agree and consent all on this one thing. And it doth not a little help forward, that the riches of these men is spited among strong nations their, might hated, the consul's power, with which (at the next election) I trust you shall see me adorned. Do you than doubt, I being your consul and captain, the soldiers minds stirred and kindled hereto and all Italy conspiring with us to recover again your liberty? For god's sake most strong and valiant men, let not slip, but take sure hold on this occasion offered unto you, and at last call to your remembrance, that you be Roman princes. We have such a time, as never man had before us. And if you let this escape, you shall never have such an other time again. I am long in exhorting you: There is nothing else that, I will monish you: for there is no man so foolish, but that he perceiveth, that we can be none other way in safety. Wherefore necessity, peril, the large rewards that shall arise by this war, should much more steer and provoke you thereto, than mine ooration. You shall have me to be your captain or else your companion, or rather both twain: Neither my mind nor body shall ever fail you. And although my mind and courage hath ever been prompt and ready: yet the time hath failed us: but alway as soon as opportunity appeared, I was myself the chief and principal that would have recovered again your liberty. So that I being consul and prince and you the authors and captains (the gods being, helpers) surely in short time we shall be free, and out of all bondage: except we had rather be in thraldom, then like men by feat of arms and dent of sw●rde, to try the matter.  
¶ When he had said, every man most highly lauded Catiline, they gave him great thanks, and approved his counsel. And unto many of them, that asked him what the condition of this war should be and what rewards and winnings should ensue and follow of this conspiracy. Catiline first promised them, the death of great rich men, new proscriptions, provinces, offices, and honours, Than he discrived unto them all the hole manner of this war. And lastly he exhorted them that they should most favourably stick to him in the request of the consulship. And after they had embraced and taken each other by the hand, he let them depart,   

¶ The confederacy concluded and knit up with man●●s blood. Cap. vi.  
I WILL NOT in this place omit, that Linius and Saluste have left in writing. After Catiline had ended his oration, and had with all kind of assurances and oaths knit unto him fellows of his fury, to go forth with their wicked and vengeable enterprise, he powered wine and man's blood together in a cup, and first he began: and after gave it to his fellows to drink. Some other writers have added hereunto, that this confideracie was not only concluded with man's blood, but also it was stablished and confirmed with the fasting of the flesh of a certain man, that Catiline had slain. And they say, he did it for this consideration, that through such a cruel deed they should be the more faithful one to an other. Some other considering the great cruelness of the deed, think it is but a feigned matter, and incredible. But I am not only sone persuaded, to think that it was so done, but also I dame him not to have done that, to the intent that they should be the more faithful among themself But I believe, he did it, to reach the conspirators by example, the manner and use of wild beasts, of which there are none more cruel and mortal than they (as men say) which have once tasted man's flesh. So likewise, when they had once take a taste of man's blood, there should be no enterprise so fierce and fell, nor no deed so cruel, that they ought to fear and abhor to do. And to believe this thing, that I learned of a certain great author induceth me: how Catiline was borne in hand by southesayers, that a certain Egle or standard of Silver, that C. Maryus had in the wars against the Cimbrians, was predestinate to be the destruction and ruin of the common weal: to the which, as we read, he erected altars, and ordained and oratory at home in his house, and was wont to worship it is a godly thing, when he went in hand with any enterprise. O cruelty that never was hard of before those days, that there should be than some found, the which under the shape of men, were in heart fierce and cruel wild beasts.   

¶ Of vii that desired the consulship, among● whom Cicero prevailed. Cap. seven.  
IN THE MEAN while, when they went to elect new consuls, there came forth vij that desired to be consuls, of the which, two were descended of noble lineage, L. Catiline, and P. Galba: Four were meaner persons, of the which, two were more noble. C. Antonius, the son of the most witty and eloquent Orator M. Antonius, L. Cassus Longinus, that was among them at the foresaid ungracious assembly: Q, Cornificius C. Licinius sacerdos: and one of them a knights son borne, M. Tullius Cicero, the which in noble births was inferior to the other, but in wit, counsel, eloquence, and stoutness of stomach, he far passed them all. When this man through the great favour, good will, and love of the people, had been treasurer, Guardian of the temples, and Mayre, as his age served him, though he were a new gentleman, yet having truge in his virtuous demeanour, began to require the consulship. For before that time the nobility kept that dignity with strength and wisdom to themself. Nor there was no new gentleman consul of a long season before. But of these vij Cassius, Galba, Cornificius, and Licinius were slower in requiring the consulship than they made for. But Catiline having great hope to be consul, ran from tribe to tribe, and called upon and went in hand with all those that used at election of the high officers to deal money, and give rewards on the behalf of the noble men, and he despised M. Tully Cicero, and denied that a stranger might strive with him before an equal judge: he took Antonius as his fellow in office, and not as one that strove with him to be consul. For they two were agreed together to shift Cicero beside the consulship, through the assured help of M. Crassus and C. Caesar. Ambition was extremely in ure in those days. For Catiline and Antonius did all that they could with exceeding great gifts and rewards, too come to the consulship. Wherefore through the persuasion that Cicero made there upon in the senate house, the senators decreed that a new law should be made against ambition, and the penalty thereof augmented. And because Q. Mutius Oressinus the profectour of the commonty would have letted this decree to go forth, to the sore and grievous displeasure of the senators: Cicero rose up and right sharply rebuked Q. Mutius: and vehemently inveighed against L. Catiline and C. Antonius, with many and favourable murmurations of the hole senate thereunto. And in that same oration, speaking unto Catiline (the which a few days before, was by prevarication and falsehood quite of pelye theft) he prophesied and said: O thou wretch, that dost not perceive that thou were not clearly quite and delivered by that judgement, but reserved to suffer a sharper and more grievous punishment. And at the very same time of election, a rumour was spread abroad among the commons, that certain citizens were confederate and agreed together, to oppress the common weal, and to murder and slay the Senators. The ground and beginner of this rumour was Q. Curius, fellow and partner of all their counsaylynges, the which kept paramour one Fulvia, not only a right noble but also a notable woman. This man being holly given to bodily pleasure, idleness, and vanities, to the intent he might through hope of the conspiracy allure her the better to love and favour him, he told to her all the counsels of the conspirators. Now as the nature of women is, the which can neither keep in secret things, nor hide privities, and rather will a woman quench flame in a burning mouth, than keep counsel. So this Fulvia told unto many and divers, all that ever she heard of Curius, without naming any of the conspirators. This thing holp and greatly furthered Cicero to be consul. For all that desired to save and defend the common weal from that mischief, incontinent went and stack to Cicero as to a man that naturally was inclined to rest and peace, and that had the knowledge of warfare, and experience in all other kind of business. Thus than when it came to the election Cicero was chosen consul with such savour and affection of all the people, as few of the nobility had been, but never no new gentleman before him. Antonius had a few more Centurians than Catiline. And all be it that he had an ill name, for in Silla's victory he behaved himself cruelly, and spoiled and peeled the country of Achaia, and being accused thereof, refused to come and make answer, and was greatly indebted to divers men, and finally for his dishonesty was by the senators removed and put out of the Senate: yet partly because the other desirers of the consulship waxed slack, as I said before, and partly for the noble remembrance and worthy renown of his father, he was better favoured and had clearly more hands than Catiline Also the plays and interludes furthered greatly Antonius toward the opteyning of the consulship, the which he, first of all the Romans, made most magnificently and richly on silver stages: whom. L Murena ensued, the which the next year following caused the plays to be made before the people with most gay and gorgeous apparel, and also with silver stages. Those plays marvelously delighted the people. And although Cicero, that most excellent learned man was far distant from the opinion of the common people (which also made three plays in the time of his edileship) yet he said, that he also had a silver stage, that required to have the consulship. But the fury of Catyline although his petition took no place dimynished not, but daily made great preparation he assayed and solicited many things, he appointed armour in divers parts of italy that were opportune for his purpose. He sent C. Manlius a braynsycke bold man of his band into Hetruria, to stir up Silla's soludiours and to prepare 〈◊〉 army, and he commanded him to be ready in arms 〈◊〉 day of Novembre. And said, that for as much as fortune did oft greatly help in choosing of the consuls, he would yet once again the next year desire and make labour to be consul: and in the mean time to lay await to attrape, Cicero, & to prepare to murder and slay the noble men of Rome. And within a few months after L. Lucullus, that most noble man, & that to speak in his cause was most prompt and ready, accused him among the murderers, but through the help of many noble men, and by the sentence and judgement of a great number, he was quite This is he the noble and mighty man Lucullus, that warred against the most puissant king Mithridates: from the which war he returning home as conqueror, through detraction of his enemies was let from his triumph by the space of three years, but by the worthy aid and diligence of Cicero in his consulship, he sitting in a char most noble and rich, was triumphantly conveyed into the capitol. And he was afterward most special aid and help to Cicero, to quench this fearful firebrand of conspiracy. But after that Cicero had the first day of jenuary taken on him the rule and goveraaunce of the common weal, (the which through suspicion of the law Agraria, was full of trouble and fear) he delivered the senators and all other good honest men from dread.   

¶ Power that had been given of the Decemuiri by the law Agraria. if Cicero had not resisted. Cap. viii.  
THERE were certain of the Protectors of the commonty, which endeavoured them to have the law Agraria; of ●reatinge the Decemuiri with imperial authority, 
The ●ower of Decemuiri.  to be published: to whom by that law it was permitted, to go through the hole world with most high and sovereign authority, to deprive free nations of their lands, to take kingdoms from whom they would, and to make and call kings whom they pleased, to know and to hear the causes of all manner of people, to tax men without counsel, to punish men without any appellation, and it was permitted to them for the space of five years, to judge the consuls and protectors of the comontie, and no man might judge them. They might remain at Rome when they would, and mought be absent when it was to them commodious. Also it was lawful for them to divide and sell all the fields that were common in the country of Campana, Stellata, Bithynia, and the common fields that were in Paphlagonia in Ponto, Capadocia, in Macedonia, in Alexandria, in Africa, and in Hispania. Further they might send men to inhabit certain places, or renew the old inhabitors: and infinite power was given to them to make money innumerable. And truly they had the name of Decemuiri, but in very deed they should have constituted ten Lords over all the hole world. The senators were of these laws sore in dread, and the people had thereby great hope of large liberality and rewards, and of new businesses for their profit. These perturbations and troubles of the city, were very meet and opportune for Catiline, and should most specially have helped forward the conspiracy, that 'gan to grow apace, if the most prudent policy of the consul had not provided remedy for the matter. For Cicero calling the protectors of the commonty to parliament before the Senators, with such grievous and sharp words rebuked them, that Rullus a man full of audacity and words, was sore afraid, and durst not once speak. After all, this Cicero perceiving that they craked and boasted themself vehemently among the people, and that the people most highly lauded and praised them, he made an oration of such gravity that although the people had greatly allowed the soresayde law, yet in so turned men's minds, and plainly declared the said law to be contrary to the profit of the commonty, that nothing was so plausyble to the people as persuasion against the law Agraria, Then the people forth with reproved the law, and forsook, contemned, and despised them that went about to have the law estahlyshed. Thus the law Agraria that had been always so acceptable to the commons, and that had caused so many and so great troubles and businesses was all hole through the counsel and eloquence of Cicero, repudiate and cast away, So pleasant and sweet, of so great strength, and so copius aware Cicero's words, that with telling his tale he could bring to pass what so ever he would.  
¶ Elas what a time be we in? For now a days only the school masters in a manner do give and learn us the precepts of Eloquence: and every man for desire of lucre and money, goeth in hand to study the law. Whereof it followeth, that all we be but as baabes, and can not declare and express, that we have conceived in our minds. But now let us return again to our purpose.   

¶ Cicero cometh by knowledge of the conspiracy. Cap. ix.  
THE law Agraria being rejected, the consul intended fully to take pain to redress and amend many things that were amiss in the common weal: And when he hard that many troublous counsels against the state and quiet of the common weal were taken partly before and partly si●he he was choosed consul, he took pain both day an● night, to the end to know what fellows they were, that enterprised and went about such matters. Thus most diligently searching and inquiring out the ground of this rumour, he found, that it came out first by Fuliva and privily he sent for her to come and speak with him, to th'intent she should inform him what she knew of the conspiracy: he promised her great rewards and also other while he threatened her: that without she did open and confess to him the truth by fair means, he would constrain her thereto by tortures and pains. After that Fuluya had told him, that she heard it of Curius, incontinent he sent for Curius. And with moche fair entreating, monisshinge, with many fair promises, and oft threatening, be brought to pass that D. Curius opened unto him all the fashion and order of the conspiracy. Then Cicero exhorted Curius to dissemble the matter as much as he might, and so sent him away in great hope and trust to be well rewarded But the consul perceiving that Catiline was chief and principal of the conspiracy, and dreading jest Antonius his companion in office, a troublous man, and most familiar friend to Ca●iline, should to him consent and with him conspire (for he understood now, that Catiline had attempted him thereto, and that it was no thing displeasant to him to hear speak of the conspiracy) he left not to accuse him, to steer him to eschew infamy, and provoked and exhorted him to follow that course, wherein is got honour and laud, and to agree and conform himself to them that were in deed good and honourable, and to hold on that way, that he saw his noble ancestors had gone. At length with wisdom and lowly diligence he removed him from the counsels of the conspiracy, and brought him to follow his mind.   

¶ Cicero gave over his business of France to C. Antonius, and reconciled the chivalry of Rome to the favour of the Senators. Cap. x.  
THAN BY authority of the senators, the province of France was decreed too Cicero, the cause and matter of triumphs, with an army and money appointed and furnished at the full. But he deemed it far better for the common weal, if he could deliver it from the snares and deceits at home, than if he should subdue that province to the public weal, for the virtue is no greater to enlarge the marches of the empire, than to defend them that were all ready won. Nor the praises of war are no greater than the civil policies, for these consist in counsel and wisdom, the other stand in the hands of fortune. Wherefore the consul, assembled a great multitude together, said  
¶ Because the time and need of the common weal so required it, he would not take on him the business of France. And lest that his companion should hinder him in defending the common weal, by his wisdom brought about, that the business of France was appyonted to Antonius. For if Cicero had not at that time by some honourable means removed Antonius from counselling with Catiline, and from the city, I shall say as I think, of troth the conspiracy had not been quenched without great effusion of blood. And because he saw, that Catiline lay daily in await to attrape him: he went alway well and strongly accompanied with his friends and used also and had about him the safeguard of his life a piked sort of lusty young men of Aretta. Furthermore he made agreement between the knights of Rome, and the senators, with concord being at all times much necessary, was in that troublous season of the common weal, most needful and expedient. For before that time, the seperatinge of the chivalry or gentlemen, from the senators, caused many years most grievous contention and strife between them. For where as is division and part taking in a common weal, there must needs follow not only sedition, but also most pestilent wars among themselves. Nor I marvel not at all that Catiline went about to trouble the common weal, seeing he was of nature inclined, and with so many occasions stirred and inflamed thereto. This also made for him, that even the same time, their children that were banished came forth and required the honourable rooms and offices: which if they had obtained, it was thought of truth they would have conspired with Catiline. And therefore the Consul, upon his own hatred, without promise of reward, kept them from election.  
¶ When all this was done, the consul thought it yet no time to disclose and open the conspiracy before the senators. Therefore he not with the public aid and strength, but with his private diligence, defended and kept himself from Catiline's wises and snares: and daily withstood and fordid his drifts, abated his boldness and courage, and resisted his mischievous purp●●e, without public ruffelinge or stering of the people. But the more provision that the consul made, the more conspiracy grew and increased.   

¶ Catiline's endeavour and diligence, in augmenting the conspiracy. Cap. xi.  
TRVELY there was no street, no corner in all the city, but Catiline instanted, provoked, tempted and stired. And to obtain his desire, he suffered cold, thirst, hunger and travail. But specially he enticed the youth. Some of them he himself loved: and to sums love he was right serviceable, for some he prepared and got harlots, and for some horses: he taught some the feats of arms, some he wan with money, but many more with his fair flattering words. And if he perceived any of them to be a man of stout and valiant courage: him first would he win by virtue: but afterwards by diligence and costume, he would by little and little draw him headlong into all unleeful lust. For the manners and conditions of men proceed neither of nature herself (as many falsely do suppose) nor yet of lineage, but are oftentimes planted in us by those, with whom we live and be conversant. Catiline (as said is) was marvelous subtile and crafty, to stir young men to lust and pleasure: wherewith not only that age, which is slipperye and uncertain, but also grave men of ancienty, are attached, with this his variable nature, he daily augmented the number of the conspirators.  
¶ And I am well assured, that Catiline at that time did not only allure men to that mischievous deed, but also he made of counsel with him, certain noble women which had lived wanton, prodigally, voluptously, and horishelye. For by them he hoped, he mought either get their husbands to take his part, or else to murder those that would not agree thereto, Besides all this, he did many things privily: he had h●s assembes by night and ever laid snares to attrap the consul.  
¶ Nor Catiline letted not for all these so great busynsses to set his mind and courage to require the consullshyp: but being glad and merry, accompanied with a lusty hand of young men, made oft time lowly suit to the people, and submitting himself to the tribunes made many great promises, he humbly beseeched he wyllyngty offering himself prayed his father's friends he sued and sought to, he repaired oft to the houses of some noble men, by these crafts making his way to come to the consulship.   

¶ How Cicero opened the conspiracy before the Senators Cap. xii.  
THAN the consul considering these two mischiefs, that he could no longer by his private diligence defend the common weal, and how perilous it were for the common weal of Catiline should be consul: determined to inform the senators of the matter, to prorogue the election of officers, and to make Catiline hated for his conspiracy whereby he should be hindered in his request of consulship. For rumours, yea though they be false, and a feigned tale troubleth all together and changeth holy the opinion of the electoures. Thus when they were assembled in parliament, he instructed them, how Catiline and other, associate with him in that mischief and mad deed, were secretly agreed to oppress the common weal, to slay the Senators and murder the citizens. Than was it decreed, that on the morrow should be none election to th'end they mought in parliament treat of these matters.  
¶ On the morrow, the consul opened in the parliament house many things of the conspiracy: and demanded Catiline, if he would ought say, touching those matters, that were laid to his charge. But Catiline, although he were full of all fraud and lying, and which with great diligence and craft augmented those vices, unto which he was naturally inclined: yet being pricked with his conscience, did not so much clear and purge, as he opened and showed himself fauty. 
Catiline openeth himself to the Senate.  For he said than, The common weal had two bodies, one weak with a sick feeble head: the other strong without a head. To this body, sith it had of him well deserved it, he would be head as long as he lived. The weak body with a sick feeble head, he called the consent and agreement of good men together, the which he would they should understand, might easily be broken and overcome of the other sort (lewd and nought) sith he was their captain.  
¶ But the Senate at that time used great mildness, or rather patience, that would not, concerning those matters decree any thing against Catiline: namely sith he a few days before when Cato (the perpetual enemy of dishonest and naughty persons) threatened him to be punished, answered and said: If there were any fire prepared to burn his goods, he would not quench it with water, but with ruin. But therefore they were not hard to him, partly because they dread nothing, partly because they dread, and partly because some favoured him. Yet I hard say that this rumour spread abroad in the city, did greatly hinder Catiline in request of the consulship, although many supposed it to be false.  
¶ In the mean while, the time instanting to choose the consuls, Catiline having prepared a great company (as it seemed) determined if he were not elected consul, to make a slaughter in the field, and to slay his Competitors, 
Competitor is he that desireth like office.  Servius Sulpice Postumus, L. Murena, D. Syllanus, but namely M. Tully the consul. But the consul, when the day of election was come, descended into the field, environed about with a great rout of his friends, and with a large and bright habergion, not which might defend him. (For Catiline used not to strike at the sides or bealye, but at the head and neck) but that all good men should take heed, & when they saw the consul in dread and peril (which chanced afterward) to run to succour and help him. Thus the consul being defended with strength and power of his friends, withstood the vengeable purpose of Catiline. But D. Syllanus, and L. Murena were chosen consuls, the which Murena was after accused of ambition, by Service Sulpice. and M. Cato: Whom Cicero the consul defended, whose most goodly oration, entitled Pro L. Murena, remaineth to this day.  
¶ After Catiline perceived he could not be consul to trouble and vex the common weal, 
Catiline prepareth all things for war.  being a private person, determined to make war. And so all the money that he could heap together, he caused to be carried to Manlius being at Fesulas: and to him he sent before axes, rods, horns, trumpets, armour, banners, and streamers for war, and also that same silver Egle, to the worship whereof he at home in his house had made an oratory. Moreover he sent L. Septimius into the country Picenium, and C. julius into Apulia, an other into the country Camertes, an other into the dominion of France, to stir up those countries: For into these parts as it were an infection, this mischief was entered. And he at home in Rome attempted many things. At the last the xxvi day of October he determined with a strong power violently to enter into the court, 
The court was t●e place where the Senators late  and after he had slain the consul, and a great part of the Senators, to go to Manlius where his army lay. But M. Cicero watching night and day and knowing these matters, about the xix day of October, called a great counsel. He began with a poem far fetched, to declare the vengeable drifts & mischievous imaginations of Catiline, he showed them what strength and power he had prepared to slay the Senators, and how he had sent C. Manlius into Hetruria to raise an army, and that he would be in harness err the xxiiij day of October, and how he sent C. julius into Apulia, to stir up the shepherds. He said, he feared not Manlius nor julius, but he was in dread of those whom he daily saw brag up & down in places of most assembly, yea whom he saw come into the Senate house among them: by whom the slaughter, burnings, & destruction of the common weal, was prepared  
¶ More over he diligently admonished the senators to be ware of such perils that were imminent, to provide for the safeguard of their country, to defend and maintain the common weal, For if they made not good provision, it was not the publication of the law Agraria, nor a common sedition, or such a hurt as being some time hard speak of, is lamented but those fellows have secretly concluded, te burn this city, to mourder and slay the citizens, and to ex●incte the Romans names, He said, there was no nation, no king, that was able to make war to the Romans: there was not outward danger to be dread: within the city were the snares laid, within was the pestilence shut within was the Trojan horse, of which so long as he was consul, they should never be oppressed sleeping: he said their enemies were not at the gates (which were a thing most grievous) but in the city, in the market place in the palace. After this he showed how this great mischief might be remedied. finally he admonished the conspirators to leave their furyousnesse, to lay no more snares for his destruction, and no more to mind murders, burnings, robberies: and to persuade themself that the consuls were right vigilant about the common weal, and that there were many noble officers, many valyent and worthy men, and such as most heartily loved the common weal, which would more sharply do their endeavour for the profit public, than they would for the destruction thereof: and that they should trust no more upon the slaughterr of rich men, so long as he was consul, For seeing th●t all consuls should be careful and diligent to defend the common weal yet ought they most specially which by the only favour of the people of Rome and not for any noble acts images or commendation of their ancestors were made consuls. He said, they did nothing, that went about nothing, nor imagined any thing, that could be hid from him, I know (ꝙ he) whom ye have sent into Hetrurya to raise war, whom into Apulia, who in to the country of Pice, and who is sent into France. He said, they were far wide, if they supposed, that he would use them always gently. He said he had not told all, and how he had suffered moche. And that now it was needful to do sharp punishment: And that he might so do, he had examples of his predecessors: which oftentimes upon their own minds did put such mischievous and ungracious persons to death. He said more over, he marveled greatly, if they could not live honestly, why they would rather die shamefully. Finally he said, that not only men, but also all the gods would resist and withstand such and so great cruelty.   

The decree of the Senate, that the common weal should take none harm. Cap. xiii.  
ALL be it that there were many, that gave no credence to the consuls words for the greatness of the crime, and many through foolishness could not think it to be so, and many of the lewd and naughty sort favoured the matter: yet the Senate persuaded by certain noble and valiant men, made a decree, that the consuls should take heed, that the common weal took none harm. This decree was not wont to be made, but against detestable laws, when the people was moved to depart and leave the city, when the city was in great trouble and business or in fear of sedition. And by that one verse or decree the greatest power of all Rome was given to the consuls as to raise an army: to make war, and to be the most high judges in all causes, as well at home as forth in warfare.  
¶ When the xxuj day of Octobre came, by reason that the consul had laid a garrison of men a bout the Palace Catiline could not accomplish his purpose. He quickly bethought him to do an other feat. The town preneste standing not far from Rome is by natural situation of the place very strong: the same, for many opportunities of the war, Catiline purposed the first day of Novembre, to take with assault in the night. But the consul, forseinge that in his mind, furnished that fortress strongly with men of arms Wherefore Catiline enterprised that feat in vain. But afore that there chanced a thing (I think, even by the goodness of god) the which some what troubled Catlines' mind. For G. Piso (of whom we spoke before) in whom Catilyne had greatest confidence and hope of victory: was slain of certain spaniard horse men or, as some other say he was killed by Pompey's horse men. And hard it was to judge whether his death was more joyful and pleasant to good men, or heavy and sorrowful to the conspirators.   

¶ How Manlius and other Catilins companions prepare● war abroad. Cap. xiiii.  
IN THE mean while, Manlius with fair promises raised the commons in Hetruria, that were brought low with the calamity of Sulla's time, and very desirous of a comotion. Farther he alured into this hope of robbery and spoil theus, shepherds, and all sorts of men that he thuoghte meet for the war, Of the multitude that gathered to him from Aretia and Fesules, he made a great army, which remembering Sulla's victory, and being accustomed to rob and spoil desired greatly civil war. They also, that Catiline had sent into divers places, imagined in my things For cloustringe together in companies by night, they prepared weapons, they stirred up servants and slaves, they provoked unthrifts to violente deeds, to slaughter and robbery: places meet for their purpose they besieged with armed men, and did put men in greater fear than jeopardy.  
¶ When those news were hard at Rome, all the city was troubled, full of heaviness, full of fear. There was none evil, none adversity but good men feared it, and the lewd and evil sort looked for it. The threatening words of Catiline were borne and spoken of all about his looks, his running up and down, his riotous rout about him, his cloustringe together of most lewd and naughty persons, caused great dread and sedition in the city. The civil dessentions, that had been in times passed, were fresh in every man's sight, the miserable behedinge, the spoil and robbing of honest men the market place heaped full of dead bodies, and over flown with blood, the memory of those things made the city sorrowful, and to live in great fear. The prodigies, and wonderful tokens that fell, augmented the fear of the people. For it was reported, that M. Herennius, a free man of Rome made by Pompey, was in a fair clear day slain with thunder. In the night times flames of fire and marvelous burning of the air: there was hard noise and clattering of harnyes thunder claps, and horrible erthequakes, with manyeny other terrible and wonderful things. For the moan failed in clearness, and the son shone moche brighter and hotter than he was wont to do. Thus writerh Cycero in the second of his consulship. More over he writeth in the same book that the appearing of blazing stars, and divers terrible shapes seen buy night, and the hedy motion of the plants, and the vehement running together of the stars did pronostycate and signify this conspiracy. But yet the soothsayers answer troubled most men's minds. For L. Cotta, and L. Torquatus being consuls, many towers of the capitol were smytenne down with thunder, the images of the gods immortal, and of the ancient noble Romans were overthrown with lightning, and also the image of Romulus with his nurse Lupa were stricken from heaven, and the brazen tables of the law mostenne: the Southesayers answered, that all those things betokened burning, slaughters, robbinges spoylynges of temples, most bloody war among themselves, and most bitter bondage and thraldom of the Romans. And so they commanded a right great image of jupiter, to be made, and the same to be set on the top of a tour of the capitol, Eastewarde, to look toward the market place and the palace: which image being set up they trusted, the jupiter, lustringe and beholding all things, would discover the counsels & intentes of those ungracious hopelostes. Therefore every man fearing, and hasting (as in peril it is oft wont to be) they prayed to their gods, and worshipped them, the matrons in devout wise ran to the altars, they made vows, they lamented, and bewailed their little young children, what soever noise or rush they hard, they feared it was Catiline & Manlius  
¶ Then it was Decreed, that who so ever would detect the conspiracy, that was made against the common weal, if he were a bandman, he should have his freedom, and an hundred sexters: if he were a free man, beside pardon of punishment for the matters, he should have two hundred thousand sexters. Also it was decreed by the senate, that all places should be fortified with men of arms, and that the inferior officers to see that good watch and ward were kept through out all the city, Furthermoore they decreed, that Q. Martius should be sent to Fesulas, Q. Metellus Creticus into Apulia, the Pretours, Q. Pompeius to Capua, Q. Metellus Celer, into the country Picenum and France And to these men it was permitted to raise an army, and to do all other things for the profit and need of the common weal.   

¶ The oration of Manlius ambassadors of Q. Martius. Ca xv  
WHen Q. Martius was come in to Hetruria Manlius sent ambassadors to him, whose words were in manner after this sort.  
¶ We take both god and man to witness, that we did not arm us to make war on our country, or to do any man wrong or injury: but to keep and defend our bodies from the cruelty: of the praetors and usurers. Whose nature is so fierce and fell, that not with standing they have taken and spoiled us of our goodly manors, lands, and possessions, and finally of all our goods, and raiment to our backs, and have left us nothing, but calamity and neediness: yet not being satisfied with these our miseries. they would have us in continual darkness, in perpetual bands. and closed in strong prisons, to end our lives. Their avarice which they can not satisfy with huge sums of money, they covet to content with miseries and blood of us citizens. And seeing we have delivered up all that ever we had, save our lives, ne have reserved to ourselves nothing that was left us for a monument or remembrance of our ancestors, we humbly pray, that being spoiled of honour, fame, and goods, it may be leeful for us to use the benefit of the law, which permitteth, that after a man hath lost his patrimony, his body should be free out of durance, and that this benefit should not be taken from us, we lowly beseech the Senate and people of Room, Our predecessors (quoth they) oftentimes contented and paid men's debts of the common treasure. Money of the common treasure hath been many a time dealt and distributed among the people. The commons very often have armed themselves and taken part together against the nobles for honours, riches, and power. We will no riches nor power have, we desire not so much as that, that is taken from us. Let other take the honours, the riches, the provinces, the lordships, the triumphs. The usurers, worthy captain, do possess our manoures', our houses are open to them, and shut against us: our great households and family are at their commandment, we have not one servant: we be bare and have nothing to help ourself with: and are content to suffer and take patience. What will they more? why do they pursue us? why do they so sharply assail us? O good lord, what beastly cruelty is this? They will not suffer us most wretched caitiffs to perish in our lamentable miseries, they will bereave us of our lives, the which we lead forth in greatest torment and sorrow: and saying they be of all other most cruel, me think it should be greater pleasure for them to suffer us to live thus wretchedly, than to slay us. We beseech the noble captain that it may be leeful for us to live in neediness, that it may be leeful for us, seeing our goods be gone, after the manner of our forefathers, to have our bodies at liberty, that the usurers being content with our goods, shall not desire our lives and blood to be spylte: that saying they have bereft us of all that ever we had, that they also take not from us this light, common to us all. Which thing worthy captain, if we can not obtain, we have determined, rather to die with many, then to perish alone.  
¶ Q. Marcius answered the ambassadors and said that they had done both folyshelye and proudly, that they of their own minds, against the laws, and manners of their forefathers, had armed themselves. It behoved them, if they would have had any thing, to have asked it of the Senate, and not to have run to harness: The Senate and the people of Rome have always been found merciful, and that now also, if they would require any thing, they should first lay away their harness: lest it should seem, that they either by violence, or else for dread would obtain their purpose. And so than in lowly and humble wise, to go unto the Senate, and ask forgiveness for their offences: and that he doubted not, but they should obtain what so ever they desired of the senate. For the Senate hath always used such justice and gentleness, that they never denied any man their help, that justly desired it. And that their parliament house had alway been for all nations, and namely for such as were in misery and wanted secure, a castle and refuge: The ambassadors: with that answer, returned again to Manlius.   

¶ The fury and fierceness of Catiline. Cap. xvi.  
AND all be it fierce Catiline saw the city strongly kept and defended with good watch and ward, and the consul very circumspect and diligent to make provision to withstand him: yet he prepared and attempted his purpose, his cruel mind was still occupied thereupon, But he did nothing, he pursued nothing, he went about or pretended nothing, but M. Cicero knew it, and did let it: yet for all that he would not cease to follow his wicked will and purpose. Such a great fury, the companion of mischief and audacity, had embraced his unbridled mind and importune nature, that no dread, no reason, no peril, none adversity, nor all things that went against him, could make him revoke his vehement desire. Therefore when he, this hopeloste, saw that none of his attemptates went forward, he thought now to prove what he could do apertly and by open war: for those things, that he had attempted privily, came foul and crokedlye to pass. He determined to take his journey to Manlyus and to augment the army, before the Pretours had gathered their strength togther: and with banners displayed to haste them to the city.  
¶ And so in the dead time of the night he assembled together in the house of M. Lecca, all the chief of the conspiracy, to council with them, how this war should be maintained, This night of all times was most sharp and bitter. Than all the parts and provinces of Italy were distributed, than the day that Catiline should take his journey to the army, was appointed, than they ordered, in what state all other should stand that remained behind, than they constituted a description through all the city of slaughter and burning. But those things were after this manner and form divided among them: that Catiline should take his journey to the army. That Antonius should take and possess Tuscayne Marcus Ceparius Apulia, C. Marcellus Capua, and other should have other places of Italy Lentulus should remain in the city Cassius and Statilius should set fire on xij, parts of the city, Cetegus, and with him Gabinius should have the procurement of the murder and slaughter that should be done, The night that they intended to accomplish these things they ordained also that when Catiline with his army should approach the city. L. Beastia should make an oration to steer the people to the envy and hatred of Cicero, because he had worthfully provoked Catiline to raise war, and by that token, the same night following, every man should go about his business. These things thus ordained and done, Catiline said, one thing letted him moche, that Cicero lived: and that his mind and will was, before he took his journey to the army, to oppress him: for with his wit and counsel he would be a great let and hindrance to them. Than C. Cornelius, and L. Vargunteius, knights of Rome desired that they might have the doing thereof, and promised that they would go erelye in the morning to salute him, and so for good love and amity being let in, they would slay him in his bed But the consul, having knowledge of this thing by Q. Curius, fortified and fenced his house with great strength of men: and kept his gates shut against them that came to slay him in the morning. Some writ that it was not L. Vargunteyus, but C. Cethegus with C. Cornelius, that undertook to slay the consul. But it appeareth in Saluste and Cicero, that they err in this, as they do in many other things  
¶ When the conspirators had orneyned, instituted, and prepared those things, the consuls minds was troubled with want great and grievous thoughts whithe would not suffer him to take rest neither night nor day. first he was very careful how he might defend the common weal, which was at that time a great thing and right diffieile seeing he had to do with a man so valiant, so vehement, so cruel, so wily and so watchful about mischief. Secondly he was careful for the treason and snares, that were daily so devised and laid for him, that it seemed they could by no means be eschewed for the secret and hid hatreds 
Hid hatred.  are more perilous, than the manifest and open. For he that is an open enemy, in taking good heed may easily be eschewed, but the cloaked enemies often times oppressen before it can be perceived what it is. Wherefore seeing that all the conspirators desired much to destroy the consul, and who they were, was very hard to know, he must needs mistrust some of his friends. This also was an other cause which much moved the mind of the right worthy consul, that he could with no diligence, with no defence, with no means turn Catiline's courage. Wherefore the consul being vere and troubled weth these so many and so great difficulteis, and that at one self time determined to disclose the matter to the sanete, for so moche as those matters which he would declare and seemed unto some incredithe great heynousenes of the mischief, in the oft and many things opening to the Senate, his words should be the better believed.   

¶ Cicero and Catiline in the Senate. Cap. xvii.  
SO THE next day after that he was almost slain at home in his house, he assembled the senators in the temple of jupiter Stator: and disclosed to them all the matter: whether when Catiline was come, whether it were to avoid suspicion, or eiles to clear himself, no man saluted him, And more over many of the Senators, on that side that he came, forsook their seats, and left them void and bare. Than M. Tullius thought it best with an oration (wherein he waas excellent) to fear and abash him, and to command him to depart out of the cite: thinking this in his mind, that if all the conspirators with Catiline would departout of the city, they might be easily subdued abroad: or if they tarried behind, without Catiline, they should be but weak and feeble. For Catiline alone in the city was dreadful. He searched out all things, he most diligently provided all things: he knew how to prevent, to beguile, to deceive, to dissemble, to attempt, to sollicyetate, to persuade, to move, to watch, to labour, to trouble, for the while, and to wrest and bow hither and thither. He appointed every one of the conspirators certain business to do: but yet when he had commanded any thing to be done, he thought it was not accomplished, except he himself oversaw all thyngsges, he ran about he made provision. So that if the consul had not driven him out of the city, surely the common weal had suffered great calamyty. Some may w●ll say: Wherefore than did not the consul apprehend and take him? why did he not put him to death? I answer. Because he thought it not profitable. For except it were a few good men, all would say, that Cicero had not done nobly but cruelly: and also he well percyved, that by his death the conspiracy should be a little while repressed, but not extincted for ever: for being oppressed with envy, he could not pursue the other conspirators. Therefore for these causes, coveting to drive Catiliine out of the city he rose up, and with this most godly oration he inveighed against L. Sergius Catiline   

¶ The oration of M.T. Cicero against L. Sergius Catiline.  
HOw long wilt thou o Catiline, abuse our patience? How long shall this thy fury delude us? To what end shall the brag of thine unbridled boldness come? Do not the nightelye defences of the Palace, the watching of the city, the fear of the people, the concourse and agreement of good men, this most strong place of the Senate, the regard and countenance of these men nothing move thee? Dost thou not perceive that thy counsel is bewrayed? Dost thou not see, that thy conspiracy is openly known to all the Senators? Dost thou think, that any of us is ignorant what thou didst the last night, and the night before, where thou waste, whom thou didst assemble together or what counsel thou tokeste? Oh what a world is this? Oh what manners be these? The Senate doth understand this thing, the consul doth see it, and yet he liveth. liveth he? Ye verily, he cometh also into the parliament house, and is part taker of the common counsel. He doth make, and with his eyes doth appoint every on of us that shall be slain. And we seem to play the men for the common weal, if we eschew the fury and violence of this man. Thou oughtest Catiline long sense to have been put to death by the commandment of the consul, This pestilence and mischief, which long ago thou didst imagine against us should have be laid upon thine own neck. If the noble man P. Scipio, the high bishop, and a private man, slew Tiberius Gracchus, meanly troubling the state of the common weal, shall we the consuls suffer Catiline, which desireth with fire and slaughter to destroy the hole world? I overpass the old histories, how Q. Tiberius Hala slew with his own hand Sp. Aelius that went about to alter the common weal. Such virtue and power in old time was in this common weal, that the worthy men would punish a pernicious and a naughty citizen more sharply, than a cruel enemy. We have against thee Catiline a vehement and grievous decree, we lack no counsel, we lack none authority of this high court, concerning the state of the common weal: But we the consuls, we the consuls (I speak it openly) be to slack in this matter. In time passed the Senate decreed, that L. Opimius' the consul should take heed that the common weal took no damage: and the self same day the noble borne man C. Gracchus was slain, for certain suspicions of a sedition. And M. Fuluius, which had been consul was slain with his children. And by such another decree, the common weal was committed to C. Marius and L. Valerius the consuls. Did death and the punishment of the common weal stay L. Saturnius the procectour of the commonty, and C. Servilius one day? But this is the twenty day that we have suffered the sharp authority of these worthy Senators to wax dull and blunt. For we have a like decree, but it is closed up in tables, and as it were put up in the sheathe: by the which decree of the Senators, thou Catiline shouldest forth with have been put to death. But thou art a live, and dost live, not to cease and leave of, but to confirm and increase thy boldness. My desire chosen fathers is to be courteise and mild, but it is not my desire in so great ieopardi of the common weal, to be seen dissolute or negligent. Surely I do now condemn myself of folly and wickedness. There is an army in Italy raised up against the common weal, they have pitched at Fesulas in Hetruria. The numbered of our enemies doth increase daily more and more. But the chief of that army, and captain of our enemies, ye see here within the walls: yea in the senate, daily imagining some great mischief against the common weal. If I (o Catilyne) should command the to be taken and put to death, I need not to doubt, but that all good men would say, that I were rather to slow than to cruel in this deed. Nevertheless, it that ought to have been done long sense, I am not yet (for certain skill) determined to do. But I wool then at length put the to death, when there shall no man be found so lewd, so far past all hope, nor so like thee in conditions, the which will not plainly affirm that I have done it righteously. As long as there is any man that dare defend thee, thou shalt live: and so thou shalt live as thou livest now, beset about with my manifold and sure defences, that thou shalt not once move or stir against the common weal. Also many eyes & ears shall (as they have done still hitherto) warily watch and hearken what thou dost and sayeste, and thou not perceiving it. For what shouldest thou Catiline yet look for? if neither the obscurity and darkness of the night can hide thy detestable assembles, nor no private house with his walls keep in the voice of thy conspiracy? If every thing come to light, if every thing burst out, change now this thy mind, give credence to me, forget the murder and burning, that thou intendeste. We understand and know all thy secret workings and imaginations. If thou haste forgot, I will put thee in mind of them. Dost thou not remember that I said in the senate the twelve kalends of November, that by a certain day (which should be the ix kalends of November) C. Manlius the man of guard and chief doer in thy bold enterprise, would be in harness? Was I deceived Catiline, either in the thing, which is so great, so cruel, and so incredible or else in the day? I said furthermore in the senate, that thou hadst determined to murder the noble men the .v. kalends of Novembre, even than when many of the chief rulers were fled from Rome, not so much for their own safeguard, as to repress and withstand thy detestable enterprise. Canst thou deny, but that (through my strength, provision, and diligence) thou were so beset on all sides, that thou coudeste not one's stir or move against the common weal, when thou saidst, thou waste yet well content (though the other were fled) with the slaughter of us that tarried still? what, hopedst not thou the first day of Novembre, to have taken Preneste by assault in the night? didst not thou perceive that the town was strongly fortified, defended, and kept by my commandment, by my garrison, ward and watches? Thou dost nothing, thou purposeste nothing thou imagenest nothing which I not only here of, but also see it, and plainly pecceyve it. Acknowledge now with me that other night: and thou shalt understand, that I am more vigilant sharp and quick for safeguard and defence of the common weal, than thou art to destroy it. I say, thou camest the other night among the falcarios (I will be plain with thee (Thou and many other, 
He calleth the conspirators falcarios, for as with s●●hes they purposed with the sword and fire to overcome at the city,  fellows of thy madness and mischief, assembled together the last night in the house of M. Lecea. Darest thou deny this? why speakest not? If thou wouldst deny it, I can prove it. For I see here in the Senate some of them: that were there together with the. O good lord where be we? what a common weal have we? In what city live we? There are here, even here among us, of our sort most honourable fathers, in this most grave and constant counsel of all the world the which imagine to destroy us, this city yea and the whole world I the consul do see them, and desire to know your minds concerning the common weal. For those which I ought to have dispatched with the sword I have not yet wounded with my word. Than thou Catline, wast that night in Leccas' house, there thou didst distribute and divide the provinces and shires of italy, thou didst appoint whither every man should go: thou choosest out those that thou wouldst leave at Rome, and those that should go with thee: thou dydste limit what parts of the city should be set on fire: and that thou wouldst than depart out of the city, Thou saidst, that there was now none other let of thy journey, but that I lived. There were two knights of Rome stepped forth to rid thee of this care which promised the same night, that they a little before day, would slay me in my bed. I was scarcely departed fro you, when we sat in counsel, but that I had knowledge of all these matters, I fortified mine house more strongly than it was before, with men of arms and other provision: when the self same men came, which thou didst send to salute me in the morning I shut them out, of whose coming at the same time, I informed many noble men before. seeing thou Catiline that this that I have said is true, get the forward thither: as thou haste appointed: depart once out of the city, the gates are open, trudge forth. Thy soldiers that Manlius hath raised desire thee, their captain, over long tarrying from them. Take all thy fellows with thee, or at the least wise the most part of them. Make clean the city of them, Thou shalt rid me from great dread so that the wall be between me and the. Thou canst now no longer be conversant with us: I can not bear it, I can not endure it, I may not suffer it. We ought highly to thank the gods immortal, and jupiter Stator the most ancient defender of this city, that we have so oft times escaped this so cruel, so horrible and so grievous pestilence to the common weal. The good estate of the common weal should not so oft stand in danger in (me) one man. As long as thou Catiline didst lie in away for me elected to be consul not with the public aid of the city, but with mine own private diligence I defended myself. But at the last election of the consuls, when thou wouldst have slain me the consul, and thy competytours in the field. I with the help and strength of my friends, withstood thy detestable enterprise without any uproar or public rusfeling among the people. And as often as thou goest about to hurt me, I myself withstood thee, not withstanding that I saw, that my destruction would redound to the great calamyty of the common weal. But now it is manifest that thou ghost about to destroy the common weal, the temples the gods immortal, the edifices of the city, to slay all the good citizens and finally thou callest all Italy to utter ruin and desolation. Wherefore because I dare not do it that best as & most agreeable with the discipline of our forefathers I will do that that is most easy touching severity & most profitable for the common weal. For if I should command the to be put to death: the other conspirators, which is a strong band, should remain still in a common weal. But if thou (whereunto I exhorted the while ere) wouldest go thy way, the great and stinking pomp of thy companions, so hurtful to the common weal, should be drawn out of the city. What mean thou Catiline? Doubtest thou Catiline, to do that thing at my commandment, which thou were willing to do of thyself? The consul commandeth the enemy to depart out of the city. Dost thou ask me. What into exile? No, that is not my commandment: but if thou wilt do by my counsel. I advise the so. For what is it Catiline, that may now delight the in this City? In the which there is no man, except the hopelosses of this conspiracy, but the feareth thee, no man but he hateth the. What blot of domistical filthiness is there wherewith thy life is not defiled? what private dishonesty or shame is there, wherewith thou art not defamed what lust of the eyes, what lewd act of the hands what ungracious deed of all the body, hath escaped thee? what young man is there, to whom, being snared with thy corrupt entiementes, thou haste not ministered either weapons to do mischief, or an harlot for bodily lust? And now of late, when with death of thy first wife, madest thy house void for thy new marriage: didst thou not also with an incredible offence augment that mischievous deed? 
slaying his first wives son.  Which thing I let pass, and am well content it be not spoken of: to the end that it should not be noted that so abominable a deed was either committed within this city, or else not punished, I over pass thine unlucky chance of poverty, the which thou shalt well feel and perceive at the next session of parliament.  
¶ I come now to those things, which do not appertain to the private shame of thy vices, not to thy scarcity, need, and filthiness, but unto the high estate of the common weal, and unto the lives and welfare of us all. Can the light of this life Catiline, Can breathing of air be pleasant unto thee? seeing thou art certain, that all these men do know, that the last day of December, Lepidus and Tullus being consuls, 
Than and there it was not leeful to bear a weapon.  thou stoodest where the consuls be chosen with a dart in thy hand, and a company of men prepared to slay the consuls, and chiefest rulers of the city? and neither any wisdom, or the dread that thou hadst, but the good chance and fortune of the common weal withstood thy mischievous purpose and fury. But I let pass those things (for they be not unknown, nor it was not long after, ere they were done) How oft wouldest thou have slain me, elected consul? how oft being Consul? How many thine assaults, so pretended, that it seemed they could not be avoided, have I eschewed with a little declining or bowing of my body? Thou dost nothing, thou prevayleste nothing, thou goest about nothing, but that I know it in time convenient: and yet thine endeavour and will to mischief cesseth not. How oft hath this thy dagger been wrong out of thy hands. 
Thy dagger i thine enterprise.  How oft hath it fallen out of thy hand by some chance? Yet couldst thou not be long without it. How thou hast hallowed and vowed it I can not tell, thou thinkest it necessary to be sticked in the consul's body. But now what a life leadest thou? For I will talk with thee, as I seemed not to be moved with hatred as I ought to be, but with mercy, whereof thou art unworthy. Thou camest while ere in to the Senate, which of this so great an assembly, of so many thy friends and kinsmen did salute thee? If this thing never chanced to any man, as far as men can remember, dost thou look for rebukeful words, being condemned with the most grievous judgement of silence. How is it, that at thy coming those seats be left void? What meaneth it that all those that have been consuls, which thou haste oft appointed to be slain, as soon as thou satest down by them, forsook that side, and left the seats void and empty? With what heart canst thou suffer it? Surely if my serawntes should on such wise dread me as all thy good citizens fear thee, I would think it convenient to forsake mine house. Dost thou not dame it good for the to void the city? And if I saw myself for injury so grievously suspected and hated of my citizens, I would rather be out of their sight, than they all with their hateful eyes, should see me. And seeing thy conscience causeth the to acknowledge, that for thine offences they all justly bear thee, the hatred, which now of a long season hath been to the due. dost thou doubt to eschew the sight and presence of them, whose minds and senses thou dost vex and trouble? If thy parents should be afraid of thee, and thy friends hate the nor by no mean thou couldst please them: as I think, thou wouldest go some whither out of their sight. Now thy country, (which is as a mother to us all) hateth and dreadeth thee, and hath a long season judged thee, to imagine nothing else but her destrucuyon: wilt thou neither stand in dread of her authority nor follow her judgement, nor fear her power? Which reasoneth with the Catiline, speaking as it were on this wise. There hath these many years none ill deed been done but by thee, nor no heinous offence without the. Thou alone for slaying of many citizens vexing, and spoiling of our friends and allies, hast escaped freely without punishment. Thou not only didst boldly neglect and despise laws and judgements, but also overthrow and break them. Those things aforesaid, although they were not to be suffered, yet as I might, I have borne them. But now it can not be suffered, that I should be all in dread of the alone, nor that Catiline for every crack should be feared, nor no counsel taken against me, that should abhor thy wicked deed. Wherefore get the hence and deliver me from this fear. If it be true, that I be not oppressed: if it be false, that at the last I may cease to be afraid.  
¶ If thy country (as I have said) should reason with thee those things, ought she not to obtain, although she were not able by strength to do it? what meant it that thou yieldest thyself to be in ward? To what intent saidst, that to avoid suspicion thou wouldest dwell with M. Lepidus? And when he would not receive thee, thou camest boldly to me: and desiredst that thou mightest be kept at home in mine house. And when thou hadst of me also received this answer, that I could in no wise be in safeguard with the in one house together, that am in great peril, because we be both within one city: thou camest to Q. Metellus the maire, and being rejected of him, thou goest to thy companion, that most worthy man M. Marcellus, whom thou thoughteste would most diligently keep thee, most sagely entreat for thee: and moste boldly give judgement for the. But how far out of prison and bands should he seem to be, the which already judgeth himself worthy to be in ward? Then saying it is so Catiline, doutest thou (if thou canst not here remain in quiet) to go into some other country, and commit this thy light escaped from many just and due punishments▪ to flight and wilderness? Thou sayest: Put it to the Senate. Dost thou desire me? And if it please the Senate to decree that thou be banished, sayest thou that thou wilt obey? Nay, I will not refer it to them: for that is contrary and against my nature: but yet I will cause the to understand, what they dame of the. Get the out of the city Catiline: deliver the common weal from fear: go into exile, if thou look to hear this word spoken. What is the matter Catiline? Why dost thou tarry? what, dost thou not mark the silence of those? They suffer, they hold their peace. Why dost thou look for the authority of them, speaking, when by keeping of silence, thou knowest their will and mind? But if I should have said as much to this noble young man P. Sextius, or to the most mighty man M. Marcellus: the senators would (and that lawfully) have laid violent hands upon me the consul, yea being in this temple. But as touching thee Catiline, when they be in quiet, they approve, when the suffer, they decern: when they hold their peace, they cry aloud. Nor they only whose authority is so noble, or whose life most profitable, but also those right worshipful knights & honest gentlemen of Rome, yea and other most valiant citizens, which environ and stand about the Senate, whose oft and great resort hither, whose favour and affections, and whose words thou mightst a little while err have seen, perceived, and plainly heard: whose hands and weapons I can scarcely keep from thee: the same can easily induce, that they shall follow after thee even to the gates, if thou wilt leave those things, which a while a go thou didst imagine to destroy. But what do I say? that any thing can break thee of thy purpose? that thou wilt ever correct thyself? that thou wilt mind any flight? that thou wolte think on any exile? Oh that the gods immortal would send thee this mind. And though I see how grievous a tempest of hatred, if not at this present time, by reason of the fresh remembrance of thy detestable deeds, in time to come thine exile induced by mine oration, shall stir up against me: yet I care little for it, so that this be thy private calamity, and the common weal clean delivered from peril. But it is not to be required, that thou shouldest be removed from thy vices, that thou shouldst dread the punishments of the laws, that thou shouldest apply thyself to the common weal according as the time requireth. For thou Catiline art not the man, whom either shame can ever withdraw from filthy living, or fear from peril, or reason from fury & madness. Wherefore (as I have oft said) get the away And if thou wilt cause me (as thou sayest) thine enemy to be hated, get the straight way into exile. I shall with great difficulty bear men's words, if thou wolte this do, I shall scarcely be able to sustain the burden of this evil will, if thou at the consul's commandment wilt go into exile. But if thou hadst rather do that that may be for mine honour and praise: trudge hence with thy cruel company of evil doers, get thee to Manlius, stir up naughty citizens, separate thyself from the good, make war upon thy country, rejoice in wicked robrie, that men may see that thou art not by me driven hence, to dwell among strangers: but called to come to thine own men. And yet whereto should I bid the go: seeing I know, thou haste sent for the certain, which armed tarry thy coming at Forum Aurelium: seeing I know, what day thou haste appointed and promised to be with Manlyus: and allsoo seeing that I know, thou hast sent thither before that silver Eigle, the which I trust shall be the destruction and death of the and all thine, to the which thou madest an oratory of thy detestable deeds at home in thine house. How canst thou long be without that Eigle, to the which thou were wont to do sacrifice, when thou dydste intend any manslaugter: from whose altar thou haste oftentimes retired thy wicked hand to the slaying of some citizen? At the last thou wilt get the thither as thine unbridled lust and fury hath long a go violently drawn thee, for this to do is no grief too the, but an incredible pleasure. Unto this madness Nature h●th borne thee, will hath exercised thee, and Fortune hath kept the. Thou didst never desire quietness, nor yet war, except it were detestable. Thou hast gotten to the a company of such as are ill and dishonest, men drowned in naughtiness, utterly set on mischief, beggarly hopelostes. Here, what gladness, can the glad? what joy can the rejoice? what pleasure can the please, when in this wise so great a number thou shalt neither hear nor see one good man. To this sort and fashion of life, those thy labours, that are commonly spoken of, have been exercisid: To lie upon the ground, not only to lay siege to some harlot, but also to do some other misdeed. To watch, not only till men were a sleep, that thou mightest have their wives at thy pleasure, but also to murder and spoil. Thou hast, wherein thou mayst make a show of thy noble sufferance, of hunger, cold, and extreme poverty, with the which thou shalt shortly perceive thyself confounded. I so much prevailed, when I put the by the consulship, that thou being banished should rather attempt it, than being consul mightest vex and trouble the common weal. And that thy detestable enterprise should rather be called a robbery than a war. Now most honourable fathers, as I do detest and eschew in manner a just complaint of my country, so I beseech you, mark diligently the things that I shall tell you, and print them inwardly in your minds.  
¶ For if my country, which is much dearer to me than my life, if all italy, if the hole common wealth should say thus to me: Marcus Tully, what dost thou? wilt thou suffer him to go his way, whom thou hast found an open enemy, whom thou seest, must be the captain of the war, whom thou perceivest our enemies look for to be their chief leader, the author of this mischief the principal of the conspiracy, the reys●● up of band men and naughty citizens? Doth it 〈…〉, that thou rather bringest him into the city, than send him out of the city, wilt thou not command this fellow to prison, to be violently handled, and with most cruel torment to be put to death? What thing letteth the. The custom of our forefathers? They being out of authority have full oft in this common weal, punished with death the naughty detestable citizens Do the laws, which were established to punish citizens found culpable, let thee? But they in this city which do against the common weal enjoy not the privilege of the citizens. Dost thou not fear the enuyered of those that are to come? Surely thou shalt give the people of Rome right high thanks, the which have avanced thee, being a man of small reputation, without commendation of thine ancestors, from one honourable office to an other, even to the most high room of all, and that in thy flourishing age: if thou for hatred, or for dread of any other peril, dost not neglect the safeguard and wealth of thy citizens. But if there be any fear of hatred, the envy of severity and fortitude is not more vehemently to be dread, than sloth and negligence in punysheing evil deeds. When italy shall be wasted with war, when the cities shall be vexed and troubled when the buildings shall be brent, dost thou not suppose, thou shalt be burned with the flame of envy? To those most constant words of the common weal, and to those men's minds that agree to the same, I will in few words make answer. If I had deemed it best, most honourable fathers, to put Catiline to death, I would not have given this gladiatour one hour space to live, 
Gladiatores were men that fought with sword unarmed.  For if the most excellent and noble citizens, not only did not defile themselves by slaying of Saturninus, both the Gracchus and Flaccus, and many other afore time but also got thereby great worship: surely I ought not to dread envy here after, for putting to death this murderer of citizens. And all be it most grievous envy is like to follow, yet I have alway been of this mind, that envy gotten by fortitude, 
Fortitude valyaunte courage. fearing nothing but shame, manfully beating and suffering prosperity & adversity  I have reputed glory, not envy. Not withstanding there be here some senators, the which either see not those things that are imminent, or else they dissemble as though they did not see them. The which with their soft sentences, have nourished Catiline's hope, and not believing it, have corroborate and made strong the conspiracy, beginning to springe: whose authority many following not only such as are dishonest, but also ignorant and without knowledge, would say, if I should punish this man that I had not done nobly but cruelly. Now I perceive well, if this man be once come to Manlius' army, whither he intendeth to go, that there is no man so foolish, which shall not see the conspiracy plainly disclosed, no man so lewd and dishonest, which will not confess the same. This man alone being put to death, I perceive that this tribulation of the common weal may be a little while repressed, but not for ever extincted. But if he will arrive at Manlius army, and thither gather together from all places the other his fellows of shipwreck, this ripe mischief and pestilence of the common weal should not only be extincted and clean quenched, but also the stalk and seed of all evils and incommodities. For we most prudent fathers, have been long in danger of this conspiracy & snares laid for us: but I can not tell you by what means, this sore of all detestable deeds, old fury, and brainsick boldness, did wax ripe, & braced out in the time of my consulship. If that of so great a number of rebels and robbers this one man alone should have been put to death, we should peradventure for a little while seem to be relieved from care and dread: but the peril should remain still, closed within the veins and bowels of the common weal. As men oftentimes sick of a grievous disease, and vexed with a burning ague, if they drink cold water, seem at the first to be well refreshed, and yet afterwards are more grievously handled: So this disease, which is in the common wealth, relieved with the punishment of this man, should more vehemently grieve the residue of the citizens. wherefore let those that be nought depart, let them separate themselves from the good, let them be gathered together into one place, finally let the walls (as I said before) sever them from the good men, let them leave lying in await about the consul's house let them leave standing about the praetors judgement place, to besiege the palace with sword, to prepare mallettes and torches to set fire on the city, finally let it be written in every one of their forehedes, 
Wallettes were like arrows, which were cast burning.  what good will and mind they bore to the common weal. I promise you most honourable fathers, that in us the consuls shall be found so great diligence, in you such authority, such power and strength in the knights and gentlemen of Rome, and such consent and agreement of all good men, that ye shall see by Catiline's departing every thing opened, plainly disclosed, oppressed, revenged, with all these things Catiline, the high preservation of the common weal, with thine own mischief and confusion, and with the destruction of them, which have been confederate with the in all damnable deeds and murders, trudge hence to thy wicked and detestable war. And thou o jupiter, whom we name the stablysher of this city & empire, with the same favourable aspect that this city was builded by Romulus, 
invocation  drive and expulse this man and his fellows from thine altars and other temples: from the edifices of the city and walls, from the life and goods of all the citizens: and punish with eternal pains in this world and in an other, all the enemies to good men, and foes to their country, the robbers of italy and such as are confederate with them in a detestable fellowship to do mischief.  
¶ When the consul had ended his words, Catiline was so confounded and troubled with his oration, that not only his great wit and exercise in pleading, wherein alway he was very excellent, but also his unshamefastness, wherein he passed all other, suddenly failed him. With so great contention of mind, wit, voice sides, and grave gesture of the body spoke the consul. His words flashed in Catiline's face as it were the leam of a bright burning torch, that the most unshamefast man, and to speak most ready, durst not open his mouth, or speak one word for himself: but sodeinelye did flee out of the Senate, with certain menacing and cruel threatenings. Wherefore Cicero writing to Brutus, most soberly praising that his singular faculty of pleading, and reckoning up certain of his right noble orations, among other things what confounded Catiline, he for good cause glorieth. Of me (saith he) the most hardy and bold man Catiline was accused in the Senate, and held his peace. But there be other that say otherwise: they write that Catiline answered the consul. And there remaineth and is commonly in men's hands a right fair oration, which is written in Catiline's name. The which oration I do not so much believe to be his, as of some great and old author of such feigned orations. The example of which oration I have therefore set in this place, that when I had showed mine, and other men's minds, I might leave it to be judged of other hereafter. Then Catiline (as I say) although he were terribly feared with the consul's oration, yet because he was prompt in speech, and ready to dissemble all things, took courage, and in this wise answered to the consul's oration.   

