A DEFENCE OF THE catholic CAUSE, CONTAINING A TREATISE IN CONFUTATION OF SUNDRY UNTRUTHS AND slanders, published by the heretics, as well in infamous lybels as otherwise, against all english Catholyks in general, & some in particular, not only concerning matter of state, but also matter of religion: by occasion whereof divers points of the catholic faith now in controversy, are debated and discussed.  
Written by T. F.  
WITH AN APOLOGY, OR DEFENCE, OF HIS INNOCENCY IN A FEIGNED CONSPIRACY against her majesties person, for the which one Edward Squire was wrongfully condemned and executed in November in the year of our Lord 1598. wherewith the author and other Catholykes were also falsely charged. Written by him the year following, and not published until now, for the reasons declared in the preface of this treatise.  
Psalm. 118.  
Redime me à calumnijs hominum, ut custodiam mandata tua.  
Redeem me o Lord from the slanders of men, that I may keep thy commandments.  
Imprinted with licence 1602.   

THE UNTRUTHS AND SLANDERS CONCERNING matter of state, & some particular persons, confuted in this Treatise, and in the Apology following.  

THE first, concerning the conquest of England, which O. E. in his late lybels falsely chargeth the English Catholykes to seek and s●i●●t. Treatise. Chap. 1.  
The second, touching the catholic Kings late attempt in Ireland, which the English Catholykes, are also falsely supposed to have procured. treatise. Chap. ●.  
The third, concerning Sir. William Stanley & his delivering Daventer to the king catholic. Treatses. Chap. 1.  
The fourth, touching father Parsons, & his great labours in God's Church perversely interpreted, & shamefully slandered by the heretics. Treatise. Chap. 2.  
The fifth, an impudent & malicious untruth avouched by O. E. in his late challenge, to wit, that no Catholykes are put to death in England for religion, but for treason, and attempts against the state. Treatise. Chap. 3. Apology. Chap. 10. 22. & 23.  
The sixth, the improbable & absurd fixtion of Squyres conspiracy against her majesties person imputed to father Richard walpole of the holy-Society of jesus, as principal contriver, & to father Creswel of the same Society, & to the author of this Treatise as abetters. Apology. Chap. 1. 2. 6. 7. 8. 9 20. & 21.  
The seventh, a slanderous untruth published as well in these later as some former libels, concerning William's, York, & Patrick Cullen, executed at London some years past, and falsely supposed to be employed by the English Catholykes then at Brussels against her majesties person. Apology. Chap. 15.  
The 8. an impertinent untruth published in a pamphlet concerning the feigned conspiracy of Edward Squire, wherein it is affirmed that there is great moderation, & lenity used in causes of religion. Apology. Chap. 22. & 23.  
The 9 a foolish invective of the author of the said pamphlet against the jesuits. Apology. Chap. 24.   

UNTRUTHS AND SLANDERS CONCERNING MATTER OF RELIGION DISCOVERED & confuted upon divers occasions, in this Treatise, & the Apology following.  

A False & impudent assertion of a shameless minister, who being present at the death of two martyrs at Lincoln, in the year 1600. affirmed publicly that England received the protestants religion, when it was first converted to the Christian faith, under the Pope's Eleutherius and Gregory the first. Treatise. Chap. 4.5. & 6.  
another slanderous untruth of the heretics charging Catholykes with Idolatry, in the reverend use of holy Images. Treat. Chap. 11. & 12.  
The like slanderous & impudent untruth touching the Catholics opinion of merits of works, published lately in a pamphlet concerning the conviction of my lord of Essex. Treat. Chap. ●9.  
A ridiculous miracle feigned by the author of the pamphlet above said, that concerned Squyres ●ayned conspiracy. Apolog. Chap. 25.  
The table of the chapters followeth in the end of the Treatise.     

THE PREFACE, WHEREIN THE AUTHOR DECLARETH HIS INTENTION IN THIS TREATISE, AND THE CAUSE why he wrote the same, and why the Apology concerning Edward Squire being written three years since, was not published until now.  
IT is now more than three years, gentle reader, since that one Edward Squire, 
Edward Squire executed for a feigned conspiracy, and the author of this treatise charge therewith.  having been sometime prisoner in Spain, and escaping thence into England, was condemned and executed for a feigned conspiracy against her majesties person, whereto myself & some others were charged to be privy; & for as much as it seemed to me that this fraudulent manner of our adversaries proceeding against Catholykes, by way of slanders and diffamations, authorized with show of public justice, 
The reasons that moved the author to write an Apology in his own defence.  and continued now many years, did begin to redound not only to the undeserved disgrace, & discredit of particular men wrongfully accused, but also to the dishonour of our whole cause, I thought it convenient to write an Apology in my defence, & to dedicate the same to the Lords of her majesties privy counsel, as well to clear myself to their honours of the crime falsely imputed unto me, as also to discover unto them the treacherous dealing of such as abuse her majesties authority and theirs in this behalf, to the spilling of much innocent blood, with no small blemish to her majesties government, and the assured exposition of the whole state, to the wrath of God, if it be not remedied in tyme.  
This Apology being written by me in Spain, 
The Apology stayed from the print, in hope of some toleration of catholic religion in England.  and made ready for the print (now almost 3. years passed) it seemed good as well to me as to other of my friends, to stay the impression of it, until we should see the issue of the treaty of peace betwixt England and Spain then expected, with no small hope conceived of many, that liberty of conscience, or at least some toleration of religion might ensue thereof to the Catholics of England, & therefore seeing my principal intention was no other, but with the occasion of my own purgation to seek remedy of the wrongs done unto us, by discovering to the lords of the council the unchristian and pernicious proceeding of our chief persecutors, it seemed to me that if the desired effects of toleration, and consequently our remedy did follow of the treaty, the labour & charges of printing my Apology should be needless.  

Hope of toleration frustrate.  And although after many months expectation, and the meeting of the commissioners at Bullen, there appeared no likelihood at all, either of peace betwixt the two kingdoms, or toleration of catholic religion in England (in which respect it seemed convenient to some that my apology should be published) yet for as much, as so long time was then over past, that the matter of Squire seemed to be forgot, and that therefore the defence of my innocency might either be to little purpose, or at least seem out of season, I resolved to suppress the same, 
Squyres matter seemed to be forgot.  and the rather for that I understood that howsoever some simple men might be deceived in Squyres cause, yet the wisest considering the weakness, and invalydity of the proofs, and his denial of the fact at his death, did take it for an invention, and a stratagem of state, 
Squyres matter held by the wise for a stratagem of state.  conform to divers other of like quality, which many wise men amongst the protestants themselves have noted heretofore.  

Squyres matter lately revived by 3. lybels, and much urged against Catholyks.  But now coming hither to Rome, and seeing the matter revived and mightily urged to the prejudice of all Catholykes, by 2. several lybels composed lately in England, the one by an heretical minister ashamed of his name, and therefore Sutly shrouding it under a false Visar of O. E. and the other written very lately by a puritan, as it seemeth, calling himself Thomas Diggs, I have determined to set out my apology for the full satisfaction of all indifferent men in this point; 
The author's determination to set out his Apology.  whereto I am moved the rather, for that I have also sufficiently treated therein some other matters handled by O. E. 
O. E.  who laboureth to prove that all the persecution which Catholykes have hitherto suffered, 
In his new challenge to N.D. Chap ●  is justly to be ascribed to their treasonable attempts, besides that he is not ashamed to affirm, that none have been put to death in all her majesties reign for matter of religion, which impudent assertion of his, I have so sufficiently confuted in my said apology, as no more needeth to be said in that matter.  
Nevertheless upon this new occasion given by him, I have thought good to prefix this treatise to the said Apology to give thee good reader some more particular satisfaction concerning this point, and first to answer sincerely and truly upon my own knowledge an other slanderous and malicious conceit of his touching the ill affection as he supposeth of divers principal Catholykes to their country, and therefore for as much as I intent also, upon occasions that may be offered, to debate and discuss in this treatise some points of catholic religion now in controversy, and withal to clear our doctrine in those points from certain malicious slanders of our adversaries, I have thought good to entytle the whole, A defence of the catholic cause. Wherein I make no doubt but that thou wilt easily note (good reader) amongst many other things, the inconsideration of our adversaries in that they are not content only to wrong us in our goods and persons, by extreme injustice used towards us, but also to wound us so deeply in our fame by their calumniatious and slanderous lybels, and reports, that they force us much against our wills to lay open to the world their shameful and unchristian proceedings, in defence of our own innocency, and for the honour of our cause, which not only all laws of God nature and nations do allow and permit, but also conscience urgeth and bindeth us unto in this case. For although private men may sometimes with great merit suffer themselves to be slandered without contradiction, when no further detriment ensueth thereof, than the loss of their own fame or their particular hurt, yet when the same is joined, with other men's harm or with a public damage, espetialy of religion, they cannot without offence to God neglect or omit their own just defence. Therefore I hope no man will blame me or other Catholykes in like case for offering just purgation of ourselves and our cause though it be with the reproach of them that slander us, ut obstruatur os loquentium iniqua, that the mouths of calumniators may be stopped.  
And whereas the same may seem to redound to some disgrace or dishonour of the state by reason of the public authority & pretence of her majesties service, wherewith our adversaries do commonly cover and colour all their malicious actions, I purpose for my part, to use in this my defence, such due respect to the state & to the supreme governors thereof (I mean her Majesty and the honourable Lords of her counsel) that I hope to avoid all just cause of offence; and give ample testimony of the loyalty of a most dutiful subject discovering to her Majesty and their honours by way of humble complaint, the great abuse offered by our adversaries, no less to them, then to us, as will more particularly appear in my Apology directed and dedicated to the Lords of the council.   

AN ANSWER TO TWO MALICIOUS SLANDERS CONCERNING the conquest of England, falsely supposed to be pretended and solicited by the Catholykes, and touching the late enterprise of the king of Spain in Ireland. Also concerning Sir William Stanley.  

CHAP. I.  
AMONGST many malicious slanders, wherewith O. E. and other heretyks seek to make us and our cause odious to all men, one of the principalest is, that we desire and conspire the conquest of our country by the king of Spain, wherewith they charge not only F. Parsons and the jesuits, but also other English Catholykes that have served and serve the catholic king, in which respect I cannot forbear to testify the truth of my knowledge in this point, having had sufficient means and occasion to understand what hath been treated with the Catholic kings of Spain by any of our nation since the year of our Lord 1589. 
The author answereth and confuteth this slander upon his own knowledge.  at what time I passed from the court of France (by reason of the troubles there) to the service of their Catholic Majesties, whom I have served ever since, and for some years together in the court of Spain, until now of late, that I retired myself from thence to Rome, to satisfy my private devotion, by dedicating the rest of my declining days, to the service of God in an ecclesiastical function.  

The authors protestation upon his conscience.  Therefore I here protest upon my conscience, not only in my own behalf, but also in the behalf of F. Parsons, and the English Catholykes that serve his catholic Majesty, that our dealings have been so contrary to that which is imputed unto us, that we have done far better offices for our country in this point, than the malice of our adversaries suffereth them to suppose. For having well considered that the breach of amity betwixt her Majesty and the Catholic king, growing daily by sundry acts of hostility on both parts, to an implacable quarrel, might move him to seek the conquest of our country (whereof his puissant preparations in the year 88 gave no small suspicion to the world) and not having any hope to be able to dissuade his Majesty from seeking some sharp revenge of the attempts made against him by sea and land (whereto not only reason of state, but also respect of his reputation and honour seemed to oblige him) we determined to do our uttermost endeavour so to temper and qualify the same, as it might not turn to any conquest of our country. To which purpose sir Francis Englefield, 
The endeavour of Sir Fran. Englefeld, F. Parsons, F Creswel and of the author to divert the Catholic king from the conquest of Engl.  whilst he lived, Father Parsons, Fa. Creswel, and myself, have at divers times represented to his Maᵗⁱᵉ. of glorious memory, many important reasons to persuade him, that it was not convenient for him to seek the conquest of England, nor probable either that he could conquer it, or yet if he were able to do it that he could long keep it in subjection; and this we have urged so oft and with such pregnant reasons, as well to his Maᵗⁱᵉ. that now is, as to his father of glorious memory, that I verily believe, that if they ever had any inclination or resolution to seek the conquest of England, we have done sufficient diligence to divert them from all cogitation thereof.  
But whatsoever may be thought of their majesties intentions in this behalf (which is not my intention here to defend nor treat of, but to signify what hath been our treaties or dealings with them) sure I am, 
The Catholyk kings answer concerning his intention.  that their Maᵗⁱᵉˢ have upon divers occasions assured us, that their meaning was no other, but only to seek reparation of wrongs done unto them, with the advancement of catholic religion, howsoever the quarrel should end, either by extremity of war, or composition of peace, for though the prosecution of the war should prove more prosperous unto them than we imagined it could do, yea and that the crown of England might thereby fall to their disposition, yet they affirmed that their intention was no other, then to restore and assure catholic religion there, 
Restitution of Catholyk religion in England.  by establishing a catholic king, with whom they might renew, and perpetually hold the ancient leagues so long continued in times passed betwixt the two kingdoms of England and Castille to the mutual benefit of both. And if it should so fall out that they should grow to treatyes, of peace (which was most likely would be the conclusion of this war, 
Ease of persecution by treaty of peace.  sooner or later) they promised to make instance to her Majesty either for liberty of conscience for Catholics, or at least for relaxsation of penal laws & ease of the present persecution.  
Now then; 
The reasons why the Catholyks rather expected remedy by peace then by war.  this being the resolution of their majesties (as they signified unto us) consisting on two points, the one, no doubt in their own opinions uncertain, and in ours altogether unprobable, if not unpossible (as before I have declared) and the other, most likely in time to ensue, especially considering the frequent overtures these later years to a treaty of peace, 
Frequent owertures to treatise of peace these later years. Impossibilities of conquest.  and the continual reports of her majesties propension, nor only thereto, but also to give some toleration to Catholics; any indifferent man may judge, which of these two points we were more like to expect and solicit, though we should be as i● affected and unnatural to our country, 
Her majesties propension to peace, and to give toleration to Catholyks.  as our adversaries imagine, who measuring our charity and zeal in religion, by their own fury, and malice against us, persuade themselves, that because they would if they were in our case, wish and procure by all means possible our utter overthrow & ruin, 
The heretyks measure Catholyks by themselves.  we therefore do the like by them; whereas we following the doctrine and example of out Saviour and his saints, 
The charity of Catholyks towards their enemies.  in forgiving our enemies, and heartily wishing the conversion of sinners, do daily and instantly pray to almighty God for them, that it may please him of his infinite mercy to forgive and illuminate them.  

The Catholyks desire restitution of religion by sweet mea●es.  And although we desire nothing more in our country, than the extirpation of heresy and the restitution of the Catholyk faith, yet we wish that it may please God to work it by such sweet means, that not only our monarchy may still retain the former liberty, dignity and honour that hitherto it hath had, but also that no man's finger may so much as ache for the same;  
And whosoever doth note and regard with an indifferent eye, the proceeding of such Catholykes as have laboured most in our cause, and especially of him whom our enemies do most malign, 
The erection of seminaries tendeth not to force of arms.  and calumniate at this day (I mean the proceeding of father Parsons in the erection and careful maintenance of seminaries) & doth further consider the fruits thereof, and the progress of Catholic religion in England of late years, he can neither think, that the father's intentions tend to force of arms or violence of conquest, nor yet that our cause is in such desperate terms, that we need to use the sword seeing the force of the word, 
The sword needles where the word prevaileth.  and apostolical preaching worketh so good effect, that we may well hope, that heresy decaying daily as it doth, 
Heresy daily decaying.  will fall of itself within a while, and that in the mean time, 
The wise governors can not but note God's handiwork, in the progress of Catholyk religion in England.  our wise governors noting the special work & hand of God therein, & how little human policy or rigour prevaileth against true religion, will not only moderate the rigorous course hitherto held with Catholics, but also willingly receive the light of truth, for the which we daily pray to almighty God, & daily wil  
This then is the conquest that we desire and expect in England, to wit, a conquest of souls to God, 
What conquest the Catholyks desire in England.  with the suppression of heresy, & iniquity, to the end, that the force of truth and piety may so captivate and subdue the hearts of all our countrymen, that they may be freed from the bondage of the devil, wherein they live, and that the catholic Church and our country withal may flourish, in the old manner, to the glory of God, & salvation of infinite souls that daily perish, and thus much for this point.  
Now forasmuch as I understand that rumours are spread abroad and a conceit or suspicion bred thereby, in the heads of many, that the english Catholykes have also solicited the catholic king to the late enterprise of Ireland, I think good also to say somewhat concerning that point, that I verily think no English catholic was acquainted therewith otherwise than by common fame or opinion, seeing that neither F. Creswel nor myself (both residing at the same time in the court of Spain) nor Sir William Stanley who was also come thither upon occasion of business, were made privy thereof, 
Neither F. Pars. at Rome nor any Englishman in spain made privy thereto.  which I ascribe partly to the prudent manner of proceeding of those counsellors, 
The prudent manner of proceeding of the council of spain.  who never impart any matter of impottance to any whosoever, except to such, as are necessarily to be employed therein; & partly to the circumspection that the Irish use in their treaties in that court, 
The circumspection of the Irish.  who considering that their affairs, do no way perteyn to us, are wont not only curiously to conceal the same from us, but also to desire the King's ministers not to communicate them with us.  
Of which small correspondence betwixt us and them in matters that concern their country, 
Witness may be taken of Hugh Buy agent of late. for Odonel in spain, and now in her majesties service.  there muay now be sufficient testimony taken of Hugh Buy, who having been one of the most principal agents for Oneal & Odonel in the court of Spain, and most gratful there (as appeared by the reward given him at his departure thence) passed nevertheless shortly after his return to Ireland to the service of her Maᵗⁱᵉ and therefore may testify, if he be demanded, whether he treated with any Englishman in Spain, or was willing we should be trusted with his affairs, sure I am, & I think he will witness it, that during the time of his negotiation there, which was some months, we never conferred together, nor so much as saluted one another.  
And verily for our further purgation of all suspicion in this matter, I may well say, that if we had been as badly affected in that cause as is conceived, and had been consulted withal, or list to have intruded ourselves to speak our opinions, we could never have approved the plot that was executed, 
Not likely that Sir William Stanley could approve the plot that was executed.  which any man may believe at least of Sr. William Stanley, as well for the particular experience he hath of Ireland, and Irish wars, as also for his wisdom, & exact skill in military discipline, and all martial affairs, wherein, as it is well known, he is inferior to few men living, & seeing the occasion is offered to speak of him, I will add a word or two concerning him, 
The ridiculous folly of a lybeller, in objecting to sir William Stanley his delivering of Deventer to the true owner.  & his delivering Daventer to the catholic king, for that the same is opprobriously carped at in a late pamphlet of a puritan cauling himself Thomas Digges, who as it seemeth hath so little conscience and knowledge of a Christian man's obligation, that he cannot distinguish betwixt treachery and discharge of duty, it being evident in conscience, and true divinity, that Sir William was bound under pain of damnable sin, to deliver it to the King who was the true owner thereof, & from whom it was wrongfully detained by his rebels; besides that, his manner of doing it was such as argueth no less his generosity, 
Sir Willians generosity & sincerity in tendering Daventer.  than his sincerytie, seeing he made no composition for money or other reward, as many others in like occasions have done, but rendered it simply without all respect of lucre and gain, for the only discharge of his conscience, being then at liberty to serve where he would, to which purpose my Lord of Leicester his general, had given him an ample passport, which he hath yet to show.  
But herein I mean not further to enlarge myself, seeing my late Lord Cardinal of happy memory sufficiently de●ended and justified Sr. William's action in this behalf with a learned and grave treatise of his, at the same time, only I will say of his person for the particular knowledge I have of him, that the honourable course of life he hath led ever since he became a catholic, & servant to the king, doth make him no less recomendable for true Christian piety and virtue then for wisdom & valour, in so much that he is worthily held of all strangers for the honour of our nation, and the true mirror or a Christian soldier, and as for his affection to his country I do protest I am well assured, that no man wisheth more honour & happiness thereto or is more alienat from all desire of conquest thereof then he, though our adversaries will needs imagine otherwise of him, and all others that either serve the catholic king or receive any benefit of him, whereby thou mayst perceive (good reader) how lamentable our case is, seeing that we are neither suffered to enjoy the comfort & benefit of our religion country and friends at home, nor yet permitted without suspicion and slander of ill affection to the state, to sustain our lives abroad with the liberality of him that only hath the means & the will withal, to relieve us, as he relieveth & entertaineth in like sort no small number of strangers of all nations, without any bad constructions made of him, or them for the same. But whether it be reason that to avoid the uncharitable conceits of our adversaries & to satisfy their desire of our ruin, we suffer ourselves to perish rather than to receive relief of the catholic king, I leave it to the judgement of any indifferent & unpassionate man and so will proceed to say somewhat in particular of F. Parsons against whom O. E. doth spit forth or rather vomit so much venom and poison, as he showeth evidently what spirit possesseth him, & giveth notable testimony to F. P. his rare virtues, & great merits.   

CONCERNING FATHER Parsons in particular, and that the extreme malice that the heretics bear him, is an evident argument of his great virtue. CHAP. II.  

The hatred of heretyks, is a notable testimony of F. Parsons his great virtue.  WERE it possible that father Parsons should be so extremely maligned, hated and calumniated, 
The greatest saints of God always calumniated.  as he is, by heretics, if he were not a great servant of God and guided by his spirit? for was there ever any great saint in God's Church who laboured more than others, either to confound heresy, or to reform corrupt manners, that felt not in his fame the cruel sting of the slanderous tongues of heretics, and of other instruments of the devil? for as the Church was planted so it must be restored; 
As the church was planted so it must be restored.  and therefore as the scriptures do signify; the persecution that our Saviour himself, and all his Apostles and disciples suffered by slanderous tongues, 
joan. 7 & 10.  in the first planting and building of the Church, 
Luc. 2●.  so also the ecclesiastical histories do witness the like of other servants of God, 
Act. 6. 14. 17. 21. 24. 23.  who endeavoured afterwards to repair the same, when it was decayed in some places by heresy and sin, 
God's servants so cunningly calumniated by evil men, that good men sometimes held them suspected.  and that many of them besides the punishments inflicted upon their persons, were so craftily calumniated by heretics, that they sustained much suspicion and obloquy not only of many weak and bad Catholykes, but also otherwiles of some good men; God suffering it for his greater glory and their more merit, whose innocency he ever cleared in the end, to the confusion of his enemies and theirs; A few examples may suffice, for that the matter is clear enough of itself.  
No man that hath red the ecclesiastical histories can be ignorant of the continual and violent persecutions that saint Athanasius suffered in this kind, 
S. Athanasius extremely ca●lumniated.  who being the chief champion of God's Church against the Arrian heretics, was by them falsely accused of a rape, of burning houses, 
Baron anno 336. & 339. 335.  of breaking chalices, of extorsion, of wiche-craft, murders, yea and treasons; 
Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 30●  as well against the catholic Emperor Constantine the great (who by that means was alienated from him, 
Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 21.  and moved to banish him) as also against the Arrian Emperor Constantius, 
Epiph. haer. 68  to whom he therefore wrote an Apology of his innocency.  
S. Basil for his great learning & rare virtue surnamed the great, 
Athan. Apo●log. ad Constant.  being also a notable impugner of all the heretics of his time, 
Baron. anno 363. & 371.  was impugned & slandered by them with such art and cunning, that the very monks of his own institution and rule were incensed against him, 
S. Basil.  in so much that after he had suffered it, as he saith, 
Basil. Ep. 7●. & epist. 79.  3. years together, and suppressed the sorrow of his heart with silence, he was forced to write an Apology in his own defence, as also many other famous & learned men did for him at the same time, and such was the diligence and craft of the heretics, and such the credulity of many Catholykes, that he complained pitifully thereof, giving to understand, that not only all his actions, but also every word he spoke, 
Basil. ad Eustachium epist.  was watched, calumniated and wrested to a wrong sense, and that he found himself in such case that he knew not who to trust.  
S. Hierome one of the lights of the latin Church, 
S. Hierome.  & the scourge of the heretics of his age, 
Baron. To. anno 39●.  having written a notable work against jovinian the heretic in defence of virginity, was slandered to have defaced matrimony, through the subtlety of one of jovinians sect that counterfeited himself a catholic, and envy greatly S. Hieroms great credit, and the matter was so clamorously prosecuted against him in Rome, that many good Catholykes were alienated from him & his friends, in which respect he was fain to write an Apology in defence of his book. And at another time being himself in Rome, and writing against some vices of the clergy though in general terms, 
●ro●●anno ●.  he received such a violent impugnation and persecution of all the bad priests in the city, that he was forced to depart thence; which nevertheless, how little it impaired his credit in the end, he signified 30. years after in an epistle to Demetrias, 
Hieron. epist. ad Demetria.  wherein he maketh mention of the said treatise that caused all that broil against him, and addeth further quid profuit, armasse exercitum reclamantium, & vulnus conscientiae d●lore monstrasse, liber mavet & homines perierunt, that is to say, what did it avail them, to arm an army of clamorous men against me, and to bewray the wound of their own conscience by their grief, the book is yet extant, but the men are dead and gone, thus far saint Hierome; whereby he signifieth, that although good men for good works suffer sometimes great persecutions, 
The good works of good men remain honourable, whiles their persecutors perish with ignominy.  yet the good works remain, and not only the persecution passeth away, but also the persecutors themselves perish and come to nought, which by the way I wish the heretyks Fa. Parson's adversaries to note; for let them rail upon him, slander him, and cry our against him never so much, the memory and monuments that he shall leave behind him of his great service to God & his Church, will remain honourable to all posterity, when their clamours, and slanders shall vanish away like smoke, and they themselves shallbe either clean forgot, or else remain ignominious for their heresy and the persecution of him, and other good men.  

S. Chrisostome so calumniated that he was twys banished by Catholyk Bishops.  S. Chrisostome Bishop of Constantinople the ornament of the east Church, who made continual war against paganism, heresy & vice, as well by the example of his saintly life, as by the force of his eloquence, and divine preaching was so exagitat by the calumnious, and contumelious tongues of heretics, and all sorts of wicked men, that he was expelled twice, from his bishopryk, by catholic Bishops, being falsely accused of treasons and many heinous matters, and died at length in banishment; which shortly after God did punish notoriously in all his adversaries, and calumniatours, and in some of them (as Palladius noteth) by loss of their speech & horrible pains in their tongues, in regard, 
Baron. ann● 427.  no doubt of their contumelious speeches and slanders given out against him, and within a few years after his death, his innocency was made so manifest to all men, that his memory was celebrated in the Church & he served for a great saint of God, as he hath been ever since. 
Baron. anno 369.  I omit to speak particularly of S. Hilary, S. Ambrose, S. Augustin 
* Greg. Nazian oratione ad 150. Episc. & in vita sua  S. Gregory Nazianzen and divers other notable antagonists of the heretics of their times, 
Idem an. 387  all of them notably calunniated by their adversaries, whom I say, I will omit for brevityes sake, 
Aug. contra julianum lib. 6 cap. 12. & Baron. anno 426.  & conclude with S. Ciril Bishop of Alexandria, the hammer of the Nestorian heresy; who in his epistle to the clergy of Constantinople signifieth that Nestorius the heretic, did send abroad certain wicked and lost companions, to defame him every where, as now the heretics of England deal with father Parsons whom they seek to disgrace and defame by their spies, 
Item epist. ● editio novae  that they send throughout Christendom, whereof the experience hath been seen these years passed not only in other places, 
Ciril. epist. 7● & 14.  but also in the very Seminaries of his own erection in Spain, 
Baron. anno 429.  where have been discovered within these 2. or 3. years divers spies sent from England, 
S. Ciril slandered by men sent abroad of purpose to defame him  who counterfeiting great holiness and zeal in religion, endeavoured nothing else, but to alienate the students from the jesuits their superiors, and particularly from Fa. Parsons, 
Spies sent abroad to defame F. Parsons.  filling their ears with such monstrous lies, that if God of his goodness had not sooner discovered it, one of those Seminaries had been put in as great combustion, 
Spies discovered in the seminaries of Spain.  as was the English college at Rome some years ago But S. Ciril who received like measure at heretics hands, as Fa. Parson's now doth, shall answer for both, 
Baron. ●od. an. & Ciryl. epist. 8.  who in certain letters of his to Nestorius himself saith thus. 
S. Cirils answer to Nestorius applied to F. Pars.  They cast a broad against me reports no less mad, then malicious some say I have injuriously oppressed the poort and blind; others say I drew a sword upon my own mother; and others, that I stole gold with the help of a maid servant; and some again say, that I have been always suspected of such wickedness, as a man would be loath should be found in his greatest enemy. But of these fellows, and such like I make small account, lest I may seem to extend the measure of my weakness above my master and lord, yea above all my predecessors, for whatsoever course of life a man holdeth; it is scant possible for him to escape the sharp teeth of malicious & wicked backbiters. But they having their mouths full of slander, & malediction shall one day answer for it before the judge of all, and I in the mean time, will discharge my part, and do that which becometh me, to wit, admonish thee, Nestorius, of thy duty as my brother in our lord, etc. Thus said S. Ciril to the heretic Nestorius; and so will I say in father Parson's behalf, to the heretics his adversaries, to wit; that he little regardeth their railing, considering he cannot look to be more free from that kind of persecution than his master Christ, and other servants of God, that have laboured in the Church before him, and that therefore leaving them to answer for it, before the just and rigorous judge, he will in the mean while, proceed to do his duty towards God and them, as hitherto he hath done, 
Parson's repayeth the malice of his enemies with charity.  repaying their malice with charity, their fury with patience, their railing with prayers to God for them, their slanderous pamphlets and libels, with learned and godly books, and their employing of spies abroad to defame him, with sending in priests from his Seminaries to convert them, and to save their souls, 
Hiero. epist. ●7.  which is all the hurt he wisheth them, for all the rancour and malice they bear him, and the injury they do him, 
Miserable to do injury but not to suffer it.  for the which he thinketh they rather deserve pity then hatred, for that as saint Hierome saith, apud Christianos non qui patitur, sed qui facit iniuriam miser est, that is to say, 
Of F. Pars. his great, & profitable labours in gods Church.  not he which suffereth the injury, but he which doth it is miserable.  
And now to say somewhat particularly though very briefly of his labours in God's Church, which makes him hateful to the devil and all heretyks; 
His notable books.  if we consider the same, and the fruits thereof, as the souls he gained to God whiles he was in England; 
Souls gained to God by him in England.  the notable books he hath written; the four notable Seminaries which he hath erected; (whereof 3. do still flourish in Spain, and Flanders, besides two residences for priests in S. Lucar, 
4. Notable Seminaries erected, and 2. residences for priests.  and Bishon) the important relief of two thousand crowns rend, 
2000 Crowns rend procured for the seminary of Douai.  that he procured at one time for the Seminary at Douai, erected by my Lord Cardinal; 
The tumults of the English in Rome pacified.  the pacification of the scandalous tumults in the English College at Rome, attempted by divers in vain, and reserved, as it should seem, by almighty God to him, for the testimony of his wisdom and virtue; 
His wise & exemplar government of the English college at Rome.  the present government of the said College in such tranquillity, unity & love, such aeconomy & discipline, and such exercise of all virtue and learning, that it serveth for an example & spectacle to all Rome (so that all our Seminaries which are now the honour and hope of our afflicted Church, and in time willbe the bane of heresy in England, 
All our Seminaries either erected, or relieved, or exceedingly benefyted by him.  have either been erected, or relieved and repaired, or otherwise exceedingly benefited by him) and if we consider withal, the great care and pains he hath taken in all this; the many long and tedious journeys to strange and remote countries; the difficulties he hath passed by contradiction, and opposition sometimes of great parsonages; and the prudence longaminity and patience he hath showed in all; 
His life so religious, that his greatest enemies, can justly reprehend nothing therein.  and if we add thereto his religious life, so exemplar for all kind of virtue, that those which malign him most, can find nothing justly to reprehend therein, and therefore to have somewhat to say against him, 
F. Parsons charged for lack of better matter with the actions of his very enemies.  are fain either to invent manifest lies, such as here I have touched, or else to calumniate his good works with vain surmises, uncharitable suspicions, and falls interpretations, from which kind of calumniation neither the innocency of God's saints, nor yet the prefection of our Saviour himself could be free 
His good works calumniated, & il interpreted as our saviours were. ; lastly if with all this, 
God's manifest concurrence with his labours in the progress of Cathol. religion.  we consider concurrence and manifest assistance of almighty God to his endeavours in the progress of catholic religion in England, advanced notably as all men see, no less by his books and other labours then by his Seminaries, we may evidently conclude ●●ree things, the first that God having of his infinite mercy and providence determined to repair the wracked walls of our Jerusalem, hath raised him for a special means, and instrument thereof, 
Three con●lusions ●rawn of ●he premises  giving him for that end, extraordinary graces and blessings, as well of credit with Princes abroad, as also of singular zeal, prudence, fortitude, longanimity, patience, and other virtues requisite to so heroical and excellent a work, 
God hath raised F. Parsons for a special instrument to repair his Church in England.  and no marvel, seeing that for the building of his material tabernacle he bestowed upon some of his people extraordinary gifts of carving, graving, and working in wood or metal all kind of work, whereof they had no skill before.  
The second conclusion of these premises, is, that it is not possible, 
Exod. 31. ●5. 3●.  but that he being employed by almighty God in the service of his Church, so particularly, and with such fruit as we see, shallbe impugned calummated & persecuted by God's enemies; 
It is not possible but that F. pars. being employed, by almighty God shallbe impugned by the devil, and all his instruments.  for the devil seeking by all means to overthrow the Church of God employeth all his instruments, and dischargeth the rage of his fury chiefly against those that are the chief pillars and upholders thereof.  
The third & last point is, that if he still continue to the end, and consummate his course, according to his beginning and proceedings hitherto, as by God's grace he will, he shall not only gain an eternal crown of glory in heaven, but also leave to all posterity an everlasting fame of his Apostolical labours, 
His Apostolical labours shallbe the more glorious to all posterity for the great contradiction he receiveth of God's enemies.  and much the rather, for the contradiction, hatred and persecution that he receiveth at the hands of God's enemies, which already maketh him famous throughout Christendom, and will ever remain for an evident argument of his great virtue and merits.  
Thus much I have thought good to touch briefly and truly here, to serve for a counterpoise to the multitude of malicious slanders that O. E. heapeth upon him in his two lybels, 
The author proceedeth to the discovery of the impudence of O. E affiancing that none are pu● to death in Engl. for religion.  the particular answer whereof, I leave to one that hath undertaken the same, meaning only for my part to examine here a little further how truly he avoucheth, that none are put to death in England for religion, which besides former examples and many reasons alleged in my Apology, almost every man's experience in England may convince for a notable untruth by the martyrdom of those, which have suffered in divers parts, within these 3. years since the Apology was written.   

EXAMPLES OF DIVERS Catholykes executed since the Apology was written for the same causes that the martyrs were put to death in the primitive Church, and of the great injustice done to two Priests condemned at Lincoln by judge Glanduyle. CHAP. III.  
I Appeal to the remembrance of all those that were present at the arraignment of M. Rigby a lay Gentleman in the year 1600. whether there was any thing concerning matter of state or the least suspicion thereof laid to his charge, 
M. john Righby exe●cuted in the year 1600.  who being no way accused or called in question for any matter whatsoever, but coming to the sessions at Newgate of mere charity to excuse the appearance of a catholic gentlewoman that was sick, was examined of his religion, and condemned within a few days after; for being a reconciled Catholyk, whereof nevertheless he might have been discharged if he would have consented but only to have gone to the Church, which was offered him, both before the jury gave their verdi●; and also after.  
Further-more what matter of state was so much as objected to M. Palaser the priest, or to M. Talbot, and to M. john Norton, 
M. Palaser. M. Talbot. M. John Norton.  condemned and executed the same year at Durham, the first only for being a priest, and the other two for having been acquainted with him, & not detecting him, or to a virtuous widow the last year at York for harbouring a priest called M. Christopher wharton, who was executed also with her, or to Mrs. line the last year at London for having received priests, 
Mrs. Lyne.  against whom no matter of state, but only their religion and priesthood was proved, 
M. John Pibush. M. Mark Barkworth. M. Robert Nutter. M. Edward Thwing. M. Thurstan Hunt. M. Middleton. M. Harrison, ● a lay man.  which was also most evident in M. john Pibush, M. Mark Barkwoorth at London the last year, & M. Robert Nutter, M. Edward Thwing M. Thurstan Hunt, & M. Midleton, at Lancaster, as also in the case of M. Filcock, & now this year M, Harrison at York, all of them martyred only for being catholic Priests, and a lay man for having received the foresaid N. Harrison into his house.  
Therefore can O. E. or any man be so impudent to say that these lay men & women died not for religion, or that the priests for whose cause they were condemned, 
catholic Priests traitors now in to other ●ort, than were the Christian Priests in the primitive Church.  or the other here mentioned were traitors in any other sort or sense than were the priests of the primitive Church, accounted in like manner rebels and traitors only for doing the function of Christian catholic Priests, as appear in the story of the blessed S. Alban the protomartyr of Brittany, who was charged by the judge to have received into his house & conveyed away rebellem and sacrilegum sacerdotem, 
Beda histor. Eccles. lib. 1.  a traitorous and sacrilegious Priest, 
S. Alban our first martyr, charged with receiving a traitorous Priest.  for that he put on the Priest's apparel, and so offered himself to be taken by the searchers, that the Priest might escape; for the which, and for the constant profession of the Christian faith he received a glorious crown of martyrdom; 
S. Alban martyred about the year of our Lord. 300. An example for Catholyks.  wherein may be noted by the way how it pleased almighty God of his divine providence, to give us in our first martyr such a notable example of Christian fortitude & charity, in harbouring a persecuted Priest, and saving his life with the loss of his own, to the end that in the like cases, and occasions (which now daily occur) no terror of temporal laws, nor pretence of treasons may withhold us from using the like charity towards the Priests of God; whereto our Saviour Christ also inviteth and incowrageth us with promise of great reward saying he which receiveth a Prophet in the name of a prophet, 
Matth 10.  shall have the reward of a Prophet, and he which receives a just man, in the name of a just man, shall have the reward of a just man.  
But if we consider the proceedings of the persecutors in those days, 
Christians martyred in the primitive Church by paynim, for the same points of religion, that catholic are persecuted now.  we shall find that the Christians were not only persecuted as traitors, and in the same manner, but also for the same points of religion that we are persecuted now, whereof I will briefly represent unto thee (good reader) an evident example, to the end thou mayst the better judge whether we die for religion or no, or whether there be any difference betwixt the martyrdom of the old Christians, and of the Catholykes at this day. 
Baron. To. 2. anno 303. Surius. 11. Februa.   
We read in the ancient and Publyk records of the acts of the proconsul's of afric under Dioclesian, 
The sacrifice of the Mass forbidden upon pain of death by Dioclesian.  and Maxi●ian Emperors (under whom saint Alban was martyred) that they made an edict wherein amongst other things they forbade upon pain of death the blessed sacrifice of the mass which is called Dominicum in the said records, 
Concil. Roman. sub Siluestro 1.  & therefore dominicum agere or celebrare is understood there to celebrate mass; 
Con. Carth. ● can. 3.  and if our adversaries marvel what warrant I have so to expound it, they shall understand, that this word Mass in English, 
Leo Mag. Epist 81  & Missa in Latin, used by ancient counsels and Fathers above 1200. years ago, 
Aug. ser. 9●. de tempore. Ambros. li. 5. epist. 33.  and derived of the hebrew word missah (which signifieth a voluntary sacrifice or oblation) hath divers other names in the an●●ent Fathers as in the greeks liturgia tremenda misteria, 
Liturg. Dionys & Basil. & Chrisost. Tertul lib. 3. ad uxorem, li. de Castira. li. de oratione.  & crificium tremendum, and in the Latins solemnia, ablatio per sa●●rdotem, cena Domini and to omit divers other more ordina●●, Dominicum as appear in saint Cyprian, who speaking of the sacrifice offered at the altar in remembrance and representation of the passion of Christ (which we call the sacrifice of the mass) termeth it sometimes, 
Cypria. 63.  sacrificium quod Christus obtulit sometimes ipsum nostra redemptionis Sacramentum, 
Ibidem.  etc. sometimes only Dominicum, saying, nunquid post caenam dominicum celebramus? that is to say, do we offer the sacrifice of the body of our Lord, or do we say mass after supper? and this is evident by all his discourse in that Epistle, where he treateth principally of the blessed sacrifice, and saith that Christ is buius sacrificij author, & doctor, the Author, and teacher of this sacrifice, and that the Priest representing the person of Christ doth offer sacrificium verum & plenum, a true and full sacrifice.  