¶ Catiline's answer to Cicero in the Senate. Cap. nineteen.  
IT beseemeth all men, which be in most high office and authority, or that consult of matters public or private, principally to take heed, that they rashly incline not to any affections, nor that they cast down under foot with fury or anger, the wit, that should be at liberty: But with all diligence they must endeavour themselves, that their minds remain uncorrupt that they egallie examen and try every man's reason, and that they lean to no part, until the matter be clearly opened, and sufficiently debated. For it is a hard thing, the mind being disquieted, and the wit troubled, to persuade any man to the truth. Such is oftentimes the strength and power of an oration. If you, most discrete fathers, had had this consideration with you, when our consul with so sharp biting words, wrongfully spoke of my manners, when he with his pernicious and insolent eloquence incensed and kindled your minds against me: I dare boldly say, mine innocent life should this day clean have quailed, his proud craking words. But now I see, that ye by the consuls suggestion, prepare sentence against me, and that ye can scaselie suffer to hear me, to give credence to his authority, mistrusting mine honesty. Wherefore I may well fear lest the defence of mine health be greatly hindered. For innocentes through the unjust envy or injury of a few, are often times trodden under foot. The which thing surely beseemeth neither the constancy of noble men, nor the manners of the Romans, nor the dignity and office of the Senators. Therefore most honourable fathers, I beseech you for the god's sakes immortal, and for your humanity, that in so great and weighty matters ye lightly give not judgement: reduce again your minds, mollified and overcome with Cicero's eloquence, to your old integrity, and so restore you them, that at length you may understand the words of Catiline a Roman, descended of noble lineage. If I worthy citizens, have done any offence against my country, I neither desire favour nor mercy. Then rid me out of this life, put this body to cruel death, and tear these shameful members in pieces, for mine oration tendeth not, that ye should have mercy on Catiline. For why? suddenly to put to cruel death him that intendeth to destroy his country, is most high mercy. But the clemenry of this city I desire most honourable fathers, that in no manner wise ye forsake not innocency, lest while ye defend liberty, through the iniquity of a few, you should go about to destroy many guiltless persons. I will show you and clearly open unto you, that the grievous and sharp enmity that our consul beareth me, is not for the safeguard of the common weal: nor for any desire that he hath to maintain liberetie, but to vex and trouble the common weal. For how many and how immoderate discords did first in times past kindle and provoke him against me, nor what strife & contention hath not been between us sense. I need not to declare: For they are to you honourable fathers sufficiently known. But I will rather tell you those things, which he at the last election, when he was chosen consul, shamefully, yea and rashly blasted out, how he desired the consulship for nothing more, than for the destruction of Catiline. These two most noble men C. Antonius, and C. Cesar are witnesses of the same: by whose authority, that his threatening was at the same time reproved as undiscreet. Go to now most prudent fathers, give your high dignities and offices to such minded men, the which will more diligently pursue private ennimities, than the profit and safeguard of all this common weal. Cicero desired not the consulship to secure the miserable, or to restrain the power and might of the evil doers, to defend the city, to provide for the common weal, but specially that he might quail Catiline and banish him. Are these the duties of a man called to the consulship? Prefer such men in giving them high rooms, before the noble men, whose hole mind is to extinct the nobility. For that that is threatened me of this man, shall return unto you all. Believe me most prudent fathers, believe me, the consent of benevolence and love is rare between minds so unlike. He being a stranger of the town Arpinate, a new jest planted into this city, thinketh upon his natural rage and hatred, the which his manners have not only prepared against new and strange citizens, but also nature by old custom. first at the beginning of his consulship, his country was cast in his tethe, and sometime his new gentlemanshyp was objected against him: think ye that the man most unpatient, could take so great rebuke patiently? At that time his wit being kindled with a froward spirit, and as it were a viperous serpent, his fierce and cruel mind, with an inflamed and venomed stomach, was all to tossed. This man that nameth himself the father of the country, that is wont to say that this common weal was ornated with his nobleness in living, he that by his manners maketh himself not only equal to the kindreds of all the most noble and excellent men, but also to excel in virtue all our forefathers When he saw his new gentlemanshyppe objected against him, how think you did he take it? He than gnashed his teeth together, and against you all he was stricken prittelye with a woodenness, and 'gan to whet his anger: the which ye may not think will assuage in time to come, by opteyning of the consulship, seeing that he judgeth, that not by your favours, but for his most greatest virtues he worthily is advanced to so high a dignity. And so vow he doth execute those his former affections, now with those crafts he intendeth to trouble the city: now with such inventions he will revenge himself, and bring the nobility in such case, that they shall never object against him his new gentlemanshyp. He shall do it most honourable fathers, he shall do it, unless your most prudent wisdom's at length provide both for the health of us all and for the common weal. For now our city by this ryngeleader of mischief & artificer of damnable deeds is so be spotted with a vengeable and pestilent blemish, he so soweth abroad his detestable seed upon our country, that if it once take root, and grow to any forwardness, this public weal shall be clean extincted, and this most flourishing empire shall be utterly brought to naught. For there is nothing more perilous unto cities, than when the chief and principal citizens be at strife among themself. For Discord is greatest foe to flourishing common weals. Discord alone disparpleth and turneth up set down, things strong and mighty. Truly discord hath brought this business into our city, it hath cast us into this calamity: the which if it be not provided for in time, I see that this most flourishing common weal is in great danger, I see the weapons in your hands, the one of you to withstand the other, this man banished, and that man murdered. Would to god that innocent Catiline might be the end of all tribulations, like as he is the beginning: there is no peril that should grieve me to take in hand for the common weal, I could be content to be proscribed, to be banished, to suffer death for my country. But every man is not at all times of one self mind. An other shall be more unpatient, the which had rather be avenged, then to suffer the injuries of naughty persons. Then the matter must needs be tried by civil war, then shall our country stand in danger to be lost, and will shortly fall into doubtful chances, and sure destruction of the city: than shall he greatly rejoice and glory, that he hath obtained his purpose: When he shall see this country glister and shine in bright armour, and this city set on fire give light: Than shall he praise his inventions and drifts, and extol his invincible mind, and think he hath sufficiently revenged himself, and his fore fathers, for the contumelies and rebukes done to him. For he is wont sometime to say, that he is of the family and kindred of Tullius Hostilius king of the Volscians, special enemy to the people of Rome: the which thing is the only known occasion, why universallre the name of Romans is hateful unto him, and he shall always abhor this common weal, by whose dominion the house and family of his ancestors is dimmed, and their empiere clean subdued and overthrown, which thing, how great cares it carrieth into men's minds, judge ye your own selves. This I may only esteem of Cicero, that as long as that envy of his fore fathers, and those old enmities of unpatient mind, shall turmoil and vex his brain, he wool never cease from his violence and madness. So great is his unmoderate lust and mind to destroy this empiere. And even now truly, the hole world being in peace, so many kings, people, and strange nations subdued, all men both by land and see obeying unto us, and now that there is no superior enemy of the people of Rome, but do approve our great puissance and noble acts. And therefore he hath no hope to bring this empiere to destruction by outward hostility. All things are in sure quiet under us, all men willingly obey unto us. But for as much as he greatly desireth to revenge himself and his ancestors, and that his hard and cruel mind will never cease from that opinion, he flieth to those perturbations, with the which private enmities first with me, lastly he intendeth to grieve the hole common weal. And so first he accuseth Catline his enemy, and many other fellows with him in his conspiracy, that they intent to invade the common weal, over run their country, deface the city, to burn houses, temples, altars, to ravyshe virgins, to murder and slay the ancient men, the people, and the nobles, ne never stint from wrath, ne spare the sword, until they have utterly destroyed this most beautiful city, the sovereign princess over all the world. But I swear by the immortal gods, I wots not to what end this vain estimation of men will come, that any mortal man should believe, that there were any so utterly an hopelost, or so ignorant of reason, that doth not pererive a certain zeal and tender love toward his country planted in him, the which alway through a certain secret and vehement power of nature, is powered in to men's breasts. Than what Roman mind would desire to bring the common weal to so great calamity? For what most cruel enemy of the Romans, yea the very captain of Carthage Hannibal, could invent and imagine greater, or the like hurts to us? Would I invade the common weal, which have for the common weal enterprised and sustained so exceeding great perils? Should I be so bold, to deface the Senate and city, which have adorned my lineage with so many most large benefits? Should I burn the temples of Rome, the which show forth so many graven images and tables of mine ancestoures? Should I murder the noble men of blood or senators, that am now in honour and dignity among them? Should I wearing the honourable rob defile the city with other mischievous deeds, that which with all diligence have withstand, that other should not defile it? What hope? what mind? what occasion should drive me to do such a deed? Should the lust and desire of dominion and rule, whereof a little while ere Cicero reasoned? have I not quietly obtained the dignity above all? have not I as good hoop left me to excuse other dignities, as it is lawful for any mortal man to require? for I am both of the blood of noble Senators, and have obtained the dignity of a Senator, and here after, I may be consul or dictator. The which dignities are such and so great, that not only in this most noble city, but also they far excel the empires and principalities of all people, of all nations, that are in all the world. What needeth it then to seek that thing in hard war, which willingly in peace is prepared for me? But peradventure as Cicero said, envy stirred me, great debt, poverty, immoderate boldness to bear a rule. But this should be esteemed of a man that is wilful rash, and brainsick, or of any other, the which in hope to win and get goods, may unwyselye make so great a sedition among the people of Rome: and not of a man of the noblest blood borne, and in a city abounding in wealth. For should he that is honestly furnished with riches, doubt that he should at snye time want? for so much lucre and winning doth even offer itself, and such profit cometh of the common treasure: that if a man should a little decay, and in no wise obey unto honesty, it is incredible, how easily he may be jaded with abundance of riches. And to let pass other things, thou Cicero, art an example unto me, which in a manner the other day entredst into this city, bare & needy of all things, after thou gottest thee once in office, thou gatheredst suddenly together so great a heap of riches, that all the towns belonging to Rome as it seemed were scarcely sufficient for thy factoures. Wherefore thou dost but foolishly, to lay covetousness, poverty, and great det unto my charge. All which things I could by a more sure may appease, then to disturb the common weal, to take the uncertain for certain, for a little commodity to enterprise exceeding great perils. Neither I (as touching such things as I am accused of) would for any private debate have gone in hand with so horrible a deed. There is no man in this common weal, that I reckon to be mine enemy, only Cicero is aggrieved with me, because I could not cloak his vices, which he did secretly: whose foolish and trifling toys if I should have exchewed and put from me, I had many ways to revenge myself, without public peril. Nor I needed no refuge to the hurt of the common weal, saying there was neither dread nor jeopardy to withstand or let me, for if he were rid out of this life, there should remain no man that would not only revenge him, but also mourn at his funeral. But god forbid, that I should dishonest myself for his fool hardiness. For it is no laud for noble men to be revenged on abject persons, yet perchance if I would have desired it, it should not be imputed worthy citizens, but that I (if I had gone about it at that time) might have had much more opportunity, than he should have had. Surely if I fortified mine house with strength of men of arms, brought in my companions, and made good watch, for I will not deny any of these things, I did it most prudent fathers not to do any man wrong but to resist the violence of the consul. I dread his wit, I know his eloquence, I was not ignorant of his malice, I understood he had instructed this conspiracy. And so I was in fear, left that by his eloquence ye should suddenly disdain me in your minds, and that ye (the dangers once declared) clean against my question, would grievously punish me. For if I had been once delivered in to his hands, in vain afterward should I have found place for my defence. And so I have with great labour prolonged my life unto this day. And in all this great trouble, by means of thy persuasion, I have scaselye escaped, that I was not of all men condemned as guilty. But now Cicero, when thou hadst less need, otherwise than thou hopedst, I am come into the Senate: and as much as seemed to me sufficient, I have opened a few of thy least faults: the which by that time they be known, thou wouldst rather they should be forgotten, then that so great crimes should come to light and be known. I was nothing afraid of thy mischievous deeds, nor thine oration at that time, nor thy motions coniected willingly against me, made me not afraid. For what fear in so great assembly of Senators, in so great a company of noble citizens, could trouble any innocent mind? Therefore I have the day, which I most specially desired, which assuredly thou didst least look for. I have a Senate which can understand mine innocency, before whom thy damnable offences shall be opened. I have therefore with good peril provided against my perils, if at any time with strength of men of arms I defended thy fury, if at any season without dread I stood stiff in the common weal, while by all means thou didst persuade me to flee, I contrary wise minded to tarry. But o good lord where be we? Who seeth not a mighty false accusation? what other thing did all thy oration mean, but that I should flee? But if (as thou saieste) all my deeds be well known, if mine imaginations be more clearer than the light: why dost thou now persuade me to flee? Here I am, having no power or defence of mine own about me. The Senate is present, which will prohibit and let the from harm, Show forth these mischievous deeds: open plainly the sedition, do punishment. For it beseemeth the not to be merciful in so great perils. Delay, and to be without help, may be hurtful: If thou have the principal of the conspiracy, if the captain of the enemies be in thy hands, why dost thou tarry? Why dost thou covet to cast him out? For it is more profitable, that the army want a captain: for so they shall be the more slack to make war. But I see (as it is wont to chance) in the mids of evils, thou for fear of punishment, beginnest to wax cold, for thou seest the mischance that thou preparest either for me, or for the common weal, shall light upon thyself. This thing now to thy great danger is far otherwise handled than thou thoughtest. Doubtest not now, that I will object against the thy goods? didst thou think, that I would come into the Senate? Therefore when I came, thou forthwith were sore afraid. thinkest thou now to make me afraid with thy threatenings? knowest thou not how free, and how bold the stomach of an innocent is? wilt thou Cicero that I flee? surely I will not flee, but abide and overcome thy proud brags? I must needs reprove thy mischievous deeds and inventions. Let thy witnesses come in to this place, of whom thou sayest thou hast so great plenty, that nothing of my deeds can be covered or hid from thee. Whom bringest thou forth? Q. Curius? surely a man of a good opinion, and of an honest life: or such one as hath nobly with his lewd and naughty deeds dishonested this order, and therefore was abjected. Or wilt thou bring forth Fulvia his mate in bodily lust, which was never privy to no murder, nor is not the nurse child of adultery and fornication, nor of none other unlawful copulation: or else she hath so lived, that as an example of abominable vice, she herself alone can excel all the crafts and deceits of hoores. These are the most noble men, that suspect the trouble and unquietness of the city, and that are brought in as witnesses against me. But I swear by the god's immortal, that now thou Cicero, dost show by thy manners, that thou dost very shamefully abuse thy farye? For if thy mind was to rid me out of the way, thou shouldest not have sought witness of them that are open conspirators. Thou oughtest to have chosen them, whose life is more unknown, and their robberies a little more secret. Many men for that money, would more profitably have plied to thine ambition. For no good citizen ought to be afraid of their ill and malicious words. They may easily be reproved, seeing that their fortune, their fidelity and deeds are sufficient, which if they would favour me, I would rather they should be mine injurious adversaries, lest their familiarity should bring my life likewise in a contempt. And so now most honourable fathers, all the deeds and imaginations of the consul I have opened plainly unto you: now also mine innocency may appear unto you. Ye see what thing caused that he would destroy Catiline, and disturb the common weal. He is stirred and striveth with me for private enmities. For casting in the tethen of his new gentlemanshyp, he hateth all the nobility after the manner of his fore fathers. For he abhorreth this country, and therefore he goeth about to make sedition, to sow discord, his unpatient stomach will never be in quiet, till he bring us to destruction. first he accuseth me, being borne of the noble blood of Rome, and a Senator, to be a murderer: where as the noble acts and deeds, high dominions, offices and dignities, and great and large benefits done to this common weal by mine ancestors, do most honourably glister and shine. He objecteth neediness 〈…〉 me, the which in this most plentiful city could never be an hindrance to them that are in low and mean offices. He objecteth enmities against me, the which seem unto me, not to be sufficient, to disturb the common weal. Ye see what witnesses he bringeth forth the which are such, that they exceed the wits of all mischievous caitiffs. Which attemptates, after he saw came not to pass, as he hoped they would, nor hath no great trust in the senate, he is forthwith overthrown with fear. He commandeth me to flee, when if I had been faulty, to revenge so heinous an offence, the greatest punishment that is, could not be sufficient. Than if you most honourable fathers see mine innocency, if ye perceive his fierce cruel mind, if ye ponder the perils of the common weal, than at the last look up, take pity, and save from ruin the empire of Rome. Ye have even among you a slipper serpent, ye have in this order included, the calamlitie of the common weal which is right watchful, to bring to confusion the people of Rome. You have advanced him to most high honour. Beware, lest at length that part of pestilence, by to much liberty, infect all the body, and as a contagious disease grow up among you. Go to quickly, avoid this stinking pomp of vengeance and mischief, depose this man from his consulship, lest that his foul shameful deeds defile this most high and honourable dignity: cast him out of this common weal lest that hear after he should be seen within the walls of this our most noble city, by him brought to great ruin and decay. If the monuments of this city be dearly beloved unto you, if the sight of your children be pleasant unto you, if it delight you to have chaste virgins, if the temples, if the power, priesthood, company, houses, riches, servants, clients, all goods of fortune, and the commodities of all our country, be acceptable unto you: Now, now rote out of this common weal this seed of all evils, rid him out of the citizens sight, the which thinketh utterly to destroy you and all your goods, which hath determined with privy hatred and discord, to disturb the honourable estate of the Roman empire. Succour and help in this peril. Resist this calamity: then all suspicion shall cease, than this guile shall incontinently be removed from the hands of men of war. In this one man resteth all their hoop. For who could have moved or stirred up the minds of a few ungracious persons against this most greatest empire, the chief and sovereign of all the world, but he? What citizen in this common weal could have imagined so cruel a mischief? This, this new gentleman Cicero of Arpinas, of the kindred of Tullians', privily strueth snares for our destruction. He accuseth Catiline of conspiracy whereby he might have the better opportunity for his purpose. He bringeth many of us to examination, that he, by gathering together of strength of men by the mean of us, might thereby the easier invade the common weal. O most prudent fathers, do you not see your own perils? Hold up the miserable common weal, staggering and ready to fall: help your country: see mercifully to the safeguard of your parents, and of us all, and rid me a noble man borne, and the people of Rome out of the cruel hands of the malicious consul. And restore me humbly beseeching and instanting you to my former nobility, favour and benevolence of all the citizens.   

¶ Catiline in great wrath, departeth out of the court exhorteth his companions to stick to their enterprise, he voideth the city, and prepareth war. Cap. xx.  
VNeathe Catiline had ended his words, but that many senators began to murmur, and to call him manqueller and enemy. Than Catiline full of fury, said: For as much as I am beset about with enemies, and am overthrown headlong I will not quench the burning of mine anger with water, but with your ruin. After that, all pale and chafed, he suddenly rushed out of the court, and got him home, with many great and cruel manassinges, there minding many things, he determined to take his journey to Manlyus' army: fearing, if he should tarry any longer, lest the people stomached against him with the consul's oration, should run upon him. Therefore assembling together Lentulus, Cethegus, and other the chief of the conspiracy, he showed to them his counsel, exhorting them to be alway ready, and of good courage, and not to be afraid for any labour and peril, and that they should diligently execute the things, that they had appointed the other night: and that they should allure as many as they could to join with them in that war. In the mean while he warned them that they should spread a rumour about the city, that he an innocent was banished to Massula: that by reason thereof Cicero might run in hatred, and that thereby he might unwares invade the city. When he had said these, and other like things, about midnight with a few, or (as some other say) with three C. men of arms, he departed out of the city: nor he went not by the way called Flaminia (as some falsely write) but by the way aurelia: The morrow after that Catiline was fled out of the city, M. Cicero made an oration to the people: which because it is written among Cicero's orations, I overpass here what then was said of the consul to them.   

¶ Catiline scent divers letters into the city against Cicero, in which he feigned himself to be exiled. Cap. xxi.  
But Catiline as he was in his journey, wrote letters to many that had been consuls, and sent them to all such as were chief and principal: to whom he said that he was circumvented with false accusations, and separate from the Senate: and because he could not resist the consul, he gave place for the time, and as a banished man went unto Massilia, not that he knew himself coulpable in any offence, but to the end the common weal should be in quiet, and that the consul, coveting to destroy the nobility, should not by feyninge of Catiline's conspiracy, bring to destruction many good and innocent men: And that he would rather forsake his country, than that for his sake any dissension of civil war should arise. This thing caused Cicero to be greatly hated: for there were many that said, that Catiline was not astonished and afraid for the consul's diligence, nor put from his hope or enterprise, but by the consul's violence and threatenings, he uncondemned and an innocent was banished, nor they disproved not him, but said that Cicero was to timorous, and a consul not diligent, but a tyrant most cruel. But when Catiline, with the ornaments of a consul, and like a sovereign Captain was come into the country of Fesuls, and had received the army of Manlius, he determined not to make war, before he had augmented the army, and till he had a few days exercised and accustomed his soldiers, after the discipline of the ancient Romans, to endure labour and warfare. Then Catiline watching, labouring, setting his men in array, calling his soldiers by name, monyshinge, exhorting, daily more and more he reduced and brought them again to the knowledge and discipline of warfare While Catiline in martial feats instructed his army, Q. Catulus, a man in most high estimation and authority, which sometime was Catiline's familiar friend, red the letters in the Senate, which he said Catiline sent to him, the tenor of which letters hereafter followeth.  
¶ L. Catiline to Q. Catulus greeting. Thy great fidelity approved in deed, to me in peril right much beneficial, giveth a sure trust to my commendation. Wherefore I purpose not in new council to prepare defence, nor for any conscience of offence to make satisfaction: the which not withstanding in very deed ye shall know to be true. Yet for as much as I provoked with rebukes and injuries, and deprived of the fruit of my labour and diligence, obtained not the state of dignity, as my custom is, took upon me to defend the cause of such as are miserable, not that I want or have not sufficient possessions to pay mine own debts, seeing that the liberality of my wife Horistilla, with her own and her daughters goods, hath paid other men's debts, but because I saw men unworthy, advanced to honour: and myself, through false suspicion, alienated and put from honour. And for this cause I have, for the case that I am in, gotten meetly good hope to conserve such dignity, as hereafter shall chance me. As I would have written more things, it was showed me, violence was prepared against me. Now I commend and deliver Horistilla to your fidelity, praying you for the love that ye bear to your children, defend her from injuries. Farewell.   

¶ Many in the city blamed the softness of Cicero, that he suffered their enemy to go his way. Cap. xxii.  
BUT when it was known at Rome, by many men's letters, and often messages, that Catiline was admitted capytaine over the army, and that he intended too make war upon his country: there were very many that greatly blamed the consul, because he had not taken so grievous an enemy to the common weal, and that he had let scape the principal and chief of the conspiracy. For at that time, the people reasoned and commoned among themselves, on this manner: Catiline longer this time, aught to have been put to death by the consuls commandment, and with most cruel and sharp torments to have been punished. This mischief, which he hath craftily imagined against us, ought to have been laid upon his own neck. For if the consul had put him to death, (as he hath deserved) we had been now without war, the straits of Hetruria had not been filled with the tents of our enemies, the common wealth had been now in quiet and rest. It was no need at that time to have used mercy, it had been a very merciful deed, most sharply to have punished our enemy, and by the death of one wicked person, to have preserved the whole common wealth. Some other using the ancient examples showed, how that Sp. Elius desiring to reign alone was slain of P. Servilius Hala. And likewise Tiberius Gracchus of P. Scipio, and also how that C. Marius, slay L. Saturnius protector of the commonalty, and C Servilius Glaucia the mayre, for certain suspicions of sedition: But Cicero hath commanded him (whom he knew to be an enemy most grievous whom also he perceived to be looked for of their enemies to be their capitain and governor) to go unto his army, and so to make war against his country.  
¶ O the miserable estate of them that governed such common wealths, in the which he that is diligent, is called wayward and hard to please: He that is negligent, dishonest: where he that is constant and just, is called cruel and ungentle: and he that is merciful, fearful, and dissolute: wherein is given no pardon to them that do amiss, and small praise to them that do well. Or ever it was spoken that L. Catiline was gone in exile, it was said, that he was not by Cicero spoiled of his armours of boldness, that he was not circumvented and weakened by the diligent labour and council of Cicero and that he had altered his intent, not because that he did greatly fear: but that he uncondemned and an innocent was exiled only by the words and power of the consul. He was not then called unhappy, but fearful: Contrary wise, the consul not diligent, but cruel. But saying there were men, that spoke these things, what would they have said if Catiline had been put to death? Now for as much as Catiline liveth, and is unpunished, they call Cicero a man of no great counsel, but ignorant, fearful, and dissolute. Certes there is nothing more ignorant and unwise, than the vulgar people, which without any difference or wisdom judgeth and only pondreth the chance of the thing, and to whom any thing well happeneth, him they say to be very provident and circumspect, and to whom otherwise, he to perceive and know nothing. But let us omit these things.   

¶ Catiline and Manlius be proclaimed enemies, unto whom fled very many hope● ostes. Cap. xxiii.  
BUT when it was surely known at Rome, that Catiline was admitted captain over the army, and intended to make war upon his country, there was an act of parliament made, in the which Catiline and Manlius were judged to be utter enemies to the common wealth. And to all other there was a day appointed (saving to those that were already condemned) that it should be lawful for them to depart from the army unpunished. And if any man after that time should go unto Catiline, the senate to take him as a traitor against the common weal, and against all men's safeguard and profit. The senate also decreed, that the consuls should muster, and that C. Antonius with such aid as he might gather, should pursue Catiline both by land and sea, and Cicero to defend the city from all deceits and mischances. Nevertheless the minds of desperate persons were nothing refrained by these sharp decrees. For there was none out of so great a company of conspirators that departed from Catiline except it were either to spy, or to do some mischief: but contrary wise there were many that drew to him, both out of the country, and out of the city. But of all those that drew to him, he refused bond servants, of whom an innumerable multitude fled to him, he esteemed it a thing unseemly, that runagates should have to do in citizens matters: and thinking this also, which in deed should have come to pass, (if his companions at Rome had performed their enterprise) that huge routs of snaphances and hope-losts, from all parts of Italy would resort to him. For not only they that were confederate in the conspiracy, coveted that Catiline should victoriousely overcome, but also whosoever were greatly indebted, who so ever had sold away their lands, who so ever were in time passed condemned or atteinted: Many also by troubling of the common weal, looked to be advanced to honours and most high ronmes, many desired war by reason that of such ruffeling and dissensions, they obtained power. furthermore in a great city are always many naughty ill doers, hope-losts, malapert, troublous, seditious and needy fellows, which with a beck are ready to disturb the quiet and rest of a city. But most specially the delicate youth, and little bearded young men, or Catiline's flock without beards, which smelling all of musk, their hears featelye comed, wearing veils and not gowns, allowed Catiline's counsels. And of these, many got them to catilines army. And of that number was one Fuluius, the son of Aulus a Snatour, the which if he could have exchewed Catiline's company and amity, he had nothing gone out of kind from his forefathers. He was excellently learned in greek and latin: he had a jolly quick wit, he was a goodly young man and a toward. But he with Catiline's company and amity made unlike to himself, in a foolish braid, fled unto Catiline's camp: Whom his hard father returning him back again from his journey, when he had with spiteful rebukes rated, he afterward commanded him to be slain. Also there was an opinion that P. Clodius, the son of Appius, departed out of the city, to th'intent to go to Catiline. After that changing his purpose, he returned to the city, and so Cicero objecteth against him in many places, that he was companion of the conspiracy, the which crime although it weren objected of an enemy, yet I believe it to be true, for the life and manners of Clodius approve that he boldly enterprised all things. Also there were some that said that C. Antonius the consul was one that conspired with Catiline, whoose opinion was approved by this one argument, that Antonius never endeavoured himself to avoid that suspicion of familiarity with Catiline, which men than had of him, neither by denying, nor yet by dissimulation. Nor this furious infection, did not only invade the city, but in a manner all Italy, and was now spread privily through many provinces. And except the conspiracy had been discovered in the city, surely Catiline in short time had gathered an infinite army, and the commotions in all places had been exceeding great. In Apulia, in Brutiis, in Pelignis, in Capua, in a country of Pisa, and specially among the Pisaurians, and Camercians, in Tuschayne, in France, the hither, and further, the bands of men of arms roamed abroad some privily, and some openly.   

¶ Ambassadors are sent from the senate, into divers provinces of Italy, to withstand the rebellion. Cap. xxiiii.  
BUT the huge motion of this cursed conspiracy raised up by Marcellus the father and the son, disclosed by L. Vectius, was appealed and brought down by Bibulus in pelignis and by Cicero in Brutus, and by them they were both punished. But in the further France, C. Murena the legate, brother unto Murena that was appointed to be consul: In the country of Pyse, and the one part of France, the noble maire Q. Metellus, did withstand and let the mischievous fury and intents of the conspirators. And many of these did Metellus cast in prison. Albeit (through the fault of the writers as I suppose) it is falsely red in Saluste, that this C. Murena should be the ruler of the hither France. For Cicero doth affirm, that he was at that time in the further France, with all his power. And by the same author we have showed before, that Q. Metellus Celer, was sent from the senate into the country of Pisa & a part of France. Furthermore Cicero the consul commanded, that all the inhabitants and dwellers there about, should strongly fortify their towns with garrisons of men of arms, and to defend their borders and cities from the invasion of Catiline. Also he sent P. Sestius the treasurer with an army to Capua, because he heard say that the rebels went about to take it. Than when he was come to Capua, he banished from thence C. Meulanus, a man given to riot, and C. Marcellus endeavouring himself to win the city by force, and to raise up a servile war, and intending to do many other lewd deeds, and delivered that city from most grievous peril. Wherefore the chief rulers of Capua, for that the wealth of their city was preserved, they in honour of M. Tullius, set up a golden image, and called him their patron, and to P. Sestius they openly gave great thanks.   

¶ The preparation of the rebels in the city, and their councils with the ambassadors of Dolphinois. Cap. xx. v.  
AT THE same season the captains left by Catiline in the city, enticed unto war the citizens, the strangers, the noble men, the mean, and men of low degree, of what sort so ever they were, which they saw desirous of new alterations, that were meet for war: further they prepared mallettes to set fire on the city, and sent secretly unto Catiline both armour and money.  
¶ There were than at Rome ambassadors of France sent from a city somewhat in trouble, desiring of the senate to deliver their town which was greatly indebted. Wherefore Lentulus supposed lightly to allure those men to aid them in their wars, for as much as the french men are of nature inclined to war, and alway intentive to new business, and hated the present estate of the people of Rome. In this confederacy were many commodities. first, France had great plenty of horsemen. of whom the conspirators saw themselves to have great need. second, because the people of Dolpiny were next adjoining to italy, and by the reason that France should be in an uproar & ruffelinge, they thought no man could resist the conspiracy. And so because P. Vmbrenus was aqueinted with the frenchmen, they gave him charge, that he should require the said ambassadors, to take their parts, and showed him by what reason it might be done. Vmbrenus sent for the ambassadors, and diligently accomplished the matter.   

¶ Cicero's watchful diligence, and his monitions to the french ambassadors, which uttered the secrets of the conspiracy. Cap. xxvi.  
BUT M. Cicero being always watchful and provident, to see and perceive, what the conspirators went about and intended, used the help and counsel of L. Torquatus, P. Lentulus' Spinter, Q. Catulus, M. Lucullus, P. Servilius, M. Cato, Q. Sanga, and of many other most noble and worthy men. They highly favouring the common weal, inquired and searched out all thing, and what so ever came to their knowledge, they forthwith made relation thereof to the consul. Than as fortune would, the ambassadors communed of these matters with Q. Fabius Sanga, a right noble man, which was the French men's patron. He being a a counsel with Cicero in all things, speedily showed the matter to the consul. Than the consul thinking that he had now good occasion, openly to convince the conspirators, which thing he always desired, commanded the ambassadors to come secretly unto him: and admonished them that they should not be enemies to the people of Rome without a cause: Nor that they should join their wealthy state, with the wretched condition of Catiline, Lentulus, and other miserable persons: nor that it behoved them to enteprise things uncertain for certain, or for a small commodity to adventure upon exceeding great perils. All war is easily begun, but it is not in his power to make an end, that began it. He said Catiline by my counsels, by my great labour and travail, and with mi strength of men of arms is so be set about on all sides feebled, that my fellow Antonius with an army may easily subdue him. Within the city all things are abundantly foreseen and provided for, that no man can once stir against the common weal. And that if it were known that they had done, begun, or intended to do any thing against the common weal, the Senate and people of Rome will as they are accostumed, most sharply revenge it: Therefore he advised them to take good heed to themselves and their city. But in case they would be ruled and do as he would advise them, they should stand in possibility to obtain of the people of Rome all things what so ever they would require. The ambassadors full gently answered to those things and said: It is true, they were required by Lentulus to be fellows with them in war, but they were not in so miserable state, nor of so wilful a mind, that they would suddenly spill and cast away the amity that they had with the people of Room, obtained with so great labour and business, and that their desire was to accomplish all things what so ever he would command them. Than the consul gave them in charge, that they should make as though they vehementely favoured the conspiracy, and labour to get letters of their hand writing, and sealed with each of the conspirators seals: and diligently to search out all their intentes and purposes. The ambassadors promising to do their endevoire, slept not the matter, by Gabinius (for to him Vmbrenus first brought the french men) they spoke with Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius: and required of them an oath, their letters and seals, to the intent they might bring home to their nation some sure knowledge of the matter. For otherwise they said their citizens could not be persuaded to take in hand so great an enterprise. Than they suspecting nothing, sent unto the rulers and people of Delphinois, an oath & their letters. (Surely there is nothing more perilous, than to put in writing that thing that a man would have kept secret.) Farther they gave them in commandment, that they as shortly as could be, should come into italy, with a strong bend of horsemennes, for they said they had soldiers enough. But Cassius, that he might the more easily steer the barbarous men to war, knowing that outward nations are much moved with nobility, named certain of the nobles, and said, they had agreed and were consented with them.   

¶ The vain bragging of Lentulus, and cruel council of the conspirators in the city. Cap. xxvii.  
ALSO Lentulus, to encourage the french men said, that by the books of Sibilla, and the diviuours answers the kingdom of the Romans should be given to the Cornelians: Cinna and Sillia have had already the regal power, and he himself was the third Cornelius, to whom the high imperial power should fall. He said also, that the same was the predestinate year, in which the common weal should perish and finally decay. For it was twenty year sith the Capitol was burned, and the tenth year sens the virgins Vestales absolution. The which year (as the diviners have often times given answer) should be to the people of Room unlucky and unfortunate. After all this the conspirators descrived unto the frenchmen, the manner and fashion of all the hole war. But those things which they appointed to be done at Rome, was afterward found to be devised and distributed among the conspirators: that when L. Sergius Catiline should come with an army in to the field Fesulan, L. Bestia protector of the commonalty, should make an oration, to bring Cicero in hatred, because that by his provocation Catiline had raised up a civil war. And by that token, the next night following, L. Cassius, and P. Statilius should set fire on twelve parts of the city. Which was done for this consideration, that by that uproar and ruffling, they might more easily murder the citizens. Notwithstanding there is a certain author that saith that they had chosen out an hundred men, which should set fire on an hundred places of the city: and certain were appointed to defend and stop the ways to the cundites, and to slay all such as endeavoured themselves to quench the fire. Also they chose out a certain, which should besiege Pompey's house, and take his children a live, and keep them as it were in hostage, thereby to win and retain the friendship of Gu. Pompeius, which at that season led a mighty great host in Asia: and it was now reported for a surety, that he had accomplished many very great wars, and would shortly return into Italy. Further it was appointed that C. Cethegus should assail Cicero's house with the sword and fire, and had the charge to slay him: and he being slain, he had other two, that had been consuls, and four that had been praetors, to slay. The other citizens should be numbered by the band of youngmen, led by Gabinius. And among them also was lymitted who should take and defend the Capitol, who the market place, who the ports, and who the gates of the city. Moreover they ordained (it that is wont to chance in the conquest of the city of enemies) to spoil the city, to burn the temples, to ravish the honest wives, noble men's children, virgins, and nuns, and fill all places with lamentation, dead bodies, and blood. And when the city were all set on fire, robrie, and slaughter, Catiline should be ready with his army to take such as would i'll, and join himself with these captains that were in the city. Here I marvel, seeing Cicero saith these things were thus appointed, wherefore Sallust should declare them to be other wise devised among the conspirators. For he writeth that Gabinius took upon him the business of burning, and that Cassius should go into France: when contrary wise Gabinius was appointed captain of the slaughter, and Cassius of burning. But yet in this thing, I suppose more credence should be given to Cicero, which disclosed the conspiracy, than to Salustre. But I will return again to their communication.   

¶ The night appointed to cruelty, the fury and wrath of Cethegus, the deceit of Lentulus. Cap. xxviii.  
THAN said the frenchmen: All these things Lentulus are right well and politicly appointed, but when shall that wished night be? When shall our Bestia make that desired oration? It shall be but a short time (said Lentulus) these things must be done at the feast of Saturn. Then said Cethegus: What speak ye Lentulus of the feast of Saturn? What short time mean ye? Ye should not tarry one hour. Very great perturbations are often times done in a little moment. For seeing speed is needful in every business, them specially in war, namely among citizens. For slowing and delay may surely do great hurt, but no profit. Wherefore take heed Lentulus, lest this thy short and little time be over much, yea and more than over long. Then when all the other answered, it behoved those things to be done at the feast of Saturnus, Cethegus was so inflamed, and so wrothefullye ran here and there, that without any doubt he seemed to wax raving mad: he smote himself on the forehead, he could rest in no place, oftentimes he laid hand on his sword: Why do I tarry said he? his countenance was full of fury, his words arrogant and proud, he foamed at the mouth, his eyes glowed, his cruelty appeared in his look. Than said Cassius: Why dost thou Cethegus trouble our joys? Why dost thou (said he) delay our joys? And he swore an oath, that if a few would follow him, the other making delay, he himself would assault the palace. After these words, they kept a little while silence. Than spoke Lentulus to the frenchmen on this wise: What think you our Cethegus will do that night, when even now he thinketh to come to hand strokes? Think you that the consul, though he have an army about him, can withstand this most valiant man? Ye say troth quoth they: for we never saw a bolder man. After this Lentulus said, it pleased him, that the Frenchemennne, in the same journey before they went home in to their country, should go unto Catiline, that they might confirm the league and bond of friendeshyppe with him? And he appointed one Tytus Vulturcius to accompany and conduit them unto Catiline. To this Vulturcius he gave letters to carry to Catiline, without any name subscribed: but after this manner. Who I am, ye shall know of him that I have sent to you. Look that ye play the man: and think in what state ye be: and see what is now behoveful for you. Take heed that ye refuse no man's help, be he never so poor. Far well. Furthermore he sent him word by mouth, that saying he was judged of the Senate as an enemy, he should use the aid and help of bond men, and that he should set forward, and without delay draw toward the city. For in the city all things were diligently prepared & ready according to his appointment. Lastly when they had determined, that the french ambassadors should the three nonas decembris depart out of the city, they sent them away with Vulturcius in their company. About the same time M. Crassus came by night to Cicros house with letters of L. Catiline, in the which Catiline exhorted him, as one privy to the conspiracy, to strength and aid them. Cicero thanked him, and greatly praised the good will and love that he bore to his country. But for what intent Crassus did it, whether because he would not be reputed a fellow of the conspiracy, if by chance it happened to be disclosed, or else that he meant well and truly, we do not certainly know. Nevertheless Cicero in a certain oration which after Crassus' death came to light, writeth that M. Crassus was companion of the conspiracy. But Cethegus always blamed his fellows, because they tarrying for the feast of Saturn, let slip a great occasion of victory. He said, the thing should be done forth with, with out any delay which while they tarried, the conspiracy might come to light   

¶ L. Vulturcius with letters of Lentulus to Catiline, and the french Ambassadors be taken in their journey. Cap. xxix.  
BUT Marcus Cicero, knowing what night the Ambassadors and Vultureius would take their journey, with a very friendly courage commanded L. Flaccus, and C. Promptinius the Pretours, that in the evening they should beset the bridge Milnius with men of arms on both sides, and this to accomplish, he licenced that they should take with them certain piked young men of Rhetia, which he had oft used to have about him for the safeguard of his life. He dysclosed to them all the hole matter, and committed the wealth of the city to their fidelity. They achieved the matter diligently, like as the consul had commanded. Behold, after midnight the french ambassadors, and with them Vulturcius, with a great company, came to the bridge Miluius. Then sodeinelye on the one side of the bridge L. Flaccus, on the other side C. Promtinius with their sword drawn set upon them. The frenchmen at the first drew out their sword: after that knowing their intention, they lightly yielded themselves to the praetors. But Vulturcius, when he had long defended himself, waxing faint with bleeding, and oft beseeching Promptinius to save his life, he yielded himself to them. Than the praetors took from the frenchmen, and from Vulturcius their letters, and sending speedily tidings to the consul, when the day began to break, they brought then those that they had taken unto the consul.   

¶ The conspiratores are by Cicero brought in to the Senate, and witnesses against them, and accusers are examined. Cap. thirty.  
BUT the consul commanded Gabinius, Lentulus, Cethegus, Satilius, and M. Ceparius to come forthwith unto him, not doubting for the safeguard of the common weal, to sustain the hatred and malice of so many noble men. All the other suspecting nothing, came without delay, Ceparius hearing of the matter, fled out of the city: but within a while after he was taken in his journey, and committed to the ward and keeping of C. Terencius. But Cassius was departed out of the city a little before the ambassadors, as though he would have returned shortly again. When the french men had informed the consul, that Cethegus house was full of armour and weapons, he sent thither P. Sulpicius the Praetor, which brought out of Cethegus house a huge great numbered of harneyses. And when the consul had inquired him whether he intended to lead an army in to any province, because he had gathered together so much multitude of harness? No truly said he, but I have alway had a desire to be well furnished with good harnesses. Than after that the Senate was quickly assembled, he commanded the conspirators and their detectours to come forth, being accompanied for safeguard of his body, with a mighty strong band of knights and gentlemen of Rome. And when Vulturtius was brought in to the Senate, he appointed four Senators: C. Cosconius the praetor, M. Messala, P. Nigidius, App. Claudius, the which should write all the detectours sayings interrogatories and answers: the which men he knew to be not only virtuous and faithful, but also of excellent memory and knowledge, & that could with great celerity easily register those things that should be spoken. He demanded of Vulturcius, what business he had with the french men, whither he was going, to whom, and who delivered to him those letters that were found about him. At the first Vulturtius began to feign and dissemble many things concerning his journey and the letters: but after that by commandment of the Senate, the consul had warranted him, he said, he had commendations and letters of P. Lentulus; and that a few days passed he was alured to the fellowship of this Conspiracy by Gabinius and Caparius, and thus he hard say, that P. Antronius. Servius. Sylla. C. Cornelius. L. Vergunteius, and many other were of the same conspiracy: and that they had consented and agreed to burn the city, to murder the citizens, to waste and destroy Italy, and clearly extinct the common weal. When the french men were brought in, they said, they had an oath and letters delivered them to bear to their nation: and that they heard L. Cassius say, that all they, which Vulturtius had before named were bend with them, And in manner they told that self same that Vulturtius had showed of burning sleing, and murdering of the citizens. And they showed what a great strife was between Cethegus & the other, because Lentulus and the other would do this feat at the feast of Saturn, and Cethegus said, this war required great speed. Furthermore they declared all that Lentulus had spoken unto them of Sibyls prophecy, and of other matters, by whose means, and how often they had been with him. Then M. Tullius caused suddenly the letters to be brought forth, and commanded to open them. first he showed them to Cethegus: he knowledged his hand and his seal, the letters were read openly, the sentence or effect of which was this: They intended surely to accomplish those things that they had confirmed to their ambassadors, desiring that they would perform those things that their ambassadors undertook. Statilius' letters were read, the effect of which was like the other. After that the consul showed the letters to Lentulus, saying: Knowest not thou this seal Lentulus? He granted to be his, This is (said the consul) the image of that most noble man, thy grand father, which only loved his country and citizens, the which dumb Image ought to have revoked thy mind from so horrible a deed. And he inquired of him whether he had not talked with the frenchmen of Sibyls prophecy? And suddenly he confessed it, which no man thought he would have done. Than he had licence to speak in his defence what he would. But Lentulus, although he were a good orator, yet convicted of his own conscience, he was clean discouraged, out of countenance, changed colour, and had not a word to speak. To be brief. They confessed truth. And not withstanding that Gabinius at the first began stiffly to deny, yet at the last he disproved nothing. But beside their letters, seals, their own hands, and every man's confession, the fear disturbance in themself, suspensed and wavering countenance, and oft changing of colour condemned them.   

¶ The thanks and most ample praises given of the Senate to Cicero for detection of the conspiracy. Cap. xxxi.  
AFter the detections openly published, the Consul consulted with the Senate, what their pleasure was, to be done concerning the safeguard of the common weal. Than first the Senate gave him most high thanks, that by his power, council, labour, and diligence, (with the danger of his own life) without uproar, without bludsheding, without an army, without contention in battle four men being taken, the city from burning, the citizens from murder, Italy from wasting, and spoiling, and the common weal from utter destruction was delivered. And they so adorned him with laudes and preisinges, as never man before at any time with so many and so singular words was in the Senate lauded. Q. Catulus, the prince and chief of the Senators, & M. Cato that most worthy man, & that most dearly loved the common weal, in the greatest assembly of the senators called him Pater patrie, the father of the country. L. Gellius, a man full of honour & bountifulness, said. The common weal, for his reward ought to give him a civil garland. 
A civil garland of oaken leaves was used to be given to him that had saved a citizen in battle.  Finally all that had been or were meet to be consuls, and pretours so lauded him, that there was no man, which did not give like thanks as he had been their father, which thought not that by his means the common weal, their goods, their children and their lives were saved. And also they forget not to laud and praise L. Flaccus and C. Promptinius, for that the consul had found them so valiant, so diligent, and so faithful in that his business. fore him never chanced to man) supplication was decreed. At rising and departing of the senate, Lentulus was committed to the custody and keeping of P. Lentulus' Spinter, which was then in the office Edilis: P. Statilius, in C. Cesar the praetor, C. Cethegus to Q. Cornificius, and Gabinius to M. Crassus. But the common people of Rome, which before being desirous of new business and ruffelinge, favoured Catiline's enterprise, it is incredible, the conspiracy being detected, with what heart and courage they were kindled to defend their liberty. They strove with the Senators, which of them loved the common weal best. They esteemed Cicero to be a great and an excellent man: they called him the keeper of their liberty, the preserver of their city, and the father of the country. Whose magnitude of mind, whose counsels, they with praises extolled as high as heaven.  
¶ The next day, the Senate gave to the french ambassadors, and to Titus Vulturcius, approving their detection, right great and ample rewards.  
¶ Cicero writeth, that at the same season there were many, the which no man accusing or reproving them, were forced with pricking of their conscience, to disclose themselves to be of the conspiracy. The violence of their conscience is great: 
Violence of conscience.  The which constraineth men, that have done any wicked or damnable deed, though it were secretly, many times yet to bewray and disclose themselves. For the conscience for the misdeeds, and pain of the laws, suffereth the transgressors, not only never careless to take rest, but also not once to draw their breath without fear.   

L. Tarqvinius caused M. Crassus to be suspects of the conspiracy. Cap. xxxiiii.  
AT THE same time one of the conspirators, called L. Tarqvinius (upon a safeconduct) was brought before the Senate, to open and show what he knew of the conspiracy: and he declared to them the same things that the french ambassadors and T. Vulturcius told, of the burning of the city, of the murdering of the citizens, and of all those that were confederate to do this mischief. Moreover he said, that M. Crassus was companion and partner of the conspiracy: and how he had certain messages from him to Catiline, that he should not be discouraged, although the captains of the war in the city were taken & in hold, but that he should with all celerity and speed haste him with his army to the city, to deliver the conspirators out of prison, and to accomplish all other things among them ordained and appointed: In the city all things was full of fear. But when Tarqvinius named Crassus, many of his familiar friends, of whom he had a great number, said with a loud voice: The detectour is false and corrupted with meed.   

¶ The oration defensive made for M. Crassus by his friends. Cap. xxxv.  
IN ALL things honourable fathers (said they) which are most grievous and cruel, what any man will do or imagine, should not be pondered after the voice and speech of the people, but according to his life and manners, which is accused. For if M. Crassus (prudent fathers) should therefore be deemed culpable, because Tarqvinius accuseth him among the conspirators, what should it profit him, to have led ever more hitherto a life most pure without blame or shame? What difference than shall there be between the good men and the evil? What man most innocent or virtuous can assure himself from deceits, if it behoveth to give credence to the evil saying of every lewede and ungracious person? But if we shall examine the life of M. Crassus, what bodily lust lurketh, what mischievous deed lieth hid, what cruelty, or what brainsick boldness: there shall be neither error nor obscurity in the cause: So great is the greatness of this mischief, that without filthy youth, without many evil deeds before committed, with out a life defiled with all damnable acts, with out prodigal expense with disworship and shame, without unbridled boldness be showed, and not only braynsyke boldness, but very furor and madness, no man will believe, that ever he would enterprise so heinous, so cruel, and so bitter a deed. Furthermore we must lay here unto, a lust to rule, the hate of peace and good men, dread of punishment, dishonest friends, debt, poverty, time meet and convenient. All which things except they be manifest, truly (as we say) so ungracious a deed so cruel, and so far against all reason, will not be believed. What thing, what hope, what lewd lust could enforce Crassus to do such a deed? Coude need or scarcity compel him, which is so rich, that there are few or none in this great multitude of men, that have more abundance of riches? Coude ambition, which oft times maketh many men nought? For both good and bad desire glory, honour, rule, governances of provinces, dignities of the church, and triumphs. The good men by virtue: the ille men mistrusting their unworthiness, by naughty and crafty means creep up: and the honours which they, things being in quiet and good order, despair to win: by ruffling and troubling of the common weal, they think to obtain. Than thus hath not Crassus in peace & rest attained unto the most ample and high honours of the city without repulce? But peradventure his ungentle manners fierce cruelty, unbridled boldness enforced Crassus unto this. Who is more courteyse than he? Who is more mild? What deed did we ever see him do, over boldly, or without good advisement and consideration? We omit now the weal public, which hath ever been to Crassus' most dearly beloved. We speak nothing of his estate, of his manner of living, of his nature, of his most gentle conditions, of his incredible love toward good men, of his study and diligence to conserve the common quiet rest and peace. Nor we do not omit those things, as though they were not of most weighty importance but because they are to you notably known. Is it than credible, than in this most honest mind, in this life, so abominable a deed could take place? Look well unto him, and behold those other, lay the crime and his life together. Whold Crassus burn the city, slay the senators waste Italy, destroy the weal public, and bring the name of the people of Rome to nought? This suspicion honourable fathers, taketh no hold on this pure honest mind, on this life, on this man. They were savage beasts, wild and cruel, in the shape of men, that went about to destroy those things. And what meant it? when Traquinius named Antronius, Vargunteius, Lecca, Servius, Sylla, Cornelius, and many other, that ye all attentively gave ear? For those, if no man would accuse them, yet their conditions and life would convince them. But when he began to name M. Crassus, did not every man vehemently cry out against him? For no man deemed that the life of any man could so suddenly be changed, or nature altered: that he which a little before was the best and most honest man, would anon after in cruelty pass the wild beasts. Consider a little in your minds honourable fathers (for so ye shall understand how far of, Crassus is from suspicion of this heinous deed) consider I say, Catiline, Antronius, Cassius, Cethegus, Lentulus, Gabinius, and other men which are allied to this detestable deed, what murders, what adulteries, what robryes, how many and what great unheard of and singular deeds of mischief, of brainsick boldness, of voluptuous pleasure, of falsehood, of promise breaking, of cruelty, of avarice shall ye find in these men? Who doth marvel, that Catiline hath conspired against the weal public? being of all men (sith man was first form) the most muschevest, the most cruel, and the most filthy. Which hath defiled so many worshipful wives, so many noble young men, whom L. Sylla appointed to slay the knights of Room: among the which he slew Catullus his sisters husband, and M. Marius' most dearly beloved of the people of Rome. Which in Africa destroyed many houses, spoiled many towns, and all the temples, and so vexed and wasted that province, that (as it seemed) it could scaselye be restored again in many years after. In whose life there can be found no hour void from adultery, from mourder, from mischief, from cruelty, from doing ill deeds, whom we saw afterwards accused of petye briberye, and incest: & whom always all men thought to be borne to make discord and variance in the common weal. Who wondereth that Lentulus was familiarly acquainted with him, seeing he was needy, sumptuous, bold, proud, lecherous? Whereto should we rehearse the furious brainesyckenes of Cethegus? or how he wounded Pius Metellus? Who was ever more stubborn, more fierce, or more cruel than he? And who could be found more voluptuous, more lecherous, more deceitful than Antronius? Whom we knew was condemned for ambition, whom we knew committed murder, and spoiled the temples of our confederate friends. It were an infinite business, to declare to you all their deeds. But it is your part honourable fathers, though we rehearse them not, keeping silence inwardly to mind all those, which are known to have conspired. For ye shall well perceive each of them to be sooner condemned of his own life, then by our suspicion. didst thou than think Tarqvinius with those detections to bring Crassus from this dignity of familiars, in to this flock, in to this number of wicked caitiffs and parent sleyers? Is it not now apparent, honourable fathers, that those crimes are feigned? Do ye not see that thing, that the detector hath said of Crassus, corrupted either with meed or hope, or with dread depraved, or else to proceed of enemies? Wherefore let not this gap lie open to enemies, that who so ever a man doth hate, him by some detectour in false crimes appealed, he may rid out of life. Suffer that in most greatest crimes, the life of every man may be his witness. Retain still this most worthy citizen, this most valiant man, that most dearly loved this honourable Senate, and that is so prompt and ready with heart and mind to all things, that should be provided for the common weal. Finally look well to, that this most noble and most mighty man by your cruelty should not seem to be violently entreated.   

¶ The decree of the Senate for M. Crassus, the suspicion against Cicero, and his purgation. Cap. xxxvi.  
FOR as much as some thought this thing incredible, and some other though they believed it, yet knowing the man to be so mighty puissant and rich, in such a troublous time, deemed it better by all ways and means to retain his favour, than steer him to displeasure, the Senate decreed, Tarqvinius detection to be false, he to be committed to prison, and clean to be put to silence, except he would show, who instanted him to feign so great a thing. There were some the same season that thought this detector had been subornated by P. Antronius, to th'end that Crassus, for the danger of their fellowship, should with his riches help the conspirators. Other there were among the which also was Crassus himself, which believed, that this man was craftily brought in by Cicero, to th'end that Crassus for this suspicion, should not take upon him the defence of those that were in prison. Whereupon there arose exceeding great hatred between Crassus and Cicero. But the young man P. Crassus, the preisar, the follower, and lover of Cicero, did let Crassus to pursue Cicero openly. But by whose counsel Tarquynius was craftylye brought in, as yet we know not the certainty. We believe not, that it was Cicero's drift. For this is plain, that Q. Catulus and C. Piso, Caesar's enemies, could for no favour obtain of him, that C. Caesar either by the french ambassadors, or by any other detectour, should be named to be in the conspiracy of Catiline. And I find that Cicero in this business bore himself very uprightly with out any partiality. He neither accused any man as culpable of this mischievous deed with out a clear probation, or kept secret for friendship, or for meed concealed any man.   

¶ Of Lentulus and his fellows sedition servants bond and fire, and wonderful token showed to Cicero. Cap. xxxvii,  
WHILE these things were in doing all Lentulus and Cethegus servants bond and free, ran about from tavern to tavern, from shop to shop to stur up the minds with meed of such as were needy and nought. And when they had raised up a great rout of crafts men, they by divers ways prepared to invade the praetors houses. But the Consul having knowledge thereof had in his mind many imaginations, what should be done with the conspirators that were take. and in hold, if he should do punishment on them, the conspiracy were extinct: but being mild and merciful in all his life, he dread the name of cruelty: and right well foresaw, that for this matter he should in time to come be in danger of great hatred and envy. While he mused on this matter, somme write, that this wonderful token was showed to him, as they were doing sacrifice in his house for the people, on the altar, the fire being almost quenched, suddenly out of the ashes and embers, a long and a pure flame burned up bright, and answer was made by the diviners, that Cicero should not doubt to accomplish those things for the common weal, whereabout he in his mind so much mused, & that thereby to him of the gods immortal was signified great fame and glory. I dare not affirm, whether this be true or no, because we read that such sacrifice for the people was not wont to be done in the consuls house, but always in the high bishops. Furthermore Cicero was nothing moved with such wonderful signs & tokens.   

¶ The sentence of D. Syllanus and other noble men given against the conspirators. Cap. xxxviii.  
THAN the consul strongly fortified the city, and with all celerity and speed assembled the Senate, and required their advise what should be done with those that were in hold. Than D. silanus, elected to be consul, was first desired to say his mind, whose sentence was, that those that were in ward, also L. Cassius, which desired to be charged with the burning of the city. P. Furius, Manlius Chilo, Q. Annius, P. Vmbrenus, which were alway occupied in soliciting the french ambassadors (if they might be taken) should be put to death. To this agreed the other that had been or like to be consuls, and namely Q. Catulus, in an oration full of severity, said that the conspirators ought not to live and enjoy this light one moment of an hour. But when it came to C. Cesar, and T. Nero, to say their minds, they began to reason the contrary, and said. They ought not to be put to death, because the laws died it prohibit, but their judgement was that the conspirators, their goods being confiscate, should be sundered and surely kept in diverse holds until that Catilyne were by war vanquised. This matter Sallust writeth as followeth.   

¶ The oration of C. Caesar, wherein he contendeth, that the conspirators should not be put to de●h, but kept continually in prison. Cap. xxxix.  
IT becometh all men, honourable fathers, which shall give counsel and say their advise in matters doubtful, to be clean without hatred, friendship, wrath, and mercy. The mind can not easily foresee the truth, where those affections bear a stroke, nor no man at one time followeth his ill affection, and the profit of the weal public, where unto a man applieth his wit, there it availeth. If affection possess the wit, she ruleth, reason availeth nothing. I could abundantly recite unto you honourable fathers. what kings and people moved with wrath or mercy, have ill and hurtfully ordered themselves in consultation, but I will rather rehearse to you, what our forefathers have done well & ordinately against their natural inclination.  
¶ In the war of Macedony, which we made against the king of Persy, the great and mighty city of Rhodes (which increased in great riches by the goods of the people of Rome) was unto us contrary and unfaithful. But after the war was finished, they counciled what should be done of the Rhodians: Our forefathers let them go unpunished, lest any man should say, that the war was begun against them, more for winning of riches than to revenge injury.  
Also in all the wars Punycke, when the Carthaginois, oft times both in time of peace and truce did many detestable deeds against all right, yet our forefathers having accasyon, never did such things, they sought more, what became them, than what they might lawfully do against their enemies. This thing also, honourable fathers should of you be foreseen, lest the detestable deed of P Lentulus, and the other conspirators, should more enforce you to revenge, than beseemeth your dignity, or rather incline to your wrath, than to your honourable fame. For if worthy punishment for their deeds be found, I approve new council. But if the greatness of the mischievous deed both pass all men's wits my mind is to use those punishments which are ordained by the laws: Many of them that before me have said their minds, discreetly and magnificently have bewailed the decay of the common weal, and have full eloquently reckoned up, how cruel a thing war is, what evils chanceth to them that are conquered, the virgins ravished the young babes and children violently pulled out of the fathers and mother's arms, the honest wives must suffer what so ever please the subduers, the temples and houses are spoiled, slaughter, and burnings are done, finally all things filled with armour, carcases, blood, and lamentations. But tell me I pray you, whereto serveth that oration? was it to stomach you against the conspiracy? If so great and so cruel a deed will not move a man's spirits, shall an oration kendell him? It is not likely. Nor there is no mortal creature that thinketh his wrongs little: many have taken these their injuries more grievously than right required. But some thing honourable fathers may better be suffered in some men than in other some. If the private persons, that live obscurely unknown, commit through anger any dishonest deed: Few know it. Their fame & fortune are equal. The great rulars and high governors, all men know their acts. So in highest felicity, is least liberty to do a miss. It beseemeth such men not to be spiteful, not to bear hatred, but in no wise to be angry. The affection which in other is called anger in the high rulars is named Pride and cruelty. Surely, honourable fathers, I dame all torments lass than their detestable deeds. But many men remembering the last punishments, and forgetting the mischievous deed of the transgressors, they reason of the pain, whether it be more cruel than it should be. I surely know, that what so ever the honourable and most valiant man. D. Syllanus hath said, he spoke it for the great affection that he beareth to the common weal. Neither hath he in so weighty a cause, said any thing for favour, nor yet for hatred, I know his manners and sobrenes to be such. Truly his sentence to me seemeth not cruel (for what cruelty can be done to such men, but yet not all thing agreeable to the common weal. For certainly either dread or injury hath constrained you Syllanus, chosen consul for the year to come, to adjudge the conspirators to suffer a new kind of punishment. As touching fear, to reason thereof it were but in vain, namely sith the great diligence of the noble consul hath so strongly warded and defended the city with men of arms. As concerning their punishment, I may speak as the truth is, that death to those that be in heaviness and misery is not a torment, but rather a quiet and rest from all woeful wretchedness. For death fynishethe all griefs and evils that mortal creatures endure. But I pray you Syllane, why did you not add, that they should be first beaten? was it because the law Portia, or some other laws do prohibit it? Likewise the laws forbid that citizens condemned should be put to death, but they command to banish them. Left ye that unspoken, because it is more grievous to be beaten, than to be put to death? And yet what punishment is to cruel or grievous to men convict of so great and detestable a deed? But if you spoke not of beating, because it is easier? how inconvenient is it to fear the law in the less business, and to neglect it in the greater? For who shall reprehend that that is decreed against traitors to the common weal? Time, day, fortune, after whose lust nations are ruled. To them what so ever evil happeneth, chanceth according to their deservings. But consider honourable fathers, what laws ye ordain for other. All evil examples take their beginning of good things for after imperial governance instituted by good men, came to the handling of those that were evil: the new example was transferred from the worthy and meet, to the unworthy & unmet persons. When the Lacedæmonians had subdued the Athemenses, they ordained xxx men to rule the common weal. They at the first put no man to death but such as for their offences were justly condemned. The people was right glade of this law, and said, it was very well done. But after, this licence increasing by little and little, they slew for their pleasure as well good men as bad, and put the other in fear, and so the city being oppressed with bondage and thraldom, they grievously repented their former foolish gladness.  
¶ We remember, Sylla having the upper hand, commanded Dasippus and such other hope-losts, that were grown rich, to the great hurt of the common weeale, to be put to death. Who did not praise his deed? They said, ungracious and detestable persons, and such as with sedi●ions troubled the common weal, were well and justly put to death. But that thing was the beginning of a great mischief. For if any of Sulla's soldiers coveted to have any man's house in the city, manor in the country, jewel, or garment, 
A man proscripted, was in case that the first that meet him might lawfully slay him.  they did their endeavour, that he, whose good they desired, might be among the number of them that were proscripted. So that they, which rejoiced at the death of Damasippus, were soon after brought to the same end. Neither was there any end of slaughter until that Sylla had abundantly satisfied his soldiers with riches. But I neither fear this thing in M. Tullius, nor at this time, but in a great city, many and diverse are the wits. another time, an other being consul, and having an army at his commandment, some thing false may be believed to be true: when such a consul after this example, by decree of the senate, shall draw out his sword, who shall make him put it up? or who shall moderate him? Our ancestors, honourable fathers, wanted at any time neither council, nor boldness, neither pride letted them to follow the laws and manners of other nations, if they were allowable. armour and weapons of war, they took of the Sainnites, many ornaments belonging to the great officers and rulars, they received of the Tuscayns. Finally, where so ever they saw any meet or convenient thing among their friends or foes, the same with great diligence they used at home. They would rather follow, than envy those that were good. But our ancestors following the manners of the Greeks, punished their citizens with beatings, and put to death such as were condemned. After the public weal increased, and that partakenge among the people began to grow, by reason of the multitude: the innocentes began to be circumvented, and other such like mischiefs to be practised, than the law Portia and other laws were ordained, by the which exile was granted to them that were condemned. Therefore I think this cause, most honourable fathers, to be very great, whereby we shall not need to take any new council. Verily, there was more virtue and wisdom in them that of so small riches brought this empire to so great wealth and renown, than in us, which can scarcely maintain and keep things well won. Is it therefore my mind that they should be let go, and increase Catiline's army? No truly. But my judgement is that their goods be forfeit, and they to remain in prison in such towns belonging to Rome, as be most wealthy. Nor that none from henceforth should sue to the senate, or labour to the people for them, And he that would so do, the senate to esteem him to do against the weal public, & safeguard of us all.   

¶ The oration and sentence of Caesar, pleased very much even the friends of Cicero. Cap. xl,  
WITH this oration of Ceasar, so much altered were men's minds quickly, & such dread of false accusatyon & cruelty took them: that D. silanus greatly repented him of his sentence, that he was the principal and chief that judged the conspirators to death: and was glad aftewardes with interpretation to myttigate his sentence (for shame it was to change it) and so to follow the judgement of Tiberius Nero. And some other there were, that would rather seem more bolder in giving sentence, which said: They minded nothing their own perils, but feared lest the consul should not be strong enough to accomplish their ordinances. But the friends and kinsfolk of the consul were most specially moved with this oration. They considering what great envy and hatred of the common people might here after arise against Cicero, if the senate breaking the law Portia, should without the consent of the people, put noble citizens to death, they all agreed to the sentence of Caesar, and prayed the consul that he would look to his own saluegard and profit, neither cold they in the mean while abstain from tears. Caesar, by his oration drawing so many to him, among whom was also Qu. Cicero, had obtained his purpose, if the oration of the most prudent consul, and Cato, had not encouraged the senators minds, that began to quail. The consul was of nature mild and merciful, but except he should then have showed sharpness, he saw the weal public like to be brought in to great danger. For if they showed themself more soft and gentle, they deemed that the conspirators should be the bolder and more encouraged, and in the mean time, some commotion might rise in the city. But if they showed themselves very vehement against those that were taken, he foresaw that all the puissance, all the hoop, all the riches of the conspirators, these perils of the city being put away, should sodeinelye quail. And though he understood, that this thing could not be brought to pass without great daungeir of his own life, yet so dearly loved he the common weal that he more esteemed the wealth public, than his own life. Than when he saw the senate inclining to Caesar's sentence, coveting to slay them beginning to waver, rose up and said as hereafter followeth.   

¶ The oration of the consul against the conspirators. Cap. xli.  
ICE, honourable fathers, all your visages and eyes turned toward me, I see you not only for your own peril, and for the public weal, but also (if that were put away) very heavy and thoughteful for the daungeire that I am in. Your good will toward me, is to me in adversity joyful, and in sorrow acceptable: But I beseech you for the god's sakes immortal, set aside that good will, and forgetting my safeguard, think upon yourself, and your children. If this condition of consulship be given me, that I should suffer all bitter adversities, all sorrows and torments, I will bear them not only stoutly, but also wyllynglie: so that by my travails to you and the people of Rome, honourable fathers, dignity and prosperity may be procured. I am that consul honourable senators, for whose sake neither the common place of judgement, wherein all equity is contained: nor the field, consecrate for choosing of high officers: nor this court of senators, the special aid of all nations: nor my house, the common refuge of all men: nor my bed ordained for rest, nor finally this honourable place, this seat appointed for the most high governors, was never void from peril of death, and deceits. Many things have I kept secret, many things have I endured, many things have I granted, many things to my great sorrow, being in dread for you, have I holp. Now if the god's immortal will this to be the end of my consulship, that I should deliver you honourable fathers, and the citizens of Rome from miserable slaughter, your wives and children and the vyrginnes vestals, from utter vexation, the temples and holy places, this our most goodly country from most cruel bourning, all Italy from war and destruction, what so ever fortune is appointed to me only, I will adventure it. For if P. Lentulus, induced by the southesayers, thought that his name was predestinate to destroy the public weal, why should not I rejoice that my consulship is ordained for the conservation of the same common weal? Wherefore honourable fathers, provide for yourselves, see too the safeguard of your country, save yourselves, your wives, your children, and your goods, and defend the name and wealth of the people of Room: take ye no care nor thought for me. For first my special trust is, that all the gods which preserve this city, will reward me, according to my deservings. secondly if any thing chance, I will with an upright mind and a good courage, die. For unto a valiant man death is not shameful, nor unto a Consul, it cometh not to soon, ne unto a wise man it is not wretched. And yet have I not so iron a stomach, but that I am moved with the sorrow of my most dear and loving brother here present, and with the tears of all those, which ye see environ me about: also my wife that is half dead, oftentimes revoketh my mind homewards, and my daughter well near dead for fear, and my little son, the which seemeth to me, doth embrace the common weal, as a pledge of my consulship, nor my son in law, that standeth here awaiting the end of this day all these things do move me, but yet in suchewyse, that all should be in safety with us, yea rather I would some violence should oppress me, than they, and we with the common weal should perish together. Wherefore honourable fathers, stick to the safeguard of the common weal, provide surely for all storms that may fall. Without ye take good heed, not T. Gracchus, which would once again be made protector of the commonalty, nor C. Gracchus, that went about to revive the laws Agrarie, nor L. Saturninus, which slew C. Memmius, is brought to any jeopardy, or to your sharp judgement: but they are in hold, that tarried still in Rome, to bourn the city, to mourder you all, and so to receive in Catiline. We have their letters, their seals, their own hand writings and finally each of their own confessions. The french ambassadors are solicited, the slaves and servants are stirred up, Catilyne is sent for. This council have they taken, that all being slain, no man should be left, to bewail the name of the common weal, and to lament the calamity of so great an empire. All these things the detectours have declared, the accused have confessed. You have judged it by many tokens so to be: first in that ye have given me high thanks in special words, and have affirmed, that by mine industry and diligence, the conspiracy of these hope-losts, is openly known: further in that ye have compelled Lentulus to yield up his office of Pretorshyp. And in that ye have given sentence, that he and the other should be committed to ward, and specially that ye have decreed procession to be made in my name, which honour was never done to any man in time of peace before me. Finally, in that ye rewarded yesterday so magnyficently the french ambassadors and T. Vulturtius. All which things are of such fort, that they which by name are put in hold, without doubt seem of you to be condemned. But I determined to refer holly unto you honourable fathers, both what you will judge of the deed, & what you will determine touching the punishment. I will show you before, what pertaineth to the consul.  
¶ I beheld not long sense, great fury waltering in the weal public, and some new mischiefs a brewing. But I never thought this so great and so mortal a conspiracy to be enterprised of the citizens. Now, what soever it be, whither so ever your minds and sentences incline, it must be determined ere night. You see unto how great a danger we be brought, whereunto if ye think, a few are confederate, you are far wide. This mischief is sprawled abroad further than you think: For it hath not only overflown Italy, but is also run over the mountains Alps, previly creeping forth, hath now invaded many provinces. This thing in no wise can be oppressed by sustaining and prolonging thereof. What so ever way it pleaseth you to take, you must speedily determine there upon. I see there are two sundry sentences, one of Syllanus, whose judgement was, that they, which were bend on this great mischief should be put to death. The other of C. Cesar the which dysalowing the punishment of death, would they should suffer all grievous pain, and torment. Either of them, according to his dignity, and weight of the cause, with great gravity handled the matter. The one thought, that they which endeavoured themself, to slay us all, and the people of Rome, which would destroy the empire, that would extinct the name of Romans, were not worthy to live the minute of an hour. And that kind of punishment oftentimes executed upon such naughty citizens in this common weal, remaineth or record. The other understandeth that death is not ordained of the God's immortal, as a punishment, but as necessity of nature, or else a rest from travail and miseries. Therefore wise men never grudged against it, yea oftentimes they with a hardy courage, and willingly desired death. And to lie in irons perpetually in prison, is a singular punishment invented for heinous offences. He willeth, that they should be severed into sundry towns, which thing if he would have commanded, standeth but little with equity, if he would desire it, it seemeth a hard thing to be done: yet if it please you, let it be so decreed. For I will take it upon me, and I trust to find them, that will not think it to be against their dignity and honour, to do that ye shall ordain for the wealth of us all. He chargeth the townsmen with a great penalty, if any of them break prison, and would they should be surely kept and hath appointed pains meet for such grievous offenders, and that there shall no man labour, neither by the senate, nor by the people, to mitigate the punishments that they are condemned to suffer. Also he taketh away the hope, which only is wont to be a man's comfort in misery: and moreover he willeth their goods to be confiscate. The life only he leaveth to those wicked offenders, which if he would have taken away: with one grief he should have dispatched them of many tribulations of mind and body, and of all pains of transgressions. And because the ill doers in their life should stand in some dread, our forefathers said, that such pains as be in hell were ordained for wicked livers, meaning thereby, that if the fear of such infernal pains were taken away, men would no whit be arfayde of death.  
¶ Now honourable fathers, I see how this thing toucheth me, if you should follow Caesar's mind, because he leaveth to the way of the common weal, that is acceptable to the people, peradventure I shall not need greatly to fear the furious rage of the people, he being the author of this sentence, but if you will follow the other sentence, I doubt whether it shall turn me to more business yea or nay. But yet the profit of the common weal weigheth more with me, than all mine own perils. We have also Caesar's mind and sentence (according to his honourable estate, and as it be seemeth a man descended of so noble a lineage) as a pledge of his continual good will to the common weal. And we understand, what difference is between the mildness of orators, and him that truly loveth the people, and tendereth their wealth. I see that some of them, which would be seen to favour the people, be absent, because they will not give sentence of death against the citizens of Rome. This man not three days past, committed toward Cethegus, and P. Lentulus citizens of Rome, and decreed unto me porcession, and yesterday he gave great rewards to the detectours of the conspiracy. Now there is no man that doubteth, what his mind and judgement is concerning all this business, which committed the offenders to ward, that so greatly thanked the Questor, and decreed the detector to be so highly rewarded. But C. Cesar understandeth the law Sempronia to be constituted and made for the citizens of Rome: but he that is an enemy to the common wealth, can in no wise be a citisyn, and farther the self maker of the law Sempronie, was by commandment of the people grievously punished. He also deemeth Lentulus to be liberal and not prodigal: and that he, that so sharply, so cruelly imagined, by that means he might destroy his common weal, and confound this city, may be called a fovourer of the people. And so this most mild and courteys man doubteth not to command, that Lentulus should live perpetually fettered in dark prison. Also he hath established, that no man hereafter booste himself, that he mytigated his pain, & that no man, offending against the common weal, be rekned a favourer of the people. He willeth furthermore, their goods should be confiscate, that beside all their torments of mind and body, they would be oppressed with need and poverty. Wherefore whether ye will determine this, ye must cause the people to hear me with love and favour: Or if ye will rather follow the sentence of silanus, ye shall easily defend both you and me from blame of cruelty. And yet honourable fathers, what cruelty can there be, in punishing so great and so cruel a deed? Truly I speak according to my mind: for so moat I with you enjoy the common weal, as I, that in this cause am right vehement, am not moved with any cruelty of mind. For who is more milder than I? but yet after a certain singular humanity and mercy. For why me thinketh that I see this city, the lantern of the hole world, and the fortress of defence for all nations, suddenly burning fall in desolation. I see in my mind our country clean destroyed, and the miserable heaps of citizens lie unburied. The furious look of Cethegus frantic mad in the slaughter of you, is never out of my sight. When I call to remembrance Lentulus, reigning like a king, like as he confessed to have seen himself by predestination: Gabinius arrayed in a purple weed: and Catiline come with his army: O how I than abhor to see the lamentation of the honest wives, the flight of young maids and children, and the trouble of the virginnes vestals. And because these things seem to me vehementely miserable and to be pitied: therefore I show myself sharp and vehement against those, that would have performed them. I ask you, whether that householder which doth most sharply and grievously punish his servant that slayeth his children, killeth his wife, and burneth his house, is to be counted mild and merciful, or else fierce and cruel? I judge him importunate and of an iron courage, that would not assuage his sorrow with the turmenting of such a servant: In like manner we shall be reckoned merciful, if we show ourselves most sharp and vehement against those that would murder us, our wives, our children, that with all their endeavour go about to destroy every man's house, and this universal common weal, which have done their best to have stablished the nation of Delphinois in the steps of this city, and in the ashes of this empiere, destroyed with fire: but if we will be seen to be remiss and negligent, we shall be utterly defamed of cruelty, for suffering our country and citizens to be destroyed. Except any man will think L? Caesar that noble and valiant man, and that most dearly loveth this common weal, was the other day very cruel, what he said, that his sister's husband, that most honourable lady, being present, and hearing him, was worthy to die. When he said, Flaccus was slain by the consul's commandment: and his son, not xiiii year of age, bound and cast into prison to be slain Was any of their deeds like this? What counsel took they to destroy the common weal? Largesse was than used in the common weal, to come to honour, and some contention and part taking. And even at that time this Lentulus grandfather, that most noble man being armed, pursued Gracchus, & was than sore wounded, to the end the high dignity of the common weal should nothing be blemished. This Lentulus hath stirred up the frenchmen to turn upset down this common weal: he hath raised slaves and bondmen, he hath called forth Catiline, he hath allotted us to Cethegus, the other citizens to be slain by Gabinius, the city to be burned by Cassius, all Italy to be wasted and spoiled by Catilyne. I deem, you dread lest that in this so cruel and cursed a deed, ye should be seen to determine any thing over sharp and rigorous: When it is much more to be feared, lest by negligence of punishment, we shall seem rather cruel to our country, than by sharpness of punishment over vehement against our most cruel enemies.  
¶ But honourable fathers, I can not dissemble, that I have herd spoken. For words are blown abroad, which are come to my hearing, of them, that seem to fear, lest I shall not be strong enough to execute those things, that ye shall this day determine to be done. All things prudent fathers, are foreseen, prepared, and in a readiness by my no little care and diligence, but much more by the good courage that the communalty hath to maintain and defend this most high empire, and their own goods. They be all, of every state and degree, and of every age, bend here upon. The market place is full, so be all the ways and passages to this place and temple. This cause, sith the building of the city, is found to be alone, in the which all agree on one self thing: except those which, saying they must needs end their wretched life, they had rather die with all other, than perish alone. Those men I except, and gladly sever them from us. Nor I account not them among the numbered of honest citizens, but from henseforth to be taken for our most cruel enemies. But good lord, with how great multitude, with what favour and affection, with what wood heart and courage do all other consent and agree to the dignity and wealth of us all? Whereto should I here rehearse the gentle men of Rome, which so giveth place to you in degree and consultation, that they will contend with us in love of the common weal? the which this day and this cause hath retired from long dissentyon and debate, had with this order, and knit you fast friends together: which knot of friendship confirmed in my consul's ship, if we continually keep in the common weal, I assure you after this no civil harm among ourself, shall endamage the common weal on no side. With like favour to defend the common weal, I see the treasurers, (men woste hardy and valiant) assemble themselves together. Also all the notaries and scribes, which in great numbered chance this day hath brought to the treasure house, I perceive they, looking to what end this business will come, are fully bend on the common wealth. Here is also the holle multitude of the mean sort of freemen. For who is he, to whom those temples, the aspect of this city, the possession of liberty, and finally this light, and this our native country, is not dear, sweet, and pleasant. It is a joyful thing honourable fathers, to see the favour and affection of the libertines, which chancing to enjoy the franches of this city, account it to be their own country: which city some that be here borne, and come of noble lineage, judge not their country, but take it as a town of their enemies. But whereto shall I recite unto you those men and degrees, whom their own private commodity, the common profit, freedom and liberty, of all things the most sweetest, hath a waked and stirred to defend the wealth of their country? There is no slave, whose servile condition is any thing tolerable, which doth not utterly abhor the saucy and malapert boldness of our citizens, that would not have them bridled, that doth not, as much as he dare and as much as he can, apply his good will for the common weal? Wherefore if haply any of you be moved with this, that a rumour is blown abroad, that a certain ruffyan, longing to Lentulus runneth about from shop to shop, hoping with meed to steer and raise up routs of such as be needy and ignorant what things mean: Surely this was begun and attempted: but yet there was none found so poor nor so wretched but that willeth and desireth, that his shop and place, where he getteth his living, his chamber for his bed, and the quiet course of his life, might be in safeguard. And the most part of those, that live by their handy craft, yea I should say, this universal kind of people, do love to live in quiet and rest. For all their instruments, their works and wynninges are maintained by concourse and resort of the people, & nourished with peace and concord, whose gains and winnings, if by shutting in of their shops, is wont to be minished, what shall they get, when they be bourned. These things being thus, honourable fathers, you can lack no help to defend the common weal: Take ye good heed, that ye fail not the common wealth you have the Consul, escaped from many perils and deceits, and from the very point of death, not only for his own life, but for your wealth reserved: all states and degrees with one mind, one will, one favour, one force, with one voice, content to save and defend the common weal. This our country beset about with fire brands and weapons of this wyicked conspiracy, meekly holdeth up her hands to you. To you she commendeth the life of all her citizens, the castle and capitol, the aulteres and images, the perpetual bourning fire of the goddess Vesta, the Temples and chapels of the God's, the walls and buildings of the City.  
Furthermore, you must this day give a judgement, concerning your own life, your wives and children's lives, and that toucheth all your goods, possessions and houses. Ye have a capytatne mindful of you, and forgetful of himself, which ability is not always given, that a man forgetting himself, should be mindful of other. Ye have all estates and degrees all men, the holle public weal, it that in a cyvylle cause, we shall this day first see, agreeing all as one. call to mind, that one night shall utterly confound and bring to nought, this empire, founded with so great labours, our liberty stablished with so great prowess, our goods so greatly increased and augmented by the benignity of the God's. You must this day so provide, that never hereafter this thing be not only done, but that no man imagine to do such a deed: And those things I have not spoken to encourage you, which in favour and good zeal, far pass me, but to the end, that my voice, which ought to be chief in the common weal, should be seen to supply the duty of a consul. Now before that I return to the sentence, I will some what speak of myself.  
¶ Methinketh. I have got as great a multitude of enemies, as there is in noumbre of conspirators, which ye see is very great, but this great rout I judge to be shameful, weak, not to be regarded, and very abjects. But if hereafter this multitude, provoked by any man's fury or mischief, doth more prevail than yours, and the common wealths dignity: yet honourable fathers, I will never repent me of those deeds that I have done, or of the counsels that I have given. For death, wherewith perchance, they threaten me, no man can escape. More greater praise than ye have given me in my life, by your decrees never man obtained. For alway unto other, for well governing of the common weal, but unto me for the conservation thereof, ye have decreed right high thanks.  
¶ Let the noble Scipio have his renonme, by whose council, prows and policy, Hannibal was constrained to return into afric, and to depart out of Italy. Let Aphricanus be adorned with most high laud, which destroyed two great cities, Carthage, and Numantia most grievous enemies to this empire. Let him. L. Paulus be counted for a man most excellent whose chariot, Perses sometime a king most mighty and most noble did greatly honour. Let Marius have eternal glory, which twice delivered Italy from invasion and dread of servitude and thraldom. Let Pompeius be preferred above all other, whose conquests and knightly acts are known through all the world. And surely among the honourable renown and praises of these men, our glory must take some place, except peradventure it be a greater feat to conquer to us provinces, by which we might have passage than it is warily to provide, that they that are absent, may have a place, whither as conquerors they may return again. Not withstanding the state of outward victory is in one thing better, than the domestical because strange enemies subdued, do either serve us, or received as friends, do think themself bound unto us. But if any of our citizens, through some madness waxing lewd and nought, begyne ones to be enemies to their country, when we go about to withstand, that they endamage not the common weal, we can neither by violence restrain them, nor with benefits pacify them. Wherefore I see well, I have entered into continual war with these hope lost citesyns, the which I trust through the aid of you and all such other as are good and virtuous, remembering so great perils of the which not only we, that are reserved and kept, but all nations shall speak and bear in mind easily to repel from me & mine. Nor assuredly there can not be found so great force & violence, that can break & quail your unity and the gentlemen of Rome, and so great consent and agreement of all good men. seeing honourable fathers, that these things are thus, for mine empire, for mine army, for my province, which I neglected, for my triumph, and other notable things of laud and praise, which for your city's sake and safeguard of your wealths, I forsake, for my clientes, for the men of my province, for the right of hospitality: for all these things, and for my singular favour and affection to you, for that diligence which you see in me to preserve the weal public, I ask nothing else of you, but the remembrance of my Consul's ship all this time. Which being fast fixed in your minds, I judge myself surely fenced about with a wall most strong. But if my hope be dispointed and quailed by the power of the lewd and naughty, I commend to you my little son: to whom surely it shallbe a sufficient garrison of defence, not only for his safeguard, but also for his high advancement if ye will vouchsafe to remember him to be his son, which with his peril alone preserved all these things. Wherefore most prudent fathers, ordain and provide diligently and boldly: as ye began, for your own wealth: your wives and children: for your altars and oratory's: for your chapels and temples: for the buildings and sytuations of all this city, for this empire, for your liberty, for the wealth of italy, and for the universal weal public. For ye have a consul, that doubteth not to obey your decrees, and as long as life is in him, and to the uttermost of his power, to defend those ordinances that ye shall decree.  
¶ When the Consul had ended his oration, turning him to Marcus Cato, whom he knew loved his country most entirely, of a stout stomach, a prudent counsayllour, and exceeding constant, desired him to say his mind. Than. M. Cato rose up, and spoke in this manner:   

¶ The oration of M. Cato taken out of Saluste. Capitulo xlii  
WHEN I consider, honourable fathers, our business, and the great danger that we stand in, when I oft think on some men's sentences: my mind is far from their opinion. They seem to me to have reasoned, what pains they should suffer, that have prepared to make war against their country, their parents, the altar and oratory's. But the matter warneth us rather to take heed & beware of them, that to consult, what we should decree against them. Other misdeeds may be punished after they be done: but if it be not looked well to, that this evil deed be not done, it will be to late to execute justice. The city being got, the subdued can nothing do. But I require you by the God's immortal say the troth, that you have more esteemed your houses in the city, & manors in the country, your graven images & painted tables, than the common weal, if ye will retain still these, such as they be, delectations, that you so dearly love, if ye will have time and space to use your pleasures: at the last awake, and embrace the common weal. For now the reasoning is not of our tributes, nor of the wrongs done to our confederates. Our liberty and life is in danger. I have very often honourable fathers, spoken many things among you here, I have oft complained of the excess and avarice of our citizens: And for that cause I have many men against me. For I that never forgave myself any offence, could not lightly forgive other men's misdeeds. And though ye little regarded my words, yet was the weal public in good case, for the wealthiness thereof supported your negligence. But now it is not in debating, after what manners, good or bad we should live, or how great or how magnificient the Roman empire should be: but whether these things, how so ever they be shallbe ours alone, or enjoyed together with us of our enemies. Will any man in this matter ones name mildness, and mercy? Surely we have of late lost the true names of things. For to give away othermen's goods is called liberality. Boldness to do evil deeds is called Fortitude, therefore the weal public is at the last cast. Let them for me, seeing the manner and fashion is so, be liberal of other men's goods, let them be merciful to stealers of the common treasure: so that they give not to them our blood, and sparing a few lewd & nought, they undo all that be good and honest. C. Cesar while ear reasoned well and substantially before you of life and death, supposing I believe, that those things be false, which are reported of hell, that the evil doers are sundered a way from the good, dwelling in places obscure, vile, stinking, unclean, & fearful. And so he judged, that their goods should be forfeited, and they themselves to be kept in ward in divers towns, fearing twis, lest if they were still in Rome, they should by strong hand be set again at liberty, either by the favourers of the conspiracy, or else by the multitude of hopelostes hired there unto: As though naughty and ungracious persons were only in Rome, & not through out all Italy: or as though brainsick boldness could not more prevail there, where as is less power to make de●ence. Wherefore this counsel is surely of none effect, if he stand in dread of them: but if he alone in so great fear to all men, is not afraid: so much the more it behoveth me to be fearful both for myself and you. Therefore when ye give judgement against P. Lentulus and other that be taken: Know for a surety, that ye give judgement against Catiline, his army, and all the conspirators. And the more diligence ye use in this matter, the less courage shall they have. If they may perceive, that you wax faint hearted: they all full fierce will soon be here. Think not, that our forefathers have of a very little, made a great common weal by feats of arms: if it so were, we should have it far more goodly. For our abundance of confederate friends, citesyns, armour, and horses, is greater than ever our ancestors had. But there were other things that made them mighty, which we want: At home they were studious and diligent, in their dealing with strangers, just and true, in consultation their minds were free from all affections, they neglected not their duty, nor inclined to bodily lust. In stead of these virtues we have prodigal expense and covetousness, the commonalty poor, and many privately rich and wealthy: We praise riches, and follow sleuth and idleness. There is no difference between the good men and the bad: Ambition hath all the rewards of virtue. And no marvel, sith each of you seeketh for his own private commodity: sith ye at home give yourselves to volupties and pleasures, and here in the senate study how to win money and friendship. Whereby the weal public, void, exhauste, and desert, is invaded. But I let pass these matters. Noble citizens have conspired to burn their country, they have stirred up the frenchmen, most grievous enemies to Romans, unto war. The capitain Catilyne with his army is in our necks. Ye make delay, yea in so weighty a business, and stand in doubt, what ye should do with our enemies taken within the walls. I think good, ye take pity on them, they being yongemennes through ambition have done amiss, give them leave, yea being armed, to depart away. I fear, lest this mildness and mercy, if they begin to arm them, will turn us to great misery. It is eth to know, how sharp and grievous a conspiracy is, but ye fear it not, yes ywys do you, and that very sore, but through negligence & faint courage ye drive forth the time, one looking what an other will do, as it were trusting to the goodis immortal, which full oft have saved this weal public, in most greatest perils. The aid and help of the God's is not gotten with vows and womanly prayers: but by watchful diligence, well doing & good counselling, all things done prosper. When a man giveth himself to sluggishness and discourage, he shall call upon the God's in vain: for they be displeased and grieved with such one. In old time in the wars of France, A. Manlius Torquatus, commanded his own son to be put to death, because he fought with his enemy contrary to his imperial commandment. And so he the noble young man, full dearly bought with death his exceeding manly enterprise, & ye stand musing what you should determine against most cruel traitors to their country. Verily their good living in times past lettith this mischievous deed to be punished. But spare you Lentulus' dignity, if he ever spared to live filthily, if he ever cared for his good name and fame, if he ever regarded god or man. Forgive Cethegus youth, if this be not the second time that he maketh war against his country. For what should I speak of Gabinius, Statilius Ceparyus? if they had been men of any consideration, they would never have take such counsellinges against the common weal. Finally, if this offence, honourable fathers were not intolerable, so god help me, I could be content ye were punished by this evil chance, because ye regard not good monition: but we are beset round about, Catiline with his army standeth gaping to devour Italy, other our enemies are within the walls, in the very heart of the city, neither can we make any provision or take council secretly: Wherefore it behoveth us to use the more celerity and speed. Therefore my mind is, seeing the common weal, through the cursed counsel of mischiefull citizens, is brought into so great danger, and seeing they by the detection of Vulturtius, and the French ambassabours are convicted, and have confessed, that they intended to murder and burn, and to do other cursed and cruel deeds to their own citizens and country, that such as have a knowledged their treason, we should after the manner of our forefathers, put to death.   

¶ The contention of C. Cesar, and M. Cato in the Senate, and of the love letters sent to Cesar, Cap. xliii.  
WHEN Cato was set down, well near all the Senators, one calling an other fearful, approved his sentence, they most highly extollyd his valiant courage, his constancy and manly heart. Finally they decreed according to Cato's sentence. But Cesar for all that still withstood it, so long until a great band of the gentlemen of Rome, which all armed stood about the temple of Concord, for safeguard and defence of the Senate, came with their sword drawn to have slain him, either because they believed he was confederate with the conspirators, for that he would not have them put to death: or else being moved with the peril that the weal public was in. Than Curio, as it is said embracing him, and casting his gown between them, defended him. furthermore Cicero with sharp rebukes, feared them from slaying of Cesar. It is also said, that while Cesar and Cato were in contention for the punishment of the offenders, there chanced a thing not very honest to be told.  
¶ Seruilia Cato's sister sore wounded with the love of Cesar, delivered certain letters, lovingly written, to an undiscrete man, to bear unto him: which when he came to Caesar's house, and was informed by the porter, that Cesar was in the senate, straight way this rude fellow came into the Senate, and delivered the letters to Cesar. Which when Cato saw, he began to say with a loud voice, these are the conspirators letters, and would in any wise that they should be openly red. Than Cesar dreading jest they should be openly red, took them unto Cato. Which when Cato had red, he threw them again to Cesar, and in the Senate called him drunkard, that naturally was very sober. This is the property of love and such delectations, that oftentimes they cause a man most noble to file himself with some blot of filthiness or shame.   

¶ L Vectius accuseth C. Cesar as culpable of the conspiracy, Cesar cleareth and revengeth himself. Cap. xliiii.  
BUT soon after happened a thing that more troubled Caesar's mind. For L. Vectius accused him before Noviꝰ the Questor, as culpable of the conspiracy, and Q, Curius brought him in great hatred, because he named him in the Senate a part taker with the conspirators. Vectius promised to bring forth Catilyns own handewriting: Curius said, he knew it by Catilyne, Cesar taking grievously, that he should be spotted with so shameful a blot came into the Senate to purge himself. But the Senate sitting longer than was accustomed, and exceeding multitude of the common people, ran thither in great haste. For the troublous people, which deemed that the Senate would decree some grievous thing against Cesar, inflamed with his love and stirred with his peril, began to make a great shout, and seditiousely required the Senate to let Cesar go. M. Cato, to withdraw from Cesar all occasion of sedition, persuaded the Senate to divide among the common people of Rome, great quantity of wheat, by which liberality, the hartis, of the poor commonalty were marvelously reconciled to Cato and the Senate. For the commons hate niggards, they favour the plentiful and liberal, they love largesse, they are led with great feasts, moved with plays, and bowed with gifts. And with gifts men's minds are blinded.  
¶ After this, Cesar made an oration, in which oration he declared, not only that he was none of the conspirators, but also that he had opened to the consul certain things of the consperacy. And when he had lamentably d●●●red Cicero to witness the same, Cicero cleared him from all suspicion. Thus did the consul, either because he knew nothing certainly to charge Cesar with, or else because he thought it best to wink at the matter. For though Cesar and Crassus might both have been manifestly convicted, yet could they not have been punished, saying the tone of them was surely fenced with exceeding great richesse, the t'other with favour of the people.  
¶ But afterward Cesar vehemently inveighed against L. Vectius, when he had in his oration torn him with most sharp words, spoiling him of his household stouffe, and taking pledges and sureties he grievously punished him: and he cast Novius the Questor in prison, because he suffered the Praetor) above him in auttoritie to plead before him. For the higher officers may not be commanded of their inferiors or equals. Caesar not being content herewith brought to pass, that to Curius should not be given the rewards, which unto him because he first detected the conspiracy, were decreed in most ample wise. But to return again where I left, when I nede●ully speak of Caesar.   

The execution don● on Lentulus and his fellows. Cap. xlv.  
IT was than the fift day of December, and drew toward evening, after long consultation had in the Senate, at length they decreed, as is aforesaid, according to Cato's sentence, that execution should be done on them that were found guilty. Wherefore the consul thought best, to prevent the night that was at hand, lest in the mean space, some myschefull and cursed part might be played by those that thought by force and violence to deliver and set them at large. Out of the senate house he came accompanied with all the senators, the knights of Rome, and the young men of noble blood armed. And from thence he went to their house that had the custody of them that were cast. first he brought Lentulus, that was in the keeping of Lentulus Spinther, from the palace, by the way called Sacra via, and through the mids of the market place, unto the prison, and delivered him to the executioner, commanding, that he forth with should strangle him with an halter. But to the end there should be no sedition, the consul set the foresaid knights of Rome, with their tergates and swords drawn, in the pitch of the hill Capytolyne. The same execution was done on Statilius, Cethegus, Gabinius, and Ceparius. For they being brought to the prison be the Pretours, were all strangled. ¶ After they were all put to death, the Consul to debylitate and cut asunder their endevoir and hope, which prepared in the night to do some feat, turned about to the multitude, and said with a loud voice, that all might hear him, They were alive, sygnifienge by that light saying, they were dead. When he had said these words night was come.   

¶ After the conspirators were dead, the people with great glory brought Cicero home to his house. Cap. xlvi.  
THan the consul taking his way homeward was accompanied with a marvelous multitude of the people, most joyfully thanking him, what way soever he went, through all the streets of the city laumpes, links torches, and cressettes, burned bright, the windows and doors were all full of men and women: they called Cicero, the defender of the cite, the preserver of their liberty, the father of the country, that they were citizens, that they were free, that they lived was all through his wisdom, policy, and diligence. This great company and pomp honoured him home to his house. I omit here the great joy and gladness that was made afterward through all Italy, I pass over the most excellent and most honourable praises of other good towns and cities. I speak not of the great thanks that all good men than gave unto. M. Tullius. L. Flaccus, and C. Promptinius. ¶ In the mean while Cicero commanded P. Sestius, countremanded by letters from Capua, with the army that he than had with him, and with all speed to haste him after Antonius. These things done, the city, which before trembled for dread, was now delivered from fear, & the remnant of the conspiracy, that was so hot and hasty, began to wax cold and slow. And Cicero in his gown got an exceeding and an immortal glory, foldyd up in the envy and evil will of many men. For all the young men, given to bodily lust and wantonness, and all such as were dishonest and naught he made his foes. The which did hate Cicero not only by cause he repressed their horrible violence and cursed enterprises, but also because they thought as long as he lived, they should never bring such a thing to pass again. And so very many among the which was also. C, Cesar, but namely. L. Bestia, and Q Metellus Nepos, began to reprehend, toss, and detract the acts & deeds that Cicero had done.   

¶ Cicero's oath in the end of his consullshyp. Cap. xlvii.  
Wherefore when Cicero the last day of Decembre, leaving up his consulshype would as the manner was, have declared in an oration, what acts he had done in his office. Q. Metellus protector of the commonalty, forbade and would not suffer him to speak, saying, It was right unseemly, to give him leave to speak, that had done punishment on other, the cause not herd or known. Which thing was to Cicero more honourable than if he had suffered him to make his oration. For when Metellus permitted, that he should only make an oath, Cicero swore, that by his labour and diligence alone, the weal public and the city was saved. Which oath so large and so great, all the people of Rome with one voice and one consent swore, that he had sworn truly.   

¶ The contention between Cicero & Q. Metellus Nepos. Ca xlviii.  
THis his glory, the people of Rome did augment with an other glory. For the self same day, the people in most honourable wise, with greatest joy and gladness, & as thick as they could go in the streets, brought him from the market place home to his house. But yet the first day of Ianuarye he with so manly a courage spoke of the common weal, that every man might well perceive, that the acts which he did in his consulship were done by his wisdom, prudence, and policy, and not by chance. And Q. Metellus disputing with him of the common weal, he quailed in the Senate with an oration all full of gravity: and Cicero boldly showed him, that he should have to do with a man that wanteth no stomach, or that is to seek in any thing that he shall say. Whereby his adversaries were the more kendlid against him: because they saw him chief in the senate, they fled all to the commons. Than Metellus, associate & aided with C. Cesar, desired of the people that Pompeius with his army, might be countermanded home, to subdue Catiline: and to commit the common weal unto him, that he should see that it took none harm. Their words were, that Pompeius should be countremanded home to subdue Catiline: but in very deed their pretence was, that the common weal should come to the rule and governance of Pompey: and by that mean the authority consular of M. Tullius, and the power of the Senators might be foredone: and in process the glory of so great a man, for preserving of the common weal, might be dymynyshed   

¶ M. Cato's request to Metellus. Cap. xlix.  
When this cursed publication was spoken in the senate. M. Cato rose up, & with many words desired Metellus for his constancy, troth & honourable estate, to desyste from that purpose: beseeching him for his dead father's sake, for that Metellus Numidius sake, the which would rather be driven out of the city, than to be forsworn: and for all the Metellus those most noble citizens sakes, which always withstood seditious persons, which evermore in all things followed the authority of the senate, and consent of good men. And he declared that it needed not, that Pompeius should be countermanded home with his army. For so moche as C. Antonius had a great host, and Q. Metellus Celer, his brother had prepared a strong power against Catiline. And their enemies at home being subdued (of whom was most need to beware) the conspiracy was so enfeblyd and weaked, that the common weal could not be hurt, or indomaged by the importunate sworder Catilyne.   

❧ The contention of Cato and Metleius, Cap. l.  
But when the equity of his oration, nor the authority of M. Cato could move Metellus, and when the other senators neither by entreating nor monisshing could incline him, but that he threatened to do all things by force of arms: Cato eftsoons turning his tale, shamefully rebuked him, and with an oration all full of gravity, with commendation and approbation of the hole Senate, he accused him as guilty, and finally he said, he would never while he lived suffer, that Pompeus with his army should return home to the city. But when the day of Rogation was come, and that Metellus and Cesar being Praetor, had the night before furnished the temple of Castor with men of arms, good men began greatly to mistrust, lest the law should pass. For armed men kept the market place and other places of assemblies. And the common people of the city, always desirous to see novelties, favoured Metellus in publyshinge the law. And therefore very many counseled Cato to beware and take good heed to himself. But he being ennewed with an incredible and strange manliness of stomach, gravity, and fortitude, which (thought himself borne for his countries sake, and not for his own) would rather put himself in jeopardy, than not to succour the common weal being at the point to perish. And so early in the morning, not only without any power & strength of men, but also with a few of his friends, he descended into the market place, all men so fearing that he should not escape with his life, that the tears ran down the cheeks of some of Cato's near friends. And neither the continually weeping of his wife, nor the mourning garments, nor the tears of his sisters, and incredible sorrow and heaviness of his friends, could keep him at home. So than Cato being alonely accompanied with Munatius Thermus, his fellow in office (for all other that came with him were put back by those that kept the entry of the temple) came into the temple Metellus sat in the place, where matters were published or declared to the people, and next to Mettellus Cesar: than Cato interrupt their communication, sat him down in the mids between them both, many being thereof exceeding joyful, and much wondering at his most manly mind. Cato's deed was than very notable, & his fellows Thermus act right noble. For Cato prohibiting Metellus secretary to read the rogation: Metellus himself taking it in his own hands began to read. But Cato by and by took the law out of his hands. And when Metellus would have recited the law without writing (for he could it by heart) Thermus laying his hand upon his mouth would not suffer him to speak. Metellus taking this grievously, and a token being given, his sword made a great shout, and began to make an assault: With this sudden fray, all the multitude of people greatly complaining, voided out of the markete place. Cato thrown out of the publication place, and well near left alone in the market, still fighting and striving with his voice and crying, and many seeking to slay him with stones and other weapons, was by the aid of L. Murena the consul saved. Than Metellus thinking that he had overcome Cato, commanded them that were harnessed to avoid, and turning again to the place of publication began to declare the law. But they that before were fled away, changing their minds came again and with great clamor, vile words and murmuration cried out on Metellus, and with joyful countenance favoured Cato returning again to the place. Wherefore Metellus being sore troubled and abashed, he and his departed out of the market place. But Cato after he had in a long oration praised the great love and zeal that the people of Rome bore him, and had exhorted them to resist the law, that pretended so much the destrurtion of the common weal, and stirring up of a civil war, with marvelous rejoicing of the people, and with great glory got him home.   

¶ Q Metellus and C. Cesar are removed from their offices. Capitulo. li.  
AFter when they had long debated in the Senate house touching the skirmish that Metellus men of arms made, of the casting of stones, and of the fear and flight of good men, and that men, had sharply spoken against Cesar, and reproachfully rebuked Metellus: the senate decreed, that Metellus should leave up his trybuneshype, and Cesar his pretorshyp, and both should abstain from ministration of the common weal. Nor the Senate being content with this manner punishment, and purposing to put Metellus to open shame. M. Cato would in no wise agree thereto & dissuaded the senate that they should not do it. Than was his meekness praised of the people of Rome, and his counsel allowed, because those things which he did, and which he took upon him, he did them not for the hatred, that he bore to any man, but for the love that he had to the common weal.  
¶ So Metellus being deprived from ministration of the common weal, and forsaken of the people: He purposed to take his journey into Asia, as though he would go and inform Pompeius of all these matters. But ere he went he made certain orations, in the which he spoke very reproachfully against the Senate, he said: He could not suffer Cicero to reign like a king, nor the tyranny of Cato: and that the time should come, that the people of Rome should sore repent them that they had done so many injuries to the most noble man Pompeius. But afterward Pompeius was not only contented and pleased with Cato, and M. Tullius, but also gave each of them high thanks. Yea (as Cicero in secunda Philippica, and i lib. officiorum sayeth) as soon as Pompeius departing out of Syria, saw Cicero embracing and thanking him, say in the presence of many that were by: He should in vain have gotten his third triumph, if that through Cicero's benefit to the common weal, he had not had a place to triumph in. And afterward it is said he, should say in a certain oration that the common weal ought of right to give thanks to the town Arpynas', for from thence came two defenders, C. Marius, and M. Cicero, of the which two, the tone delivered the common weal from domestical peril, and the other from outward danger.   

¶ Cesar with commendation is restored to his office. Capitulo lii  
ANd now I will return again to Cesar, which contemning the most grave decree of the Senate, and continuing still in his office, the Senate gave in commandment to certain, to prohybite him parforce. Than Cesar changing his apparel, and laying away the ornaments of praetorship, hevily shut himself in his house, giving place to time. Upon a two days after when this thing was known, an huge multitude gathered unto Cesar, and seditiousely offered their endevoir, to restore him a gain to his dignity. Cesar preising and approving their loving affection, with an oration, wherein he was greatly renowned) appeased the commons, that were exceedingly amoved against the Senators. Which Modesty or temperance so much pleased the senate (whose intention was always either with dread or with pain to fear men from lewd and naughty attemptates, or with rewards, to allure men to good deeds) that by the chiefest of the city they gave high thanks unto Cesar, and calling him to the court, and restoring him to his pretorshyp, they magnified him with most ample praises.   

¶ Catiline's army his labours, and journey toward France. Capitulo liii  
Pvrposing to speak many things, Catiline, from whom we are now far digressed, calleth me back again to him. Which while those things were gested and done at Rome, had now (as some report) gathered together about twenty thousand men. But I suppose he had assembled together a greater number of cruel caitiffs. But of all these there was not passed the fourth part arrayed and instructed like men of war, the other had not armour warrelyke, but such as men use to bear iorneyinge by the way  
¶ With this multitude he Catilyne iournayed upon the sharp mountains: oftentimes he removed his, army, and the same most strongly did fortify about with a trench and a bulwark: sometime he made toward the city, sometime toward France: now he besiegeth the mountains, within a while after he passeth over those hills: now on horseback, now on foot. Also he caused diligent watches to be kept, and he himself would be the first, that should go about it: he would be among them in their labours, and in their battles, he would benignly call, admonysshe, and exhort his soldiers, he would very oft take his rest and lie upon the ground, to th'intent that other should the more willingly endure labour and travail. Finally he would never give battle to Antony: because that he, in prolonging of the time, might augment his army with the great multitude of hopelostes, robbers, and thieves, that daily drew to him from all parts of Italy: which trusting to spoil and rob, and coveting war, had given over their husbandry, & daily winning. And also because Catiline thought it more surer to abide till the time his fellows at Rome had achieved their enterprises, and rather to draw toward the city than to assay the hazard of battle. And as he now hasted with all his power to invade his country: a messenger came and told to him, how the conspiracy was openly known at Rome, and that they (of whom we spoke before) were put to death. Than Catylyne being sore troubled with these tidings, altering his counsel, left the city, and took his journey toward France transalpine, hoping that the nation of Frenchmen, utter enemies to the romans, and alway given to newefanglenes, would soon be induced to take their parts in this war. He thought to bring outward nations armed to the city, and to make a mighty strong army of men. He had the better hope, because the Delphinoys, which are the nearest borderers unto Italy, were by certain of the conspirators, with great promyess already enticed, and the french men willingly hearkened unto them.   

¶ Catyline enclosed between two armies, determined to fight. Capitulo liii  
But Q. Metellus the praetor (which led an army of iii legions in the country of Picene) being informed by them that fled to him, what way Catiline took speedily dislodged, & pitched under the very for of the mountain with his three legions, by the which way Catilyne purposed to pass into France, and with a great numbered of horsemen, and light harnessed, he lay privily in await in a places meet and convenient. Which thing when Catilyne, being entered into the country of Pystoria, knew, he determined for many causes to make no longer delay, but as soon as ever he could, to give battle to Antonius. Of all which this was the most special cause, for that he saw before him his enemy Metellus, with three legions, ready to encounter with him: and Antonius at his back with a great host, which did pursue him in his flight: one every side were the mountains, which did let, that he could not save himself by flight, and therefore he thought it was no mastery for his enemies: stopping the ways, that no victuals should come to him: to obtain the victory without any stroke striking, if he should abide till the two hostis had enclosed him between them. Also he feared, lest by long delayeng, his army would slip from him. For many fled from him, when tidings came, that the matter went ill on their side at Rome: and many hasting to come to him, returned back home again. And also because the numbered of his enemies daily increased. Also the need of corn sore grieved him, for the ways being stopped, with great pain any victuals could be brought to him. Than Catilyne, all these things considered & seeing he had no hoop (either to scape by flight, or that any succours should come to him) but only in battle, determined to assay fortune, and to prove the uttermost aid. Wherefore assembling his counsel together, and calling to the same counsel soldiers of all sorts and degrees, he made to them an oration, the which though it be found in Sallust, yet because it can not be so properly Salustis as Catilins, I have therefore underwritten here the copy thereof. For justinus writeth, that Pompeius Trogus, the great writer of histories, reproveth Livius and Saluste, because that they in many places of their books, put other men's orations for their own. And so undoubtedly the oration that Sallust hath planted in the conspiracy of Catiline, under the person of Cesar & Cato being at altercation together touching the pain & punishment of the conspirators (which we have sowed to this our work) were every word Caesar's & Catoes, Plutarch saith it: which writeth in the life of Cato, that M. Cicero appointed certain writers in the Senate, which by their celereity and spedynesse in writing, should most easily register the sentences of the Senators: and by that mean the same oration of Cato was kept. But whether this oration following, were Salustes, (as I believe it was) or else Catilyns, I for certain considerations, would rather have it put peer, than mine own. Now than let us here Catyline exhorting his soldiers to battle.   

¶ The oration of Catilyne to his soldiers, in which he exhorteth them to fight manfully. Cap. lv.  
I Know very well good soldiers, that words can not make men courageous, nor a coward and a fearful army, can not be made strong and valiant by the captains oration: but look what audacity every man hath by nature or custom, such is it wont to appear in battle. For in vain thou shalt exhort him, whom neither▪ glory nor peril can encourage, fear of the mind annoyeth the hearing. But I have told you together, to declare unto you a few things, and also to kreake and open my mind unto you. Ye know my soldiers, to what affliction and mischief the faint courage and cowardice of Lentulus, hath brought himself and us: and now that I tarrying for succours to come from the city can not now pass into France. Now you all perceive as well as I, in what case we stand. Our enemies have two hosts, the tone will not suffer us to draw to the city, the t'other doth let us to enter into France, to tarry longer in these places, though we would never so fain, need and lack of victual and other things will not suffer us: whither so ever it pleaseth you to go the way must be opened with your weapons. Wherefore I warn you, be of good courage, and when ye shall fight, remember, that if ye fight manfully, you shall win with your hands not only riches, glory, and worship, but also liberty and your country. If we overcome, all things shall surely be ours, we shall have abundance of victuals, cities and towns allied to the romans shallbe opened unto us. If fear make us to shrink, the self same things shallbe against us: for neither place, nor friend shall secure him, whom his armour could not defend. Furthermore my soldiers their necessity and ours is not alike: we fight for our country, for our liberty, and our lives, it is no need for them to fight, that a few may be mighty & strong. Wherefore set upon them the more boldly, remembering what noble acts ye have done in time past. Ye might have led forth your lives in exile with great shame and reproach: and some of you, having none your selves, might have gaped long enough at Rome upon the goods and riches of other: But because that fashion seemed unto you, being men, shameful and intolerable: ye determine to take this way. If ye will relynquishe those things, it behoveth you to be bold. For no man except a conqueror, changeth war for peace. For to hope to save yourself by flight (when ye return your backs, or throw away your armour, wherewith your bodies are defended) that is a very madness. For evermore in battle they are in greatest peril, that be most fearful. Boldness is in stead of a strong wall. When I consider you my soldiers, and when I ponder your deeds, a great hope of victory embraceth me: your lusty stomachs, your youth, your strength encourageth me, farther, our extreme need, the which maketh the fearful strong and hardy. The multitude of our enemies can not compass us about, the straightness of the place will not suffer them. But in case that Fortune would not favour your valiant deeds take heed that ye die not unrevenged, or be taken & murdered as beasts, but rather fighting like men, leave to our enemies a bloody and lamentable victory.   

¶ How Catilyne ordered his battles. Cap. lvi.  
When he had said these words, he led out of their lodgingis all his army, and first he covered his own horse, and after all the other men's horses out of sight, to the end the soldiers being every man in equal danger, should with the better stomach entre into battle, and also that no man should hope to save himself by flight. This done, he ordered his battle on this wise. In the vaward he ordained, viii. cohortes, and among them he appointed the best of the petycaptayns, and of the common soldiers such as were best harnessed. In the myddelle battle were Sulla's soldiers, which though they were but a few, yet for their valiantness, Catilyne had great hope by them to get the victory. Those, whose deed in battle he little trusted, which either for lack of knowledge in warfare, or that were but ill harnessed, he set apart, as it were to aid the other battles, and to make a show and a brag of fighting men to the dread of their enemies. But to be captain in the left wing he appointed a certain Fesulane, in the right wing. C. Manlius himself stood in the middle battle next to the standard, the Eagle, which he thought predestinate to destroy the common weal. When Catiline had thus ordered his battles, he went forth a little from his camp, that if Antonius would fight, he might have opportunity. Which thing, when Antonius army beheld, they said aloud: An occasion so good for the atcheving of their business, should not be omitted, it was time to set upon them. But C. Antonius not withstanding he esteemed himself a great deal to strong for his enemies, both for the multitude of his & fewnes of theirs, & for the ancient glory won in war yet he would not contend in battle, overmuch dreading the common hazard, and uncertain chances of war.  
¶ Thus Antonius doubting and resisting their desire, and saying aloud, it pleased him not to fight: suddenly his treasurer, P. Sestius, a valiant man began to entreat and pray him, that he should have no doubt to give battle: and other while he accused him, that by delaying he would let slip so good and so great opportunity. The God's immortal (said he) do signify to us the victory. For like as we always desired our soldiers already encouraged to fight, hereafter we shall not have no such occasion. For if Catilyne may get into France, we shall not win the victory without great effusion of blood, and destruction of all Italy. With many like persuasions. at the last he brought Antonius in the mind, that he would give battle to Catiline. Wherefore Antonius, committing the army to M. Petreius (a right noble and valiant man, and in high authority among the soldiers, and wondrrfullye expert in chivalry) himself, because he was syckelye, abode still in his tent. Than M. Petrius bringing the army out of their Camp, though he saw them desirous to fight, yet he judged it for the best to exhort them, he called them together, and with these words stomached them.   

¶ The oration of M. Petreius to the soldiers. Cap. lvii.  
ALL though I perceived good soldiers, that in this case is was no need to exhort you to do laubable: for why there is no man so ignorant of things, or so foolish, which understandeth not, that if Catiline should at this time (which god forbid) over come us, we should endure not only a cruel & proud domination, but also an infamous, and full of all mischief, nor should dare refuse any manner of sharp punishment, you know Catilyns cruelty: you know there is nothing in him but braynsyke boldness, pride, sensuality, viciousnesse●, and self will, you know his friends, ye know all his kindred, and that universally they are dicers, drunkards, murderers of their parents, and of all other most mischefull. He promised to give this city to his thieves to spoil, and now they appoint out and divide among themselves, our goods manors and houses. Nor they do not only desire our goods, but also being angry, they covet our blood. There is no pastime more pleasant to them, than effusion of blood, than hanging, beating, and to see the citesyns tormented before their faces. And they that for their solace, were wont to drink men's blood: whose blood trow ye now in so great thirst and hatred of good men, wool they spare to spill? Therefore he that will not be stirred with these so horrible and cruel deeds: what man's oration can any thing do or prevail with him? yet worthy soldiers, I will do as good mariners are wont, which though the ship having wind at will, saileth swiftly: yet for the more speed they row with they oores: And as good horsemen do, which though they see their horses gallop lustily, yet the with voice and spurs courage them. So likewise I exhort you being kindled, and with those things vehemently starred to defend your liberty, and (as it is said) prick you forwards that rounne all ready. Wherefore I beseech you, diligently, take heed what I shall say, an print my words well in your minds. The matter now good soldiers, that we have in hand, is not how large or how magnifycent the Roman bounds shall be: but how we shall this day with our swords manyteyne and defend those things, that our forefathers by their many fold labours, victories, and in many years space conquered and got. Ye shall not now fight for glory, for tributes, or to revenge injuries done to our friends (for which the Romanye army is alway wont to enter in to battle) but for your common weal, for the temples for the god's immortal, for all your goods, for your altars and oratory's, for the lives of your wives and children, for your liberty, and finally for the health of all the world. We must contend with an horrible and a cruel beast, which because he is fallen into the dyche, let him be overwhelmed. Behind, afore, and on every side he is hard hold, opppressed, and grieved. If he escape our hands, this cruel pestilence shall suddenly fly into the fields about the subburbes, than shall our fields be wasted and destroyed, our manors rob and spoiled, the goodly edifyces of the city bourned, the honest wives and noble men's children shall be taken away, and delivered to the soldiers. In the senate shall be fear in the market place conspiracy, in the field an army: but in every other seat and place, the sword and fire shall bear the rule. If the common weal did ever lamentably desire the prowess, help, and fortitude for her soldiers, at ●●is time I say, she requireth it: which being be 〈◊〉 with fire and weapons of this wicked conspy●●●ye, showeth herself, and in manner speaketh thus to you.  
¶ I have endured many things, the which in a city of freedom were not to be suffered. For what time, what day, or what night hath there been, in which those caitiffs have not wrought me some mischievous displeasure? What murder hath been done these many years without them? What ungracious or abominable deed without them? And though these things aforesaid were intolerable, yet (as I could) I bore them. But now who can endure, that I all together for this one man's sake, should stand in dread and in most greatest danger? Wherefore most valiant soldiers, I beseech and pray you, suffer not that I being delivered by divine counsel, and the consul's prudence, from the snares and deceits of Lentulus and other inward enemies, be oppressed by the cursed theft of this man. Moreover I commend unto you the castle and capitol, the walls of the city, your auters the sepulchres of your forefathers, the laws, customs, liberty. Your forefathers contended in battle not only to be out of bondage, but also to rule and command. And than what ought you to do, to escape the horrible and most cruel dominion of this unclean thief? Wherefore most valiant soldiers, saying the matter is brought to so great a jeopardy, either ye must this day retain still by feat of arms, the proper liberty of the Romans, and of your name, or else ye must prefer death above bondage. For they, these evil doers, which victoriousely ye shall vanquish, shall also for their parents slaying be punished in hell. But if any of you hap to be slain in the battle, ye shall obtain and come to the place of good blessed men. These words my country speaketh unto you. Now hearken unto me.  
¶ saying good soldiers, that many and diverse kinds of death hang over men: it seemeth we ought rather to rejoice than to be sorry, if that sort of death which is most goodly (to die for our country) should chance unto us: and that by our death the liberty of the city might be retained still. For the life is short, but the course of glory is eternal. And saying that every man must die, we should desire most specially to die for our country. For though we live not here bodily, yet we shall live in perpetual glory. But now truly, that that should be repelled by death, we may eschew without shedding of any of our blood. Which thing that ye may the better understand, I will declare to you, of what sorts of people, this noble army of Catilins is gathered together. I here say they be conflate or gathered together of three kinds of men. The first kind is of those that Sylla sent to inhabit the town of Fesules. These men, because they have wasted away their own goods, look that Catylyne should give them new tables, and prescriptions of rich men. For they have not forgot, how suddenly in Sulla's time of poor men, they were made rich. And not with standing I here say they be good bold men, yet I think them in no wise to be doubted, for either that their old strength is by idleness or bodily pleasure clean quailed, or if it remain and continue, they both in manliness and numbered are unable to match with you. The second kind is of those citizens (if they may be called citizens and not rather beasts) which while they gaped for our goods, wasted a way their own. These men, over whelmed with wine, glutted with meat, and feebled with adultery, look to be consuls, Pretours, or tribunes. Among this sort are they, with which Catiline being propped up, walked stately up and down at Rome, wiche he would never suffer to go from him the which never exercised their youth in riding, shooting, or other good feats of arms, in watching, in enduring warlike labour: but for those things they learned to love and to be loved, to dance, sing, to make banquets, and to play at dice. Wherefore they are nothing to be cared for: for they shall rather curse and wish us evil, than be able, by feat of arms to grieve us. The third kind is divers, mingled together of many sorts of people. For in this rout are all dicers, adulterers, swordplayers, shepherds, robbers, parentsleers, finally all ungracious knaves, and most pestilent of all Italy. I judge verily all those to be gathered here together, that now this day they may for their mischievous deeds receive punishment, dew unto them many years agone. And of all this great rout, scarce the fourth part is well harnessed. All other gave no targets, helmets, moryspykes, nor harness: But for these things they have hedging bills, javelins, or piked stakes. Oh battle very moche to be feared, when men unarmed, shall fight with armed men, foolish louts with men most politic, drounkarddes with sober men, lyther luskes, with men most strong and hardy, sluggish slepers with men vigilaunt and watchful: when finally iniquity, mischief, lechery, neediness, cowardice, foolehardynesse, all vices shall contend with equity, goodness: temperance, strength, prudence, and with all other virtues. Also we must needs trust, that in this battle, the very God's immortal will favourable prosper us. Wherefore, except we wool needs be slaves, the victory is surely ours. Which things being thus good soldiers. I admonish you for the common whealthes' sake (than which nothing ought to be dearer unto any man) I exhort you for my great diligence, which ye know I have practised in war faare, and I beseech you for the greatness of the peril that we stand in, think that all the aid and succour of the commone wealle, all the state of the city, the wealth and liberty of all the citizens, is laid and fast fixed to your sword pointed in this one battle. Other nations can suffer servitude and bondage, Romans can not away therewith. Therefore either it behooveth us to conquer, or else let us, the princes of all the world, and of all nations, rather die with glory, than to live in servitude with reproach.   