Christians martyred under Diocletian for heating mass.  This then being presuposed, it is to be understood that certain devout Christians in Africa being secretly assembled at mass, were taken and brought before the proconsul Anulinus who examining them began with fair words to persuade them to have care of their lives, and to obey the commandment of the Emperors, they answered, 
The answer of the martyrs concerning the necessity of mass.  spem salutemque Christianorum Dominicum esse, that the mass is the hope and salvation of Christians, and that therefore they could not forego it; upon which confession they were condemned to death; & amongst rest there was one Emeritus in whose house mass had been celebrated, to whom the Proconsul said, was the assembly made in thy house, contrary to the commandment of the Emperors? he answered, yea; why didst thou, said the Proconsul, suffer it? I could quoth he, do no less, for that they are my brethren; yea; but thou oughtest to have hindered it, said the Proconsul; I could not said the other, for we that be Christians, sine Dominico esse non possumus, cannot be without mass; as though, said the Proconcul; thou art not bound to obey the edict of the Emperors, God, said the martyr, is greater than the Emperors, and aught more to be obeyed, where upon he was condemned, and executed as the rest; here now I ask our adversaries whether these men were put to death for religion, or no, and whether it fareth not even so with us at this day, as than it did with them.  
For although the mass be not now made treason but a money matter, yet by a certain consequent, 
To hear mass in England is treason by consequence.  it is drawn within the compass of treason, for it cannot be celebrated without a priest; the receiving of whom is treason, I mean a Seminary Priest, there being now so few other in England (if there be any at all) that the Catholykes must either receive them with danger of their lives, or lack the necessary food of their souls, which they hold more dear than life, as the old Christians also did.  
But let us compare briefly the proceedings of the persecutors in those times and these. 
A comparison of the proceedings of the old persecutors, with those of this time in Engl.  In the examination of those Christians the old persecutors would not content themselves with their confession, that they were Christians, & so put them to death for their religion, but sought to bring them within the compass of their statute; we ask you not, say they, whether you be Christians, but whether you have hard mass contrary to the commandment of the Emperors, the like is done now with us, for it sufficeth not our persecutors that we confess our religion (as that we are Catholykes) but they examine us whether we have heard mass, whether we have been reconciled by a Priest, or whether the Queen be supreme head of the Church, and such like, thereby to draw us within the compass of the laws, that they may put us to death under colour of treason.  
Furthermore the old Christians said for their just defence, 
The answer of the old martyrs conform to ours now.  that they being Christians, could not be without mass, and we now say the same, & that we cannot forego absolution of our sins, nor other spiritual comforts to be received at the hands of Priests only; to this, our persecutors reply as the others did, that it is against the laws and statutes of her Majesty, 
Act. cap. 5.  we answer with the old Christians, God is above all Kings, and his law above all laws. Et portet magis obedire Deo quam hominibus, we must rather obey God then men; nevertheless we are condemned for disobedience to the laws, as the old Christians were; and died they for religion and not we? 
The old martyrs were condemned for disobedience to the temporal laws. as Catholyks are now.  were they martyrs and not we? were their enemy's persecutors of God's Church & not ours? the cause is one, & the self same, the proceedings like, no difference in the issue; breach of laws and treason is pretended, but religion condemned, and therefore as the whole Church hath hitherto held, and honoured those old Christians for glorious martyrs, 
Treason pretended but religion condemned as well in the old martyrs as in ours now.  so doth it now at this day and ever will esteem these other for no less, as I have showed in my Apology more at large, and therefore I will proceed to speak a word or two of the great injustice done since my Apology was written, to two priests called M. Hunt, and M. Sprat, condemned, and excuted at Lincoln in the year 1600.  

Notable injustice done to M Hunt, and M. Sprat condemned at Lincoln anno 1600.  These two being taken in a search and confessing themselves only to be Catholykes, were first imprisoned, and then shortly after indicted for having conspired, and practised the death of her Majesty moved her subjects to rebellion, withdrawn them from their natural and due obedience, and from the religion now established in England to the Roman faith, and finally for having maintained the authority of the Pope, of all which points, no one touching matter of state was proved against them, no witness being produced, nor so much as the least presumption of any attempt or conspiracy against her majesties person or state, or that they had persuaded any man to the Catholyk religion, ot said any thing in favour of the Pope's authority more than that which they answered to the captious question of the Queen's supremacy demanded of them there, after their apprehension; lastly, it was not so much as proved that they were Priests, which though they denied not, yet they did not confess, but put it to trial, urging to have it proved by witnesses, or other sufficient arguments; whereas there was none at all but light presumtions thereof, as that there was found in their males, two breviares (which many lay men use as well as Priests) and a few relics and some holy oil (which they might have carried for other men's use & not their own) so that to conclude, of all those great treasons whereof they were indicted, there was no one proved, except the matter of the Queen's supremacy, which is a mere point of religion, as I am sure the puritans in England, and all other heretics abroad will witness with us, who impugn the same as well as we; and yet neither by the verdict of the jury nor yet by the sentence of the judge, were they cleared of any one point, but condemned for all, as though they had been guilty of all, and so in truth, executed for matter of religion, though slandered with matter of state, whereby their martyrdom was far more glorious, the malice of our adversaries more manifest, the injury done unto them unexcusable; the sin of the judges, and jury most execrable, which sufficiently appeared by the justice of God extended upon judge Glanduile who had showed an extraordinary malice and fury against them, 
judge Glan●duile punished exem●plarly by almighty God  and was therefore (as well may be presumed) within a few days after strooken by the hand of God, in such miraculous manner, as the rest may take example thereby if their hearts be not indurat.  
And besides these late martyrs before rehearsed, M. Tichborne, M. Fr. Page, and M. R. Watkinson, were arraigned & condemned at London, for being made Priests beyond the seas, and coming into England, contrary to the statute, & were executed at Tyburn the 20. of April this present year 1602. being there not suffered to declare the truth of their cause and sufferance. And this was done even at such time; as hope was both given and conceived of a more milder course of proceeding towards Catholykes; then heretofore.  
It is most grievous to consider how M. Tichborne by one of his own cote was betrayed, and apprehended: almighty God vouchsafe to restore to that wretched man so great grace as he fell from; in the doing of that act.  
M. Page and M. Watkinson were apprehended in the time of the sessions, the one by a wicked woman; suborned to dissemble religion for such purposes: the other by one Bomer, who having late before played the dissembling hypocrite & spy at Douai, returned into England there to become the disciple of his master judas.  
At the same sessions was condemned for felony, and also executed, one james Ducket, a catholic lay man, and another lay man with him, about a treatise written by a martyr divers years since, concerning the cause of catholic sufferers.   

OF THE IMPUDENCY OF a minister, who being present at the death of two martyrs aforesaid, affirmed publykly that our country was converted by saint Augustin the monk, to the protestants religion, by occasion whereof the truth of the point is evidently declared. CHAP. FOUR  

●●l●en the ●inister.  I Can not omit to say somewhat here of the notable impudence of a foolish minister, who being present at the death of the two martyrs at Lincoln aforenamed, and hearing one of them declare unto the people his innocency, protesting amongst other things that he died only for the profession of the catholic faith, to the which our country was converted from paganism, in the time of Pope Gregory the great, was not ashamed to say publykly that the religion now taught, & preached there, is the same whereto England was first converted.  
And although I hold not this minister for a man of that worth that he may merit my labour or any man's else seriously to confute his idle babbling, yet for as much as the same hath been oft published, and preached by many others, and many ignorant abused thereby, and seeing the narration of our first conversion may no less profit and edify the unlearned reader, with the testimony of the truth, then content and delight him, for the pleasure of the history, I will briefly treat, first of the conversion of the Saxons or English in the time of King Edelbert, and after of the conversion of the Britain's in the time of King Lucius, & evidently prove that our catholic faith was preached and planted in our country at both times, and that our Kings and country continued ever after the latter conversion in the obedience of the Church of Rome until the time of K. Henry the eight.  
It appeareth by our chronicles, and histories, that in the year of our Lord 582. (according to S. Bedes computation) S. Gregory surnamed the great, the first of that name, 
Beda hist. Angl. li. 1. c 23.  sent into England, saint Augustin a monk with divers others of his profession, to preach the Christian, faith, to the English, and that they came thither, bearing a silver cross, for their banner, and the Image of our Lord and saviour (as saint Bede saith) painted in a table, and having leave of King Edelbert to preach to his subjects, began first the exercise of Christian Catholyk religion in the city of Canterbury in an ancient Chutch which they found there dedicated to S. Martin, from the time that the Romans lived there, in which Church; 
Lib. 1. ca 26.  ipsi primo (saith saint Bede) conue●ire Psa●l●re, orare missas facere, praedicare & baptizare coeperunt, they first began to assemble themselves, to sing, to pray, to say mass, to preach, and baptize, until the King being converted they had ●eaue to build some Churches, and to make others of the temples of the Idols, which saint Gregory ordained should ●e done with casting holy water therein, building altars, ●nd placing relics of saints, commanding further that ●easts should be celebrated in the days of the dedication of ●he said Churches, & in the nativity of the martyrs, 
Ibid. ca 29.  whose ●elykes should be kept there; besides that he appointed saint Augustin to be Metropolitan of England, and sent him holy vessels, and vestments for altars and Priests, and relyckes of the apostles, and martyrs, and granted him the use of the pal, 
●p. 29.  ad sola missarum solemnia agenda, only for the celebration of solemn masses, and further gave him order to ordain 12. Bishops under himself, and to make another Metropolitan at York, who when those parts should be converted, should have as many under him, and be himself after saint Augustins days, dependent only upon the sea Apostolyk, and receive the Pal from the same, 
●p. 33.  furthermore saint Augustin caused King Edelbert to build a Church from the ground in honour of the blessed Apostles S. Peter, & S. Paul, and a monastery not far from Canturbury, whereof the first Abbot called Peter, was of so holy a life that after his death, it was testified from heaven by a continual light that appeared over his tomb. 
●●b. 2. cap. 3.  Also King Edelbert caused S. Paul's Church to be built in London, and another in Rochester dedicated to S. Andrew the Apostle.  
Hereto may be added the exercise of the Pope's authority, not only in the days of King Edelbert, but also after, in the reign of other Christian Kings until the time that saint Bede ended his history.  

●id. 2 cap ●.  Pope Boniface sent the Pal to justus; fourth Archbishop of Canturbury after saint Augustin. Honorius the Pope sent also the Pal to Honorius that succeeded justus, 
●ib. 2. cap. 7. & 1●.  and to Paulinus Archbishop of York; ordaining (at the request of King Edwin and his wife) that the longer liver of them should consecrate a successor to the other that should die first, to excuse so long a journey as to Rome.  

●l. 3 ca 29.  The two Kings Oswy, and Egbert, the one of Northumberland, and the other of kent, sent Wigard to Rome to be made Primate, when both the seas of Canturbury, and York, were vacant; and Wigard dying there, Pope Vitalianus made Theodore a graecian, 
Lib. 4. cap. 1.  primate in his steed, Wilfrid Bishop of York being twys unjustly expelled from his Bishoprik appealed both times to Rome, 
Lib. 5. ca ●0.  first to Pope Agatho, and after to Pope john, and being cleared by their sentences was restored to his Bishoprik: and here I will add a word or two concerning the exceeding great zeal and devotion of the Saxon Kings to the sea apostolic in those days. 
Lib. cap. 5.  King Oswy determined to go to Rome in Pilgrimage and had done it if death had not prevented him. 
Lib. 5. cap. 7.  King Ceadwald went thither to be baptized, & died there.  
King Hun his successor; 
Ibibem.  after he had reigned 37. years went thither also in Pilgrimage as many (saith saint Bede) in those days both of the laity and clergy, as well women as men, were wont to do; King Coenred did the like, 
Lib. 5. cap. 20  & had in his company the son of Sigher King of the east Saxons, and both of them entered into religion in Rome about the year of our Lord 709. not past 22. years before S. Bede ended his history, which was almost 900. years a go; whereto may be added out of later historiographers the like examples of the extraordinary devotion and obedience of our English Kings unto the sea apostolic in ●uery age until after the conquest.  
King Inas shortly after S. Bedes time about the year of our Lord 740. went to Rome, 
Polid. lib. 4. hist. Angl.  and made his Kingdom tributary to the Pope, ordaining the Peter pence, the like did also afterwards Offa the King of the Mercians in the year of our Lord .775.  
Etheluolph King of England went to Rome in Pilgrimage about the year of our Lord 847. and made that part of England which his father Egbert had conquered tributary also to the Bishop of Rome.  
King Edward being threatened with excommunication by Pope john the tenth for that he was careless to provide the English Church of Bishops, 
Polid. lib. 6.  caused Pleimund the Bishop of Canterbury to make many, and after to go to Rome to purge himself of his negligence about the year of our Lord 920.  
King Edgar obtained of Pope john the 13. with licence, 
Ibidem.  to give certain livings of secular Priests to Monks about the year of our Lord .965.  

Polid. lib 7.  Canutus King of England went to Rome in Pilgrimage about the year of our Lord 1024.  

Al●ed invita S. Edwardi.  S. Edward King of England having made a vow to go to Rome procured the same to be commuted by Pope Leo the ninth into the building of a monastery of S. Peter, he also confirmed the payment of the yearly tribute to the sea apostolic, about the year of our Lord 1060. which was not passed 5. years before the conquest, after the which there were no less notable examples of this matter.  

Gulielmus Neubricem. li. ● ca 25. & 34.  King Henry the second who by Pope Adrian was first entitled Lord of Ireland sent legates to Rome to crave pardon of Pope Alexander for the murder committed by his occasion upon saint Thomas of Canterbury, where upon two Cardinals were sent into England, before whom the King like a public penitent, & a private person submitted himself to the Ecclesiastical discipline in a public assembly of the clergy and nobility.  
When King Richard the first was kept prisoner by Frederick the Emperor his mother wrote to Celestinus the Pope calling him the successor of Peter, 
Petrus blesensis epist. 44.  and the Vicar of Christ, quem Dominus constituit super gentes & regno in omni plenitudius potestatis, whom our Lord had placed over nations and Kingdoms in all fullness of power, and willed him to use the spiritual sword against the Emperor, as Alexander his predecessor had done against Frederick his Father whom he did excommunicate.  

solid vergil lib. ●5.  King john being excommunicated by the Pope was not absolved before he took his crown of from his own head, and delivered it to Pandulfus the Pope's legate, promising for himself and his heirs, that they should never receive it afterwards but from the Bishop of Rome.  
I omit others of later time, seeing no man I think doubteth, but that all the successors of King john lived in the communion and obedience of the Roman Church, paying the old yearly tribute called the Peter pennies, 
Polid. lib. 27.  until the time of King Henry the 8. her majesties father, who being married to his brother Arthur's widow by dispensation of the sea apostolic, continued many years after in the obedience thereof, and in defence of the authority of the said sea, wrote a learned book against Luther, for the which; the honourable title of defender of the faith was given him by Pope Leo, which title her majesty also useth at this day, so that no man can deny that our country was converted by S. Gregory to the Roman faith, or that it hath continued therein until K. Henry's time; except he have a brazen face and a ●eared conscience, or else be ignorant of all antiquity.  
But to return to S. Augustin, and those first two hundredth years comprised in the history of S. Bede, if we consider the notable miracles wherewith it pleased. God to confirm this our catholic religion in those days for his own glory, and the conversion of the paynim, no man can rout that it is the true faith, except he be more faithless & incredulous than those infidels that were converted thereby.  
Saint Bede signifieth that S. Augustin wrought so many miracles (whereof he declareth some) that S. Gregory wrote unto him to admonish him not to be proud thereof, 
Lib. 3. ca 2. quest. 10. 11. 12. 13.  he also declareth very many famous miracles done by a cross erected by King Oswald, 
Lib. 3. cap. ●.  and after by his relics as well in Ireland and Germany, as England, and by the relics of saint Eartongatha daughter to the King of Kent, and her cozen Edelburg both virgins and nuns, & of S. Edel●●eda the Queen, that died a virgin in a monastery, whose ●ody was taken up whole & uncorrupt after many years, 
Lib. 4. ca 10.  ●● the discovery whereof devils were expelled, and many ●●sseasses cured. Also he recounteth the like notable mira●●es of S. Chad, S. Cuthbert, S. AEdelwald, 
Lib. 5. ca 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.  and saint john a Bishop which they did whiles they were yet living, 
lib 3. cap. 15.  and others done by holy oil, & by the blessed sacrifice of the mass, all which for brevities sake I omit, remitting our adversaries to the author in the places alleged in the margin.   

OF THE FIRST CONVERSION of our country whiles it was called Brittany in the time of King Lucius, with evident proofs that our catholic faith was then preached & planted there. CHAP. V.  
BUT for as much as our country hath been twice converted from paganism, first in the time of the Britain's, and after in the time of the Saxons or English, they will say perhaps that although we prove, that the second time our catholic religion was planted and established there, when many errors (as they would have the world to think) were crept into the Church, yet at the first conversion in King Lucius days, their religion was taught and delivered to the Britain's, which some of their chroniclers are not ashamed to intimat to their readers, and namely Holinshed who (if my memory fail me not, for I have not his book here) maketh Eleutherius the Pope write a letter to King Lucius more like a minister of England, than a Bishop of Rome.  

Polid. lib. 2.  Therefore I will take a little pains to examine this point, & will make it manifest that our catholic religion which saint Augustin planted amongst the English, 
Platina in Eleuther Beda hist. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 4.  was delivered 400. years before to King Lucius and the Britain's by Fugatius and Damianus, or as some say Donatianus, sent into Brittany by Pope Eleutherius in the year of our Lord 182.  
And although no ancient historiographer or writer (for aught I have seen) do signify particularly, what points of religion were preached to King Lucius at his conversion partly for that matters of so great antiquity are but very briefly and obscurely handled, and partly because in those days (when there was no other but our catholic religion universally professed, & this of the protestants not so much as dreamt of,) it was needless to signify the points or articles thereof, for that it could not be imagined to be any other burr the Roman faith; yet in the discourse of the times and ages next ensuring the conversion of King Lucius (whiles the faith which he received remained pure, and uncorrupt) the clear light of truth doth snfficiently show itself, through the clouds of the obscure brevity wherewith the matters of those times are treated.  
To this purpose it is to be understood, 
Lib. 1. hist. eccles. ca 17  that as our famous countryman S. Bede testifieth, the faith preached to King Lucius and the Britain's remained in integrity and purity, until the time of the Arrians, which was for the space of almost 200. years, and although he signify that from that time forward, the people of Brittany wear given to noveltyes, and hearkened to every new doctrine, yet it is evident in him that neither the Arrian heresy nor yet the Pelagian afterwards, took any root there, or could infect the whole body of the Britain Church, but only troubled the peace thereof, for a short time, in so much, that it should seem, the first was rooted out by the industry, 
Athan. Apo● log. 2. contra arrianos.  of the good Pastors and Bishops of Brittany, whereof some were present at the great council of Sardica held against the Arrians shortly after that of Nice (in which respect S. Hilary doth worthily praise the Britain Bishops, 
Hilari epist. ad Epistolos etc.  for that they wholly rejected the Arrian heresy) and the later, I mean the heresy of Pelagius, which saint Bede saith the britains would nulla●enus suscipere, in no sort receive, was suppressed by S. German, and saint Lupus, two Bishops of France who at the request of the Britain's came into Brittany and confounded the Pelagians in open disputation; whereby the people were so incensed against the said heretics that they could hardly ●old their hands from them, and in conclusion banished those that would not yield to the true catholic faith, 
Ibid. cap. 21  and here upon ensued such peace and tranquillity in the britan Church, that for a long time after (as saint Bede testifieth) the faith remained there intemerata uncorrupt, whereby it appeareth that after the expulsion of the Pelagians (which was about the year of our Lord 450.) the Church of Brittany retained the same faith that it received at the first conversion, and therefore if we find the use and practise of our religion until these times it may serve for a testimony that the same was delivered to King Lucius.  
First we read that presently after the persecution of Dioclesian wherein our protomartyr saint Alban with some others was put to death about the year of our Lord 286. the Christians that had lived before in woods and caves, 
Cap. 7 & ●.  not only repaired the Churches which the persecutors had destroyed, but also made new in honour of the martyrs, celebrated festival days, and built amongst others a most sumptuous Church in honour of S. Alban, where many miracles were wont to be done continually until the time of S. Bede (as he himself witnesseth,) & afterwards, when the Pelagian heresy had somewhat infected the country, saint German going thither out of France to confound the Pelagians, 
Beda Eccl. hist. lib. 1. cap. 17.  at the request of the Britan's themselves as I have declared before appeased a great storm at sea, with casting therein a little water in the name of the Trinity) which no doubt was holy water) and being arrived there, he restored sight unto a noble man's daughter applying unto her eyes certain relyckes which he carried about him, etc. after having confuted the Pelagians, and reduced all to the purity of faith, (as saint Bede saith,) meaning thereby the faith first preached to King Lucius he went to the tomb of S. Alban to give thanks to God per ipsum by him (saith saint Bede) that is to say by his means or meditation; & causing the said tomb to be opened he placed very honourably therein certain relics of the Apostles, & divers other martyrs, & going to the place where the blood of the blessed martyr was shed he took away with him some of the dust which was still bloody.  
Furthermore it happened after, in the time that the Britan's kept their lent a little before the feast of the resurrection of our Lord, that they were molested by the Picts and Saxons, whiles saint German was yet there; 
Ibid. ca  and therefore they craved the help of his prayers, and direction, despairing altogether of their own forces, and he undertaking the conduct of them ordained that when they should come to join battle all the army of the Britain's should cry out a loud three times Alleluya, which they did, and therewith they put their enemies to flight, and gained a notable victory. This being done, and the affairs of the Island both spiritual, and temporal well composed, saint Bede saith the holy Bishops had a prosperous return, partly by their own merits, & partly by the intercession of blessed saint Alban, whereby he giveth to understand that such was their opinion according to the great devotion they had showed before to the blessed martyr.  
It is also to be gathered plainly out of S. Bede that there were monasteries of Monks and religious men in Brittany before this time, 
Lib. 1. ca  for speaking of the rebellion of Constantinus against Honorius which was in the year of our Lord 407. he saith that having proclaimed himself Emperor he made his son Constance Caesarem ex monacho, Caesar of a monk.  
Here I wish thee to note, Good reader that saint Bede in his brief introduction to his Ecclesiastical history (where he intended to treat specially of the second conversion of our country in the time of the Saxons) toucheth the 400. years before, from the time of King Lucius; so briefly, that he passeth with silence about 350. years thereof at one time and other, noting only some things by the way, aswell concerning the temporal, as spiritual affairs, in divers times & ages to make some conexion of his history from the beginning.  
Therefore I leave it to thy consideration what testimony and evidence we should have found of our catholic religion, if he had treated those matters particularly, and at large, ●e●ng●n the course of so few years as he runneth over, and in so few leaves, & lines of a part only of his first book, (which is also very brief,) we find the practise of so many points of our religion, testified and confirmed, as building of Churches in the honour of martyrs, the reverend use of saints relyckes, and great miracles done by the same, the intercession of saints for us, and the custom to praise and give God thanks by them; also monastical life which includeth vows of religion and chastity, the use of hollywater, the custom which in our Church is yet most frequent, of Alleluya whereby it may be gathered that the service of the Church (out of the which the same, no doubt was then taken) was not in the vulgar tongue, finally the keeping of lent, easter and others feasts, whereby plainly appeareth the use & force of tradition in the Church of God, without the testimony of express scripture, and all this we see was used in the Church of Britanny, when the faith delivered to King Lucius was yet in purity, which proveth evidently, that he was converted to the ●ame catholic religion that saint Augustine planted afterwards amongst the English Saxons, which we that be Catholykes profess until this day.   

THE SAME IS CONFIRMED and proved out of Gildas. CHAP. VI  
THis may easily be confirmed out of Gildas the britan surnamed the sage, who wrote shortly after the Saxons came into Brittany almost 200. years before S. Bede, in whose treatise of the destruction of Brittany, and in his reprehension of the Ecclesiastical men of those days, it is evident enough, what religion was professed from Lucius time until his, for first speaking of the persecution under Dioclesian, he saith that electi sacerdotes gregis domini, the chosen Priests of our Lords flock were killed, meaning such priests as did offer sacrifice upon the altar, for so he sufficiently interpreteth himself, when he reprehendeth the negligence or the Britain Priests of his days, whom he calleth sacerdotes raro sacrificantes, ac raro puro cord inter altaria stantes, Priests sacrificing seldom, and seldom coming to the Altar with a pure heart, 
Gildas in ● stigatio in eccles. ordinem.  and termeth the Altars venerabiles arras and sacrosancta altaria, sedem Caelestis sacrificij, the reverend and holy altars, and the seat of the heavenly sacrifice, and calleth that which is offered therein sacrosancta Christi sacrificia, the holy sacrifices of Christ, and further giveth to understand that the hands of the Priests were consecrated at those days, as yet they are in the catholic Church, when holy orders are given, whereby we may plainly see that the Priests of our primitive Church in England, and their function (consisting principally, in offering to almighty God sacrifice upon the Altar) is all one with ours. Furthermore treating of the martyrdom of S. Alban and his fellows, 
Ibidem.  he saith that y● God had not permitted for i great sins of the Britain's, that the barbarous nations which were entered (he meaneth the Picts and Saxons) did deprive the People of the tombs of saint Alban, and of the other martyrs, and of the place of their martyrdoms, the same might stryk unto them a fervour of devotion, and divine charity, insinuating thereby the great consolation, and spiritual benefit that the Christians were wont to receive by the visitation of those holy places; Also he saith, that before full 10. years passed after that persecution, 
Ibidem.  the Christians repaired the old Churches destroyed by the persecutors, and built now in honour of the martyrs, and kept festival and holy days, lastly he plainly signifieth that the Christians used in his time to make vows of chastity and that their were monasteries wherein religious and monastical life was exercised, for he maketh mention of an holy Abot called Amphibalus, 
Ibidem.  and most bitterly reprehendeth two wicked Princes Cuneglasus, and Maglocunus, the first for marrying a widow that had vowed perpetual chastity, and the other for that being become a monk he returned to the world and married, having a former wife then living; wherein he also giveth to understand that it was not then lawful for him post monachi votum irritum after the breach of his monastical vow to return to his own wife, and much less to marry another.  

Ibidem.  To this purpose also, it may be observed in Gildas as before I noted in saint Bede, that until the time of the Arrians there entered no infection of heresy into Brittany, & therfory having signified the sincerity and zeal of the Christians after saint Alban death, in building Churches of martyrs, keeping feastival days and doing other works of devotion, as I declared before, he addeth, mansit haec Christi capitis membrorum consonantia suavis donec Arriana perfidia, etc. this sweet consonance or agreement of the members of Christ the head remained until the Arrian heresy spread her poison there; and although he insinuat, as saint Bede also doth, that afterwards the people became new fangled, and embraced other heresies (meaning no doubt the Pelagian heresy (which as I have showed before out of S. Bede was quickly extinguished there) yet afterwards he signifieth plainly that neither the Arrian, nor Pelagian nor any other heresy took root in Brittany, and that the Church was clear thereof after the coming in of the Saxons, about the time of his birth, 
Ibidem.  which was in the year of our Lord 594. for speaking of the time, and of the overthrow given by Ambrose Aurelianus to the Saxons and Picts, 
Polido. verg. hist. Angl. lib. 3.  and of the great slaughter of them shortly after, at blackamoor in Yorkshire (which as Polidore supposeth is called in Gildas mons Badonicus (he saith that the people having noted the punishment of God upon them for their sins, and his mercy in giving them afterwards so great victories, 
Gildas de excidio Britaniae.  ob hoc reges, publici, privati, sacerdotes, ecclesiastics suum quique ordinem seruaverunt, for this cause (saith he) the Kings, and others as well public, as private person●● Priests, and ecclesiastical men did every one their duties, and although he declare presently after that by the extreme negligence of their Kings and governors ecclesiastical and temporal, which immediately succeeded, great corruption was entered at the same time that he wrote, yet it is evident enough in him that it was not corruption of faith but of manners, as pride, ambition, dissolution of life, dronkenesse, lying, perjury, tyranny in the Kings, simony & covetousness in the clergy, seldom sacrifices, breach of vows of chastity, and of monastical life, profaning of altars, and such like, for the which he threateneth, and as it were prophesyeth, the utter destruction of Brittany, which shortly after followed; so that amongst other things which he was persuaded brought the plague of God upon our country, we see he taxed certain customs peculiar to our adversaries, and the proper fruits of their religion tending only to the overthrow of ours, & therefore, it plainly appeareth that ours was then in ure, and received detriment by those who (though they were not protestants in profession) yet were protestants in humour and condition, I mean profaners of Altars and holy things, breakers of vows, of chastity, and Apostatats from religious, and monastical life; such as Luther and many of his followers have been since.  
And now to come to later times after Gildas, if we consider the relics of Christian religion which saint Augustine found in Brittany, & amongst other things, the great monastery of Bangor, wherein were above two thousand monks, it willbe manifest that the ancient religion of the Britain's was our Catholic faith, for although in the space of a hundredth seventy and three years, that passed from the coming in of the Saxons until their conversion, the Britain Church was not only much decayed, but also had received some aspersion of erroneous and evil customs, yet in faith and opinion they diffred not from S. Augustine, 
Beda hist. Angl. lib. cap. 2.  insomuch that he offered to hold communion with them, if they would concur with him in three things only, the first in the time of celebrating the feast of easter, the second in the manner of administering the sacrament of Baptism, and the third in preaching the faith to the Saxons; all which the monks of Bangor refused, upon no better reason, then for that S. Augustine did not rise to them when they came to the synod, condemning him therefore to be a proud man, notwithstanding that he had restored a blind man to sight by his prayers in the presence of all the Bishops and clergy of Brittany, who undertook to do the like in confirmation of their customs, but could not perform it.  

Lib. 2 cap. 2.  Therefore as saint Bede reporteth, S. Augustine did foretell to the said Monks of Bangor, that seeing they would not have peace with their brethren, they should have war with their enemies, and if they would not preach unto the English nation the way of life, they should by their hands receive revenge of death, which after was truly fulfilled; 
Ibidem.  for Edelfrid a pagan King of Northumberland killed a thousand & two hundred Monks of that monastery at one time by the just judgement of God (as saint Bede saith) for their obstinacy.  
Thus much for this matter, whereby thou mayst see, good reader that saint Augustine found in wales amongst the Britain's the same religion & faith in substance that he then preached to the English or Saxons, and which we Catholykes still profess, which being considered, with that which I have proved before concerning the continual practice thereof in the primitive Church of Brittany, whiles the same was in purity and integrity, no man that hath common sense, can doubt that the same faith was delivered by Pope Eleutherius to King Lucius, and generally professed throughout Christendom at those days, in which respect we find honourable mention, 
Tertul. li. adversus judeos, Origen. in Ezech.  and testimony of the faith of the Britain's, in the Fathers both greeks, and Latins from the time of their conversion, as in Tertulian in K. Lucius time, and in Origen presently after, in S. Athanasius, 
hom. 4. & in hom. 6. in lu●. Athanas. 2.  and S. Hilarius in the time of the Arrians, of which two the first testifieth that the Bishops of Brittany came to the council of Sardica, 
Apolo Hilar. sinodi soft. h● in Ma● Hiero● marcel migret Bethle●  and the other commendeth the Britain Church for rejecting the Arrian heresy (as I have noted before) also in S. Chrisostome, and saint Hierom who commendeth the devotion of the Britan's that came to Bethlem in pilgrimage in his days, about the same time that the Saxons entered into Brittany.   

CERTAIN POINTS OF CONTROVERSY are discussed, whereby it is proved that King Lucius received our catholic faith, and first of the Pope's supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes. CHAP. VII.  
BUT to the end that this undoubted truth may be cleared of all doubt, I will join Issue with our adversaries, upon some two or three points now in controversy betwixt us, and them, and briefly prove, that the doctrine that we teach concerning the same, was publykly held for truth throughout Christendom in King Lucius days, and that therefore he could receive no other than the same from the Church of Rome, and this I undertake the more willingly, for that albeit all matters of controversy have been very learnedly and sufficiently handled, yea and whole volumes written of them, by our English Catholykes in the beginning of her majesties reign, yet by reason of the straight prohibition of the said books, there are an infinite number in England, especially of the younger sort, that never saw the same, to whom I desire to give in this treatise at least some little taste, of the truth of our catholic religion, so far as my determined brevity will permit.  
First who can with any reason deny that the Pope's supremacy (the confession whereof is now made treason in England) was in King Lucius days acknowledged generally of all men? for what moved him being so far from Rome, to seek to receive the faith of Christ from thence but that he desired to have it from the fountain & head? were there not Christians at the same time in England, as there had been from the time of joseph of Arimathia, by some of whom it is like he was converted, 
●lido. lib. 1. &. Angl.  and might have been baptized? or if there were no Christians there that might satisfy his devotion and desire in that behalf, was there not at the same time very learned Bishops in France by whom he might have received satisfaction without sending so far as to Rome? what then moved him thereto, but that he understood that the admission of all Christ's sheep into his fold the Church, belonged principally to the successor of S. Peter, 
●an 21. ●eda hist. engl. ●. ●. ca 4.  to whom our saviour particularly commended the feeding of his flock? which saint Bede insinuateth sufficiently saying that King Lucius beseeched Eleutherius by his letters that he might be made a Christian per eius mandatum, by his commandment.  

●ector Boe●ius hist. co●. lib. 6.  Neither can there any other probable reason be given why a few years after Donaldus King of Scots sent to Pope victor the next successor of Eleutherius to receive of him the Christian faith, which at the same time flourished not only in France, as before I have said, but also in England from whence he might have had Bishops, and Priests, to instruct and baptize him and his people.  
But for the more manifest proof of this point let us hear what S. Ireneus (who flourished at the same time in France) teacheth concerning the authority of the sea Apostolic governed then by Eleutherius, from whom K. Lucius received the faith.  