¶ How Petreius ordered his battles. Cap. lxiii.  
WHEN this oration was done, the soldiers minds were merueilouselie kindled and so lusty a courage and desire to fight took them that uneathe they would abide the sound of the trumpet. Petreius ordering his army in two battles, the ancient cohortes of warriors in the vaward, and the residue of his host behind, to aid and souccoure them, and all things diligently advised and marked, his soldiers instantelie requiring and feruentelye desiring it, he blewe up his trumpet. At the sound of the trumpet, they on both parts so fierselye showed their violence, and so suddenly and so hastily ran together, that they left no space to cast darts at their enemies, but fought hand to hand with their sword. Catiline's men being in extreme hoop of health, stack fyerselye to it: The ancient warrioures inflamed with Petreius words, and compelled with the glory of their old warfare, strongly received the fierce brounte of their enemies. They fought long on both sides most mannefullye, and with a fierce courage: the clamor and noise, and the din of sword, mingled with groaning was great and hideous. Disdain and the glory of warfare encouraged the tone part, necessity and desperation stomached the other.   

¶ How valiant a capitain Catilyne was.  
CATILINE in the mean while sent succours to such of his men as were in danger, and their places that were wounded and weary, he furnished with fresh and lusty soldiers, he oft struck his enemy, and exhorted them that were slow to battle, he returned back them that fled, and rouning hither and thither, he so diligently provided for all things, that it were hard to judge, whither he played the part of a soldier most valiant, or of a capitain most politic. But at the self same time, he did both. Would to god Catilyn had had as good a mind to govern the common weal, as he had a body to make war, and would to god he had not consumed his excellent wit in mischief. Assuredly few citesynes would have governed the common weal better than he. But when the immoderate lust to rule and have the sovereignty, had swallowed him up, all these ornaments, which in him were exceeding great, with this mischief were obscured. And while he coveted to be like L. Sylla, and C. Marius, he was found to be most unlike to his ancestors. For Catilyne (I will omit his father and grandfather) was the sons son of that M. Sergius, whose prowess so many warlike praises witnessen. Not withstanding I red of late certain authors, that say, that Catilynes' lineage came out of the house of the Scipions: But nothing can be spoken more contrary to learning. But now let us return again to the battle. Than Catilynes soldiers by his knightly deeds being put in good hope, and freshly encouraged, fought so eagerly, that Antonius soldiers a little reculyd. When Petreius perceived that, he sent the second battle to aid them that were in peril: so when they that were fresh and lusty were in the places of them that were weary and wounded, Catilynes men could not sustain their violence. Than the Fesulane in going about to secure his soldiers is slain. Manlius' oppressed with great multitude of enemies, most manfully fighting is slain, with the most part of the soldiers.  
¶ When Catilyne saw the matter at such a mischief and that there was no succours that might be sent to help them, remembering the lineage that he came of, and minding also that an honest death oftentimes doth exornate a shameful life, despeyring to escape, got him a 'mong the thickest of his enemies, there slaying many of them, he compelled the residue a little to recoil. And while he fiercely pressed upon them, all the multitude turned against him, there fought he eagerly hand to hand. At length being oppressed with multitude of enemies, and receiving many grievous wounds, that he could scarcely stand, making a great slaughter about him, with high laud (if he had died for the comen weal) he was slain. But the other enemies, being passed all hope to escape alive, showed such manliness, that when they that stood before were overthrown, they that were next defended them valiantly: and look what place any of them took being alive, they covered it being dead: few saved themselves by flight, whom no man following, they escaped easily.   

¶ The war that C. Promptinius made with the Delphinois. Cap. lx.  
THE same season certain of the conspirators, with great promises stirred the Delphinois to make war to the Romans, which thing I marvel that Saluste (which wrote this conspiracy) spoke nothing of. Than to repress their violence, an army was sent forth, leddé by C. Promptinius, which being Praetor with L. Flaccus, took the detections of the conspiracy: who fought with them many times prosperouselie. And when he had with many battles wearied the Delphinois, and the common weal delivered from dread, being in rest, he determined to go no farther. For always till that time the Roman captains thought better to resist the french men by war, than to provoke them to it: Nor there was none other nation thought able to make war to the Romans. All other businesses both by land and sea, for the most part by the prows only of Gn. Pompeius, were surely pacified.   

¶ The other conspirators condemned at Rome. Cap. lxi.  
AFter this at Rome great and grievous judgements were given against the conspyratoures, L. Vergunteius a Senator P. Antronius, Servius Sylla, C. Cornelyus, Marcus Lecca, M. Fuluius nobilior, and many other were condemned. Yet many of the partenars of the conspiracy escaped. For when the city, and almost all Italy was infected with this mischief, the Senate thought, that by the punishment of a few, the minds of the other might be cured. But this thing I will not leave unspoken: for though the laws will not, that servants should be rack to accuse their masters, yet concerning this myscheful conspiracy, they rack them to disclose their masters. And no wrong. For the most prudent Senators decreed, that they that had enterprised so great a mischief, aught to be bare and destitute of all help both of law and man. Thus Catilynes war, the most terrible & most perilous that man can remember, was by Cicero in his rob and by Antonius' armed captains and consuls, stinted and brought to an end.  
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¶ Thus endeth the conspiracy of Catiline Imprinted at Loddon in Foster lane by john Waley.   

Here beginneth the famous Chronicle of war, which the Romans had against jugurth usurper of the kingdom of Numidie: which Chronicle is compiled in Latin by the renowned Roman Saluste: and translated into english by sir alexander Barklaye priest. And now perused and corrected by Thomas Paynell.  
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Newly Imprinted in the year of our Lord God M.D.L seven.  
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To the right honourable Lord antony viscount Mountegue, knight of the right honourable order of the garter, and one of the King and Queen's magesties privy counsel: Thomas Paynel wishhonoure and perfect felicity.  
A Friend of mine (most honourable Lord) being much desirous to have the Conspiracy of Catiline, that noble and learned Citizen of Rome, and the history of jugurth king of Numidie, most valiant and politic in feats of war, in one volume comprised, instantly desired me: for as much as I had already translated the one, to peruse the other. Whose translator was now departed, but yet not out of fresh memory: such are his divers works very ingeniously invented, and right eloquently translated. But yet here & there (through unlearned correctors) somewhat mangled and corrupted. I, to do my friend a pleasure, and the gentle readers of these two excellent histories no disprofit, have accomplished my friends request: trusting the matters of these histories to be so cheerful and pleasant, the orations so ingenious and witty, the stratagems so close & crafty, the inventions of things so divers and subtle, the answers of the prudent and politic Romans so ingenious and ready, the feats of jugurth with his Numidians so worthy and manly, the Romans resistance and enterprises so warlike and courageous, the acts of the whole war between them so variable and divers, and Lady fortune (which in these things hath rule and dominion) now smiling upon the one and the other most flatteringly and cloaked lie, that no man (except envy do rule him) can mislike the history or the translation of the same: The which because the reader should most redelie and plainly understand and perceive the thing, doth paraphrastical lie so open the hole matter, that no scruple remaineth to be doubted upon. For Saluste the noble historiographe, doth in the latin tongue so compendiouselie and briefly, but yet most eloquently and truly, knit up the whole history of jugurth, that the reader in divers places (except he be very ripe and perfect in the eloquence and figures of the latin tongue, and phrases of the same) shall stumble and stagger in the conveyance and understanding of the true meaning and sense thereof. But now to turn my pen somewhat unto your lordship: What thing is there so obscure or intricate in sense, be it in latin, Italian, French, or english, that your fine and subtle wit can not pierce and perceive? What politic feat of war, what instrument or warlike engine is there that ye most finely and exactly can not handle? Yea what title or point of nobility, or of any other thing pertaining to a noble man, is unknown to your lordship, or yet to many other of this most noble realm? But I at this present will not speak of your knowledge and literature, of your comely and decent civility and manners, nor how ye favour & maintain learning and learned men, nor yet how your lordship to to your great renown and eternal fame, hath at all times, and against all the rablement of heretics sustained, and most constantly and christianly advanced the catholic faith of our Saviour and redeemer jesus Christ. And truly to say, such another was that excellent and noble man your father, faithful I mean to his liege lord and king, and to our lord his God, most faithful. But of his constant faith, and other his famous acts, prudent counsels, and witty inventions, at more leisure. In the mean season I most humbly desire your good lordship favourably to accept this history with my rude preamble, and mutually with favour to love me, for to my slender power I am yours to command.   

The Prologue of this present Chronicle compiled in latin by the famous Roman Sallust: and translated into english, by Alexander Barcley Priest.  
Mankind wrongfully complaineth of his natural disposition: saying, that his feeble and frail life of short continuance of time is rather ruled by chances of fortune: than by provision of strength or virtue: But if man will consider his natural inclination: contrary to such opinion: he shall find that nothing longing to mankind, may be found and proved greater, better, or more pre-eminent than his natural inclination: & that his own diligence and exercise, rather faileth him than either might or long continuance of life time. But in this opinion to judge indifferently: let man understand that the mind is ordained, guider, ruler and captain of man's life: which mind: when it valiantly intendeth to attain, to worship and dignity, by way of virtue: it needeth not to force of fortune, nor to care for her uncertain gifts: but to despise her as not able to give to any man honesty, diligence or other good and virtuous exercises: nor able to deprive man again of the same gifts: after he hath obtained the same. But on the other part if this mind of man, taken and blinded with froward pleasures be subdued unto sloth and bodily lusts: after it hath exercised and occupied such jeopardous pleasure by a little season: and after that by cowardous sloth, both the strength, the time and she wite are vanished away and decayed: than anon the infirmity and febilnes of nature is accused and put in blame. And thus all such slothful doers transpose and lay away the fault which in themself is culpable, unto the difficult of such business, as they have omitted by negligence. But if it were so: that men had as great cure and affection of things good and profitable, as they have desire & pleasure in seeking and following things contrary unto them, and nothing profitable, ye: and also much perilous and hurtful: than should not they be more ruled by the chances of fortune than they should rule the said chances. And thus should they attain and proceed unto so great excellence: that where they be mortal of nature they should be made immortal by glory and renowned fame. For in likewise as man is composed and made of ii things (that is to say of the body and soul) right so all things, all besinesses and exercises, to mankind belonging, followeth some the nature of the body: to decay briefly and to be mortal: as it is, which thing further to prove by example, we daily see that the goodly beauty of the visage and shape of mankind, great abundance of riches, & also the strength of the body, with all other such things and semblable, decayeth and vanisheth away within short time. But contrarily the excellent and worthy acts: belonging to man's wit: be immortal and everlasting: as the soul is immortal. And finally in likewise as the beginning of the gifts corporal or natural, and of the gifts of fortune is caduke, vain, and uncertain: right so is the end of the same mutable & transitory. And all things which be borne and springing: again decayeth and approacheth to death: & when these same be grown and increased to the high of their perfection: again they begin to decay and consume by age and debility. But the mind and soul being incorrupt, eternal and governor of mankind, ruleth and weldeth all things: but itself can not be violently ruled nor compelled by any thing earthly, considering the free-will, which it obtaineth of his creator. For which consideration the froward iniquity of them is more to be marveled: which subdued to the joys and pleasures of the body, pass forth the time of their life in carnal lusts and idleness. But touching their wit (which is the best gift and greatest treasure granted to mankind) that suffer they to slumber and to sleep without exercise, in sloth and idleness: whose dullness surely is somuch more to be blamed: namely sith so many & divers noble exercises & occupations of the mind be: by whom most clear nobles and fame undefiled may be obtained. But of such divers exercises concerning the mind some are better refused: than procured in troublous times & inquiet. And namely in this time turbulent and season unquiet: great offices, lordships, rooms to command and rule, and briefly to speak. All manner cure concerning the administration of things appartenyninge to the comen weal: seemeth unto me not at all to be coveted or desired of any wise man. For neither is honour given unto virtue, as condign reward and worthy thereto belonging neither such as have gotten jurisdiction and honour, by fraud and unlawful means (in like case) can not be more sure nor more honest, by mean of such honour so unryghtwysly obtained. For certainly a man to rule his country & kindred by might and violence: all if he have power so to do and also though he right wisely correct the crimes of the transgressors and misdoers. Nevertheless: so to do it is unbehovefull and unexpediente. And often at conclusion more perilous and dangerous: than it is sure or profitable, and namely, sith all mutations of things, and changes of governors pretend & threaten slaughter, of some exile or wilful flight, imprisonment with other like cruelties, more belonging to enemies of a comen weal, than to defenders of the same. Than furthermore: a man to labour to the uttermost of his power, and all in vain. And in weryenge himself to get nought else but evil will and hatred: it is a point of extreme & utter madness, except parchance it be such one, which hath a disshonest, a foul and perilous pleasure to cast away for nought his own worship & liberty, for pleasure of a few mighty men usurpers of dominion and lordship. But among all other business, which are exercised by man's wit the reading of histories and the reducing of the same to memory: is much more necessary and profitable to all degrees bearing rule of a comen weal, but most namely unto princes. Of power, profit, and commodity whereof I purpose at this time to pass over with silence, because many other authors have written of the same before my time. And also that no man should suppose myself by pride or insolence, to boast mine own study vainly lauding the same. But meche contrary I believe rather that some envious malygners shallbe hereafter, which shall object & ascribe a name of sloth and negligence to this my labour. Now great and profitable so ever it be: & that because I have determined to lead my life solitarily: fire from meddling with the comen weal. Certainly (as I suppose) they only shall impute and ascribe such name to me, & to this my labour: which thinketh it a most great and singular craft or practised wisdom to win benevolence, by saluting the comen people, and by dyssimulate reverence done to every man passing by them or else to get favour by feasting and flattering the commenty. Which envious maligners: if they would consider both in what manner seasons and in what jeopardous times I have obtained offices & rownes of authority, and what men would gladly, and yet might not obtain such rooms. Moreover if they call to mind what manner of men afterward came into the order of senators. For certain if my willers consider indifferently these premises: than shall they think that I have changed the purpose of my mind: more for cause reasonable: and by good advisement, than for sloth and cowardice, and they shall find, that more prophet shall come to the comen weal by this my study (which they count but idleness and time mysspente) than of the labour and business which other men take upon them faintly and iniustlye administering the common weal. And they shall find that my writing shall prove itself more laudable and profitable to the comentie, than their undiscrete governance. For often have I hard of the famous princes Quintus Maximus, and Publius Scipio, and beside these of many other right famous and worthy men of the city of Rome, which when they beheld the images of their forefathers made of stone of wax, or of metal, & erect into high trones in memorial of the valiant and magnificent acts by them done for the comen weal: the said princes in advising such images were wont to say unto such as stood near by them: that their minds were greatly kindled to virtue and nobles in contempling of the same. The case is plain: that such figures of metal stone, or wax had not such operation nor might within themself. But such high courage and flame was kindled and increased in the hardy hearts of such noble men and valiant warrious, by remembrance of the glorious deeds of their forefathers in their life time done and represented to their memory by such images in so much that this flame kindled in their hearts to virtue could never be slaked nor satiate in them, till time that they were equal with their forefathers in virtue, fame, and glory. Than how much more ought the clear description of hystores to kyndell unto boldness & virtue the minds of noble men by reading of the same. But much contrary, if we advert the world as it is now among all men which live, and conform themself to the manners used now adays, where shall we find one: but that will strive and contend with their forefathers to overcome them, other in covetise and superfluous riches, or else in prodigalite and wasteful expenses, and not in honest and laudable life, good exercises and diligence? And moreover genty linen of the first head which were wont to prevent ancient noble men and ascend unto virtue and nobles, by virtuous manners: such labour now to lordship, honour and authority by fraud and falsehood: rather than by very virtue or good means and laudable. After such manner as if the office of a high Juge, of a treasurer, a Consul, a Provost, and all such other great offices, were noble & excellent of themself. And not in manners as if such offices should be counted of worthiness and dignity: after as the virtue and honour is, of such as rule in the same offices and by rooms. But plainly affirming the truth: the man maketh the office noble and worsshypefull: if his manners shine by virtue. But if his conversation be contrary, no office, no room, can make him noble nor worshipful. But this omitting I have proceeded in this prologue with over far circumstance, and also with somewhat to much liberty of words, more than in a preface is requisite: for that it pyteeths me of these tedious manners of this our city of Rome. But now will I come to my matter purposed, and first enterprise begun.   


¶ Of what matter Sallust intendeth to treat in process of his book and what causes moveth him of such matter to write. The first Chapter.  
IN this work I purpose to writ of the war, which the Romans had an executed against the tyranny jugurthe, wrongfully usurping the name of a king over the land of Numidy. Many causes moveth me by writing to commend this war to perpetual memory. first for that in the same was fought at many times with great multitude of men on either party, with moche cruel murder and variable victory: the Romans sometime, sometime the jugurthius prevailing in victory. furthermore because that first at this battle: and from thence forward the comen people of Rome matched with the princes, resisting their pride. For where as before this time the noble men of Rome oppressed & subdued the commons with unreasonable rigour, the commons elect one named Marius a man of base birth to be consul of Rome and captain in this battle: which after he had obtained victory over jugurth with great glory, triumph and favour of the commenty, he supported them in such wise against the noble men: that of the same rose a civil battle and grievous discord, between the noble men and commons of Rome: Marius maintening the commons party, and Silla sustaining that party of the noble men. In somuch that finally between these two parts and captains of the same was fought an unkind, unnatural, and cruel battle: to the grievous ruin of the Roman empire, and subversion of the comen weal. which contention and variance confounded both the laws of god and man, and by the same were all good ordinances disordered. And this same furious debate and folly proceeded at last to so unreasonable madness & excecate fury, that it never desisted, nor this variance and dissension between the noble men and commons never ceased: till time that cruel & mortal battle fought between both parties, & till time that also destruction of the land of Italy compelled both parties at last to consider their own blind folly and cruel furor: & so finally to mitigate and finish their debate and unreasonable dissension. But first or I begin to write of this battle I shall repeat and declare a few things done before this war began: to th'intent that all things most chief, worthy & expedient to be known may be more evident, open & clear, to the readers.   

¶ How the king Massinissa came into the favour of the romans, and how the land of Numydy was committed unto him. The second Chapter.  
THe romans had three notable & famous battles against the Carthaginences, in which the same romans had great damage. How be it in conclusion of every battle they wan victory of their enemies: in the second of these battles what time Hannibal duke and captain of the Carthaginences wasted the wealth and riches of Italy more than any other enemy had ever done before, after the romans began to have any great name and to delate their dominion: A famous prince named Massinissa king of the land of Numydy was received into friendship and favour of the Romans: by one Publius Scipio captain of the said Romans, which Scipio afterward for his manhood was named Scipio affrycan, because he over came and subdued the land of Africa. This Massinissa so received into favour of the romans in the foresaid battle did many noble and famous acts of chivalry, with high valiantise and courage. For which deeds: after the romans had overcome the Carthaginences and their city, and after they had taken prisoner the king Sciphax, which had in Africa a worthy, great and large empire the people of Rome gave freely unto the same king Massinissa, all such cities and lands as they had taken and won in battle. For which benefits so magnificent and ample Massinissa continued unto them in profitable and faithful friendship his life enduring but at last his life ended, and the wealth of his empire decayed also with him. This king departing left behind him three sons, whose names were Macipsa, Manastaball, and Galussa, of whom Micipsa suceded his father, and alone obtained the kingdom after that the other two brethren Manastabal and Galussa, were departed from this life by sickness. This Micipsa had two sons named adherbal & hiempsal. But Manastaball his brother which departed (as said is) left behind him one son not lauflly borne, but a bastard, begotten of his concubine: wherefore departing he left him orbate without land or livelihood. This considering Micipsa suffered him not to fault nor decay: but uless as he was his brother's son, received him into his court, & him cherished in like wise as he did his own sons, Adherbal & Hiemsal. This jugurth after that he was a little grown up to age: was mighty in strength comely, and fair of face: but most of all, excellent of wit & wisdom. Nor he gave not himself to be corrupt with lust nor incraftye sloth: but as is the custom & manner of the people of Numidi himself he exercised, sometime in riding, sometime in casting the dart & jousting, & sometime in ronning & wrestling with his companions of like age. And not with standing, that in laud and praise he passed all his peers yet none envied him but he was dearly beloved, cheryshed, & lauded of all men. Moreover he passed moche of his time in hunting of wild beasts which in that land abounded: he was the first, or one among the first which durst assail and strike the lion, and other cruel and wild beasts: he died moche: & little said or boasted of himself. For such demeanour his uncle Micipsa at first beginning was glad and joyful: supposing that in time to come the manly behaviour & strength of jugurth should be glory & honour to all his kingdom But afterward in process of time when he considered & understood his life approaching fast to end, his natural sons young, and unexpert. And this young man jugurth in honour and favour daily increasing more and more he revealed many things in mind greatly moved with such solicitude and busenesse. furthermore he considered that, all men of kind be naturally inclined to desire to rule, and command by lordship, rather than to be ruled and subject. And how man is prove and headlong inclined to fulfil the desires of his mind dreading no dangers: nor suspecting no peril while he is excecate by ambition and desire of lordship. Moreover advising the opportunity of his own age, & of the age of his children which for youth were not able to resist any power or violence: which opportunity is wont to be not small comfort, audacity and courage, not only to bold hearts, but also to mean men and cowards, intending to conspire against their princes in hope of pray and promotions. Such consyderations feared sore the mind of Micipsa, beside these, his dread and dolour was augmented, when he beheld the favour and hearts of all his subjects of the land of Numidy utterly inclined to jugurth: wherefore to put to death the same jugurth by any guile (as his purpose was to to) he dread most of all: dowting lest thereof might succeed between him and his subjects some insurrexion or battle. Micipsa compassed on every side with these dyfficultyes, was sore troubled in mind. And when, he saw the neither by strength nor guile he might destroy a man so well beloved of the commons (as was jugurth) at last he devised an other way to ride him, and that without danger or suspection, wherefore wherefore Micipsa adverting that jugurth was ready of hand to strike, aventerous & much desirous of honour and laud of chivalry, he concluded with himself to object him to danger & peril of war, and by that mean to assay the fortune of battle.  
¶ Now at the same season the Romans warred against a cite of Hispayne named Numaunce, unto which war divers kings to the commons associate sent unto them succours against the same cite. Among whom Micipsa also sent a fair company of horsemen and footmen, over whom he made jugurth captain, and sent him forth with them into Hispayne, trusting that there he lightly should be overthrown and slain in battle, other in showing his manhood and strength, or else by fierceness and cruelty of his enemies. But this thing fortuned much contrary to his opinion. For jugurth was of mind and courage valiant and bold, and of wit quick and ready, so that after he had perceived the disposision, behaviour and manners of Publius Scipio, at that time captain of the Romans, and when he had considered also the manners of his enemies, he behaved himself in such wise with much labour, business and cure, in obeying his captain with so good manner and often times countering his enemies without dread of peril. In somuch that within short time he came to so great fame and worship, that unto the romans he was marvelous dear and well beloved, and of the Numantines dread as death: and certainly, among the chefyst he was worthy and valiant in battle: and also good of counsel, of wisdom pregnant and circumspect. Which two things be much hard to be in one man both together, for wisdom is often wont to make men afeard and to dread many perils because of providence. But boldness and audacity causeth men to be rash and folehardy, because of stout courage. But his wisdom directed his strength, and his strength was obedient to wisdom. Wherefore Scipio the captain did almost every jeopardous and whyghty thing by hand and counsel of jugurth, him counting among his chief friends and daily cherished him more and more, and no marvel, for there was no counsel, nor enterprise begun of jugurth frustrate or in vain but all came to good effect. Beside these gifts above said he was curtes of mind, liberal, and of wit right discreet and prudent: by which gifts he adjoined unto him many of the romans in familiar friendship. At that same season in the army of Rome were right many new, and also ancient gentlemen, which set more by riches than goodness or honest. At home in Rome were they sowers of discord and debatful, great in fame among the friends of the Romans. But more famous by worship and room, than by honest conversation. These kindled the mind of jugurth not a lytell-promising often times and saying to set his courage on fire, that if the king Micipsa discessed the time should come that jugurth alone should enjoy the hole kingdom of Numidy without any partner. For in him (they said) was great virtue, great manhood, strength, and audacity with wisdom, able to govern such a kingdom, and nothing was so injust and false but that might be justified at Rome for gold, and all things were there to be sold by covetise of noble men.   

¶ How Publius Scipio counseled jugurth at his departing after the city of Numance was destroyed. The third Chapter.  
THus continued jugurth in the Romans army in Hispayne with great favour of the Romans and namely of Scipio the captain, till at last the army of Rome had destroyed the said city of Numance. Than Publius Scipio concluded to return again to Rome and to congye and licence such socours as were sent unto him from other kings: among all other he called jugurth unto him, and before the multitude of all the army assembled, lauded and commended him magnificently reciting his glorious acts and manly deeds of chivalry. And after that worthily and richly rewarded him for his labours. This done, he conveyed him into the captain's tent, and there secretly warned him that he should continue and worship the frindeship of the people of Rome rather hole together and commonly, than privately leaning to any singular rulers. Moreover adding these monitions, that he should not rather reward and be liberal to a few privately: than to a hole comment, saying that it was a perilous thing to buy that, of a few persons, which belong unto many in comen. If he would persever and continue in so noble conditions as he had begun, he should shortly come to great honour, glory and dignity royal, more than he would desire. But if he would proceed and labour to ascend over hastily, than should both he and his riches fall headlong to ruin and decay. After Scipio had said these words with such like, he licenced jugurth to departed, and sent him unto his uncle Mycipsa again into the land of Numidy with letters direct unto the same king Micipsa, of which letters the tenure and sentence hereafter ensueth, and was such.   

¶ The sentence of the letter direct from Publius Scipio captain of the Roman army in Hyspayne unto Micipsa king of Numidy. The fourth Chapter.  
PVblius Scipio Captain of the Roman army in Hispayne sendeth health and salutation to Micipsa king of Numidy friend & fellow of the empire of Rome. The virtue strength and nobleness of your nephew jugurth whom ye sent unto our socours hath been proved in this war of Numance, far excellent above any other warrior of our retinue, which thing I know for certain is to your great pleasure and gladness. For his worthy merits he is right dear and well beloved unto us. And we shall devoir us to the best of our power that he may be like dear and well beloved of all the senators & people of Rome. I am surely right joyful on your behalf of this your treasure jugurth, thancient amity between you and me, bindeth me to be glad of this your commodity. For certainly lo here have ye a man of jugurth wrrthy to descend of such noble stock as ye are and as his grandfather Massinissa was in his days whom he followeth in all points of virtue and magnanimity.   

¶ How the king Micipsa adopted jugurth unto his son. The fift. Chapter.  
WIth these letters of Scipio jugurth returned unto Numidy unto his uncle Mycipsa, where he was worthily and joyfully received of the commonty. But after that the king Micipsa understood by these letters of commendation of the captain Scipio: that the valiant and noble acts of jugurth were true, which long before he had hard by report of the comen fame, than what for the nobles of jugurth and favour both of his deeds and commendation of Scipio he moved his mind changed from his foresaid purpose, and not further intended to oppress jugurthe by malice nor envy. But concluded to attempt to overcome him with benefits and kindness, to th'intent that he so overcome, should not in time to come find in his heart for pity to indommage him nor his heirs. And soon after this purpose the same Micipsa adopted jugurth unto his son: and furthermore decreed & ordained in his testament that jugurth should be one of his heirs, and partner in possession of his kingdom together with his two natural sons, Adherbal & hiempsal. But a few years after this ordinance Micipsa what by age, what by sickness, drew near unto his end of life, and was consumed by age and disease: wherefore considering his death so fast approaching it is said that he called jugurth before him and than before many of his friends and kinsmen, also in presence of his two natural sons Adherbal and Hiempsal, he had to the same jugurth such words as he hereafter ensue & follow.   

¶ The exhortation which the king Micipsa a little before his death had to jugurth. The vi Chapter.  
MI dear son jugurth, I know it is not out of your remembrance, how after that ye had lost your father my brother I charitably & lovingly received you young & of tender age into my kingdom: what time ye war without riches, without comfort, and without any hope of comferte or riches: but very likely to have been cast away. This did I thinking that for these my benefits and kindness I should be unto you not less entirely beloved than of mine own natural children with my body begotten. Nor certainly this thing hath not deceived me. For why to overpass your other great, magnificent & excellent deeds of you valiantly done before, specially now last of all coming from the war of Numance ye greatly adorned and enhanced to honour & glory both of mine own person and this my kingdom. And where as the Romans in fore times were friends unto us, by your virtue and manly acts, ye have established that amity: and of friends made them much moor friends. So that in Hispayne the name & glory of our household by your manhood is renovate and renewed. Thus finally, ye have overcome the envy of your ill willers only by your glorious acts and valiant enterprises, which is one of the most difficulty, wherefore now my son jugurth, sith it is so that nature hath near concluded the end of my life, I admonish, charge and exhort you by the faith of your right hand, and by the faith and fidelity which ye own to this my kingdom I obtest and require you, that ye love, meintaine and cherish these my two sons, Adherbal and hiempsal: which of kinnered be near to you, and by my benefit and kindness are bretherene unto you. Forthremore I exhort you that ye count not better and more pleasure to acquaint and conjoin unto you forayns or strangers, rather than to retain such as be joined to you by natural blood and kindred. For neither is a great army of men nor abundance of treasures: the chief socours or defence of a kingdom: but ●oche rather trusty & faithful friends: whom a man can neither compelled by force of arms: nor yet buy with gold nor silver to persever in steadfast amity: but they be obtained & kept by kindness, good deeds, fidelity & faithfulness. But among all friends: who can be more friendly & steadfast in amity than brother to brother. Certainly none ought to be more loving of natural inclination. Or what stranger shall ye find faithful and trusty to you: if ye show yourself enemy to your own kinsmen. Forsooth if ye continue together honest good & loving in agreeable concord between yourself than this kingdom which I commit & gave unto you shall continue sure and steadfast: as it is now. But contrarily if ye be ill and disagreeing among yourself ye shall in short season make it right poor, feeble & incertain. For by love peace & concord: small riches, small lordships, & generally all small things increase and multiply: by discord the greatest things of the world decay and fall utterly to ruin. But you my son jugurthe by cause ye pass these mine other two natural sons in age & wisdom, therefore it seemeth you moche more than them: to make such wise provision both for yourself and for them also that nothing happen other wise than well. For in every strife & debate how be it which is mightier & richer often suffereth injury. Nevertheless it seemeth more that he doth wrong than his feeble adversary. But ye my dear sons adherbal & hiempsal see that ye worship and love this jugurth your worthy uncle. And beware that ye not offend nor displease him: but follow his virtue & manly behaviour And do your devoir to the best of your power after his example behaving yourself, so discreetly & so wisely that it be not hereafter reported by me, that I have taken unto me by adoption, better children than I have begotten. Thus concluded the king Micipsa his words How be it jugurth well perceived the kings words, but feigned and spoken against his heart, if any other remedy might have been found: nevertheless he answered benignly for the time, all if he thought and revolved in his mind moche otherwise, and contrary to his humble and mild answer.   

¶ How the king Mycipsa departed from life and of the first cause of dissension and discord between jugurth, A●herball and hiempsal. The vii Chapter.  
NOt long after the king Micipsa decessed whose death was dolorous and sore bewailed of all his subjects: but most of all to his natural sons it was to be lamented, and not without great cause as the process of this history shall afterward declare. But after the kings funeral exequys were magnificently ended as appertained to his state royal. The three princes that is to say adherbal, hiempsal, & jugurth anon assembled to the intent to comen and treat of businesses of the royalme, concerning partition & separation of the same: and all other things convenient. But when they should sit and take their places in order: Hiempsal youngest of the three was somewhat fires of nature, & disposed to stateliness. And in mind long before this time he disdained the ignobility of jugurth for asmuch as he was unlike unto them of birth touching his mother's side, and a bastard borne, as is said before, wherefore he disdained that the same jugurthe should have the place of most honour among them, which were natural sons of a king, and also lawfully borne: and so in contempt of jugurth he set himself down on the right hand his brother adherbal: to th'intent that jugurth should not sit in the mids, between them: which room the numidians count of most honour. And afterward how be it his brother adherbal required him often to give place to jugurth because of his age: yet unneaths could he with moche pain induce him thereto, but at last fatigate by requests of his brother & of other noble men of the realm, he changed his place and set him upon the other side with countenance declaring his mind not contented. And thus at last sat jugurth for his age in the mids between them both, as in place of most honour. When the three princes were thus set and had communed of many things concerning the administration of the kingdom, among many and divers other things jugurth said, that all the statutes and ordinances which the king Micipsa had made five years before his death, aught of congruence to be annulled as of none effect. For in that season (as said he) his wit what for age, what for sickness was feeble, dull and of small valour. And therefore such things as he had in that space enacted were done without wisdom or reason. When hiempsal heard jugurth thus speak he answered saying that it pleased him right well that it should so be done. For within the same three years (said he) our father Micipsa hath adopted you to his son, & in his testament ordained you to be partner of his kingdom, which was the worst and most unadvised deed that ever he did young or old, wherefore jugurthe according to your own ordinance this must first of all be annulled and broken, which done, my brother and I shall not greatly contend for the remnant. These words of Hiempsal pierced the heart of jugurth more profou●dely than any man there thought or suspected. Wherefore from that time forward, what for wrath of these words, and for dread of loss of his portion of the kingdom, his mind was in great trouble and anguish. In so much that from thence forth he went about, imagined, ordained, and only revolved in his mind, by what guile or treason Hiempsal might be caught in his danger. But when his purpose proceeded but slowly forward, considering that the froward desire and unreasonable appetite of his mind could not be mytigated nor pacified, he concluded to bring his enterprise to effect by any manner means other by privy treason and guile, or else by evident and open violence & force of arms. But to return again where I left In this first assemble of the three princes of which I spoke before, it pleased them all that the treasures of king Micipsa should be divided among them because of this dissension. And also that the marches and bounds of each of their dominions, severally should be assigned to each of them his portion, wherefore the time was appointed and prefixed when both should be done but the time to depart the treasures was sooner assigned than to divide and limit the bounds of their dominions. This appointment made: the princes departed company: the mind of jugurth not a little inquieted for the said check of hiempsal, for which cause he awaited his time to revenge him.   

¶ How jugurth by reason murdered hiempsal the younger son of ●ynge Micipsa. The viii Chapter,  
When the three princes were departed in sunder, as I have said before they sojourned in sundry places, & that near to the tower where the treasure lay. hiempsal drew him to a town named Thirmida not far distant, In which town he had a dwelling place: than as happened in the same town was a man of the guard longing to jugurth of his lord right derele beloved, and with him greatly in favour. This servant of jugurth was much conversant & familiar in the house of hiempsal, when jugurth by chance remembered this opportunity to his mischievous purpose, he called secretly unto him his said servant. And after many words spoken to search his mind: at last by promise of large rewards he induced him to consent to go as if it were to visit the house of hiempsal: as he had often done before time, and by some means & craft to counterfeit the keys of the gates and bring them unto him. For the right keys (after the gates were locked) nightly were delivered unto hiempsal himself: so might they not be unmyssed the space of a night, when jugurth had induced the Numidian to consent to this deed: he promised himself win short time after to come to the said lodging of Hiempsal what time the case should require: with great power of armed men. The Numydyan in short time performed the commandment of jugurth, in so much that he brought unto him the counterfeited keys: as he had appointed. jugurth here of was glad in mind: and anon prepared secretly a great company of armed men: whom he commanded to bring unto him the heed of Hiempsal trenched from the body & in executing of this deed he commanded them all to be ruled by the Numidyan which had counterfeited the keys. This done the said Numidian connayed these armed men privily by night into the house of hiempsal, like as he was informed by jugurth. When this tratoure satellyte was entered with his company & had broken into the in ward edifices: divers of them searched for the prince Hiempsal: some murdered his servants as they lay slepenge in their beddies suspecting no such treason: some other a wakened with the din, start up & met their enemies defending themself but all in vain: for they had no leisure to arm themselves And therefore were they slain anon unarmed, of men armed & appointed to mischief: when the traitors had long sought hiempsal and might not find him than searched they more nearly every hid corner, and secret close places they burst open: all was full of din mingled with noise and clamour: So moche they sought and so nearly: that at last they found out Hiempsal hid in the cottage of a poor serving woman to which place he had fled at beginning of this affray: as a man astonied for dread and ignorant of the place. Anon as the Numidians had found him they slew him without any mecri. And as they were commanded cut of his head & brought the same to jugurth; but shortly after the fame of this cruel & tyrannous deed was divulgate & over spread all the lands of Africa: adherbal and all they which were under subjection of Micipsa while he lived: were sore troubled and abashed with fere for this tyrannous cruelty of jugurth. The Numidians anon duyded themself into two parties. The most part drew and leaned to adherbal, but such as were most manly and best to battle drew them to the other part: and leaned to jugurth. Wherefore he made ready as great an army as he might joining unto him and bringing under his subjection the towns and cities of Numidi: some by violence, & some other by their own voluntary will. Insomoch that finally he kept under his subjection and bondage the hole land of Numidy. But notwithstanding that Adherbal had sent ambassadors to Rome: to certify the senators of the death of his brother how cowardly he was murdered, & also to inform them of his own miserable fortune & in what case he was nevertheless he made himself ready to fight with jugurth as he which had trust & confidence in multitude of his soldiers assembled ready to battle.   

¶ How jugurth overcame adherbal in battle and put him to flight how adherbal fled to Rome to complain to the senators: and how jugurth accloyed with rewards many of the rulers of Rome: by whose favour his cruelty was defended. The ix Chapter.  
Now had jugurth assembled his host ready unto battle, not like in multitude of the company of Adharbal: but as I said before much bolder better expert and exercised in war. On the other party adherbal had his people ready appointed, & both the armies approached together. But when they joined battle, & when it came to byckering: that the matter must be tried with strokes. Anon adherbal was vanquished: and to save his life fled from the battle into a province marching on the land of Numidi: & from thence with all hast sped him unto Rome to complain his miserable fortune, & to require socours, as I shall after ward declare. But than jugurth when he had all the land of Numidy at his pleasure, counseled with his friends of many things At conclusion: when he considered himself that he had slain hiempsal and chased adherbal out of his kingdom when he was idle & at rest: he often secretly revolved in mind his own cruelty: sore dreading what punishment the Romans would ordain against the same. Nor against the ire & displeasure of the Romans had he none other hope nor comfort, save in the covetise of the noble men of Rome, and in th'abundance of his treasure: wherewith he trusted to corrupt the rulers of Rome to be favourable to him. This considered within few days after he sent to Rome ambassadors with moche gold & silver to whom he gave in commandment: that first of all they should satisfy his old friends with rewards and money, and than to spare no gifts to get unto him more new friends. And briefly that they should not spare nor tarry to procure unto him favourers & maintainers of his part: and all things for his advantage by gifts & promises. But after these ambassadors were come to Rome: according to the commandment of their king they gave & sent to his acquaintance and friends, and to such as among the senators: at that time had most authority: large and great rewards. In so much that anon among them was so great a change that the marvelous envy, hatred & evil will: which they had against jugurth was all changed into favour & grace among the noble men. Of whom some were so induced by gifts received: & some other by hope of bribes in time to come: that they went about among the senators from one to one labouring & entreating that at that season nothing should be extremely nor grievously determined against jugurth. Thus after the ambassadors of jugurth had confidence and trust enough in their cause they laboured to have a day appointed to apere in court. The day of apearaunce was granted as well to them as to adherbal: to adherbal as plaintiff, and to the ambassadors as defendentes for jugurth: when the day assigned was come both the parties appeared in court before the senators, than after audience granted adherbal began to speak under form following, for complaint and declaration of his injuries and oppression,   

¶ Here ensueth the oration of adherbal, devised in form deliberative: in which he exhorteth the senators to command socours and aid to be assigned unto him, proving the same to be profitable honest and easy to the Romans to do: profitable: that he might continue a friend unto the empire of Rome: honest, for his father and graunfather had so deserved: easy to be done, for the Romans at that time had no other war else where. The ten Chapter.  
most discrete chosen fathers and noble senators, Micipsa my father at hour of his death commanded me that I should think nought else of the land of Numidie to appertain to me, save only the rule and administration of the same, affirming that the title of possession and empire of the same belonged to you and to the people of Rome. Moreover he gave me in commandment to do my devour, to be unto you serviceable above all things, both in place and war. And that I should count you unto me in place of kinsmen: and nearest friends of alliance. saying that if I so did: than by your amity and friendship, I should find succour riches and defence of the kingdom of Numidy, and of me and mine all times of need, which precepts of my father: while I cast in mind to observe: suddenly jugurthe the most cruel and cursed of all men whom the ground sustaineth: dyspising your empire: hath driven me from your kingdom and from all my other goods of fortune: nothing regarding that I am nephew of Massiniss●, and by mine auncestry a fellow and friend of the empire and people of Room. But certainly worthy and chosen fathers: sith I am come to that misery that necessity constraineth me to desire your aid and succours: I would much rather that I might call for your help: for mine own merits against you done: than for the merits of my forefathers: and that by such means of mine own deserving: your benefits and socours were due unto me, which would God that I needed not at all: but if this your socoures might so of you be desired by my merits and deserving, than should I call boldly to you: and use your socours of duty as mine ancestry have done in times passed. But now sith it is so, that honest life and innocency: in this world findeth little sureness by themself without protection of some other. Moreover sith it was not in my power to mitigate nor to withstand this tyrannous injury of jugurthe. Therefore chosen fathers I am now fled unto you as to my chief refuge, coarted to necessity to require your socours and constrained to put you to business and charge: before I have done any pleasure or profit unto you: which thing grieved me most of all, and is one of my greatest miseries. Right worthy senators other kings have been received into your frindshyp & favour after ye have overcome them in battle, or else perceiving themself in danger and in doubtful chances of fortune, they have coveted and desired your feloweshype and favour, rather for their own weal than for yours. But much concontrarely: our forefathers and rote of our lineage. Massinissa confederated himself with the people of Rome in the second battle of Carthage, what time was more faithfulness to be trusted in them & their good will, them of wealth or riches to be obtained of the Romans, being at that time assailed with war on every side, their riches and treasures consumed by often battles. Thus it is evident that our auncestry confederate not themselves to your fellowship for their own defence, in hope of dominion: nor for any other private profit, but only for favour & love which they had unto your empire, wherefore noble senators suffer not the progeny and branches of his stock to be destroyed. Suffer not me which am nephew of your trusty friend Massinissa to ask of you help and succour in vain. But prudent fathers, if it were so that I had none other cause to demand socours of you, save only this miserable fortune wherewith I am oppressed, that I which was lately a king by lineal descent: mighty of auncestry: excellent and clear of fame, habundaunte in riches, and of men of arms: and and now disformed by miserable calamity, poor & needy, so that I am constrained to seek help and socours of other men: if I had none other matter whereof to complain, save this miserable fortune only. Nevertheless it longeth and is convenient to the majesty of the people of Room, to prohibit and to withstand injury, not to suffer the kingdom or dominion of any man to rise and increase by falsehood and mischievous tyranny. And the right heirs against right, against justice and against reason, to be excluded from their true heritage. But verily I am excluded and cast forth of that country, which the Romans in time passed gave unto my forefathers: out of the which country my father and grandfather accompanied with your army & help have chased the king Syphax, and also the Carthaginences, both most violente enemies to the empire of Rome. Your benefits be spoiled fro me: In this mine injury be ye despised: Woe is me miserable exulate: Alas my dear father, Micipsa, are your good deeds and kindnesses against Jugurth come to this point and conclusion: that he before all other should namely be dystroyer of your lineage and children: whom ye have made fellow with your own sons: and also partner of your kingdom: alas than shall our stock and household never be quiet? Shall we always be tossed and turned in effusion of blood, and, in battle, in exile and in chase from our country.  
¶ While the Carthaginences reigned in prosperity, we suffered and that patiently, and not undeserved all cruelty & vexation. For than were our enemies on every side of us: our friends in whom we should have found succour at time of need were far disjoined and separate from us. Thus all our hope: all our trust was in our strength and armour. But now after that pestilent destruction of the Carthaginences is chased and casten out of afrique we continued a time joyful & quiet: passing our life in peace and tranquillity, for why we had no enemy: except peradventure for any injury done against you ye would command us to take your enemy for ours also as reason and right required. But now suddenly & unwarely to us: this Jugurth exalting himself by his intolerable audacity, by cruelty & pride hath first slain my brother & his own near kinsman hiempsal: & in augmenting his mischief hath usurped to him as in pray my brother's part & portion of the kingdom of Numidy, & after: seeing that he might not take me like manner of train as he had done my brother, what time I doubted nothing less than any violence or battle in the kingdom which I hold of you, he hath chased me (as ye may see) out of your kingdom and hath made me as an abject outlaw: chased from my country: and dwelling place, oppressed with poverty, & jaded with miseries. In so much that I may be in more surety & save guard in any place of the world, than in own native country & kingdom, which I hold of you. Forsooth worthy senators: I have ever thought in like manner as I have oftentimes herd my father Micipsa openly report with sadness: saying the they which should diligently continue in your friendship by their merits must take great labours at many times upon themself in your causes: but of all men they were most sure from injury of any man. And soothly all my lineage hath done asmuch as in them was at your desires: And ever hath been ready in all battles and needs to assist you. Wherefore if ye follow the precepts of gratitude, if ye bear in remembrance these merits of mine auncestry, it is both right & honesty that in this mine extreme necessity, ye aid and succour me and restore me again to quietness, while ye have none other business in hand, which may be to you inpediment in this enterprise. most discrete fathers: more briefly and clearly to declare unto you my complaint and my miseries. And also to certify your excellence more plainly of mine unnatural and unkind kinsman Jugurth: and of his cruelty. It is not unknown unto your majesty: that my father Micipsa after his departing: left behind him us two brethren his natural and lawful sons: supposing that by his benefits and merits jugurth should be joined with us, as third brother. But alas: much contrary the one of us is murdered by this cruel jugurthe, blinded by insatiable ambition and desire of dominion. And I myself the second brother scarcely and with great difficult have escaped his cruel and unmerciful hands, what may I do? or whether shall I rathest flee for comfort unhappy exulate thus desolate and infortunate as I am? All the succour all the comfort, of my stock and kindred is extinct by death, my grandfather Massinissa, and my father Micipsa: as necessity hath constrained them: have paid the general tribute of nature: delivered from these mundane vexations by natural death. My near kinsman jugurth: much otherwise than it be came him to do: hath cursedly bereft my brother of his life by tyranny and mischievous covetise of dominion: mine other kinsmen by consanguinity and affinity: with mine other friends by his cruelty been also oppressed or put to death, some by one means and some by other: some of them be taken captive: some put to shameful death of gibbet, galous, or cross, with most cruel torment: some be casten to wild and ravenous beasts to be devoured of them. A few which are left with their lives are closed in dongions & darkness: passing their miserable lives with mourning & wailing more grievous than death. Thus am I environed with anguish on every side. But if it were so that all these socours which I have lost by cruelty of Jugurth: or if all things which be turned to me, from prosperity to adversity, remained to this hour hole with out detriment or damage like as they were in my best estate, yet certainly noble senators: if any ill or misfortune provided should happen to me: I durst be bold to call your aid and comfort. Because it seemeth you to have cure of right and wrong belonging to every man considering the excellent magnitude & greatness of your empire, and to suffer no virtue unrewarded, or vice unpunished, and finally no wretch oppressed to continued undefended. But now most of all sith I am exulate from my native country, from the kingdom which my father ruled under you, and from my own house & dwelling place: also needy and poor of all things belonging to mine estate and alone without company or defence, to whom or to what place may I resort, or in whom may I call: for aid or comfort in these my manifold miseries. Shall I resort or call for socours of nations, or of kings adjacent and about the land of Numidy, alas I should little prevail or nought at al. Sith all they for your amity joined with you, be mortal enemies to us & so our lineage: may I resort to any country about us: but that I should find there many tokens of cruelty of war, which my fathers have done in their times passed in your causes. Whether shall any of them which have been old enemies, have mercy or compassion on us now in this extremity. But finally most noble senators, my father Micipsa thus ordered us at his departing: and gave us in commandment that we should observe nor mentayne the friendship of none other king nor people, save only of the people of Rome: and that we should seek no new fellowship, nor new confederations or bonds of concord, saying that in your friendship and help: we should find great-socours & aid and that largely. But if it should fortune that the wealth of this your empire should fall into ruin or change from this excellence (which the gods defend) than: said he that we and our kingdom of necessity should also decay together with you. But now landed be the gods by whose help and favour and by your own strength & virtue: ye be at this time mighty and rich: all thing to you is prosperous and to your commandment obeying. Wherefore it is so moche more lawful easy and convenient to you to take cure & charge in redressing th'injuries done to your friends and fellows. I am only in dread and doubt of this one thing, lest the friendship and singular favour of jugurth: not parfetly known as he is worthy: do induce the minds of some so partiality against justice & right I here & understand that such labour with all their might for favour of jugurth going about from man to man, praying and entreating with much solicitude many of you apart by one and one, desiring and requiring you to determine nothing against jugurth while he is absent, and the matter and cause not known perfectly: I here such persons corrupt with partiality and favour objecting secretly against me, and saying that I fain and imagine these words to accuse jugurth undeseruyngly, and that I fain to be chased forth of my land by him: where as I might surely enough have remained within the kingdom of Numidy. That would god I might see once the cursed & unkind kinsman of mine jugurth, by whose unmerciful & cruel deeds I am casten in these miseries, in such case: that he were feigning the same things under like manner as I feign them at this time: & would god I might once see him as truly without feigning driven out the land of Numidy, as I am now chased from the same by his cruelty: & would god that at last other ye or else the immortal gods would so care for the businesses & troubles of us miserable men in earth; that the same jugurth which now beareth himself proud of his sinful deeds shewing himself & counting him noble only because he escapeth unpunished for his sin & cruelty: might therefore suffer grievous punishment with all my miseries & other mischiefs & ills, according to his deserving: for his unmerciful cruelty showed against our father Micipsa in murdering of my dear brother Hiempsal, & chase me forth of my native country: thus oppressed with all miseries in extreme necessity. O my brother my brother Hiempsal most dear to my heart of all creatures: how be it now thy life is bereft that in thy flowering youth, long before thy natural hour of death and that by cruelty of him, whom it seemed not of all men, so to have done: nevertheless me thinketh in my mind this chance of thy death, more to be joyed of: than to be sorrowed. For thou hast not only lost thy life & thy kingdom but also thou hast escaped this chasing, this flight, this exile this need, this poverty, with all other wretchednesses & miseries, which oppresseth me without comfort or socours. But I unhappy & miserable exulate thus thrown down from my father's kingdom into so many ills & so great miseries; may well be an example & spectacle to all the world of the mutable courses wherein fortune turneth mankind. O my dear brother uncertain am I what I do: whither I thus destitute of succour & aid: may persecute and revenge thy injuries and thy death: or else whether I may provide & seek socours for recovering of the land of Numidy. I am in that case: that my life & death dependeth in the succour of other men, would god I were dead out of hand: if death might be an honest conclusion of these my miserable misfortunes: rather than to be counted as content & pleased to live in rebuke, and shame, as an exulate wearied and overcome with injures: and givenge place to the injust cruelty of tyrannous persecution, and not able nor bold to resist the same. But now certainly it is against my will that I live, for in my life I have no liking nor pleasure, & yet can I not die without disshonour. Wherefore most prudent fathers and noble senators: these premises considered: I obtest and humbly require you: in honour of the gods immortal: for the ancient amity between you & my forefathers: for the natural love which ye have against your children and parents, and by the majesty of the people of Rome, & this your most excellent empire, have pite of my manifold calamities & succour this my misery. Resist this tyrannous dealing & injury of jugurth committed not only against my wretched person, but also against you & your empire. Suffer not the kingdom of Numidy, which is your own, to decay & be destroyed by cruel tyranny of jugurth, & by the effusion of blood & murder of the lineage of Massinissa, sometime most faithful and constant friend of this your empire.   

¶ How the ambassadors of jugurth replied against these words of Adherbal, & what direction was taken for both parts of the Senators of Rome. The xi Chapter  
AFter that Adherbal in form above written had ended his complaint, anon the ambassadors of jugurth arose & answered briefly in few words as they which had more trust and confidence in their great gifts given before to many of the rulers of Rome: than in any right of their cause & thus they replied in effect: saying before the senators that hiempsal was slain of the Numidians for his own hastiness & cruelty, and not by knowledge of jugurth: and as touching Adherba●: he began war against jugurth of his own froward mind without any occasion: but after he was overcome in battle, because he was not able to revenge himself, nor to make his party good, he fled unto Rome to complain him to the senators of jugurth: where all the fault was in himself & in none other, concerning the party of jugurth: they required the senators in his behalf in his absence to count him none other, than he was proved & known in the war of Numance: & that they would not set more by the words of his enemy, than by his deeds magnificently proved. This said: anon after: both parties departed in sunder from the court. Immediately the Senators took counsel what best was to be done in the cause. The favourers of jugurth & of his ambassadors, and more over a great part of the Senators were corrupt before by partiality, favour, and rewards of jugurth, & so depravat: that they contemned & set at nought the words of adherbal, exalting & commending the manhood of jugurth: with laud, favour, countenance, voice, & all other signs: And so finally they laboured by all manner of means for an other mischievous vice & cruel crime to defend the same: as if it had been in defence of their own honour, worship, & honest. But on the other part were a few other, which set more by justice & honest, than by false gotten riches: these counseled to succour Adherbal & sharply to punish & revenge the death of Hiempsall. But among all other of this opinion: was one named Emilius Scaurus a man of noble birth ready to disturb every business, debatfull & busy: desirous of power, of authority, of honour & of riches: but crafty in cloaking of these his faults. After this Emilius Scaurus saw his giving of bribes of jugurth so shamefully & openly known: he feared lest the corruption of the Senators and head rulers of Rome might engender envy, debate and slaughter between them and the commons, like as in such cases often had fortuned in times before. Wherefore in this consideration, he refrained his mind at this time from his accostumed unlawful lusts. Nevertheless among the Senators in this counsel the worst part prevailed: and that part which set more by favour and rewards, then by right and equity, overcame the other part, which laboured to sustain the right without any favour or partiality. And so the favourers of jugurthe obtained their purpose, and his cruelty had no punishment. Nevertheless it was concluded and decreed that ten ambassadors should be sent into Numidie to divide the kingdom which longed to Micipsa between jugurth and Adherbal. The principal of this ambassad was one named Lucius Opimus a man of noble fame, of great authority and power among the Senators in those days: what time Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fuluius great favourers of the commons: were slain of the noble men of Rome for the same cause. After victory of the noble men against the commons & the same two princes: this L. Opimus enraged grievously with rigorous & sharp inquisitions & examinations against the poor comontie: and was one of the chief oppressors of them. What time this L. Opimus with his company was come to Numidye: jugurth devouring all things which they may overcome. But this omitting I will now briefly declare what manner people first of all inhabited this country of Africa & what people thither resorted to inhabit next after them. And how the same peoples were mingled together. How be it that which I shall write is much divers from the comen fame and opinion of many men: nevertheless, I shall follow the books written in Africa language which) as it is said) belonged to the young prince hiempsal: whom jugurth murdered, of the same books I shall follow the true interpretation in this matter, and like as the inhabitants of the same country affirm to be true. But touching the very credence of the truth of the matter I report that to the authors.  
¶ The first people which inhabited the country of Africa were named Getulians' and Libyans, a people hard, sharp and unmanerd. These lived of flesh of wild beasts, and fed upon the ground as beasts unreasonable. And were not ruled by any manners, but lived without lords or laws, as vagabonds & rovers. They had no certain bydinge place, but where as the night took them there they rested for the time. But after that Hercules died in Hispain as the Africans say, his army which was assembled of divers nations, when their captain and heed was lost: dispersed them abroad anon after his death, and came to divers places of the world to seek their fortune, where they might obtain any habitation or lordship. Of which company the Medeans, Persians, and Armenians arrived with their ships in that coost of Africa, which was nearest to the empire of Rome, and long time after occupied those costs. But the Persians inhabited them self more inward in the cuntrei toward the ocean sea, & in stead of houses they turned their ships botoms upward & dwelled under the same. And no marvel, for in that cuntrei about them grew no timber nor other stuff meet for building, nor of the Spaniards which inhabited next to them might they neither buy nor borrow. For the sea was so great & tempestuous between them, & their languages so divers & unknown to either people, that by these two impediments they were letted from the course of merchandise or exchanges between them. These Persiens' by mean of marriages by little & little mingled the Getulians with them, & because they proved oftentimes the commodity of their ground & fields, by often commutations & changings one with other, at last they named themself Numidians, that is to say herdsmen divided. And to this present day the cottages or tylmens' houses be made long with crooked sides or coverturs bowing inward as if they were bellies of ships transuersed or turned up set down. Touching the Medeans & Armeniens they joined themself with the Libiens. For the Medeans and Armeniens dwelled before more near to the sea of Africa. The Getulians inhabited more near to the sun rising: not far from the fervent country of Ind, & this people anon had rooms & dwelling places, for the sea between them & Spain was but narrow, wherefore they agreed with the Spaniards to make exchanges & bargins of merchandise with them. The Libiens corrupted their name by little & little changing the same, & at last in stead of Medeans, named themself Mauriens by barbarike ꝓnunciation of their language. But the wealth & riches of the Persiens' in short time increased & multiplied. In somuch that after they had named themself Numidians, they increased in so great multitude: that their first country was not able to nourish them al. So that after ward many of the young & lusty people departed in sunder from their friends & left their country, resorting to a country near the city of Carthage, vacant at that time. In which country they inhabited themself & named it Numidy after their name. Shortly after this: both they which remained still in their first cuntrei & these which removed thence assisted one an other with all manner help & succour. In so much that what by strength & what by fear they brought under their subjection & dominion such other nations as marched near than: so that within short time they much enhanced & augmented their name and glory, but namely they which inhabited the part of Africa, which is over against Italy & near the Italian sea, these most increased in wealth & honour. For the Libiens were not so good men of war as the Getulians or Numidians. And so all the inward part of Africa was for the most part in possession of the Numidians, & so much did they: that all the nations of them subdued, were called Numidians after the name of overcomers. Now have we declared how the Getulians' & Libiens were first inhabitants of Africa: & how the Persians, Medeans, & Armeniens came afterward & joined with them. How the Persians named themselves Numidians. And the Medeans & Armeniens by corruption of language were called Mauriens. And now consequently I shall declare what other people came afterward & inhabited the same land of Africa. After all these nations before rehearsed, out of the land of Phenice came much people to inhabit themself in Africa. Some because their own country was not sufficient to sustain so great a multitude as werof them. And other some great men of birth & desirous of lordship raised up & assembled the needy comen people & left their own country: in hope to find some other greater dominion else where, & in process of time arrived at the land of Africa: & there builded three cities upon the sea cost named Hippona, Abrumentum & Leptis: with other divers cities, but not so great and famous as these were. These cities in short time were so augmented & increased that some of them were honour, and some succour & aid to their original countries. But of the city of Carthage which also by them was builded: & afterward became the head city of Africa, I think it is better to pass over with silence, than of it to speak a little & than to leave the matter in the mids unperfet and also this my business proceedeth to an other purpose. Nevertheless some what shall I touch the first foundation of this city of Carthage, not following mine author Sallust: which wrteth nothing thereof: but following the opinion of Virgil as he writeth in the first book of Aeneas.  
¶ The queen Dido daughter of Belus king of the land of Cipre & wife to Sichaeus king of Phenice, fled with her ships jaded with gold & other riches out of her own country: dreading the cruelty of her brother Pygmalion which blinded by covetise and ambition had slain her husband Sichaeus by treason. This Dido at last arrived with her ships & company at the coast of Africa, where reigned a king named Hierbas: which moved with beauty of Dido, desired her to wife. But for love which she had to her first husband Sichaeus she would not consent thereto by any means: but desired to buy of the same king as much ground as might be compassed about with the hide of a bull. And after that it was granted, she cut the hide of small that with the same she compassed three mile of ground about. In which space she builded a city, which first was named Birsa, after in ꝓces of time it was called Tiros, & last of all Carthage. Under which name by long continuance so amply it increased in fame & wealth, that it contained xxiv. miles in compass. But when it was in most excellence it was utterly destroyed by the Romans, Publius Scipio Affrican● the time being captain of the Roman army. Touching the foundation of this famous city of Carthage, so much have I written more than mine author Sallust. But now will I return to mine institute & purpose concerning the description of Africa, & briefly bring it to conclusion. The valley of whom I spoke before named in Africa language Cathahathmon, divided the country of Africa from Egypt on the side, save that an arm of the see is between the first city or habitation of Africa toward this valley, & is called Cirene. And near to the same be other two cities, the one named Tolonia the other Thercon: beiond these three cities be two quicksands & between both the sands a cite named Leptis. Beyond this cite of Leptis is a place named of the Romans Phylenorun, in english, the auters of two brethren called Philenis because these two brethren suffered themself to be quick buried in the same place for the comen weal of their country whereof th'history hereafter shall be written at more opportunity. This place divideth the dominion of Carthage from Egypt on the side. After this place on the side costs be other cities belonging to the dominion of Punic. All the places from thence forth to Mauritany or land of the Mauriens, be under subjection of the Numidians. The Mauriens have their habitation near to Hispaine. But as we read, the Getulians' have their habitation beiond the Numidians: some in poor lodgis: & some other more vilely without habitation wandering as vagabundes. Beyond these Getulians is the land of Ethiope: & from thence forth be countries so brent with fervour of the son that they be inhabitable. But during this war between the Romans & jugurth the Romans had in their possession many towns of Punic & much of the costs of th'empire of Carthage: & ruled the same by officers under them thereto assigned. A great part of Numidy & of the Getulians' unto a flood named Muluchan: was under the dominion of jugurth. Over all the Maurians reigned one king named Bocchus of whom the Romans had no knowledge save of his name only. And before this battle, he was neither in peace nor in war acquainted nor known of the Romans. Of Africa & of thinhabitauntes of the same, enough is spoken, & as much as is requisite of necessity to the process of this history. Now will I make regression and prosecute my first purposed matter ensuing mine author Sallust.   