●reneus lib. 3. ●ap. 3.  When we show, saith he, the tradition of the greatest and most Ancient Church, known to all men, founded & constitute at Rome, by the two most glorious Apostles Peter, & Paul & that the same tradition received from the said Apostles is derived even to this our time by the succession of Bishops, we confound all those that any way either by an overweening of their own wits, or by vain glory, or by blindness, and evil opinion are led away with falls conceits; for every Church, that is to say, the faithful which are every where must needs have recours to this Church & agree therewith propter potentiorem principalitatem, for the greater, or more mighty principality of the same, wherein the tradition of the Apostles hath been always conserved by them which are every where abroad, and a little after, having declared the succession of the Bishops of Rome from saint Peter to Eleutherius who he saith was the twelfth) he addeth; by this ordination and succession, the tradition which is in the Church from the Apostles, and the preaching of the truth is come even to us, & hec est plenissima ostensio & this is a most full & evident demonstration that the faith which hath been conserved in the Church from the Apostles, until now, is that one true faith which giveth life.  
Thus far S. Ireneus; out of whose words may be gathered three things very imporrant, and manifest against our adversaries; The first, the force of tradition in the Church of God, & that the same alone being duly proved is sufficient to convince all heretics that teach any thing contrary thereto. The second that the continual succession of the Bishops of Rome in one seat and doctrine is an infallible argument of the truth. 
Tertul. lib prescrip.  The which also Tertulian in the same time not only observed but also prescribed for a rule against all heretics in his book of Prescriptions. 
Ang. cont epist. Man chaei qua● vocat Funmenti.  To which purpose S. Augustin saith, the succession of Priests from the seat of Peter the Apostle to whom our Lord recommended his sheep to be fed, holdeth me in the catholic Church, 
Aug. in P more contra part Do●  and in another place number the Priests, even from the very seat of Peter, and in that order of fathers, see who succeeded one an other; that is the rock which the proud ga●● of hell do not overcome; Optatus Milevitanus, 
Optams ● levita. lib contrapa● menio.  in like sort urgeth this succession of the Roman Bishops against the Donatists, reckoning up all the Bishops from S. Peter to Siricius, with whom he saith all the world did communicate, and thereupon concludeth; therefore you, saith he, that challenge to yourselves a holy Church, tell us the beginning of your chair.  
Thus reasoned these fathers against heretics above 1200. years ago as also did S. Ireneus before, in K. Lucius time, and the same say we now with no less reason against the heretics of our time; we show them our doctrine conserved in a perpetual succession of Bishops, from the Apostles until this day, we demand the like of them, and seeing they cannot show it we conclude with S. Irenaeus that they remain confounded, and that they are to be registered in the number of those that either by an overweening of their own wits, or by vain glory, 
●aeus li. 3. ●. 3.  or by blindness and passion are led away with false conceits.  
The third point, that I wish to be noted in the words of S. Irenaeus, is the supreme dignity of the Roman Church above all other, seeing that he cauleth it the greatest & most ancient (not in respect of time, for the Churches of Jerusalem and Antioch were before it) but for authority and therefore urgeth it as a matter of necessity, & duty, 
●naeus ●dem.  that all other Churches whatsoever and all faithful people throughout the world ought to have recours thereto, and agree therewith. propter potentiorem principalitatem for the greater and more powerful principality, and authority thereof, which authority is founded upon no other ground then upon the institution of our Saviour himself who gave the government of his Church to S. Peter the Apostle, not only for himself but also for his successors, which. I will prove hear, with as convenient brevity, as the importance of the matter will permit.   

THAT OUR SAVIOUR made S. Peter supreme head of his Church. CHAP. VIII.  
THE supreme authority of S. Peter over the Church of God, is to be proved directly out of the holy scriptures, by many places, and arguments, but 3. shall suffice for brevityes sake.  
The first place is in S. Matthew where our saviour promised to S. Peter to build his Church upon him, 
Math. 16.  saying Tu es Petrus & super hanc Petram adificabo Ecclesiam meam, that is to say thou art Peter, or a rock, and upon this rock I will build my Church, signifying by this allegory that he made him the foundation or head of his Church; for the head is to the body, & the governor to the common wealth, as the foundation is to the building, that is to say the principal part, the stay, strength and assurance thereof; and this appeareth more plainly in the Siriac tongue in which saint Matthew wrote his gospel, where there is no difference betwixt Petrus & Petra, Peter and a rook. For in steed of thou art Peter, etc. the Siriac hath, thou art a rock, and upon this rock I will build my Church.  
For this cause (as 
a Ciril lib. cap. 2. loan.  S. Ciril, S. 
b Chrisost. i cap. 16. mat.  Chrisostome, S. 
c Hilar. in c 16. mat. lo. epist. 89. ad epistolos.  Hilary and others do note) the name of S. Peter being first Simon was changed by our Saviour who said unto him tu vocaberis cephas, thou shalt be called Cephas, which the Evangelist expoundeth saying, quod interpretatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is interpreted a rock, or stone, 
Viennensis eccles. Ambros. serm ● obitu Theodosijs in fi●  for so signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek; and therefore Cirillus Bishop of Alexandria saith upon those words, now our saviour Christ fortelleth that his name shallbe no more Simon, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say a rock, signifying aptly by the very word itself, that he would build his Church upon him as upon a most sure rock and stone, whereto S. Hilary agreeth expounding the same words and speaking to S. Peter thus O happy foundation, of the Church by imposition, of thy new name, in this respect S. Peter is called in the greek text sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by making a greek word of the Siriac; and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they are synonimas, and do both of them signify a rock.  

Math. 16.  Therefore I cannot omit to discover unto thee here (good reader) a subtle shift of our adversaries in translating those words of our saviour, Tu es Petrus & super banc Petram, for although they censure, and control, all the translations that the catholic Church useth, and profess to translate the scriptures immediately out of the hebrew, yet in translating this place, they follow the latin, because the hebrew is far more clear against them in this controversy for the better understanding whereof, it is to be considered that all the ambiguity & doubt therein riseth of the difference that may be noted in the greek, Latin and English translations, not only of them all from the Siriac or Hebrew, but also of one from another; for that every translator observing the dialect or propriety of his own tongue, hath some variety from the rest, and the English most of all; for although in the greek & Latin & all other languages derived of them, the name of Peter and a rock or stone is either all one (as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek) or else have great affinity and a manifest allusion the one to the other, (as in Latin Petrus and Petra, in Italian Pietro & Pietra in the Spanish Pedro and Piedra, in the portagues Pedro & Pedra, and in the french, Pierre for both, (though there be difference in the gender) yet in our English tongue, Peter neither signifieth a rock nor a stone, neither yet hath any alusion, nor affinity therewith, in which respect our English translation much less expresseth the force and true sense of our saviours words in the hebrew, then either the greek or the Latin; of both which I will treat a little for the better explication of this question, and first of the greek.  
Albeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek is more commonly used for a rock then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of the masculine gender, & hath also the same signification, it seemed more fit to be applied to the name of a man then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereupon it followed that when not only saint Peter was commonly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the greeks, (to express thereby in their language the Syriac word Cephas) but also many others had taken unto them that name for the honour they bore to S. Peter, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came to have two significations, the one a rock or stone, and the other the name of a man which we call Peter, and therefore he that translated S. Mathewes gospel into the greek out of the Siriac or hebrew, used both the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in translating, thou art a rock and upon this rock I will build my Church; for in the first place he hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to denote in the first, as well the true signification of Cephas, that is to say a rock, as also the name by the which S. Peter was best known to the greeks, and to express in the later the allegory of a rock, according to the very words of our saviour, lest perhaps otherwise the readers attending more to the name, th●n to the signification thereof, should not perceive the force of our saviours allegory, who to signify the strength and stability of his Church gave the name of a rock to saint Peter, upon whom he meant to build the same, and therefore, I say, the greek translator elegantly useth both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, explicating the first by the later, and expressing the allegory in both.  
And as for the Latin translation it is manifest that it followeth the greek, and not the hebrew, nor Siriac, and that therefore, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it hath Petrus, partly for the allusion that Petrus hath both to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek & also to Petra in Latin (both which signify a rock) and partly for that, from the time that saint Peter was known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Romans, Petrus (which is derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by turning os into us, to make it a Latin word) was no less used for his name and other men's amongst them then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the greeks. And although now in common use Petrus doth signify nothing else but Peter, in which respect it may seem that the Latyn translator rather expresseth the bare name of a man, than the true sense or signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Cephas nevertheless the circumstances being considered, it is evident that Petrus or Peter in the scripture, doth not only signify the name of a man, but also a rock.  
To which purpose there is to be noted a great difference in Petrus, when it is spoken of the Apostle S. Peter, & when it is spoken of any other man; as for example, Cook is a name now common to many of good cauling, though perhaps at first it grew to be a name, from some one that by reason of his office was commonly called Cook, and therefore though now in such as have no such office, it signifieth nothing but a bare name, yet in him that was first called so, it signified rather his office then his name; and in like manner, though Petrus now have no other signification but the proper name of a man, as Thomas or john and the like, yet in S. Peter the Apostle, who was the first that was called so, it signified the office and quality, which Christ gave him when he made him a rock to build his Church upon, and called him Cephas to signify the same; the which word Cephas is interpreted Petrus, in our Latin translation and Peter in English for where as the Evangelist himself expoundeth Cephas by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek saying, 
joan. 1.  quod interpretatur Petús that is to say which is interpreted a rock the Latin translator saith, quod interpretatur Petrus which is interpreted Peter meaning thereby also a rock, or a man that metaphorically was a rock, 
Matth. 16.  for other wise he giveth not the true sense of Cephas, nor of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Again in this sentence tu es Petrus & super hanc Petram, thou art Peter and upon this rock, etc. these words super hanc Petram do plainly expound Petrus to signify a rock; for that the pronoun this can not have so proper relation to any other word, as to the next antecedent, which is Petrus, so that the sense must needs be thus, 
Math. 16.  thou art a rock, and upon this rock I will build my Church.  
Here also may be considered the correspondence that the words of our saviour to S. Peter, have with S. Peter's words to him, for when our saviour asked his Apostles, quem me esse dicitis, who say you that I am, he asked not what they called his name, but what they said was his quality, & dignity; and therefore saint Peter answered not, thou art jesus, (which was the name that was given him at his circumsision) but, thou art Messias, that is to say, the anointed, or as we commonly say, Christ, the son of the living God; which our saviour recompensed; not by telling him his name, which was Simon, but by giving him another name, and such a one as signified the office, quality and dignity that he bestowed upon him; and therefore he said unto him, thou art Cephas, or Petrus, that is to say, a rock or Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, which saint Leo, expressly noteth saying in the person of Christ to S. Peter thus, 
Leo Serm. in anniver pontificat ●  as my father hath made known unto thee my divinity even so I make known to thee thy excellency, that thou art Peter that is to say a rock, etc. and S. Hierome expounding the same words of our saviour and speaking also in his person, saith thus, 
Hieron. in cap. 16. Matth.  because thou Simon hast said to me thou art Christ the son of God, I also say to thee, not with a vain or Idle speech, that hath no operation or effect, but quia meum dixisse fecisse est, because my saying is a doing, or a making, therefore I say unto thee thou art Peter (or a rock) and upon this rock I will build my Church, thus far S. Hierom, signifying that Christ both made him a rock, and called him a rock; which yet he declareth more plainly in that which he addeth immediately, as Christ, saith he, being himself the light granted to his disciples that they should be called the light of the world, ita Simoni qui credebat in Pertam Christum, petri largitus est nomen, so to Simon who believed in Christ the rock, he gave the name of a rock (for if we expound not Petri, so, the similitude is to no purpose and therefore it followeth immediately,) and according to the metaphor of a rock it is truly said to him, I will build my Church upon thee here you see S. Hierome understandeth Petrum & Petram that is to say Peter & a rock to be all one; and so doth S. Ambrose expounding tu es Petrus, 
Ambros. Ser. 2. de sanct.  thou art Peter; he is called (saith he) a rock, because he first laid the foundation of faith amongst the gentiles, and like an unmovable stone, doth hold up or sustain the frame and weight of the whole Christian work.  

Basil. in homil. de pae●ite●.  This may be confirmed out of saint Basil who saith, Petrus dixerat tu es filius deivivi & vicissim audierat se esse Petram, Peter said thou art the son of God, and heard again, that he himself was a rock, which according to our Latin and English translation of the scripture, is not true, if Petrus and Peter do not signify a rock, and thus we see that Petrus being spoken in the scriptures of S. Peter, and especially in those words of our saviour, Tu es Petrus, doth signify a rock, no less than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the greek or cepha in the Hebrew, which in our Latin translation is interpreted Petrus, & in our English Peter. In this respect Tertulian in K. Lucius time cauleth S. Peter aedificandae ecclesiae Petram, the rock where upon the Church was to be built, 
Tertul. lib. de praescrip.  & Origen in the same age (for he was borne about the time of King Lucius his conversion or within five or six years after) termeth him magnum illud ecclesiae fundamentum & Petram solidissimam super quam Christus fundavit Ecclesiam, 
Origen. homil. S. in Exodum.  that is to say, the great foundation of the Church, and the most solid or steadfast rock whereupon Christ founded his Church, & S. Cyprian (who flourished also within 40. or 50. years after the conversion of K. Lucius) having rehearsed these words of our saviour, thou art Peter, 
Cyprian. lib. de unita Ecclesiae.  etc. concludeth thus super illum unum adificat ecclesiam suam, & ills pascendas mandat oue● suas that is to say, upon him beiug one he buildeth his Church, and to him he commendeth his sheep to be fed, and after declaring the cause thereof, and the reason why our saviour made him cheese, or head of his Apostles, (though they were otherwise equal with him in honour and power of the Apostleship, yet saith he, 
Cyp●●a. Ibid.  to manifest unity he constituted one chair, and so disposed by his authority that unity should have beginning from one, and a little after Primatus Petro datur ut una Ecclesia Christ's, & Cathedra una monstretur, the supremacy is given to Peter, that the Church of Christ may be showed to be one and one chair, whereby he signifieth that our saviour to conserve unity, aswell amongst his Apostles, as also in his whole Church, and to avoid the occasion of schism, which ordinarily riseth of plurality of heads, ordained and appointed one head over all, to wit S. Peter, 
Optat. lib. 2. contra Parmenio.  the which reason is also observed by Optatus Milivitanus, and other most learned, and ancient fathers, who acknowledge nevertheless an equality of Apostolical authority, in all the Apostles; which I note here the rather for that our adversaries are wont to object the same against the supremacy of S. Peter, as though the one did contradict or overthrow the other, whereas they may learn of saint Hierome, 
Hieron. co●tra Iouinia●  that although all the Apostles received the Keys of the Kingdom of heaven, yea and that the strength of the Church was established upon them, equally that is to say, aswell upon one of them, as upon an other, though not in like degree upon every one, yet saith he, one was chosen amongst twelve to the end that a head being appointed all occasion of schism may be taken away, and S. Leo the great saith, 
Leo epist ● 4. ad Anast● cap. 11.  amongst the most blessed Apostles, there was, in similitudine honoris, discretio quaedam potestatis, a certain distinction or difference of power, in the likeness or equality of honour, & although the election of them all, was a like, yet it was granted to one ut caeteris praemineret, that is to say, that he should have authority over the rest, 
Epist. 8. 9 2● Episc. vie●.  whereof he yieldeth a reason, in an other place, to the end, saith he, that from him (he meaneth S. Peter) as from a certain head our Lord might power his gifts upon the whole body; and that whosoever should be so bold as to depart from the solidity of Peter, he might understand himself to be no way partaker of the divine mystery upon these reasons, I say & upon the warrant of our saviours own words the most learned fathers of the Church, both greeks, and Latins do acknowledge, the same to be built upon S. Peter, & consequently teach him to be head of the Church, as of the greeks, Origen, 
Origen. in c 6. ad Roma Athan. epist ad felicem. Epiph in A●corato Basil lib. 2. in eu nom. Greg.  S. Athanasius, S. Epiphanius, S. Basil surnamed the great, S. Gregorius Nazianzen, S. Cirillus, S. Chrisostome, Psellus alleged by Theodoretus, and Theophilactus, and of the Latins S. Ambrose, S. Augustin, 
Nazian. in pratio, demo deratione ●eruan. Ciril. lib 2 ca 2. in ●o. Chrisost. hom. 55 in Matth apud Theodore in cantica.  Maximus, S. Leo the great, S. Hilary, and to omit divers others the great general council of Chalcedon held by 630. Fathers Latins, and greeks above 1100. years ago, in which council S. Peter is called Petra & crepido Ecclesiae the rock & top of the Church.  
Yet I think no man can be so simple as to imagine that these Fathers affirming the Church to be built upon S. Peter, 
Theophil in cap. 22. Luc. Ambros. Serm 47.  denied our saviour Christ to be the first, & principal foundation thereof; of whom the blessed Apostle worthily saith, 
Aug. in Psal. contra par. donati Maxi. Serm. 1.  that no man can lay any other foundation, then that which is laid already; jesus Christ; which place, our adversaries are wont to object against this our Catholyk doctrine; whereas they may learn not only in the Fathers, 
Concil. Chalced.  but also in the scriptures themselves that there are divers foundations of the Church, 
1. Cor. 3.  though some be more principal than other, & our saviour Christ the first and chief groundwork of the whole building; as also in a Kingdom, or common wealth, there are divers heads, though subordinate one to an other, & all subject to one head, all which may be called foundations in the politic building, because the same leaneth and resteth upon them, and is sustained by them, though not by all alike or in equal degree. To this purpose we read in the Apocalypse that the walls of the city, 
Apo. ca 22.  that is to say the Church, are said to have twelve foundations, & in them the names of the 12. Apostles of the lamb; 
2. Ephes. 19  and again in saint Paul to the Ephesians, you are, saith he, Citizens of saints, & domesticals of God, built upon the foundations of the Apostles, and Prophets.  

Aug. in Psal. 16.  Therefore S. Augustyn saith that our saviour may as well be called fundamentum, fundamentorum, the foundation of foundations, a Pastor Pastorun, & Sanstus Sanctorun, the shepherd of shepherds, or holly of holies; the reason whereof S. Basil giveth notably for the explication of this matter. Though Peter, saith he, be a rock, yet he is not a rock as Christ is, for Christ is the true unmovable rock of himself, Peter is unmovable by Christ the rock, for jesus doth communicate & impart his dignities, 
Basili. ho. d Paenit.  not depriving himself of them, but retaining them himself, & yet bestowing them upon others; he is the light, & yet he saith you are the light he is the Priest & yet he maketh Priests, he is the rock, and made a rock, thus far saint Basil. 
Leo Serm in annivet pontifican sui.  The same teacheth S. Leo very elegantly explicating the words of our saviour. Tu es Petrus, and speaking in our saviours person thus. Thou art Peter, that is to say, although I am the inviolable rock, the corner stone which uniteth both syds of the building, & the foundation, besides the which no man can lay any other, yet thou art also a rock, because thou art consolidat & hardened by my strength, to the end that those things which are proper unto me by my own power, may be to the common with me by participation.  
Hereby it appeareth that although our saviour Christ be the chief and principal foundation, that is to say the head of his church, yet by building the same upon S. Peter, he made him also the foundation or head thereof, next after himself, and as there are divers other heads under S. Peter, who in respect of their subjects may be truly called, & are heads, and yet in respect of S. Peter are subjects, even so, S. Peter, in respect of all the whole church, may properly be called, and truly is the head thereof, though he be subordinat & subject to Christ, as all the rest are both to Christ and him; and therefore S. Leo in the place aforesaid, saith that there are in the people of God many priests, and many Pastors, 
Leo. Ibid.  all whom Peter doth properly govern though Christ do principally govern therein.  
Thus much for the first proof wherein I have been more large, than I determined, and therefore I willbe breefer in the other two.  
The second place whereupon I ground the supremacy of S. Peter, is the words of our saviour following the former in S. Matthew videlicet. 
Matth. 1.  I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, it shallbe bound also in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt lose upon earth, it shallbe loosed also in heaven; By the keys is signified preheminent power, and authority, whereupon grew the common custom of delivering to princes the keys of towns, and fortresses, when the people therein yield, and submit themselves to their absolute will, & power; and in the scriptures, the word clavis that is to say, a key is often used in the same sense; as in the Apocalypse, to signify the preheminent authority of our saviour it is said of him, 
apocal. 3. ●by. 2●.  habet clavens David, he hath the key of David, and the Prophet Isayas speaking of the supreme ecclesiastical power of a high Priest in the old law, I will give, saith he, the key of David upon his shoulder; and therefore although some of the doctors say sometimes, that all the Apostles received the keys, (having respect to some effects thereof) yet it is manifest that they received not the same in such ample manner, and with such prerogative as S. Peter, to which purpose it is to be noted, that albeit our saviour gave to all his Apostles, authority to remit and retain sins, yet he made no mention of giving the keys to any but to S. Peter, in which respect, Optatus Milevitanus saith, 
●ptat. lib. 1. ●ontra par●en.  solus Petrus claves accepit, only Peter received the keys; and Origen upon the same words of our saviour doth note, 
●rigen. tract. in Matth.  that because it behoved that P. Seter should have aliquid maius some what more than the other Apostles, therefore Christ said unto him, I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and Origen addeth further, that there was no small difference betwixt the Apostles commission to bind and loose, and the commission of S. Peter which he affirmeth to be more ample, because (saith he) non erant in tanta perfectione sicut Petrus, they were not in such perfection as Peter, and therefore S. Leo saith, that the authority or power to bind and loose, 
Leo epist. 29. ●d Episcopos ●●ea●en.  was given Petro prae caeteris to Peter above the rest of the Apostles; and the reason is, for that he being their head, and they subordinat to him, he received the same for himself and them, and they held it as from him, & under him, though they had it also, by Christ's commission as well as he which S. Augustin teacheth clearly, 
Aug. tract. 24. in evangel. joan.  when he saith, that the keys of the kingdom of heaven were given to S. Peter, because he represented the whole church, of which representation he yieldeth the reason adding immediately, Propter apostolatus sui primatum, or as he saith in an other place, propter primatum quem in discipulis habuit, by reason of the supremacy he had over the rest of the Apostles giving to understand thereby, that the keys being given to S. Peter as head of the Apostles, and consequently as head of the Church, they were given also to the Apostles, and to the whole Church, for what is given to the king as king, the same is given to the common wealth, and from him or by him, as head thereof, is communicated, & imparted to the whole body. For this cause S. Chrisostome treating of the promise that our saviour made to S. Peter to build his Church upon him, 
Chrisost. ●o 55. in Matth.  and to give him the keys of the kingdom of heaven, affirmeth that he made him head or governor of the whole world. Thus much for the second proof.  
The third, and last shallbe, the commission and charge that our saviour gave particularly to S. Peter to feed his sheep, whereby he made him general Pastor over his whole flock, whereof Eusebius Emissenus saith thus, 
Euse. Emissi hom. de nativit. Ioann● euangel.  first Christ committed unto him his lambs, & then his sheep, because he made him not only a pastor or shepherd, but also the pastor of Pastors; Therefore Peter feedeth the lambs, & he feedeth the sheep, he feedeth the young ones, & their dams, he governeth the subjects, & their prelates, so that he is Pastor of all; for besides lambs & sheep there is nothing in the Church.  
This is more evident in the Greek wherein the gospel of S. John was written, then in our latin translation, for where as we have 3. times pasce that is to say feed, the greek hath in the second place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which doth not only signify to feed, but also to govern and rule whereby the Evangelist signified that Christ gave to S. Peter commission, not only to feed his flock with preaching and teaching, but also to exercise all pastoral authority over them, that is to say to rule and govern them, in which sense the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often used in the holy Scriptures, 
Matth. 2.  as in S. Matthew and Micheas the Prophet, 
Mich. 5.  where it is said of Bethlem; there shall come forth of thee a caeptayne that shall govern my people Israel, and in the Apocalypse, 
Apocal. 19  he shall rule them in an iron rod, and again in the Psalm, 
Psalm. 2.  thou shalt govern or rule them in a rod of iron, in which places as also in divers others of the scripture to like purpose, 
Isay. 44.  the greek hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the same sense our lord saith in the Prophet that the great Monarch Cirus should be his Pastor because he should govern and rule his people, and Homer oftentimes cauleth king Agamemnon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the king or Pastor of this people (for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth both) and therefore S. Augustin expounding those words feed my sheep, 
Aug. in cap. 21. joan.  saith that Christ recommended his sheep to S. Peter pascendas, id est docendas regendasque, to be fed, that is to say to be taught and governed; 
Theophil in ca 21. joan.  Theophilactus also upon the same place witnesseth that Christ gave to S. Peter praesecturam ovium totius mundi, the government of the sheep of the whole world; 
Chrisost. lib. ●. de sacerdotio.  and S. Chrisostome treating of those words of our saviour saith, that he would have S. Peter to be endued with authority, and far to excel the other Apostles, and again expounding the same words otherwhere, he saith that Christ spoke unto him only, 
Hom. 8.7. in joan.  because he was the mouth & head of the Apostles, and committed unto him curam fratrum suorum, the charge of his brethren, and a little after; 
Hom. 1. de paenit.  that Christ gave him the charge of the whole world, which he also affirmeth in an other place of the universal Church, saying, that the supremacy and government of the Church throughout the whole world was given him by Christ.  
I will conclude with S. Leo, whereas, saith he, the power of binding and losing was given to Peter above the rest of the Apostles; 
Leo Episc. ●9 ad Episcopos viennens.  the care & charge of feeding the sheep of Christ was more specially committed to him; to whom whosoever shall think the principality or supremacy is to be denied, he cannot by any means diminish his dignity, but being puffed up with the spirit of his own pride, he casts himself headlong to hell.  
Thus thou seest, 
Hilar: in 16 Matth  good reader, that our doctrine of the supremacy of S. Peter, is no novelty of our invention, but the uniform and constant opinion, 
Aug. trac● 56. in Ioa●  of the most learned and ancient Fathers of the Church grounded upon the scriptures, 
Euseb lib hist. cap. ●  in which respect we find in all the said ancient Docctors most eminent and excellent titles of superiority, 
Epipha. heretic. 51.  and prerogative attributed to S. Peter, who in S. Hilary is called the blessed porter of heaven, 
Ciril. lib ● in lo ca 6.  in S. Augustin the first or chief of the Apostles in Eusebius the greatest of the Apostles, and master of the warfare of God, in Epiphanius the captain of the Disciples, in S. Ciril Prince and head of the Apostles, 
Ambros i● ca ultimus Lucae.  in S. Ambrose the Vicar that Christ left us of his love, and to omit others for brevityes sake, in S. Chrysostome, 
Chrisost. ● 17. in joan  the top or head of the congregation of the Apostles, 
* Hom. 9 de paenite  an unconsumable rock, the unmovable top of the building, and lastly 
Homil. 55 Matth. & ●7. in joan  the pastor and head of the Church.   

THAT THE SUCCESSORS OF S. Peter, to wit, the Bishops of Rome, succeed him in the supremacy of the Church. CHAP. IX.  
AND for as much as it is evident that our saviour Christ gave not this authority to S. Peter for his own particular benefit, but for the general good of his Church, nor for his own days only, but during the time of the Church militant, to the end, that so long as their should be any sheep in his fold, so long there should be an universal Pastor to feed and govern them, and that his Church which is a visible body, might have continually a visible head, no less now in the new law, than heretofore in the old, which was a figure of the new, and had a continual succession of Bishops from Aaron, therefore I say, all the ancient fathers worthily acknowledged this our saviours institution, and this authority of an universal Pastor, not only in S. Peter but also in his successors, 
Chrisost li. 2. ●e sacerd.  where upon S. Chrisostome saith that Christ committed the care of his sheep, tum Pe●ro, tum Petri successorebus both to Peter, and to Peter successors, 
Epist. ad Eu●●ch.  and Petrus Bishop of Ravena in his epistle to Eutyches, blessed Peter saith he, 
●eo mag. ser. in anni. ●ssum.  lives & governs still in his own seat, and Leo magnus affirmeth that Peter continueth, and liveth, in his successors, 
Concil. chalked. act.  and therefore the great council of Chalcedon abovesaid having heard the epistle of the said Leo condemning the heresy of Eutyches said Petrus per Leonem locutus est, Peter hath spoken by the mouth of Leo.  

Cypri epist. ●5.  In this respect also the blessed martyr S. Cyprian (who as I said before wrote soon after the conversion of K. Lucius) cauleth the Roman Church Cathedram Petri, ecclesiam principalem, unde vnuas sacerdotaelis exorta est, the chair of Peter, the principal or chief Church from whence springeth all Priestly unity, signifying thereby that as the unity of the natural body consisteth in that divers members being combined under one head, do all receive from the same the influence of one life, so also the unity of the mystical body of Christ consisteth, in that divers Churches being conjoined, under one head, which is the Roman Church, or chair of Peter, do all receive from the same the influence of one spirit and doctrine which he declareth plainly in his book of the unity of the Church, where he saith, even as there are many beams of the Sun, and one light, many bows of one tree, and yet one strength founded in one root & many brooks flowing from one fountain, & a unity thereof conserved in the spring, even so the Church of our Lord, casting forth her light every where stretcheth her beams, through out the world & yet the light is one, she extends her bows over the whole earth, & spreads her flowing rivers far & near, and yet there is one head, one beginning, and one fruitful, and plentiful mother. Thus far this famous martyr who speaking also other where of Peter's chair, declareth the miserable state of those that are divided & separated from the same, which I wish our adversaries diligently to note, there is saith he one God, one Christ, one Church, one chair founded upon Peter by our Lords words, an other Altar cannot be erected nor a new priesthood ordained whosoever gathereth any where else scattreth & it is counterfeit, wicked, and sacrilegious, whatsoever human fury doth institute, & ordain to violate the ordinance of God, 
Cypria. li vni●. eccle  and again to the same purpose, he which holdeth not saith he this unity of the Church doth he believe that he holds the faith of the church? he which forsakes the chair of Peter where upon the church was founded, can he hope to be in the church? Finally this blessed martyr writing to S. Cornelius the Pope, 
Epist. ad ● ne●. 45.  calleth the Roman Church Marricem, & radicem catholicae Ecclesiae, the mother & root, of the catholic Church, 
Ibidem.  which he wisheth all men to acknowledge and hold most firmly, and transferring the same presently after to the person of Cornelius, he saith that he would have all his colleagues retain & hold steadfastly his communion, that is as much to say, saith he, as to hold the unity, & charity of the catholic church, giving to understand that he which doth not communicate with the bishop of Rome, the chair of Peter, the fountain of unity, the root and mother of the catholic Church he is not a member of the same, nor gathereth with Christ but scattreth.  
The very same in substance the famous Doctor S. Hierom teacheth as well of S. Peter, 
Hieron. ad versus jovinia.  as of his chair, and successors; of S. Peter he saith; that he was therefore chosen of our saviour, one only amongst twelve, that a head being appointed all occasions of schism & division might be taken away: 
Epist. 58. Damasum  and of his chair, and successors, he saith, to S. Damasus the Pope, qui cathedrae Petri iungitur, meus est, he which is joined to the chair of Peter, he is mine, and again to him in an other Epistle, 
Epist. 57 ad ●undem.  I, saith he, following no chief but Christ am linked in communion with thy beatitude, that is to say with the chair of Peter, upon that rock the Church was built, whosoever eateth the lamb out of this house is profane, if any man be not in the ark of Noah he shall perish in the flood, and a little after, I know not Vitalis, I refuse Meletius, I know not Paulinus, whosoever doth not gather with thee scattreth, he which is not of Christ is of Antichrist, thus far S. Hierome of the supremacy of Peter chair, and particularly of Pope Damasus, of whom S. Ambrose in the same time acknowledged no less; 
Ambro. in 1. ●ist. ad Ti●oth. ca 3.  saying, Ecclesia domus De● dicitur cuius rector hod●e est Damasus, the Church is called the house of God, the governor whereof at this day is Damasus, with these all other Doctors of the Church; Greekes and Latins agree, concerning the supremacy of the bishops of Rome; as 
a Epiph. haetic 6●.  Epiphanius, 
b Athan. 2. ●polog. & in ●pist ad ●e●or.  Athanasius, 
c Basilius' ●pist. 52. ad ●thanas.  Basilius, 
d Greg. Naz. ●● carmine ●evita sua.  Gregorius Nazianzenus, 
e Chris. epist ● & 2. ad Inocentium.  Chrysostomus, 
f Ciril. epist. ●o ad nestor. & epist. 11. ad ●●er. & pop. constant. & epist. 18. ad ●eleslinum.  Cyrillus, 
g Theodor. in epist. ad leon.  Theodoretus, 
h Sozom. li. 3 ●●ist. ca 7.  Sozomenus, 
i Optat. lib. 2. cont. parin.  Optatus, 
k Ambros. de ●obitu satiri.  Ambrose, 
l Aug. epist. 162. & 92 add ●n.  Augustinus, 
m Pros. lib. de ●ingratis.  Prosper, 
n Vict lib 2. de pervand.  Victor Vticensis, 
o Vincen. in suo comment.  Vincentius Lirinensis, and 
p Cassiodo. li. ●1. Epist. 2 ad joan. Papam. Concil. chal. act. 3. Epist. council. chalced ad Leonem. Lib. 3. cap. 3.  Cassiodorus, all which did write above 1000 years ago and plainly acknowledged the supremacy of the bishop of Rome as appeareth in the places alleged in the margin, whereto I remit our adversaries; to avoid prolixity, concluding with the great council of Chalcedon abovesaid, wherein Pope Leo was called universal Bishop, divers times, besides that in an epistle written to him by the whole council it is plainly signified that the Vineyard of our Lord that is to say the Church; was committed to his charge and custody.  
To return therefore to S. Ireneus in the time of King Lucius thou seest good reader how true is that, which he saith of the necessity and obligation that all faithful people have to agree with the Roman Church, propter potentiorem principalitatem, for the mightier, or more powerful principality thereof, that is to say, for the supreme dignity it hath over all other churches, as the mother over her children, the head over the body, and the spring and root of unity.   

THAT THE BISHOPS OF Rome exercised supreme authority and jurisdiction in the time of king Lucius. CHAP. X.  
NOW then let us consider how the bishops of Rome did exercise this their authority before, and in the time of K. Lucius, and near unto the same, the which may appear partly by the appellations out of all parts to the sea apostolic, and the restitution, or deposition of bishops by the said sea, and partly by the decrees made by the same for the whole Church, and the censures laid upon such as would not receive and obey them.  
We read in Tertulian (who lived in king Lucius time) that Montanus Prisca and Maximilla falls prophets in Phrigia, 
Epiph. haerr 42.  being excomunicat and expelled by their bishops, came to Rome to be restored by Pope Victor, 
Tertulian. ● adversus Praxeam.  whom they had almost circumvented, having obtained of him letters to the churches of Asia for their restitution, which letters nevertheless Pope Victor revoked by the advise of Praxeas, who discovered to him their treachery; whereof Tertulian complaineth bitterly, being then become an obstinate Montanist, saying that otherwise Pope Victor had restored Montanus, and given peace to the churches of Asia, lo then how great was the authority of the bishops of Rome in forayn & remote parts, by the testimony of Tertulian who was then an heretic and a great enemy to the Roman Church.  
S. Cyprian about 250. years after Christ testifieth that Fortunatus, 
Cipr. lib. 1. epist. 3.  and Felix being deposed in Africa by him; appealed to Pope Cornelius, and that Basilides in like manner, 
Cipr. lib. ●. epistol. 4.  being deposed in Spain appealed to Pope Steven who succeeded Cornelius, and although S. Cyprian show that Basilides being justly condemned did unjustly appeal and deceive the Pope by false suggestion & that therefore his appellation could not avail him, yet he confesseth that the Pope received the appellation, wherein he saith he was not to be blamed, but Basilides for deceiving him, so that we see the custom of appealing to the bishop of Rome out of all parts, is most ancient, whereof I will also allege some other examples of later times, though above 1000 years ago.  

●. Theodor. ●●ist. Eccles. lib. 7. cap. 4.  Athanasius being deposed by the Arrians in Greece, appealed unto julius the first; bishop of Rome, and by him was restored 1300. years ago and the ecclesiastical histories do witness, that not only he, but also Paulus bishop of Constantinople, Marcellus bishop of Ancira, and As●lepa bishop of Gaza, and Lucianus of Hadrianopolis were all at Rome at one time injustly expelled from their bishoprics, and that Pope julius discussing the crimes objected to every one of them, 
Tripart hist. lib 4. cap. 15.  tanquam omnium curam gerens propter propriae sedis dignitatem, as one that had care of them all for the dignity of his own sea, restored every one of them to their Churches, & wrote to the Bishops of the east blaming them for the wrong they had done them, and threatening them that he would not suffer it, if they proceeded to do the like hereafter.  

Epist joan. Chrisost. ad Innocen.  S. Chrysostome bishop of Constantinople, appealed to Pope Innocentius the first, and Flavianus bishop of the same city, 
Liberatus in breviario. cap. 12.  and Theodoretus bishop of Cyrus appealed in the same age, to Pope Leo, who restored Theodoretus as testifieth the great general council of Chalcedon, 
Theod epist. ad Leonem.  saying restituit ei Episcopatum S inus. Archiepiscopus Leo. The most holy Archbishop Leo, 
Greg. lib. 2. cap. 6.  restored to him his bishopric. And S. Gregory the great bishop of Rome, did excommunicate a bishop of Greece called john for that he had presumed to judge an other bishop that had appealed to the sea apostolic.  

Concil. Sa●dicen. can. 4. & 7.  Lastly this custom of appealing to the Bishop of Rome was confirmed by two several cannons, in the second great general council held at Sardica, in the time of Athanasius the great, whereat were present some bishops of Brittany, and this shall suffice for the appellation of bishops to Rome, and their restitution.  
Now to speak a word or two of the deposition of Bishops we find an evident example thereof, within 40. or 50. years after the conversion of K. Lucius, for S. Cyprian wrote to Steven the Pope to desire him to excomunicat & depose Marcian the Bishop of Arles in France, and to substitute an other in his place by virtue of his letters to the people there, 
Cypri lib 3. epist. 13.  & further desired him to advertise him who should succeed him, that he & the Bishops of afric might know to whom to direct their letters, so that we see the authority and custom in the Church of Rome to depose foreign Bishops, is no new thing, nor a jurisdiction usurped in later times by favour of Christian Emperors, seeing in the great persecutions in the primitive Church, when none were more persecuted by the Emperors, than the Popes themselves, (who until this time were almost all martyred) they exercised this authority, as their successors have done ever since, indifferently without exception upon all Bishops whosoever, yea upon the 4. principal patriarchs of Constantinople Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, in so much that Nicolaus the first Pope of that name writing to Michael Emperor of Constantinople about a 1000 
Nicol. epist. ad Michael.  years ago reckoneth 8. Patriarches of that Church deposed by Bishops of Rome before his time, 
Theodoretus lib 5. hist. cap. 23.  and Flavianus Patriarch of Antioch was deposed by Pope Damasus 1200. years ago and although the Emperor Theodosius laboured to restore him yet he commanded him to go to Rome to answer for himself, and both S. Chrysostome Bishop of Constantinople, 
Socrat. lib. 5. hist. cap. 15. Sozomen li. 8. cap. 3.  and also Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria were intercessors for him to the Pope; to conclude; he could not hold his Bishoprik in peace, until the Pope being pacified, 
Theodor. lib. 5. cap. 2●.  was content therewith, and promised to receive his legates, & therefore Flavianus presently sent him many Bishops, and some of the chief of the Clergy of Antioch. 
Tomo 2. con●cil. in acts Syati.  Also Pope Sixtus the 3. deposed Polichronius Bishop of Jerusalem.  
I omit later examples whereof there are many, to say somewhat of the general decrees of Popes made before, or in the days of K. Lucius.  