¶ How jugurth invaded the kingdom of adherbal yet once again and how adherbal again was overcome in battle: and put to flight. The xiii Chapter,  
AFter the ambassadors of Rome: of whom I have spoken before, had divided the realm of Numidy between Adherbal & jugurth, & were departed out of Africa toward Rome: anon jugurth revolved in mind how he had escaped unpunished for his cruelty otherwise than his mind feared before: And how in stead of punishment for his sine: he was rewarded with the better part of the land of Numidy. Now he considered that all was true which his friends had told him before while he was in Hispaine with the Roman army in the war of Numance: that is to say. That nothing was so false & injust: but that might be justified at Rome for money, for all thing might be bought there for money. This consideration enhanced his mind unto esperance & that not a little. furthermore he was inflamed with the large promesses of them, whom he had acloied before with gifts & rewards at Rome, In somuch that again of new, he fixed his mind to invade & usurp the kingdom of Adherbal, & by some point of prodition to take him in trap as he had done Hiempsal his brother. Thus jugurth was fierce: sharp, & apt to war, well enured with the same, & expert in feats thereof, but contrarily Adherbal: whom he assayed & pursued, was a meet man & opportune to take in jury: more fearful & dreading other, than to be dread of other. Wherefore suddenly. & without any provision on party of Adherbal: jugurth invaded the marches of his kingdom, with a great power & multitude of men of arms many of thinhabitantes he murdered: & many took he prisoners with beasts & all other manner of preys: robbing & spoiling every where: as for as his army dispersed, towns, castles, & other edifices he brent & beat down, & many other places he assailed & invaded more inwardly in the country by excourses of his horsemen. This done he returned into his country with all his multitude, prays and prisoners: supposing the Adherbal moved with anger & displeasure would revenge these injuries, and the thing should be cause and occasion of open war between them. But Adherbal advised himself well: by remembrance of his first battle had with jugurth that he was not able to contend with him in battle nor with force of arms: & more over he had more confidence and trust in friendship of the Romans: than in the inconstant Numidyan: which leaned more to his enemy than to him. These things considered: he send ambassadors to jugurth to complain of these injures. But these ambassadors had nought else of him, but contumelious proud, and hasty words. And so disposed of jugurth returned again to their lord Adherbal: though such answers might have moved any courageous heart: nevertheless, Adherbal determined in mind: to suffer all things: and to take many in iures patiently, rather than again to begin battle with jugurthe. For (as said is) the battle fought befoore between them was both disshonour & also great damage. But for all this sufferance of Adherbal: the mind of jugurth was not more pacified, nor lessed of his cruelty. The patience of Adherbal abated not the ire of jugurth but it augmented. For all ready he had concluded in mind to invade the hole kingdom of Numidy. Therefore he begun again of new, not as before with a company of rovers, but with a mighty and great army assembled together demeaning open war, and chalanging openly the hole empire of Numidy, and with such power proceeded into the land of adherbal: wasting the towns & fills on every side, driving away prays of cattle & other riches: and increasing courage to his men and dread to his enemies. When Adherbal saw it was come to that point that he must needs other abandon and give over his kingdom, or else maintain it with force of arms, as he which was constrained by extreme necessity, he assembled & empareiled an army aswell as he might, & with the same proceeded forth to meet jugurth. At last the two hosts of Adherbal & of jugurth approached & rested near together, beside a town named Cirtha not far distant from the see coost & for as much as the day drew near to night: the battle was not anon begun, but either remained in their tents. Anon after much of the night was overpassed, and the star light some what dimmed with obscurity of clouds. The soldiers of jugurth raised by the sound of trumpets unwarly, & suddenly invaded and assailed the tents and field of Adherbal, some they murdr●● half sleeping: and some other they slew while they were in hand to arm themself. On the part of adherbal was pitiful murdre, and on jugurthes' side no mercy, but obstinate persecution and vengeance & so fiercely fought, jugurth & his company the shortly adherbal fled to the town of Cirtha, acompaned with a few horsemen. But jugurth pursued him so nearly that if the inhabitants of the town of Cirtha in haste and with great multitude had not received Adherbal, and with force of arms defended the walls, and kept forth the soldiers of jugurth, which pursued Adherbal, the battle between them both should have begun and ended that same day, and the to destruction of Adherbal, But jugurth perceiving the entry into the town denied to him, a none besieged it on every side with all manner engines invasive to his enemies & defensive to his company: he caused hastily to be framed large pavaises and towers of timber to be driven upon whelis toward the walls of the town. And with these & all manner other engines went in hand fiercely to assail the town, & somuch more hastily he sped him to th'intent to bring his purpose to effect, before any ambassadors should come from Rome to resist his enterprise. For as much as before this battle he herd that Adherbal had sand ambassadors to Rome to certify the senators of his miserable state.   

¶ How the favourers of jugurth at Rome laboured so in his cause that three young me inexpert & without policy were send ambassadors into Aff●ike to cease this strife between the two kings: & how these ambassadors returned to Rome without any thing done. The xiiii Chap.  
But after & Senators at Rome herd tidings of this battle, they send into Africa three young gentlemen embassad commanding them to go to both the kings, & to command them in behalf of the Senators and of the hole people of Rome to cease their war, and to show them that the senate and Romans willed and utterly commanded them so to do. And so doing, they should do as it seemed them: and as of congruence they ought to do both for pleasure of the Romans and for their own honour & profit. The ambassadors with such commandment hasted them & came unto Africa, the Senators had commanded them to make so much more expedition in their journey because tidings were brought to Rome: when these ambassadors prepared themself forward: how the battle was done between adherbal and jugurth, and how jugurth kept adherbal besieged straightly within the town of Cirtha. But this rumour was somewhat allayed & kept by favourers of jugurth, after these ambassadors were come to Numidy: they expressed to jugurth the effect of their embassad, in form as the Senators had commanded them, when jugurth understood the pleasure of the Senators by their words and ambassade: he answered benignly, saying that he counted no earthly thing more great, nor excellent, nor more dear unto him than the authority of the senators and people of Rome, and that from his youth to that time he had ever so endeavoured to order himself, that every good and worshipful man commended and allowed him for his virtue and manhood, and not for malice nor mysdemenour. And for the same manlyves, & not for malicious deeds, nor for disordered manners his company and conversation was accept and pleasure unto the right high and worthy Captain Publius Scipio. Moreover: for the fame, conversation and good manners & not for fault of children natural, his uncle Micipsa had adopted him for his son: and made him inheritor of his kingdom, partner with his own natural sons: and for as much as he had demeaned himself right well & worthily, in executing of many high & glorious enterprises: somuch the less could he suffer injury done unto him unrevenged. As touching Adherbal jugurth alleged for himself that this adherbal by guile and treason lay in wait to flee him: which thing perceived: he made resistance against the same to the best of his power, as any man was bound to do for safeguard of his own life. And if the romans would prohybit and deny that unto him, which justice permitted to every man (that is, with violence to resist and repel violence) than should they neither do well nor ryghtwysely in that behalf. When jugurth had answered the ambassadors after this manner: than said he for conclusion that shortly after he would send ambassadors to certify the Senators of all other things concerning this business: and on this point jugurth & the ambassadors departed in sunder. Thus adherbal had no comfort nor licence to reply against the words of jugurth, nor sight or communication with the ambassadors: all only was it granted unto him to appeal to the court of Rome, for of these ambassadors could he have no justice, nor direction, in his injuries and persecution. When jugurth thought that thembasssadours were passed forth of Africa, toward Rome, and when he saw that with force of arms he could not win the town of Cirtha, because of natural situation & difficult of the place. Anon he besieged the town again of new, and all difficultes withstanding, he made a profound and deep trench round about the town with sharp stakes and pales sticked on the highest part of the same trenches with sharp pikes at the upper ends. This did jugurth for many considerations: first to th'intent that the inhabitants should not break forth of of the town suddenly at any side upon any part of his soldiers which besieged them. Secondly to th'intent that on no part any victuals should be brought in to them. thirdly that the men of war within the town should not thrust forth without the town the multitude of poor commons in time of famine and scarcity of victuals. And fourthly, that no succours should enter in to them to rescue the town, nor to supply their garrison. When this trench was made and finished, jugurth moreover made strong bulwarks and towers of timber without the town, and strengthened the same with a garrison of wight and bold men of arms. Beside all these ordinances he left nothing unassayed, neither spared he to attempt any thing by strength, or by treason and guile. Sometime he proved the watch men and defenders of the walls with gifts exciting them to betray the town. When his rewards availed naught, than he threatened them with fierce and sharp words, he enhanced by exhortations the minds and courages of his own men to manliness and audacity. And so he applied his business that nothing he omitted wont or possible to be done in such a case, nor no engynne of war left he unprovided, which in those days was contrived or found: but rather beside all old inventions he imagined and devised new engines and ordinances of war not seen before that time, and all for destruction of the town of Cirtha, and of adherbal whom he besieged within the same. But what time adherbal considered his fortune come to extremity on all parts, he cast many things in mind. On the one side he perecived his enemy jugurth violente against him, and no trust of comfort or socours. On the other side he considered well that for penury and want of soldiers and other things necessary he was not able neither to fight with his enemy, nor to drive forth or prolong the battle: and for fault of victual he might not long defend the town. These things with many more well revolved in mind: he chose for the two which were most diligent and trusty of that company which had fled with him into Cirtha. To them he woefully bewailed his misfortune: and made so large promises of rewards unto them: that at last he induced them to go forth of the town by night privily, and if they might escape their enemies, to resort to the next haven town: and from thence to haste them to Rome with letters which he had devised and written to be delivered to the senators. These messengers were trusty and faithful, within few days without any disturbance: they fulfilled the commandment of their sovereign, and delivered the letters of adherbal unto the Senators, which letters anon were red in the counselhous before the senators of Rome of which letters the sentence hereafter ensueth & was such.   

¶ The sentence of the letters sent from adherbal unto the senators, what time he lay besieged by jugurth within the town of C●rtha. The xu Chapter.  
most worthy fathers, it is not through my fault that I send so often to you requiring your socours, & complaining mine injures, but the violence & rigour of jugurth, compelleth thereto, whose mind is filled with so great a lust and desire to bereave my life: that neither hath he in mind the dread of god's punishment, nor fear of your displeasure. My blood he coveteth more than all things: Insomoch that now is the .v. month sith I am kept closed & besieged with armed men, by tyranny of jugurth. He nothing regarding that I am confederate fellow & friend of the people of Rome. Neither can prevail nor help the great benefits of my father Micipsa done to this jugurth, nor your authority nor ordinances or decres. I am uncertain whither I am constrained & oppressed more grievously by force of arms or by hunger, for both involueth me on all sides, I would write unto you moche more touching the tyrannous cruelty of jugurth but my miserable fortune moveth me contrary: and moreover I have often perceived before this time: that small credence is given to such as are oppressed with misery. Save this I perceive clearly that the mind of jugurth coveteth a greater thing than my death or kingdom. And if by your sufferance: he shall subdue me and bereave me of my kingdom: at last he shall rise and rebel against your empire. Wherefore if ye list not to defend and succour my life: at least defend your kingdom of Numidy, and prevent the usurper of your empire. Suffer not this tyrant to enjoy the kingdom of Numidye, and your good will withal. But truly ye may well perceive that he looketh not after your favour: after he shall have usurped the realm of Numidy. But whither he setteth less by loss of your friendship and favour, or of the dominion of Numidy, none is so blind but that may evidently perceive the troth. For his deeds declare: that he counteth less grievous to have your high displeasure, than to lose his fires purpose to slay me, and than to ocupy the hole land of Numidy. For this hath he proved and made manifest by his unnatural and cruel deeds, first of all he hath slain my brother hiempsal: which deed he durst not have done if he had feared your displeasure, next that, he drove me forth of my country & father's kingdom. But these injures for certain were done against my brother and me, & nothing they longed to you. But now he conspired higher invading, usurping, and wasting the hole land of Numidy with force of arms. And where as ye set me as your lieutenant under you to govern a part of Numidy. This jugurth now hath driven me from my liberty into the town of Cirtha, and besiegeth me with men of arms closed on all sides with outward dread and inward famine: So that my perils may plainly declare how little he setteth by the words of your ambassadors. Certainly I can see nothing remaining able to remove his violence: nor that can succour this my misery, save only your power and violence. I would right gladly: that these things which now I writ to you: and all those things which I have complained before in the counsel house were but feigned and false rather than this my evident misery should prove them true and credible unto you. But sith I was borne in that hour, and my destiny is such that jugurth most manifesteth his coursed cruelty by me: therefore now my request nor prayer is not that I may escape the sharpness and cruelty of death which I behold instant & inevitable but only my prayer is that I may escape the long subjection and bondage of my enemy and prolonged torments of my miserable body. But worthy fathers: touching the kingdom of Numidy, which appertaineth to you: provide you for the same as it likethe you, and if it be your pleasure: rid and deliver me from the cruel and unmerciful hands of jugurth my mortal enemy for the honour and majesty of your empire, and for the fidelity of all friendship if any remembrance of my grandfather Massinissa remaineth yet among you.   

¶ How the senators send new ambassadors to jugurth commanding him to desist from his persecution of Adherbal, and how they prevaled nothing: how the town of Cyrtha was yielded to jugurth, & how he slew adherball. The xvi Chapter.  
AFter these foresaid letters were openly red and recited before the senators: many of them were, which counseled to send an army into Africa, and in all hast convenient to succour and help adherbal. And in the mean time they would take counsel and advise touching jugurth what should be done to him: because he had not obeyed their ambassadors. When the favourers of jugurth heard of this they laboured withal their might: that no such decree should be made nor proceed to effect. And thus the comen weal was over come and subdued by private prophets and partial favour, as in many other businesses is daily wont to happen, Not withstanding this partiality: at last it was so determined: that other new ambassadors were sent yet once again to Africa, not young men & inexpert as before but well aged men of gravity and discress●on which were of great dignity: & had borne great & worshipful offices in time passed in the cite of Rome. Among which ambassadors was one named Marcus Emilius, Scaurus, of whom we have made mention before. This Scaurus was a man by riches and fame counted able to be counsellor of Rome: & also at that time a mighty prince & great doer among the Senators, and in manner ruler of them all. For as much as all men for the most part were displeased with jugurth and sore murmured against his cruelty & against the partial favour showed to him at Rome: and also for that the messengers of jugurth besought the ambassadors to hast them to Numidy, therefore the third day after their commission they departed from Italy, & took shipping and in short time after arrived in Africa, at a city named Utica in a province subject to the Romans: Assoon as they were arrived they send letters unto jugurth charging him in all haste to come to the said province to know the pleasure of the Senators to Rome which had send them therefore the nonce with certain commandments direct unto him. When jugurth understood that such noble men famous, & of pre-eminent authority at Rome were come to prohybit his enterprise, at first beginning he was somewhat troubled with dread, on the other part his lust was much kindled to win the town of Cirtha, and to get Adherbal into his hands, and so was his mind diversly distracted with dread & desire: with dread of the ambassadors, & with desire to bring his purpose to effect. Greatly he feared the anger and displeasure of the Senators if he did not obey their ambassadors: but his mind on the other part was utterly blinded by lust of dominion, which desire drew him violently to perform that he had begun. And so at conclusion in such mind desirous of lordship, the worst counsel overcome the best. And covetise excluded fear: & thus he determined in mind to win the town (if he might) before he would go to comen with the ambassadors This thing determined and fixed in mind he compassed the ●owne about with his army: and with great violence assailed it contending to break in thereto: this did he: trusting that namely: by dividing of his army on all sides of the town, and compelling his ennemeiss within the town to break their hole company for to defend the walls assailed on all parties, he might at last by such means win victory over them. But after many & sharp assaults at last when he saw his purpose proceeded not to effect and that he was not of power to have his pleasure of the town and of adherbal before he should comen with the ambassadors, he was right pensive in mind. And lest his prolonging might anger Scaurus the chief of the ambassadors whom he greatli dread: at last he came into the province with a small company of horsemen. Assoon as he was come the ambassadors showed unto him many grievous menaces and words of displeasure in name of all the senate because he cess not for all their commandments from besieging of the town of Cirtha but at conclusion after much communication spent in vain: the ambassadors departed again to Rome: without any direction or appointment made. When tidings hereof came to Cirtha such as defended the town were much abashed, but adherbal most of all. At last the italians, of whom many were within the town: and by whose strength the walls were chiefly defended, began to think among themself that if the town were yielded up to jugurth, he durst not be so bold to show any violence against them for the honour and majesty of the name of romans. For asmuch as the same Italians were counted as romans. In such dyvises they came to adherbal and him advised to yield himself and the town to jugurth upon appointment and condition, that the same jugurth only would promise to grant him his life: and as touching all other injuries which jugurth had done to him, the Senators when they should see time opportune & convenient would see a direction and remedy: Adherbal hearing this counsel, anon considered in his mind that nothing could be more unstable nor more incertain, than was the promise of jugurth. Again he called to mind that if he accorded not to their counsel it was in their power to compel him thereto. And so according to their advisement he yielded up the town to jugurth upon promise only to have his life saved. But anon jugurth contrary to his promise put Adherbal to death first of all with manifold torments. After that he slew all the young and lusty men of the town both Numidians and italians merchants indifferently: sparing none namely if they were found in harness.   

¶ How the Senators certified of this cruelty of jugurth prepared on army against him: how the ambassadors of jugurth were not received into Rome: and how Calphurnius the Roman captain was accloyed with bribes. The xvii Chapter.  
When this cruelty of jugurth was known at Rome the Senators began to take counsel what thing was best to be done in the case But they whose favour jugurth had bought before sore distourbed the counsel, and prolonged the time with fair words and prayer sometime: sometime with favourable promise made to other lords: And other while with brawling & threatening covertly. In somuch that by such means at last they allayed the dispeasur taken against jugurth and mitigated the cruelty of his deeds. And certainly all the ill will and hatred which was taken against jugurth should utterly have been let fall and quenched by driving forth the time in counselling: had not been the resistance & repugnance of one named Caius Menmius: So great was the power of the favour & treasure of jugurth. This M●nmius was elect and assigned to be protector of the commons for the year next ensuing & was a man sharp and fires of conditions, and against the power of the noble men of Rome with all his might: and therefore when he saw this unreasonable favour and partiality among the Senators he informed the comen people that the Senators were about to pardon the cruelty of jugurth, by covetise and corruption of a few debateful lords. The commenty understanding this, was sore moved against the Senators and counsel. And the Senators again sore feared the commons because of the offences both of jugurth and of them in favouring him were openly known: therefore they dread lest all the commons joined together might make insurrection against them: wherefore they thought it necessary to pacify and allay the commons. Now it was so that long before this time a noble man of Rome named Sempronius while he was in authority made a statute and law that if it fortuned at any time: that the romans stood in doubt and fear lest any war or battle might come upon them suddenly, new consuls than should be chosen and assigned for the next year to come, and send into such provinces where the battle or war was feared. These consuls were thus chosen before the year of the old consuls was fully expired to th'intent that in mean time they might have more time and leisure to make convenient provision for the war: And this act so decreed was called the law of Sempronius, because he first enacted the same. By this law of Sempronius: the two provinces of Numidy and Italy were decreed to the two consuls for the year to come. The province of Italy to be defended and conserved: & the province of Numidy to be recovered (Scipio Nasica) (and Calphurnius Bestia) were proclaimed Consuls for the next year coming. The land of Numidy came by lot to Calphurnius that he should do his dilgence to recover the same, and the country of Italy fell to Scipio to defend the same. After this an army was assembled to be send into Affirke, and so forth to Numidy: wages, and victuals for the soldiers with other things needful to war, were decreed of the Senators, and: provided of the consul Calphurnius. But when jugurth herd tiding from his friends at Rome of this ordinance, and perceived that the matter went forward, other wise than he trusted it should have done. For his mind was fixed that all thing right and wrong might be bought and sold at Rome: now went he in hand again with his old crafts, and send his son with other two of his most familiar and trusty friends ambassadors unto the Senators. And like as he had commanded these ambassadors whom he had send to Rome after he had murdered hiempsal: right so he commanded these that they should go in hand to stop every man's mouth with money. For in his great treasure and in covetise of the rulers of Rome was all his confidence. O cursed hunger of gold most execrable thou drivest blind minds to ills innumerable. When these ambassadors of jugurth were come near Rome: the consul Calphurnius demanded advise and counsel of the Senators whither it pleased them that the said ambassadors should be received within the wales of Rome or not. But the Senators decreed, that except they came to yield both jugurth and kingdom of Numidy unto the Romans: upon a great pain they should departed out of the country of Italy within x. days next after. Calphurnius commanded this ordinance and decree of the Senators to be brone and declared to the Numidyans by one named Decius. And so th'ambassadors departed home again without any thing done, wherefore they came. In the mean time Calphurnius prepared his army: & chose to him noble men, debateful, and having many clients and servants retained with them. This did he, to th'intent that if he did any thing amiss in his voyage: he might trust to be supported by their authority. Among whom was named Scaurus: of whose conditions & behaviour I have spoken before. But in this consul Calphurnius, were many good propertis and virtuous conditions, both of mind and body: but the cursed vice of covetise which was in him: blinded and over came all those virtues: so that he put them not in execution: he might well endure labour, his wit was quick & pregnant, he was puident and aware enough. In battle he was so expert that in greatest peril, he was boldest & strongest against the guile of his enemies But to our purpose, this Calphurnius when he had elect and assembled such company as him thought competent for an army, he divided all his host into legyous, containing in every legion vi M.vi. C.lx & sir men. And so send forth his men by legions by the country of Italy to a town called Regium, which town is in the marches between Italy and Cycil: from this town of Regium they were conveyed into Cycile, and so into Africa, and there they mustered and were set in array, and so proceeded by land till they attained unto Numidie. Anon Calphurnius prepared victuals and all manner ordinances requisite, and proceeded forward, assailing fierselye the land of Numidy, as a hardy captain, pretending great valyantise at the first brunt. Many men took he prisoners, & a few towns he subdued unto him such as resisted his power he brent them, to the ground to increase fere to their neighbours. jugurth adverting this sharpness of Calphurnius send ambassadors to him with great plenty of gold to attempt his mind, and showed unto him the hardness and difficult of the war which he had begun. When Calphurnius felt the wight & valour of the glistering gold, his corrupt & unstable mind by contagion of covetise, anon was perverted to receive the money, and induced to favour and assist the part of jugurth. But Scaurus (of whom I have spoken before) was received unto them for partner and fellow of all their counsels & businesses. And howbeit at beginning this same Scaurus strongly resisted the party of jugurth: what time many other of his sect were corrupt and accloyed with bribes long before this nevertheless now at last his mind was abstract like other more from the defence of goodness and honesty unto his old vice of insatiable & execrable covetise by mean of abundance of gold and great rewards of jugurth. But at first beginning, this jugurth redeemed of Calphurnius, but only delaying and deferring of of the war: trusting that in the mean time he should bring about somewhat of his purpose at Rome, other by price, prayer, or favour. But now after he had won Scaurus to be partner of his business, and favourer of his cause also with Calphurnius: he was brought in to a very great trust fully to recover his peace at Room: and concluded while both Calphurnius and Scaurus were present together, to take advisement and treat presently with them of all appointment and things necessary to be done for performing of his purpose. How be it he trusted not Calphurnius so much that he would come to his army, except some hostages of the Romans were left within some strong town of his, and in ward of his people whereby he might trust without damage safely to be remitted again to his army. Calphurnius to avoid this doubt of jugurth, and to put him in more assurance, send the treasurer of the Roman army named Sertius, unto one of the chief towns belonging to jugurth called Vacca, feigning among the army that he sent the treasurer thither for provision of wheat and other victuals necessary to his host. And the same commandment to proved victuals the captain Calphurnius gave to his treasurer openly in comen audience: to the intent that no man should suspect his false purpose: saying to his treasurer that he needed not to be in doubt of jugurth, for as much as truce was taken between both parties till a certain day prefixed. The treasurer Sextius went to the said city of Vacca at commandment of Calphurnius his captain. Wherefore anon after jugurth (like as he appointed before) came to the army of Calphurnius, and there in presence of the rulers and counsel of the Romans, spoke little of his purgation, concerning the displeasure, envy, and hatredde, which the senate and commons of Rome had taken against him for his deeds saying that he had nought done but provoked of his enemies, and for his own defence: with violence to resist violence. Howe beit he said that he was contented to yield and submit himself unto the romans clemency and mercy. Somuch spoke he openly before all the chief counsel of the army. But all the remnant he concluded & did secretly with Calphurnius & Scaurus at more leisure, and thus ended the communication of this day. On the next day after ensuing the captain and the counsel of the army, and also jugurth assembled together again to common of the same matter concerning peace to be granted to jugurth. Now it was so that at Rome was decreed an ordinance long before this time named among the romans the Satire law, which law commanded that the captain of every army should ask advise of all wise counsel of his host when he went about any wheyghty matter concerning the comen weal. Wherefore Calphurnius thought so to order himself that he should not be counted a brekar of this law: And desired counsel and advise of all the noble and wise men of his host. This did he to thintent that if the peace granted to jugurth should be afterward disallowed at Rome (as it was) he might avoid the fault from himself into the common counsel. But at conclusion, when Calphurnius according to the said law had required advise of the common counsel, every man consented that peace should be granted to jugurth upon condition and convenant that he should deliver unto the romans thirty elephants with moche other cattle and many horses with a great some of gold. To which ordinance jugurth accorded and soon after delivered the same elephants, cattles, and horses & gold unto the treasurer of the Roman host. This done the consul Calphurnius departed to Rome to require the senators and other rulers to confirm this peace and concord which they had made with jugurth. In mean time over all Numidy and also in the Roman army was peace and concord in abiding the answer of the senate and rulers at Rome.   

❧ How the rulers of Rome for the most part were grievously displeased for granting of this peace, and disallowed the same. And how Memmius inflamed the comen people against the favourers of jugurth. The xviii Chapter.  
But after it was known at Rome in what manner the consul had behaved himself in Africa with jugurth: in every place about Rome, and among every company within Rome it was commined of the deed of Calphurnius. In so much that among the commenty was raised grievous hatred and displeasure against him. The senators were sore troubled & were in doubt whither they might confirm and allow this foul & shameful deed of the consul, or else abrogate and annul the same. In this perplexite they were long time uncertain. And most of all the might and power of Scaurus (because he was a doer and fellow with the consul in the said deed) let them from discussing of the right. But while the senators in such wise prolonged the time. In this dubitation Memmius (of whose conditions, promptness of wit, and hatred: which he had against the power of the estates and noble men we have written before) at divers times he assembled the common people, exhorting and inflaming them to revenge the cruelty of jugurth, and partiality of his favourers and warning them not to forsake the defence of their comen weal and liberty of their cite. He rehearsed unto them the pride the cruelty, and manifold unlawful deeds of the senators and of other estates at many times done to disworship and oppression of the comen weal. And utterly at conclusion so he behaved himself that he kindled the minds of the universal commenty to resist the partiality of the estates, and to see the cruelty of jugurth extremely punished. But because the eloquence of this Memmius at that season was at Rome notable and moche set by, discrete and of great authority. I have intended of so many exhortations as he had to the people to commit one to remembrance by writing. And specially before all other I will write that exhortation which after returning of Calphurnius from Africa the said Memmius spoke before the comen people in form following.   

¶ The oration of Memmius had before the comen people of Rome. In which oration he induceth them to defend their liberty, And to express and persecute with hatred the no●le men of Rome. The xix Chapter.  
RIght worthu cetizins many things would with draw me from defence of you and from charge & meddling with your businesses were not the great love & favour which I have to the comen weal: that causeth me to set a side all such impediments, & utterly to take upon me the defence of your liberty against these corrupt estates. More plainly to ascertain you: the things which might withdraw me from defence of your cause be these. F●rst the power of them which are beginers of this variance, that is to say of Calphurnius and Scaurus. Secondly your patience which is easy to be subdued of cruelty: sith ye be disposed to endure this wrong. Aid thirdly the infection of justice which is no where here among us, but clean exiled from our city. And principally this letteth me for that I see you so innocent, so feeble minded, & so simple, that in every place ye are sure of all the peril, of all the labour: & of all the pain, but these estates which do nought that is commendable have all the honour: advantage, & worship. And soothly, it grieveth me to speak to you of the injury that now of late hath been done to you: how much ye have been had in scorn, derision & in disdain: to the power & pride of a few estates. And all so it grieveth to recount how unrevenged many of your defenders by them have shamefully be put to death for your sake within these fifteen years. And to see how your minds be corrupt with cowardice & negligence that ye would never succour them which in your quarrel and defence have suddued themself to death. What intent ye? will ye still be subject unto these estates your enemies. It is surely time at the last to arise and defend your liberty, ye do dread them, whom if seemeth to doubt and to dread you, considering your true quarrel, and their ungodly misdemeanour. But not withstanding that ye be thus disposed to lose your liberty and in misery to pass forth the residue of your lives, nevertheless the good will, which I have to you and to the comen weal causeth and driveth my mind to resist this false favour and partiality of these proud and unjust lords. certes I shall assay and prove how I can defend the liberty which my father left me, but whither I shall so do to advantage or else in vain that lieth hole in your hands and power. Surely worthy citizens I do not exhort you to withstand these wrongs and oppressions with force of arms as our forefathers have often done. To resist and repel this wrong needeth no violence no dividing of you from the senators as your elders have done before time. It must needs be that these great men confederate in malice at last shall come to decay by their own conditions and insolent behaviour.  
¶ Were not sharp inquisitions & grievous examinations had against the comen people of Rome, after that Tiberius Graccus was slain for the defence of the laws belonging to the commenty: whom his evil willers accused as usurper of kingdom over the comen people. And moreover after that Caius Graccus and Marcus Fuluius, were put to death for defending of your liberty, were not many of your order and behaviour that is to say of the commenty put to death or murdered in prison: And at both the seasons the estates made no end of their cruelty against you after the law, but after their immoderate pleasure. Well forsooth I grant that it be reputed for treason and usurpation of a kingdom to defend the laws and the right of the commonty, and I grant also that what thing can not be condygnely punished without effusion of blood of many citizens, that the same punishment be executed according to law and right upon a few such as were beginner's of the trespass, within these few years passed ye disdained and murmured secretly among yourself that the said lords spoiled the comen treasure without your consent. And that kings and nations contrybutory to Rome, paid their tributes to a few private estates, and not general to the universal city in comen: and ye grudged that these estates had all the most dignity and all the richesse and treasure, also in their hands. Nevertheless they counted but a small thing to escape unpunished for these so great offences. Wherefore now are they become so bold, so fires, and proud: by your sufferance that at last they have betrayed and put in hands of your enemies, your laws, your dignity, your majesty, with all other things both human and divine to your liberty belonging. So that in pardoning of these inhuman and cruel offences of jugurth they have polluted and betrayed the laws both of god and man. And how be it that such is their demeanour it nothing repenteth them: nor they be nought asshamede thereof. But daily jest before your faces solemnly and pompously boasting themself: Some of their dignities, their lordships, and offices. And other some craking of their triumphs and victories, as who saith that they attained the same by honour, and not by falsehood and robbery. Have ye not daily experience saying that simple bondmen bought & sold for money will not suffer nor endure the unjust commandments of their lords or masters. But contrary wise ye gentlemen: fire borne cetezyns, are contented to suffer with meek minds this bondage wherein ye are holden subject by the power of these lords. But I pray you what manner of men be these which thus subdue you, and presume thus long to occupy the comen weal at this season? Forsooth they be men most vicious▪ with bloody hands infected, with the blood of innocentes. Men of immoderate and insatiable covetise: noisome and grievous to every good man. Whose pride incredible no man can comprehend, which for money have sold & daily are ready for to sell for lucre: their fidelity, their worship, their devotion, and good name: And briefly all things honest & dishonest are they ready to do for advantage. Whereby it appeareth evidently that all their joy and felicity resteth in covetise. Some of them count himself more assured because they have slain the protectors of the commenty to the intent that other may dread than so much more And other some of them in wrong examinations and inquisitions had against you rejoice & count themself hardy and surer thereby: And many other thinketh their defence and advancement in murdering of you, boasting themself of the same: and thus how much worse that each of them doth: the more sure he is & more set by. In so much that where they ought to fere you for their misdeeds they transpose that fear unto you, and cause you by your cowardice to fear and dread them: which are conjoined all together against you in one manner desire of ill, in one manner covetise, in one hateredde of good, & in one manner fere of your avauncemet, but among good men to be all of one mind under this manner one not withstanding an other it is to be counted for amity and friendship. Among ill men such agreeing of manners is but a knot of discord and causeth sedition, variance, and debate. But verily if ye had so great desire and care to recover your liberty (which is lost) as they have to increase their lordship: than should not the comen we'll be oppressed and wasted as it is now: and than should the offices, maiestershyppes, and dignities of Rome, (which are your benefits to give where liketh you) be in hands of good and virtuous men, and not in the hands of bold boasters and injust men confederate in mischief. The comentie of Rome your forefathers before this time have armed themself and forsaken the senators two sundry times and kept themself together upon the hill of Aduentyve, only because they would have a law decreed and enacted of them. And masters or officers elect for them which should be their protectors against the injury and extortion of the estates when need shuld●●●quyre, which thing at last was granted to them and many other liberties also. Than should not ●e labour mouche more with all your might for co●seruacion of the same liberties, which they have l●●te unto you as hole as ever they had them. And special for this cause ought ye to defend your privileges for that it is more shame and rebuke to lose the privilege and liberty gotten than never to have obtained them: And specially what shame is it to you nothing to augment nor increase that authority, which your elders and forefathers have left to you: but to suffer the same by your cowardice by little and little to decay, and at last utterly to be lost & come to nought. But any of you may then require of me what is your mind what will ye that we do. I will forsooth and counsel that punyshement be taken upon them which have betrayed the honour of the common weal unto your enemy jugurth without advise of the Senators or of the commenty: but this my counsel is not to punish them violenly with your power in battle, for certes that were more dishonour unto you to do, than to them to suffer the same. Not withstanding that they be worthy so to be dealt withal But this thing may be best done by inquysition examination and confession of jugurth himself, and by his accusation of these traitors, which jugurth surely will be obedient to come hither to Rome at your commandment if it be true that he hath yielded himself. But if he despise your commandments than may ye well think and consider what peace or yielding he hath made by the which yielding he is unpunished and pardoned of his detestable and shameful deeds and these estates jaded with richesses and treasure. But our cite and wealth of the commenty is come to loss, damage, and utter shame & disworship. Thus must ye do, such examinations must ye make without ye think that these great men have not yet sufficient lordship and power in their hands or else without ye show outward that ye were better pleased and content with that season when kingdoms, provinces, justices laws, judgements, battle, peace finally every thing both divine & humane were in hands of a few estates. Than ye be now pleased with the season and time that now is when your liberty is given to you which ye are able to maintain if ye so be disposed. But in that season passed, Howe beit ye were unovercome of your enemies, masters, and emperors, over the most part of the world: yet had ye enough to do to defend your own life from the cruelty of these few mighty men. For of you all who was so bold to withstand their subjection and bondage. Wherefore if ye intend to endure and suffer the destruction of your liberty as ye begin than truly the time which is to come shallbe much more cruel to you than the time passed. But as for me not withstanding that I understand the great offence and abominable of this wicked jugurth is suffered unpunished: yet would I suffer patiently that ye should forgive and pardon the wicked doers of this deed as men most ungracious because they be citizens. If it were not so, that such mercy and forgiveness should turn to our destruction and ruin of our empire. For ye may see how great opportunity & sufferance they have in somuch that they count but a small thing to do unhappily without punishment. Wherefore they now daily increase their cruelty against you, if ye do not hereafter take from them the power and authority thereof. And specially continual business without end shall remain unto you when ye see plainly that either ye must be servants or bondmen: or else ye must retaygne and defend your liberty by strength of your hands. For what hope or trust is there of faithfulness or of concord between you and them? None surely. For their mind is utterly set to be lords over you: and ye on the other part will needs be free and at liberty. They be extremely inclined and disposed to do wrong and injury unto you. And ye labour to withstand them utterly. And briefly to speak they take the friends and fellows of our empire for enemies. But our mortal enemies they take for their fellows and friends. But ye would withstand this cursed and unkind behaviour. Wherefore can ye suppose that peace, love, or friendship can be among people so contrary of minds & disposition For these considerations I warn and exhort you that ye suffer not so great mischief to escape unpunished. This offence is nothing like to the robbing of the common treasure, nor to the spoiling of money by extortion from the fellows and friends of our empire. Which deeds (how be it they be grievous and in manner intolerable) nevertheless by custom and use of the same they are reputed for small faults & for nought. But this deed is much more grievous and utterly intolerable. For the authority of the senate is betrayed to our most cruel and fires enemy jugurth, your empire is falsely betrayed to other men's hands and possession. The comen weal hath been put to sale to jugurth by the senators both at home in our city, and also in our army by Calphurnius the consul: In so much that if examination be not made hereof: and if they be not punished which be culpable and faulty her in. What thing shall remain unto us but that we must pass our life under obedience and bondage of them which thus have done, and us shall they keep in subjection as if they were kings? For what thing longeth to a king save to perform his will and pleasure be it good or ill without any resistance or punishment of any man. Do not these estates without any contradiction, notwithstanding that it is in your power to withstand then if ye wil Nor certes worthy citizens I do not thus exhort you to covet rather that your citizens should do ill than well. But I speak to th'intent, that ye should not so favour and: forbear a few injust and ill disposed men that the utter destruction of all good men should proceed of such indiscrete favour. And also namely in a city or a comen weal it is much better and more tolerable to forget the reward of good deeds, than the punishment of ill deeds. For a good man saying his goodness not rewarded nor set by, he doth but only withdraw his own kindness: but an ill man not punished, is the more bold and cursed: And moreover if such as be misdoers be punished: at the last their number shallbe abated and decresed, and if there be few unjust men, the less wrong is done. And he to whom no wrong is done needeth not to call for succour nor help. Thus is it better to leave a good deed unrewarded, than an ill deed unpunished.   

¶ How Memmius induced the people of Rome by the said oration: so that Cassius was sent for jugurth to bring him to Rome to declare and accuse the supporter of his deeds. The twenty Chapter.  
MEmmius counseling and inducing often times by these words & other like at last did so moche that Lucius Cassius one of the chief ten judges of Rome should be send to jugurth and assure him of his life, and to come and return in save guard upon promise & faith of all the hole commenty of Rome. And upon this promise to bring him to Rome to th'intent that by his own words and confession of the truth, the falsehood & covetise of Calphurnius the consul, of Scaurus & of other which had been corrupted by him before by money & rewards might be evidently proved and known.   

¶ Of the behaviour of the soldiers and other which were lafte in Numidy while Scaurus the consul was at Rome. The xxi Chapter.  
While these things were in hand and done at Rome, in mean time the chief of the soldiers, which Calphurnius had left behind him, in Numidy followed the manners and behaviour of their captain and did many ungodly and mischievous deeds. Some of them were so corrupt with gold that they delivered again to jugurth the elephants, which he had given to Calphurnius what time the peace was granted & truce, first taken between them. Some other sold to jugurth the traitors which had fled from him unto the romans army. And other some spoiled & rob the people of Numidy, which had all ready peace with the Romans, and had yielded themself. So great and shameful was the violence of covetise which had infected their mind, as if it had been an universal contagion of pestilence. But now will I return to my matter where I left before concerning Cassius the judge & his voyage to Numidy for to bring jugurth unto Rome.   

¶ How jugurth came to Rome with Cassius and how he behaved himself there. The xxii Chapter.  
CAyus Memmius in name of all the commons gave commandment to Cassius, (according to the ordinance enacted) to speed him towards Numidye, and to bid jugurth come to Rome under surety and condition before rehearsed. When the estates which knew themself culpable understood of this were maruelusly abashed. But when Cassius was come to jugurth not withstanding that he was fearful of his part, and had no confidence in his cause for asmuch as he knew himself fauty in his own conscience, yet Cassius advised him: and induced him, because he had yielded himself to come unto Rome: without he would rather prove the romans strength and violence than their mercy and pity: and moreover the said Cassius promised also his own faith and troth that if he would come to Rome and answer truly to all such things as there should be demanded of him, he should safely go and come without any impediment. Cassius had so good a name at that time that jugurth had asmuch confidence in his faith & promise alone as in the promise or assurance of the hole cite: And so at last jugurth consented to go to Rome with Cassius. Wherefore to induce the Romans to the more pity he arrayed himself in rude apparel against his honour royal moche vile & miserable, and, so with Cassius came to Rome not as a king, but poorly and with a small company. And not withstanding that his mind was much confirmed, assured, and bolded: by the comfort of them which he had corrupted with rewards before, whose defence & supportation he had committed so moche cruelty, yet he behaved him so with his gifts of new assoon as he was come to Rome, that by his great reward be induced a lord of Rome named Caius Bebius, one of the protectors of the commenty to be supporter & maintainer of his cause among the other more. By whose dishonest and unmeasurable covetise he trusted assuredly to be defended, astaynst law, from all punishments due unto his demerits. But the commentye of Rome was violently and sore wrath against jugurth, some commanded to have him to prison, and there to keep him in bands: And other some would that according to the law punishment of death should be taken of them as of their mortal enemy, if he would not shortly confess and discover the fellows, partiners, and supporters of his cruel deeds. Caius Memmius hearing hereof called together the commenty and allayed the motion and wrath of their minds apeasing their unavised rancour. And requiring them to keep the faith and troth of city (which they had promised to jugurth) clear, inviolate and undefiled. Thus did Memmius exhort them as he which more regarded & set more by the conservation of the dignity of Rome, than by the parfourminge and satisfying the wrath and ire of the rude commons. But when silence was made among all the assemble: anon jugurth was brought forth before them al. Memmius than began to speak to him demurely rehearsing & openli recounting how he had corrupt the estates of Rome with his treasure, & cruelli against right had done many abominable deeds at Rome, & also in Numidi against the king Micipsa and his sons, as slain adherbal and hiempsal falsely dysceived the king Micipsa: and wasted the kingdom of Numidi. And howbeit (said Memmius) that the Romans knew well his supporters yet they would most of all that jugurth should openly discover and accuse them himself. Wherefore he desired him truly to confess the names of them by whose supportation he was so bold to commit so many inmoderate and cruel deeds. saying that if he would so do & confess & disclose the troth than might he have great trust and confidence in the favour clemency, and mercy of the people of Rome But if he would not so do, he should do no profit by his silence to the noble men of Rome which had supported him. And also he should be destruction and undoing of himself, and of his riches also. On this point Memmins ceased his words and held him still. Anon jugurth was commanded of the comment to make answer. But when he was ready to have spoken Caius Bebius whom he had corrupted with treasure (as I have made mention before) commanded him to hold his peace. In so much that how be it the people sore moved with displeasure put him in fear with exclamation against him with angry countenances and often violently running upon him, and with other tokens of ire and displeasure. Nevertheless for all this the froward counsel of Bebius overcame their threatening, in so much that jugurth would nothing speak nor disclose. And thus the people had in derision and abused, departed from the congregation and assemble. So the minds of jugurthe of Calphurnius, and of other their partners were than inhansed & increased in boldness: which were troubled and much fearful before, when jugurth was first send for and brought to be examined.   

¶ How jugurth increased his cruelty at Rome and renewed his murder in slaying an other noble man of the stock of Micipsa by occasion whereof he was constrained to depart from Rome, & the battle renewed again of hole. The xxiii chapter.  
AT the same season was a gentleman at Rome named Massiva, borne of the country of Numidy, which was the son of Galussa, and nephew to the good king Massinissa. This Massyva was against jugurth in the strife and dissension between adherbal and him, when the town of Cirtha was yielded and adherbal slain. Wherefore he trusted not jugurth, but to save himself fled from Numidy unto Rome. Now was a lord● at Rome named Albinus, which was create consul with an other pertaining fellow named. Minucius, the next year after Calphurnius. This Albinus came to Massiva and counseled him (because he was of the stock of Massinissa) to grieve jugurth, asmuch as he could, with envy, fear, and displeasure for his offences and cruelty: And by petition to desire of the Senators the administration of the kingdom of Numidy. Albinus gave to him this counsel, for as much as he himself was desirous of battle wherefore he would much rather that every thing were moved with trouble, than pacified or at rest. Than was a custom at Rome, that the consul should have a parting fellow, and between them the provinces belonging to Rome should be divided. Thus in departing of the provinces, the country of Numidy fell to Albinus and the country of Macidony to his fellow Minutus. Shortly after Massiva begun to move the matter to the senators touching administration of the kingdom of Numidy. jugurth hearing of this had not so great trust in his matter not to his friends as he had before: For some of them with drew theirself for knowledge of their faults, and other some for fear of ill name & fame or rumour of the people. Wherefore jugurth considering this, required Bomilchar, one of his most near and trusty friends to provide and to higher by gifts and rewards a company to slay the said Massiva: and that as privily as could be done. But if it could not privily be done, than to slay him openly by one mean or other Bomilchar shortly went about the commandment of jugurth, and anon provided men and hired such as were meet for such a deed: and commanded them to espy and search his ways, his goings & commnigs and to wait a season and place convenient to perform their enterprise. But afterward when he saw his time he prepared to execute this treason. Wherefore one of them which were ordained and assigned to this murdre, assailed Massiva rashly, with small provision or advisement and slew him unware. But he which did the deed anon was taken and brought before the judges. The people in great number desired and at last constrained him to tell by whose counsel he did that mischievous deed, and specially Albinus the consul coarted him thereto. The murderer anon confessed the truth & declared how he had done it at the instigation and counsel of Bomilchar: And not withstanding that the same Bomilchar came to Rome, under safeguard and assurance of the faith of the comment as did jugurth, yet he was judged guilty of the deed, considering that he was counsellor thereto, and not according to the common law, but after very equity and good conscience. But jugurth considering himself culpable in the same fault, ye would by no mean confess nor knowledge himself faulty, till time that he understood and saw that the envy and displeasure which was taken against this deed passed all his favour and rewards which he had given at Rome, so that at last in his gifts he found no succour nor aid. But how be it in the first action or accusement which was laid against him, he had brought in and laid l sureties of his friends for him and all other of his retinue that he should purge himself of every thing which was or should be laid against him, yet thought he better to provide for the protection for his pledges or sureties. And this consydring he privily sent Bomilchar a way from Rome unto Numidy, dredinge that if condign and worthy punishment were taken of Bomylchar at Rome, lest the other commenty of his realm at home would dread to be obedient to him. And anon after Bomilchar was departed jugurth himself fled also from Rome after him, commanded of the Senators to departed from Italy as enemy to the Romans and their empire. But when he was departed a little without Rome: it is said that he looked often backward behind speaking secretly to himself, but at the last he spoke plainly in audience that they which were assistant might hear him and said. O noble and famous city corrupt and accloyed with infect citizens, whose covetise is so insatiable that they will proffer the forth to sale, and shortly thou shouldest be sold and perish, if thy rulers could find any man that would buy thee, and give money for thee.   

¶ How Albynus consul of Rome renewed the war of jugurth, and at last returned again to Rome, leaving his brother Aulus in Numidye, with the army in his room. The xxiiii chapter.  
IN the mean season Albinus which was create consul next Calphurnius renewed the war against jugurth and without ●aryeng: causeth victuals, wages & all other things necessary, expedient, & belonging to soldiers: to be conveyed speedily into Africa. And he anon himself in all haste took his viage thitherward also, and so forth to Numidy. In which viage he made more hasty expedition to th'intent to finish the war with jugurth, other by force of arms, or else constraining him to yield himself, or by some other means what so ever might be found namely before the time of election of new cosuls, which time was not long to come. But contrary wise jugurth prolonged every thing by one cause or other. As fast as Albinus went forward, so fast jugurth found impediments, sometime he promised to yield himself, and sometime feigned himself afraid. One while he fled from the army of Albinus when it was near hand to him: And anon after lest his men should mistrust by disconfort or despair, he boldly withstood and defended himself manly. And thus in prolonging the time: sometime with war and sometime with peace, he abused and mocked the consul, wherefore some were which suspected that Albinus was not ignorant of the counsel of jugurth, but consenting to him by favour: And for asmuch as at the beginning he was so fires, hasty, and diligent: it was suspected that he drove forth the time now rather by craft than cowardice. But after the time was passed and the day of election of new consuls approached and come fast on. The consul Albinus ordained his brother named Aulus, to remain in his steed as capitain and ruler in the army: and he himself departed toward Rome, to be at election of the new consuls, as the law required.   

¶ How Aulus and the Roman army were discomfited of jugurth: and how peace was granted to him by Aulus: and to what shame the Romans were 〈◊〉 ra●●e folly of the same capitain Aulus. The xxv Chapter.  
IN the same season was the comen weal at Rome much troubled with variance and debate, between the protectors of the commenti. For of them one named Lucullus and an other Annius laboured to continue and keep still their office and against the ordinance of the law to continue more than one year. Wherefore the other which were parting fellows in office with them laboured with all their might the contrary to resist them and to maintain the old constitution, ordinance and custom. This dissension & debate letted the election of the new consuls all that year. Aulus whom Albinus had left with the army in Numidy as his lyefetenant herd of this prolonging of the time and was brought in great hope to win great honour or treasure. Wherefore in the cold month of january he called the soldiers forth of their tents to execute the battle with jugurth without more delay. either did he thus shortly to make an end of the battle in his time, and thereby to win honour or else with his army to put jugurth in fear (so that to have peace) he should redeem the same of Aulus with great treasure. Aulus concluding on this purpose, sped him so fast with his soldiers making daily great journeys (notwithstanding the sharpness of winter) that at last he came to a town in Numidy, named Suthull: in which town the treasures of jugurth were laid. This town with walls, waters, and mountaygnes of nature was strongly defended: for without the walls builded on the height of a mountaygne broken on the forefront was a great plain fen, or marrayse ground: all over covered with mud, and standing winter water. In so much that what for the sharpness of the winter season: and what for natural defence of the place, this town could by no means be well besyged nor taken: yet this notwithstanding Aulus to increase fere to jugurth, and for the blind desire which he had to win the town in manner of dissimulation assailed the same & made pavasies about the walls of shields conjoined like vines, where under his men might fight with less damage or peril Than made he a dyche or trench round about the town with great heaps of earth casten upon the sides of the same, to the intent that no succour should enter into them, nor they escape forth at their pleasures. And finally he made ready every thing which belonged or was necessary to besieging of such a town. But jugurth anon perceived the vain and foolish behaviour of Aulus, and craftily increased by policy the madness of him, sending often ambassadors unto him to require in derision that he would desist & leave besyging of the town and entreating him of peace meekly. But in the mean time jugurth himself in manner as if he would not intermel with Aulus, led his army by woods, forests by strait passages, by hills and dales, and by by-ways causing Aulus to suspect that he was a dread of him: And finally he induced Aulus to trust after some appointment. And thus jugurth with his men fleeing always into deserts and hid places gave comfort to Aulus and increased his courage by such avoiding. In so much that at last Aulus gave up the seging of the town of Suthul: And with his hole power hastily pursued jugurth as slaying from him for dread into places unknown to him and his men. Thus was the treason of jugurth more hid from Aulus, wherefore he made the les provision therefore. In the mean sea●on jugurth by subtle messengers attempted the Roman army day and night inducing them to consent to betray their fellows, the captains, and undercaptayns: anon for lucre consented to him. Some in time of battle to forsake and betray their own company and to fight on the part of jugurth. And other which would not grant to so foul a deed, as to fight against their own company, he exhorted & induced them when the trumpets should blow to battle to leave their places and array: And depart from their company without stroke on one side or other. When every thing was brought to his purpose and accorded to his requests: Than about midnight he stolen privily toward the tents of the Romans & suddenly with a great company of Numidians, compassed them about on every side and assailed them fiercely. The Roman soudyours which were with Aulus, thus unwarly invaded: were marvelously abashed and amazed, for the unwonte and sudden fear of this treason. Some of the most noble hearts: with great courage drew to them their harness, and resisted their enemies valiantly: fully assured and prefixed to die like men: if fortune should grant them none other means to escape that instant danger. Some other as cowards hid themself in caves and other secret places, if they might any find. The boldest and most used to such chances comforted their fellows which were fearful and unexpert of such chances of war. Howbeit none of them all was so bold nor so well assured of himself, but that he was both in great dread and danger. And no marvel, for in every place and on all sides about them they were environed in compass with great violence and plenteous number of their enemies hid under the darkness of the night and clouds, which utterly obscured the stars light. Their peril was indifferent and doubtful whether they fled or abode the battle. For death was instant and depended over their heads every way, and either hope or esperance was none, save death inevitable. So that finally it was uncertain unto them whether it was better or more sure to flee, or to abide their adventure. But of that company which jugurth had corrupted with rewards, as we have said before, one bend or cohort of Lombard's and two turmes, that is to say three score Thraciens, and a few rude and comen soldiers betrayed the Romans, and went over to jugurth. Also the Centurion which was assigned to be captain over them, which were committed to fight about the first standard of the third legion drew him and his company a side, and suffered their enemies to enter in to the mids of the host on that side which they had taken to defend. Thus all the Numidians broke in on that side without any resistance. And at conclusion the Romans had a foul flight and a shameful discounfiture, in so much that they trusted more to their feet, than to their hands and armour. And many of them to ren lighter, threw away their harness, and took the top of an hill which was near thereby, and there tarried. The company of Jugurthe, what for spoiling of the Romans tents, and darkness of the night had less honour of victory, and suffered many of the Romans to escape. On the next day after Jugurth and Aulus came to communication together. Than said Jugurth to Aulus that not withstanding that he had him and his army which were left a live sure enough compassed and environed with weepen and hunger so that they could not escape him: and how be it it was in his power to oppress him and all his. Nevertheless he remembered well enough the incertain chances of man's business & would not be to him cruel nor uncurtes so that he would make with him a bond of peace and no more contend against him in battle, on this condition that all the soldiers of Aulus should do obesance unto him and pass under a spear in token of subjection & so without more damage depart out of the country of Numidy within the space of ten days next after. But how be it this composision and conditions were hard, and grievous, and full of shame and misery, and worthy to be punished of the Senators if Aulus agreed to them. Nevertheless their minds so wavered for dread of death that at last the composition and agreement was concluded and agreed at the will and pleasure of Jugurth upon the said conditions.   

¶ What sorrow and heaviness was at Rome, and how they demeaned themself in the City after that tidings were brought thither. The xxvi Chapter.  
When the romans understood of this at Rome, all the cite was filled with dread, ●●rowe, lamentation and mourning. S●me bewaling the worship of th'empire as lost, by that shameful composition. And other uncustomed to such business of battle and not knowing nor considering the variable mutability of chances of war feared the loss of their liberty, of their cite, and of all their empire. They all were wroth and utterly displeased with Auius cause of this subjection and shameful composition. But namely they which had been good warriors in their days were displeased with him most of all: when they considered that he being armed and well appointed to battle rather sought means to escape from death by such shameful and bond composition than manly abiding the extremity of battle to have delivered himself and his company: or else valiantly to have died with honour. But the consul Albinus, himself dreaded sore for this thing considering that for his brother's fault in time to come he should not avoid the displeasure of the Senators and commons of Rome. For as he conjectured all his brother's deeds should redound to his dishonour and paryll, because he had lymitted him in Numidy in his stead to be captain of the army in his absence. Wherefore (these things duly advised) he went to the Senators desiring them to take counsel and advisement whether they would approbate and allow the said composition between his brother Aulus & Jugurth or else not. But he knew right well that the Senators would not confirm the same. Wherefore (in mean time while they were counseling) he elect soldiers for supplement to fulffyl & perform again the army which was in Africa, and sore diminished. For many of them were slain by jugurth and his company. Wherefore Albinus raised up socours of such as were near to the costs of Rome, and friends to th'empire: as Latinians and Italians with other nations. Of these he raised as many as he might, and assembled them together by all means which he could devise to furnish and augment his army. At conclusion the Senators decreed in their counsel that no bond of peace nor composition might be confirmed without their consent & without the advise and commandment of the comen people also as right and reason required. And thus was the said composition of Aulus abrogate, as a thing presumed without consent or commandment of the Senators or commons. But when the consul Albinus had ordained and prepared supplement of his army (as said is (he was prohybet and letted by the protectors of the commenty: In so much that he was not suffered by them to convey such company as he had raised into Africa, with him as he intended to repair and fornyshe the army which there remained. Wherefore he sped himself forth into Africa disappointed of his purpose with a small company of men, of his own retinue. The army of the romans which he before had committed to Aulus his brother: according to the appointment with Jugurth, was departed forth of Numidy. And to pass forth the winter, tarried in a province of Africa which was subject to th'empire of Rome. When Albinus the consul was arrived and come thither: his mind ardently was kindled with desire to pursue jugurth, and to remedy the ill will and displeasure which the commons at Rome had against Aulus his brother. Nevertheless when he knew the manners and ill behaviour of the soldiers: of whom some were fled treyterously to jugurth (as is said before) and some by sufferance of their captain were infected and corrupted with overmuch pleasure, dissolute liberty, and voluptuous living this consydring he concluded (as the case required) to do nothing for a season: and to attempt no mastery but to pass forth the winter with his army without removing or putting himself in jeopardy or paryll.  
¶ In the mean season while Albinus and his army sojourned in the province of Africa till the winter were overpassed. At Rome was one named Caius Manlius elect and lymitted protector of the comen people which anon after he was set in authority: assembled the commons: and desired and counseled them that inquisition might be made of all such whose supportation and counsel Jugurth had despised and set at nought the ordinances decreed of the Senators. And against them which had restored again to jugurth the elephants which jugurth had delivered to Calphurnius at the first composition and appointment which was made with him. And also against them which had received any money or other reward of jugurth while they were ambassadors or captains of armies against him: send forth by the romans. And finally the same inquisition also was extended against all such as had made any pactions, apointmentes, or promises of peace or of war with enemies of th'empire without general consent of the Senators or commons.  
¶ When this inquire was moved, many of the Senators and noble men of Rome knew themself culpable in the foresaid articles. And other some doubted sore of perils for to come because of the ill will and malice which the party of the commons confederate had against them. Wherefore sith the same noble men might not well resist the examination of these articles openly, but of necessity they must agree thereto, either elles knowledge themself (by their resistance) guilty in the same: therefore they prepared impediment privily against such inquisitions by their friends, but specially by the fellows of th'empire which were confederate with the Romans, as italians and Latinians. The princes of these nations and such other like gave counsel to the senators which were not fauty in the premises, and also to the commenty: that in such a troublous, busy, and perilous season no such examinations should be made nor proceed forward to effect: for dread of many inconveniences which of the same might rise between the noble men and the commons. But (this not withstanding) it is a marvelous thing and in manner incredible to speak of, how busy and diligent the commons were to have the same inquisition to proceed, and to be brought to effect: and that rather for hatred which they had against the noble men (against whom the said inquisition was ordained) than for any good will or favour, which they had to the comen weal. So great pleasure & desire of variance was among them. Wherefore while the remanant of the noble men were sore troubled with fere and dread. Marcus Scaurus which was before sent into Africa with Calphurnius (as I have said) provided for himself in crafty manner as I shall now declare. While the commenty was merry and ioyeouse of this examination, and many of the company of Scaurus that knew themself faulty fled for fear. And the hole city was in much dread and Manlius obtained his petition and will of the commentye. In so much that anon were ordained three noble men commissioners to examine the three articles before rehearsed and here ensuing, of whom the first was of them which counseled Jugurthe to despise the decrees of the senators and that took money or rewards of him. The second was of them that sold again to jugurth the foresaid elephants and the numidians that lest jugurth coming on the romans said. And the third examination was of them which had made any appointment of peace or war with the enemies of Rome as was jugurth. But not withstanding that Calphurnius was culpable in the same asmuch as any other of the noble men. Nevertheless he shifted so for himself that he was elect to be one of the examinours or commissioners to make inquisition of these three points rehearsed. The inquisition proceeded to effect & was handled and put in execution with moche violence and sharply after the comen rumour and pleasure of the commenty. Thus the people saying their pleasure fulfilled, at time began to be proud and stately thereof in likewise as the estates had been in foretime of their power and lordship. But here will I make a small dygression for my purpose and tell whereof this variance and discord between the commons & noble men first proceeded.   