Tertulia lib. de pudici●ia.  We read in Tertullian (who as I said before flourished in King Lucius time) that the Bishops of Rome made decrees against the heresies of Montanus and his followers, and although Tertulian was then an egregious Montanist himself, & an enemy to the Roman Church (which had condemned his heresies) nevertheless in that which he writeth against one of the said edicts, he sufficiently showeth what was the authority of the Bishops of Rome in those days, reciting the edict in this manner, Pontifex Maximus, Episcopus Episcoporum dicit, etc. that is to say, the chief or greatest Bishop, the Bishop of Bishops doth say, etc. whereby it appeareth what was the title of the Bishop of Rome at those days, for although it should be true, that Tertulian being then an heretic and condemned by the Bishop of Rome, used those words of Pontifex Maximus, Episcopus Episcoporum, ironice, yet is it manifest, that he did it either for that such were the titles of the edict, (which was most probable,) or else, because he was generally so called at that time, by all those that held communion with him.  

Platina in vita pij. de consecra. distict. 3. ca 21. ●amp; li. 1. council.  But before this time; Pius the first Pope of that name about 160. years after Christ made an edict about the keeping of Easter which was after confirmed by Pope Victor, & the Churches of Asia were excommunicated by him for not receiving the same.  
But to the end good reader thou mayst the better understand how this matter passed, and evidently see the supreme authority of the Bishops of Rome in those days, it is to be considered; that there having been from the time of the Apostles a different manner of keeping Easter in the Church of Rome, and the Churches of the lesser Asia (the Romans keeping it always upon the sunday, according to the tradition of the Apostles, S. Peter, and saint Paul; & they of Asia observing the time and custom of the jews, pretending the example and tradition of S. john the Evangelist) Pius the first of that name, Bishop of Rome, desiring to reduce all the Church to uniformity, made a decree that the feast of Easter should be celebrated only upon sunday, but for that the Churches of Asia made great difficulty to leave their tradition, as well Pius, as Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutherius forbore, 
Euseb lib. 5 cap. 24.  (for peace and quietness sake) to compel them by Ecclesiastical censures to the observation thereof; but afterwards Victor who succeeded Eleutherius, noting that not only those which inclined to keep the ceremonies of the old law, were much confirmed thereby in their opinion, but also some in Rome namely one Blastus sought to introduce that custom there, 
Tertul de praescrip. ca● 53. ●amp; Eusebius hist. eccles. lib. 5. cap. 14.  and judaysme withal, called a council of the Bishops of Italy near adjoining, and not only caused other counsels to be assembled in France, but also directed his commandments to the Bishops of the east, to do the like namely to Theophilus' Bishop of Caesarea, as that S. Bede reporteth in these words, victor the Pope Bishop of the city of Rome dixerit authoritatem, 
Beda. de AEquinoct. vernali.  that is to say directed a commandment to Theophilus, Bishop of Caesarea and Palaestina that it should be determined how the easter should be celebrated there, where our Lord the saviour of the world conversed. Therefore perceptae qutoritate, the authority or commandment being received, Theophilus assembled Bishops not only out of his own province but also out of divers other countries, and when they were come together in great numbers. Theophilus, protulit autoritatem ad se missam Papae Victoris, Theophilus showed the authority or commandment that Pope Victor had sent him, & declared quid sibi operis fuisset iniunctum, what was enjoined him to do, etc. herein by the way I wish to be noted how the Bishop of Rome in those days (that is to say in the time of Lucius) exercised his authority in calling of counsels, both of the Bishops of the Latin or west Church, & also of the east, seeing Theophilus' Bishop of Palaestina assembled the prelates not only of his own province, but also of divers other by virtue of the commission given him by Pope Victor.  
But to proceed, it being determined by all those counsels that the feast of Easter should be kept on the sunday according to the custom of the Roman Church, 
Euseb. lib. 5. ●ist cap. 24.  Victor the Pope renewed the decree of Pius his predecessor and denounced excommunication against all the Churches of Asia that would not conform themselves thereto, which though some holy and learned Bishops, & amongst other Irenaeus thought to be rigorously done, and not with such consideration, as it seemed to them the peace of the Church required, yet none of them, nor any of the schismatykes themselves, took any exception to his authority, as though he had done more than he might do, which no doubt they would have done if he had exceeded the limits of his power therefore Eusebius saith, 
Euseb. Ibid.  that Irenaeus did admonish him that he would not cut of from the body of the whole Church, so many Churches for observing a tradition used amongst them according to an old custom, and Nicephorus, 
●ucepho. lib. ●. cap. 38.  testifieth that they advised him ut benignius statueret, that should determine thereof with more benignity and mildness, wherein we see Pope Victor's authority, and power to excommunicate all other Bishops; sufficiently acknowledged, though there was question of the justness of the cause, and conveniency of the fact nevertheless it appeared afterwards by the determination of the whole Church of God, yea & of the greatest part of the Asian Churches themselves, that Victor had reason in that which he did; for as Nicephorus testifieth, not only Asia did at length yield therein, 
Lib. 4. cap. 39  but also ubique terrarum in orb decretum est, it was decreed through out the world that the feast of Easter should be celebrated upon the sunday, 
Niceph. Ibid.  in so much that those which would not yield thereto were held for heretics, & called quarta decimani for so they are accounted and termed by Nicephorus saint Augustin, 
Aug. haer. 29. Epiph. haec. 50. council.  Epiphanius Philastrius and the counsels of Antioch and Laodicea; 
Antioch. cap. ●. Laodicenan cap 7.  and to conclude this point, it shall not be impertinent to the matter in hand, to consider how this controversy about the keeping of easter, 
Philastri Catalogue hear.  ended many years after in England, betwixt the English Bishops maintaining the custom of Rome, and the Scottish that were Schismatykes and observed the custom of Asia which venerable Bede recounteth, saying; 
Beda. in ● Eccles. ● lib. 3. ca●  that Bishop Colman, with his Scotish elergy, being assembled in Northumberland, with Agilbert Bishop of the east Saxons, & his Priests Wilfred and Agathon in the presence of King Oswy, after long debating the matter on both sides, Wilfred answered to Colman (who relied upon the authority of Anatholius, and Columba his predecessors) although, quoth he, Columba was a holy man, yet could he not be perferred before Peter the most blessed Prince of the Apostles, to whom our Lord said, 
Matth. 1●  thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, & hell gates shall not prevail against it, and to thee I will give the Keys of the Kingdom of heaven, when Wilfrid had said this; King Oswy, who had been brought up by the Scots, and infected with their schism, asked Colman whether he could prove that so great authority was given to Columba, and Colman answered no, and do you on both syds, saith the King, grant without controversy, that this was said principally to Peter, and that the Keys of the Kingdom of heaven were given him by our Lord, and both parts answered yea; nay then, quoth the King merrily, I assure you, I will not in any thing contradict that porter, but as far as my knowledge and power shall extend, I will obey his commandments lest perhaps, when I shall come to heaven, and have him my enemy that keepeth the keys, no man will open me the gates; The King having said thus all that were present both little and great (saith saint Bede) allowed thereof, and yielded to receive the catholic custom of keeping Easter on the sunday. Thus we see this great controversy ended also in England near a thousand years ago, by the authority of the sea apostolic, so that to return to Pope Victor, we may truly say he had the victory, or rather that saint Peter by him, and his successors vanquished all such as opposed themselves to this tradition of the Roman Church.  
Seeing then in the time of K. Lucius, the Bishops of Rome both claimed and exercised supreme authority over all other Bishops, making general edicts, condemning heretics, deposing and restoring Bishops, cauling counsels, and excommunicating whole provinces and countries, I appeal to thee gentle reader, whether he was not then generally held for supreme head of the Church, & whether it is likely, that when Eleutherius the Pope made King Lucius a Christian, he made him a protestant, that is to say, an enemy to the sea Apostolyk, a persecuter of Priests, and of all such as defend the dignity, and authority, of saint Peter his predecessor, from whom he claimed, and held the supremacy, of the Church, which now all protestants deny to his successors.  
And again, seeing I have proved that the authority of the sea apostolic is not grounded upon any human tradition but upon the institution of our saviour himself, who left his flock and sheep to saint Peter to be fed, and built his Church upon him, 
joan. 21.  as upon a sure rock, promising that hell gates should not prevail against it, 
Matth. 16.  ordaining for the avoiding of Schism & division one head, from the which the divers and manifold members of his Church might receive the influence of one doctrine and spirit, what shall we say of them, that are not of this fold, that do not communicate with this head, that are not planted upon this root of unity, nor built upon this rock; that against the chair of Peter set up a chair of pestilence, can they be the sheep of Christ, or members of his mystical body? or receive the influence of his spirit? it is no marvel, if they be carried away with every blast of new doctrine, torn and rend with every schism, and cast at length upon the rocks of heresy or atheism; have we not then sufficient reason to give lands, lives, or what honour, pleasure, or commodity soever the world yieldeth, rather than to be driven from this safe harbour of truth, and anchor of unity, into the seas of schism and heresy, to the assured shipwreck of our souls? and when we spend our blood for this cause, do we not die for religion, yea for a most important point of religion, though it be made treason? whereof we may truly say with the blessed martyr Sir Thomas More thet it is a treason without sin, for the which a man may be hanged and have no harm, die and live for ever, seem to some a traitor; and be a glorious martyr.   

THE MATTER OF HOLY Images is debated, and the use thereof proved to have been in the Church of God ever since our saviours tyme. CHAP. XI.  
BUT let us examine a point or two more of religion wherein our adversaries dissent from us, that we may see whether K. Lucius were more like to learn their doctrine concerning the same or ours, and for that they think they have a marvelous advantage of us in the matter of Images, and relics of saints, wherein they charge us with flat Idolatry, and breach of the commandment of God, I will say somewhat thereof.  
And first I cannot but marvel at their grossness, 
Orige. hom. 8. in Exodun. Theodoret. quaest. 38. in Exodum.  that cannot distinguish betwiyt an Idol and an Image, whereof they may learn the difference in Origen and Theodoretus, expounding these words of the commandment, non facies tibi Idolun, thou shalt not make to thyself any idol, 
Exod. 20.  (for the septuaginta whose translation they follow, for sculptile have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say an Idol) whereupon they say, that an Idol is a falls similitude representing a thing which is not, & that a similitude, or Image, is a representation of ae thing which truly is, to which purpose also S. Paul saith, Idolum nihil est in mundo, an Idol is nothing in the world 
Leuit. 19 26. Num 23. 〈◊〉 6. , for that Idols represent no truth, but mere fictions vanities, and lies, and therefore are called in the Hebrew text of the holy scriptures Elilun and Au●nim whereon it followeth, that all Images or other creatures held or adored for Gods, wh●ch they neither are, nor yet possibly can be, are truly and properly Idols, whereas other Images, that represent a truth can not so be called, and this difference is evident in the holy scriptures, which never attribute the name of Idol to the true Image of any thing, but to the falls gods of the gentiles, and useth the name of Image, for the similitude of that, which is truly the thing that it is thought to be, or hath the true proprietyes that by the Image are represented, & so Christ is called the Image of his father, 
Bap. 7. Colossen. 1. Hebr. 1.  and Solomon is said to have made in the temple Images of Lions, Oxen, Flowers, yea and of the Cherubins, who (though they were Angels and Spirits) were nevertheless portrayed like men, 
●. Reg. 7.  (to express the form, wherein they appeared to Moses on the mountain) and with wings to show the celerity of their motion, 
Conc. Nicae. ●. Act 4.  so that the representation made thereby, was true, as of a true apparition, and a true propriety in the Angelical nature;  
Hereupon it followeth, that Images which are not honoured for Gods, but ordained for the honour of Christ, and his saints (who are truly that which they are represented to be) are no Idols, and therefore our adversaries are either very ignorant, or malicious, when they confound these words in such sort as to call Images Idols, and to translate Idolum in the scripture an Image as they commonly do very absurdly, and sometimes ridiculously, as in S. Paul where he speaketh of covetousness saying, it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, Idolatry, or the service of Idols, and in an other place; that the covetous man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Colossen. 3. Ephes. 5.  an Idolater or a worshipper of Idols (meaning thereby that covetous men make their money, and their riches their Gods) they translate it, covetousness is the service of Images, and the covetous man is a worshipper of Images, as though there were no other Idolatry, but that which may be done to Images, or that Image and Idol were all one, or that it could be said with any propriety, or reason, that a covetous man makes his money an Image, as it may be properly said, that he makes it an Idol, because he makes it his God, which yt neither is, nor can be, in which respect it may well be called an Idol.  
Furthermore they bewray in themselves either great simplicity or perverse malice, in that they permit no honour nor reverence to be done to the Image of Christ, & his saints; for doth not reason and common experience teach us that the honour or reverence done to the Image passeth from thence to the Prototipon, 
Basil. lib. de spiritu sanct● ca 18. & Au● lib. 3. de doc● Christiana. cap. 9  that is to say, to the thing or person it representeth? he which crowneth (saith S. Ambrose) the image of the emperor, crowneth the Emperor, and he which contemns his image seemeth to do injury to his person; 
Ambro serm 10. in Psal. 11  when the people of Antiochia cast down the image of the Empresle, wife to Theodosius the Emperor, 
Theodore. li. 5. hist. cap. 15  he took it for so great an affront to her and himself, that he had like to have destroyed the whole city in revenge thereof; 
Chrisost. orati. 2. & 3. ad popu. Antio.  and S. Chrysostome complaineth grievously of the indignity done to the Emperor therein. The like was judged in England of the violence donne by Hacket to the Queen's picture, which was justly held for a disloyal act against her Magestyes person: And who knoweth not that he which standeth bare headed in the presence chamber before the Queen's chair and cloth of state doth honour the Queen therein.  
Also it was the custom in times past to adore the images of the Roman Emperors, which the Christians refused not to do, in which respect julian the Apostata, thinking either to draw them to adore his false Gods, or else to have some pretence to punish them for contempt of his person, placed his own image amongst the images of false Gods, 
Gregor. N●● orat. 1 in In Item Paulus Diaconus in vita Iuliann●  (as I have noted in my Apology upon an other occasion) whereupon S. Gregory Nazianzen saith, that the simple Christians who did not fall into account of the deceat, were to be excused of ignorance, for that they thought they adored no more but the emperors image; if therefore it be lawful to adore the image of an Emperor or earthly king for that he is the image of almighty God, I mean, if it be lawful to adore the image of God's image, how much more is it lawful to do reverence to the image of God himself, I mean of Christ God and man?  
And sure I am that many in England which will not have, nor reverence; the image of our saviour for fear of committing idolatry, will make no bones at all, to keep some picture or remembrance of their Mistress to kiss it, and to use other tokens of affection and respect towards it, to show thereby their good will to her.  
And how many are there in England that condemn catholics for keeping images and pictures to move them to devotion, and yet make no scruple to keep lascivious pictures to provoke themselves to lust? whereby they might see by their own experience, if they were not wilfully blind, what is the effect of good and devout pictures in well disposed minds, and what it would be in themselves if they were as spiritual, and fervorous in the love of God, as they are carnal and fiery in sensual appetite; for who doubteth that devout representations do as easily move pious and godly minds to holy cogitations, and affections, as lascivious objects do kindle carnal minds to concupiscence and lust? and therefore S. Gregory Nissen saith, 
Greg. Niss. in orat de deitate filii & spiritus Sancti. allega. in council.  that he never beheld the picture of Abraham sacrificing his son Isaac, but he was moved to tears, and yet it is likely that he had often read the story thereof, without any such effect, as Basilius' bishop of Ancyra noted very well in the 7. general council of Nice, 
Concil. Nicen. 2.  when the same was alleged there out of S. Gregory above 800. years ago, whereupon Theodorus bishop of Catane also inferred, 
Ibidem.  in the same council, that much more may the story of our saviours passion represented by picture work the like effect in devout persons that behold the same. Whereof I think good to declare here a manifest example of my own knowledge.  
It chanced in the house of a catholic where. I was, that a young maid of 15. or 16. years of age, (who had been always brought up amongsts protestants) coming thither, and seeing a picture of Christ crusified demanded whose picture it was, and being told that it was the picture of our saviour Christ, whereby she might see what he suffered for us, she was moved with such compassion that after she had steadfastly beheld it a while, she burst out first into sighs, & after into tears, saying that she had often heard of it, but never seen it before, adding further our Lord help us if he suffered all this for us.  
Whereby it may appear, how true is that, which saint Gregory the great saith of Images, to wit, 
Greg. lib. ● epist. ad Serenum epis● copum Masili. epis. 9  that they are the books of the ignorant, who are many times more moved with pictures, then with preaching, and understand that which is taught them much better, when it is by Images or pictures represented to their eyes; for as the Poet saith.  
Segnius irritant animos immissa per auros 
Horat. de a● poetica.   
Quam quae sunt oculis commissa fidelibus.  
That is to say; those things that are conceived by hearing do less move the minds of men, than such things as are committed to the sight.  
This the devil knoweth so well, as to hinder the same & all other good effects of holy Images, and devour pictures, yea and to exterminat, as much as in him lieth, all external monuments, and memories of the life and passion of our saviour, and his saints, and so by degrees to root out all Christian religion, he hath stirred up in all ages his instruments and servants to make war against holy Images under colour of zeal to God's honour and glory.  
To this purpose it may be noted, that the first and chief impugners of the lawful use of Images, for some hundredth years together, were either jews, or magicians or manifest heretics, or otherwise know in for most wicked men. 
●ceph li. 16. p. 27.  The first whereof was a per●●● 〈…〉 about 500 years after Christ, whom 〈…〉 cauleth the servant of Satan, saying that he made himself a Bishop, before he was baptized, and that he was the first that taught that the Image of Christ, and of his saints ought not to be woorshiped, and almost 200. years after, in the year of our Lord 676. the jews impugned the use of Images in their Talmud; 
Con. Nicen. ●. act. 5.  and about the year of our Lord 700. a jew persuaded a Mahometan King in Arabia to burn all the Images in the Churches of the Christians, and shortly after Leo Isaurus the Emperor did the like by persuasion of a jew, 
Cedren Zo●aras, Nicet. ●n vita leon. ●sau.  whose example his son Leo Copronimus followed, being a magician, and a nestorian heretic, and about the year 800. Leo Armenius the Emperor and his successors Michael Balbus and Theophilus, 
●idem in vitis ●●orum Imperat.  (all three most wicked men, & the last addicted both to judaism, and necromancy) made a new war against Images, which the wyclefists also did 500 years after, and now of late the Lutherans, and Caluinists; whereas all those that defended the use of Images against Leo, and those other Emperors, were most holy, and learned men, as Gregorius and Hadrianus Bishops of Rome in those days, and Germanus, and Tharasius Bishops of Constantinople, S. john Damascen, Methodius, Leontius, jonas Aurelianensis, Paulus Diaconus, and divers others, all of them men of singular learning, and virtue, by the testimony of all authors, both Greeks & Latins.   

THE COMMANDMENT OF God touching images explicated, and the practice of the Church declared. CHAP. XII.  
BUT our adversaries object against us the commandment of God, 
Exod 20.  to wit, thou shalt not make to thyself any graven Image, nor any similitude of any thing, etc. whereto I answer if they take the bare letter without the true sense and circumstances, no man may make any Image whatsoever, nor so much as any likeness of any thing in heaven or earth, but if we consider the circumstances, the end, and reason of the commandment, it maketh nothing at all against us, for it is manifest that the scope, and end thereof is only to forbid Idolatry and the making of Idols, that is to say such Images only as are made with intent to adore them for Gods, and therefore (as Tertulian noteth expressly,) it presently followeth, 
Tertul. lib. ● contra Marcionem.  non adorabis ea neque coals; thou shalt not adore, nor worship them, which yet appeareth more plainly in Leviticus, where the same prohibition being renewed, the intent or end is expressly added, 
Leuit. 26.  ad adorandum according to the Septuaginta or as S. Hierome translateth it ut adoretis that is to say, to the end to do godly honour thereto; so that, where that end or intent is not, the making or use of an Image, is not forbidden for that it is no Idol; and therefore the Septuaginta in steed of Sculptile have Idolum. for that a graven Image is not to be understood to be forbidden, by that commandment, but when it is an Idol; which interpretation of the Septuaginta, both Origin, and Theodoret do follow in that place, as I have noted before; besides that, almighty God commanded afterwards, the brazen Serpent to be set up in the wilderness, 
Num 21.  & also Cherubins in the temple, 
Exod. 25.  where the jews were wont to adore; the which had been contrary to his own commandment, if he had absolutely forbidden the making of Images, or having them in temples and Churches; yea & we may plainly gather out of saint Hierome, that there was worship and reverence done to the Cherubins, for he saith, 
●eron epist. ● marcellae.  that the Sancta Sanctorum was woorshiped of the jews, because the Cherubins, & the Ark, and the Manna were there; 
●ug. lib. 3 de ●octri. ●hrist. cap. 9  to which purpose saint Austugin giveth a general rule in his book of Christian doctrine, saying that all profitable signs, instituted by almighty God, aught to be reverenced and worshipped, for that the honour done to them doth pass to that which they represent; 
●ug. lib. 3. de ●rinit. ca 10.  & in his book of the blessed Trinity speaking of signs that being dedicated to some religious use deserve veneration, he putteth for example the brazen Serpent set up in the wilderness, which nevertheless was afterwards worthily destroyed by K. Ezechias, 
Reg. 1●.  when the jews committed Idolatry thereto, & who doubteth but that the holy scriptures, & holy vessels or any other thing dedicated to the service of God, is to be used with reverence & respect, & that God is honoured thereby? So that neither the making of Images, ordained for God's honour & service, nor yet the reverend use thereof, was forbidden by that commandment, but only the abuse, which was Idolatry, 
Lib. 2. con●ra Marcio.  and therefore our adversaries do shamefully abuse the people, and impudently belly us, when they say we make Idols of the Images of Christ, and his saints; & show themselves very gross in that they seek to abolish altogether the use of Images, or pictures, because some abuse perhaps is, or may be incident thereto, for there is nothing in the world so necessary, so excellent, or holy, but if it be used, it is or may be abused, the remedy whereof, is not to take away wholly the use of the thing, but to correct the abuse, as; not to forbid wine to all men, because some are drunk therewith, but to teach drunkards to use it with moderation, and hereof the Church hath such care in the matter of Images, that the people are sufficiently instructed of the use thereof by their curates, pastors and preachers, in so much that no catholic man, nor yet any child I dare say, that hath but learned his Catechism is ignorant that the image of Christ, is no more Christ himself then the Image of the Queen, is the Queen, and that the honour donne thereto, resteth not in the Image, but redoundeth to Christ who is represented thereby, and therefore is no more Idolatry, than the reverence done to the Queen's picture or cloth of estate is treason.  
To come then to the practise of the Church, the use of images was not only allowed, but also ordained by a cannon of the Apostles, wherein they decreed that the image of our Saviour jesus Christ God and man, and of his saints, should be made by the hands of men and erected against Idols, and jews for the confusion of both;  
So far were they from thinking the use of Images, 
Synod. Nice. 2. act. 1.  to be Idolatry, that they ordained the same, for confusion and overthrow of Idols, and Idolaters, and it is not to be doubted, that the Apostles made such a decree for the use of Images, 
Basil. epist. ad julian in acts. 2. Nicce. concilij act. 2.  seeing the seventh general council of Nice maketh mention thereof, relying upon the authority of saint Basil, affirming that it was ordained by the Apostles that Images should be erected and honoured; 
Vide Turrianum canonibus apostolicis. cap. 25.  besides that Pamphilus the martyr doth testify, that he found in Origens' library the decrees of the Apostles made at Antioch, amongst the which; is this; the which may also be confirmed by the use and practise of the Church of God, since the time of Christ, and his Apostles.  
We read that Nicodemus that came to Christ by night made an Image of him crucified, 
Athanasius lib. de passione Imaginis domini  and that before his death he gave it to Gamaliel who delivered it to james bishop of Jerusalem, and he to Simeon, and Simeon to Zacheus, and Zacheus to his successors, and that so it passed from one to an other, until the Christians were forced to remove from thence to Beritus a city of Syria where afterwards the jews finding it, used it most opprobriously, & pierced it with a lance, 
Idem. Ibib.  out of the which issued great abundance of blood that did many miracles, and this was so notorious, that the blood was sent to divers parts, and a feast celebrated in Greece in memory thereof in the month of November; this story was read in the second council of Nice, and approved by 350. bishops above 800. years ago. 
Eusebius lib. 7. hist ca 14.  Eusebius witnesseth that the woman which was cured by our saviour of a flux of blood, did set up in the city of Caesarea in memory of the benefit, a brazen Image of our Saviour, and that there grew an herb at the foot thereof, which when it once touched the hem of his garment, had the virtue to cure all diseases, 
Ibidem.  and this Image Eusebius saith he saw himself in his time, 
Sozomen. li. 5 hist ca 20.  and the ecclesiastical histories written after, do signify that it remained there until julian the Apostata caused it to be taken down, and his own Image to be set up in the place, which was shrotly after overthrown, and burnt with fire from heaven, wherein it is to be noted, that almighty God did not only confirm the use of Images by the continual miracles of the herb, but also in destroying the Image of julian, 
Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 14.  set up in the place of his, showed his indignation towards all such as contemn his Image, or do any injury thereto. Eusebius also saith that he had seen ancient Images of S. Peter, & saint Paul kept by the Christians in his tyme. 
a Lib. 4. hist. cap. 26.  Euagrius, 
b Lib. 2. hist. cap. 7.  Nicephorus, and 
c Lib. 4 de fide orthod. cap. 17.  S. john Damascen do declare, that amongst other ancient monuments of the City of Edessa, therwas a long time kept a true portrait of our saviour Christ which he himself sent to Abgarus king of that city; and Leo a reader of Constantinople affirmed before the whole council of Nice aforesaid, that he had seen it, and Euagrius, and Theophanes recount great miracles done thereby, 
In menologio graeco●um.  in so much that the greeks celebrated a solemn feast thereof in September, as appeareth in the menologio, or calendar of the greeks; 
Lib 2. hist. cap. 43. lib. 6 cap 16. lib. 14 cap. 2.  Nicephorus also saith, that the holy Evangelist S. Luke did draw the true pourtraicts of our blessed Lady, and the Apostle S. Peter, which was kept at Constantinople in the time of Theodosius the Emperor, Tertullian maketh mention of the picture of our saviour in the form of the good shepherd carrying a sheep upon his back, 
Tertul li. d● pudicitia.  ordinarily painted upon the chalices that were used in the Church in his time, which was in the reign of king Lucius, so that there is no doubt but the use of Images, and pictures hath been received in the Church of God, ever since the apostles time, although by reason of the great persecutions under the Pagan Emperors they could neither be so frequent, 
Damasus in pontisical● de sancto Siluestro.  nor public as after they began to be in the time of Constantine the great; who building gorgeous temples adorned the same, not only with the sign of the cross, but also with the Images of our saviour, and of the twelve apostles, of Angels, and of S. john Baptist.  
S. Augustin noteth that the paynims might see our saviour Christ painted with S. Peter and S. Paul in many places. 
De consensu evang. lib. ●● cap. 10.  S. Hierome commendeth the fervour and devotion of Paula, 
Hieron. in epitaph paulae. Chrisost in Liturgia.  that went up the mountain of Calvary, and prostrayting herself before the Cross, adored it as though she had seen our saviour hanging thereon, S. Chrysostome in his liturgy, which Erasmus translated, signifieth that the priest going forth with the gospel in his hand, and a candle carried before him used to bow down his head, to do reverence to an Image of Christ.  
S. Basil, 
Basil. in S. Barlaam.  S. Gregory Nissen, Euodius, Prudentius, and S. Paulinus do make honourable mention of the Images of S. Barlaam, S. Theodorus, S. Steeven, S. Cassian, S. Martin in Churches in their time, 
Greg. Nis. orat. in Theodorum.  which was 1200. years ago: and if good reader, 
Euodius dimiraculis S. Stepha. pruden. in him. Pauli Epist. 12. ad severum.  I should allege the testimonies of all the fathers, that from the time of Constantine did witness, & approve the public use of Images in the Church, I should write a whole volume of this matter, and therefore it may suffice the to understand that although some ancient Fathers as S. Ireneus, 
Irenae lib. 1. cap. 24.  Epiphanius and S. Augustin do reprove sometimes the abuse of some Images, 
Epipha. haer. 27.  as that the heretics called Gnostici, and others of the sect of Simon placed the images of Christ, 
August. act. quoduul●. haer 7.  and of S. Peter, and S. Paul with other of Pythagoras, Homer, Aristotle, Helen, Minerva, and such like, and adored them as Gods with sacrifices, and incense after the manner of the gentiles, yet they never disallowed the lawful use thereof, and therefore those, that have at any time rejected the ●ame have been always noted, and abhorred of all as heretics, 
●oā. Damasc. ●le haeres. in ●ine.  and called Iconomachis, or Iconoclastae, against whom was assembled 800. years ago the seventh great general Council at Nice where they were condemned for heretics, 
Syno. Nicaen. ●. act 5. in fi●e.  and woors than Samaritans'; by 350. Bishops.   

OF THE RELICS of Saints. CHAP. XIII.  

Marc. 6.  NOW to say somewhat of holy relics; There is no doubt but the use thereof proceeded of the examples in H. Scripture of the great miracles done by the touching of Christ's garment by the handkerchief and girdle of S. Paul, 
Act. 16.  by the shadow of S. Peter, and in the old Testament by the body of Elizeus, 
Act. 5.  wherewith a dead man was revived, 
●. Regum. 13.  by all which the first Christians were induced to reverence and honour every thing that pertained to the servants of God, and to expect consolation thereby, wherefore when S. Peter, and S. Paul suffered at Rome, 
Gregor. lib. 3. ep. 30.  the Christians of the east, came thither, to have their relycks as belonging to them by right, for that they were their cuntrymen, when S. Ignatius, who was third bishop of Antioch after S. Peter was martyred at Rome, 
Chrysost. serm. de S. Ignatio, to. 5.  the Christians carried his relics with great solemnity to Antioch, and as S. Chrysostome testifieth many miracles were done by the same. At the martyrdom of S. Policarp bishop of Smyrna who also lived in the Apostles time, & was put to death not above 12. years before king Lucius received the saith) the Christians of his diocese that were present, gathered up his relics, & used them with great reverence, as they themselves witnessed in an epistle which Eusebius reciteth at large, 
Euseb. lib. hist. cap. 1.  wherein amongst other things they say thus. Afterwards having gathered out of the ashes his bones more worthy than precious stones, and more pure than gold, we placed them in a place seemly, and fit for them, where assembling ourselves sometimes, we may by the help of our Lord, celebrat the day of his martyrdom, as of his nativity, with great joy and exultation, thus far the Christians of the Church of. Smyrna S. Cyprian, 
Ep. 34.  besides the yearly celebration of martyrs feasts, maketh often mention of oblations, and sacrifices offered in memory of them, so doth also Tertullian, so that by these testimonies it appeareth, that in the time not only of King Lucius but also of the Apostles, and their Disciples the relics of God's servants were kept, and highly honoured, and feasts of their martyrdom celebrated, under title of their nativityes, as still it is used in our Cathol. Church, and no marvel, seeing the Christians at that time used to creep and kiss their chains, whiles they were yet living in prison, 
Lib. ad ●●orem.  as Tertullian witnesseth, and if we consider the uniform consent of all fathers in all ages, concerning this point, we may well wonder at the malice of our adversaries that do deny it, especially seeing in the primitive Church it was so evident that the very paynims knew it, and therefore were wont to cast the ashes, & bones of the martyrs into rivers, or otherwise to make them a way, to the end the Christians should not recover them, 
Eunap. i●●●●ta philoso.  and Eunapius Sardianus of Alexandria a paynim writeth that the Christians in his time honoured their martyrs being dead, kneeling and prostrating themselves before their tombs, and making them their Ambassadors to deliver their prayers to God.  
But to return to the fathers of the Church, 
De civit. De lib. 22. cap. ●  S. Augustin to confound the gentiles rehearseth many miracles done by the very flowers that had but only touched the rehearies where the relics of saints were kept S. Gregory Nissen saith that the Christians that came to the tombs of saints, 
Greg. Niss. ●ra●. in laudē●agni. Theo ●ori.  did take it for a great favour that they might be suffered to carry away some of the dust that was about the same. S. Augustin also telleth that the son of one Irenaus was restored to life, 
Aug de ci●i●. Dei. li. 22 cap. ●.  being anointed only with the oil of a lamp that did hang before the tomb of a martyr; in like manner Theodoret, 
Theodor i● hist. Sanct. Patrum. c. 22. in jacobo. Venantius For u● in vita S. Marrini, lib. 4.  Venantius, Fortunatus, & Paulus Diaconus, 
Paulus Diaco. de gest. longob. lib. 2 cap 9  recount wonderful miracles done by the oil of lamps that burned by martyrs tombs, yea 
* Gregor. Nazianz. in julian. orat. 1.  S. Gregory Nazianzen saith of his own knowledge, that not only a little dust, or bone of the martyrs but also the very remembrance of them supplieth sometimes the want of their whole bodies, and concludeth with this exclamation, O rem predigiosam, salutem assort sola recordatio, o prodigious thing the only remembrance of them giveth health, and in his oration in praise of S. Cyprian he calleth to witness many that knew by their own trial, and experience, what great virtue & power was in this very dust & ashes to expel devils to cure diseases, and for the foreknowing of things to come; 
Ambr. serm. 91. de sanctis Nazario & ce●so.  S. Ambrose asketh why faithful men should not honour relics of saints, which the very devils reverence, and fear, 
Ambros. ep. 85. de inuct. corporum Sanct.  who also signifieth that he had a revelation from almighty God of the place where the bodies of S. Ceruas, 
Ceruasij & Proresij ad ●o●orem.  and Protase were buried in Milan, whereupon he took them up with great solemnity, as S. Augstin also witnesseth, 
August. lib. con●e●●io. 9 cap. 7.  who was present, and reporteth a great miracle of a blind man that recovered his sight at the same time, and devils expelled by the merits of those blessed martyrs.  

Chrysost. in demonstra. quod Christus fi● Deus.  S. Chrisostome proveth against the paynim, by the honour donne to saints relics, that Christ is God, to whose power and omnipotency he saith, it is to be ascribed, that his disciples, and servants (who whiles they were living did seem most contemptible) became after they were dead more venerable than Kings, in so much that at Rome and Constantinople Kings and precedents (saith he) run to the tomb of a fisher, and take it for a great favour that their bodies may be buried, not hard by the Apostles bodies, but without the circuit of their tombs, and be made as it were porters of Fishermen. Furthermore in his book against the gentiles, where he discourseth at large of the life & death of S. Babilas the martyr he signifieth that his body being placed in the suburbs of Antioch near to a temple where there was an Oracle of Apollo, it put the devil to silence, and when julian the Apostata thought by the remove of it to remedy the same, the Temple, and Idol were presently after destroyed with fire from heaven, wherewith as saint Chrisostome testifieth julian and all the gentiles were wonderfully confounded; and so may our heretics be in like manner, seeing that they not only impugn with them this evident argument of the divinity of Christ, but also hold that for Idolatry which maistreth the devil, overthroweth Idols and confoundeth Idolaters.  
I omit infinite others for brevities sake, 
Hieron. adver. vigila●  & conclude with saint Hierome who declareth the custom of the whole Church of God both in his time, and long before, thereby to confute Vigilantius the heretic that taught the same doctrine in this behalf that our heretics teach at this day; whosoever saith he adored martyrs? who ever taught men to be God? it grieveth vigilantius to see the relics of martyrs covered with costly and precious veils belike Constantin the Emperor committed sacrilege when he translated, to Constantinople the holly relyckes of saint Andrew, S. Luke, S. Timothe, whera● the devils roar, and now also Arcadius, the Emperor belike committeth sacrilege who after so long time hath translated the bones of Samuel the Prophet into Thratia, and all the Bishops that carried the ashes lay in silk, and in a vessel of gold are to be condemned for fools and sacrilegious persons, yea then the faithful people of all Churches are fools also for going to receive the same, with no less joy than if they had serve the Prophet alive, in so much that from Palestina to Chalcedon there was all the way 〈◊〉 of people that with one voice sounded forth the praise of Christ, lastly so shall we say that the Bishop of Rome doth ill when he offereth sacrifice to our Lord over S. Peter, and saint Paul's venerable bones (as we term them though thou caulest them v●le dust) and when he taketh their tombs for the altars of Christ; lo here (good reader) the use of Images and relics, and the honour due to them approved by the Fathers of all ages, confirmed by the custom of all Christian nations, ratified by miracles, acknowledged by infidels, and Paynims, confessed by devils, and yet denied and derided by the heretyks of this time, are they not then more obstinate and malicious then heathens, yea than devils themselves?   