¶ Whereof the discord and taking of parties between the noble men and commons of Rome had first beginning The xxvii Chapter.  
THis manner of division of the comment from the estates of Rome: This discord and taking of parties between them: and this inordinate custom of all other inconveniences began among them but a few years before this time by mean of over much rest and idleness: by superfluous abundance of richesse, voluptuousity, and of other worldly delectations: which many count and repute for most chief pleasures of this life. For before the destruction of Carthage, the Senators and commenty of Rome treated and governed the comen we'll between them peaceably in love and concord. So that among the citizens was no strife nor debate, for laud, excellence, for diginte, nor for great dominion. The dread which they had of their enemis made them ware and kept them in good manners causing them to govern their city with good and virtues institutes, without variance, without robbery, without oppression, without slaughter nor other like cruel tyrannies. But when Carthage was overcome anon was expulsed fere from their minds: and voluptuousity, wantonness, and pride (which are greatly loved in wealth and prosperity) anon entered their minds: so that they desired peace when they had war. But when the war was ended: and that they had peace and idleness after their own desire: their peace and rest was more sharp, more bitter, more intolerable, and more perilous to them than the war was before. For the estates bgan to turn their dignity and worship, into immoderate affection of great lordship and domination. And the comen people began to turn their liberty into lust and pleasure. Every man provided and drew to himself robbing and reaving without measure, from the comen weal. Thus was the commentie abstract and divided from the lords. So was the city divided into ii parts. And the comen weal which was in the mids between them on every side was pilled, rob, and utterly wasted of them both: on both sides. But the power of the noble men and of their party was more mighty than the power of the commons. For all the estates were all together assembled, conjoined, and unied. But the commons were dispersed and spread abroad into divers places and companies getting their living with labour of their hands and sweat of their bodies. So every thing was governed in peace and in war at the pleasure and advise of a few private noble men. The comen treasure, the provinces, mastership's, offices, tributes, worship, triumphs, & all other things longing to honour or advantage, were only in the hands and possession of the same few noble men. But the simple comen people was wearied and oppressed with poverty, battle, and warfare. Ever in jeopardy, and never in advantage nor lucre. For the captains with a few other noble men pulled such prays as were taken in battle only to their singular advantage and behoof. But in the mean season the parents and small children of the soldiers were driven from their dwelling places and possessions by the said noble men, each one of them by that lord unto whom they dwelled nearest. And so the might and power of such noble men conjoined with immoderate covetise assailed, defiled, wasted, and destroyed every thing without good manner, without measure or moderation: having no respect nor consideration of any thing belonging to goodness or virtue, till they had so farforth proceeded that at conclusion they were destroyed and overthrown by their own obstinate pride and tyranni. But at last as soon as ever some of the estates were found which remembering and considering themself: set more by true and laudable glory, than by unjust power & dignity. And were moved in mind by compassion to show merci, & pite against the comment & to succour their misery, than began the city to be troubled & moved grievously for the courage of the commons was revived by supportation of such noble men: by means whereof discord and division began to rise in the cite, as it were dry dust of the ground raised in a great and tempestuous wind. For after that Tiberius Gracchus, and Caius Gracchus (whose progenitors much increased the comen weal in many battles, but namely in the battle of Carthage) began to restore the commonty into their old liberty, and to detect the cruel misdeeds of the few injurious estates. Than all the lords confederate: and after manner chafed with ire assembled their fellows, as Latynians and some knights of Rome, which in hope of promotion left the commons party and held with the noble men. All these with such as were to them leaning of other nations began to withstand the accusements of the commenty: and first of all they slew Tiberius Graccus: And after that within a few years the slew the other brother named Caius Graccus, while he was protector of the commenty, because that he according to law & right divided among the poor comment such lands as they had won in battle of their enemies. And at the same season the estates put to death also a lord named Marcus Flaccus, because he defended the commons liberty against their extortion. But touching the two bretherin Tiberius, and Caius Graccus: soothly their minds were greatly immoderate and unmeasurable in their desire to overcome th'estates. Nevertheless it had be much better to th'estates to have suffered them in their rightwise title, and somewhat to have inclined to their minds than to have overcome them so injuriously, how best that they were over hasty and busy. But when th'estates had the victory of them after their desire and pleasure than put they to death the commenty with out number, and many they exiled and drove out of the cite. In somuch that from thence forth they rather increased their cruelty and fear to the commons, than their own honour or power. By which means many worthy cities have often times been destroyed while the estates and commons contend the one, to overcome the other, by one mean or other. And while the party vyctoure will punish over grievously that party which is overcome. But if I would prepare to write of the business and deeds of both the parties seriatly and distinctly And if I should touch all the manners of the cite according to the greatness of the matter and as it requyrth: soothly the time should fail me rather than the matter. Wherefore I will omit this superfluous and infinite business, and return to my first matter and purpose touching this chronicle of this tyrant jugurth.   

¶ How Metellus was create consul and send by the romans to war against jugurth, and of the wise and discrete behaviour of the same Metellus. The xxviii Chapter.  
AFter the truce and composition of Aulus before said made with jugurth, and the foul and shameful flight of the Roman army: Quintus Metellus, and Marcus silanus, were create & proclaimed consuls of Rome, which according to the old custom parted and divided the provinces belonging to Rome between them both. The country of Numidi fell and happened to Metellus. This Metellus was a fierce man and a noble and a worthy warrior. And how be it he favoured the party of the noble men and, was contrary to the party of the commons: nevertheless he was of fame undefiled and unuiolat & counted of good name indifferently on both parties. Assoon as ever this Metellus entered in his office and dignity, he thought that every thing apartayning to his room and charge belonged aswell to his parting fellow as to himself, save the war of Numidy: which only belonged to himself and to his particular charge: Wherefore he committed all other charges to silanus, and only set his mind to make provision for the war against jugurth. But because he mistrusted the old army which was in Numidy with Albinus and Aulus, and had no confidence in the minds of these soldiers corrupted with idleness and many other vices: therefore he elected & assembled new soldiers. And of all such as were fellows and friends confederate to the romans, he called for help and socours. He prepared & made ready armour, wepyn, horse harness, and all other ordinance expedient to warfare. And also he ordained abundance of victuals. And shortly to speak all thing he ordained which are wont to be necessary and profitable to the variable chances and incertain accidents, and jeopardies of war which requireth reparation of many things and chargeable. But such as were fellows of the empire of Rome at instance and request of the Senators: and by their authority and by the Latinians many other strange kings of their own free-will sent socours to Metellus to advance him in his enterprise: And shortly to speak the hole city laboured with all their might to succour and aid Metellus in his business. Thus at last when every thing was provided & set in order after his pleasure and intent: than took he his journey in Numidi●, with great hope of all the citizens of Rome that for his good manners: and specially for that his mind was unovercome with riches or covetise that he should do more honour to the empire than his predecessors had in the war of Numidie. For before his departing the wealth of Numidie (by covetise of the officers of Room) was augmented: but the wealth of the Romans wasted and diminished. When Metellus was come to Africa, the army was delivered to him by Albinus: which army was uncraftie, sluggish and feeble, neither able to endure peril nor labour: of tongue more ready, fierce and hardy, then of hand: which was wont to pill from fellows and friends of the empire. But itself endured by cowardice to be rob and spoiled of enemies of the empire, as a lawless and disordered company of men ungoverned and without authority or manners. Wherefore Metellus the new captain had much more thought and business, for such corrupt and vicious manners of a company so far out of order, than he had help or good hope of comfort in the multitude of them. Thus how be it he saw the time of election of new consuls draw near, and also though he understood that the Romans daily looked after some end of the war. These causes not withstanding yet he concluded, not to begin war, till he had exercised and used the soldiers with business and labour after the instruction and custom of old captains used before his time. For why, Albinus was so astonied with the adversity and mischance of his brother Aulus, and for the murder of his host: that after he purposed not to depart out of the Romans province which was in Africa he kept the soldiers always idle in their tents as long as summer lasted and as long as he was in authority, in so much that they changed no place except the corrupt savour of the place, or else necessity of victual constrained them to remove. Nor according to the custom and manner of warriors among them was no watch: but every man came and went at his own pleasure, and absented themself from their standards when it liked them. The scolions and pages wandered day and night mingled among the horsemen and chief of the soldiers without any order. And many other as rovers dispersed abroad destroyed the country, fighting against the small villages and not against cities nor towns. They carried a way from the said villages prays of cattles, and led away with them also the inhabitants as prisoners with other prays, striving together who might have most and than after changed the said robries with merchants for delicious and strong wines carried from other strange countries, where better wine grew than in that country, and for other such delicious things. They sold away the wheat and other victuals which was delivered of their captains among them in comen and daily they bought their bread. And finally what so ever shame or rebuke longing to covetise or lechery could either be said, done, or imagined of any man, all was used in that host. And among some, more shameful deeds than aught to be named. But Metellus behaved himself as a mighty and wise man, not less in this difficulty and hardness, than if it had been in a battle fought against his enemies, as he which in the mids of so great covetise, voluptuositie, and cruelty, was singularly induced with temperance: and he used marvelous good manner in coarting the same faults. Wherefore at the first beginning he withdrew & avoided from the army at his commandment and ordinance the occasions which stirred the soldiers to such sloth, cowardice, and voluptuositie. For he commanded under great pain that no person should be so hardy to sell among the soldiers neither bread nor other victual all ready dressed save the common provision: that the pages, waterlaggers & scolions should not come near the army nor follow the same. That none of the comen & simple soldiers should keep or maintain servant nor beast in their tents nor viage, while they moved fro place to place. These inconveniences first of all he redressed & reform. After these amended, all other faults he measured by his wisdom, craft, and policy: reforming them by little and little. This done (to have his soldiers occupied) he moved daily from place to place: and that not in ways comen & used, but by hard and unoccupied ways. He caused them daily to cast dyches & trenches about the army, to the intent that they should not wax slothful nor vicious, by overmuch rest and idleness. He ordained overmuch watch among them every night, and he himself accompanied with his undercaptains and head officers often searched if the watches were truly kept compassing about the army on every side. While they removed & changed places, sometime he was in the forward and among the first, sometime in the rearward or hinder part, and anon in the mids, overseeing their order to the intent that none should pass out of order, array & place to them assigned. But keep thick together every man and company about their own standards: and also he ordained that among themself they should convey & carry their own victuals and armour. And thus in short time he confirmed and set the army in good order rather with fair words, or rebuking and blaming their faults, and prohibiting their disordre: than in chastising or punishing their offences with rigour or cruelty.   

¶ Of the behaviour of jugurth against Metellus, and how he send ambassadors to Metellus requiring unfeignedly to yield up the kingdom of Numidy to the empire of Rome: and how Metellus behaved himself against the same ambassadors. The xxix Chapter.  
IN the mean season when jugurthe understood by messengers and espies of this behaviour of Metellus: and also when he remembered that which was informed to him at Rome of the integrity and undefiled name of Metellus, which would not be corrupt with money nor accloyed with bribes like other before: he began to mistrust his matters and to have less confidence in his cause, than ever he had before. In somuch that than he began to labour to yield himself unfeignedly and to make a true composytion with Metellus and the Romans without any fiction, guile, or deceit. Wherefore he send ambassadors with supplications and petitions, requiring humbly of Metellus to grant to him his own life: & the life of his children only: and concerning all other thing he would yield than into the hands of the romans. But Metellus knew well enough long before this time by often experience that the Numidians of natural disposition were unfaithful, movable and unstable of mind: new-fangled and much desirous of new business and novelties. Wherefore he began with the emassadours of jugurth, tasting and proving the mind of each of them, by little & little, and separately one by one. And when he knew that they somewhat inclined to his purpose: he than promised to them great gifts and promotions so that they would do some pleasure for him, and for the Senators and people of Rome. Than at last he counseled and desired them to deliver jugurthe to him a live, specially if it might be brought a bout: And if they could not so, then to deliver him either quick or dead. But when he had made this appointment secretly with the ambassadors divided in sunder one by one, than openly that every man might here, he showed to them all together as his pleasure was that they should certify their king jugurth concerning their ambassade.  
¶ After this within few days when he saw his host most ready, and contrary to jugurth he removed his tents, and so addressed him with his army ready in array, and went forward into Numidye, where contrary to any similitude of war the villages and cottages were full of men, the fields full of beasts and tyllmen, and every where as much plenty of people young and old, namely rude people and tillers of the ground, which had still fled before the army in fore time for fear: but at last when they saw no defence nor succour, the kings liefetenauntes and all other left their towns, villages, and lodges, and went forth to meet Metellus with all humility, honour, and service submitting themself to him, and ready to give to him wheat and other corn such as they had. And to carry victuals after his host to ease the soldiers to do and perform all other things what ever they were commanded. But for all this, Metellus was not less diligent nor circumspect in ordering of his host but proceeded forward together with his army in array ready in armour, & defended as if their enemies had been near at hand searching the country abroad on every side by his espies doubting treason and thinking that all these tokens of subjection were but for a face or cloak to cover the treason and guile of jugurth. And so by such deceit to wait a time to execute his treason. Wherefore Metellus thus mysdeming kept himself in the forward of the host with an elect and chosen company of archers, slingers, and other like soldiers appointed in light harness. His under captain Caius Marius had rule and charge of the rearward among the horsemen and on both the wings of his host he ordained horsemen and other soldiers for supplement, subsidy, and socours of the forward if need should require, and among them to expel their enemies on what side so ever they should come, were mingled bowmen and other light harnenised footmen with darts, pikes, and javelins to trouble the horsemen of their enemies. For in jugurth was so much guile so great experience and knowledge of the country, and also so great practise of chivalry: that a man could not well know whether he were more to be doubted or more grievous in peace or in ware or while he was absent or present.  
¶ Not far from that way which Metellus held with his army was a town of the Numidians much accustomed and frequented of merchants of Italy and other strange countries: and the principal market town of all the kingdom of Numidi. This town was named Vacca, Metellus drew him and his army thither, and set garnison into the same town. This did he to prove the inhabitants: for if they had kept forth the garnison than should they evidently have declared themself enemies of the romans. And also he led a garnison thither to th'intent to have taken the town by force of arms, if the inhabytauntes would not have admitted the same garnison. Also he commanded victuals, and all other things necessary or expedient to war for to be brought thither thinking (as the case required) that the concourse of merchants resorting thither, and his good provision of victuals should be great defence and conservation for him & his army both in war and in peace. But when the citizens saw such purneyance as he made of victuals considering that he should not hurt nor disprovyde them while he had uttail enough of his own provyson: anon they opened the gates and suffered him to enter withal his garnison and retinue. But in the mean time jugurth again send his ambassadors to Metellus more diligently and instantly than he had done before, meekly beseeching & requiring him of peace And yielding to him every thing, only reserved his own life: and the life of his children. Metellus send these ambassadors home again attysed to the prodytion of their master jugurth as he had done to the other ambassadors which were sent before. But concerning the peace which they desired in their masters name: neither he granted nor utterly denied it. And in this prolonging of time he looked always after parfourming of the promise of the other ambassadors, which before had granted to the betrayeng of jugurth. But when jugurth considered and pondered together the words and deeds of Metellus, & when he perceived in mind himself assailed with his own crafts of subtlety: and that Metellus used such crafts against him, as he himself had used against other: than was his mind grieved most of all. For Metellus feigned peace, but in very deed he showed sharp war. jugurth thus considered also: that his greatest town named Vacca, was alienate and lost from him: his enemies by long continuance and exercise knew the coostes of his country of Numidy. The minds of his lords and commons were provoked and moved against him. When he advised these dyfficulties with other more contrary to him he concluded and fully determined at last to resist and withstand Metellus in battle, with strength and force of arms and no farther to meek nor submit himself by petition.   

¶ How jugurth prepared and addressed himself to war, and what ordinance and policy he used against the new consul Metel●us. The xxx Chapter.  
Wherefore jugurth thus determining to assail Metellus caused his ways to be espied, having hope of victory by advancement and advantage of some place: where he intended of the place and country: and anon prepared the greatest army that he could of all sorts of people. This done, he did so much that by hills narrow passages and bypathes he prevented and overpassed the host of Metellus.  
¶ In that part of Numidi which before in division of the kingdom was assigned in possession to Adherbal was a flood named Muthull, running from the meridyonall part of the country. A certain hill and long was near to this water, so that at any place the hill was about twenty mile from the stream and of equal distance in length. The ground of this hill was of such nature that ever it was barren, wherefore it was not apt to men's habitation but desert. About the mids and pendant of it was an other hill smaller of quantity: but of an unmeasurable height covered and all overgrown with wild olive trees, with myr trees, and other sorts of trees wont to grow naturally on dry & sandy ground. The plain between the hills and the water was desert and unhabitable for lack of water: save such places of the plain as were near to the flood of Muthul which part was grown with small trees, and occupied with men and beasts. jugurth came to the said small hill which descended from the pendante of the greater hill overthwart the valley. And there took place with his army not together, but dispersed abroad among the trees by companies and bends: he made his friend Bomilchar captain and governor of his elephants, and of part of his army of footmen, and informed him perfectly how he should behave himself, and govern them whom he had committed to him both before the battle, and also in the battle when it came to the point. But he himself drew nearer to the great hill with all the horsemen and many of the footmen which were elect and chosen men, and set them in order and in array with much policy & wisdom. This done he himself w●nt about & compassed every company, cohort, and bend singularly, and one by one warning & requiring them to call to their minds their old strength, nobles and victory: and thereby to defend themself and their country of Numidy from the immoderate covetise of the romans, which were not content nor satisfied with the possession of the most part of the world: saying fathermore that they should fight but with such as they before had overcome and subdued. And how be it they had changed their capitain: the cowardice of their hearts was not changed: Also he rehearsed and declared to them that he had made all provision for them which a captain might or aught to make for his army. He declared how he had taken for them the upper place: that they were crafty in battle and many in number: and should fight with a few uncrafty cowards. Wherefore he desired & exhorted them when time should come that than they would be ready to assail the romans manly at sound of the trumpets, for that one same day said he should other establish all their labours victories, and business: or else it should be the heed and beginning of their most great mischief, and destruction. Moreover through out all his army he put them in remembrance man by man of the benefits which he had done to them before for their manly deeds of chivalry: as such as for their worthiness he had rewarded with dignity, money offices, or other worship: & showed such unto other comen soldiers saying that if they would so demean themself manly: so should they be promoted and avanced to worship & riches. And thus he comforted them all every man after his manners and conditions, some with gifts, some with promise, some with threatenings, and other like ways according to the disposition of their minds and nature.  
¶ While jugurth thus exhorted his soldiers Metellus nought knowing of his enemies appeared with his company dyscending down the pendant of the great hill which at first seeing but few men much marveled what it might signify, for he suspected nothing less than battle, but in beholding more intentifely toward the top of the small hill afore him, he espied among the young trees both horses and men which were not fully hid, because of the lownesses of the trees: yet was he incertain what it might be. For what by secretness of the place, and what by guile of jugurth, their banners and the most part of the soldiers were obscured and hydlyinge down upon the ground. But anon after when he perceived this guile and treason: by little and little, he set his army in array proceeding forward still as he did before, feigning himself ignorant of the treason. But he changed the order of his soldiers, & on the right wing which was next to the numidians his enemies, he ordained as it were a forward enforced with a threefold subsidy or succour, that is to say with three bends of proved soldiers to rescue & help them when need should be. The archers, such as with slings should cast against their enemy's plummets of lead and iron, and all other which were of light harness: all these he divided amomge the standards of other soldiers as the case required: where as after the right ordinance of battle, such soldiers by themself divided should begin the battle: but in this battle the situation of the place not so required. All the hole company of his horsemen he ordered in the extremities and corners of the fore front of the battle. This done as the brevity of the time suffered, he made a short exhortation unto his soldiers, and so proceeded forth with his host set in a ray in manner beforesaid. But because jugurth was on the small hill before him, and by that mean on the higher ground he thought to remedy that incommodity, and led forth his host on the side half, not toward jugurth, but along on the hill to ward the flood Muthul, into the plain which was between the hill and the flood. But when he saw the numidians quiet and that they departed not from the hill which they had taken, he considered the heat and ferventness of the summer season. And lest his army might perish for lack or scarcity of water: he sent before one of his captains named Rutilius with a company of light harnessed soldiers & part of his horsemen unto the flood named Muthul for to take up a place wherein they might set their tents in time of need: thinking that his enemies willing to continue long in that place by often assaults and scyrmishes should disturb the romans while they resorted to the water. And for asmuch as the numidians trusted not much in their strength and armour. He thought that they purposed and intended to trouble his soldiers with weariness and thirst. When Rutilius was gone toward the water, Metellus descended proceeding forth withal by little and little as the matter and place required: he commanded one named Marius, with his company to keep in the rearward. But Metellus himself with the horsemen kept him in the lift wing of the forward of the battle, which always removed forward first of all his army.   

¶ Of the first battle fought between Metellus and jugurth. The xxxi chapter.  
BUT when jugurthe saw that the rearward of Metellus was passed his forward: he beset the hill from which Metellus descended with two thousand footmen by which garnison if Metellus would again take succour of the same hill, he should be prohibited and driven bacwarde again into the hands of jugurth. This done: suddenly he did the trumpetes to be blown and anon withal, invaded and set upon the company of Metellus on every side. The Numidyens assailed and beat down the romans, some on the rearward and other some did their devoir to break the array on both sides: both on the right and life wing, withal their might assailing the Romanies, and advancing themself on every side to break their array and ordinance: & after their power to trouble, disturb, & divide them. The romans which were most stable and bold of mind in meeting their enemies were abused and deceived with the uncertain battle. For their ordinance and array was set and strengthened only but on one side. But their enemies assailed them on every side: so that sometime they were stricken and wounded of their enemies from far of, but by no means could they strike their enemies again, nor join with them. For jugurth had taught his Numidians on horseback before the battle, that when they should begin to assail the Romans: they should not keep themself together, nor near, but as much dispersed as they could, & in divers places: one company here, and an other ther. And where the soldiers of jugurth could not avoid nor repel the Romans which assailed them, because they were more in number: therefore they compassed and trapped them behind or on the sides beaten of & disjoined from their company. And where it fortuned any of them to flee, the Numydians had more advantage than the Romans. For where they fled into the fields, they assailed the Romans on the back half or else on both sides in divers companies. But where they saw it was more avail and expedient to i'll again to the hill where they set first their ordinance. They had also advantage thereby for their horses were accustomed to mountains and cumbered ways, wherefore they mounted with less difficulty, but in contrary wise the romans for the sharpness of the hills and lack of use could not follow them in their ascending without much difficult, pain, and paryll. But not withstanding that jugurth and his men had the most advantage of the country and ground, yet the battle on both sides was variable, ungodly, uncertain & miserable to behold: for the best men soonest were slain & in most jeopardy. For the courage & valiant minds & bold hearts of the Romans: was worth with the guile & treason of the jugurthyns: & so on both sides he which was boldest & most advanced himself was soonest overthrown Some which were divided from their own company and in hand of their enemies, gave place to them and yielded themself. And again some followed and chased their enemies fleeing: where they might make their party good: there resisted either party manly. None of both parties kept under their standards: nor followed not the order of battle: nor kept none order nor array, but every man resisted & defended himself there where most jeopardy & peril was laid to him: and endeavoured himself to withstand violence of his enemies with high valyantise. And so the armour defensyfe, darts, men horse, romans, Numidians, soldiers, and pages were all confounded and mingled together: without order or ordinance observed. Nothing was done with discretion of the soldiers nor with counsel of the captains: unadvised fortune and chance governed all the bysynesse of that day: so unstable was the battle. All was committed to rule of fortune, and thus passed forth much, of the day in great murder and slaughter yet still was the end of the battle uncertain and none knew whither party should have the victory. At last both parties with labour and heat began to languyshe and become weary. Metellus understanding that the Numidians less resisted in fighting than they did before assembled and gathered together again his soldiers by little and little, and without tarry restored the array and set them again in order. And four cohorts taken forth of the legions he set against the footmen of his enemies. But before Metellus had thus assembled his company: a great part of them oppressed with wounds and weariness, withdrew themself to the hill before named and to the higher places from the battle there to refresh and rest themselves. But when Metellus (as said is) had reasembled them again: he began in few words to pray and exhort them in such manner.  
¶ O worthy and trusty soldiers and companions discourage not yourself in this battle, nor let not your old nobleness now fail you? suffer not your enemies wont to put their trust in flight, now to over come you by your fearful minds. Remember well: if ye be disposed cowardly to flee: ye have no tents, no cities no towns, no castles, nor no manner places of defence: whereto ye may ren for refuge and save yourself: your health, your hope, and defence is only in your armour and strength: and specially in your bold heart. Wherefore dear friends remember your old worship. and suffer not the hole empire of Rome to suffer disworship by your temerous and coward minds. Remember it worthier to die in battle like men than to i'll, and than to be taken and murdered like beasts, or to die in prison. With these words and such like Metellus recomforted the hearts of his soldiers. But in mean time jugurth for his part was not idle, quiet nor less provident but compassed and went about his men comforting and exhorting them also and praysng their deeds. He renewed the battle also for his part: and among the mids of elect soldiers he fought and proved thextremity of every thing: & assayed all means whereby any advantage might be won comforting and socouringe men with words, deeds, and example. He boldly fought and assailed such of the romans as were in fear of doubt: and such as he knew and proved bold and steadfast, he kept them of with arrows, javelins, and darts that they could not approach to their fellows to advance them nor to be succoured of them. Thus two worthy men noble & excellent captains fought & contended together between themself. They themself like in strength, courage, wisdom, and policy: but of things longing to chivalry unlike of provision. For Metellus had strength of soldiers sufficiently: but the advantage of the country and place was much contrary to him. But jugurth had every thing necessary & expedient, save company of men of arms which he wanted.  
¶ At last the romans when they understood that there was no sure place whereto they might i'll: and also that they could find no means to fight with their enemies indifferently hand to hand. And that the night was come upon them: at last they ascended upon the top of an hill which was over against them like as Metellus their captain commanded them to do. For the Numidians had lost that place and were fled and spread abroad dispersed, but few of them were slain: for they were swift, and the country was not well known to the Romans to pursue them: whereby many of the Numidians were defended: and so by flight escaped. But jugurth with his horsemen of guard for his body: fled also from the battle when he had long fought and saw none avail nor advantage.   

¶ How Bomylchar under captain of jugurth and his company were discomfited by Rutilius under captain of Metellus. The xxxii Chapter.  
IN the mean season Bomylchar, whom jugurth had made master of his elephants, and of a part of his foot men (as I have written before) assoon as he saw that Rutilius (which Metellus had sent unto the flood of Muthull to provide a place for their tents) was overpassed his company, by little and little he conveyed and led down his company into a plain. And while this Rutilius hasted him toward the flood as he was commanded of Metellus. Bomylchar set his company in order and array still and quietly as the matter and case required. And in the mean time he forgot not to search by espies what Metellus did, and what way Rutilius took toward the said flood, and in what manner he behaved himself and guided his army. Wherefore after he understood by his epyes that Rutilius with his company had taken their place by the said flood where he would abide, & was void of business, quiet & doubting no peril. And on the other side when he understood that the cry of the battle between jugurth and Metellus increased, he feared lest Rutilius (if he understood thereof) would leave his place by the flood: and return to the battle to succour his fellows which were in jeopardy. In this consideration Bomilchar: where as before he had ordered his army near together by craft and that because he mistrusted the courage of his men: and in their boldness had no great confidence. Therefore now again he divided them abroad much larger than they were before: and so proceeded toward the tents of Rutilius to th'intent to let him and his company on every side, if they prepared toward rescous of Metellus. Rutilyus and his company suspecting no peril suddenly of unware advised great violence of smoke and dust stirred up & raised by moving of the ground: but what it might be they could not perceive by any mean because of the thickness of young trees that grew on all the ground bytwen them which letted their sight. First of all they thought it had proceeded of dryness of ground by moving of the wind. But afterward when they saw the same smoke and dust continue still after one manner: & that the same approached alway nearer & nearer likewise as the company of their enemies moved and drew toward them. Than they perceived and knew the matter as it was: and in all hast every man took to him his harness: and stood ready before the defence of their tents as their captain Rutilius had ordered and commanded them every man ready at defence and in array. After when their enemies approached nearer with an horrible noise and cry, they ran togidre on both parties. The numidians did but only continue the skirmish abiding and looking after their elephants in help of whom was all their trust. But when they saw that their elephants were stopped and let with thickness of the bows of the trees: and so tarried and kept from their socours by the compass of the romans so that in them was no trust of socours. Than all they took them to flight with all their power. But many of them (leving their armour behind them) escaped with out wound by help of the hills which were about the place: which they could better and quicklier ascend than the Romans. And also by succour of the darkness of the night (which than was at hand) many of them escaped hole and sound and saved themself. Four of the elephants were taken and all the remnant (forty in number) were slain. When this was done: the company of Rutilius, notwithstanding that they were fatigate and wearied with great journeys before, and also with much labour in ordering of their tents: and with the said battle or skyrmyshe: nevertheless when they saw that Metellus their chief captain tarried longer than they thought he would have done, if all thing had happened well with him, they ordered themself ready & diligently went backward again to meet him. For the falsehood and guile of jugurth and of the Numidians caused them to be busy, diligent, and circumspect in every thing for safeguard of their lives, and suffered them to do nothing slowly nor with delaying. But when they were in their journey in the darkness of the night the companies on both parties were not far in sunder the one from the other: & both parties approached together not knowing each other as if they had been enemies. The one against the other making noise and clamour each one increasing fear to other as warriors are wont to do at beginning of battle. In somuch that a miserable destruction and murdre had almost been committed between them by their imprudent negligence, if the espies and horsemen which were sent between them on both sides had not with more diligence & wyselyer espied the truth of the matter. But when the parties knew each other, their sadness and fear turned to great joy and gladness. The soldiers joyfully anon met together one saluting and welcoming other. One showed to other their acts done on both parties: and joyous they were to here on both sides every man commending and exalting their own deeds, and also the deeds of other unto heaven with mirth and gladness. And that aswell such as were worthy men as unworthy cowardis ascribed to themself worthiness. And certes in such business it often happeneth, that on that side which hath victory: such as be but cowards, rude and uncrafty, exalteth them enjoyeth, and may boast themselves on other men's deeds and worthiness. But in contrary wise on that party which is overcome though many be good warryours, noble and worthy men: yet are they reputed for cowards without policy, because of other men's cowardice and adversity of fortune. Thus farethe it in skirmisshes of battle. But when Metellus and Rutilius (as I have said before) were met together & rehearsed their acts one to other Metellus hasted him with all his army to the flood of Muthull, and tarried in the places and tents which Rutilius had prepared and sojourned there the space of four days. In this season he was busy in refreshing and healing his soldiers which were wounded, such as manly had behaved themself in the battle he worthily rewarded them, he called them together all into one company & greatly lauded and commended them: thanking and much praising them for the great diligence, pain, and labours: which they had taken in defence of the honour & dignity of their empire with such words.  
¶ O worthy soldiers ye see now that, the hardest of our labour is overpassed by your boldness and manhood wherefore I exhort you: be ye of like courage in the residue of our business, which shallbe but light and easy in comparison of this which is overpassed. The beginning and first brunt of every business is hardest. Which shall be but light unto bold and circumspect beginners and constant followers of their eneterprises. But this beginning ye have manly overcome by constant labour as a thing most easy. Enough have we fought already for the glory of victory: for that have we obtained in the first conflict. If we labour or fight any more it shallbe but only for prays and robberies of our enemies whereby we shallbe enriched in substance: like as we now be enhanced with glory of victory. Wherefore my dear fellows and most constant friends of the comen wealth, now I exhort you for complement of all your honourable fame, to remember your old accustomed worthiness: and suffer not this excellent honour and glory which ye have now obtained by boldness: to be quenched and decay again by ignominious cowardice.  
¶ With such words & many other like Metellus recomforted his compaynie, and maruelousely kindled their courage to the desire of honour by valiant feats of arms But in the mean season the known guile of jugurthe went not from his mind: & therefore to exclude all danger of treason, he fente certain of the Numidians, which betraying jugurth had forsaken him & fled to the Romans: and also with them he sent forth diverse other of his own company which were expert of the country, and opportune to such business to search and espy among what people or in what place jugurth held himself: and wherein he was occupied. Whether he kept him with a small company, or whether he had an army reassembled for a new battle, and how he behaved himself, and where about he went sith he was overcome. But jugurth had conveyed himself into such places as were full of dyches, valeis, hills, trees, bushes, and dales defended of nature. And there had he assembled again a new army of men more in numbered than he had before. But they were but uncrafty, inexpert, and dull to battle: and could better till the ground and keep beasts, then exercise the deeds of chivalry. For thereto had they never been used before: but in the other servile occupations and businesses had they been occupied all their life time without intermixtion of other occupation. It fortuned that jugurth had none other soldiers but such rural people about him at this time, namely for this cause. For when he fled from the battle fought before with Metellus, none of all his soldiers followed him, except the horsemen of his guard. For all the other soldiers departed where it liked them best. Nor this is not counted nor reputed for any fault or rebuke among the Numidian soldiers. For such is the costume of the country: when the captain fleeth, the host forsaketh him.   

¶ What waste and destruction Metellus made in the land of Numidye after this first battle and flight of jugurth: and of the guile of jugurth against Metellus. The xxvi Chapter.  
When Metellus understood by his espies that the mind of jugurth continued yet still in his old fierceness & cruelty, though he was lately overcome in battle. And when Metellus saw that jugurth renewed the war again, and prepared a new battle: which could not be done but at the pleasure of jugurthe, because he had taken such a place to abide in that no man could conveniently contend with him for difficulty thereof. Metellus this knowing advised himself of many things. Namely he considered that they were not indifferent and equal on both parties in executing thereof. For all if that he had the upper hand over jugurth, and had put him to flight, yet lost he more men, and had more damage in overcoming him, than jugurth had which was overcome. For this consideration Metellus purposed no more to contend with him in plain fields nor in ordered battle, but by an other manner to execute war with him from thence forth. This determined: Metellus with his hole host and ordinance went forth into the most rich and plentiful places of all Numidye, and there wasted and destroyed the fields and country on every side. He took without any resistance castles and towns not strongly defended with walls, dyches, nor garnison. And brent and beat them down to the ground. All such as came in his way and were able to bear harness, full grown to age and apt to battle he slew and rid out of hand. Thinking that the more he slew, the fewer adversaries and enemies should he have to contend against him. He commanded his soldiers to spare no robbery nor prays, but gave all thing havoc among his soldiers.  
¶ For fear of this cruelty many of the Numidyens yielded themself to the Romans: and gave unto them hostages, victual, soldiers, and all other things necessary abundantly. In some towns which were taken: Metellus set defence and garnison where need required and fortified them sufficiently. This business troubled the mind of jugurth much more than the battle that was fought before to his great damage and disconfort of his men. For he lost more people by this way than by any other mean before. Thus jugurth which before put all his hope and trust in his flight: was now of necessity compelled to follow and pursue his enemies: and he which could not defend his own places which still remianed in his possession was constrained now to war in those coostes, which Metellus had won of him to recover them if fortune would suffer him. Nevertheless of such poor shift and counsel as he had he took the best which could be taken by his advise in such extreme necessity. He commanded his army for the most part to remain still in the same place where they were. And he himself with a company of horsemen which were bold and chosen men ensued Metellus privily, making his journeys by night time by biways & secret valleys. And at last suddenly of unwares he fell upon a part of the Romans which were dispersed abroad from the host in foraging and spoiling. Many of them without armour were slain, & many taken. None of them all scaped clen nor fire without damage, but either were slain or else sore wounded. When jugurth had done this skirmy she anon he withdrew himself & his company into the hills & mountains next to them: before any socours or rescous might come from Metellus to revenge their treason and death of the Romans.   

¶ Of the great joy that was demeaned at Rome for this worthy behave our of Metellus, and how he guided himself and his army to continue and augment this honour which he had gotten. The xxxiiii Chapter.  
WHile Metellus and jugurthe strived thus together: the one with manhood, wisdom & strength, the other with treason craft and guile: tidings were brought to Rome of this noble behaviour of Metellus. Over all the city was demeaned great joy and gladness for that Metellus behaved himself and guided his army according to the manner and ordinance of old noble captains of the Romans before his days. And how be it he was in place adverse & contrary to him, yet had he the upper hand of his enemies as victory over them. And by his strength & manhood he had in possession the country of his enemies: and had driven them from place to place. All these things considered: they much rejoiced & greatly commended Metellus: namely for that he had caused jugurth to put his trust of health only in fleeing into the mountains & wilderness which before was magnificent and proud by the fear & cowardice of Aulus predecessor of Metellus. Wherefore for these fortunate & glorious deeds of Metellus, the Senators decreed & commanded over all the city sacrifices and suffrages to be done to their idols. The citizens which before were fearful & sore troubled doubting the unsure chance and incertain fortune of the end of this war demeaned now among them mirth and gladness over all. The honour and fame of Metellus was recounted very noble, excellent, & glorious in every man's mouth. Wherefore he so much was the more diligent & laboured more busily toward the victory labouring & hasting to finish the war by all means and ways so it might be to his honour and confusion of jugurth. But nevertheless he was well ware from putting himself in danger of his enemies: and was ware eschewing opportunity of their guile in every place where he went. He remembered well and considered that often after laud and glory followeth enny and evil will. And therefore how much more noble that he was reputed: the more busy and diligent he was to meyntayne his fame and honour, and in dread to lose this worthy fame which he obtained. Nor after the foresaid guile of jugurth he suffered not his host to divide nor to depart themself dispersed one from an other: nor to make excourses to forage or spoil in divers places far distant in sunder. But when they had need either of man's meat or horsemeate: all the horsemen with great companies of the footmen, went forth and kept them near about such as were send forth to make provision to defend and succour them: if need should require. Metellus himself divided his host in two parts: the one part he kept with himself: and the other he committed to a noble warrior of his host named Marius, between them both they destroyed and wasted the country on every side but rather with fire than with robbery or prays. Metellus and Marius set their tents in places not farar distant in sunder. But when any perilous or needy business was to be done with jugurth or his company which required great might: than anon Metellus and Marius were ready together; but they kept themself thus in sunder in diverse places to trouble the numidians, and increase their fear more largely in eveery coost: and to make them i'll and avoid far abroad in compass for fear.  
¶ At his season jugurth ensued by the hills and desert places seeking and espying a convenient season or place to make some skirmish with the Romans (that is to say) if he coudle espy any parcel of them seeking forth fountains of water for the army of the which was much penury in those costs. If he might any such espy than anon would he break down from the hills upon them. Sometime he showed himself to Metellus sometime to Marius, sometime he would assemble his company together in a bend as if he would fight with the romans to attempt them, and after would he return again unto the mountains. And afterward suddenly appear again threatening now the one company of the romans, and now the other. Yet would he neither anenture battle nor suffer neither the romans to be idle or in rest, nor yet himself. His mind was only set to keep his enemies from their beginning and purpose of destroying of the country which they intended.   

¶ How Metellus besieged Samam one of the strongest towns of Numidie and how Marius' undercaptain of Metellus escaped the danger of jugurth. The xxxv chapter.  
When Metellus saw himself so wearied with the guiles and crafts of jugurth and that by no policy he coudle have faculty or time to fight with him in plain battle: at last he concluded to besiege & assail a great town named zaman, which was the most chief & strongest hold of all the realm of Numidy in that part of the land where it was builded. And so sped him thither with all his army & ordinance where the said hold was (thinking as the matter required) that jugurth would draw thither for defence of his chief town and for succour and relief of his people and so should the battle be there fought between them. But when Metellus was in his journey thither ward, anon were certain of his army which fled to jugurth and certified him of this provision and enterprise of Metellus. When jugurth hereof was certified he hasted him by great journeys so that he overpassed the compayy of Metellus and came to the town of zamam before him: and there exhorted the inhabitants boldly to defend the walls. And furthermore assigned to succour and help than all such as had fled from the Romans, & had brought him those tidings. These traitors were the surest men which jugurth had. For they could not deceive him, but if they would yield them again to the Romans whom they had forsaken and betrayed which thing was not sure to them to do. When jugurth had joined these soldiers to the garnison & socours of the town and castle, & had ordered & appointed all other things according to his mind: than he promised to be there again with them with all his hole army in time of need. This done he departed from the town into the most privy and secret places which he knew in his country there by. But when Metellus was in his journey toward zaman, he send Marius for provision of wheat and other corn and victual for the army unto a town name Sicca, which was the first town that forsook jugurth & was yielded to Marius after the battle late fought with jugurth to his great damage. When jugurth had knowledge hereof he went thither by night privily with his elect soldiers so that when Marius had sped his matters & was ready to departed forth of the town: jugruth was ready at the gates to assail the Romans cruelly crying with a high voice to them of the town and exhorting them to assail the Romans also on the backehalf: saying that fortune had offered to them the chance of a noble act of an excellent & glorious deed: so that (if they would follow his desire) they should restore him again into his kingdom, and themself into their liberty & from thence forth pass their time without peril, without danger or dread. And certainly if Marius had not boldly and strongly broken out of the town with his standards and men of arms through the thickest of his enemies which were in the gates. All they of the town or the most part would have broken their oath & promise which they had made before to Metellus when they first yielded themself & the city to him The minds of the Numidians be so unsteadfast & movable. But jugurth so comforted his soldiers that they resisted the Romans a little season. But when Marius & his company began to increase their violence against the jugurthius, and more fiercely to press upon them. Anon some were slain, & the residue fled with their master jugurth. This danger over passed: Marius departed thence toward the town of zaman, & at the last came thither safe with all his company & business sped wherefore he was sent.  
¶ This Samam was a town builded in the plain ground without hills or waters near it defended rather by the work of man's hand, than by nature of the place. In it failed nothing necessary to battle. For it was well garnished both with men, ordinance, victuals, & armour. Anon when Marius was come: Metellus according to the time and place made ready all things necessary and compassed the walls on every side with his army: assigning to every one of his undercapitains a separate place of the town to assail and there to do his devoir and show his manhood.  
When every thing was thus ordered, Metellus commanded to sound to the assault with trumpets and clarions. The Romans immediately assailed the town on every side with horrible noise & clamour. The Numidians thereof were not a dread at all, but stood still and kept themself in silence as if they had not been displeased nor provoked to battle: how be it they kept the walls every man on the part to him assigned, and all were ready to resist and to assail the Romans. Anon the battle was begun. The Romans exercised and occupied themself every man with such wepin as he could best handle, and was most expert in: some with slings threw plummets of lead, and some stones from a far into the city, and at them which defended the walls: some assailed the town nearer invading the same, and coveting to have entry and undermining the walls: some boldly scaled the walls, desiring to come so near that they might fight hand to hand. On the other side thinhabitants of the town and garnison resisted manly. Some rolled down and overturned great and weighty stones on such as were nearest to them and that undermined the walls. Some pitched down upon them darts, javelins, pikes, firebrands and also great burning poles, faggots, and blocks overcovered with pitch and brimstone ardently flaming. Some boldly overturned the scaling ladders, and slew and overthrew such as scaled the walls. But some other which were farther from the town, & for press could not approach near to the walls in the mean season were neither fearful nor idle. For there was no manner instrument of battle which could be thrown with hand, or with any other engine of battle but that they threw it into the town, wherewith they wounded and slew many of the inhabitants and of the defenders of the walls. The darts & crossbows on both parties were not unoccupied. artillery nor guns had they none. For at that time was no mention of them nor they were not yet invented. The Romans which were farthest of all from the walls escaped not free: but with darts were overthrown in great number. How be it their cowardous and fearful minds caused them to draw themself a loof behind all other for to save themself, yet could they not avoid the peril. Thus were the worthy and unworthy romans in like jeopardy and peril: but their glory and fame was much unlike.   

¶ How jugurth assailed and invaded the rents of the romans in the mean time while Metellus gave assault to the town of Samam. The xxxvi Chapter.  
While the assault continued thus at zamam with great murdre and destruction on both parties: jugurth suddenly and of unware stale down from the mountains where he was hid, and with a great power of men assailed & invaded the Romans tents while the soldiers whom Metellus had assigned to the ward and defence of them were within the same at their rest, and suspecting nothing less than any such assault. Wherefore jugurth broke in upon them unprovided. The Romans were sore abashed of that sudden fear. And eveman provided for himself according to his manner and disposition. Some which were cowards fled with all their might: some other valiant and bold hearted men drew to their harness & manly withstood their enemies. Nevertheless the most part of them all were, either wounded or slain. But among all the company and of all the multitude of them were no more but xl men which abode. These xl acompanyed themself together remembering the worship of the empire of Rome, and took a place a little above their enemies: which place they defended so manly that they could not be driven from it by much violence of their enemies, against whom they threw darts from a far. And such darts as their enemies threw at them: they threw they same again. So they being but a few against so many did nothing in vain. For they could throw no dart, but that it lighted among the thickest of them. But so could not their enemies do against them. For they were so few: so near together & on so sure a place that their enemies might little thing prevail against them. But when the Numidians approached nearer to them: than specially these xl valiant romans showed and bestowed their manhood and strength with most excellent courage assailing their enemies: overthrowing and chasing them backward by very force and strength.  
¶ In the mean time while Metellus was most of all occupied and busied in the foresaid assault of zamam suddenly he heard behind him a great clamour & noise of people. Anon he refrained his horse: and in turning back perceived great companies of men renning toward him: whereby he well kenwe that they were of his own people and company. But when he understood all the chance which was be fallen. Anon in all hast he sent all the hole company of his horsemen unto his tents: and soon after he sent thither also his chief undercaptain Caius Marius with his retinue and company to him assigned. And sore weeping he obtested exhorted, and besought him for all love and frindshyp, and for the honour of the comen weal, that the would not suffer any disworship or contumely remain in the romans that day which ever thytherto had been victorious and overcomers with great laud and honour: and that he would not suffer their enemy jugurth and his company to depart away unrevenged. Marius did the commandment of Metellus, and that shortly. But in the mean season jugurth perceived many of the keepers of the tents fallen into dyches that were made about the same for defence: so that for haste to run away they hurt themself more than he did. jugurth advising their danger, considered that himself was lykelye to be set under the same manner, if he adventured over far. And therefore he departed betime into the surest places that he could devise near by, leaving many of his men behind, either dead or mortally wounded. Thus was Marius frustrate of his labour: for jugurth was fled before he came to the tents. But Metellus (without any thing brought to end at zamam) when the night drew near, returned with his host into his tents. On the next morrow after, before he returned again to the assault of zamam: he commanded all the company of his horse men to course up and down before their tents on that side where they supposed jugurth would come to succour his people. The entries into the tents and places near to them he committed and divided to ward of his under captains. After that he returned again to the town, and fiercely assailed the walls in like manner as he had done the day before.  
¶ In the mean season jugurth again suddenly stolen upon the romans: and specially on them which coursed before the tents: they which were next him and whom he encountered first of all were a little time sore troubled and abashed: but the remanant of the romans lightly assembled their succour. And so valiantly behaved themself that the numidians should not long have continued the skirmish: if their footmen mingled with the Romans horsemen had not in the middle committed great mischief & destruction. For the horsemen of jugurthe trusting to the help of these footmen which were mingled among them: did not first proceed forward avauncing themself and than return back again as the use is in a battle of speremen. But they ran in making incourses among the thickest of the Romans overthwart & sydlinge: in folding and dowbling their courses: and contending to trouble and disorder the array and order of the forward and wings of the Roman host. In so much that when with the numidians on horseback & with them on foot it lacked but little: but the Romans were confounded & overcome in that grievous conflict.  
¶ But here will I leave the horsemen of the Romans fighting for their lives and honour against jugurth and his speremen. And now shall I declare how Metellus the chief capitain of the romans behaved himself with his host in the assault of zammam.   

¶ How Metellus behaved himself for his part, and of the great conflict which the Romans had against the Numidians: Metellus with his footmen assailing the town of Samam for the one part, and jugurth fierselye fighting with the romans speremen on the other part. The xxxvii chapter.  
IN the fame time while this skirmyshe continued between the Romans horsemen and the numidians, which were with jugurth the assault also against the town of zamam endured with much strength, violence, and murder. And specially where as Metellus had assigned his under captains on every side of the town (as I have said before) there continued the assault most sharply. One of them put not his trust nor hope in other: but every man in his own deeds and in himself. Under the same manner did the garnison and inhabitants of the town behave themself: they fought manly again and also ordained all things convenient for their defence in every place of the town. Both the parties were readier and more busy one to strike and wound other, than to defend themself. The clamor and noise was mixed with exhortation and comfort of some, and the joy of the quellars & murderers was mingled with the wailing of them which were quelled and murdered. The sound of the armour, & horrious strokes mounted to the air The sky was darked with darts fleeing on either side. And the walls and duchess were died with blood: and filled with deed corpses pitiful to se. But when the numidians were somewhat at laiser, & when the Romans a little abated and remitted the assault: than they which defended the walls of the town looked out a far and intentifeley beheld the battle of the horsemen which still continued. There might one have seen them sometime merry and joyous, sometime full of dolour and heaviness after as they saw the case of the part of jugurth went forwade or bacwarde. And aswell as they could be seen and heard of their fellows which were with their king jugurth: some warned them to audacity, some exhorted them to courage, other they gave them signs with their hands or with the gesture of their bodies & countenances moving & exciting them to boldness. If they saw a Roman strike a Numidian: they moved & withdrew their bodies avoiding the stroke as if it had been themselves which had been stricken. And if they saw a Numidian cast a dart against a Roman: they moved their bodies also as they had cast it themselves. Thus took they so intentife heed to the battle that they forgot themself where they were, & it seemed them that they had been with their fellows in battle. When Marius which besyged the town on that side: understood this manner and behaviour of the inhabitants and garrison: he abated his fierceness for policy & was more slow in besyeging of the town than before, feigning that he had no trust nor confidence to win it and suffered the Numidians within the town to behold the battle of their king, for a while without any resistance or business. But when he saw them most intentifely beholding the battle, and most amazed for the business of their fellows and country men: than suddenly with all his power he gave assault to the walls, so that many of the Romans with ladders & other engines, had almost mounted unto the highest part of them. Thinhabitantes seeing this expelled their amazedness remembering themselves: & ran manly against them with resistance throwing upon them stones, fire, and all manner darts of battle. The Romans at byginning resisted valiantly, defending themself and avancing them to the walls. But when thinhabitants had first overthrown and broken one ladder, and than overturned an other. They which abode last were maimed or slain. Anon the remanant departed and gave over the walls under the best manner that they could a few or none whole. For a great part of them withdrew themself transfixed with mortal wounds. Anon after the night fell upon them which caused both the parties to desyste, and leave of the battle.   

¶ How Metellus removed the siege from zamam, and how Bomylchar so parswaded jugurth that he yielded himself, his kingdom, and all other things to mercy and grace of the romans. And how jugurth after loss of his men, treasure, elephants, armour, and horse: changed his mind again. The xxxviii Chapter.  
But when Metellus saw his purpose and labour all in vain: and that he could not win the town: & also that jugurth did nought but by guile and falsehood, nor would not fight but if it were in places for his profit and great ●uauntage. And also when he perceived that the summer was passed, he departed from the siege of zamam, and in such towns as he had won of jugurth, which were strongly defended with walls and water, he set garnison and soldiers of his company to defend them. But the remnant of his army he conveyed and ordered in the next province unto Numidye, which was subject to the Romans: to remain there till the sharpness of winter were passed. Nor in the mean time suffered not them, nor himself to be corrupted with superfluous wealth, rest, nor lechery: after the manner of other before him. But because the war proceeded forward but little with armour or strength he began to prove and prepare treison against a treytoure, deceit against a deceiver, and guile against guile of jugurth: and this thought he to prove by such as were most chief friends of jugurth, and most familiar about him. So that he purposed to use the falsehood and treason of them against their master: in stead of armour and battle. Wherefore first of all he began to prove the mind of Bomilchar which had been before at Rome with jugurth: and (as I have said before) fled privily from thence for the death of Massiva, leaving his sureties behind in danger for his cause. Metellus considered that this Bomylchar (because of the great frindshyp and familiarity which he had with jugurth) soonest might deceive and betray him. Wherefore (as I have said before) he began and went in hand with him first of all by promising of great rewards. And first of all he did so much that this Bomilchar came privily to Metellus & spoke with him. Metellus anon promised him on faith and truth to do so for him that the Senators should pardon him of all things past, and of his life and goods: so that he would betray or deliver to him jugurth either quick or dead. lightly he persuaded the Numidian: for anon Bomilchar agreed there to. What for his traitorous and false mind which he had of nature: and what for that he doubted if any peace or composition after that should be made between jugurth and the Romans, himself should be delivered by condition to the Romans to be punished for the death of Massiva whom he caused to be slain at Rome. This Bomilchar when he saw his time took leave of Metellus on this appointment, and soon after came to jugurth whom he found doubtful in care and bewailing his adverse and miserable fortune with profound sighs and heaviness, and doubting what way was most expedient to be taken. Bomilchar after many words began to counsel and warn him, praying, and obtesting him piteously weeping and waiting: and requiring that at last he would make some provision for the safeguard and socours of himself, of his children & friends: and for the people of Numidi which well had deserved against him to be provided for and better seen to. Bomilchar also objected to jugurth how he and his men were overcome in every battle, and his people also diminished or alienate from him, his fields & towns wasted and destroyed, or else in possession of his enemies: his men some taken and in prison. Some slain: & many wounded and maimed: the riches of his realm diminished and wasted. Bomilchar alleged also to him that he had proved the strength of his soldiers and favour of fortune sufficiently enough, wherefore it were better for him to see some remedy and provision for all these ills and other more, and to be ware lest while he prolonged the time doubted: the people of the country should provide for themself without his advise or counsel. With these words and other like Bomilchar induced the kings mind to make some composition, or else to yield himself and all other things to mercy & grace of the Romans. Anon ambassadors were send to Metellus to certify him that jugurth was ready to do what ever he would desire or command him: and that he would commit and yield both himself and his kingdom to the faith and grace of Metellus: and of the romans without any pactyon, convenant, or exception: saving only as it pleased them to deal with him. Metellus hearing of this mind of jugurth was very glad: & commanded all the most wise, noble, and worthy men of his army a none to be called together unto him from their wyntring places. When they were come than took he counsel of them and of other such as he knew wisest and most discrete touching the ambassade of jugurth. Anon it was concluded & decreed among the counsel and declared to the ambassadors (according to the old custom of Rome) that they should command jugurth to send to Metellus and the Romans two hundred thousand pound weight of silver: all his elyphantes which he occupied in war: & a certain quantity of armour & a number of his chief horses. All these things were fulfilled & done of jugurth without any tarry or delay. Wherefore anon after Metellus commanded again that all they which had betrayed his host, forsaken him and fled to jugurth should be bounden and so brought to him again. The most part of them were brought as he commanded but a few of them when they heard first of this composition (fearing the same matter) fled unto Bocchus king of the Moryens.  
¶ When jugurthe after this manner was bereft of his armour of his horse, of his men, & also of his treasure. Anon after he was called by Metellus to come to atowne called Tysidium there to here what furthermore should be commanded to him: and to yield himself to th'empire of Rome according to his ambassade. But he began than to change and to turn his mind again dreading for the knoleging of his cruel deeds that he should never escape condign punishment if he were ones in the Romans hands. Thus he continued many days in doubting what was best to be done Sometime he volved in mind rather to subdue himself to any difficulty & to bide all pains than to begin war again: considering the adverse and unhappy fortune which he had before. Sometime again he called to mind how grievous a fall it should be to descend from a kingdom into subjection and bondage. But at conclusion when in vain and to none effect he had lost such great ordinance and help of war as he had lately delivered to Metellus, as a volage brained man he fully determined again to begin and continue the war with Metellus, rather than to yield himself to death or captivity.  
¶ But during this season at Rome was a counsel among the Senators concerning thassignment of rule & governauce of the provinces belonging to the empire in which counsel it was decreed that the country & war of Numidy should be committed to Metellus by prorogation of his authority for another year more.  
¶ But here will I leave a while to speak of Metellus, and write of the ambition of Marius: and how he behaved himself in supplanting the same Metellus for his room and dignity.   

¶ How Marius by ambition laboured to be consul & to prosecute the war of Numidy, & how he detracted and supplani●o the consul Metellus. The. xxix Chapter.  
AT the same season the said Marius was in a town named Utica, & there made supp●cacion & oblation to the idols with much sacrifice to the intent that it might be his fortune (by help) to have the place of Metellus. A custom damnable was among the people at those days, when they slew any beast in sacrifice, to look within the intranes & bowels of the same beast so sacrificed: where was showed unto them divers tokens whither they should have any hope to bring that matter to effect: for which they sacrificed or else not. And often times the wicked spirits to cause them persever in their idolatry: & to give credence to that blind error showed many tokens to them in such manner sacrifice: which tokens they often found true. But now to my purpose. The priest of the idols which sacrificed for Marius showed great and marvelous tokens unto him: whereby he might greatly trust to come to his intent and purpose, bidding him prosecute that thing on which he had set his mind: and have sure confidence in his gods. saying that if he would prove the extremity of fortune diligently and often: than doubtless every thing prosperously should happen to him. But Maryus afore that time a long season wondrously desired in his mind the dignity of the consul. And to say truth he wanted nothing which longed to him which should have such a dignity save only antiquity of his progeny & ancient nobleness of birth. For though he were but a gentle man of the first heed: nevertheless his conditions were worthy and excellent. In him was great experience of wisdom, much probite, honesty, and sadness. He had great policy and cunning in chivalry: in battle his mind was excellent and bold. But in peace it was low and moderate. He overcame covetise and sensuality of his body. He desired nor coveted nothing earthly save glory, land, and worship. This Marius was borne and brought up by all his childhod in the country of champagne beionde France in a town named Arpine. But assoon as he was increased, so that he might bear harness and bide the herdnes of warfare he concluded to live on the wages of chivalry. And in that study he exarcysed himself: and not in eloquence of greek language or in other study or science: nor yet in the superfluous aparayle nor carnal lusts of citizens unto which he never subdued his body. And thus was he endued with good manners: and excercised among honest ocupations and so continued that his hole and undefiled wit shortly increased and exalted himself growing to honour & virtue. First when this Marius desired of the commenty of Rome to have an office: that is to say, to be ordained protector of the soldiers: many of the citizens knew not his person: because he was always from the city in war and battle: but his acts made his name well known. Wherefore after that the commentye understood that he was Marius of whose nobles all Italy much communed and talked: anon they granted his petition, and proclaimed him protector of the soldiers over all the provinces and tribes of Italy. In that mastership and office he behaved himself so well and wisely that after that he obtained an other office of more worship and authority: and after that again an other of higher dignity. And shortly to speak: in every office and dignity he so behaved himself that every man thought & counted him worthier of more dignity and honour than he had. Howbeit for all these conditions as honourable as he was: he durst never before desire th'office of consul of Rome till this time when he had such comfort by his sacrifice. But when he was thus warned and put in hope and comfort, ever after he was headlong inclined to ambition & covetise of that dignity.  
¶ At this season the commenty of Rome had all other offices among them or at their gift and dystribution But the estates and noble men kept among them and in their hands the consulship yearly one succeeding other by election. So that of the commenty was none so noble nor excellent of deeds, but that was reputed unworthy of that dignity, and as who saith vile and polluted. But when Marius saw and considered that the words and counsel of the enchanter and priest which he held his sacrifice pretended to the same point and conclusion as the desire of his mind moved him long before. Anon he came to his captiaine Metellus beseeching him to be discharged of the battle till he might go to Rome to th'intent to desire the consulship of the Senators. But howbeit that in his Metellus was virtue, glory, worship, and all other things longing to a good man plentifully enough. Nevertheless of his courage and mind was he somewhat proud, despising and disdaining other: which were not come of so high lineage as he was. But specially he was stately and proud of mind: which is a comen vice and mischief among estates and gentlemen. Wherefore Metellus hearing this enterprise of Marius, first of all was moved with the novelty of his petition. For at that time were none wont to speak for that dignity, but if they were come of a noble stock. And so was not Marius. And thus Metellus marveled much at his enterprise: and who might counsel him thereto: warning him as under colour of amity and friendship, not to presume upon so contrary and unlikely a thing: nor to exalt his mind so hy above fortune convenient for his state and condition saying also to him that every thing was not to be coveted or desired of every man. And that it became him well by reason to be contented, pleased and satisfied with that honour which he had and that was his own, and not to desire things unmeet for his degree. And finally he exhorted and counseled him to beware to desire the thing of the romans which lawfully might be denied unto him, considering and having regard to his lineage and ancestry.  
¶ After Metellus had counciled Marius with these words and other like, and that he could not turn nor appease his mind, he answered him at last, that assoon as he could conveniently (not letting the business of of the comen weal) he would grant his desire and petition. But after this when Marius desired the same discharge importunely and often: he made him answer saying that he should not make so great haste to Rome for that purpose, for he should come timely enough to demand that dignity accompanied with the son of the same Metellus, which son should also go to Rome in time to come to demand of the Senators the same dignity with Marius. This son of Metellus was at that time in the army of his father, continually exercising the feats of war, notwithstanding that he was but twenty years of age. This answer of Metellus stirred▪ Marius against him with grievous ire and wrath, what for the honour which he desired, and what for the licence to depart, which he could not obtain of him by no prayer nor request at his pleasure. In so much that he enraged against Metellus moved by desire of that office, and provoked by ire, which two vices ambition and ire, counseled and impelled this Marius to much evil against the said Metellus, sparing neither word nor deed which might endamage or hinder him, his honour and name. And that might help or advance himself by ambition to come to the dignity which he desired.  
He governed the soldiers which passed forth the winter under his governance not as he ought to do, but suffered them to have their pleasure to the intent thereby to obtain their favour and good will in his enterprise. Also he spoke often in blaming Metellus, and proudly commending and exalting himself to the merchants of Rome: of whom was great resort and concourse to the said city of Utica where Marius sojourned. And often times he boasted saying to them, that if the one half of the army were granted and committed to him within few days he would so behave himself that he would have jugurthe in bonds and subjection. Furthermore he said to them in advancing himself that Metellus prolonged the battle for the nonce, for a craft because he was a man pompous and desirous of glory and worship, utterly rejoicing in authority and given to pride and affection of dignity: and because he knew well that while the battle continued he should be reputed in manner as a king, therefore he did his devoir the more to prolong the war to the end that in the mean time he might exalt and magnify himself. The words of Marius seemed to the said merchants certain and true, and also as they thought (by such information) most expedient to the common weal that some new captain were chosen, which shortly would finish that war. For by long continuance of the same war: many of the said merchants had wasted and spent much of their said substance and richesse. And also to such desireful minds as they had, nothing could to fast be hasted or brought to end.  
¶ Moreover at this season was in company of the Roman army a certain Numidian named Gauda, which was son of Manastaball, and nephew unto Massinissa. Micipsa in his testament ordained that this Gauda should be second heir of Numidi after the death of his two sons and of jugurthe. This Gauda was sore enfeebled with diseases and sickness, and for that cause his mind was a little endulled and private of reason and memory. While this Gauda (as said is) was in the Romans army: he required of Metellus to suffer him to have his seat and siege next unto him after the use of kings of Numidye. Also after that because of defence and guard of his body: he desired that a company of soldiers of the romans might be granted and assigned to him. But Metellus extremely denied both his petitions, saying for the first, that such honour longed only to them whom the Romans took and named for kings. And also for the second petition he said that it were unadvised and injurious ordinance if the Roman soldiers were given or assigned to the guard and service of a Numidian, which was no king but a soldier like many more hired for stipend. While Gauda was displeased and angry with Metellus for denying of these his petitions: Marius came to him, and provoked him to revenge the displeasure and injury which the captain had done to him with his help and advancement. This Gauda (as I have said before) was feeble and unstable mind, and the man's wit was of little valour by means of diseases which long had holden him. Wherefore Marius with his elegante, fair and flattering words at his own pleasure induced him, and exalted his mind saying that he was a king, and an excellent and great man: and also nephew to the worthy and noble king Massinissa. Wherefore (said he) if jugurth were either slain or taken prisoner it were lickely to come to that point: that the kingdom of Numidi should be assigned and committed to him of the Senators without any tarry or resistance: which thing should shortly be brought to pass if Marius himself were create consul in place of Metellus, and than assigned to execute & finish the war with jugurth. Under this manner Marius counseled and induced both the said Gauda, the Roman knights, the comen soldiers, and also the merchants and occupiers which were in the town at that season with many other whom he impelled with his words so: that some of them for love which they had to Marius: And other some for great hope and desire which they had to have peace and concord wrote to Rome to their to kinsmen and friends of the battle of Numidy and that very sharply against Metellus desiring and beseeching them to labour at Rome with all their might that Marius might be elect consul & assigned to erect the war of Numidi. And thus at Rome was the consulship desired by many men with great favour and very honest petitions for Marius. Also at that time had the said Marius this advantage. For the commonty at that season deposed many of the states: and exalted such as were new gentlemen after the law of one named Manlius which before had been protector of the commenty. This Manlius ordained & enacted a law that if any thing were ungodly done and against right of the states being in any office or dignity: than he which so had done should be deposed of his office: and in his place some new gentle or active man of the commonty set and deputed and so exalted.  
This law in those days was kept in effect and executed at Rome: wherefore every thing proceeded prosperously to the purpose and profit of Marius. For (as I have said before) in him was no nobleness of ancient lineage nor birth.  
¶ But here will I leave to speak of the ambition of Marius, and return to write of jugurth: and how he behaved himself against Metellus.   

¶ How Jugurth renewed the war against Metellus, and how the Numidians inhabiters of the town of Vacca by treason murdered the garnison of the romans which Metellus had set in the same town. The. ●l. Chapter.  
IN the mean time when Jugurthe had broken the composition which he had before made with Metellus by counsel of Bomilchar, & had concluded again to begin the war: them anon he prepared all things necessary to war with great diligence, and with great hast he assembled an army. Moreover he daily troubled with threatenings or fear, or else with great rewards: such cities & towns as before had forsaken him and yielded themself to Metellus. So that he spared no policy to make them render themself again to him. In such holds & towns as were in his possession: he set garnison and defence of men of war. He renewed & bought again armour and weepen, & set all other things which he had lost before, or delivered to Metellus in hoop of peace. He attised to him many of the Roman subjects and bondmen by promising to them their liberty. He also proved & attempted with rewards them, whom Metellus had set & assigned in garnison, guard & defence of such places as he had won in Numidy: so that utterly he suffered nothing to be left quiet or unassayed but by all manner means made provision for himself moving and putting in proof every thing. But among all other thinhabitants of the city called Vacca (in which Metellus at beginning had set his garnison: when Jugurth first sought his peace of Metellus) were desired often of Jugurthe and with great and importune instance exited to treason. In so much that at last they assented to him to conspire against the Romans. Thinhabitants of the cite did not yield themself from jugurth with their own good will: and namely th'estates and rulers thereof did never yield them to Metellus save feignedly. Wherefore specially they were the first that conspired against him secretly among themself. For why as it often happened the commenty, and specially of the numidians were unstable of mind, utterly inclined to sedition and discord covetous of new things: and contrary to rest and quietness. But (as I have said before) when the chief of this cite had secretly concluded & appointed their matter & treason among themself: against the third day they ordained that the same third day next after should be commanded solemn, holy, and worshipped over all the country of Africa, and Numidie. Which day showed and pretended by all similitude mirth, game and sport: rather than any dread to the Romans which were in garnison of the cite. But the numidians full of prodition and treason when they saw their time called unto their houses all the chief captains and master soldiers of the Romans which were in town. And also one named Turpilius: whom Metellus had ordained to be his lieutenant, provost and chief captain of the town: they invited and called as if it had been to there and feast them, one to one house, an other to an other. But this cheer was such as the Scorpion is wont to make: which while she maketh glad semblant with her mouth mortally stingeth with the tail: so this feast was a cloak to mortal treason. For while the Romans were in mids of their dainties unarmed suspecting no parill. All the numidians at a token given, and at one hour appointed before, slew each one his geest which dined with him without favour: so that among them all escaped not one, except the said Turpilius heed captain or lieutenant of the town. This done: all the numidians together set upon the remanant of the comen soldiers which wandered and strayed abroad in the town & in the streets, dispersed abroad without any armour: as is wont on such a day without order, fering nor doubting no danger. Some of the commons when thestates had made them privy of this treason came also to help them, and some other ignorant of the matter saving that, that they had desire & pleasure in such murder invaded the Romans also. For though they were ignorant of the counsel of this deed: yet the noise or skirmyshe and novelty of the matter pleased them enough. The Roman soldiers were ignorant and incertain of the unprovided fear and cruel murder doubting what was best to be done. Their enemies compasinge them on every side letted them to go to the castle of the town where their armour and wepyn was: & the gates of the town were shut on every side before this skirmish began, whereby they were prohibited to avoid the town. Moreover women & children threw down upon them stones and other things that came next to hand from the windows & highest parts of their houses: striving who might throw first and most. Thus this doubtful & unprovided mischief could not be eschewed: nor they which were right worthy and strong soldiers were not able to resist the very cowardice and feebleness of women and children, which threw down upon them. Thus both good and ill worthy, and unworthy, strong, and feeble: were all slain without difference. In this so great jeopardy: the numidians being mad and cruel in murdre, and the gates shut on every side: of all the romans, or Italyens: only Turpilius the captain escaped without hurt of his body. Whither it so happened by the favour of his host which called him to banquet: or by some appointment of treason: or else by some other chance: it was not known for certain. But this was known that ever after as long as he lived he was reputed for a vile & a wretched coward and without credence: because that in so gerat loss and mischief he counted it better to escape: and after to live, and die in shame and rebuke: than manly to have died in defence of the town. And ever after to have had an honourable name of a worthy captain.   

¶ How Metellus destroyed the town of Vacca, & slew all the inhabytants in revenging their treason: and how Turpilius lieutenant or captain of the town was beheaded at commandment of Metellus. The xli Chapter.  
When Metellus understood of this lamentable chance, and treason done at the town of Vacca: his mind was marvelously grieved, abashed, and sad withal. But to th'intent that none should perceive his heaviness he withdrew himself from company a little time: but after when he had satisfied his mind with tears, and secret lamentation. And when his dolour was mixed with wrath and displeasure against that cruel deed, than hasted he himself with great cure and diligence to go to revenge this injurious and cruel treason. Anon he called forth a legion of soldiers which passed forth the winter with him, and with them also as many horsemen of the Numidians as he might assemble which had forsaken Jugurthe and fled to him, whom he thought most trusty. His legion he arrayed in light harness and easy armour to the intent to speed the way more readily. And because he intended to go about this matter secretly: therefore privily even with the sun going down, he took his journey and proceeded forward toward Vacca, and laboured so that on the next day after about the third hour he came with his company into a certain plain a little closed or compassed about with small downs not much higher than the extremities of the valley. There called he together his soldiers which were weary for the great labour of their journey, and long way which they had gone. In so much that they refused to proceed any farther. But Metellus comforted them saying that the town was but one mile thence. Wherefore he desired them to suffer and endure the remnant of their labour with patient minds, but only to revenge the death of the citizens and their fellows which were strong and worthy men: and very miserably murdered. Moreover he showed to them benynglye the great pray which was ready for them, if they would manly proceed. Thus were their minds exalted, comforted, and enboldened with his words. Metellus seeing that, was glad, anon commanded the horsemen to proceed in the forward: these horsemen were Numidians. And the footmen he commanded to keep secret their standards, conysances, and badges: and to go behind under the shadow of the horsemen as near together as they might: and so proceeded he toward the town.  
¶ When the citezyns saw an army approach and move toward them: at the beginning they thought it had been Metellus (as it was in deed) and anon shut the gates of the town against him. But afterward when they advised them well: and saw that the company which approached made no devastation nor destruction by the fields nor country as they went. And also when they perceived that the horsemen which were in the forward were numidians: again the thought that it was Jugurth with his company. Wherefore with great joy they issued forth of that town to meet him. Metellus anon perceived their ignorance & gave a token to his people to assail them. The horsemen and footmen knowing the will of their captain by blast of the trumpets assailed and overthrow the commenty which came out of the cite against them dispersed over the fields. Some of the Romans ran to the gates of the town & entered without resistance: and some took & invaded the towers of the walls maugre the keepers. Thus the displeasure and ire which the Romans had for death of their fellows: and the hope of prays of the town overcame & excluded their weariness which they had in their journey thitherward. Thus the inhabitants of Vacca enjoyed treason but only two days. For only the space of two days continued their falsehood and cruelty unrevenged. For that great and rich cite was all given to havoc and murdre utterly destroyed of the Romans: so that no creature escaped a live to boast of their treason before committed against the Romans whom they had so traitorously slain within their cite. Turpilius lieutenant or captain of the town which (as I have said before escaped only with his life: was called before Metellus and commanded to answer for himself by what way or means he escaped, whither by treason done to the town, or by any other policy. But because he could but simply excuse nor purge himself of that which was laid against him, he first was scourged and beaten and after that his heed stricken of from his shoulders, for that it was thought that if he had not be●raied the cite he could not have escaped more than any other. furthermore that great destruction of the Romans was ascribed to his negligence or treason. If this Turpilius had been a Roman he should not have been put to death. For the law of Porcius prohibited any citizen of Rome to be slain: but if they committed any great offence, the extreme punishment by the law was to commit them to exile But this Turpilius enjoyed not the privilege of this law: for asmuch as he was no citezyne of Rome but an italian of the town of Collace.   

¶ How Bomylchar conspired treason against jugurth, and by what means this treason was discovered, and Bomylchar with certain other put to death for the same. The xlii chapter.  
AT the same time Bomilchar (by whose counsel and motion jugurth before had begun the composition with Metellus, whi●h he omitted and broke again for fear) was conversant with jugurthe, which a little suspected this Bomilchar of treason. Wherefore he suspecting him again imagined new policy against devices entered his mind & much cure he had in musing what was most expedient to be done in the cause. But while he was in this study: suddenly he fell in a slumber and his weary membres desiring rest moved him to fall in sleep. This Nabdalsa had a servant longing to him whom he much loved and trusted, in so much that no business nor counsel he hid nor kept secret from him, this counsel of betraying of jugurthe only except. When this servant understood that the said letters were brought to his lord he thought that he had need of his counsel as he was wont & accustomed to have in other matters: anon entered in to the tent where his master lay. And seeing him fast in sleep he took the letters which Nabdalsa had unwisely laid above his heed upon the pillow: and seeing by the superscription that the letter came from Bomilchar he red it to th'end. But when he understood the treason: in all hast he addressed with the same letter to jugurth. Nabdalsa not long after awaked and miss the letter, wherefore anon he inquired who had been there in his tent. But in short season came divers of his lovers from jugurth, which certified him of all the matter as it was done. Nabdalsa first of all intended to pursue his accuser: but when he perceived that it was but in vain so to do, considering that he was all ready in the company of jugurthe: he went unto jugurth himself to th'intent to pacify & mitigate his displeasure & wrath. And said unto him that when the said letters were first delivered unto him he had fully purposed not to keep them secret: but himself to have disclosed them to jugurth. But while he was sleeping his false servant (in hope to be advanced thereby had prevented him his purpose and done the same thing which he himself had fully purposed to do. furthermore weeping he besought and required him for all amity and love which had been between them and for all the faithful service which he had done to him in foretime not to have him suspected in so cruel a deed. jugurth answered to these requests of Nabdalsa mildly and soberly lest any greater variance might rise thereof: but much contrary to the disposition of his mind. For he thought otherwise than he answered: Howe beit he had well refrained and allayed his wrath before with the death of Bomilchar, and of many other whom he knew first devisers and parting fellows of that treason whom he had caused to be put to death before the coming of Nabdalsa: lest some battle or other insurrection should have porceded of that business if they had lived and leuger.  
¶ From this day forward jugurth was never quiet day nor night: so that he trusted neither place, neither man, nor time: but suspected and mistrusted every thing His enemies and his own subjects he dreaded and suspected both in like and after one manner. He searched and espied every place for dread of treason doubting and suspecting every sound or noise that he heard. He rested and lay some night in one place some night in an other, and that in abject and secret places against the honour of his estate royal. Sometime he rose from his bed in his sleep in mids of the night & armed himself cringe enraging, and violently smiting against the walls of the chamber: as if he had been in battle. So that for the great dread of treason which he had, he took no rest neither sleeping nor waking: but was violently vexed and feared like a mad man without reason or discretion.   

¶ How Metellus renewed the war against jugurth, and how Marius was create consul and assigned to execute the war of Numidy at the pleasure of the comens against the will of all the noble men of Rome. The xliii Chapter.  
When Metellus by such as fled between the two parties understood of the chance of Bomilchar and of his treason disclosed, he began than again to contend with jugurth: with open war and thereto hasted all thing necessary and expedient. And considering that Marius was continually crying on him for the said licence and congee to departed to Rome and also grievous, hateful, and contrary to him: advising him not much necessary but little meet in so sharp a business. And seeing him ill willing to every thing he granted him licence at last: to departed toward Rome as he before had often required and demanded by petition.  
¶ But as I have said long before, the letters which were send to Rome to the commons by favourers of Marius were well accepted. For when the commenty had overseen them, and by them understood the praising of Marius, and the dispraising of Metellus. They were all inclined utterly to the advancement of Marius and detraction of the other. The nobleness of Metellus the captain which was before to his great worship and honour turned now to envy and hatred against him. But the lownes and unnoblenes of Marius increased to him favour specially of the commonty which were come of unnoble blood, as he was. But the diligent favour of both the parties (that is to say of the states which held with Metellus: and of the commons that held with Marius) did measure and guide every thing rather than the good or ill dispostions of the two adversaries Metellus or Marius. For the commons to die for it concluded to exalt Marius. And th'estates in the same manner laboured to keep him under because he was unnoble borne, and to exalt none save them which were come of noble progeny. furthermore the masters & head officers of the commenty which loved debate at every assemble & congregation of the commons, sore blamed Metellus & despised his deeds, desiring of the commons that Metellus might lose his head: saying that he was so worthy for that he prolonged the war in Numidy against jugurth more than need was. But in despising & accusing Metellus, they forgot not to commend Marius & exalt him with words somewhat to much, and more than he was worthy in many points. In so much that the people were so greatly inclined to him with their favour, that all the crafts men & labourers of the city, & also of the country which had no living save in the labour of their hands, left their work & business & followed Marius, frequenting and resorting to his company. And set more by his advancement & honour, then by their own profit or advantage, trusting that after if he obtained the said honour, they should have their living by him. And thus shortly to speak, the estates & noble men being sore astoined, the consulshyp was committed to Marius a new gentleman whose predecessors before him to such dignity could never attain, and were counted unworthy. Thus that thing which many years before that time could never be done nor brought about, was now brought to effect: that is to say the consulship which was the most excellent dignity of Rome was now in hands of the commense, & committed to a man of base birth Shortly after this, the protector of the commenty named Lucius. Maulius inquired & demanded of the people whom it would please them to send into Numidy to finish the war with jugurth. The most part of the commenty answered that Marius should have that office and business: how be it a little before that time the senators had assigned by their ordinance the province of Numidie to Metellus for his worthy deeds: wherefore now this ordinance was frustrate & void. For the commenty would have their statutes executed & fulfilled.   

¶ Of the second battle fought between Metellus and jugurth, and how jugurth lost the battle & also one of his chief towns named Thala. The xliiii Chapter.  
IN the mean time while the enterprise of Marius proceeded thus forward at Rome jugurth was sore troubled in his mind for many considerations. first he considered the loss of many whom he reputed for his friends till before he knew their treason of whom he had many put to death, and many other had fled from him for fear, some to the Romans, and other some to Bochus king of the Mauriens. He called also to his mind that without ministers and men of war, he was not able to execute the war: and moreover he thought it jeopardous after so great falsehood and treason of his old friends to prove or assay the fidelity of new. For these causes and more like (as I have said before) his mind was driven to and fro, variable & incertain in divers opinions, I so much that there was no manner thing, no counsel nor no manner man that could sufficiently satisfy nor please his mind. He changed his journeys and ways every day into sundry places for fear of treason. Sometime he addressed him toward his enemies: and anon after returned into woods & wildernesses. Often times he had trust and cofidence in flight: and anon after put his trust in armour and battle. He doubted whither he might less trust to strength or truth of his men which were with him: so that what ever he purposed to do: or whither so ever he intended, every thing was contrary to him. But while jugurth thus prolonged & tarried: suddenly Metellus with his army appeared in his sight. jugurth that parceiving: set in order and array his numidians aswell as he might after the short time which he had thereto. And immidiatly the armies approached: and the battle began. In that part of the battle where jugurth himself was: they strove and resisted a little space but all the other Numidyens at the first brunt, concourse or assault were put to flight with violence and driven backward. The romans took some of their standeres and armour, which they fleeing away left behind them: but of their enemies they took but few. For the numidians in that battle and almost in all other defended themself better with their feet: than with their hands or armour. jugurth at this time: mistrusted his case much more than at any other time ever before, for the cowardous withdrawing of his people. Wherefore he acompanyed himself with the romans which had forsaken and betrayed Metellus and fled to him. With them, and with a part of his horsemen he fled in to the wildernesses thereby: and from thence unto a town named Thala, which was a great town and a rich: and much of his treasure and of the apparel longing to the youth of his young children was in the same town. But when Metellus understood that jugurth was fled to so rich a town, howbeit he knew that between the town and the next flood thereto was l mile space of dry ground void and without habitation nevertheless he took in hand to overcome all sharpness and difficulty of places: and also to overcome nature, though it seemed impossible to man's mind. This thing Metellus took in hand in hope to finish the battle much sooner if he might win that town.  
¶ Wherefore he commanded that all the beasts which served for carriage, should be unladen of all such baggage and burden as they carried longing to the soldiers save only wheat and victual for the space of ten days. Also he commanded some of the beasts to be jaded with bottles full of water, and other vessels meet to be carried with water. Moreover: over all the country he gathered together as many tame beasts as he could get and them jaded with empty vessels of every sort. Many of them were treene vessel which he had done to be gathered among the villages of the numidians. furthermore he commanded thinhabitants of those marches which after the flight of jugurth had yielded them to him that they should make them ready to follow the host every man with asmuch water as they might bear. And assigned them a day and place, where they should be ready under pain of death. When Metellus was come to the said flood which was fifty mile from the town of Thala, & nearest water thereto (as I have said before) he did all the beasts to be jaded of the same water. And so went toward Thala, his host set in order and array: so that if any jeopardy appeared he was ever ready at defence but afterward when he was come to that place where he had appointed the numidians to meet him with the water wherewith they were jaded and followed the host. And when his tents were pitched, set, and defended about with trenches, cut tres, bows and stakes after the policy of war, suddenly from the heaven descended great violence and plenty of rain water that it was more than sufficient to all the army, as well to men as beasts. Moreover their victuals were more plentiful than they trusted or looked after. For the Numidians which newly were yielded, were so much the more serviceable & ready to minister every thing necessary to the army. And no marvel: for every thing is quick at the beginning, which often fadeth at the end. But the soldiers and men of war, were more glad to occupy the rain water for devotion, than such water which was brought to them in vessels by carriage. For they supposed that their gods loved and favoured them, which in so dry a country, and in such a chance sent to them so great plenty of water beside provision of their captain. This thing greatly comforted the minds of them all: and encouraged them with boldness, strength, and diligence to overcome all difficulties which remained. This comfort kyndeling their minds: they sped themself so forward, that on the next day after they came to the town of Thala, contrary unto the opinion or knowledge of jugurthe. The inhabitants which thought themself surely defended by the sharpness and difficulty of the place, were suddenly abashed and astonished for that great unwonte and unprovided case. Nevertheless they made provision to battle as quickly as they might by sufferance of the time. The Romans addressed them in the same manner. But king jugurth anon cast in his mind that to Metellus was nothing unprovided nor unable to be done: as he that by his craft, diligence, & policy: had overcome both weepen, armour, place, and time. And also nature itself which ruleth other things longing unto men. jugurth this advysing and revolving in his mind fled privily by night forth of the town with his children and a great part of his treasure. Nor after this time he never tarried in one place passed the space of a day or of a night feigning that he fled so from one place to an other because of his present business: but the right cause of his removing was for that he feared treason which he thought best to avoid and eschew by continual changing of places. For such counsels of treason can not be taken without deliberation & process of time, and conveniens or opportunity of places where princes doth long sojourn and continue.  
¶ But when Metellus saw that thinhabitants were ready to battle, and also that the town was strongly defended both by craft of man's hands and by nature of the place. Anon he compassed about the town on every side with profound duchess, trenches, and herdels: of sharp stakes the points upward to th'intent that none of thinhabitants should break out nor escape by night, as jugurth had done before: nor that no victuals should be conveyed into them, whereby they might the longer resist him and endure the siege. After ward he commanded scaffolds to be made about the walls specially in such places as were most convenient and penteses of shields conjoined in manner of wines to be driven to the walls upon wheels. And about the said scaffolds to be cast a heap of gravel and stones: and towers of timber and bulwarks set upon them and: other soldiers he assigned to defend the work, and then also that laboured there upon. These scaffolds, pentyses and pavasies were made to thintent that under them the romans might undermine the walls without great peril or damage. On the other side, the garnison and inhabitants hastily laboured to resist the Romans, and to defend themself and their town manfully. So that on both parties was nothing forgotten, able to be done touching their defence. But briefly to speak, the Romans wearied with much labour and battle xl days after they were come thither, at last won the town. But all the pray & riches of the town was destroyed by them which were within the town in garnison of the romans which had fled from Metellus to jugurth: which specially had assigned them to defend the town. These traitors when they saw the walls undermined and bruised with diverse ingens of battle: & their fortune was brought to extremity: and no socours nor hope remained. Than they assembled and carried together all the treasure and riches of the town, as gold, silver, with other precious ornaments or jewels into the palace of jugurth, and there filled themself with wine and other delicate meats. And at conclusion when they were full saturate and ingorged: they set fire on the palace and wilfully brent and destroyed the riches, the palace, and themself withal. So that such punishment as they dreaded to suffer of their enemies, they vountarily suffered the same with their own hands to avoid the subjection and danger of their enemies, by desperate folly and presumptuous madness.  
the custom of sydoni, which they maintained and kept still: so much the more easily: by cause they dwelled separate in the extreme and utter parts of the country far from the court and frequentation of kings of Numidy For between this city of Leptis and the well inhabited parts of Numidy be many places deserted and wide wyldernesses unhabited for dryenes of the country.   

¶ The description of that place of africa which is named the Phele●●utres, and for what cause the same place was first so named. The xlvi Chapter.  
But for asmuch as by occasion of this business of the cite of Leptis and their ambassadors, I have made mention of their cite and partly described the situation of the same. Now me think it a thing convenient, and not unworthy to recount an excellent and marvelous deed done in the same coostes by two brethren borne at the cite of Carthage and namely because the place is called the Phylen auters me thinketh it requisite to declare the cause of that denomination. For this place of our history so requireth.  
¶ What time the Carthaginenses had in possession and were lords over the most part of africa: at the same season the Cirenenses also were great and famous of name: and abundant of wealth & riches. Than between the costs of these two cities was a great and large field all over spread with sand without division, partition, or difference. But between them was neither flood nor mountain, which might discern the bounds and marches of both their coostes: which thing caused continual and long war often and great battles between both parties. But after that many armies on both sides were overcome, slain, or put to flight both by land & by sea: and when both people had somewhat wasted the one the other by spoiling and murder: than began they to perceive their own folly on both parts, fearing lest some other nation anon after should assail them, both the overcomers, and them that were over come, when they were wasted and wearied with battles and brought to extremity. Wherefore this considered, they took truce between them both, and to avoid that long variance between them: they made agreement and covenant that messengers or ambassadors of both parties should departed out of their cities at one certain day and hour assigned. And that same place where the messengers of both the cities should meet together, should be for ever after taken for the bounds & marches of the country, of both the nations and cities without more contention or variance. To bring this appointment to effect and conclusion, forth of the city of Cyren were chosen two for their part and send forth at the day and hour appointed. And in likewise out of Charthage were send two brethren named Phelen, which swiftly sped them in their journey. But the Cirenenses went much more slowly, whether it so fortuned by negligence or chance I know but little the truth. But this is known for certain, that about those costs tempest of wind & wether is wont to let men and prolong their journey in likewise as upon the sea, and that for this cause. For when by those even places wide and bare without any thing growing on them: the wind riseth and stirreth the small sand from the ground, the same sand moved by great violence of the wind is wont to fill the faces, mouths and eyes of such as pass that way with dust and sand. And thus often by letting of their sight their journey is prolonged & hindered. But after when the Cyrenenses saw themself some what over slow and late in their journey: they feared punishment at their returning home for their negligence. And blaming they accused the Carthaginenses objecting and saying that they had come forth of their city before the time assigned: and thus they troubled all the matter and broke the ordinance. But shortly to speak these Cirenenses concluded rather to suffer death and to do any thing possible than to return home again overcome. Wherefore the Carthaginenses desired some other condition or appointment to be made indifferent and equal between both the parties. The Cirenenses consented thereto and put the Carthaginenses in choice whither they would be quick buried in that same place which they desired for their marches & bounds: or else that the Cirenenses under the same condition should proceed forward to that place which they desired for their marches and there to be quick buried under the same manner. The ii brethren both named Phelene allowed and granted the condition subduing and abandoning their bodies to death for the profit and we'll of their country and cite of Carthage: and so were they buried quick. Wherefore the Carthaginenses in the same place where they were buried raised and hallowed ii auters in worship and remembrance of these two brethren which set more by increase of their country: than by their own lives. These auters to this present day be called the Phylene auters after the name of the ii brethren named Phylenis there under buried, as said is for weal of their country. Also beside this memorial within the cite of Carthage were many other things ordained to the great honour of them and remembrance of their worthy deed. ¶ But now I will leave this matter and return to my purpose.   

¶ How jugurth assembled a new army of the rude Getulians' against the romans, and how he associated to him Bocchus king of the Mauriens to strength him in battle against Metellus. The xlvii Chapter.  
When jugurth had lost the city of Thala, one of the strongest cities of his land (as said is before) than he considered well that in all his kingdom was no place strong enough to resist the might of Metellus. Wherefore he hasted him with a small company through deserts & great wildernesses flying from his own country. And at last he came to the land of Getulia which is a manner of people, rude, wild, and without order or manners: & at that season nought knowing of the pre-eminent honour & fame of the Roman empire. Of this people jugurth assembled a multitude together, and by little & little induced & taught them by costume & exercise to follow the order of chivalry, to keep array, to ensue their standards, to obey the commandments of their captains, to decern & have knowledge of the signifying of the sounds of trumpets, & to observe all other points belonging to warfare & chivalry. These things with other like necessary to battle, jugurthe ceased not to prepare and ordain with all diligence.  
¶ Moreover he provoked to his favour & fellowship by great rewards and much greater promises such as were most near friends to Bocchus king of the Mauriens, by whose help he himself went to king Bocchus & desired him in his quarrel with him to war against the Romans. To which request of jugurth Bocchus agreed so much the more for as much as at the first beginning of the same war, this Bocchus sent unto Rome ambassadors to desire of the Romans amity, and a bond of continual peace between him and them. But notwithstanding that this petition and peace was much expedient and necessary to the Romans for diverse considerations, and namely because of this war. Not the less it was not granted by me me of a few such as at Rome blinded with avarice, were wont to sell for money every thing both honest & dishonest. Also before this time the daughter of jugurth was spoused to the said Bocchus. But this bond of friendship or affinity among the numidians & Mauriens, is reputed but of little or none effect, because they are wont every man to have divers & many wives according to their substance & riches. Some ten and some more, after as they are of ability or power to meinteine. But the kings, because they are of most power & substance, therefore they have more than other. Thus is their mind & favour distract and diversly divided from all their wives for the multitude of them, and because they have so many that they reserve none for their special bedfellow. Wherefore they all are reputed vile & little set by after one manner. Thus the affinity between these two kings, jugurth & Bocchus, was little set by and small availed in this business. Not withstanding both they and their hosts came together in one place appointed thereto: where after they had given and taken faith & truth one to other of fidelity to be observed between them. jugurth enhanced & lifted up the mind of Bocchus with his words: saying that the Romans were unjust, grounded in avarice without suffisance or measure: & common enemies to every man & to every country: & that they had as much quarrel against Bocchus as against him, and one self cause to war against them both, and also against many other nations: which cause was but only the pleasure of great lordship and riches. So that for the same cause all kingdoms to them were adverse & contrary, & that he himself to them was enemy for the same cause. And not long before that time the Carthaginenses, & afterward Perses king of Macedony were subdued and undone by the Romans without any just title or cause of battle, save only ambition and envy which the Romans had against them. And that in time to come every nation which should have wealth and riches should become enemies to the Romans for their inordinate pride & insatiable covetise.  
¶ With these words and other like, jugurth moved the mind of Bocchus against the Romans. In so much that anon a day was appointed between both the kings to proceed forth together to the town of Cyrtha, and to assail the same with both their powers conjoined. This town they purposed first of all to besiege, because Metellus had left within the same town prays and prisoners which he had taken of jugurth. And also much of his own ordinance had he left there to avoid impediment in his voyage. Thus jugurth thought most expedient to do: For if he might win the town by assault before the rescous of Metellus, he thought that should be most to his honour and profit. Or else if the Roman captain Metellus, and his army should come to secure the town, than thought he that there both himself and Bocchus should give battle to Metellus. jugurthe for craft and subtlety hasted thereto so much the more to tangle Bocchus in the war before any place should be moved between him and the romans. And lest the same Bocchus by prolonging of the time might rather incline to peace than to war after he at leasour should have taken better counsel and advisement. For jugurth suspected at beginning that Metellus in process of time would desire this Bocchus not to meddle in this war assisting the part of jugurth nor mentayning his cause   

¶ How Metellus used himself hearing that these two kings were confederate against him, and how after he was certified that the province of Numidy was assigned to Marius the new consul: he ceased the war for the nonce. The xlviii Chapter.  
When Metellus knew that the two kings were associate together: he thought not to fight with them rashly without provision nor in every place for his advantage or not as he was wont to do often times before after the first time that he had overcome jugurth. But within his fields well and surely defended he kept himself abiding the coming of the two kings: and that not far from the town of Cirtha. This did he thinking it best to know the might, manners, and conditions of the Mauriens first or he would fight with them, because the were but new enemies and therefore their manners unknown to him. And when he saw his best advantage than thought he to give them battle.  
¶ In the mean time while Metellus tarried the coming of the two kings: letters were brought unto him from Rome: which certified him that the province of Numidi, was committed and given to Marius the new consul. For he had heard long before this time that the said Marius was elect consul: but this was the first time that he understood the province of Numidy committed to him. For this cause was Metellus moved and displeased much more than longed to measure or honesty. In so much that he could neither refrain his eyes from weeping nor measure his tongue from speaking ill by Marius. This Metellus was a singular noble & worthy man in all other conditions: but the displeasure of his mind he took over womanly and tenderly to his heart, and namely in this cause. Which condition: some reputed to proceed of a proud heart of Metellus. And other some thought it no marvel though his noble heart were moved and kindled with anger, for this injury and wrong done to him. And many said that Metellus took so great sorrow and displeasure: because the victory which he had almost obtained should be pulled out of his hands his self having the labour & parill, and an other man the triumph and honour. But to be plain in the matter & indifferently to write: it was not unknown to the wisest Romans, but that the dignity, advancement, and honour of Marius grieved Metellus much more than did his own injury. And that he would not have taken it so heavily if the province of Numidy which was taken from him had been given to any other noble man than to Marius. Wherefore Metellus was let from his first business for the said displeasure so that he purposed not to vex himself from thenceforth with out thank or profit. And also he thought it folly to take in hand the charge of another man's matter to his own paryll, labour, & pain. Wherefore he send messengers to the king Bocchus, desiring him not to become enemy to the Romans without occasion.  
And saying that he was yet in such case that he might adjoin with the romans fellowship love, and amity: which should be much better to him and more profitable. And howbeit he trusted greatly in his power, richesse, and treasure: yet ought he not to change certain things, for things incertain. For every battle to begin is easy and light: but it is a very hard thing to end the same when it is one's begun. The beginning and ending thereof: is not always in the power of one same man. For war may be begun of a coward or of any other wretch: but it can not be left of again, nor ceased but when it pleaseth him which is strongest and is master having the upper hand. And finally he had him better to provide for himself and for his kingdom than he began to do: and not to adjoin nor mingle his goods, treasure, and fortune: which were in estate royal flourishing with the goods and fortune of jugurth which were lost and destroyed to the uttermost. The ambassadors of Metellus came to king Bocchus and showed him their captains will: as is said before under such sentence. To the which words of Metellus Bocchus answered again benignly & meekly enough saying that he desired nothing more than peace: save, that he had pity and compassion of the adverse and miserable fortune of jugurth, but if the same jugurth might be suffered also to have friendship and amity with the Romans and forgiveness: than said Bocchus that he would gladly agree to every thing desired of Metellus, and every thing should be accorded between them. The captain Metellus hearing this answer of Bocchus again sent messengers to him replyeng against his requests and saying that some of his petitions were against justice and reason: also Metellus by these ambassadors desired many other things of Bocchus of whom Bocchus granted & allowed some, and other some of them he denied. After this manner the time overpassed and proceeded forth, massangers often going and coming between them both: so that by such manner the war and battle remained untouched and depended not meddled with: as Metellus did greatly covet and desire in mind because he would keep sure that laud which he had won: and also for that to his own paryll and damage he would not advantage nor advance Marius: in a thing which to him belonged.  
¶ But here will I leave to speak of Metellus, and return to speak of Marius which contrary to the will of the noble men of Rome was create consul by favour of the commons: likewise as I have written before.   

¶ Of the great ordinance and preparation which Marius the new consul made against jugurth, and for the war of Numidy. The xlix Chapter.  
But Marius (as I have said before) was elect consul, at great desire and instance of the comen people: which also committed to him the province of Numidy. Marius' seeing himself thus avanced: where he was ever against the noble men of Rome before, now was he specially fires of mind, and stately. And busy to displease and hurt the states: some time one by one, and other wile altogether. He often times boasted and said that he had gotten the consulship of them maugre their will, as if it were a pray or spoiling gotten of his enemies: and of men overcome. Many other boasting words spoke he to his own commendation, & to great displeasure and anger unto the estates of Rome. But in the mean time he forgot not to prepare every thing necessary to the war: whereof the charge rested on him to execute the same against jugurth from thenceforth. He demanded of the senators & commons new supplement of soudyors to repair and restore the army which was in Numidy with Metellus. For many of them were slain and many deed of sickness: thus was the army sore diminished. He called also for socours of such nations as marched to th'empire. And of kings which were confederate and had conjoined fellowship with the romans. Moreover he raised up in Italy & near about Rome, as many as were strongest and bold men's bodies. And namely such as he himself had proved before in war: and such as in warfare were proved by deeds: and not such as were boosted by fame. And namely old soldiers which had long haunted the war and were pardoned there of. So that it was in the power of no man to constrain them to war without their own free assent: because that they had continued still in war the season to them assigned of their captains. These treated Marius with so fair flattering and painted words, that thy were ready to go with him in warfare. And howbeit that the senators were contrary to him: yet durst they nothing deny unto him belonging to his business: but gladly and with good will they decreed that he should raise and choose soldiers to fulfil the number of them which were lost in battle in the country of Numidy. But this did they for no great, love which they had to Marius: for they thought that he should lose either the execution of the battle which he intended with jugurth, or else the favour of the people which would refuse to go forth to war. So that if Marius constrained them, their old love might turn into new malice and hatred against him. But this thing was trusted but in vain of the senators, for the most part of the commons had an inestimable desire to go to battle with Marius. For every man cast in his mind to be enriched by prays and spoylynges of war. And that more is, to return home again victoures with much honour and triumph. These things and other like they considered, which caused them gladly to follow Marius: and also Marius did not a little enbolden and comfort their minds with his exhortation. For when every thing which he desired of the Senators was confirmed and decreed by them. And when Marius should assemble his soldiers, he thought to put them in comfort by exhortation, and also to trouble and displease the states of Rome as he was wont to do, and to chafe their minds. Wherefore he assembled and called together a great company of the common people, and spoke to them by exhortation and comforting of them as hereafter ensueth.   

¶ The oration or exhortation of the consul Marius had to the comen people of Rome before his voyage into Numydye, which exhortation is demonstrative containing the laud and praise of Marius, and dispraise and blame of the noble men of Rome. The l Chapter.  
Right worthy citizens, I know well that many of these estates of ancient name have not themself behaved after one manner of condition in desiring of you honoradle dignities and great offices, and in administration and governing of them after they have obtained before they obtained promotion, to th'intent to come thereby to honour and dignity. But where as I have passed all my life in right good occupations by continual custom it is rooted in me to do well: and this custom is turned with me into nature. truth it is: that ye have commanded me to war against jugurth: which thing these noble men taketh very grievously. I require you consider and dyscus in your minds and in your inward consideration ponder ye: whither it be better, more necessary and expedient to chanuge the same your commandment again: and to send forth some other of that sort of ancient gentle men unto this business against jugurth or else to any other like. Send forth a noble man of old ancestry: in honour & remembrance of whom many images may be made and erect or set up on high. But of policy of chivalry or warfare is he utterly ignorant and inexpert. Will ye change your purpose and send forth such one to warfare at pleasure of these gentlemen, as who saith: that is best to be done for this cause. To th'intent that in so great a matter and wighty business: such a captain more ignorant and fearful than any of all his soldiers, shallbe chosen of you which anon after shall choose forth again some one of the comen people to be his master: to inform and teach him in such business as to his office & charge belongeth himself being ignorant of every thing necessary to be done. By this mean it often fortuneth: that he whom ye ordain to be captain and commander of your army: doth chose an other to be captain and commander over himself. In so much that (if ye indifferently judge) he: whom ye chose for captain is much more meet to be made a simple soldier, than a captain over other. And also worthy citizens, I know somewhat of these noble men so far out of order, that when they have been made consuls, then have they given themself to reading of acts of their elders and predecessors: and of the greeks precepts of chivalry: which doubtless may well be called men without order for this consideration. For they should by due order first learn to rule their office before they should take upon them the charge thereof. But they do contrary. first they take charge of the office, and than after learn to rule it by ways inordinate: how be it every wise man will first learn to govern an office before he desire or take upon him the rule thereof. But these estates contrarily demean themself. Thus worthy citizens, compare me new gentlemen with their immoderate pride, and take diligent consideration which is best: to be not gentle of birth, and lowly and gentle of manners: or else to be gentle of blood, and proud and ungentle of manners. Of such things as they be wont to hear and to read, somewhat have I seen, and some I myself have done. I have learned that by exercise of chivalry, which they have learned by reading. Now judge and consider ye whether is better of deeds or works, of reading or doing. They despise my novelty of honour and unnoble lineage, and I despise the uncraftynesse and sloth of them. My happy fortune is objected of them against me as to rebuke, but shame and dishonest behaviour may be objected and laid against them in rebuke. Is it not truth that every man is come of one like nature. I consider and know well that one man is not better nor more noble than an other, but if it be by his wisdom, good manners, vertu & strength. other men. And wherefore think ye do they this? plainly I suppose because I have no images of my progenitors exalted in remembrance of them as these gentlemen have: and because my nobleness is but new and springing. But theirs is ancient and by their disorder decaing. But certainly I count it more better and honourable to be root and beginner of nobleness unto all my progeny & to leave the same unto my branches: than to corrupt and desyle nobleness received of my progeny as many of these gentlemen do. Forsooth I am not ignorant but that if these estates were now present and should answer to my words their speech should be abundantly painted, ornate and elegant enough. But sith they cease not to blame & revile with their lewd words in every place both you & me for this your great office which ye have given unto me: it hath not pleased me to be still nor to keep secret their faults: lest some might count me culpable & worthy their rebukes: by reason of mine indyfcrete patience & silence. Nevertheless soothly their words can not grieve nor hurt me: after the conscience of mine own mind. For if they say truth they can nought say but good and worship by me: but if they will nedesly on me my manners, my living, & conversation is such that I shall overcome their words and prove their injust accusements feigned and false. But sith your counsel is blamed of these noble men because ye have committed to me this great honour and greater business: consider ye in your minds diligently and often whether ye shall need to repent you of this deed or not. To say truth I can not host myself of the images of my progenitors nor I can not recount unto you the triumphs or consulshyps of mine ancestry. But if the matter required: I could well show unto you spears, standards, horse, trappers, harness, with many other rewards of chivalry: some given to me of the Emperor, and some of other captains for mine acts in battle. And other some which with mine hands I have won of the enemies of the empire. I could also if it needed show you in the fore part of my body manifold scars of many and large wounds which I have taken in good worth for defence of our country and common weal. These be my images which I can show. This is my nobleness, not left to me by heritage (as theirs is to them) but nobleness which I have won and gotten with great and sore labours of my body, and peril of my life.  
¶ My words be not ordered in ornate language, nor my speech painted with rhetoric like theirs, for I set little thereby. My virtue showeth itself plainly enough without glossed or painted words. But these noble men must of necessity have craft for to cover their shameful and ungoodlie deeds, with these eloquent words their crafty and rhetoric speech. Nor as for me, I never learned the greek language, which thing these estates object against me as a great fault. But to be plain: my pleasure was never much to learn such things, which have little availed unto the teachers or lerners of the same, neither to acquisition of virtue nor expulsion of vice. But I have learned and am taught in other thygnes much better and more profitable to the common weal, as to assail and strike mine enemies, to despoil their ordinance & victuals, to chafe their garnison: nothing to dread nor fear save an ill name, to endure & take in good worth the pleasure of the summer and the hardness of the winter both in like: to lie upon the ground, to endure hunger and labour both together. Therefore I shall exhort and inform my soldiers with these precepts, which I myself have learned, used and assayed. Nor I shall not handle or entreat them by craft to th'intent they may advance me with riches: nor use them sharply and myself pleasantly: but in every difficulty I shall be their example of labour: nor I shall not put the labour to them and take the worship to me. This order is profitable. Thus ought a captain demean him among his soldiers, and namely among worthy citizens. For when a man liveth delicately himself, & driveth his soldiers to the peril of battle by punishment or other rigour: he is not to be called a captain or ruler of an army: but rather a proud lord or tyrannous opressor of citizens. Our elders worthily behaving themself after this manner, have made noble and excellent & enriched this comen weal, and themself also. But these states which now live, trusting to be honoured by the worthiness of their progenitors, they themself unlike of conditions despise us, and have us in disdain which follow the manners of their progenitors. And every high office, & all honours they challenge & demand of you not by their merits, but as it were of duty and heritage. But soothly the over proud men err much from the truth. For though their progenitors & ancestry have left to them every thing which to them was possible to leave: as riches, patrimony, and their images, for remembrance & example of them and of their worthy deeds. Nevertheless their virtue have they not left unto them, nor they could not keep it: for that only can neither be given unto them in reward, nor received of any man. These gentlemen say that I am a man without manners and uncleanly of behaviour. And why? Forsooth because that I prepare and dress not curiously many delicious banquets so superfluous and deinteous as they do: and because I have no iougler nor dyzar with me to move sports and dissolute laughing: nor no more curious cook than one of the village longing to rural people, which things to have as these gentlemen have, it pleaseth me not to knowledge. For I never had pleasure in such things. For I have herd of my father and of other incorrupt and well disposed men, that such deliciousenes and curiosity, belongeth unto women: and that labour and business belongeth unto men. Every good man thinketh it more convenient to have plenty of worship than of riches. And more honour it is to a good man to have the walls of his house garnished and overcovered with armour wherewith he may defend his country, his friends, and himself, then with rich ornaments of curious work of no profit save only the sight and vain regard thereof. But sith these gentlemen thus object such matters to me: let them continue alway in such vices which liketh them, and that they have ever reputed so dear. Let them incline to voluptuositie: as dancing, singing, banqueting, playing, to lechery to gluttony, and drunkenness. For in such vices have they spend their youth: in the same let them pass forth their age, utterly subdued to the belly, to sleep, to idleness, and subject to lusts of the vilest part of the body. Let them leave the sweat of fighting, the peril of death, the blinding of dust in battle, and other like perils unto us, to whom these be more acceptable than their feestes and voluptuous banquets or other vile pleasures. But they do not so, they be not contented. For after the such ungodly & vile men have dishonested themself, by their foul deeds: than be they ready to take away the rewards of good men unto themself. Thus (against all right) lechery and sloth most cursed vices doth no hurt to such as occupieth them: but they be utter destruction to the comen weal, and commons which be innocent and unculpable.  
¶ But sith I have made answer to these dysordred gentlemen: and that moderately after my custom and condition & not so largely as their cursedness and vices are worthy. I shall speak now a few things touching the comen weal. And first of all have ye good trust and esperance touching the business of Numidy. For ye have now moved & avoided every thing whereby jugurth was defended from beginning of the war unto this time: that is say the covetise of Calphurnius, and of Albinus: the uncraftynes & folly of Aulus: and the pride of Metellus. By these found jugurth succour hitherto but all these be avoided now. Moreover ye have there an army which knoweth the country, but verily it is more noble and manly than fortunate or happy. For a great part there of is wasted and spent (and that worse is infected and corrupted: what by the avarice and by the unboldnes and cowardice of their captains. Wherefore ye which be of lusty age and meet to endure the hardness of war and battle: now labour ye with me, and take ye in hand defence of the comen weal. Nor let none of you be afraid nor abashed for misfortune of the other soldiers which have fought there before this time nor of the pride of their captains. For I my self as counsellor of your business and fellow of your perils shall be present with you in every business both in your iournays and in your battle also. So that I shall govern you and myself without difference, and under one form in every point. And verily by help of the gods we shall within short season obtain all avantages & commodities which any man may win in battle, as prays, victory, with immortal laud and worship. And certainly if these pleasures and avantages were in doubt or hard to obtain (as they be not). Nevertheless it were convenient to every good man) as ye be) to succour and defend the comen weal of their country fro destruction and dishonour. For certainly there was never man which obtained immortal laud nor everlasting name by cowardice or sleuth. Nor there was never wise father which would wish his children or sons to live ever: but only that they might live so long as they behaved themself worthily in goodness and honesty: and so to pass forth their life as natural course requireth.  
¶ Worthy Romans: I would speak more unto you if I understood that strength could be increased to feeble or fearful men by words: but it is not so. Wherefore me seemeth that I have said enough and abundantly to noble and bold hearted men, as my trust is to prove you.   

¶ How Marius after his exhortation ended, anon jaded ships with ordinance of war, and send forward with the same one Manlyus his ambassador: and how he himself anon after followed with all his company. And how he behaved himself in Numydy at the first beginning. The li Chapter.  
When Marius had uttered and ended his words under this form: and when he saw all the minds of the commons inclined to the war in trust of victory & praise. Than anon without more delay he caused ships to be charged with viteyls, and treasure for the soldiers wages, with armour, wepyn, and all other things necessary to war. And commanded one named Aulus Manlius, which was assigned ambassador to him, to depart forward with the same ships so charged. In the mean season Marius himself remained at Rome a little time: & chose forth soldiers such as him thought most expedient: and not after the custom of the old Romans his predecessors nor after institution of the ancient captains, which had ordered a certain manner of people of whom soldiers should be chosen for warfare in time convenient. But contrariwise Marius admitted every man indifferently which was any thing lyckely and had pleasure to go with him. And many such he admitted also which were poor and not suffered to go warfare before: lest their poverty might have constrained them rather to fall to robbery than to deeds of chivalry. Howbeit, it was enacted of the old Romans that such excused of war for cause above said: should pay a certain some of money pretaxed toward the wages of such as lawfully were admitted to war. Marius suffered none of these to pay any thing at all: but elect many of them for his soldiers. Many of the Romans surmised that Marius elected unto war these abject persons: for want of other good soldiers. Some other deemed that he so did for favour, ambition, and partiality: because this sort of people assisted and honoured him by advancement at beginning of his promotion. And also men considered that vn●o a man desirous of dignity and power: the most needy men be most meet and behovable. For such needy wretches he most aventurous: for they have nought to lose and always trust in advancement by aventuringe themselves. And therefore they judge every thing which they do: good, honest, and laudable: if any advantage be thereto appendent. Thus doubt they no peril so that they may come thereby to promotion. At last Marius departed from Rome with somewhat greater number than was granted and decreed to him of the senators. Within few days after that: he took shipping & arrived in the prou●nce next unto Africa under the Romans at a town named Utica. The army which was there with Metellus, was delivered to him by one Publius Rutilius, which was ambassador with the said Metellus. For Metellus himself fled the sight of Marius' b● cause he would not see that with his eyes, which he could not endure to here. But when Marius had restored and fulfilled the legions of his soldiers and the cohortes for the subsidies and rescous. Than went he into a plentiful place of Numidy which was full of prays. All that he took there: he gave freely in reward to his soldiers. This done: he assailed such castles and towns which were but feebly defended with men and walls. He had many battles & light skirmishes: and many other things he did in other place not with much difficulty. In the mean time the new soldiers were ready manly fight without fere: & seeing that they which fled were other taken or slain: therefore they advised them well that the strongest & boldest was most sure of all. They considered well that it stood them in hand to defend with wepyn and armour their liberty, their country, their friends, and all other things longing to their health and honour. Thus laboured they for glory, laud, and riches which they optained: so that within short season the old soldiers and the new increased together cherishing and infourming one an other till their virtue and boldness was like. But when the two kings jugurth and Bocchus understood of the coming of Marius: they divided their hosts and went in sunder into divers places where no man could attain to them for difficulty of the places. This was done by counsel of jugurth. For it pleased him so to do trusting that within short space the Romans would be spread abroad in spoiling and than thought he to assail them in every place when they were most without fear at liberty, at large, and unprovided: as men are want to be specially when their enemies behaveth them as if they were affrayed. Than often be the victors improvident and less circumspect.   

¶ How Metellus the old consul returned to Room, and of the worthy and valiant behaviour of Maryu● against jugurth, and of his great acts at his beginning. The lii Chapter.  
IN the mean time Metellus returned to Rome: which contrary to his opinion was received with glad minds of the Romans and after that the envy which Marius had moved against him was assuaged and overpassed: he was like dear and beloved both to the commons and Senators.  
¶ But Marius on his part applied and took heed to his own business and his enemies also without sloth: but with great wisdom. He perceived well and knew what was good and ill for advantage on both sides. He caused the ways & journeys of the two kings to be daily searched and espied. He prevented & interrupted their counsels, provisions and guiles. He suffered nothing to be unprovided and unredie on his side: but on the other side and party of his enemies, he suffered nothing to be sure or provided: for alway he prevented their provisions & pursued them. Often while jugurth and the Getulians' spoiled the numidians which had yielded themself to the Romans, Marius was ready in their way and valiantly assailed them, & overthrew many of them while they were dispersed abroad and flying away for fear. And also not far from the town of Cirtha, he made jugurth himself so trust in his flight, that for haste to ren away: he left his armour behind him. But when Marius considered that his acts were only glorious and excellent without any advantage, and that he might not execute battle with jugurth for his unsteadfastness. and moving from place to place, he considered in mind and ordained him ready to besiege the cities of the countries one after another. And namely such as either of men or of place were necessary and behovable to his enemies, and contrary or hurtful to him. This did he, thinking that if jugurthe without disturbance suffered him so to do, he should either be spoiled and bereft of his cities, ordinance, succours, and refuge: or else he must abide the fortune of battle, & strive for the mastery in plain field. Bocchus the king of the Mauriens had often send messengers before unto Marius: saying that he would gladly come into favour, amity, and friendship of the Romans: and bidding Marius' not to doubt him as an enemy nor to fear any thing longing to an enemy to be committed of him against the Romans. It is but little known for truth whether Bocchus feigned this thing to the intent that his coming to battle unknown and unproved might be to Marius more grievous: or else whether he was wont by unstableness of mind to change peace sometime for war: and sometime war for peace. But Marius the consul (as he had purposed before) dru him unto the castles and towns which were walled and defended: and fiercely assailed them. Anon he turned many of them from his enemies to him, some by strength & violence, some by fear: and other some by promising and giveng of rewards and prodition of their captains. But at first beginning he meddled but with mean castles and towns thinking that jugurth should come to defend and succour his people & towns: & so come into danger of the Romans. But when Marius heard that jugurth was far thence and occupied in other besinesses: than thought he not to lose his time: but to adventure on greater things wherein was more hard business and labour and honour. Wherefore he intended to besiege the cite of Capsa, which was a great cite, strong, and rich.   

¶ How Marius won the great and rich City named Capsa. and how he utterly destroyed the same and gave all the riches thereof to hauock● 〈◊〉 his soldiers. The liii Chapter.  
AMong the most widest & thickest wildernesses of Numidy was this great & rich cite named Capsa: which (as men say) was first builded by that Hercules which was borne in the land of Libya and not by Hercules the son of jupiter & Alcumena Thinhabitors of this city were ruled by jugurthe peaceably and easily put to no charges nor business, and therefore were they most true and faithful to him. They were defeneded against all enemies: not only with walls, armour, and men: but also with much stronger defence of the difficulty and hardness of the place and country near about them. So that it was in manner impossible that any army could come near them for want of water and scarcity of victuals. For except the fields and place near to the city, all the other be void and waste ground & desert without habitation, uneyred, barren and dry without water. All full of serpents: which were so much more violent and fires for lack of meat and sustenance, as all other wild beasts be wont to enrage for hunger. And moreover the mischievous and perilous nature of serpents is more kindled to raging and vexed, with thirst, than with any other thing: which thirst they could not quench there for want of water. Wherefore neither man nor beast might surely pass by them. When Marius cast all these difficulties in his mind his heart was pierced with a marvelous desire to win this cite, both for that it was much hurtful to him: and profitable to jugurth, and also because it was herd to do and much honour might be gotten in winning thereof. And moreover because Metellus the other consul before him had won the cite of Thala, with great honour and glory: which of situation was not valyke to this city: neither unlike in defence. Save that not far from the walls of Thala were a few fountains: but about this city of Capsa was no water, well, no● fountain: save one and that was within the walls of the city always full of water. All other which dwelled with out the walls, as in the suburbs: occupied but rain water. The inhabitants of that country and of all the remanant of Africa, which were far from the see and rude people could much the better endure this scarcity of water and thirst: for this cause. For the most part of them were fed with milk and venison not looking after salt, sauces, nor other such things as be norishinges or provocatives to gluttony. They took meat & drink only to slake their hunger, and to quench their thirst: and not without measure to provoke themself to pleasure of the flesh, as many christian men do now in our days: which make of their belly their god. And eat not to live: but they live to eat contrary to man's life, and utterly incline to bestialite. O cursed gluttony let us christian men learn here of paynims to eschew thee: which wastest the body and goods: damnest the soul: and art mother and norice of all vices. But to return to my purpose: this Marius after that he had searched every thing by his espies, he proceeded in his enterprise and purpose (as men thought) helped of the gods. For against so many and hard difficulties he could not have made sure provision by counsel of man nor by his own private wit: as he which had impediment and was letted not only by sharpness of the country: but also by lack and scarcity of wheat and of all other corn. For the numidians intendeth more, to nourish pasture for beasts than to labour or ear the ground for corn. And also they had brought together all the seed and corn of the year before into strong holds as their king jugurth had commanded them and moreover at that season the fields on every side were dry and bare without corn: and no marvel. For it was about the extremity or later end of summer. Not withstanding all these difficulties and sharpnesses Marius made provision enough as the matter required. First he committed all the beasts which he had taken in prey in foretime unto the horsemen, which of their own will followed him to war: or were send to him for help by friends of th'empire. Marius commanded them to take charge to drive forth these beasts. Than sent he Aulus Maulius ambassador of the host to a town named Laris, and all the cohortes of his soldiers with him which were footmen and light harnysed for to keep the treasure of the soldiers wages and victuals: which he had left in the same town. Marius kept his counsel of this enterprise so secret that none of all his company high nor low knew of his purpose nor what he intended. But when Manlius and his company should departed toward Laris Marius dissimuled with them saying that he would stray abroad in Numidye in roving and afterward within few days: he and his company would come also to the same town of Laris, jaded with prays of his enemies. This done he departed toward a flood named Tana: no creature lively knowing of his purpose. And every day he distributed in his journeys among his host xlii heed of oxen for victual, which he commanded to be divided by even portion among them by hunders and half hunders together: dividing victuals to every company after their number. And in the mean season he charged bottles and bowges to the hides of the same beast and of other ledder in gerate number. Moreover he eased their scarcity of wheat and other corn, by wise provision. And without knowledge of all his company he made good provision of every thing which might be necessary unto his army in time of need. At conclusion the sixth day after when they were come to the said flood of Thana, thither was brought a mighty multitude of bottles and bowges made of leather. There pitched they their tents with easy labour and small defence. Than refreshed they themself with meat and drink, and eased them a certain space. This done, Marius commanded them that every man should be ready to proceed forward even with the sun going down, and that every man should only lad himself and his beasts with water in the said bowges and bottles, leaving all other carriage, burdens and baggage there behind them in their tents under the custody of other soldiers thereto assigned. After this when he saw his time, he departed forth from his tents with his company, and laboured all the night long in his journey. The day after following he rested in a secret and covert place. In the same wise behaved he himself the night next ensuing, and in the third night much before the day light, he entered into a fair and large field full of small hills and downs, no more but two mile space from Capsa. And there he tarried with all his host in the most priviest manner abiding the day light. But assoon as the day light began to appear, many numidians issued forth of the town: some to disport themself, and some about their business, nothing fearing nor suspecting of their enemies. When Marius saw that, anon with all hast he sent his horse men to the town, and with them as many footmen in light harness as were most swift and speedy. Whom he commanded to ren with all haste and boldly and valiantly to assail the town: and to besiege the gates. Than after he himself followed speedily: but with good heed and advisement: not suffering his soldiers in the assault nor in the way thitherward to fall to robbing nor prays by spoiling of their enemies. When thinhabitants of the town known hereof: their case was unsure, their fear great and horrible: for the sudden chance of them was nothing suspected before, nor provided. Many of the cetezins which were without the town and were taken and in power and captivity of the Romans their enemies sent unto them within the town desiring them for safeguard of their lives to yield themself & the cite to Marius. So was it done a conclusion. Howbeit this not withstanding Marius brent the cite. All the numidians inhabytantes thereof which were of full age and able to bear weepen were slain: and the remanent as women, children, & aged men were taken prisoners and sold for their ransom. The pray and richesse was divided among the soldiers. This deed against the law of arms was not thus done by Marius: by covetise nor any other cruelty of him: but because the town & place was profitable, and necessary to jugurth and to the Romans hard to come to. And the manner of the people proved movable and unlawful ever of nature before: and neyhter refrained from their ill appetite by benefit or good deed: nor yet with awe or fear of punishment.   