THAT OUR DOCTRINE concerning the sacrifice of the Mass was generally received, and believed, in the time of king Lucius, & first that it was foretold & prophesied by Malachias. CHAP. XIIII.  
BUT I will pass to an other important point, I mean the sacrifice of the Mass, to see whether our doctrine concerning the same or theirs was delivered by our saviour to the Apostles and taught in king Lucius time or no.  
The sacrifice of the Mass consisting in the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ, was prophesied by Malachias, praefigured by the sacrifice of Melchifedeth, instituted and offered by our saviour at his last supper, delivered by him to his Apostles, practised by them and by the Church of God ever since.  

Malach. 1.  Malachias the Prophet foretelling the rejection of the jews, and the election of the gentiles, signifieth withal the translation of the jews law and priesthood into a new law, and a new priesthood, and compareth or rather opposeth the priests of the one, to the priests of the other, sacrifice to sacrifice, place to place, alter to altar, and a polluted bread which they were wont to offer only in Jerusalem, to a clean oblation which should be offered to God amongst the Gentiles every where throughout the whole world, saying to the priests of the jews in the person of God, that seeing they despised his name, and offered upon his altars a polluted bread, and blind and lame sacrifices, non est mihi voluntas in vobis, etc. saith he, 
Malach c●  my will is no longer to be served of you, neither will I accept any more sacrifice at your hands, for my name is great amongst the Gentiles even from the east to the west, & there is a clean oblation offered to my name in every place, etc. Thus far the Prophet, who cannot be understood to speak of any other sacrifice then of the Mass, which being nothing else but the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ in form of bread and wine, is a most pure and clean oblation, and cannot be polluted by the wickedness of the priests, as the bread offered in the old law was wont to be; to which purpose it may be noted that the Prophet speaking of divers kinds of sacrifices, some consisting of beasts or cattle (which he signified by the words blind and lame) and other in bread, he attributeth the word polluted or defiled to the bread only, not without mystery, to oppose thereto the clean sacrifice of the gentiles in form of bread, cauling it a clean oblation, and putting the special force of the antithesis betwixt the figure, and the verity, 
Hieron. in Malach. 1. Hieron. ●●  for that the show bread or bread of proposition being as S. Hierome saith the bread which the priests polluted) was a proper figure of the holy eucharist, as he also testifieth.  
Furthermore this sacrifice cannot be understood of the sacrifice of our saviour upon the cross, which was offered only once, and in one place, and not amongst the gentiles; neither yet of spiritual sacrifices, as of thanks giving, prayer, fasting, and other good works, which are improperly called sacrifices, and therefore it is to be noted that whensoever this word sacrifice is improperly taken in the scripture some other word is always joined thereto, to signify the same, as h●stiae laudis, saecrificium justitiae. Saecrificium cordis contriti, the host or sacrifice of praise, the sacrifice of justice, the sacrifice of ae contrite heart, 
psalm. 115. psalm 4. ●●●lm. 50.  and on the other side whensoever it is alone without any word adjoined, to restrain or diminish the sense (as it is in this prophecy) it signifieth a true and proper sacrifice;  
This difference may well be noted, where it is said, miscricordiam volui, non sacrificium, I will have mercy and not sacrifice, and again obedientiae est melior quam victima, obedience is better than sacrifice, 
●se●. 6. ●. Reg. 11.  in which sentences sacrifice properly taken, is opposed to mercy and obedience, which also may improperly be called sacrifices, as well as thanks giving, praise of God or any other good work whatsoever.  
Again the prophet speaketh here of a sacrifice or oblation which should be but one, cauling it a clean oblation, but the spiritual sacrifices are as many as there are good works of the faithful.  
Also he speaketh of a sacrifice proper to the new law, and to the gentiles, & such a one as should succeed the sacrifices of the jews, and be offered in steed thereof; but spiritual sacrifices have been in all times, and common both to jews and gentiles;  
But howsoever other men may understand this prophecy our adversaries cannot with any reason expound it, of the good works of Christians, seeing they teach that the best works of the justest men are polluted, and unclean, sinful and damnable, which therefore cannot, according to their doctrine, be that sacrifice which almighty God himself called by the mouth of his prophet, a clean oblation.  
Lastly the most learned and ancient fathers of the Church do uniformly expound this prophecy of the sacrifice of the mass; as S. justin the learned Philosopher and famous martyr, within 150. years after Christ, saith that, 
●usti●. In dia●o. cum Tri●h●.  of the sacrifices of the gentiles that are offered in every place, videlicet, the bread and cup of the Eucharist, Malach●● the Prophet even then spoke and foretold that we should glorify his name thereby.  
Ireneus also having declared in what manner our saviour did institute the blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist at his last supper, 
Iraenae lib. cap 32. ●t c. ●●. & 3.  and that the Church receiving the same of the Apostles offereth it to God throughout the world, addeth, de quo & in duodecim prophetis Malachias sic praesignificavit non est mihi voluntas in vobis, etc. that is to say, whereof Malachias one of the twelve prophets did signify before hand, speaking to the jews in this manner, my will is no longer to be served by you, etc.  
S. Chrysostome having alleged the same Prophecy concludeth. 
Chrysost. hom. in p● 95.  Behold, saith he, how clearly and plainly he hath interpreted the mystical table, which is the unbloody host.  
He that listeth to see more testimonies of the fathers let him read Tertulian, 
Tertul. l●. ● contra ●●tion in ●ine. Cypria. lib. contra ●●d●os, cap. Hiero●. in Zachai. cap. ●. Aug. lib. 1. contra adversas. leg & prophet cap. 2. Ciril. li. de adorat. Euseb. lib. 1. de preparat. euangel. Theodoret super. Malach. 1. Damascen. lib. 4. de ●rt hodo●●●●d●.  S. Cyprian, S. Hierome, S. Augustin, S. Civil, Eusebius, Theodoretus, and S. John Damascen in the places alleged in the margin.   

THAT NOT ONLY THE SACRIFICE of Melchisedech but also the sacrifices of the old law, were figures of the sacrifice of the mass & are changed into the same, and by the way is declared the necessity of sacrifice, as well for common wealth, as for religion. CHAP. XV.  
NOw to speak of the sacrifice of Melchisedech I think our adversaries will not deny that our saviour was and is a Priest according to the order of Melchisedech, and that he shallbe so for ever as the Prophet David testifieth of him, saying, tu es sacerdos in eternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech, thou art a Priest for ever according to the order of Melchisedech, the which saint Paul also showeth amply in his epistle to the Hebrews; the which being granted, two things do evidently follow thereon.  
The first is, that for as much as priesthood and sacrifice are correlatives, and cannot be the one without the other; in which respect saint Paul saith that a Priest or Bishop is ordained ut offer at dona & sacrificiae, to offer gifts and sacrifices, 
Hebr●● 5. & ●.  & again that our saviour being a Priest must needs have somewhat to offer, and seeing his sacrifice upon the cross was offered by him but once, neither can ever be reiterate in that manner, and therefore cannot be that continual sacrifice which must needs correspond to his eternal priesthood, & be continually offered in his Church, I conclude that besides his sacrifice upon the cross, he did institut and leave behind him some other, to be offered daily, not only for remission of daily sins, but also for a most divine act of religion whereby all faithful people may daily do to almighty God the due worship & service they owe him, the which kind of worship by public sacrifice, was not only used in the law of Moses, but also in the law of nature, & is so due to God from man, and proceedeth so ●●rinsecally from the very grounds and principles of nature itself, that their can be no perfect religion nor good common wealth without it.  
For as for religion whereas the special office and end thereof is to acknowledge by external acts the service and subjection we owe to our Lord and creator, and the dominion he hath over us, it is manifest that no external act of religion doth so fully and conveniently express and signify the same as sacrifice, whereby we gratefully offer to almighty God his own creatures, not only rendering him part of his own gifts, and yielding him thanks therefore, but also destroying them in his honour, to testify as well that he is sowerayn Lord of life and death, as that we hold our being and all we have of him, and depend wholly of his will and providence, yea and that we owe our own life to him in sacrifice and do as it were redeem the same with the death or destruction of an other creature; in signification whereof, 
Euseb. de praep. eva lib. 1. cap.  he which in the old law did present to the priest any beast to be sacrificed, did hold him by the head, whereon the priest did also lay his hands, to show that it was offered as a price pro capite, for the head or life of him, that made the oblation.  
Therefore for as much as this kind of worship is the greatest & most proper testimony we can externaly yield, of vassellage and servitude to our creator, it cannot without prejudice of his right be communicated to any creature whatsoever, in which respect it is caused by the devynes latria as due to God alone and for that cause not only the devil (that seeketh to rob almighty God of his glory) but also such men as have made themselves to be held for Gods, trave ever affected this kind of worship as the highest and most due to divinity. 
Aug. li. eon adversat. gis.  Seeing then sacrifice is most essential to religion, and a most proper and principal act thereof, it followeth that there can be no perfect religion without priesthood and sacrifice for which cause S. Paul speaking of the translation of the law maketh it to depend wholly upon the translation of the priesthood, saying that the priesthood being translated there must needs be withal, a translation of the law. 
●eb●. 7. ●aniel ca 3.  And Daniel the Prophet describing the religion of the jews fallen to desolation, said; that they had neither sacrifice, oblation nor incense amongst them.  
And now to speak a word or two, by the way, of common wealth, where as nothing is more natural to mankind then the same (to the which all men are by a general instinct of nature so inclined, that there was never found any people so barbarous but they lived in society) it is to be noted, that it hath never been read nor heard of that any common wealth hath been without sacrifice, whereupon Plutarch saith, that though a man may happily find some cities without walls, 
Plutarch adder's Colorē●picureum.  without schools, without learning, without theatres, without money, yet no man ever saw city without temples wherein sacrifice might be offered to God; And Aristotle speaking of things precisely necessary for common wealth, ordaineth that special care be had of sacrifice to the Gods. 
Arist lib. 7. polity.  Whereof two reasons may be given, the one for that nothing is more truly political, nor tendeth more directly to the establishment of common wealth then public sacrifice, whereby not only a league of friendship and civil unity is made amongst men by the participation & communion of the thing that is sacrificed, but also their passeth, as it were, a covenant betwixt God and them, whereby they become his particular people, and he their God and protector, without whose particular providence and protection no common wealth can either prosper or stand. The other reason is for that sacrifice being as before I have declared most necessary to religion, is consequently necessary for common wealth, whereof the true & natural end is religion, God having ordained man and all human things, principally for his own service and therefore the very heathen Philosophers, namely Plato and all his followers, make the end of common wealth to be nothing else but a religious wisdom, 
Plato. Plotinus. jamblicus. Aristot. Polit. lib. 7. Ethie. lib. cap. 8. & li ●. ca 14. & 1 Aristot. li. polity. Plaro. Plutarc. in vitis Rome nu●ae. & Tulli holi● Idem in p● blem.  consisting in the knowledge, ●oue and service of God; and Aristotle placeth it in contemplation of divine things, whereto he also specially requireth the knowledge, love, and service of God, which is nothing else but religion; in which respect he giveth the chief pre-eminence and dignity amongst the magistrates to priests, whose special function and office is to offer sacrifice. The which is also confirmed by the custom of all good common wealths, as the ancient kingdoms of the Egyptians, and Romans, wherein the kings themselves were priests, and offered sacrifice; as also the chief magistrates amongst the Grecians were wont to do, and in the common wealth of the Romans after the suppression of their kings, yea and when they flourished most, 
Valerius li ca 1. Luci flo●us in epito. lib. ●. Cicero. or●tio. pro domo 〈◊〉.  the office of priests was so pre-eminent, that the chief bishops commanded and controlled the consuls, and as Cicero saith, praefuerunt tum religionibus deorum, tum summae reip. that is to say, had the chief authority not only in matters concerning religion but also in the common wealth.  
Seeing then religion is naturally the end of common wealth, and sacrifice a most necessary and principal act of religion, it followeth that sacrifice is no less natural and essential to common wealth then to Religion.  
But to leave the consideration of common wealth apart, and to conclude with religion and sacrifice, I say that for as much as they are both most natural to man, and that the works and effects of grace do not overthrow, but nobilitate and perfect the good inclinations and works of nature, it must needs follow that our saviour by the law of grace, did no more deprive man of public sacrifice then of religion, but that as he left him a most perfect and divine Religion, far excelling that which he had before either in the law of nature; or in the law of Moses, so he left him also a most divine sacrifice, whereby he might daily pay the tribute of nature in a far more excellent manner than he did in either of the former states.  
This is no less plainly, then learnedly taught by saint Clement, S. Peter's disciple and successor, who in his book of Apostolical constitutions declaring that our Saviour did not by the law of grace abrogate the law of nature, nor take away so much as any natural inclination in man, but● confirm and perfect the first, and moderate the later, he showeth withal, what was fulfilled and what was changed in the law of Moses, and amongst other things that he saith were changed, he nameth baptism priesthood and sacrifice, saying that in steed of daily baptisms our saviour ordained only one, and for bloody sacrifice he instituted rationale in cruentum, & misticum sacrificium quod in mortem domini per symbola corporie & sanguinis sui celebratur, 
Clemen. Apostolica●um con●itut. lib. 6. cap. 2. 3.  that is to say a reasonable unbloody & mystical sacrifice, the which is celebrated by the sacraments or signs of his body and blood in representation of his death; Thus faith saint Clement of the proper sacrifice of the new law, that is to say the mass, as it is evident by his own words; 
●renaeu● li. 4. cap. 34.  which saint Ireneus confirmeth, signifying that as there were oblations in the old law, so there are oblations in the new law, and sacrificia in populo, sacrificia in Ecclesia, sacrifices amongst the people of the jews, and sacrifices in the Church, in so much that he teacheth; that sacrifices were not rejected by mutation of the law, but changed: whereto he addeth also this difference, that sacrifice is now offered by us, not as it was by the jews, that is to say as by bond men, but by free men, because our saviour hath delivered us from the bondage of the law, and thus saith this ancient father of the sacrifice of the holy eucharist or mass, which a little before he cauleth the new oblation of the new testament applying thereto the prophecy of Malachy, as I have noted in the last chapter.  
To this purpose it is also to be noted that the most ancient and learned fathers do teach that the sacrifices of the old law (as well bloody as unbloody) were figures of this sacrifice, the which they affirm not only of the 
b H●eron. ●● ca ●. M●lae●  bread of proposition, and the flower which was offret for them that were cleansed from leprosy, but also of the sacrifice of the Paschal lamb; 
c justin. in dial.  and saint Augustin teacheth expressly that all the sacrifices of the old law were no less figures of this sacrifice of the Church, 
d Origen in in 26. Mat. Tertul lib 4 contra Marcion Cipria. lib. de unit. ecclesiae An● bros. in 1. ●● Luc.  then of the sacrifice of of the cross, ●aying that singular sacrifl●sum etc. the singular or most excollent sacrifice, which spiritual Israel that is to say, the Church, doth offer every where according to the order of Melchisedech, was signified by the shadows of sacrifices wherein the people of the jews did serve, 
e Aug lib. 1. contra adversat. leg. & prophet. cap 18. & 19  and again in the same place, he saith that omnia genera priorant sacrificiorum, all kinds of former sacrifices, were shadows of the sacrifice of the Church. Whereof the reason may be gathered out of himself; to wit because this sacrifice of the Church is the self same, that was offered upon the cross, that is to say, our saviour himself, whom all the sacrifices of the old law did properly prefigure; 
August. de baptismo contra Donatistas' lib. 3. cap. 19  the which reason S. August. seemeth himself to yield, saying that our saviour sent those whom he healed of their leprosy to the Priests of the old law to offer sacrifice, because the sacrifice which was to be celebrated in the Church, in steed of all the sacrifices of the old law, was not then instituted, and giving as it were, a further reason thereof, he saith, qi●a illis-omnibus ipse praenunsciabatur, because he himself was foreshowed or signified by them all as though he should say, that for as much as our saviour who was prefigured by all the sacrifices of the old law, was to be offered in the sacrifice of the Church, or new law, therefore the said sacrifice of the Church was also prefigured by all those former sacrifices, & to be offered in steed of them; which other where he teacheth expressly in these words the table (saith he) which the priest of the new testament, 
August. de civit. Deilib 17. cap 20.  that is to say our saviour Christ doth exhibit is of his own body and blood● for that is the sacrifice, which succeed all the sacrifices of the old law, that were offered in shadow or figure of that which was to come, and a little after; in steed of all those sacrifices his 〈◊〉 is offered, and ministered to the comm●●nants, thus far saint Augustin, 
Leo. Mag. 〈◊〉 ● de passione  to whom I will add two or thre● other of the most famous fathers of the church S. Leo surnamed the great, saith, now that the varieties of carnal & fleshly sacrifices d● cease, thy body and blood, o Lord, doth supply, for all the differences of hosts and sacrifices in the old law; And S. Chrisostome having mentioned particularly the many and divers sacrifices of the old law, addeth, 
Chrisost. ho. in Psal. ●●.  all which the grace of the new testament doth comprehend in one sacrifice ordaining one, & the same a true host; in which words saint Chrisostome meaneth the sacrifice of the Eucharist, which he cauleth a little before the mystical table a pure and unbloody host, a heavenly & most reverend sacrifice which also he confirmeth other where saying that Christ did change the sacrifices of the old law, and in steed thereof commanded himself to be offered, 
Chrisost. ho. ●4. in 10 cap. ●. ad Cor.  in the eucharist. Lastly S. Cyprian speaking of the flesh of our saviour left to his Church for a sacrifice, 
Cyprian. de c●na Domini.  saith, that it was so to be prepared that it might continually be offered, lest if it were consumed (as other flesh is, that is bought in the market and eaten) it could not suffice for all the christian world to serve them for an host or sacrifice of christian religion in so much that he affirmeth that if it were consumed, it seemed there could be no more religion signifying thereby not only the necessary concurrence of religion and sacrifice, whereof I have spoken before, but also that the sacrifice of the mass is the proper sacrifice of the new testament, and that the eternity of the said testament dependeth upon the eternity of this sacrifice, which is the first point that (as I undertook to prove,) doth necessarily follow of the eternal priesthood of Christ according to the order of Melchisedech.  
The second point which I gather of Christ's Priesthood is, that seeing he fulfilled the figures of all the bloody sacrifices offered by the Priests of the order of Aaron (of which order he himself was not) it were absurd to say, that he fulfilled not the special & proper sacrifice of Melchisedech of whose order he was.  

〈◊〉. 14.  The proper sacrifice of Melchisedech consisted in bread and wine as it appeareth in genesis; where it is said that when Melchisedech went to meet Abraham protulit (or as saint Cyprian also readeth it) obtulit panem & vinum he brought forth or offered bread and wine, 
Cyprian. li. ● epist. ●. ad Cecilium.  and to show that reason thereof it followeth immediately, ●rat cum sa●erdot Dei altissimi for he was the Priest of the highest God, whereby it is signified that bread and wine were the proper objects wherein he exercised his priestly function and the only matter of his sacrifice.  
But for as much as the understanding of this scripture, is much controversed betwixt us and our adversaries, who deny that Melchisedechs' sacrifice consisted of bread and wine, (which they say he brought forth only to relieve Abraham, and his company, and not to offer to God in sacrifice) I remit me to the opinion or rather to the uniform consent of the most ancient & learned fathers of the Church, who do not only understand this scripture as we do, but also teach that Christ fulfilled this figure of Malchisedechs' sacrifice; at his last supper.  
Clemens Alexandrinus doth signify that Melchisedech did with some particular ceremonies consecrat, 
Clem. Ale●●. lib. 4. Str●mat.  or dedicat the bread and wine which he gave to Abraham; for he saith that he gave him panem & vinum, sanctificatum nutrimentu in typum eucha●istis, a s●●ctified or consecrated meat, in figur● of the eucharist.  
S. Cyprian saith, 
Cyprian. ●●a● epist. ●. ●● caecilian.  we see the Sacrament or mystery of our Lords sacrifice praefigured in the priesthood of Melchisedech as the de●●●● scripture testifieth saying, Melchisedech King of Salem brought forth bread and wine, for he was the Priest of the highest God, and blessed Abraham, & a little after, he saith, that our saviours order of Priesthood was derived of Melchisedechs' sacrifice, for that our saviour offered sacrifice to God his Father, and offered the same that Melchisedech offered, to wit bread and wine, that is to say his body and blood.  
S. Augustin speaking of the oblation of Melchisedech when he went to meet Abraham. There appeared first saith he, the sacrifice that now is offered to God by Christians throughout the world. 
Aug. de civit. dei lib. ●6 ca 22.   

Hieron epist. ●d Marcel●a ●de ad Euagri. epist 12●. Hippolytus. Ireneus. Eusebius Caesari. Eusebius Emissen. Apolli●arius Eustathius  S. Hierome to Marcelia saith thou shalt find in genesis Melchisedeth King of Salem who even then offered bread and wine in figure of Christ, and did dedicate the mystery of Christians consisting in the body and blood of our saviour. Thus saith S. Hierome who reacheth also the same expressly in his epistle to Euagrius, confirming it with the testimony and authority of Hippolytus the ancient martyr, Ireneus, Eusebius Caesariensis, Eusebius Emissenus, Apollinarius, and Eustathius Bishops of Antioch. 
Theodoret. in Psal. 109.   

Euseb. li. 5. de demonst. ca 3. Ambros. li. 5. de sacram. & de iis qui mister. initian cap. ●. Hieron. in Matth. cap. 26. & in qu. sup. Genes. Aug. in Psal. ●3. & lib. 17. de civit dei ca 6. Chris. hom. 35. & 36. in Genes. Primasius. Athanas. Photius Oecumen. super. cap. 5. ad Haebrae. Damascu●. lib. 4. de o●●i●●. cap. 14 Arnob. & Cassi●do in Psalm. 109.  Theodoret ●● declareth evidently that Melchisedech brought fourth bread and wine both to God for sacrifice and also to Abraham, for that he foresaw in Abraham's seed, that is to say in Christ, a true pattern or example of his priesthood, and further he saith that Christ fulfilling the figure began to exercise the function of the priesthood of Melchisedech in his last supper, and if I should allege all the places of the Fathers that confirm the same I should be too tedious, and therefore I 〈◊〉 those that desire to see more, to these that follow, uz. Eusebius, S. Ambrose, S. Hierome, S. Aug. S. Chrisostome Primasius, S. Athanasius, Photius Oecumenius, S. john Damascen, Arnobius, and Cassiodorus, and to the most of those that have written upon the 109 Psalm.   

THAT OUR SAVIOUR Christ instituted and offered at his last supper the sacrifice of his blessed body, and blood, proved by his own words, & by the expositions of the Fathers, with a declaration how he is sacrificed in the mass, and lastly that he gave commission and power to his disciples, to offer his body and blood in sacrifice, that is to say, to say mass. CHAP. XVI.  
IT appeareth by the premises that the sacrifice of the Church that is to say the mass was prophesied and foretold by the Prophet Malachias, and prefigured not only by the sacrifice of Melchisedech consisting in bread and wine, but also by all the sacrifices of the old law, yea & that our saviour at his last supper did exercise his Priestly function according to the order of Melchisedech in instituting and offering the same when he sacrificed his blessed body and blood in forms of bread and wine, which I will confirm in this chapter by the words of our saviour himself which he used in the institution and oblation thereof, saying; this is my body which is given for you, and this is my blood which is or shallbe shed for you, etc. 
Luc. 22. Matth. 26.   
Wherein it is to be noted, that not only the liturgies of the Apostles and of saint Basil, saint Chrisostome, 
Liturgia ●a cobi. Clem lib 8. con cap 17.  & saint Ambrose (which last is still used in Milan ever since S. Ambrose his time) but also saint Paul, 
Liturgiae Basilij Chrisost. & Ambros.  and all the 3. evangelists that report the words of our saviour, do as well in the Greek text, as in the Siriac & Caldie, speak all in the present tense, saying datur, frangitur traditur, funditur pro v●bis & in remissionem peccatorum, 
1. Cor. 11 Matth. 26.  that is to say, is given, broken, delivered, & shed, for you, and for the remission of sins, 
Mar. 14. Luc. 2●  signifying that the same was then presently done in that unbloody sacrifice, & not that it should be done only afterwards in the sacrifice upon the cross, though if we have also respect thereto, yea and to the sacrifice of the mass daily to be offered in the Church, it might truly be spoken in the future tense as our Latin translation of saint Luke hath of the chalice effundetur it shallbe shed, though before speaking of the body it hath datur, it is given, where it is also further to be noted, that in the Greek text of saint Luke, 
Luc. 22.  this word effunditur or or rather effusum est, is shed, hath plain relation to the blood in the chalice, and not to the blood that was to be shed on the cross for that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which sinifieth effusum is spoken of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the cup, & therefore the text is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say, this is the cup, the new testament in my blood which cup is shed for you, whereby the figure of metonomia, the cup is used for the blood in the cup, whereto S. Augustin alludeth speaking of the effusion of our saviours blood upon the altar; the body of our Lord saith he is offered upon the altar, and therefore the innocents that were killed do worthily demand revenge of their blood under the altar, ubi sanguis Christi effunditur pro peccatoribus, where the blood of Christ is shed for sinners. 
Aug. serm. 4. de innocent.   

1. Cor. 11.  The like may also be noted of our saviours words concerning his body, as S. Paul reporteth them in the Greek; in which tongue he wrote, where, in steed of this is my body which shallbe given for you (as we have it in the Latin) we read this is my body 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is broken for you, 
Chrisost. hom. 1. Cor. 11.  which saint Chrisostome expounding of our saviours body in the Sacrament saith, he is broken for all a like, and is made a body for all a like; and further declareth plainly in an other place, 
Idem hom. in 1 Cor. 10  that this cannot be understood of his body on the cross; for expounding these words of S. Paul in the chapter before● uz. panis quem f●anginius, the bread which we breaks, he saith: this we may see fulfilled in the eucharist, & not on the cross, but the contrary, for it was said, a bone of him shall not be broken, but that which he suffered not upon the cross, he suffereth for thee in the oblation, and is content to be broken that he may fill all men. Thus far saint Chrisostome who is not so grossly to be understood, as though he should mean that our saviours bones which were not broken on the cross, are broken in the eucharist, with the hurt and grief of his person, but that his exceeding bounty towards man is such, that he is content, not only to take upon him a sacramental form of bread, but also to be handled, broken, and eaten to the end he may be distributed & made meat to feed and fill all men, yet so nevertheless that though it may be said as S. Chrisostome saith, that he suffereth fraction or breaking in the Sacrament when it is broken (by reason of his real & true presence therein) yet he suffereth it without hurt or division of his person, by reason of his impassibility and omnipotency, being whole & perfect in every part thereof though it be divided and broken into never so many.  
This is the meaning of this learned Father, who notably confirmeth thereby our doctrine, not only concerning the verity of Christ's body in the sacrament, but also concerning our saviours sacrifice thereof at his last supper, seeing his exposition of our saviours words admitteth no relation to his sacrifice upon the cross, whereupon it followeth that his body, which as he said himself was given & broken for his Disciples, and his blood which he said was shed for many, and for remission of sins, was then presently given and shed by him, that is to say offered by him in sacrifice.  
This is notably confirmed by an other circumstance that is to be considered in the words of our Saviour concerning the promulgation of his new law or manifestation of his new testament in the institution of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, for as the old testament was dedicated by the blood of a sacrifice, not to come but then offered to God when it was promulgat (with the which blood Moses sprinkled the people, 
Exod. 24.  saying this is the blood of the testament that God hath sent unto you) so the new Testament was also dedicated by the blood of a sacrifice, 
Hebrae. ●.  not to be offered only afterwards upon the cross but then also presently offered by our saviour, who therefore alluded evidently to the dedication of the old law, 
Math. 26.  and to the very words of Moses, saying this is my blood of the new Testament; sanctifying his Church far more inwardly and effectually with the blood of his own sacrificed body; when he gave it to his Apostles to drink, than Moses' sanctified the people of the jews when he sprinkled them exteriorly with the blood of a sacrificed beast, and therefore saint Ireneus calleth the Sacrament of the Eucharist novam oblationem novi Testamenti● the new oblation of the new Testament, 
●reneus li. ●p 32.  and S. Augustin cauleth it Sacrificium novi Testamenti, the sacrifice of the new Testament, 
●ug contra ●ustum lib. ●. cap. 21.  and in an other place defineth it to be a rite or ceremony commanded by almighty God in the manifestation of the new Testament, pertaining to the worship which is due to God alone and called latria, quo sibi sacrificari precepit, with which rite or ceremony he commanded sacrifice to be done to himself, 
●ug. epist. ad ●onorat.  and S. Chrisostome expounding these words of our saviour in saint Paul. Hic calix nowm Testamentum est in sanguine meo, this cup is the new Testament in my blood, 
Chrisost. ●om. 27. in ● Cor. 11.  compareth evidently the cup of the old Testament with the cup of the new, blood with blood, and sacrifice with sacrifice, saying the cup of the old Testament was certain licors, and the blood of brute beasts, for after they had sacrificed in the old law, they took the blood in a cup and offered it, and therefore because Christ in steed of the blood of brute beasts introduced or brought in his own blood, he renewed the memory of the old sacrifice, etc.  
Thus far S. Chrisostome of the words of our saviour; and then prosecuting the interpretation of S. Paul's discourse thereupon, he addeth that Saint Paul represented to the Corinthians our saviours action at his supper to the end they might be so affected, as though they where sitting at the same table with him & ab ipso Christ● ac●●pientes hoe sacrificium, and as though they received this sacrifice of Christ himself, declaring evidently that the sacrifice where with our saviour did dedicat his testament according to the figure in the old law, was not only offered one the cross but also at his supper; whereof the reason is evident; for at his supper he was a public person, a master of a family, free and at his own liberty to make and publish his laws, to assemble his friends, and witnesses of his will, and those whom he meant to make his heirs, his vicar's, and substitutes; all which he did; 
Haebr. 9  whereas upon the cross, he represented no public person, no master of a family, no law maker, nor so much as a free man, but seemed the most abject and miserable man in the world, forsaken of all men, and therefore S. Paul teacheth not that he did make, institut or publish his Testament upon the cross, but that he confirmed it there by his death, and that from thence forward it took effect, as men are wont before they die to make their Testaments, which when they are dead begin to be of force.  
And for the further explication of this question it is to be considered, that although the sacrifice of the Cross was a most absolute and perfect consummation of all sacrifices whatsoever, and a full redemption and satisfaction for the sins of the world, yet nevertheless it cannot be said properly to have distinguished the old testament from the new, for that it was as I may term it, a certain common and transcendent good; indifferent to both states and testaments, whereto all sacrifices as well of the law of nature and the law of Moses, had a relation, as now also the sacrifice of the Church hath in the law of grace, yet with this difference, as S. Augustin noteth, 
Aug lib. 20. contra faust● ca 21 & de fide ad Petrum cap. 19  that the sacrifice of the cross was prefigured and promised to come by the many and sundry sacrifices of the old law, and now is represented as past, by our one and only sacrifice of the new law; which sacrifice, though it be the same that our saviour offered at his last supper, yet it hath a different respect to the sacrifice of the cross, for that ours representeth the same as already past, and our saviours sacrifice in his last supper, going before the other upon the cross, did not only represent the same to come, but also was as it were a preamble thereto, where in as venerable Bede our cuntryman saith, he began by passion, 
Bede. Rupert lib. 2. ●n Exodum.  for that, as Rupertus affirmeth, in angustia passionis agonizans, being already in the Agony and anguish of his passion, he offered himself with his own hands to God his father, and as Isichius testifieth, 
Isichius in Leuit. cap. 4.  preventing his enemies, first sacrificed himself in his mististical supper, and after on the Cross, whereof S. Leo also saith, 
Leo sermo. 7. de passione.  that he prevented his death by a voluntary oblation of himself in the Sacrament, and S. Gregorius Nissenus explicating this matter divinly, 
Greg. Nissen. ora●. 4 de resurrectione.  saith thus: Remember saith he the words of our Lord to wit, no man shall take my life from me, but I myself will give it, etc. For he which doth give all things of his own power and authority doth not expect necessity by treason, nor the violent fury of the jews, nor the unjust judgement of Pilate, that their wickedness, & malice should be the beginning of our salvation, but by a secret & ineffable manner of sacrifice, he doth preoccupat or prevent the violence of men by his own disposition offering himself an oblation or sacrifice for us; being both the priest & the lamb which taketh away the sins of the world. But perhaps thou wilt say unto me when chanced this? even then when he gave to his familiar friends his body to be eaten, & his blood to be drunk; for a man cannot eat the sheep, but the slaughter must go before, Therefore when he gave his body to his disciples to be eaten he did plainly demonstrat and show, that the lamb was already immolated & sacrificed for the body of the host whiles it is living is not fit to be eaten. Thus far this famous Grecian, brother to saint Basil, whose doctrine concerning the sacrifice of our saviours body before it be eaten, is most consonant to our saviours own words, not only when he instituted the holy eucharist (whereof I have spoken already) but also before, when he promised it, for that when soever he spoke thereof, he represented the same to the understanding of the hearers, as a body sacrificed & dead, not speaking of his whole person, or of himself as living, but of his flesh, of his body, of his blood, 
joan 6.  as, my flesh is truly meat, and my blood is truly drink, and the bread which. I will give is my flesh, this is my body, this is my blood, 
Matth.  or if he spoke of himself, or of his person, it was with an addition to show that he was to be eaten, as when he said he which eateth me liveth for me, 
joan 6.  which kind of speech made some of his disciples forsake him, saying it was durus sermo, ae hard speech, conceiving thereby that they were to eat him dead, as other flesh bought in the shambles, whereas he spoke in that manner to signify that he should be sacrificed before he should be eaten, and therefore he ever spoke of himself, as already killed and dead, for that no creature whiles he is living, is in case to be eaten, 
Greg. Nissen orat. 1. de resurrect.  as S. Gregory Nissen doth note very well, in the place before alleged, in which respect Paschasius also saith, 
Paschas li. d● corpore & langui Domini cap. 1●.  that our Lord is killed to the end we may eat him, and Isichius; that Christ killed himself when he supped with his disciples, not because he is truly killed, 
Isichi. lib. 2. in leuit. ca ●  or doth truly die; but because he dieth mystically, that is to say, for that his death is mystically and truly represented, by the separation of his blood from his body under several and divers forms of bread and wine; for although by reason of his immortality, and impassibilytie he cannot die, neither yet be so divided, but that he remaineth whole under both kinds, yet; for as much as the form of wine rather representeth his blood, than his body, and the form of bread, rather his body, than his blood (according to the very words of our saviour, saying of the one kind, this is my body, and of the other, this is my blood) it followeth I say, that by reason of this separation, wrought by the force of the words of consecration he is exhibited in the Sacrament as dead, and so dieth in mystery, as well to represent his death upon the cross, as also to offer himself in sacrifice to his father, for the which it is not of necessity that he truly and really die, but it sufficeth that he die in some sort, that is to say mystically, for although all living creatures that are sacrificed are offered to God with the loss of their lives, and so are made true sacrifices, yet in such other creatures, as are not subject to death, it sufficeth that they be offered to almighty God, and receive withal some notable mutation, or change, to make the action to be sacrificial, and different from a simple oblation, for when any thing is offered to God, and remaineth still in his own kind, form, and nature, it is called an oblation, & so the first fruits, the tithes, the first begotten, or borne, of living creatures, yea and religious persons, as levites, and others in the old law were only offered to God, for that they were no way changed, whereas all things sacrificed were either wholly destroyed or consumed by sword, or fire, or else at least received by the action of the priest, some notable mutation.  
Therefore seeing our saviour being now eternal, immortal, and impassable is not subject to death, nor to any destruction or mutation by loss of his life, it sufficeth to make him a true sacrifice that he be offered to God with such mutation or change, as may stand with his present state, and condition; as we see he is offered in this sacrifice, wherein, the self same body that was borne of the blessed virgin Mary, and is now in heaven glorified with the proper form and lineaments of a natural body, is by the omnipotency of our saviours words pronounced by the priest, represented upon the altar as dead, and in forms of bread and wine, his body to be handled, broken, eaten, and his blood to be drunk, or shed, as the body or blood of any other living creature that is killed in sacrifice, whereby he is also in some sort consumed, for that his body being eaten and his blood drunk he looseth the form, and peculiar manner of being that he hath in the sacrament; which being devynes cawl Sacramental: in respect of all which admirable mutations, 
Aug. in praefar. Psalm. 33. ● lib. Regum cap. 21.  S. Augustin doth notably and truly apply to our saviour in this sacrifice the history of King David, when he changed his countenance (as the scripture saith) before Abimelech or king Achis (for they are both one) which he saith, was verified in our saviour Christ, when he changed his countenance in the priesthood, and sacrifice of Melchisedech giving his body and blood to be eaten and drunk.  
There was, saith he, a sacrifice of the jews in beasts, according to the order of Aaron, and that in mystery, and there was not then the sacrifice of the body and blood of our Lord, which the faithful know, and is dispersed throughout the world, and a little after showing how Melchisedech brought forth bread and wine when he blessed Abraham, he teacheth that it was a figure of this sacrifice, & then prosecuting the history how David being taken for a mad man, went from Abimelech (which signifieth regnum Patris, that is to say, as he expoundeth it, the people of the jews,) he applieth also the same to our Saviour, saying that when he told the jews that his flesh was meat, & his blood drink, they took him for a mad man, and abandoned him, whereupon he also forsook them, & changing his countenance in the sacrifice of Melchisedech, (that is to say, leaving all the sacrifices of the order of Aaron, and as it were disguising himself under the forms of bread and wine, which was the sacrifice of Melchisedech) he passed from the jews to the Gentiles.  
This is the effect of S. Augustinus discourse in that place concerning the mutation or change incident to our saviours person in the sacrament of the Eucharist, and requisite to the sacrifice whereof I treat, whereby it hath the nature of a true sacrifice, as I have declared before, which being considered, with the circumstances of our saviours own words, as well in the promise as in the institution thereof, all signifying that his flesh, his body, and his blood was to be eaten & drunk, as of a creature killed in sacrifice, yea & that the same was then presently given or offered by him to his Father for his disciples (who represented the whole Church) and for remission of sins; besides his manifest allusion to the promulgation of the old Testament, dedicated with the blood of a present sacrifice, and lastly the consent of the learned Fathers of the Church confirming our Gatholyke doctrine in this behalf, no reasonable man can doubt but that our Saviour at his last supper did ordain the Sacrament of the Eucharist to serve us not only for a food and spiritual meat, but also for a sacrifice offering the fame himself first to his Father, and then giving commission and power to his Disciples to do that which he did, to wit to offer and sacrifice the same, 
●e ●2. Cor. 11.  saying hoc facite in n●eam commemorationem, that is to say, do, make, or sacrifice this in remembrance of me, for this word facite as well in the Syriac Hebrew and Greek as in the Laryn, signifieth to sacrifice, no less then to do or make as in Leviticus, 
Leuit. 15.  faciet unum pro peccate, he shall sacrifice one (of the turtle doves) for remission of sin, and in the book of Kings, faciam bovem alterum, I will sacrifice the other ox, 
Reg. 15. ●euit 9 14. ●. 24. n. 6.8. ●. 28 3. Reg. ●ezechi. 46. ●seae. 2.  & the like may be seen in divers other places of the holy scriptures, where the Hebrew & Greek word which doth properly signify facere must needs be understood to do sacrifice, in which sense fac●re is also used amongst the Latins, 
●irgil. in Pa●mone ●clo. 3.  as cum faciam uttulapro frugthus, etc. when I shall sacrifice a calf for my corn, etc., also in Plautus, faciam tib● fideliam mulsiplenam, I will sacrifice unto the a potful of sweet wine, and again in Cicero. junoni omnes consules facere necesse est, all the consuls must needs sacrifice, to june. 
●iaut. in assi●aria Cicero. ●ro Murena  But howsoever it is, it little importeth for the matter in question whether faecere do properly signify to sacrifice or no seeing it is evident that all the doctors of the Church do understand that Christ commanding his Apostles to do that which he did, commanded them to sacrifice, 
●ioays ce●esialticae dierarch c. 5.  S. Denis who was converted by S. Paul at Athens; declaring the practice of the Church in his time, faith that the Bishop in the time of the holy mysteries, excuseth himself to almighty God, for that he is so bold to sacrifice the host that giveth health or salvation, aleadging for his excuse our saviours commandment to wit, hoc facite, do this in my remembrance.  

Clemens lib. ●. consticutio cap. 10.  S. Clement in his Apostolical constitutions speaking to Priests in the name of the Apostles, faith, suscitato Domino offerte saecrificium vestrum de quo vobis praecepit per nos, hae facite in meam commemorationem, on easter day, when, our Lord is risen, offer your sacrifice, as he commanded you by us, saying, do this in my remembrance.  
Martialis who also conversed with the Apostles, saith that the Christians offered the body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ to life everlasting, 
Martial. ● Burdegal  because he commanded them to do it in remembrance of him.  
justin the Philosopher, 
justin. i● dialog. cu Tripho.  and Martyr within 140. years after Christ saith, that God, who receiveth sacrifice at the hands of none but of Priests, did foretell by his Prophet, that those sacrifices should be grateful to him which jesus Christ commanded to be offered in the Eucharist.  
S. Cyprian saith; 
Cyprian. epist. 63. a Caecilium  our Lord and God jesus Christ, is the chief Priest, and offered first sacrifice to God the Father and commanded that the same should be done in his remembrance S. Chrysostome teaching that the sacrifice which is daily offered in the Church, 
Chris he 17. in epis Hebrae.  is always one and the self same sacrifice, be it offered never so oft, addeth, 
Aug. lib. contra fa cap. 23. A● bros. in c epist. ad brae. Prim fius in ca ad Hebra Isidor lib. vocatio ● tium. cap. Hayme in ●. epist. a● Hebea.  that which we do, is done in remembrance of that which was done by our Saviour, far he said, do this in remembrance of me. I omit for brevityes sake, S. Augustin, S. Ambrose, Primasius Bishop of utica, S. Isidore, Haymo and divers others that testify in like manner, that our Saviour, saying to his Apostles do this, gave them commission and power to sacrifice, and thus much for the institution of the mass by our Saviour.   

THAT THE APOSTLES practised the commission given them by our saviours sacrificing or saying Mass themselves, and leaving the use and practise thereof unto the Church, and that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius time, but also for the first 500 years after Christ, teach it to be a true sacrifice, and propitiatory for the living and for the dead. CHAP. XVII.  
NOW then to speak briefly of the practise of the Apostles, and of God's Church ever since, It being manifest by that which I have said already, that our Saviour himself did not only institute & offer the sacrifice of his body, and blood at his last supper, but also gave commission and power to his disciples to do that, which he did, it cannot be doubted, but that they executed this power and commission, and did not only consecrate and make the body of our saviour, as he did, but also sacrificed the same.  
Therefore whereas we read in the Acts of the Apostles that they used to assemble themselves together ad frangendum panem, to break bread, 
Actor. 30.  it is doubtless to be understood, that they offered this sacrifice inform of bread, according to the commission & commandment of our Saviour, & that the same was the public ministry wherein the scripture saith they were occupied, when they were commanded by the holy ghost to segregat Paul and Barnabas, 
Actor. 13.  whereof it is said, ministrantibus illis Domino & ieiunantibus, etc. whiles they were ministering to our Lord and fasting etc. which being in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signify the ministry of sacrifice, in which sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are taken in the scripture when they are used absolutely, and spoken of any public and holy ministry whereof we have examples as well in the epistieto the Hebrews in divers places, 
Epist. add h brae. 8.9.10.  as also in the gospel of S. Luke, author of the Acts of the Apostles, who speaking of Zacharias the priest, and of his ministry or office, which was to offer sacrifice calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and therefore Erasinus (of whose judgement in like cases our adversaries are wont to make no sma●e account) had great reason to translate the foresaid words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. sacrifican●bus illu Domino, etc. as they were sacrificing to our Lord, etc. and so common was this sense & understanding of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for sacrifice that the grecians have no other proper word for the sacrifice of the Mass.  
Furthermore that the ministry of the Apostles in breaking bread, 
1. Cor. 10.  was a sacrifice, it appeareth evidetly by S. Paul, who to withdraw the Corinthians from sacrificing to Idols, did represent unto them the sacrifice which he and the Apostles did use to offer in the breaking of bread, making a plain antithesis betwixt the one sacrifice and the other, and comparing the bread which they broke as well with the lawful sacrifices of the jews, as also with the unlawful sacrifices of the gentiles. Of the first he saith. Behold Israel according to the flesh are not those which eat of the sacrifices partakers of the Altar? 
1. Cor. 10.  and again speaking of the other, fly, saith he, from the worship, that is to say, the sacrifices of Idols, and yielding a reason, thereof, the cup, saith he, which we bless, is it not a communication of the blood of our Lord; & the bread which we break, is it not a participation of our Lord's body, and after more plainly; those things which the gentiles do sacrifice, they sacrifice to devils, and not to God, I would not have you to be partakers with devils, you cannot drink the cup of our Lord, and the cup of devils, you can not be partakers of the table of our Lord, and the table of devils, etc. Thus far the Apostle who as you see evidently compareth or rather opposeth cup to cup, table to table, Altar to Altar, sacrifice to sacrifice, and therefore saint Ambrose understandeth in this place the table of our Lord to be the Altar, saying, 
Ambros in 1. ad. cor. 1.  he which is partaker of the table of Devils, mensae Domini id est altari obstrepit, doth oppose himself against the table of our Lord, that is to say the Altar, and saint ●ilary expoundeth it to be mensam sacrifictorum the table of sacrifices. 
●ilar. in psal. ●●.  Also S. Chrisostome upon these words Calix bevedictionis the cup of blessing, and the rest that followeth in the text, saith in the person of Christ, 
Chrisost ho. 24 in 10. cap. 2. epist. ad Cor.  if thou desire blood, saith be, do not sprinkle the Altar of Idols with the blood of brute beasts, but my altar with my blood, S. Augustin in like sort interpreteth this place of the sacrifice of the Church, saying that S. Paul teacheth the Corinthians, 
Aug. lib. contra advers. Leg. & Prophet.  ad qoud sacrificum debeant pertimere, to what sacrifice they ought to belong, and Haymo, who wrote about 800. years ago, saith that calix benedictionis, the cup of blessing, which S. Paul speaketh of, 
Maymo in epist. ad Corinth.  is that cup which is blessed a sacerdo●ibus in Altars, of priests in the Altar, so that if we consider the circumstances of S. Paul's words with the interpretation of these learned Fathers, it can not be denied, but that he and the other Apostles in the ceremony of breaking bread, did not only administer the Sacrament of the eucharist to the people (as our adversaries would have it) but also offer sacrifice. Which may sufficiently be confirmed, as well by the liturgy or mass of S. james the Apostle, yet extant, agreeing with ours for as much as concerneth the substance of the sacrifice, as also by a constitution of the Apostles mentioned by S. Clement, saint Peter's disciple; wherein; 
Clem. lib 2. constit. ca 63.  they decreed, that nothing should be offered super Altar, upon the Altar, more than our Lord had commanded: and speaking further in the same decree of the sunday he signifieth that they exercised that day, 3. several acts of religion, that is to say evangelii praedictionem● oblationem sacrificij, & sacricibs dispensationem; the preaching of the gospel, oblation of sacrifice, and the distribution of the holy meat, that is to say the holy eucharist; whereby it is evident that the public ministry of the Apostles, consisted not only in preaching and ministering the Sacrament of the eucharist, but also in oblation of sacrifice; here to I may add the testimony of saint Andrew the Apostle. Who being urged by Egeas the proconsul to sacrifice to the falls God, 
Epist. ●●c●is●ae Achai.  answered that he sacrificed daily and distributed to the people, the flesh of the immaculate lamb, as witnesseth the Epistle of the churches of Achaia declaring the story of his passion; besides that Epiphanius a most ancient Father of the Church doth testify that all the Apostles did sacrifice, 
Epiphanius h● res. 79.  who writing against the sect of heretics called Colliridians and reprehending them worthily for having certain women priests that offered sacrifice to our lady (which could not be offered to any but to God alone) saith, it was never heard of since the world began that any woman did sacrifice, neither our first mother Eva, nor any of the holy women in the old Testament, no nor the virgin Mary herself, nor the 4. daughters of Philip the deacon though they were prophetesses, and then, having named Zacharias father to saint john for one that offered sacrifice in the old law, he addeth, that all the 12. Apostles (whom he nameth particularly) did sacrifice; whereof it were a sufficient argument, though there were no other, that those Fathers who partly lived with them and received of them the Christian faith, and partly succeeded them immediately, do signify not only the use of the sacrifice in the Church in their time, but also their constant and most reverend opinion thereof, as it may appear sufficiently by that which I have already alleged out of S. Clement, S. Denis, S. Martial, S. justin, and S. Ireneus, 
Clemes. li. ●. constit. c. 20. Dionysius Ecclesiae Hiecarch cap. 3. Martial. epist. ad Burdegal. justin. Dial. cum Trioho. Ireneus. li 4. adverse haeres. ca 32. etc. 3●.  all which do uniformly teach that Christ delivered this sacrifice to his Apostles, and the last of them to wit S. Ireneus scholar to S. Policarp who was scholar to S. john the Evangelist, saith, that the Church receining it of the apostles did offer it throughout the world, in his time, which as I have said before was in the time of K. Lucius and therefore I shall not need to enlarge myself further in this matter to produce the testimonies of the later fathers partly because I have already accomplished my principal intention in this treatise, which is to prove that king Lucius could receive from the Church of Rome, no other but our Gatholyke Roman faith as well in this point of the sacrifice of the Mass as in all other which we profess, and partly because in handling and explicating the prophecies, and figures of the old testament, and the actions and words of our Saviour, and of his Apostles concerning the institution use and practise of this sacrifice, I have already alleged so many plain and evident testimonies of the fathers, that it is needles to allege any more. Seeing it is most manifest thereby that all those of the first 500 years both taught our doctrine in this point, and understood the scriptures concerning the same as we do, and that they speak not of this sacrifice (as our adversaries will needs understand them) as of an improper sacrifice, but in such sort, that they evidently show their opinions, of the propriety, verity, and excellent dignity thereof: and therefore in S. Denis scholar to S. Paul; it is called; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Budaeus translateth sacrificium sacrificiorum, the sacrifice of sacrifices. In S. Cyprian, 
Cyprian epist lib. 2. epist. 3. vel epist. 63 ad Caecil.  verum & plenum sacrificium, a tive and full sacrifice, which he saith, the priest doth offer in the person of Christ to God the Father. In S. Chrisostome, 
Chrisost. ho. ●o. ad popul. & ho. in psal 95.  sacrificium tremendum & horror is plenum caleste summéque venerandum sacrificium, a dreadful sacrifice & full of horror, a heavenly & most reverend sacrifice. In S. Augustin, 
Aug. lib. 10. de civit. cap. 20. & iib. de spiritum & liters ca 11.  singular summum & verissimum sacrificium, cui omnia falsa sacrificia cesserunt, the singular, and the most highest, and most true sacrifice, whereto all the false sacrifices of the gentiles have given place. In Eusebius, sacrificium Deo plenum, a sacrifice full of God. In S. john Damascen tremendum, vitale sacrificium, a dreadful sacrifice and giving life. In Theodoretus, sacrificationem agni deminies, the sacrificing of the lamb of God, and in the first general council of Nice held by above 300. Fathers, 
In ●omo council lib. 3. de constir. Nicaen. conc. constit 6.  situm in sacra mensa agnum illum Dei tollentem peccata mundi, incruente a sacerdotibus in molatum, the lamb of God placed upon the holy table, the which lamb taketh away the sums of the world, and is unbloodily sacrificed by the priests, whereto may justly be added the doctrine of all the Fathers, that this sacrifice is propitiatory for the living, and for the dead, grounded no doubt upon the words of our saviour himself in his first institution, and oblation thereof, when he said to his Apostles representing the whole Church this is my body which is given pro vobis for you, that is to say, for remission of your sins and more plainly, in oblation of the cup, this is my blood which is shed pro vobis, 
Matth ca  or as saint Math. saith pro multis in remissionem peccatorum, for you & for many to the remission of sins for this cause saint james the Apostle in his liturgy saith offermius ●●bi we offer to thee o Lord the unbloody sacrifice for our sins, and the ignorance of the people, 
Martial ad Burdegale  and saint Martial the most ancient martyr who as I have said lived with the Apostles, affirmeth that by the remedy of this sacrifice life is to be given us, & death to be eschewed, 
Dionis. lib Ecclesiast Hierar. ca● S. Athanas allegat. a ● malce●oserm. profunctis.  and S. Denis a foresaid cauleth it salutarem bostiam, the host or sacrifice that giveth health or salvation, S. Athanasius saith that the oblation of the unbloody host is propitiatio, a propitiation or remission of sins. Origin cauleth it the only commemoration which makes God merciful to men. 
Origen ho 13. in Levi Cyprian d coem. Dom   
S. Cyprian termeth it medicamentum & holocaustum ad sanandas infirmitates, & purgandas iniquitates, a medicine & burnt sacrifice for the healing of infirmities and the purging of sins.  
S. Ambrose speaking of the Eucharist saith that Christ offereth himself therein quasi sacerdos, ut peccata nostra dimittat, 
Ambros. li de offic. c 41  as a priest that he may forgive our sins.  
S. Augustin considering that all the sacrifices of the old law were figures of this sacrifice, 
August. i● Levit qu.  (as he often affirmeth,) & that amongst infinite others, there were some that were called hostiae pro peccato, sacrifices for remission of sin. By the sacrifices saith he, that were offered for sins, this one of ours, is signified wherein is true remission of sin, 
jacobus in sua liturg.  and to add somewhat more hereto concerning the custom of God's Church to offer this sacrifice also as propitiatory for the dead S. james the Apostle in his liturgy prayeth to almighty God that the sacrifice may be acceptable unto him for remission of the people's sins and for the repose of the souls of the dead, 
Clement. const. Ap● lib, 6.  also saint Clement reacheth for a constitution of the Apostles to offer the holy Eucharist in Churches, 
●tis. hom. ● epist. ad lip. Item ● 41 in st. 1. ad rinth. ●m hom. ad ● popul ●tioch ●eg nissen ●egatus a ●n Damas●o in oca●ne pro de●●ctis.  and Churchyards for the dead. S. Chrisostome also often affirmeth it for a decree of the Apostles to offer sacrifice for the dead, saying; it was not rashly decreed by the Apostles that in the most dreadful mysteries there should be commemoration made of the dead, for when the people, & clergy stand with their hands listed up to heaven, & the reverend sacrifice set upon the Altar, how is it possible that praying for them, we should not pacify the wrath of God towards them. S. Gregory Nissen in like manner proveth the utility and profit thereof, by the authority of the Disciples of Christ that taught & delivered the custom to the Church as witnesseth saint john Damascen, 
●n. Damas●o in ora●ne pro de●ctis.  who affirming it to be an Apostical tradition, confirmeth the same with the testimonies of S. Athanasius, and saint Gregory Nissen.  

Tertulli li. de ●stita.  Tertullian often maketh mention of oblations offered for the dead yearly in their anniverssaries, aleadging it amongst divers other for an ancient custom, 
●em lib. de ●onogam. li. ●e corona ●ilitis.  and unwritten tradition of the Church.  

Cypri. epist. ●.  S. Cyprian also mentioneth a constitution made before his time that for such as make Priests their executors or tutors to their Children, no oblation or sacrifice should be offered after their death, which statute he ordained should be executed upon one called victor that had offended against the same.  

Sateth. 5. ●mistago.  S. Cyril Bishop of Jerusalem, having spoken of other parts of the sacrifice of the mass, saith; then we pray for all those that are dead, believing that their souls, for whom the prayer of the dreadful sacrifice is offered receive very great help thereby.  

Aug. de ver●is Aposto●is serm. 32. ●etlec●dum ●lios 34.  S. Augustin saith that according to the tradition of the ancient fathers the whole Church useth to pray, and offer the sacrifice of the blessed body and blood of Christ for those that are dead, and that it is not to be doubted but that they are helped thereby, 
Cap. 12.  and in his book of confessions he signifieth, that the sacrifice of our redemption, that is to say the blessed body and blood of our Saviour was offered for his mother's soul when she was dead.  
S. Gregory the great to declare the excellent effect of the sacrifice of the mass, 
Homil. 37 in evange  offered for the dead, telleth of one that being taken prisoner in the war, and thought to be dead was delivered on certain days of the week of his chains, and fetters, which fell from him so oft as his wife caused the sacrifice of the mass to be offered for his soul, and of this S. Gregory taketh witness of many of his auditors whom (as he saith) he presumed did know the same.  
The like also in every respect recounteth venerable Bede our countryman in the story of England (which he wrote about 800. years ago) of one Imma servant to King Elbum, 
Beda Ecel hist. Angl. 4. cap. 22.  which Imma being prisoner in the hands of his enemies and chained, could not be tied so fast, but that his chains fell of once a day, at a certain hour, when his brother, called junna an Abbot, said mass for him, thinking he had been slain, and this saith saint Bede he thought good to put into his history, for that he took it for most certain, having understood it of credible persons that had heard the party tell it to whom it happened.  
To conclude; this custom of offering the blessed sacrifice of the mass for the dead, was invyolably kept in the Church of God, even from the Apostle time without contradition, until Aerius an Arrian heretic impugned the same & all prayer for the dead about 360. years after Christ, 
Aug. haer. ●. Epipha. ●ae 75.  for the which he is put in the Catalogue of heretics by saint Augustin, & S. Epiphanius, as our adversaries deserve also to be for teaching and defending the same heresy.   

AN ANSWER TO THE objections of our adversaries out of S. Paul's epistle to the Hebrews, with a declaration that the heretics of this time, who abolish the sacrifice of the Mass, have not the new Testament of Christ, and that they are most pernicious enemies to human kind. CHAP. XVIII.  
BUT now our adversaries against us, or rather against these express scriptures and Fathers, object some texts and arguments of S. Paul to the Hebrews, by the which he convinceth the ignorance, and error of the jews who conceived that their was no other redemption then that which was obtained by their sacrifices of beasts or of fruits of the earth, 
●ug. lib. 3. de ●octri. Christ ●. 5. & 6.  obseruantes, saith S. Augustin, signa pro rebus ipsis nescientes quo referrentur, taking the figures or signs of things, for the things themselves not knowing whither they were to be referred, and therefore S. Paul proveth that this absolute perfection which they ascribed to their sacrifices, could not be found in the priesthood & sacrifices according to the order of Aaron but in the sacrifice & priesthood according to the order of Melchisedech, which he declareth by evident arguments grounded upon the unity and excellency as well of the priest, and host or sacrifice, as of the act of oblation, showing the infirmity of the priests by their mortality, plurality and continual necessity to offer daily, first for their own sins, and after for other men's, whereas in the other of Melchisedech, he saith, there was a priest, that is to say our Saviour Christ, who had an eternal priesthood, and therefore needed no successor, and being unpolluted and without sin had no need to offer sacrifice for himself, and so was more fit and worthy to obtain pardon for the sins of the people; and as for the hosts or sacrifices he showeth also the infirmity thereof, for that they were but only of brute beasts, and in that respect could not be of that infinite value, that was requisite for an absolute and general redemption, whereas the sacrifice in the priesthood of Melchisedech was of infinite price, being the body of our Saviour offered voluntarily by himself, who was both the sacrifice, & the priest. Lastly he proveth also the insufficiency of the sacrifices, 
Cap. 2.  by the continual and daily oblation thereof, for that saith he, if they could have made perfect such as offered them, cessassent offerri, there would have been an end of offering them, for ubi est peccatorum remissio, i am non est oblatio propeccatis, where there is remission of sins, there needeth no oblation for sin. But our Saviour by his sacrifice upon the cross, unica oblatione consummavit in aeternum sanctificatos, 
Cap. 7.  did consummate or make perfect for ever, all those that are sanctified with one only oblation, for otherwise, saith he, he must have suffered oftentimes, which as well for the excellent dignity of the priest, as for the infinite value of the host, was needles.  
Thus argued S. Paul against the jews, which our adversaries do absurdly wrest against the sacrifice of the Mass, saying that the same is wholly overthrown by the same arguments, not only in respect of the multitude of our priests, but also for our daily oblations, and because we attribute remission of sin thereto, which they say, S. Paul ascribeth only to the sacrifice of the cross. For the full answer and satisfaction of this cavil, it is to be understood, first that S. Paul doth not impugn by these arguments any sacrifice whatsoever, but only the sacrifices of the the priesthood of Aaron, neither yet he impugneth those in such sense that he denieth them to be true sacrifices, but only proveth by the infirmity thereof, and of the priests that offered them, that they could not suffice for the perfect sanctification, and justification of man, nor for the general redemption of the world, to which purpose he saith of the priesthood of Aaron, if there were, saith he, 
Heb. cap. 7.  consummation or perfection by the levitical priesthood, what needed there to rise a p●iest according to the order of Melchisedech, and again, the law could bring nothing to perfection, but was an introduction to a better hope, etc. 
Ibidem.  and speaking of the sacrifice of our Saviour upon the cross, 
Hebr. ca 9  he saith that he entered once into the holies, having sound eternal redemption, not by the blood or goats or calves, but by this own blood, 
Hebr. 10.  and again with one oblation he did consummate for ever all those that are sanctified; by all which he giveth to understand that where as mankind was by the fa●le or our Father Adam made a bondman and slave of sin, and subject to the penalty of eternal damnation he therefore needed some effectual means as well to redeem, and free him from this penalty, as also to clear him from sin, to sanctify him and justify him (all which he comprehendeth in the word consummation) and this I say, he showeth, could not be performed by the blood of goats and calves, but by the blood of a sacrifice of infinite price and value, that is to say of jesus Christ God and man, who therefore he saith, not only purchased for man everlasting redemption from damnation, but also did consummate or make perfect for ever all those that that are sanctified, that is to say he purchased perfection of grace, sanctification and justification, for all those that ever were just from the beginning of the world; or ever shallbe to the end thereof, and therefore what benefit soever any of the faithful received in this kind either by any sacrifice or by any good work in the law of nature, or in the law of Moses S. Paul attributeth the same to the merit of Christ's sacrifice upon the cross, for that none were ever justified before Christ, but perfidem futurae passionis, sicut nos per fidem praeteritae, by the faith, saith saint Augustin, 
Aug. li. confessio. 10. cap. 43.  of his passion to come as we are justified by the faith of his passion past, in which respect the scripture saith agnus occisus est ab origine mundi, the lamb was killed from the beginning of the world, 
Apoc. 13.  that is to say, the death of the lamb, which was Christ, hath always had his operation and effect from the beginning of the woorld: so that S. Paul's doctrine is no other but that the redemption, justification, and salvation of man, cannot be ascribed to the merit of any sacrifice or of all the sacrifices of the old law, but to the merit of the sacrifice of our Saviour upon the cross, once offered for all, to the which all other sacrifices have relation, it being absolute of itself, and depending of no other.  
But what proveth this against the Catholyks concerning the sacrifice of the mass? doth it prove that it is no sacrifice? or that it is not propitiatory for sin? nothing less; for if the sacrifices of the priesthood according to the order of Aaron, representing the sacrifice of the cross, were true sacrifices, though they were but of brute beasts, why may not our sacrifice according to the order of Melchisedech be also a true sacrifice? being not only a far more excellent representation, of the sacri●ce of the cross then the others were, but also the very same in substance, to wit, the blessed body of our Saviour himself, and therefore of infinite price, and value, though nevertheless it was not ordained for the redemption of the world, (as was the bloody oblation of the same body upon the cross,) but for an unbloody representation of that bloody sacrifice, yea and for a particular application, of the benefit thereof, to all those that should worthily offer it or participate of it.  
For it is to be considered that the sacrifice of the cross was as S. Augustin calleth it a general cup, 
Aug. se● prosper. in libel atric. falso imposi ar●ic. 1.  or universal medicine, proposed to all the world in common, but not applied to any in particular, the application whereof was left by almighty God to such other means as it pleased him to ordain for that purpose, no les now in the new law, than he did before in the old, as we see by effect not only in this sacrifice, but also in the sacraments of baptism and penance, in faith, prayer, fasting, alms, and other good works, all which are means to apply the fruits of our saviours passion unto us (as our adversaries do not deny of there special faith, without the which they do not think that the passion of Christ is beneficial to any,) for otherwise it would follow, that all men should be saved a like, because Christ died for all a like.  
If therefore there be sacraments, and other means to apply the fruit of our saviours passion unto us, without prejudice to the honour thereof, why may there not be also a sacrifice to that end, especially such a sacrifice as this, which as I have said is not only a most lively representation of the other upon the cross, but also the very same in substance, though different in the manner of the oblation; and again seeing the fruit of our saviours sacrifice upon the cross hath had his course, effect, and operation from the beginning of the world, as I signified before and yet nevertheless there was both in the law of nature and in the law of Moses hostiae pro peccato, sacrifice for sin. Why may there not now also be a sacrifice for remission of sins, especially seeing our daily sins, do no less require now a daily remission than did the sins of those that were under the law of Moses.  
This saint Paul seemeth to insinuate sufficiently in those very words which our adversaries do most urge against this point, to wit, 
Hebr. cap. ●.  where there is, remission of sins there no oblation or sacrifice for sin is needful, where upon I say it followeth, that where there is not remission of sin, there needeth sacrifice for sin.  
Therefore to answer our adversaries, and to explicat this text I say that S. Paul speaketh of such remission of sin, as was purchased for mankind in general by the general redemption of all, and not of the particular application thereof to any, and therefore in that sense he saith, that the general ransom for sin being paid, and remission thereof being in general procured by the sacrifice of the cross, it were needles that either the same or any such general sacrifice, should be offered again; But seeing the particular application thereof is needful for the remission of sin, no less now, than it was in the old law, it followeth that some sacrifice is now as needful as then it was, where upon Primasius S. Augustins scholar expounding this same epistle of saint Paul to the Hebrews, saith; 
Primatius epist. ad Haebrae.  our Priests do offer sacrifice daily because we need daily to be cleansed, and for as much as Christ cannot die, he therefore gave us the Sacrament of his body and blood● to the end that as his passion was the redemption and salvation of the world that is to say of all men in general, so also this oblation may be a redemption and cleansing to all those that offer it in verity, thus saith he; giving to understand that the benefit of our redemption and remission of sin purchased for all men in general by the sacrifice of the cross, is by this other sacrifice particularly applied to every one that worthily offereth the same, so that the daily iteration thereof is no less needful, then conform to the doctrine of S. Paul, who denieth not the sacrifices of the old law to be true sacrifices because they were daily offered, but to be, as I may term it, that redemptory & absolute sacrifice, which was to be offered but once; whereupon it followeth that the objections of our adversaries out of S. Paul as well concerning the multiplicity and succession of our Priests, as the multitude and iteration of masses, are most absurd and frivolous, for though we should grant it to be true (as it is most falls) that either we have such a succession or multiplicity of Priests or such variety of hosts and sacrifices in our mass as was in the old law, yet S. Paul's argument would prove no more against us, than it did against the jews, I mean it would not follow thereon, than the mass is no sacrifice, no more than it followeth of the same argument, that the sacrifices of the jews were not true sacrifices, which S. Paul never denied, but it would follow that the mass should not be that absolute and independent sacrifice which was to redeem the woorld, the which we deny not and therefore this their objection out of saint Paul proveth nothing but their own blindness, or malice that do not or will not understand either him, or us, in this matter.  
But to satisfy this point more fully, it is to be considered that the multitude of our Priests doth no more contradict the unity of Christ's priesthood, than the multitude of Doctors & Pastors in the Church, (by whom he feedeth & teacheth the same) doth contradict the unity of his Pastoral office and dignity, 
Corinth. p. 5.  In which respect saint Paul saith pro Christo legatione fungimur tanquam Deo exhortante per nos, that is to say we are Ambassadors or delegates of Christ; for God, as it were doth exhort by us.  
To which purpose it is to be understood, that our Priests are not absolute of themselves, and independent, as were the Priests in the old law, who succeeded one an other in equal power and dignity, (I mean the high Priests of whom only S. Paul speaketh) for though Aaron was the first, yet every successor of his was as absolute as he, and not dependent of him, in which sense saint Paul calleth them many, because being every one an absolute head of himself, succeeding one an other, they grew in time, to a great multitude of heads to whom he therefore opposeth the unity of Melchisedechs' priesthood consisting in the one and only person of Christ, whose substitutes and ministers our Priests are (and not his successors) offering sacrifice, and executing their function in his name and as S. Cyprian saith vice illius, ●s his Vicars. 
Cypri. epist. 63. ad caeci●lium.  And although Christ as head, chief Priest, and general Pastor of his Church, doth concurr● particularly with his members and ministers in the execution of their Priestly and Pastoral charge, yet he doth it in nothing so particularly and properly as in this sacrifice by reason of his true and real presence therein, being not only offered by the Priest but also voluntarily offering himself to his Father, offertur & ●ome, 
Ambros. li. 1. de officijs. ca 4●.  saith saint Ambros, 〈◊〉 recipiens passionem, & offers se ipse quasi sacerdos, he is offered as ma● and as receiving or 〈◊〉 his passion's and he offereth himself as Priest, in which respect he is both Priest and sacrifice as well now on the altar, as he was in his passion upon the cross, though for our greater comfort he useth also therein the intervention and ministry of Priests, who being nothing else but his instruments, and exercising all one Priestly function, under him their head, do all pertain to that one eternal Priesthood of Christ according to the order of Melchisedech, which as Lactantius saith, must of necessity be in the Church. jesus Christ saith he, 
Lactant lib 4 justit. c●  being a Priest did make for himself a great eternal temple, that is to say the Church, in quo templo aeternum sacerdotium habeat necesse est s●cundum ordinem Melchisedech, in which temple he must needs have an eternal Priesthood according to the order of Melchisedech, so that the unity of Christ's priesthood is not impeached by the multitude of his ministers, no more than the unity of a King's monarchy by the multitude of his inferior officers by whom he governeth.  
And as for the multitude of masses which our adversaries carp at, as rejected by S. Paul the Fathers of the Church shall answer for us, S. Chrisostome expounding this epistle of S. Paul answereth this very same objection that our adversaries make against us; 
Christ. ho 1 in epist ad Hebrae.  This sacrifice saith he is an example of that sacrifice upon the cross, for we always offer the very self same thing, not now one lamb and another to morrow, but the very same; therefore this is one sacrifice; for otherwise because it is offered in many places, there should be many Christ's, thus far saint Chrysostome.  
The very same argument and reason, and the very like words useth saint Ambrose to prove the unity of this sacrifice and concludeth, 
Ambros. in epistol. ad Haebrae.  non enim aliud sacrificium, sicut pontifex veteris legis sed idipsum semper offerimus, we offer not an other or different sacrifice as did the Bishop of the old law, but we always offer the self same. Also Primasius, the divinity saith he, of the son of God, which is every where, doth cause that they be not many sacrifices but one, though they be offered by many, 
Primatius ● 9 ad Haebr●  & it causeth in like manner that it is that body which was conceived in the virgin's womb and not many bodies, as also that it is but one sacrifice, and not divers, as were the sacrifices of the jews, Thus saith he.  
We read the very same in substance, in Theopila●●us, O●cumenius Sedulius, Haymo and others that have written upon saint Paul's epistle to the Hebrews, 
●heophil●●●ecumen. edulius ●aymo, in c. ● epist. ad ●ebrae.  of whom the meanest may in any indifferent man's judgement, counteruayl all the sectaries of this time, who framing new fantasies of their own brains, or reviving old heresies, are forced for the maintenance thereof to wring and wrest the holy scriptures from the meaning of the holy ghost to their private sense, and to condemn the judgement of all the ancient ●athers of the Church; who living in such times as these matters were not in controversy, can not be suspected of parciality, and much less of ignorance of the scriptures, seeing their learned commentaries and expositions thereof give sufficient testimony of their continual travails & labours therein, besides that their most virtuous lives led in continual prayer, pance and religious discipline (for the which the Christian world admireth, and honoureth them as great servants of God and saints,) is a sufficient argument, that God rather assisted them with his spirit in the understanding of the scripture, than Martin Luther, Zwinglius, Beza, Calvin and such other flagitious, and wicked apostatats, whose vicious and lewd lives (whereof the world is yet a witness) do manifestly declare, with what kind of spirit, they were possessed.  
Therefore he that would leave the general consent of all the ancient fathers, to follow the fantastical or rather phrenetical opinions of these new fangled fellows, deserveth to be deceived, and can have no excuse of wilful blindness either before God or the world.  
But now to conclude this question concerning the sacrifice of the Mass I draw out of all the premises 4. conclusions.  
The first is that, which at the first I undertook to prove, to wit, that the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our Saviour jesus Christ (which we cawl the Mass) is the proper sacrifice of the new testament, prophesied by Malachias, prefigured by the sacrifice of Melchisedech, promised, instituted and offered, by our Saviour, practised by his Apostles, and by the Church ever since.  
The second is, that it is propitiatory not only for the living but also for the dead.  
The third, that the heretics of this time that contradict & abolish the same, hold not the law of the new Testament instituted by Christ, seeing they have not the proper priesthood and sacrifice thereof, without the which the said law and Testament cannot be, S. Paul teaching such a necessary concurrence of the one with the other, that he affirmeth, that the priesthood being translated the law must also of necessity be translated as I have showed before, 
Hebr. 7.  therefore seeing they have not this priesthood and sacrifice, it followith they have not the law and Testament of Christ, which can not be without the same.  
The fourth point that followeth of the premises, is that they are most pernicious enemies of humainkind, seeing they labour to deprive us, of the most sovereign remedy that God of his infinite goodness hath left us for the reparation of our daily wracks by sin, and for the consolation both of the quick and the dead; for which cause the old Christians in the persecutions under Dioclesian, being persecuted for hearing mass, as we are now (as I have showed in the beginning of this treatise) answered the tyrants that the mass was spes salus que Christiantum, the hope and health, or salvation of Christians, 
Baron●an. 303. Suriu● 11. Februa●  and that therefore they could not forego it, the reason whereof I have declared before, to wit, for that thereby are aplyed unto us the fruits of our saviours passion which is not only represented, but also daily renewed in the sacrifice of the mass as witnesseth saint Gregory; so often, saith he, 
Greg. h●● 37. in evang  as we offer the host of his passion, so often we renew his passion, and as saint Cyprian saith, passio Domini est sacrificium quod offerimus, the sacrifice which we offer is the passion of our Lord, Lastly; 
Epist. 63. ●● caecilium.  Martialis the most ancient martyr and Disciple of Christ saith, 
Epist. ad B● degalice  that which the jews did sacrifice upon the Altar of the cross, we do propose on the sanctified altar for our salvation, knowing that by that only remedy life is to be given us, and death to be eschewed, thus far the blessed martyr. This remedy I say the heretics of these our days do seek by their pestilent doctrine to take from us, yea and do in deed deprive us of it in our country, not only by their doctrine, but also by rigorous and violent laws, resembling therein as well the old persecutors of God's Church that did the like, as also Antichrist that is to come, 
Dan. 9  who as Daniel the Prophet fortelleth shall take a way iuge sacrificium, the continual sacrifice of the Church, which is the sacrifice of the mass) and the ancient Bishop and martyr Hippolytus doth testify in his book of the consummation of the world, that in the time of Antichrist, 
Hipol in orat. de consume. mundi.  Churches shallbe like cottages, and that the precious body and blood of Christ shall not be in those days, the liturgy shallbe taken a way, the singing of the Psalms shall cease and the reading of the scripture shall not be heard, thus far saint Hippolytus, that wrote within 250. years after Christ.  
Seeing then the Caluinists, and Lutherans abolish the sacrifice of the mass, yea and bring christian religion to a very desolation and ruin, overthrowing altars, churches, monasteries, images, relics of saints, the sign of the cross, sacraments, ceremonies and all external memories, and monuments of christianity, and in steed of the blessed body and blood of our saviour, bring into the church nothing but a bare sign thereof, what else are they but true figures, or the forerunners of Antichrist, 
Danielle c. 9  that shall set up the abomination of desolation in the temple of God, as saith the Prophet, that is to say, shall bring an abominable desolation upon the Church and true religion of Christ?   