¶ How Marius by fortune more than by strength won the strongest● castle of all Numidy, wherein were the treasures of jugurth. The liiii Chapter.  
AFter that Marius had brought to end so great and hard an enterprise without any loss or damage to him or any of his people. Though he were reputed noble, great and excellent before: than began he to be counted more famous and excellent. Every noble deed: was reputed to be done by strength and wisdom of Marius: and ascribed to his strength and policy. And that such things as were done by good counsel and provision, and also such as happened by fortune or chance: and by negligence of enemies. The soldiers were so mannerly treated without cruelty or fiersnesse of their captain, and also made rich and abundant in treasure and jewels: that they exalted and praised his name to the heaven. And loved him as themselves. But in contrary wise the Numidyens feared him more than any man living. Shortly to speak: both the friends of th'empire and enemies also thought verily that either Marius had a godly mind and was a god himself: or else that he was prive with the gods: and did all his deeds and business by their advise, counsel, and provision: which showed him before what should fortune after. But when this chance had fortuned so well at Capsa: anon Marius drew him to other towns, and took as many as he besieged. In some town the Numidyens resisted him to their power: but it could not avail. In many other towns the dwellers gave than over & left them void and ran away fearing so to be treated and dealt withal as they of Capsa were: because their towns were like behovable to jugurth, and hurtful to Marius. When Marius came to any such town: destitute and void of dwellers he set fire in them and brent them ground smooth. The aged men, women and children took them to woods and caves to hide themself. The young men & lusty which were taken, were slain down right. Thus was every place filled with weeping and wailing, brenninge and slaughter: one mingled with another. Finally after that Marius had won in to his hands many towns and castles, and some with out resistance or blood shedding of his men, he went in hand with an other mayslrie and difficulty not so sharp nor hard to come to as was Capsa, but to be won or besieged it was not less hard nor of less difficulty.  
¶ Not far from the flood of Mulucha (which water divideth the kingdom of jugurth, from the kingdom of Bocchus) was a great rock or mountain of stone in the mids of a plain, open enough to be seen having thereupon builded a mean castle of quantity, but of a marvelous altitude, and only one straight passage and narrow left to come thereto. But on every other side, the rock of natural growing was down right like a wall, as if it had been made for the nonce with man's hands. Marius' purposed with all his might to take this castle: & namely because the treasures of jugurth were within the same. But this his purpose at last came to effect, rather by chance of fortune, than by provision or counsel. For this castle was garnished and plenteouselye instored with men, wepyn, victuals, and with all other ordinance requisite & necessary to defence of such a fortress. More over within the same a fountain plenteful of clear water. And beside this the situation thereof was such that without marvelous difficulty & unmeasurable labour no enemies might attain or approach near thereto their engines of battle to frushe the walls or any other part thereof. Beside all these defences the double walls of this castle were garnished with towers, bulwarks, and all other defences and enginings which could be imagined by man's mind: and that round about compass aswell within, as without. The way thereto: by which the inhabitants and garnison used to go and come, was very strait and narrow. In somuch that the Romans entering by the same way with their engines of battle were constrained to cut their pavases on both sides & to make them more narrow for straightness of the passage. And in such manner they proceeded forward under the same in great parill and with much difficulty: and at conclusion all in vain. For when they were come near to the walls & would have set up and adjoined the same pavases to the walls to have under mined under them: all their labour was frustrate. For what with stones and what with fire the defenders of the castle broke and brent them again down to the ground. Thus could not the soldiers which under mined the walls continue together at their work and business: for starytenes and difficulty of the place and importune violence of them within the castle. Nor other soldiers could not serve them which made and repaired the pavases without great paryll and danger. For continually as fast as they raised the pavases to cover and defend themself: they were broken & brent between their hands. In the mean time no soldiers was so good, strong, nor bold: but that he was either wounded or beaten down to death. Then was fear increased to other that were feeble and faint hearted.  
¶ But after that many days & great labours in this manner were overpassed and spent in vain. Marius was sore angered & vexed in his heart, revolving many things in mind, but specially whether he might give over his purpose (seeing his labour frustrate) or else abide the chance of fortune which at many times before he had found favourable & friendly to him. While Marius chafed & burning in desire revolved such things in his mind both day and night: it happened by chance of fortune that a certain Lumbarde a simple souldioure, one of the company which was last sent from Rome to Numidy to supply the army, strayed abroad from his company a little way, which Lombard as he wandered found among the stones many small snails creeping on the ground, not far from that side of the castle which was over against the side that the Romans besieged and assailed. Because this Lombard in his country was acostumed like other of his country men to eat such snails prepared after their manner: therefore he gathered first one and than an other, and after that many: ascending up by little and little, sometime creeping, sometime climbing, for no other intent and purpose save together such snails: and so far he proceeded by little and little till at last he came almost to the top of the mountain. But when he saw all that side of the castle desolate, & no person stering, anon he began to have a pleasure and desire in his mind to work some mastery, as the property and condition is of every man coveting to win a name, laud and riches, and to be spoken of. By chance of fortune in the same place where the Lumbarde stood in this advisement among the stones grew a great and old oak tree having the mids a little bowing down toward the ground, and the remanant croaking upward again with mighty arms & brannches ascending to the highest of the walls with the top erect and lifted up as every herb and tree of nature is wont to grow upward at the top. This lombard well advised the same and adventured to climb upward taking his hold sometime by the branches and bows of this oak: and sometime taking hold and leaning by the stones which appeared forth in the wall, till at the last he attained unto the very top of the wall. And when he saw no man stirring on that part there stood he still espied of no man and noted & considered well at his pleasure all the inward part of the castle & the plain within the walls about the tower. This lombard had so much the more leasour to take so long advisement unespied for all the numidians defenders of the castle were on the other side attending & giving heed to the assault and defending themself and the castle against the romans. When the lombard had espied and considered every thing which he thought might be advantage to his after purpose: than he descended again downward by the same way which he ascended: but not without heed nor with so little advisement as he ascended upward: but proving every way, and looking about if it were possible to bring into the castle any company of men by that side or not. This well considered: assoon as he descended: anon he went to Marius and informed him of every thing as he had done exhorting and requiring him to put in proof whether the castle might be won on that side where he had been. Fartherhmore he promised himself to be guide unto such as would undertake that enterprise saying that in the matter was no danger. Marius hearing these words of the lombard, send forth with him certain of his men of them which were there present to understand and know the truth of the matter. When they had been there and returned to Marius again: some brought him word that the matter was easy to do: and some other said that it was very hard and perilous. The sentence of every man was after as their minds gave them. The cowards thought it hard but such as were of bold hearts & desirous of worship thought it easy and without much peril. Nevertheless the mind of Marius was somewhat exalted to comfort, and good hope: and therefore of all the company of trumpets, and of other such mynstrels as be wont to be in battle to give courage and signs to the fighters, he chose forth five which were most swift and most light: and four hundred men he assigned to assist and defend the said trumpets. And all them he commanded to obey to the lombard and to be ruled and ordered by him in every thing. The day next following was assigned to them to proceed forth in their business When the time assigned and prefexed by Marius was come the lombard with his company had made ready and ordered every thing: and so went to the place where he had been before. But when they were come thither: though lombard their guide caused them to change their armour, and to make bare their heads and their feet: to th'intent that they so bore heeded the better might see above them and on every side of them: and that they being bare foot might labour so much the better and, take better hold in clymming up by the stones. Their swords were fastened behind at their backs & their bucklers withal which were made after the fashion of the Numidians bucklers of leather: because of lighter weight and burden. And also to thinntent that they should give les sound or noise, if it happened any stone to smite against them. This done: the lombard went up before them, and bound small cords to the stones and to the old roots which appeared above the stones where he could espy any such whereby the soldiers sustaining themselves and taking hold might more lightly and with more ease mount and climb upward. And sometime he went before and helped them up with his hands special such as for that uncustomed way were somewhat fearful. Sometime when thascend or going up was over hard and sharp: he put each of them up before him without armour: and than he himself followed with their armour and wepyn. Such places where most doubt was in: he specially proved and assayed them most of all: & in going and coming often times up and down by the same most dangerous passages: he increased audacity and boldness to the remanant. Thus after they had been sore wearied, and with long and great labour endeavoured themself: at last they came into the castle, which on that side they found desolate and without defence. For (as said is before) all they which were with in the castle were occupied in fighting, or ready to fight against the Romans: as they were on other days before. But when Marius under stood by messengers how the lombard had done: how be it that all the day before his men had been sore besied and occupied in fighting: and assailing the castle. Nevertheless specially at this time he exhorted and enbolded them: and he himself departing forth from under his pavases caused his soldiers to adjoin themselves near together, & to hold up their shields above their heeds so that the conjoining of them seemed as it were the frame of a volt. Marius kept him under the same for his defence, and so approached to the walls. And both he and his company which were near about him valiantly assailed the castle: and also other of his company which stood a far of and could not come near the walls for press: assailed the castle fiercely from a far & sore vexed and put in fear their enemies within the castle throwing against them plumettes of lead with slings, arrows darts, & all other manner engyus of battle wherewith any thing could strongly be thrown into the castle. But the numidians within the castle had often before this time overturned and brent the tents & pavases of the Romans & took thereby so great audacity & boldness that they defended not themselves within the castle walls but walked up & down without the castle walls both day and night reviling and reproving the romans and objecting cowardice against Marius. And threatening that his soldiers should be made subjects and bond me to jugurthe in time to come, whom they purposed at that time to make bond to them. Thus while they thought themself sure and their matter in good case: they were hard and eager enough reviling & threatening the romans. In the mean space while the Romans and their enemies were besyest fight withal their might: the Romans for laud, glory, and lordship: and the numidians for their health and saving of their lives. Anon suddenly the lombard with his company which were within the castle on the backsede blew their trumpets. First of all the women and children which went to the walls to see the bykeringe were all abashed and fled inward to the castle: and after them all the soldiers which were without and nearest to the walls and could escape in. And finally they all both armed and unarmed fled inward. When the Romans saw this they assailed the castle more fiercely: some they slew and overthrew: some they wounded overpassing or standing upon the bodies of them which were slain. Al their desire was with their hands to win glory and worship. They strived to ascend unto the walls every man coveting to be before other. None of them all tarried nor was let with spoiling nor prays. Their great courage suffered them not to look there after, till by manhood and strength they had won the castle. Thus was fortune favourable to Marius: so that his first negligence & unwise boldness to assail a castle inexpugnable was turned by chance from rebuke to glory and laud such was his fortune. But when Marius had won his castle after estimation of man not able to be won: than was he lord of the most part of all the treasure of jugurth: the castle was given all to murder and havoc. And the soldiers of Marius richly rewarded every man after his desert.   

¶ How in the mean time while this castle was in winning, a noble man of Rome named Lucius Sylla came from Rome to Marius with a great bend of horsemen, and of the manners and behaviour of this Sylla. The lu Chapter.  
IN mean time while this fires assault & victory was concluded at this castle: a famous lord of Rome named Lucius Sylla, treasurer of the army came from Rome to Marius with a great bend of horsemen. Whom the same Marius at his departing from Rome had left there to raise & assemble succour to the war among the Italiens & other nations, friends & lovers of th'empire of rome.  
¶ But forasmuch as the matter moveth us to make mention of so worthy a man & of his disposition & manners therefore it semth me convenient in this part somewhat to write of his behaviour and conversation: and that as briefly as I may conveniently: namely for two causes. The first for that I intend not to make relation of his behaviour and manner in any other place of his chronicle save here. Secondly for as much as none other author hath written sufficiently of him. For Howe beit that one historiograph named Lucius Sisenna: wrote most diligently and best of his acts of any other before: nevertheless me seemeth that he spoke little according to truth nor indifferently. For his tongue nor pen were not at lyeberte for asmuch as he was somewhat in danger to that said Sylla: wherbi he was prohibited to say or to write according to the truth. For what by favour and what by fere he durst not touch plainly the vices which were in him. But here I purpose (all favour & fere laid a part indifferently to write of him.  
¶ This Sylla of progeny, was descended of most noble stock of the Romans. How be it the name of his ancestry was almost lost and decayed by dullness, negligence and sloth of some of his lineage. In greek and latin he was of like cunning, and excellently seen in both the languages, his mind was great and bold of courage. Of voluptuous pleasures he was desirous, but much more desirous of glory and laud. In vacant leisure he was much inclined to the lusts of his body. But such pleasure or voluptuousness did never let nor with hold him from any business or occupation necessary: how be it such pleasure blinded him that he took no wife of birth, manars, and honesty convenient for his estate. He was much eloquent of speech crafty and subtle enough. He had the ways easily to get friendship, and it was also no mastery to get friendship of him: in feigning dissimuling, & countrefaytinge of business: his wit was very high and excellent. He was a marvelous and incredible giver of many things, but specially of money: and before the war and victory which the noble men of Rome: had against the comen people: He was so noble & worthy reputed that it is in manner incredible nor his good fortune never passed the policy of his wit: in somuch that many men were in doubt whither he was more fortunate than strong. But after the victory of this war: so ungodly was his demeanour & so cruel, that verily I know not whither I may more be ashamed or grieved to write or to speak thereof. For after that this war of Numidy was ended: and both Marius and this Sylla were returned to Rome: a great discord fell between the lords and commons. Marius took part with the commons: but Sylla took with the lords & at last drove Marius forth of the city. After that: an other man of great power called Cynna which had been five times consul of Rome gathered an host of men & took part with Marius against this Sylla. But at conclusion Sylla overcame him in battle: and slew him. After this: Sylla cruelly murdered an other noble man of Rome named Caius Carbo: and with him young Marius, son of this Marius which warred in Numidi. Last of all when this Sylla had won victory over Marius and his favourers: than became he most cruel of all other: in somuch that he filled all the city with blood of the citizens. But here will I leave to speak farther of this Sylla, or of his behaviour in cruelty, and return to write of his behaviour in this war of Numidie under Marius.  
¶ After that this Sylla (as I have said before) was come to Africa, and to the host of Marius with his company of horsemen, within short season he became most expert in chivalry and crafty above all other: how be it before this time he was but rude and ignorant in deeds of chivalry. And moreover he treated & governed his soldiers with manners and meekness. And gave rewards to many: to some which desired him and to some other of his own pleasure not desired thereto. But he would take no rewards nor gifts again, without it were against his will. And if he so did at any time against his will: than was he more ready to give again that which was given to him, than to pay that money which he had borrowed of other. He demanded nothing again of any man, though it were due and det to him: but rather he laboured and endeavoured himself that many might be in his det, and by such means to have them bound to him. And how be it that he was one of the greatest of Rome, yet disdained he not the company of the most simple soldiers of the host: but communed and accompanied with them both in sports and in sadness. In labours he was always ready. In battle and watching, with other business of war he suffered no man to be before him. Nor in the mean season he neither hurt the good name of the consul, nor of none other good man: which thing men desirous of worship & honour be often wont to do: for in dispraysinge of other, they think to obtain great laud to themself. He only lobored that none might pass him neither in counsel, nor in might, or manhood of his hands: But he passed many. By which manners and conditions in short time he became very dear and well-beloved, not only to Marius: but also to all the host.   

¶ How Marius prevailed in battle against the ii kings, Jugurth and Bocchus. The lvi Chapter.  
But when jugurth had lost the town of Capsa, as is said before: and diverse other fortresses and other places defensives which to him were profitable. And also a great quantity of his treasure, wherein he most trusted: Anon he sent messengers to king Bocchus requiring him in all haste to come to Numidy & to bring his army with him: saying that it was high time to make battle with Marius. But when he understood that Bocchus prolonged the time in overlong tarrying, having divers considerations and war, as he that was in doubt of the chance and fortune of the end thereof. Jugurth again corrupted the next of his counsel with gifts in likewse as he had done before: and promised unto the king Bocchus himself, the third part of the kingdom of Numidy: if the Romans were driven out of Africa, or if the war should be brought to end with out loss or diminishing of his kingdom and marches thereof. The king Bocchus induced with hope of this reward: with a great multitude of people came to jugurth, and adjoined both their armies together in one.  
¶ At this time Marius with his company was in his journey toward a province which was in the coost of Africa and apartained to th'empire: where the said Marius purposed to rest with his company, till the winter were passed. But when he was in his journey and in least doubt: Jugurth and Bocchus both together invaded and set upon him & his men when the tenth part of the day scarcely remained. This did they, thinking that the night which was near come, should to them be great succour and defence if they were overcome: & if they did overcome the Romans, it should be to them no damage nor impediment, because they knew the country & place better than the Romans. But on the other side both these chances in darkness, were hard and contrary to the Romans: for they knew not the coasts of that country. Marius anon had understanding of the coming of his enemies by many of his espies, but it was over late. For as soon as he had word, his enemies were even at hand: In so much that before the army could be set in order or array, and or they could remove or gather together their baggage which at that time was abroad: and before they could take any commandment of their captain by word or sound of trumpets: The horsemen of the Mauriens and of the Getulians' ran together upon them, not in order or array of battle: but by companies and bends together, as it fortuned them to come togther in heaps and clusters. The Romans for the most part were all amazed and grievously abashed for that sudden and unprovided fear. Nevertheless they forgot not their old manhood and strength: Some drew them to their armour, and other some which were armed already defended their fellows till they armed themself. Other some mounted on horseback and boldly road against their enemies, and encountered them valiantly. The fight on both parties was more like a skirmish among brygandes and rovers, then to any appointed or ordered battle. For the horsemen and footmen were mingled together without standards, cognisances, or any ordinance, array or order. The Mauriens and Numidians were fierce on their side. Some of the Romans they beat down and overthrew. Some they wounded mortally: And many they bereft utterly of their lives, and slew them in that place. The remanant which sharply and manly resisted, they compassed them about on every side, and as well behind as before assailed them: so that neither manhood, strength nor armour, was able sufficiently to defend them: And no marvel, for their enemies were more in number than they: and compassed them about on every side of them. But finally the Roman soldiers which were both of old and new, & therefore both strong, bold, and crafty in battle: gathered them as near together as they might. And where it fortuned any number of them to meet together, they turned back to back, and joined them round one with another in manner of a compass or circle: and so they saved and defended themself together that on the back half no man could assail them, but if he broke in thorough the mids of them, which was in manner impossible. By this manner they sustained the might of their enemies, and also saved themself. Nor their captain Marius in this jeopardous and sharp business was not afraid at all, nor of less courage and boldness than he was before: but stirred about every where in the battle. And his men of guard about him, whom he had chosen rather of the strongest and boldest men of the host, than of such as were most familiar with him. For he set more by the audacity of them, than by the familiarity of the other: & namely in such a jeopardous case. Sometime he succoured his soldiers in their need or such as he saw in peril. And sometime he ran in among his enemies: where they were thickest. And notwithstanding their resistance he assailed them valiantly: & wounded, slew, & overthrew them on every side his weapon in the red blood of the black Mauriens & Getuliens. And because that in so hard a case: and in so great and troublous noise and rumour, he could not counsel nor comfort his soldiers with his tongue, therefore he thought to counsel, encourage, and comfort them with his hand, giving them example surely to bestow their strokes. Many of his enemies send he to hell crying in vain upon their idols of help. The darts, javelins pikes plumettes of lead, stones, with other such instruments of battle were cast so thick on both parties, that the air therewith was dimmed. The strokes were so coarsely charged on the bright helms and harness, that the fire sprang out on every side: so that it seemed to be the lightning: the cry of the men dying: the neieng of the horses: and the din of the strokes, with the sound of the trumpets: was horrybe & tedious to here. Thus continued they till the day light was passed, and the night come. The Numidians, getulians, & maurians desysted nor ceased nothing for that. But as both Jugurth and Bocchus before had warned and commanded them: they continued more sharply than before, thinking that the darkness of the night should be for their advantage Marius this understanding took counsel & made best provision for himself and his men: which he might in such case: and as the matter required. And to th'intent that his people might have some place to resort unto, for refuge and socours: he provided before and occupied two hills near together of whom the one was over narrow, and of little ground to receive his hole army and tents: but in the top thereof was a fair fountain of pure water much necesseary. The other hill sufficiently large to receive his hole host and tents: and also very defensive, for it was of a great altitude & down right on every side. In so much that they which should take that hill were sure enough without great defence of themself, for nature had it sufficiently defended. This well considered: Marius commanded Sylla his undercapten to take with him all the horsemen, and to tarry that night about the smaller hill where the fountain was. This done: he himself gathered together by little and little the remanent of his soldiers dispersed abroad: their enemies being not less troubled than were they. When Marius had thus assembled again his men together he led them all with full course up unto the larger hill. Thus the two kings jugurth and Bocchus seeing it in vain to fight with them which were on the higher ground, & also on so sure a place: were constrained to leave the fight: for difficulty of the place which the Romans had taken. But nevertheless in the mean time they suffered not their men to depart far thence: but compassed both the hills round about with their hole multitude and there tarried & rested, shed abroad upon the ground. When they had taken their place in this manner: they made great fires here and there in many places of their host: & the barbarians after their custom passed forth the most part of the night in mirth, pleasure, & gladness rejoicing, dancing: and making great noise and din: running and going from place to place: & loudly crying singing & revelling. The kings themself were also not a little proud and fierce because they had not fled from the battle, and counted themself as overcomers seeing that they held the Romans so besieged, which as they thought durst not abide them. On the other part the romans intentifely gave advertens to the demeanour of their enemies. And for that the Romans were on the height of the hill and without light: therefore more easy from darkness of higher places they perceived all the deeds and behaviour of their enemies which were beneath them: and much more evidently by light of the fierce. This unwise behaviour of the Numidians put the Romans in great comfort, and was great courage to them. And specially Marius was greatly confirmed in hope seeing their negligence, their folly, & uncraftines: Wherefore he commanded his folk to keep silence as still as might be possible without any noise. In so much that he suffered not the trumpets to sound the watch as warriors are wont against night. afterward when the day began to appear, the Numidians were all wearied with their crying, over late watcheing, and revel: and had given themself to rest a little before as men without fear or doubt of the Romans. But certainly it is a true proverb which is often said, that after fair wether succeedeth tempestuous clouds, & after mirth and joy often cometh sadness and sorrow. So it happened to the Numidians. For while they ingorged and filled with wines lay sleeping on the ground as beasts without fear & without provision: Marius commanded suddenly all his trumpets, clarionistes with other minstrels to sound their instruments as shirle as they could altogether, & that all his soldiers should set up a shout or cry as horribly as they might: and with that invade and break into the tents of the numidians. This was shortly done: wherefore the numidians, Mauriens, and Getuliens astonished & abashed with that unknown and horrible noise: were suddenly a wakened of sleep: and seeing them thus compassed with their enemies: what for fear of death & the noise, they were so amazed that they had no power neither to i'll nor draw to them their armour, nor utterly to do or provide any manner succour for themself. Thus they stood astonied for this horrible noise and cry as if madness had entered them: none able to succour himself nor other. The Romans always increased to them their noise and fear assailing, murdering, and wounding them without any resistance. Finally all they were other overthrown, slain, or wounded: or else fled, their armour, standards and weapon left behind them: and more were in this battle slain: than in all the battles before. For among them all none was taken prisoner: for with fere & sleep so amazed w●re they, that few escaped by flight.   

¶ Of the great provision and wisdom of Marius after his victory, and of the second battle which he had against the two kings, in which also he had great victory with laud & honour. The lvii Chapter.  
When Marius had gloriously thus overcome the most part of his ennemeys except the two kings: he drew him than toward his wyntring place as he had purposed before. And ordered himself and his men specially in haven towns because of more easy provision of victuals: but nevertheless: in his journey thiderwarde: for all his victory: he became not negligent, unware, nor proud: as captains often are wont after victory gotten of their enemies: but he provided and went forward with his army quadrate and divided into four parts ordered and appointed as if his enemies had been in his sight. Sylla was assigned to take charge of the right wing of the army, and all the spear men with him. And Aulus Manlius of the lift wing: and with him the slingers, archars, and the cohortes of Lombard's The petty captains with footmen of light harness, were distributed and divided in the vanguard and rearward. Of the treytours which had forsaken jugurth & came to the Romans, such as were best laboured, and knew best the country were chosen forth and sent out to espy the country and ways of jugurth and Bocchus. But notwithstanding Marius himself was as provident, circumsptet, and diligent withal, as if he had committed the charge to none other. He was moving continually from place to place over all the army: lauding, commending and rewarding the good soldiers: and blaming and rebuking the bad: he himself armed, and diligently providing and ministering unto them every thing necessary and expedient: and compelled them that were froward and ill willing to labour. In every place where he set his tents in his journey, he ordered defence with deep dyches and trenches round about his host. And in the entries of the tents he assigned soldiers elect there to, to keep watch, and some to keep scout watch about the tents in compass. Moreover some other he ordered on the casting of the dyches and on outward bulwarks to defend the remanant if any sudden peril appeared. He himself armed mightily went about and searched the watch. Not specially for any fear nor mistrust of any peril to come, nor for fear that his soldiers would not obey his commandment. But chiefly to the intent that the soldiers seeing their captain not resusing labour nor peril: should be also more willing to follow the same and take pain upon themself as ashamed if they did not as much as their captain. And certainly at this time & at many other during this war (as I read) Marius constrained his soldiers to labour rather for shame than with sharpness or punishment. For shame it is to the servant to be idle when the master sore laboureth. Howbeit some said that Marius took this labour upon him for the desire of commendation and worship: because that from his youth he was ever wont with hardness, hunger, thirst, and labour: and many other things which the delicate gentlemen of our time count for miseries. But to Marius were these hardnesses much pleasure & delight for affection which he had against the comen weal, as equal persons supposed. But to what ever intent Marius: treated his army in his wise: it was known that his deeds did asmuch profit and worship to the comen weal of Rome: as if he had more rigorously & sharply treated his soldiers. For all things were ordered well and worthily for the honour & profit of the comen weal as he had more rigorously treated his army.  
¶ But to return to my purpose: when Marius with such diligence as said is: was come not far from the town of Cirtha, at the last the fourth day after the foresaid battle: the espies of their enemies appeared on every side. The Romans understood anon thereby that their enemies were at hand. The espies of the romans also which were send forth: brought the same tidings from every coost of the country. Marius perceived that his enemies were in diverse companies and divided: wherefore he was uncertain how he might best order his host to receive them: And therefore perceiving it unsure: how to order the forfront of his battle as it ought: he abode his enemies in the same place no order changed with his host divided in four parts (as said is) as he which was ready and provided for every chance. Thus was jugurth deceived and frustrate of his purpose. For he had divided his host into four parts trusting to invade some of the romans on the backhalf with part of his army: and with an other part to encounter with them, and with the other two parts to enclose them on both the sides and so to environ them round about. In the mean time Sylla which first encountered with jugurth exhorted and comforted his men aswell as he might for brevity of the time. That done: anon he proceeded with his company by bends and clusters together, their horses conjoined in the most thickest manner: and so fiercely assailed the Maurians. The remanent of the footmen which were under Sylla: remained and kept themself still in their first place, and defended their bodies from the darts which their enemies threw against them from far. But if it chanced any of their enemies to come between their hands, they hewed them down to decrease the number.  
¶ While Sylla and his horsemen thus fierselye were fighting on the right wing of the battle: The king Bocchus assembled together the footmen whom his son named Volux, had brought thither with him. These footmen had such impediment in their journey thitherward that they came over late to the other battle which was last fought before this. Wherefore Bocchus: when he had assembled & inbolded with his words these fresh footmen: with them he assailed fiercely the rear ward of the Romans.  
¶ In the mean time Marius himself was occupied in the fore ward of his host and there employed his wisdom and strength, as a valiant and worthy captain: and so stood it him in hand. For in the forward jugurth himself with his greatest power & strongest company of men inbatayled with him.  
¶ But after that jugurth knew of the coming of Bocchus to the field: anon he turned him with a small company about him privily unto the footmen of the Romans: and there with an high voice he cried unto them, saying that they fought but in vain. For a little before he had slain Marius with his own hands. And in crying these words he lifted up withal, and showed his sword all oversprincled and died with blood: which he had so coloured in the battle fiercely enough in murdering the footmen of the Romans. These words jugurth cried in latin tongue. For he had learned to speak latin long before in the battle of Numaunce. When the Romans heard these words they were afraid, but more for cruelty of the noise: than for any confidence or trust which they had to the messenger. But on the other side the minds of the barbariens were bolded & exalted by these words: by reason whereof more sharply they invaded the Romans, seeing them abashed & astonished. And now were the Romans of the forward at that point that they were ready to give themself to flight: as men discouraged for the said tidings.  
¶ When they were at this point: it fortuned so at the same time that Sylla had beaten and overthrown the Mauriens which invaded and assailed him on the right wing of the battle: Wherefore he returned to his company and fiercely assailed the fresh footmen which were with Bocchus, and at one side broke in among the thickest of them. But Bocchus anon turned his back and gave himself to flight.  
¶ On the other side jugurth which in his part of the battle almost had obtained victory did his diligence to encourage and support his company, and to maintain that advantage which he had won. And at conclusion all in vain. For while he laboured there about as a worthy captain, the speremen of the romans so compassed him and his company about both on the right side & on the life: that all his guard & other which were about him at conclusion were slain. But he himself glad to save his life, broke forth alone from among the mids of his enemies, and from weapons & darts with great difficulty.  
¶ But in the mean time Marius had overcome and driven away the horsemen which assailed him. Wherefore anon he returned fiercely to help and succour his company whom he understood somewhat put back by violence of their enemies. But he by his policy and valiant deeds anon so reconforted his men that none of his enemies were able to withstand their violence in any part of that battle.  
¶ Thus finally the Romans after great labour and many grievous wounds discomfited their enemies on every side. But when the battle was ended, and the Romans began to pursue the chase, then verily it was a pitiful & horrible sight to behold in the open fields, and to consider the cruel spectacle of battle. How some fled, some pursued, some enraged murdering, some roared dying, some slain, some taken prisoners. The horse and men mingled together: labouring in the pangs of death. The ground overspread with dead corpses mangled, mutulate, & horribly hewn: involved in blood congealed. The horses wounded: as mad drew after them the dead carcases of their masters, their legs hanging in the stiropes, and their spears half thorough their bodies trailing after in the dust. The coursers wounded and fleinge cast up with their feet the dust tempered with blood renning over the dead bodies of their lords. Many of the numidians which were sore wounded could neither i'll: nor be suffered to take rest on the ground. Sometime they laboured to rise and avoid: and anon after for feebleness fell down to the ground again: each rolling and turning in others blood. And finally: as far as any man's sight might extend, all the ground was overspread & covered with armour, weepen, & dead carrions running of blood. And all the ground infect with the same, horrible to behold.   

¶ How Bocchus after that he was thus twice overcome in battle purposed to make peace with the romans, and how at his request Marius send unto him Sylla and Manlius to know his mind in that behalf. The lviii Chapter.  
AFter that this battle was thus ended to the utter damage & destruction of the numidians: and to the land and honour of the Romans. Marius was now without doubt overcomer and victor and went unto the town of Cirtha as his journey & purpose was at first beginning, before these two battles. When Marius had sojourned there five days after this battle: there came unto him ambassadors from king Bocchus. Which in their kings behalf desired of Marius to send unto him two of the most trusty men which he had: saying that he would comen and treat with them of divers businesses, both for his own profit, & for profit & advantage of the Romans also. Marius without tarry send forth Sylla for one, and Aulus Manlius for an other. When they were come to king Bocchus: how be it he had send for them to comen with them in his matters: Nevertheless it was concluded between them to speak to him first, to th'intent to kindle and inflame his mind more against jugurth: or else saying him somewhat desirous & willing to have peace, to provoke him with more desire thereto. Wherefore Sylla (to whom Manlius gave place, not for his age, but for his eloquence) begun & spoke to Bocchus in manner as followeth.   

¶ Of the words of Sylla treasurer of the Roman army had before king Bocchus. The lix Chapter.  
King Bocchus, we have great gladness & joy sith it is so that the gods have thus admonished & inspired you so noble a man, that at last ye have reputed peace better and more acceptable than war: lest ye might dishonest & defile your worthiness by associating yourself to the most unhappy tyrant jugurth. And also we are glad that ye have avoided the occasion & necessity whereby we were moved to pursue in battle you, being ignorant of our quarrel, and in the company of the said most cursed jugurth, tyrant and enemy to th'empire of Rome. And certainly the people of Rome ever sith their poor, simple & small beginning have thought it better to win friends, than servants or bondmen: & also they have thought it a much surer thing to have under their empire such as willingly & of their own motion would yield themself: than such as they have constrained thereto against their will. But verily no friendship is more necessary to you than our amity or friendship. At first of all: because we and ye be far in sunder: whereby we shall have less power to grieve you, or to put you to any charge: by reason of our friendship. But our favour and thanks may be as ready to you: as if we were near together: considering the many & great friends which we have not far from your marches And also unto th'empire of Rome be obeyers, subjects and servants abundantly. But as touching lovers and friends we nor none other can have sufficiently enough For this consideration king Bocchus your friendship shallbe more acceptable unto us. And would god it had pleased you thus to have done at the beginning to this war. Forsooth if ye had so done: than should ye before this time have received of the Romans more commodities avantages, and good deeds than ye have now suffered loss, damages, or hurts. But while it is so that man's deeds & besinesses (for the most part) be ruled by fortune to which fortune it hath pleased that ye should both prove and assay our might and violence in battle: & also our love and favour in peace: Therefore now sith amity is proffered to you by sufferance of fortune: and sith it is lawful to you to take it: be not slow from hens forward, but hastily proceed as ye have begun: that ye may prove the romans friends to you like as ye have proved them enemies before this time. Ye have many expedient oportunites and necessary commodities by whom ye may make amends with your good deeds for that ye have offended against the romans and overpass your old fames with new kindnesses and benefits: and finally fix this in your heart that ye or any other shall never overcome the people of Rome with kindness or good deeds. And as touching their hatred, & of what might they are in battle: ye yourself know that by proof and experience. Wherefore proceed in acquiring of their friendship: which gladly shallbe granted unto you, if your merits shall so deserve.   

¶ Of the answer of Bocchus made to Sylla, and of the unstableness of mind of the same Bocchus. The lx Chapter.  
TO these words of Sylla answered Bocchus mildly and soberly: and a few words he spoke in excusing his offence done again the Romans, saying that he had not taken armour nor begun war against them as enemy to do injury or wrong unto them: but to defend his own kingdom. And that the third part of Numidy belonged unto him by law of arms: of the which the Romans laboured to expel jugurth. And in that doing they destroyed his part of the country: which he could not suffer unrevenged. Moreover Bocchus said for himself that he had send unto Rome before to require, amity and friendship of the Romans: which thing unto him was denied. But at conclusion he said that he would omit and lay a part all old malice and that all thing should be done & agreed between them: if Marius would grant him that his ambassadors might be send to Rome: for the said friendship to be confederate with the Romans. Upon this answer Sylla and his fellow returned to Marius which anon agreed that the same ambassadors should be sent to Rome. But shortly after: what time jugurthe understood of the coming of Sylla and Manlius he feared the same thing, which was ordained & in hand. And anon with rewards so he corrupted the friends of Bocchus: that again they changed his mind with their counsel: so mutable and variable was he of mind.   

¶ How Bocchus changed his purpose yet once again, & send new ambassadors to Marius to treat of peace, & how Sylla received them and treated them in absence of Marius. The lxi Chapter.  
IN the mean time Marius set and ordered his host in their wintering places and took with him such men as were of light harness and also a part of his horsemen: and with them went into a desert not far thence, to besige a certain tower belonging to jugurth: into which tower the said jugurth had put for garnison and defence: all the traitors which had forsaken and fled from the Romans to jugurth. But in the mean while Bocchus of new again considered in mind the misfortune which had happened to him in the two battles before. Or else by counsel of some other of his friends: whom jugurth had not corrupted with rewards: he chose forth among all .v. men whose fidelity and truth he had well known and often proved before: and whose wisdom was most expert and ready. Them send he to Marius: and commanded them afterward if the matter required as ambassadors to take their way to Rome: and committed to them his full authority in every thing which was to be done: and to conclude the war by what ever manner should seem best, & most expedeient to their discretion. These ambassadors took leave & speedily took their journey to the places where the Romans sojourned the winter season. But while they were in their journey thitherward: they were assailed of thieves of the getulians, and rob and spoiled of all that they had about them. Thus at last without worship or apparel all afraid & abashed they fled unto Sylla for refuge. This Sylla was left by Marius in the wyntering places: to be ruler of the Roman army in his absence. What time these ambassadors: thus spoiled were come to Sylla for refuge, he received them not faintly as enemies as they deserved: but courteously with much gentleness and liberality, treating them in all points honourably. By this means these barbarians and rude people counted and supposed that the name of covetise, which was imputed unto the Romans by comen fame was but false and feigned of their ennemis, to distain their honour. And also for the much liberality of Sylla they counted him as their special friend. For yet unto that time: the accloyeng of gifts given for rewards for policy and falsehood to overcome covetous or simple minds, was unknown unto many. No man was liberal in gifts: but that he was thought and counted to be faithful of heart withal. Thus the barbarians reputed the liberty & rewards of Silla to be a great and evident token of love which he had to them as they deemed. But to our purpose: th'ambassadors anon opened & declared to Sylla the will and commandment of Bocchus their king, given to them to be executed. And also they required him to be to them a friendly favourer and counsellor in their business. Furthermore with their words and speech they commended & exalted the army, the truth, the greatness and excellence of their king, and all other things which they thought might avail than to obtain benevolence of the Romans. After they remained with Sylla about the space of xl days which granted them all his help and succour and also in the mean space informed them in what manner they should order their words when they should speak with Marius, and also before the Senators at Rome.   

¶ How Marius hard the ambassadors of Bocchus and send them to Rome, and how they were answered of the Senators The lxii Chapter.  
IN the mean time Marius which was in assant of the kings tower could not perform his enterprise. Wherefore he returned again to Cirtha: anon was he certified of coming of the ambassadors of Bocchus. Wherefore he commanded them & Sylla also to come before him: & also he called together all the most worthy men of his hole host from every place. Before them all presently he commanded the ambassadors of Bocchus to rehearse the petition of their king (which rehearsed and herd) it was granted unto them to go to Rome for the same points. And of Marius was truce required in the mean time between Bocchus & him. Sylla with many other noble men were pleased withal. A few other fiercely & sharply counseled otherwise: as men with out pity & ignorant of others hard fortune which when it beginneth to be froward and contrary: it turneth every thing to adversity.  
¶ But when the Mauriens had obtained of Marius all their desire three of them went to Rome with one named Octanyus Rufo: whom Marius had assigned to convey them thither This Octavyus Rufo was send before from Rome into Africa to Marius with wages for the soldiers. The other two ambassadors of Bocchus returned home again to their king, which of them gladly hard of the good report which they made of the Romans in every point: & specially of the good will, liberality and courtesy of Sylla.  
¶ But when the other three ambassadors were come to Rome they appeared before the Senators & in the humblest wise that they could devise, did their message excusing their king: and confessing that he had offended against the empire not by his own seeking: but by the cursed fault provocation, and instygation of jugurth: whereof their king sore repent. Wherefore in his behalf at conclusion they besought the Romans of pardon, amity, & peace. Than was it briefly answered to them in this manner.  
¶ The Senators & people of Rome: is wont to remember both the kindness and benefits of their friends: and also the●r injuries of their enemies. But sith it repenteh and forethinketh Bocchus of his trespass: grace and pardon of his offence is granted unto him. Peace & amity shallbe also granted unto him hereafter, when he shall so deserve.   

¶ How Marius sent Sylla again to Bocchus at his desire, and what danger the same Sylla escaped by help of Volue son of king Bocchus. The lxiii Chapter.  
When Bocchus understood all these things: he desired Marius by his letters to send unto him Sylla: to th'intent that after his advise and discretion counsel might be had of the comen business to both parties belonging. Sylla anon was send forth with a great retinue of footmen and horsemen: with diverse weapon and strong defence as archars, slingars with other like. And to th'intent to speed their journey more hastily they were all armed with lightest harness which could be provided but for all the lightness of their armour it was defensife enough against the weapins of the Mauryans: for their wepyns be light in likewise. But finally when Sylla had passed five days of his journey: suddenly Volux the son of Bocchus appeared & showed himself to the Romans in the open fields: with no more but M. men which went scattered & dispersed abroad negligently: so that they seemed to Sylla: & all other greater number than they were in deed. Sylla & all his company feared them, thinking them enemies: wherefore the Romans made them ready with armour and weapon: to defend themself, and to resist their enemies: if need should so require. A little fear was among them, but their hope and comfort overpassed their fear. For why? they had the upper hand before: and considered that they should bicker with them, whom they had often overthrown and overcome before. In the mean time the horsemen which were sent before of both parties to espy the truth of the matter, certified each of them that all thing was quiet and sure enough: as it was in deed: without treason or peril. Volux in his meeting called Sylla by name: and welcomed him beningely, saying that he was sent from his father Bocchus to meet the said Sylla for his honour, succour, and defence. And so proceeded they forthewarde all that day and the next day after in company together without fear or danger. But after that it was night and their tents pitched: suddenly the Maurian Volux came running to Sylla all pale and quaking: and said that he was informed of the espies, that jugurthe was not far thence. And with that prayed & exhorted him to i'll away with him privily by night. Sylla denied that utterly as fierce & bold of courage, saying that he feared not a coward Numidian which so often had been overcome before. And that he trusted well enough to the strength and courage of his men: & finally he gave Volux this answer. If I knew without doubt that our sure destruction were instant: and that I and mine should be slain in the field, yet would I not i'll for any dread: but rather abide & die manfully than cowardly to flee and shame my people of whom I have charge in sparing our lives, which be so incertain and unsure: and para venture shortly after this shall finish with some sickness or disease. Is it not better die in a noble quarrel manly, than to live in shame cowardly: When Sylla had thus answered: than Volux counseled him to departed from that place and to remove forward by night. Thereto Sylla consented: and anon commanded his soldiers to refresh them in their tents with such victuals as they had, and to make plenty of fires over all the place to the intent that if their enemies were near: in beholding the fires they should think that they would not remove thence that night. But in the first hour of the night Sylla commanded all his soldiers to leave their fires brenning & so to depart forward in their journey with silence: so they did. And went all the night long: and even with the son rising they all being wearied: Sylla pitched his tents again. With that certain horsemen of the Mauriens brought word that jugurth had taken place to his tents: and rested about the distance of two mile before them. When these tidings were hard among the romans: a marvelous and great fear entered the minds of them all. For they thought themself betrayed of Volux. And so environed with falsehood and treason. Many advised to take punishment of Volux: saying that it was a thing unworthy to suffer him to escape unpunished for so great a mischief and treason against them committed. But howbeit that Sylla was inwardly of the same opinion, nevertheless he defended the Maurien from damage: And exhorted his men to be of strong and bold minds: saying that often before that time it had been seen that a few worthy men had won victory of a much multitude of cowards. And how much the less that they spared their bodies in battle fro fighting, so much the surer should they be: and that it seemed no man to whom god and nature had given hands to defend his body, to seek defence is his feet unarmed by running away: And that in such a jeopardy a noble soldier ought not to turn away his body from his enemy though he were naked and unarmed.  
¶ When Sylla had exhorted his men with such words, he called unto him Volux: and called into witness jupiter and all his idols to record the falsehood and treason of Bocchus, father of Volux, which had so betrayed him. Than for as much as Sylla supposed that Volux had brought him by treason into the hands of jugurth by counsel and commandment of his father Bocchus he commanded Volux anon to depart from his company and sight. Volux pyteousely weeping, besought Sylla not to believe such things in him: & said that certainly by guile nor by treason was nothing done of him nor of his father, but rather by jugurth, which by his subtlety had espied and searched their journey and ways by his espies, & so known the same. But at conclusion said Volux, sith it is so that jugurth hath no great company, & that his hope, his trust and comfort for the most part dependeth on my father, I think that he shall not be so bold to do any damage to you openly while I am in your company, which may record his deeds to my father. Wherefore Sylla to th'intent that ye may perceive ●hat no treason is in me, I shall openly go with you alone by the mids of the tents of jugurth, & so safely convey you: and either send my folk before, or else leave them here with your company, whether of both shall please you best. This counsel was allowed of Sylla: & anon without tarry he proceeded forward with all his company through the mids of the tents of jugurth. And because this was suddenly done jugurthe not knowing thereof before, he marveled much thereat, & doubted long what was to be done. But at last he suffered the Romans to pass & escape safe and sound for love of Volux, & dread of Bocchus his father. And within a few days after, Volux and Sylla with their company came to Bocchus where they intended.   

¶ Of the meeting and secret apoyntmentes between Bocchus & Sylla, and how between them they both abused Asper the ambassador of jugurth. The lxiiii chapter.  
AT the same season was with Bocchus a certain young Numidian named Asper, send before Bocchus from jugurth by craft and subtlety, to espy his counsel, assoon as it was heard that Bocchus had send for Silla. This Numidian was much and familiarly conversant with Bocchus at that time. Moreover there was an other named Dabar the son of Massagrade, which of his father's side was of the stock of Massinissa: but of his mother's side unlike of birth, for his mother was borne of a concubine. This Dabar (as I have said) was at this season also in the company of Bocchus: & to him dear and well-beloved for subtel wit & great arts which he had done before: and namely because that Bocchus had found and proved him trusty and faithful many times before. Anon Bocchus send this Dabar to Sylla commanding Dabar to show him that he was ready to do every thing which the Romans to him would command or assign. And that Silla himself should appoint, and chose a time and place where they might comen together of their matters: & that he should not fere nor doubt though the ambassador of jugurthe were there with him. For he had reserved all things touching their counsel hole till coming of Silla: & of nothing had appointed, communed, nor concluded with the same ambassador of jugurth. Which ambassador was called thither to th'intent that their comen besinesses might be done more at liberty and with less suspection of jugurth: for by other means they could not resist nor make provision against his giles. Such words send Bocchus to Silla: by his trusty secuant Dabar. But not withstanding all these fair promises of Bocchus it was understand that he prolonged the Romans and the Numidians in hope of peace, rather for falsehood and treason after the credence of africans: than for profit to the Romans or troth of such things as he promised to Silla. And often times he cast in his mind & doubted whether he might betray jugurth to the Romans: or else Silla to jugurthe: the pleasure and desire of his mind advised, moved, and counseled him against the Romans: but the dread which he had of punishment in time to come: moved him with the Romans. But to our purpose: Sylla answered to Dabar the messenger of Bocchus that he would come thither, and first speak a little of the peace and of such other things in presence of Asper the ambassador of jugurth: but concerning the remanant of the business: he would differ that to comen secretly with Bocchus, few or none called to counsel And also he taught Dabar what words Bocchus should answer unto him again, when they should come to communication: and so departed Dabar. But when Silla saw his time he went to Bocchus, and said that he was sent from Marius the consul to inquire if he would liefer peace or war: and whereon he would conclude Than Bocchus (as Dabar had warned him before) commanded Silla to return again after ten days and than should an answer be given unto him. For at that time nothing was concluded. That answer well noted and hard Asper the ambassador of jugurth, which was sent to espy the intreatement: & so thought he that nothing should be treated nor concluded without his knowledge. And thus after this answer Bocchus and Silla departed: each to their tents.   

¶ Of the second coming together of Bocchus & Sylla, & the words of Bocchus head to Sylla, & replication & answer of Sylla again to him. And how Bocchus granted & concluded to betray jugurth to the Romans. The .lxv. Chapter.  
BUt after that much of the night was overpassed, Bocchus privily send for Sylla, none being in their company, save such as on both parts might truly interpret & declare the sentence & understanding of their words. And also Dabar the said messenger was present, which solemnly swore and promised to be a faithful interpreter of both their sayings and sentences. Than Bocchus anon began his words in this sentence  
¶ I have thought forsooth: that it should never have fortuned that I the greatest king of all them in these lands and richest of all them that I know: should have been bound to a mean & private person. And forsooth Sylla or ever I hard of you: I have given help and socours to many other men. To some of mine own voluntary and free-will. And to some other: required of them: myself not needing help of any man. But now sith I have known you: I have need of your help and friendship of which I am glad: notwithstanding other men are wont to be sorry of such fortune. And certainly this need which I have of your friendship is not of me counted damage nor loss: but much profit and pleasure. For inwardly in my mind nothing is dearer, nor more acceptable: which ye may conveniently prove if it please you: demand and take of me armour, men, treasure: & use and occupy the same as your own. And think ye for certain that while ye live & I together: I can never render worthy thanks to your kindness: nor condignly recompense your great humanity: but ever my good will & mind shallbe hole & new against you. And certainly if I may know your mind and will: ye shall not need to desire of me: I shall prevent your requests with mi benefits: so that ye shall covet nothing in vain. Verily as I think it is less reprovable and less dishonour a king to be over come with armour: than with liberality. Wherefore I have concluded in mind that a man shall rather over come me in battle with weapon and force of arms: than with liberality.  
¶ But touching your comen weal (for whose business ye be send hither as procurator of the same) this is my sentence and mind in few words. Against the Romans, nor against their empire: I never moved nor made war: nor to make battle against them: it was never in my mind by my will. But the bounds of my marchesse have I endeavoured me to defend against the violence of your armed men. But this I leave and set a side: sith I see that pleaseth you to do the same: execute and continued ye battle with jugurth as ye will. And as touching me: I shall not overpass the water of Mulucha, which was bounds between my marches and Micipsa while he lived. Nor into my country I shall not suffer jugurth from hens forth to enter for socours, as he hath done in time passed. furthermore if ye desire any thing of me conveniently: which I may worthily grant, my royalty not distained: it shall not be denied to you. Thus concluded Bocchus his words.  
¶ Unto these words Sylla answered for his own part but moderately & with few words. But touching the peace and business concerning the comen weal: he spoke many words, whereof the conclusion was such.  
¶ King Bocchus I insure and promise you: that the romans shall not be unkind to you if ye do some pleasure to them: which may rather long to them all holly in comen: then in me alone. And think ye for certain: that they which have overcome you in battle: shall likewise overcome you with liberality, kindness, and good deeds: if ye so contend with them: which thing is now ready in your power to do: considering that ye have jugurth ready at your will and pleasure. Therefore among all benefits or pleasures: ye can do none more acceptable unto the romans: than to deliver unto them jugurth. By this means shall they be much beholden to you: & think ye steadfastly: it shall not be unrewarded on our behalf. For than shall the Senate grant to you amity & peace: and also a part of Numidy which ye do now claim: shall then be granted to you unrequired.  
¶ Bocchus hearing these words of Sylla: first excused himself by the affinity which was between him and jugurth: and by the long familyarite & acquaintance which they had together: saying also that a bond of peace was confederate and sworn between them. And also that he feared and suspected that if he so did: his own subjects should hate him therefore, which much loved jugurth: & greatly hated the romans. But not withstanding these words of Bocchus: Sylla desysted not to attyse and counsel him: till at last he agreed and consented to his desire, promising to do every thing as Sylla required him. But to th'intent to feign a treaty of peace (of which jugurth wearied in war was much desirous) they ordained such craft: as to their purpose seemed most expedient. But when they had imagined and devised all things after their minds: than both they departed in sunder: & returned again to their rest.   

¶ How Bocchus betrayed jugurth and delivered him bound to Sylla. The lxvi Chapter.  
ON the morrow after Bocchus called to him Asper the ambassador of jugurth, & said to him that he understood of Sylla by the ●ntrepretaciō of Dabar that the war might be finished upon certain conditions. Wherefore he bade him go and inquire the mind and pleasure of his king in that behalf. Asper of these tidings was glad and took his leave of Bocchus: & departed to the tents of jugurth: & certified him of the same. jugurth showed to Asper: all his mind and pleasure concerning the premises. And within viii days after send him again to Bocchus. When Asper was returned again to Bocchus: he showed to him the will of jugurth saying that he coveted to do all thing which should be commanded to him of Bocchus: but he had but small confidence in Marius. For asmuch as the peace which often before had been convented and appointed of the Roman captains had anon after been frustrate: & broken of them again. But if ye will (said Asper to Bocchus that peace shallbe confirmed of the romans with jugurth and you also: jugurthe desireth & requireth you to labour so: that Sylla, jugurth, & ye may come together to communication: as if it were to treat of peace and that ye will there betray and deliver Sylla to him. For if ye may once bring such a man into power and hands of jugurth: anon after it shall fortune without doubt that peace shallbe made and granted to him by comen assent of the Senators: and commons of Rome also. And that: to th'intent to recover Sylla again out of the hands of jugurthe. For without doubt the Romans will not suffer so noble a man to be left in hands and danger of their enemies. And namely: when they shall understand him taken, not by his own folly nor cowardice: but in business belonging to the comen weal.  
¶ Bocchus herring these words, revolved & cast in his mind what he might answer to them: but at last he granted thereto. But whether he doubted so long before he granted for subtlety or very truth, it is hard to decern. But this is plainly known that for the most part like as the wills & minds of kings be vehement unmoderat and hasty: right so be they moving, unsteadfast & variable: and often adverse and contrary to their own self: and with themself repugnant. But to our matter: Bocchus assigned to Asper a place and time: where Sylla and they should comen together of the peace. And in the mean while sometime he communed secretly with Sylla sometime with Asper ambassador of jugurth, treating them both meekly and courteously: and promising one self thing unto them both, Wherefore they both were glad: and also each of them both had good hope in the promises of Bocchus.  
¶ But the night before that day: which was assigned to entreatment of the peace: Bocchus called unto him diverse of his friends, as if he would have taken counsel of them: and than immediately he changed that mind, commanding them again to avoid from him. And so (none of his counsel about him) he stood all alone revolving and turning in mind many things by himself, changing oftentimes in countenance, and colour variable and diverse: appearing forthward by tokens of fear conceived in his mind & expressed by outward tokens of his body. In so much: that all if he expressed not his mind by words: nevertheless this often changing of countenance, declared the secrets of his heart. But at conclusion: after long conflict had within himself: at last he commanded Sylla to be called unto him. And than after his advise and counsel he devised & prepared all things concerning the prodition of jugurth.  
¶ After this counsel concluded: assoon as the day light appeared: tidings were brought to Bocchus, that jugurth was not far thence: and coming toward him. Bocchus this hearing: anon prepared himself and proceeded forth against him accompanied with a few of his friends, & also with Sylla: feigning that he went so forth to meet with jugurth and to receive him, by cause of honour. And thus they proceeded forward: till at last they came to an open heath, where they might easily see the coming of jugurthe: which place was appointed before to their treason. For in diverse valleys of the same heath: were armed men lying in wait ready and appointed before by Bocchus: for to assail jugurth and his company, when signs should be given to them: to issue forth of their lurking places. Anon jugurth with many of his men about him came to the same place all unarmed: as appointment was made before. For it was ordained that Bocchus, jugurth, & Sylla: should come together to communication: each one with a small company, and all unarmed.  
¶ Anon as jugurth was come thither: king Bocchus gave a token to his men, which lay in wait for jugurth. Anon as they heard the token: suddenly they broke forth and invaded jugurth & his company: compasinge them about on every side. Without great labour all the company of jugurth were murdered: & he himself taken and bound hand and foot, & so delivered unto Sylla: which without tarry led him forth and delivered him unto Marius: whose heart was replenished and environed, with joy inestimable.   

¶ How Marius was received into Rome with triumph, & how jugurth was cast into prison where he continued in miserable captivity till he died. The lxvii Chapter  
AFfter that jugurth thus bound was delivered by Bocchus to Sylla, & than to Marius: anon all the Numidians submitted & yielded themselves to the romans. Marius with great wisdom set an order among the people, and garnished & fortified the towns, and with the remnant of his army took his journey again to Rome, leading jugurth & his two sons bound with him, with innumerable other prisoners, great treasure, elephants & armour which he had won in the war of jugurth. But after the tidings were brought to Rome how the war was ended in Numidy: & how jugurth was led thitherward bound & prisoner anon the Senate & commons assembled to counsel, and Marius was create consul again for the next year in his absence. And by decree and ordinance, the province of France was committed to him to be recovered.  
¶ For the same time while Marius warred in Numidy, and took jugurth prisoner: that country of France (whose people that time were named Cimbrians) rebelled against th'empire of Rome. Against whom the Romans send forth to repress their rebellion a great army with ii captains: one named Q. Scipio, the other M. Manlius: which at last with froward fortune had a great & grievous battle with the same frenchmen Cimbrians: in which both these Roman captains were overcome, & twice lost the field. Of the Roman men of war were slain lxxx M: of tylmen & pages, xl. thousand. Thus was this battle fought with so ill fortune to the Romans, that the city of Rome, & all the country of Italy trembled for fear thereof. In so much that both the Romans which lived at that time, & all their progeny which succeeded them counted all other nations ready to their obeisance, & to win honour by them: but they thought never to contend in battle with this nation of Frenchmen, to win glory & honour by them, but rather to defend themself and their liberty: which thing if they might do, they counted themself fortunate. Wherefore (as I have before recounted) the Senate & commons of Rome decreed this province of France to Marius for to revenge the death of their men, and to recover the country.  
¶ But to our purpose: when Marius should enter into Rome, he was joyfully received with great glory & triumph, whereof the order was such. Marius himself was set on high in a golden chair, which was drawn of four white palfreys. jugurth & his two sons, with many other noble men whom he brought captive from Numidi, proceeded before his chariot, their hands & arms bound as prisoners. Farther, for more ample ostentation of his glory, & to declare how much he had enriched the common weal of Rome, all the elephants, armour, jewels, treasure & riches which he had won in Numidy of jugurth, were led & borne before him. Than all the Senators, all the officers & noble men of Rome, with an unmeasurable multitude of commons received him with all honour and joy: & conveyed him to the principal palace of Rome, named the Capitol: where he made sacrifice with a bull to jupiter, for his victory after the custom of that time. His sacrifice ended: then was he conveyed to the Senate house in his rob triumphal as never consul was brought before his time. Marius was received at Rome with such triumph at the kalends of january. From thence forth all the hope of comfort health, succour, & wealth of Rome rested in Marius.  
¶ jugurth was cast in prison, where he ended his wretched life in miserable captivity, and manifold calamities, as to such a murderer unnatural, and tyrant inhuman was convenient.   
FINIS.   

¶ Thus endeth the famous Chronicle of the war which the Romans had against jugurth usurper of the kingdom of Numydie which Chronicle is compiled in latin by the renowned Roman Saluste: And translated into English by sir Alexander Barkeley priest, at commandment of the right high and mighty Prince Thomas duke of Norfolk. And imprinted at London in Foster lane by John Waley.