OUR DOCTRINE OF THE merits of works and justification, is proved and cleared, from the slanders of our adversaries, commonly published in their Sermons, and lately insinuated in a book set forth, concerning the conviction of my Lord of Essex. CAP. XIX.  
FOR as much as my intention in this treatise was to detect and confute, certain slanderous lies of our adversaries, spread abroad against us in some of their late books and lybels, no less touching matter of religion, than matter of state, I can not forbear to discover unto thee here good reader, their notable impudence in charging us to be enemies of the Passion of Christ, and to evacuate the merits thereof, by ascribing our salvation to our own works, which they are wont to publish in their sermons, and common table talk, and have of late insinuated in a pamphlet concerning the conviction of my Lord of Essex, wherein treating of Sir Christofer Blunt, that he protested to die a catholic, some foolish minister (I think) foisted in an aparenthesis, signifying that he died not such a Catholyk, but that he hoped to be saved by the merits of Christ's passion, not ascribing his salvation to his own works; as though other Catholykes that teach merits of works, did not hope to be saved by the passion of Christ, wherein I know not whether I should wonder more at their ignorance, or their malice; their ignorance if they know not what we hold, and their malice if they know it, and yet slander us.  
For who knoweth not, that we acknowledge the blessed passion of our Saviour to be the root and ground of our redemption, and reconciliation to God, and the fountain from whence floweth all our justification, and salvation, 
●. Petri c ●●p ad Rom. ●p. 5.  saying with S. Peter that we are redeemed with the precious blood of Christ the immaculate lamb, and with S. Paul that we are justified in his blood, & shallbe saved from wrath by him, and that there is no other name wherein we can be saved, but the name of JESUS; 
●ct 4. Psalm. 129.  nevertheless we know withal that though his passion, be most meritorious, & the redemption that we have thereby most copious, yet it was his will that we should do somewhat of our parts, to have the benefit thereof, which our adversaries cannot but grant, confessing as they do, that to be partakers thereof they must be baptized, 
●●an. ●.  they must believe, they must repent after they have sinned, & seeing upon the warrant of the holy scriptures they add all this to the passion of Christ, without derogation to the dignity thereof, what reason have they to blame us, if upon the same warrant we add another condition no less express in scripture then any of the rest, seeing our saviour himself saith, if thou wilt enter into life keep the commandments, to which purpose S. Paul also saith, 
●p. ad Hebr. ●.  omnibus obremperantibus sibi factus est causa salutis, that is to say, he was made a cause of salvation to all such as obey him, 
Ep. ad Rom. cap. 2.  and in another place, the doers of the law shallbe justified before God, and not the hearers only, and S. james, 
●p. jacob c. ●  we think a man to be justified by works, and not by faith only, and our Saviour himself; not every one, saith he, 
Matth. cap. 7.  that saith to me Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven, but he which doth the will of my Father, by all which we see that good works are necessary to salvation, and must concur thereto, with the merits of Christ's passion, which being the root & fountain of all man's merit, giveth as it were life and force, both to faith, and also to the good works of faithful men to make them meritorious before God, wherein three things are to be noted, for the better explication of this matter.  
The first is; that there is two manners of justification, the one, the justification of the wicked man be he infidel or christian in mortal sin, the other the justification of the just man, or an increase of justice; the first proceedeth merely of the grace of God without merit of works, for that it is not in the power of nature being averted and alienat from God to convert itself unto him, without his grace & vocation, 
Roman 2 3. 5.  & therefore S. Paul worthily excludeth from the first justification both of the jews, & the gentiles all merit of man. The second, which is the justification of the just man, or increase of justice, is procured by good works proceeding of God's grace, without the which their can be no justification, and therefore the Catholics do teach not only the precedence of God's grace before every good work, 
Psalmo. 51  according to that of the prophet misericordia eius praeveniet me, his mercy shall prevent or go before me, 
1. Cor. ca  but also the concurrence thereof, according as S. Paul saith, 
joan. 15. ad Philip.  non ego sed gratia Dei mecum, not I but the grace of God with me, and as our Saviour saith, sine me nihil potestis facere, without me you can do nothing, and again S. Paul, omnia possum in eo qui me comfortat, I can do all things in him that strengtheneth or comforteth me;  
Of the first justification S. Paul saith in diverse places that we are justified gratis, freely or for nothing, by the grace of God, by faith, and not by works, 
Roman 2. 3. 5.  as meritorious, 
2. Cor. cap  and of the second he saith (speaking of the effect of alms) it shall multiply your seed, 
Epist. ●ace cap. 2.  and shall augment the increase of the fruit of your justice; and saint james, a man saith he is justified by works and not by faith only, and saint john, he which doth justice is just, and in the Apocalypse, 
Author op● imperfect Matth.  he which is just let him be justified still, and of both these justifications, saith the author of the imperfect work upon S. Matthew, the first justice is to know God the Father, and Christ his son, and the last justice is to do good works, finally S. Augustin witnesseth, 
Aug. de ●● & opens cap. 14.  that for as much as there were some that taught in the very time of the Apostles that faith without works might suffice to salvation, (which error he saith did grow of the corrupt, & ill understanding of saint Paul's Epistles,) S. Peter, S. john, S. james, and S. Jude did expressly direct their intentions in their Epistles to prove the necessity of good works, and justification thereby, and thus much for the first point.  
The second point that I wish to be noted is, that where works are at any time excluded in the scriptures, Fathers, or counsels from justification, it is always to be understood either of works done by the only force of nature before faith, or of works of the law of Moses, proceeding only of the force of the law, or of works of the faithful not proceeding of God's grace.  
The third point is, that all the reason of merit in man's faith, or works proceedeth of two grounds, the one the grace of God, which moveth & enableth a man thereto; the other the promiss of almighty God to reward the same in both which the merits of Christ's passion are ever presuposed to be the first foundation of all the building; with which presupposition our Saviour saith, 
Math. 10. & Marc 9  he which gives but a cup of cold water in my name shall not lose his reward, and again to his Disciples your reward is copious in heaven, 
Matth. 5. & Luc 6.  & speaking of the judgement at the later day, he plainly ascribeth the reward of life everlasting to works, saying, come ye blessed of my Father and possess the Kingdom prepared for you for when I was hungry you gave me to eat, when I was naked you clothed me, etc. 
Math. 25.  And therefore S. john, and S. Paul say, 
Apoc. 22. ● Rom. 2.  God will render unto every one according to his works, to this purpose also the Prophet David saith, I inclined my heart, o Lord, to do thy justifications for reward, 
Epist 2. add Timoth. c. 4.  and S. Paul I have saith he fought a good fight, I have kept my faith, I have consummated or ended my course, & now there is laid up for me the crown of justice, which our Lord the just judge will render me in that day; upon these words of S. Paul OEcumenius saith, 
Oecumeni in ea verba ep. 2. ad timoth. cap. 4.  consider that he craves it as due when he saith reddet mihi & non dabit, he will render it unto me, and not he will give it me, which he also signifieth in that he cauleth him the just judge: Theophilactus also saith the same, 
Theophilac. in 2. Timoth. cap. 4.  upon the same words, and concludeth thus, the crown is a debt by reason of the justice of the judge, S. Augustin aleadging the same place of S. Paul in his book of grace and free will, saith, 
Aug. de gra & liberto a● b●. cap. 6.  he now rehearseth meritae sua bona; his good deserts or merits, that he which after his ill deserts got grace, may after his good merits get the crown, etc. but let us hear concerning this matter of merit, 
Igat. epist. ● Roman.  some two or 3. about king Lucius time, S. Ignatius disciple to saint john the Evangelist, saith in his epistle to the Romans, being condemned to be devoured of wild beasts, suffer me to be the soul or was of beasts that I may promerori Deum, gain, or as a man may say earn almighty God. Tertullian saith, 
Tertul in scorpiaco.  how at their many mansions in the Father's house, but according to the variety of men's merits, and Clemens Alexandrinus; 
Clemens Alex. 6. str● mat.  there are saith he many mansions according to the worthiness and merits of those which believe, and origen teacheth, 
Orige l●b. ● in epist. ad Roman.  that God doth not give according to nature, but according to merits, S. Cyprian saith, 
Cyprian. epist. 14 ad Presb. & diacon vel ●●. epist. 1●.  that a penitent man, promere●ur Dominum, obsequijs suis & operibus justis, doth deserve, or as I said before earn our Lord with his obedience and just works, and in his book of the unity of the Church, speaking of them that having done great miracles in the name of Christ, shallbe rejected of him at the day of judgement, 
S. Augustin giveth also the same interpretation of multae, mansiones tractatu 6.7. in evang. ●●  he saith, justice or righteousness is needful, ut promerere quis possit Deum judicem, that a man may gain God the judge, which in the words next following he expoundeth, saying preceptis eius & monitis obtemperandum est ut merita nostra accipiant mercedem, we must obey his precepts and admonitions that our merits may receive reward, 
Cyprian. 〈◊〉 de unitate Ecclesiae.  there to I will add S. Augustin explicating notably this question according to our Catholyk faith ever taught in the Church of God, 
Aug. de gratia & libero arbitrio ca 6.  when grace, saith he, is given then begin also our good merits by the means of that grace, for if grace be taken away man doth presently fall headlong by his own free will, therefore when a man beginneth to have good merits, he ought not to attribute them unto himself, but to God, to whom it is said in the Psalm, o Lord be my helper, and do not forsake me, etc. Thus far S. Augustin but to avoid the multitude of allegations, which might be infinite to this purpose, I will conclude with the second council of Aurange celebrated 1200. years ago, reward saith the council, 
〈◊〉 A●●●●●um. se●●●●. ●no. 1●.  is due to good works, if they be done, but grace which is not due, or given by desert, doth go before, that they may be done.  
Thus thou seest good reader the doctrine of Catholykes concerning merit or good works, conform to the scriptures and fathers, and no way preiuditial to the dignity & honour of our saviours passion, but most honourable to the same, seeing we teach that all good merits receive their vigour and force from the merits thereof, he having thereby obtained for us of his father, not only remission of sin, but also grace to do works acceptable to him and meritorious of eternal salvation, which works though they be ours in respect of the concurrence of our free will yet for as much as they be his gifts in that they proceed of his grace they deserve the reward that he hath promised for the same, & therefore respecting any works of man whatsoever as of themselves, we say with saint Paul, 
●oman. ●.  that the passions or sufferings of this life are not worthy of the future glory that shallbe revealed in us, but considering the same as the gifts of God, 
Corin 4.  and ennobled with his grace, we say also with him, that the short and light tribulation which we suffer here, doth work an eternal weyghe of glory in us.  
Therefore I will end with S. Augustin, saying that when God doth crown our merits, he doth crown his own gifts, 
●ug. ep. 105. ● sixth pre●●terum.  seeing then, this is the uniform doctrine of all Catholykes, wherein do we derogate any thing from the passion of Christ, or arrogat to ourselves, or our own works more than the scripture doth give us warrant for.   

THAT OUR ADVERSARIES who affirm that we deerogate from the merits of Christ's passion do themselves wholly evacuat, and frustrate the same, by their most wicked, and absurd doctrine of imputative justice, and divers other points confuted in this chapter. CAP. XX.  
BUT now let us examine the opinion of these fellows, that seem to be so jealous of the honour of Christ and of his passion, and I doubt not we shall find that they do utterly obscure and frustrate the same, for where as our Saviour Christ gave himself to death, 
Tit. ●.  as S. Paul saith, to the end he might redeem us from iniquity, and make us clean from sin, and a people acceptable to himself, and followers of good works, they teach expressly that he hath performed nothing of all this. For though they grant that he redeemed us from death, and by his passion purchased us life everlasting, yet they confess not, that he redeemed or made us clean from sin (as we see S. Paul teacheth) but plainly affirm the contrary, 
Calvinus li● 2. in●●●t ca ● Lutherus lib de libertate Christia. & i● affectione art 2. 31. 32. & ●6 confessto August●. artic. 6  saying, that original sin is not taken away by baptism, nor any other sin after baptism remitted, but covered, and not imputed; in so much that they teach further as a necessary consequent thereof, that the works of the most just man, are not only infected with sin, but also sins of themselves, deserving eternal damnation & that therefore there is no righteousness or justice really in man, but only in Christ, 
Calvin lib. ● instis. cap. 1● Luther. ad ● 2. ad. Gala●  and imputed to man; whereupon it must needs follow, that the fall of Adam our father, was of more force to make us sinners, than the passion of our Saviour to free us from sin, and to make us just, which is no less dishonourable to Christ then contrary to express scripture, 
Rom. 5.  where S. Paul saith, that as by the disobedience of one (Adam) many were made sinners, so by the obedience of one (Christ) many were made just; if then we were truly sinners by Adam, we are also truly just by Christ, or else our help is not equivalent to our harm, nor our remedy to our disease, nor our rising to our false, nor our gain to our loss, nor consequently Christ to Adam, which were impiety to think, and blasphemy to say, and yet so must our adversaries be forced to say if they will defend their opinion; but for as much as not only this their absurd doctrine of imputative justice, but also divers other execrable errors, or rather damnable heresies spring all out of one root, that is to say the foresaid opinion that original sin is not clean remitted, and taken away by baptism, I will by the confutation thereof overthrow all the rest that depend thereon, and show withal the dishonour they do to Christ, and his merits which they seem so much to esteem.  
Let us then consider the effects of baptism in the regenerate, which to spoke generally are two, the one the remission of sins, and the other a regeneration, or renovation of the inward man, of the first the Prophet Ezechiel saith, 
Ezechiel. ●p. 36. ●d Ephes. 5. ●d titum. 3.  I will power upon you a clean water, and you shallbe cleansed from all your filth, or corruption, in which sense the Apostle cauleth it; the water of life wherewith Christ sanctifieth and maketh clean his Church, 
● Cor. 6. Chriso. in ●om. ad bap. ●ier. in epist. ●d occanum.  and speaking of the baptized that had been fornicators, and Idolaters, these you were saith he, but now you are washed, you are sanctified, you are justified, by which text S. Chrisostom, and S. Hierome prove that all sins are forgiven in baptism, 
Rom. 6.  & the reason is, for that by the virtue thereof the full merits of Christ's death and passion, 
Colossen. 2.  are communicated unto us, in which respect, saint Paul saith that all that are baptized in Christ, are baptized in his death, and that we are thereby buried with him to death of sin, 
Aug. in Eu●iri cap. 52.  where of S. Augustin saith as in Christ there was a true death, so there is in us a true remission of sin, which cannot be denied, except we will deny the virtue and force of the blessed blood, and death of Christ which hath his operation thereby, whereof the Apostle saith, 
Colos. 1. ad Haebr. 9  he reconciled us by his death, that he might make us holy, and immaculate, and irreprehensible before him, and in an other place making a comparison betwixt the effects of the sacrifices of Christ upon the cross, and the sacrifices of the old law, he saith, but how much more shall the blood of Christ make clean our conscience from dead works (that is to say from sin) to serve the living Gods to this purpose saith saint john, sanguis jesus Christ's emundat n●s ab omni peccato, the blood of jesus Christ doth make us clean from all sin, 
1. joan. 1.  in which respect our Saviour Christ is truly called the lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world.  
Therefore saint Chrisostome saith that a man newly baptized is mundior solis radijs, cleaner than the beams of the sun, 
joan. 1. in homil ad Baptizan.  and compareth the sin of the baptized to a spark of fire, falling into the main sea, wherein it is presently extinguished, S. Basil cauleth it a remission of debt, 
Basil. in exhortat. ad Baptis.  and the death of sin. S. Gregory Nazianzen termeth it peccati dilwium the deluge wherein sin is drowned, (and lastly not to be tedious, with many allegations, in a matter where in all learned fathers do uniformly agree) S. Augustin saith baptism washeth away all sins, yea all whatsoever, of deeds, thoughts, words, of original sin, or other committed ignorantly or wittingly, 
Angl. lib. 3●. contra duas epist. pelagic norum ca 3.  and in an other place, he saith, it doth auferre crimina, non radere, take sins clean a way, and not shave them only. 
Lib. 1. cont easdem epis cap. 13.   
What then shall we say of Luther, and his fellows that deny such a manifest principle of Christian religion, affirming that original sin is not taken away by baptism, but that it remaineth & infecteth all men's works can any thing be said more to the derogation of Christ's merits, on which they will seem sometimes wholly to rely? can their other heresies concerning the necessity of sin, the impossibility to keep the commandments, the sinful or stained righteousness of the justest man, or yet their imputative justice, all grounded and necessarily depending upon the rotten foundation of this pestilent opinion, can they I say, be like to stand when their foundation faileth, as you see? but this 〈◊〉 ●ore evident, if we consider the other effect of Bapti●●, which is regeneration, 
●echi. 36.  or renovation of the soul● whereof the Prophet saith, I will give you a n●w heart and a new spirit, in which respect the Apostle cauleth Baptism lavacrum regenerationis, 
It. 3.  and renovations, the water of regeneration, and renovation, for that as our Saviour himself signified a man is borne a new by water, 
●eu. 3. ●alat 6.  & the holy ghost, & becometh as saint Paul saith nova creatura a new creature by grace of the holy spirit which is abundantly poured upon him, 
It. ●. Roma. 5. Act 15. Rom. ●.  to which purpose the Apostle saith that charity is diffused in our hearts, by the holy ghost which is given us, and that Christ dwelleth in our hearts, and that we live for justification, for that the spirit of God dwelleth in us, all which prove a real and inhaerent justice in us, 
Rom. 6.  and not a justice in Christ, imputed only to us, this the Apostle signifieth by the similitude of Baptism with the death & resurrection of Christ saying that we are buried with him by baptism to the end that as Christ did rise from death, so we may walk in newness of life, upon which words, S. Augustin saith, as in Christ there was a true resurrection, so in us there is a true justification, 
●ug. in En●hiri cap. 52.  and S. Chrisostome proveth the same by the words of S. Paul, (where he saith, you're washed, you are sanctified, you are justified) he showeth saith he, that you are not only made clean, but also that you are made holy and just, 
● Cor. 6. Chrysost. ●om. ad Bap. ●itul. 3.  to which purpose he noteth that it is called lavacrum regenerationis, and not remissionis or purificationis, the water of regeneration, and not of remission or purification, for saith he, it doth not simply remit sins, but makes, us as though we were of a heavenly generation, 
Rom. Alex. ●. 1. padag. p. 6. ●alm. 81 in o. ●● in sanctum ba●tisma.  which Clemens Alexandrinus confirmeth saying being baptized we are illuminated, being illuminated we are adopted to be the children of God, being adopted we are made perfect, being perfected we are made immortal, according to that of the Psalmist, I say you are all Gods, and the children of the highest. The same also in effect saith S. Gregory Nazianzen Baptism saith he, 
De peccato●um meritis ●● remissione ●●p. 9 lib. 1.  giving help to our first nativity, of old makes us new, and of human divine, all which doth plainly prove that which we teach, with saint Augustin, who saith the grace of 〈◊〉 doth work inwardly our illumination, and justification, nevertheless we deny not that the justice wherewith we are ma●●●ust, is the justice of God by whose grace we have it, but we deny that it is not ours, & really in us, when he hath of his great mercy and liberality given it us, so that we say it is both his and ours, his, because he gives it, & ours, because we have it by his gift. Therefore saint Augustin saith, let no Christian man fear to say that we are made just, not by ourselves but by the grace of God, working the same in us. 
De spiritu littera ca 1 Luc. 1.  In this sense Elizabeth and Zacharias were called just in the scripture, of whom we read that ambo crant justi, they were both just, not before men only, but aute Deum before God and not because justice was imputed to them, but because they did walk in omnibus mandatis & justificationibus Domini sine quet●la, in all the commandments & justifications of our Lord without blame, in this sense also it is said in the scripture, 
Rom. 3.  the doers of the law are justified before God, not the bearers only, which saint john confirmeth, fore warning as it were and arming us, against these seducers, (for so he termeth all those which teach that a man is not just by really doing the acts, or works, of justice,) 
1. joan. 3.  let no man saith he seduce ●ow, he which doth justice or righteousness is just, as God is just, he which doth sin, is of the devil to this end appeared the son of God, that he might dissolve the works of the devil: thus far S. john. 
Tit. 2.   
If then the coming of our Saviour, 
Rom. 6.  and his suffering was to dissolve the works of the devil, 
Ezech. 36.  which is sin, and (as it is signified in infinite other places of scripture,) to redeem us from iniquity, to deliver us from the servitude of sin, to renew us in spirit, to make us new creatures, to cleanse us, to sanctify us, to justify us, 
Tit. 3. colos. ●.  that is to say to make us just, yea to make us immaculate, and irreprehensible, to make us his 
a 1. Cor. 3.  temples his 
b joan 15.  friends, his 
c Rom. ●.  children, how is this performed, if notwithstanding the merits of his passion applied unto us by Baptism, and other means, we are only reputed to be just, and not so in deed, but remain still soiled with sin; 
1. joan. 3.  bondmen of iniquity, and children of the devil (as S. john saith we are if we be in sin) how can we say that Christ conquered the devil and sin, and delivered us from the servitude and bondage of them both if we remain slaves of both? for being bondmen of sin, as Luther makes us, we are also slaves of the devil by consequent, and can it be any derogation to the merits of our saviours passion, to say that he made us (who were before thralls & captives to both the devil and sin) able to vanquish, and conquer them both? nay is it not far more glorious to him to conquer them daily in us and by us, then if he had only conquered them for us? for by making such weak ones, as we, tread them under our feet, his conquest and triumph is far more glorious, his mercy to us more manifest, his enemies & ours more confounded, 
1. Cor. cap. 5.  and we infinitely more obliged, and therefore we may say with saint Paulo, Deo gratias qui dedit nobis victoriam, God be thanked which gave us victory, but how by ourselves no; per Dominum jesum Christum, by our Lord jesus Christ.  
Thus thou seest good reader how consonent to the scriptures how glorious to our Saviour, & how comfortable to us is our doctrine concerning justification, and merits of works, & on the other side how erroneous, and injurious to his passion is the opinion of our adversaries who to the end they may with better colour and more boldly bark against good works, and the merit thereof, seem to have in singular estimation the merits of his passion; But where the full force and true effect thereof is to be showed to God's greater glory, to the confusion of our enemy the devil, and our singular comfort, there they hold it to be of no force or value, yea rather they make it a cloak to cover sin then a means to cleanse it, and to take it away, and so they establish in the kingdom of Christ, the tyranny of the devil, whose instruments and proctor's they show themselves to be, working in men's minds by their doctrine, that which the devil doth work by temptation, that is to say discouraging all men from doing we●, and from keeping the commandments, by teaching the same to be needless, impossible, and of no merit, whereby they give full scope to sensuality, and sin, and carry men after them headlong to hell as I could make it most evident if I list to prosecute this point, which my purposed brevity will not permit.   

THE CONCLUSION CONVINCING by the premises, that our Catholyk doctrine, was delivered to King Lucius, by Pope Eleutherius, and is the undoubted truth, that Christ left to his Church, with a note of the notable impudence of our English ministers. CHAP. XXI.  
NOW to return to King Lucius and to conclude, I doubt not good reader but thou hast perceived by these few points which I have handled, what hath always been the doctrine of the Church of God concerning the same, and that therefore King Lucius could receive no other from the catholic Roman Church by the which he was converted to the Christian faith, and if I thought it needful to rip up every other particular point controversed betwixt our adversaries and us, I could easily show the same in every one.  
But what needeth it? seeing they cannot prove that any Pope, I will not say from S. Eleutherius to S. Gregory, but from S. Peter to Clement the eight that now governeth the Church, hath taught, and decreed any different doctrine from his predecessors, whereas on the other side we show evidently that in a perpetual succession of our Roman Bishops, there hath been also a continual succession of one, & the self same doctrine, where upon it followeth infallibly that King Ethelbert, and the English could not receive from S. Gregory the Pope any other faith than King Lucius and the britains received from saint Eleutherius, and that we which now hold communion with the Roman Church teach no other doctrine then that which was taught by them to our ancestors, and hath successively come from S. Peter, & consequently from our Saviour Christ.  
Therefore thou mayst well wonder, good reader, at the impudence of our English ministers, that are not a shamed to preach & teach the contrary, whereby thou mayst also see how lamentable is the case of our poor country wherein such have the charge, and cure of souls, as have not so much as common honesty to say the truth in matters as clear as the Sun, and teach such a religion as for lack of better reasons, and arguments, they are forced to maintain it with manifest lies, slanders, yea and murders of innocent men, whom they execute for feigned crimes under colour of matter of state, acknowledging thereby sufficiently the truth of our Catholyk faith seeing they are ashamed to a●ow that they trouble any man for it, whiles they confess that they punish and put to death heretics, namely the Anabaptists, directly for their religion, and their impudence is so much the more notorious, for that their public proceedings in the daily execution of penal and capital laws, touching only matter of religion, doth contradict and convince their sayings and writings, wherein they affirm that they put none to death for religion.  
But for as much as I have treated this matter at large in divers parts of my Apology, besides that I understand that some others also intend to treat thereof in the answer of a ridiculous challenge, made by O. E. fraught with most absurd paradoxes, as well concerning this point, as others touching our catholic faith, I remit thee, good reader, thereto, and so conclude this treaties, beseeching almighty God to give our adversaries the light of his grace, and us in the mean time patience and constancy, and to thee indifferency to judge of matters so much importing the eternal good and salvation of thy soul, which I heartily wish no less than my own.   
FINIS.   

A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS OF THIS TREATISE.  
THE preface, wherein are declared the causes of the long delay of printing the Apology, and withal is noted the impudence of a late writer in England disguising his name with the letters O. E. who avoweth the fiction of Squyres employment for a truth and affirmeth that none are put to death in England for religion. 
 An Answer to two malicious slanders, avouched in the foresaid libels concerning the conquest of England, falsely supposed to be pretended, & solicited, by the Catholyks, & touching the late enterprise of the King of Spain in Ireland. Also concerning sir William Stanley, and the jesuits, calumniated by the lybellers. 
CHAP. 1.  Concerning father Parsons in particular, and that the extreme malice that the heretyks bear him, is an evident argument of his great virtue. 
CHAP. 2.  That the Catholykes are persecuted & martyred now in England for the same causes that the martyrs died in the primitive Church, and of the great injustice done to two Priests, condemned at Lincoln by judge Glanduile. 
CHAP. 3.  Of the impudence of a minister, who being present at the death of the two martyrs aforesaid, affirmed publykly that our country was converted by saint Augustin the monk, to the protestants religion, by occasion whereof the truth of that point is evidently declared. 
CHAP. 4.  Of the first conversion of our country, whiles it was called Brittany, in the time of King Lucius, with evident proofs, that our Catholyk faith was then preached and planted there. 
CHAP. 5.  The same is confirmed & proved out of Gildas the sage. 
Ca 6.  Certain points of controversy are discussed whereby it is proved that King Lucius received our catholic faith and first of the Pope's supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes. 
CHAP. 7.  That our Saviour made S. Peter supreme head of the church. 
CHAP. 8.  That the successors of saint Peter to wit, the Bishops of Rome succeed him in the supremacy of the Church. 
CHAP. 9  That the Bishops of Rome exercised supreme authority in the time of King Lucius. 
CHAP. 10.  The matter of holy Images is debated, and the use thereof proved to have been in the Church of God ever since our saviours tyme. 
Chap. 11.  The commandment of God touching Images is explicated, & the practice of the Church declared. 
Chap. 12.  Concerning the relics of saints and the reverend use thereof. 
Chap. 13.  That our doctrine concerning the sacrifice of the Mass was generally received, and believed in the time of King Lucius, and first that it was foretold, and prophesied by Malachias. 
Chap. 14.  That not only the sacrifice of Melchisedech, but also all the sacrifices of the old law were figures of the sacrifice of the mass, and are changed into the same, and by the way, is declared the necessity of sacrifice, as well for common wealth, as for religion. 
Chap. 15.  That our Saviour Christ instituted and offered at his last supper the sacrifice of his blessed body, and blood, proved by his own words, & by the expositions of the Fathers, with a declaration how he is sacrificed in the mass; and lastly that he gave commission and power to his Disciples to offer his body and blood in sacrifice, that is to say to say the Mass. 
Chap. 16.  That the Apostles practised the commission given them by our Saviour sacrificing, or saying Mass themselves, and leaving the use and practise thereof unto the Church, & that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius time, but also for all the first 500 years afeer Christ taught it to be a true sacrifice, and propitiatory for the living & for the dead. 
Chap. 17  An answer to the objections of our adversaries out of S. Paul's epistle to the Hebrews, with a declaration that the heretyks of this time that abolish the sacrifice of the Mass, have not the new testament of Christ, and that they show themselves to be most pernicious enemies of human kind. 
Chap. 18.  Our doctrine of the merits of works, and justification is proved, and cleared, from the slanders of our adversaries, commonly published in their sermons, and lately insinuated in a book set forth concerning the conviction of my Lord of Essex. 
Chap. 19  That our adversaries who affirm that we derogate from the merits of Christ's passion, do themselves wholly evacuat, and frustrate the same, by their most wicked, and absurd doctrine of imputative justice and concerning original sin, and divers other points confuted in this chapter. 
Chap. 20.  The conclusion convincing by the premises that our catholic doctrine was delivered to King Lucius by Pope Eleutherius, and is the undoubted truth that Christ left to his Church, with a note of the notable impudence of our English ministers. 
Chap. 21.    

AN APOLOGY OF T. F. IN DEFENCE OF himself AND OTHER CATHOLYKS, FALSELY CHARGED WITH A feigned conspiracy against her majesties person, for the which one Edward Squire was wrong-fully condemned and executed in the year of our Lord 1598. wherein are discovered the wicked, and malicious practices of some inferior persons to whose examination the causes of Catholykes are commonly committed, and their injurious manner of proceeding, not only against the said Squire but also against many Catholykes that have been unjustly condemned for like feigned conspiracies, against her majesty and the state.  
Written in the year of our Lord 1599 and dedicated to the right honourable the Lords of her mayesties' privy council.  
Ecclesiast. cap. 3. 5. 16.  
Vidi sub sole in loco judicij iniquitatem, & in loco justitiae impietatem.  
I have seen under the Sun iniquity in place of judgement, and impiety in place of justice.  
Imprinted with licence 1602.   

AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER ABOUT A FORMER ANSWER OF M. M. Ar.  
AFter I had set down to myself this defence or Apology in the form that here it goeth, there came to my hands a certain brief pamphlet written in Rome by M. Mar. Ar. presently upon the execution of Squire in England, which confutation though for the substance of the matter it seemed to me very sufficient to give any man satisfaction by showing the whole matter of squires accusation, condemnation, and execution to be a very fiction and devised for certain ends which there are touched; yet thought I not amiss to let this Apology pass also as it was made, partly for that it containeth my own particular defence which the other toucheth not, but handleth the whole action in general, and partly also for that the manner of both our proceedings is different, he showing the whole subject and argument to be a feigned thing, and I that albeit some occasion had been given of suspicion yet the form of proceeding against squire & the rest to be unjust & against all reason, equity, law, and conscience.  
M. Mar. Ar. to prove his intent layeth down the historical narration of all the whole matter and men touched in the same, to wit how squire and Rolls were taken upon the sea and brought prisoners to Sivil, and had their liberty there by Father Parson's means, and how afterwards giving new occasion of offence in matters of religion they were taken again at S. Lucre's, & brought back to Sivil, and there again after certain months imprisonment, delivered out of prison & put in different monasteries for to be instructed, whence they fled away to the sea side, and excused their flight afterwards by letters to Father Walpoole that was most in danger by that flight which letters are yet extant.  
It showeth also the improbability of the devise, to wit, that Father Walpoole (being the man he is) should ever have thought of such a fond way of sending poison into England by such a fellow as squire was, suspected still to be a dissembled protestant, as afterwards he proved, and that thing could not be wrought, nor the poison carried so far but that Rolls his companion must know somewhat thereof, who being at that present in the Tower of London, and neither brought forth, nor mentioned, nor yet made partaker of the fact, was a token that matters went not well, nor were directly handled.  
Besides this that book declareth by many examples the practices of Protestants in these our days for making Catholykes odious, especially Jesuits of which order Father Walpoole is, who was feigned to be the contriver of this conspiracy which is showed to be as far from the condition of the man, as the matter itself is from all probability of truth, to wit, any such poison to be made, bought and sold in Sivil proved by the death of a dog, sent into England by sea in bladders of leather, poured upon the queens Saddle, as also upon the chair of the Earl of Essex without hurt to the sitter or rider, the matter discovered by one Stanley, that neither saw squire in Spain, nor spoke with him, and it was denied by squire first at the bar, and after at his death, and since his death called in doubt by Stanley his first detector, (as by some hath been written from the place where he abideth) the force also of that poison (if any such had been) is declared by reasons and authority both of physic and Philosophy that it could not work any such effect as was imagined, or pretended, & consequently that those applauses & congratulations both by words, sighs, & tears which a company of flatterers showed forth at squires arraynment and condemnation for her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. so miraculous escape was most ridiculous and vain.  
This is the sum & effect of that answer as briefly set down, as I can gather it, and it maketh the fiction most evident to all such as without partiality will read it, though I hear say that it may chance come out again more ample in a second edition, with many Authentical letters, as well of the city of Sivil, as of the court of Inquisition in that place, to show the manner of squires and Rolls running away from those parts with some other circumstances to improve the probability of the devised slander in England, which letters and instruments I thought not good to insert here to my Apology but to leave them to M. Mar. Ar. now at his return hither from Rome to add to his former Answer if so he shall think good, for that he maketh mention thereof in the same, and as for this my defence (gentle reader I shall not need to advise thee of the substance, manner, method, or argument thereof, for that the brief chapters ensuing will sufficiently setfoorth the same, only I would admonish thee to consider maturely with thyself how rhow mayest be used in matters of Religion which do most import thy soul and salvation, when in matters of fact and open action thou shalt find thyself so egregiously abused.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORDS OF HER MAJESTY'S PRYVIE council.  
RIght honourable understanding by common fame, confirmed by letters from Italy, Flanders, and France, that one Edward Squire, was lately condemned, and executed in England, for having attempted to poison the Queens Maᵗⁱᵉ. and my Lord of Essex by the instigation as was surmised of one Father Walpoole a jesuit in Siuil, with the privity & consent of Father Creswel and myself, here in Madrid, I was (I assure your Lordships) at the first brute amazed and much afflicted to hear that these good men so far of in my conscience from such cogitations, and myself no less, were slandered with matter so heinous, & odious, and although I had rebours presently to the brazen wall of our own innocency, 
Mo●at. lib. 1. epist. ad Me●oen.  (as the Poet speaketh) and the comfort of a good conscience which our Saviour giveth his servants in like cases, saying to his Apostles, happy are you when men shall rail upon you, 
Matth. 5.  and persecute you, and speak all evil of you, belying you for my sake, rejoice and be glad, for your reward is copious in heaven, although I say I rested comforted with this consideration, & so resolved myself to patience, & silence, yet weighing afterwards, that as the Latyn proverb saith, Qui tacet, consentire videtur, he that holds his peace seems to consent, & that my silence might not only turn to my further condemnation in this matter, but also to the prejudice of all the good Catholyks of England, against whom every supposed fault of any one or two (be it never so false) is commonly wrested to the reproach & condemnation of all; I could not forbear to offer to all indifferent men this necessary defence and Apology of my innocency in this affair, as also to address the same to your Lord ships hands especially for 2. causes which here I will express.  
The one was for that it is not only convenient in respect of your place & dignity, as also of the duty I owe & bear you, but also importeth for the prevention of the inconvenience aforesaid, that I seek to satisfy your honours, before all others in whose hands principally resteth the satisfaction of her Maᵗⁱᵉ. & the moderation of the rigour, or injust persecution & vexation which upon this false conceit may otherways be used against the innocents Catholyks of England, which have neither part nor fault therein.  
The other is for that persuading myself, that so fond a fiction, or rather so foul & unchristian a practise tending to the spilling of guiltless blood in this act, & to the slander of innocent people both at home & abroad, could not proceed from the body of a council consisting of men so honnorable grave, & wise, as your Lordships are presumed to be, but rather from some inferior persons of less consideration, & more desirous of garboils to whose examinations such causes commonly are committed, who may have abused perhaps your Lordships in this behalf dazzling your eyes with pretence of dangers to her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. person: in consideration whereof I thought myself bound as well in conscience as duty to your Lordships to discover unto you not only the treacherous devices, & dryfts of those that contryned this infamous tragedy, but also the dishonour danger and inevitable dommages that must needs redound to her Maᵗⁱᵉ. to your honours, and to the whole state in time, if such proceedings be permitted, in which respect if those ancient senators & governors among the Romans being heathens, did think it convenient even for honour of their common wealth to chasten oftentimes most sharply, & exemplary certain new devisers of public shifts, deceits, & dishonourable trecheryes used by them though it were against their enemies, and in far countries, and to the common public benefit of their state as they pretended, whereof many examples may be read in Livy, Halicarnasseus & others, & S. Augustine in his book of the city of God, thinketh that God gave them so flourishing a Monarchy over the world for this honourable kind of proceeding in moral justice, how much more ought Christian councelours detest and punish such base & vile proceedings or rather malicious and diabolical as this is whereof now I am to treat, used against the blood of Christian subjects at home in your own sights, to no public benefit, but rather to public infamy, and shame among all nations where it shallbe known, wherefore this a matter so worthy & necessary for your L. to know & remedy, I hope you will take it well that it cometh dedicated to yourselves.   

THE AUTORS PROTESTATION of his innocency with the confutation of the fiction by the improbability of the end that was supposed to move Squire thereunto. CHAP. 1.  
FIRST then for as much as my innocency in this matter, is best known and most clear unto myself, by the testimony of my own conscience which is to me mill testes, as the law saith, no one but a thousand witnesses, and would be no less clear to your Lordships, if my heart were known as well to you, as it is to God and myself, I think it convenient for the first point of my discharge to cawl him to witness that is the searcher of hearts & reins: 
Psalm. 7.  which manner of purgation though it may argue weakness or want of credit in him that useth it, (for as S. Chrysostome saith, 
Chrysost hom. 9 ●● acta Ap●  an oath is a giving of surety where man's manners have no credit) nevertheless it is so conform to all laws human and divine, and so confirmed by custom of all countries, and common wealths, that it cannot justly be refused when the party in neither infamous for falsehood, nor convict by evident testimonies; of the crime objected to the contrary, in which respect S. Paul saith an oath is the end of every controversy for the confirmation of the truth. 
Heb. 6.  Therefore I do here cawl almighty God his Angels and Saints to witness that I am so far from being guilty of this matter which I am charged with, that I never saw in my life for aught I know, the said Edward Squire, nor ever had any correspondence or dealing with him by letters, or any other means, neither yet ever conspired myself, or was any way privy to any other man's conspiracy of the death of her Ma.tie or of my Lord of Essex, & this I affirm in such sort, as if it be not true in all and in every part, I renounce all the benefit I expect of my Saviour jesus Christ, which I would not do for all the good in the world, as your Lordships may believe of me, if it please you to consider that for the only respect not to offend God, and my conscience, I left all the peasures and commodities of my own country, to lead this banished life for many years, not having been any way charged whilst I was in England with matter of state, or any other greater crime, then that I would not go to your Churches, and prayers, persuading myself as still I do, that I should offend God damnably therein.  
If therefore I have been & am contented to lose all that a man can lose, life excepted, rather than to do an act offensive to God and my conscience, I hope no charitable man can conceive of me that I would now without all compulsion, hope of gain or fear of loss, advisedly forswear myself & with a wilful and damnable perjury frustrate and lose all that fruit of my former sufferings.  
Nevertheless if any man be so passionate and uncharitable, that he will not be satisfied with this my protestation, and solemn oath, let him way well the matter itself with all the circumstances, & then I doubt not but he will easily fee the wrong done both to Squire and us, that are conjoined and mentioned in his accusation.  

●hat Squire was, and what his ●nd might be  First therefore for this purpose it is to be considered what was Squyres end therein, seeing as the Philosopher saith, the end is the first thing in intention, though the last in execution, & in a matter of so great weight & danger as this, there must needs be some great consideration that moved him thereto, which the contrivers of this tragedy knew so well that for the better colouring of the devise, they forged the most forcible motive and highest end that maybe, which is zeal of religion, and hope of eternal reward, induced perhaps thereto by the late example yet fresh in memory of the last King of France, killed by a friar, moved with mere zeal without all hope of temporal gain, or possibility to escape; therefore they said that Squire by F. Walpooles' persuasions intended the death of her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and my L. of Essex, to the end to do a meritorious act, and to gain everlasting glory, but the vanity of this fiction is evident, seeing it is manifest, that he was a protestant as he showed plainly at his death, when it was no time to dissemble, whereupon I infer that seeing his religion taught him that there is no merit in works, and much less in such works, how could he imagine that the kill of her Maᵗⁱᵉ. should be meritorious, or any way grateful to God, she being the principal pillar of his religion by whose death the same should be endangered, and the catholic faith like to be furthered, or at the least he must needs imagine that F. Walpoole had no other end therein but the furtherance of his religion, if he moved him to any such matter, could he then be so contrary to himself, as for zeal of religion or hope of merit to seek the overthrow of his own religion? this is incredible, absurd, and impossible; Seing than it is clear that he could have no such motive or end as was supposed, and urged in his accusation, what may be thought of the whole matter built upon so weak & falls a ground, but that the foundation failing the whole building must needs fall withal? for the further proof whereof, and our full purgation, though it might suffice without further discourse that Squire at his death cleared both himself and us, yet to the end that the impiety, & malice of our adversaries may be withal so evident that they shall have no colour, or pretence to have proceeded according to allegata & probata, (which in some cases may excusse a judge from all offence, though he condemn an innocent man) I will particularly examine the grounds whereupon he was condemned.   

THE EXAMINATION OF THE grounds whereupon Squire was condemned, and how uncertain is the trial of truth by torment. CHAP. II.  
ALTHOUGH I have little understanding of our english common laws, whereof I never had further knowledge, then that which I got by the experience of some few cases that I saw tried at the common Assizes, and in the King's bench (which also by my long absence from England, I have in part forgotten) and therefore cannot prove by the words, and texts thereof, nor by books cases that Squire was wrongfully condemned, yet if I prove the same by the approved laws of other countries, yea and by reason and conscience which are the grounds of all good laws, it must needs follow, that either he was condemned flatly against our english laws also, or else that the same are repugnant to conscience and reason, which were as great an inconvenience as the other, and such as I am sure no common Lawyer of England will grant, neither is it to be supposed.  
Now then to come to the examination of this matter, if it be true that is here reported (as it is like to be, for that we hear it uniformly from divers parts) that Squire was condemned without any witnesses presented at his arraynment, upon some light presumptions and his own confession extorted by torment, as he said himself at the bar, and also at his death, it is clear that he was wrongfully condemned, for that no law can allow that such a confession should suffice for the condemnation of any man, without some other evident proofs; it being manifest, that the innocent may be forced by torment as soon to accuse himself falsely as the nocent truly to confess his fault; which the civil law proposeth to all judges carefully to be considered, saying that judgement by torment is deceitful, for that often the innocent are compelled thereby to confess faults which they never committed; 
Lib. ●. ●. qu. ●f de quaest.  and S. Augustin wisely noting the inconvenience of such trials, lamentably bewaileth the practice thereof, and the infirmity of man's judgement in this manner, in these words.  
When a man (saith he) is tormented in his own cause to try whether he be culpable or no, 
Aung. 19 de civit. dei ●. 6.  many times the innocent suffereth most certain pains for an uncertain fault, not because any crime of his is known, but because his innocency is unknown, so that the ignorance of the judge causeth the calamity of the innocent, and that which is more intolerable, yea & to be lamented with fountains of tears, we see that whiles the judge tormenteth the accused, lest he should kill an innocent, it happeneth by the misery of human ignorance, that he falleth into the inconvenience that he seeketh to avoid, and ignorantly killeth a guyltles man, whom he tormented to know whether he was guilty or no, for the accused rather chussing to die then to endure the torment, doth many times accuse himself of that which he never did; Thus much S. Augustyn in this discourse.  
Hereof also Valerius Maximus giveth a notable example in a servant of Marcus Agrius, 
Lib. 2. cap. 4.  who being accused to have killed a servant of Titus Fanius, did for fear of torment most constantly affirm that he had done it, though after he was executed the party whom he confessed to have killed returned home safe, whereto I might add many examples of like matters that fall out in day he experience, but that I will not be tedious to your Lordships, and therefore I will only touch briefly by the way one that concerneth myself, not unlike to this of Squyres which happened in the year of our Lord 1595. at my being with the Duke's grace of Feria in Brussels, 
The Auctor in danger ● false accusation upon torments.  where I was through the rigorous, if not malicious proceedings of a certain judge, brought to be accused by two several persons, not only to have intelligence which Sr. Robert Cecyl (whose honour knoweth how innocent I am thereof) but also to have conspired together with them the burning of the King's munition at Machlyn, though afterwards, through the goodness of almighty God, and the particular favour of the Duke's grace (to whom I am therefore to acknowledge an eternal obligation) I was fully cleared thereof; for the process being at the Duke's request reveiwed by the privy council, & the proceedings of the judge thoroughly examined, it appeared that he had not only given two torments to either of the prisoners without just cause, and so forced them to accuse both me and themselves wrongfully, but also confronted them together in such sort, that the one instructed the other what he should say, yea and that he razed their depositions that were different, and made them agree by his own art, whereto the prisoners consented also for fear of new torments, choosing rather to die then to endure the same, and determining to discharge their consciences at their deaths, as well for their own purgation as mine, and this appearing to be true by the examination not only of the prisoners themselves, but also of the judges clerk, & the jailer (besides that it was evident, that there had been no munition at Machlyn to burn of 25. years before) the prisoners were quit of that matter by sentence, and I for that I was never in the hands of the justice, was only declared to be clear and innocent by testimony given me under the hands of the privy council, and the judge was also forced to restore my honour, and to do me such reparation of the wrong, as I rested satisfied.  
And I doubt not but if I had as potent a patron & friend in England at this present as I had at Brussels, who might procure the proceedings of this matter of Squire to be sifted, & examined to the bottom as he did the other, there would be found no less indirect dealing in this, than there was in that if not much worse, & more cunningly handled, as after will in part appear.   

OF THE CRUELTY OF the Rackmaisters in England, and of the manner of their examinations. CHAP. III.  
BUT to the end your Lordships may the better conceive how Squire was circumvented, and forced to accuse both himself & F. Walpoole may it please you to enter into the consideration of some of the barbarous usage & tyranny that the Rackmaisters, tormentors, and inferior officers, and examiners by whose hands he passed have used in the causes of Catholykes for many years, and daily do use observing no order of justice, nor form of law, neither in examining nor tormenting; for they examine men, not only of their own works words and thoughts, yea and what they would do or say in such and such cases, (a thing never practised either amongst christians or heathens) but also of other men by name, and with such particularities as they teach them when they are in torment, what they would have them say of themselves, and others, for their own ease, against all conscience, and law, which law saith, 
Lib. r. ●. qu● cue ff●de qu.  he which examineth in torment ought not to ask particularly whether Lucius Titius did the murder but generally who did it, for otherways he playeth the part of an instructor, and not of an examiner.  
Furthermore they seek many times by subtile, and captious questions to entangle at vnawars some simple Catholykes, that know not the particular penalties of the laws, nor the dangers thereof, and after they cause them, to be executed thereupon, whereof I could allege many examples, but one shall suffice which of my own knowledge I can affirm to be true.  

The dealing of Fleetwood with M. Nelson Priest.  M. Fleetwood not many years since Recorder of London, examining M. john Nelson Priest, asked him many questions, as it were by the way of conference, concerning Schism and the definition thereof, and who were to be called Schismatics, and so drew him by little & little from one point to an other so far that at last he made him by necessary consequences confess, that the Queen was a Schismatic, and when the poor man saw by the triumph that he made thereat and by the diligent writing of the clerk that he was fallen into the snare of some penal law, he protested that he knew not whether he had offended any law or no, and that willingly he would not have done it, if he had known it, but notwithstanding the servant of God was after endited thereupon, arraigned, and executed, and when presently after the same day one M. Metam a learned and grave Priest being convented before the commissioners and demanded by the Recorder of the same matters, 
M. Metam.  and in the same subtile manner, refused to answer to such bloody questions (not to give him and the rest occasion of so great a sin, as to spill his blood) the Recorder fell into an extreme great rage, and reviled him shamefully, reproaching him with tymiditie, and cowardice, the like whereof I think was never hard nor red of in any Christian, no nor heathen common wealth, as that those which should be the ministers of justice, guardians and defenders of the Laws and means to keep men from transgression thereof, should procure them to be transgressors, and be offended with men, because they will not offend: yea and use the said Laws, not as lanterns, or guides, to lead and direct men to do their duty, but as stumbling blocks to overthrow them, as snares to entangle them, and as knives to cut their throats, and neither give them leave to speak, nor to think, nor to hold their peace, which point Tiberius Caesar though otherwise tyrannical, 
Sueton. in Tiberius.  did mislike, saying (as Suetonius reporteth of him) that in a free common wealth, and tongue and thought ought to be free, which liberty of speech nevertheless we crave not, but only that it might be lawful for to think what we list (not matters of treason or conspiracy against the Prince or state as sycophants do babble) but matters of our faith and conscience such as all Englishmen from the time that we were made Christians have thought and professed until these our days, and all Catholykes besides throughout the world do still think, and this with all duty and love to their temporal Princes, at least me thinks it were reason that we should have leave to be silent, and not to offend the laws by forced speech when we neither mean nor list to do it, for as the traigical poet saith.  
Though nothing else permitted be, let silence breed no blame,  
For no man craves of any King, less favour thou the same.  
To conclude this point of their examinations I cannot persuade myself that our laws can allow them, 
Se●ee● in Oedi●.  seeing the Imperial Laws do ordain exemplar punishment against such magistrates as shall make any malicious or captious interrogatories, as appeareth by a law of Adrian the Emperor, 
Marcianus C. L. Diws Adrianus, ff. de custodia, & exhibitione root  which saith. Si quid malign interrogasse, etc. if it shall be proved that they have examined any maliciously or captiously. Let them be punished in example of all others to the end that the like be not committed hereafter.   

OF THE TORMENTORS and their manner of proceeding against law and conscience. CHAP. FOUR  
SEEING such are their examinations, what marvel is it though their torments be no less exorbitant, which they give commonly to Catholykes without accuser or witness, and without measure or certain number, as of late years to omit other examples was evident in two rare gentlemen Priests and religious learned fathers Southwel and Walpoole whom they tormented, 
F. Southwel. F. walpoole.  the one 10. and the other 14. times, though they had neither accuser nor witness, nor just presumption of other matter against them than their religion for the which only they were after condemned, and executed, whereas by the civil law a man cannot be tormented except their be proofs against him 
a Baldus cons. 25●. verba inquisitionis ver 7. ratio lib. ●.  Luce clari●ra, as Baldus saith, clearer than the Sun itself, & testified at least by one witness 
b Bart l. marit. in principio ff de q. l. confessio extra iud●.  omni exceptione maior (against whom no exception can be taken) that either hath seen the crime committed, or otherways understood it, as certainly as though he had seen it, in which torment also a certain moderation is prescribed, which is not lawful for the judge to exceed, as it shall not be reiterated 
c Alex. con. 5. num. 4. lib ●. Albert in rubr C. de q num. ●.  but when new proofs are presented, (and as some lawyers say more pregnant than the first) and that the party tormented be neither 
d Barol in l. questionis modum n. 1. ff. de cue & in league co●n ff ad l corn.  killed nor lamed therewith, neither yet that any other kind of torture be used then ordinary in so much that the 
e Brun de judicio & tortura f. 65. post, num 6.  Doctors do marvelously enueigh against such judges as invent new manners of torments calling them 
f ●iluest verbo Tonura.  ca●nifices and not judices, hangmen, and not judges. Likewise the Canonists do teach, that it is a mortal sin for a judge to give torment without sufficient witness and evidence, or to exceed the number of measure prescribed by the law, so that it dependeth not upon the will of the judge, nor yet is it the lawful power of a Prince to dispense therewith, 
Afflict, and grammat. voto 30 nu 13. ● voto 3●. num 9  or to command it to be down in other manner as some very learned Cyvilians have signified unto kings and princes in some cases and occasions, as themselves have written, therefore the civil law worthily ordaineth, 
a Mars in l. questionis modum nu 73. ff de qu. & in l. 1. praeterea nu 7. in fin. ff. ● leg cornel. ● sicarijs.  paenaem capitis, pain of death against the judges which give torment without sufficient proofs, and appointeth other grievous punishments for them that observe not the prescript and ordinance of the law in giving the same, wherein I report myself to the Doctors of the Arches, and M. of the chancery that are Civilians and canonists who cannot be ignorant of their laws in this point.  
Whereby your lordship may understand what they deserve that torment the Catholyks upon their own brains, and bare suspicions, without any proof, or witness in the world, & that with such extremety as they lame some, and kill others, and with such devilish devices as amongst Christians hath not been hard of whereof I could allege some lamentable examples of Priests hanged up by the members, or privy parts, as of M. Tho. Pormort and M. George Beesley but especially of M. Francis Dikenson of whose torments I think good to relate some particulars omitting to avoid prolixity, the stories of the others.  
It is not many years since the said M. Francis Dikenson Priest was taken and committed to prison by one of the persecutors, 
M. Fra. Dikens●on.  who seeing him to be a very proper young man in the flower of his age, and imagining that he might quickly overthrow him by the sin of the flesh, found means to have a woman conveyed to his bed, who being repelled by him, and the enemy seeing that the practice took no effect, but came to be known not only to all those that were in prison, but also to many others abroad to the commendation of the Priest's chastity, and honour of the catholic Religion, he was so incensed against him, that he caused him to be hanged up, first by the privy parts (which he made to be pierced in divers places with hot irons) and after by the hands until he was half dead, and then called in many to see his said privy parts, inflamed and rankled) with the burning of the hot irons, saying unto them after they were gone forth again, behold this chaste Priest, how he hath dressed and spoiled himself, with naughty women, and not content therewith caused him also to be arraigned, and executed for being a Priest, without having any other matter against him; which kind of cruelty tending to the overthrow both of soul, body, honour, and all, can hardly be matched I think with any example of the old heathen persecutors of the primitive Church.  
This I have thought good to represent to your Lordships, as well that it may please you of your wisdoms & piety to have an eye hereafter unto such proceedings, as also that your honours may conceive what such merciless men as these, might make so weak a man as Squire was to say, or do, to the prejudice of himself and others, and if nevertheless they have wrought the like effect (God be thanked) but in very few of that great numbers of Catholykes that have past their hands in this our persecution, it is not to be ascribed to any other thing else, but to the miraculous assistance that God for his own glory hath given and giveth to these witnesses of his truth, no less than he did in times passed to the ancient martyrs.   

THAT THE COMMON laws of England do not admit torment in trial of cryminal causes, for the condemnation of the delinquent. CHAP. V.  
BUT now to proceed with the matter of Squire; our lawmakers wisely considering the great inconveniences that grow of the secret trial of causes by torment, the danger of error, the corruption of justice, the circumvention of the party accused, the slander and calumniation of the innocent, and lastly the small ground that is to be made upon a confession wrong out by the rack, not only ordained the public trial, which we have in use, but also excluded all torment from the same, admitting only the testimony of lawful and sufficient witnesses, which being had the party is condemned in our law, though he never confess the crime, so that the confession being not material or necessary for condemnation (as in other countries it is) torment which serveth only to extort the same, is superfluous, for where the effect is not necessary, the cause is also needles.  
And if our law forbiddeth not, or perhaps ordaineth the use of torment in matters of conspiracy against the Prince and state, it is to be understood, that it is not to the end to force the party to confess for his condemnation, but for the bolting out of the bottom and circumstances of the matter, & to know all the confederates for the praevention of the danger which may ensue to the common wealth, for otherwyes I must needs say, that our law should be contrary to itself, and that the danger of error, and of corruption of justice, which our lawmakers sought to prevent by our public trial, should be nothing at all remedied thereby.  
For what doth it profit the prisoner to be brought in publykly to hear his judgement read in the hearing of all, to have the witnesses confronted with him, to be tried by a verdict of 12. substantial men, and to have so many causes of exceptions allowed him against the said witnesses, and jury (as in the practice of our law is seen) what doth all this I say avail him, if the rackmaister may have the fingering of him first, and force him by torture to accuse himself, and that the same accusation shall suffice to prejudice all the privileges that our law alloweth him?  
Again why are the jurors brought to the bar, but to see the witnesses deposed, to hear their evidence, and the answer of the party thereunto, and to understand the whole grounds of the matter for the full satisfaction of their consciences, and to the end they may give a true verdict.  

Edward Squyres arraignment.  But in this case of Squire what clear evidence was produced? what witnesses were deposed? what warrant had the jury for their consciences, who hearing by his own report, that he had been forced by torments to accuse himself, condemned him nevertheless upon his own confession, first extorted in the Tower by torture and by him ratified afterward at the bar for fear of new torments (as afterward shallbe declared) besides some frinolous and vain arguments urged by M. Attorney and other lawyers whose occupatiou is, to amplify, and exaggerate every trifle, to make mountains of molehills and with their retoryke (such as it is) to persuade ignorant men, that thee moon is made of green cheese? Truly either this is far from the wisdom piety and intention of our lawmakers, and from the course of our laws, or else we have the most rigorous and absurd laws in the world.  
But seeing the grounds of Squyres condemnation consisted principally in two points, the one his own confession upon torment, and the other the presumptions urged by the lawyers which did seem to fortify the same, I will br●esty treat of either of them a part, thereby to show what may be judged thereby of their validity, And first of the presumptions.   

OF THE PRESUMPTIONS urged by the lawyers against Squire, and first of the deposition of john Stallage alias Stanley. CHAP. VI  
THERE was red to the jury the deposition of one john Stallage alias Stanley who lately before was come from Spain, and had affirmed that one day in my lodging in Madrid I enueighed against Squire with great passion, and oaths, saying that he had deceived us in not performing his promise, and that I feared we should be utterly discredited with the King thereby. Whereto I answer that I protest before God, and upon my salvation, that I never said any such thing to Stanley in my life, neither is their any man (I suppose) that knoweth him and me, and both our qualities, behaviours and conditions, will think it probable that I would use such words before him if there had been cause, or that so easily, and eager I would fall to sweareing upon the sudden, which hath been so far of from all the rest of my former life, as my acquaintance will bear me witness. But to the end it may appear to your honours what a substantial witness he was, I crave your patience, whiles I discourse of the sufficiency first of the man, and then of the matter by him alleged.  
For the first I assure your Lordships that if his honesty were to be tried by a jury of his countrymen in Spain, 
The conditions of john ●●llage.  I mean either his fellow prisoners in Sivil, or the Catholykes in Madrid, he would soon be sent after Squire, for that no man here hath other opinion of him, then that he is a notable drunkard, a common liar, a pilfering, cozening, and cogging companion, yea and (as he himself hath made no bones to boast) a pursecatcher upon the highway, & as I have credibly hard a common horse-stealer, for the which, & such other virtues of his I understand he hath scoured sundry geoles in England, and should have flowered the gallows long ere this, if he had had his right, and of these his good conditions, sufficient testimony may be had, not only by the Englishmen still in prison at Sivil, but also by those that escaped hence, and are in England, who cannot but testify the same, if they be put to their oaths.  
And as for his behaviour here, I assure your Lordships, that within a few days after he was set at liberty, and that we had noted his demeanour, we were both weary & ashamed of him, for besides his vile and scandalous life, to bad to be told, he would sometimes be in such desperate moods that he would blaspheeme God, saying that he could not forgive his sins, and sometimes threaten to make himself away, because he was not regarded and rewarded according to his expectation, though much better than his lewd conditions deserved, and to give your Lordships some particular examples of his treachery, yea and his perjury (which for the matter in hand is most to be considered) your honours shall understand that first he betrayed his own fellow prisoners in Siuil revealing certain treatyes and practices they had in hand for their liberty, and other purposes, and caused some letters they had written to some of your Lordships to be taken; Secondly he discovered an English ship that arrived there, not for any zeal to this King's service, but in hope to get a third part of the goods, & lastly accused a frenchman called Thomas Dobret to be an English man, my Lord of Essex his servant, and his spy, which nevertheless presently upon his escape from hence he revoked by certain letters that he wrote from S. john de Lewis aswell to one of the judges criminal of Madrid, as to Father Creswel and me wherein he defied, and reviled us with very unseemly speech, blaspheming against our Religion and protesting that all he had done as well in Dobrets' matter, as otherwyes was only to get his liberty, and that Dobret was no Englishman, but a frenchman, for aught he knew, and so by his own confession acknowledged himself to be perjured, as may well be supposed, seeing he had given his testimony before against Dobret by oath and this the English merchants at S. John de Lewis who sent us his letters open can testify, 
●. si cui ●. accusat ●● in l. Cassi● de S●n●.  so that according to the rule of the law (qui semel est maelus, semper malus esse presumitur) he which is once evil, is always presumed to be so in the same kind, it may be well inferred, that seeing he made no conscience here to calumniate and accuse others falsely thereby to get his own liberty, he would make as little scruple there to coin some matter of Squire and us, to curry favour with your Lordships, & with the show of some plausible service, to counterpoise the offences he had committed here against your state, if the same should chance to come to your Lordships, ears, and thus much for the man, now to the matter.  
First that which Stanley affirmed that he heard of me in Madrid was not particular concerning Squyres employ to kill her Maᵗⁱᵉ. (for the which he was condemned) but general concerning some service to be done by him, which might have been understood (if I had spoken it as I never did) of some other matter of less importance, and danger to the state, than the Queen's death, in so much that howsoever it might serve to induce some light presumption, it could be no evidence sufficient to condemn Squire, neither yet to give him torment other circumstances being considered as after shall be proved.  
Secondly this Stanley testified nothing upon his own knowledge against Squire, 
●. testium & ●i glossa c. ●e testibus in ●tam lieteris ●p. licetex ●uadam de ●st●bus.  but only upon hearsay from us here which cannot suffice in law to condemn any man, especially in this case, seeing it was acknowledged by M. Attorney that we of whom he was supposed to have heard it, had suborned him to overthrow Squire, and besides to do some great mischief in England under colour to accuse Squire of that matter, so that both he and we are supposed to have conspired to betray Squire. Whereupon may be inferred two things very evident the one, that Stanley being Squyres accuser he could be no witness against him, for that in law they are to be 
a I. Actor. c. ●e probatio●ibus.  distinct persons, The other that though he were not his accuser, but witness, yet might not his accusation or testimony be of any force against him for that if it be true (as law determineth) that a mortal enemy to any man cannot be his 
b Angel. de ●alef. in ver●o, & ad quae ●lam. post ●●●m. 36.  accuser nor a 
c Art in c. ●●m, oportcat ●. 19 text in ● per tuas de monia.  lawful witness against him (because the law presumeth that whatsoever he pretendeth he is not moved thereby by zeal of justice, but by desire of revenge) what shall we say of Stanley of whom it was presumed, 
●art. in l. 1. ff. ●e quaest.  by the lawyer's themselves that neither zeal of justice, nor love of his country, nor consideration of his duty to her Maᵗⁱᵉ. nor any other good respect moved him to accuse Squire, or to be witness against him, but (as in judgement it was anowed and supposed) that he was suborned, and sent in by us here of purpose to cut Squyres throat, and under colour thereof to do also some other notable mischief whereupon in like manner it may be no less probably conjectured, that if we here made no conscience to employ Stanley, to two mischievous and pernicious purposes at once making the one a colour for the other, we would make as little scruple, for the better compassing of our designments, to belly Squire also unto him and so his testimony should be false, which although it be far fromour customs and consciences, yet I say it might have seemed probable enough to those that would not stick to use the like practices towards us, yea & have done many times, as well by counterfeit letters sent to some principal men of our nation, 
Practices English ●●secutors ●gainst Cat●●lyks ab●o●  in such sort as they might be intercepted, containing thanks for services done, as also by words cast out at home of some of us in the presence of such as were like to blow it abroad to our disgrace, by which means a very honest and wise gentleman, and confident servant of the Kings was called in question of late years by some adversaries of his, who accused him to have intelligence with the state of England for that a councelour now dead had said of him in the presence of some principal Catholykes that he was an honest man, and a friend to his country, but the commissioners that were deputed for the hearing and examining of the matter on this side the seas, had neither so little law or conscience or so small judgement in discovering treacherous devices as to suffer the party to be so much as apprehended upon such an accusation.  
Therefore to conclude if such a testimony as this of Stanley be held good in our law, (as it is in no law else of the world) such a gap is laid open to calumniatours, as no man in England can make account that this head is sure upon his shoulders.  
But put the case that Stanley had been both a lawful witness, and his testimony never so much to the purpose, yet he could not by any law, either human, or 
a Deut. ●.  divine be sufficient to condemn Squire being alone, and that no man else witnessed the same particularity that he did, as had been requisity to prove it iuridically, 
Ma●s cons. n. 25. Silu● verbo testi● quaest. 5. Matt. 1●.  in a matter of life and death, wherein as the law saith, vox unius vox ●ullius, the saying of one, is the saying of none, and our Saviour saith in o'er duorum aut trium testium stet omne verbum, let every matter be decided by the witness of two or three witnesses.  
And although in some cases our laws admit one only witness, yet the same cannot be with any reason or conscience practised, but when the jurors themselves have so sufficient knowledge of the matter, that they need not any further testimony for which purpose our law ordaineth (if I be not deceived) that the jury shallbe impaneled in the same county where the act was done, to the end that the jurors, may have (either all or some of them at least) some particular understanding thereof. But in such cases as this of Squire (whereof the jury could have no knowledge but by the evidence and proofs produced) our laws cannot so far disagree from all other laws human and divine, as to condemn a man to death upon the testimony of one alone, though it be never so direct and pertinent to the purpose and much les when it is so indirect weak and impertinent as was this testimony of Stanley.  
Furthermore seeing that Stanley was not deposed in the presence of the prisoner, nor of the jury but only his deposition red, how did the jury know for the satisfaction and discharge of their consciences, whether he had given his testimony voluntarily or by violence, and whether he would stand unto it to Squyres face or no, which they were bound to consider, yea and to be assured of it before they should find him guilty upon his evidence, for no doubt to those ends the law ordaineth the public presentation and deposition of the witnesses before the jury & the prisoner, for what might be thought, but if Stanley had said any such thing, yet that he had revoked it again, and would not stand unto it, or that there was some other juggling in the matter seeing he being then living, and in the tower was not brought to the court to be deposed there & confronted with the prisoner as reason and the custom of our law requireth, 
●art. in l. sin. ●. de quaest. ●arlorum post in●ocē●um in cap. ●o●x.  whereto the civil law is also conform which ordaineth that the witnesses examined in sumariae informatione be produced again in plenaeri● judicio, or else that their testimony is nothing worth, 
Glo●●a ●●●gul ●● l poctum ●ter haredem. ff. de p●cti●.  and this is thought so necessary in all causes criminal that it cannot be dispensed with no not with the consent of the delinquent himself, who cannot in such cases renounce his own just defences.  
Therefore to conclude seeing that Stanley was subject to all exceptions aswell for his lewd conditions, and suspicion of subornation against Squire as also for being but a single witness, and his evidence not of knowledge but of hearsay, not particular concerning the kill of the Queen nor given in public, and in presence of the jury but in private, there were so many detects therein, that if the jury found Squire guilty thereupon, I must needs say they were worthy to wear papers for their pains and may perchance wear fierbrands else where if they repent not, for spilling Christian blood so wilfully.   

OF THE TESTIMONY given by a privy councelor. CHAP. VII.  
IT is further reported here that a privy councelor being present at Squyres araygnment did witness that he had seen a letter which had passed between me, & a kinsman of mine at Rome wherein we advertised one the other, that although Squire had not yet performed that which he promised, yet he continued his determination to do it when opportunity should serve.  
Hereto for answer I do first make the same asseveration as before upon my Salvation, that there never passed any letter between my kinsman and me concerning Squire in any sense or to any purpose whatsoever, and that I think in my conscience my said kinsman never hard tell of him, nor so much as dreamt of him, or any matter of his in his life except now by this occasion of his execution written from England.  
Secondly I say that persuading myself that so great a councelor would not so little respect his honour, and conscience as to forge of his own head a matter so false and odious as this, and to affirm it in such an honourable and public assembly to the prejudice of any man's life and fame if he had seen no such letter in deed I must needs think that he was abused by some of his intelligencers or inferior informers, who to make a show of their double diligence in such affairs did counterfeit the said letter in my name or my cousins.  
But howsoever that was, in this testimony two things are to be considered, the one, the estate and quality of his person, the other the weight and value of the matter, which being weighed jointly may seem not a little to prejudice this cause, but considered a part do nothing at all hurt the same.  

Cicero orat. p●o muraena.  For the first I say as Cicero said in the like case in defence of Muraena when Cato was the accuser, that the dignity, authority, and other parts that God hath given to that our english Cato for a public good, ought not to turn to the damage of any particular man, further than the matter meriteth, but rather to his benefit, to which purpose Cicero recounteth, that when the famous Scipio Africanus accused Lucius Cotta, the great credit, and authority of the accuser was so far from hurting the defendant that it greatly profited him; for saith he the wise and prudent judges would not suffer any man so to fault in judgement that he might seem to be overthrown principally by the power of his adversary, and Valerius Maximus telleth of Quintus Pompeius Aufidius, 
Valerius Max. lib. ●. cap. 5.  that being accused of extorsion, and much pressed with the testimonies of Lucius Q. Metellus, and of Caius and Q. Cepio, men of sovereign dignity in that common wealth he was nevertheless absolved, lest (saith he) it might seem that he was oppressed by the might of so potent enemies. Such was the honourable proceeding of the ancient Romans, who thought it no reason, that a witness or accuser should bring into judgement over great power or more authority then ordinary, or overmuch favour, and credit, which ought to be employed to the defence of the innocent, to the help of the poor & impotent, & to the comfort of the afflicted, rather than to the danger, distress, and destruction of subjects.  
This I am bold to intimate to your Lordships, not to blame the a foresaid wise and worthy councelor (to whom I bear all due reverence and respect) but to the end it may appear that if his authority & dignity, moved the jury more than the weight of the matter which he testified, as it is likely it did, it neither aught so to have done, neither was it I am sure any part of his honour's meaning or desire that it should do, and thus much for his person.  
As for the matter which he testified; I shall not need to spend many words therein, for that I am persuaded his honour did not speak as a witness, but by the way of discourse, seeing that so far as I understand, he was not deposed and sworn, neither yet the letter brought forth and red in the court, nor proved to be a true and no counterfeit letter, which I verily believe his honour will not for all the good in the world, affirm upon his credit, & much less upon his oath, as it had been necessary either he or some other should have done to make the same forcible in law, whereof I saw once the experience in an action of scandaelum magnaetum, in the kings bench, where a letter of the plaintiffs being presented by the defendant, I remember M. Atkinson who pleaded for the plaintiff, rejected it as not written by him, whereupon the defendant was forced to produce a councelour at Law for witness who upon his oath affirmed that the letter was of the plaintiffs hand, and sealed with his own seal.  
And if this were needful in a civil action it must needs be much more in a cause criminal & capital wherein most 
a L. sciant cuncti c. de probatio. Bossius titulo de conuicti●. num. 9  evident, and pregnant proofs are required, especially in our law, wherein the juries that are to judge thereof are ignorant men, in which respect they had need to have the the matter as clear as the sun, for otherwyes our trial were the most absurd and barbarous trial in the world, and therefore whensoever it is objected by the Civilians against our law, that simple idiots have in their hands the judgement of our causes, 
Plutar. in ●olo●s life.  and (as Anacharsis merrily said to Solon of the popular state of the Athenians) that wise men propound, and plead cases, and fools decide them, when this I say is objected our common Lawyer's answer, that our Iurers are not to judge de jure, but de facto, not of matter of Laws, or right itself, but of matter of fact only that is to say, not of intricate, and ambiguous points but of plain and evident matters, as of acts done, which nevertheless if they be to be proved by presumptions, conjectures, and doubtful evidences, ignorant men will assoon be deceived therein as in matter of law, whereupon I infer, that if in the civil, and all other good approved Laws, (wherein Learned and wise men are to judge of the evidence) it is required, that the same be most manifest, and testified, by eye witnesses, or others that have as certain knowledge thereof as eye witnesses, and this especially in matters of life, and death; much more is it needful in our Law, wherein ignorant and simple men are to determine the cause, and if we do not say that this was the intention of our Lawmakers, that ordained our juries, we cannot with reason defend either them or their laws in this behalf, nor excuse them from exceeding great absurdities, and injurious proceeding.   

THAT THE EVIDENCE against Squire was not sufficient in Law to give him torment, & that therefore his confession extorted thereby was void in Law, and his condemnation unjust. CHAP. VIII.  
BUT some perhaps will say that although these two testimonies of the privy councelour, and of Stanley were not sufficient in Law to condemn Squire yet they sufficed to give suspicion of the matter, and to make him apprehended examined and tormented, whereupon ensued his confession which being ratified after by himself at the bar, was a sufficient warrant to the jury to find him guilty, 
L. fi cui ff. accusat B. in l. Cas●i. de Sena.  and to the judges to pronounce sentence against him of death, as they did.  
For satisfaction of this point I will briefly prove, first that this evidence was not sufficient to give Squire torment; secondly that his confession upon torment was void in Law and lastly that his ratification thereof at the bar could not revalidate the same, and although for his purpose I must aid myself of the Civil law as hitherto I have done, for lack of knowledge & books of our own laws, yet I am well assured, no wise and learned common lawyer can reject the reasons alleged by the civil law, as well for that they are grounded on equity and conscience (in which respect they are received and confirmed in like manner by the Ecclesiastical, and canon laws of Christendom) as also for that our law, so far admitteth the civil law, that in many cases it remitteth us unto the decision thereof, as we may see in matters of testaments, and marriages, and in divers cases of the chancery, for which purpose do serve our Arches, Admiralty, and M. of the chancery, and this must needs have place, much more in this case then in many others, for that the trial by torment properly belongeth to the civil law, and not to ours, which law of ours abhorring (as it seemeth) the cruelty, and rigour of torture doth exclude it from the trial of common causes (as before I have said) therefore if in any case it borroweth the use thereof, of the civil law, it must either use it with the same circumstances, and conditions, or else with more moderation seeing it tendeth more to mercy & pity then the other doth.  
Now then to the matter, though the civil law useth torment in trial of criminal causes, to force the party to confess the crime if he will not voluntarily do it, nevertheless it ordaineth that it shall be given with such circumspection, and consideration, as if the form and circumstances of the law be truly observed there is little danger or none at all of doing wrong to the party.  

●. 1. ff. de qu.  First it commandeth that the judge begin not with torment neither proceed hastily thereto, but with mature consideration aswell of the quality and credit of the party, 
Bald. cons. ● 59 verb● in questionis ●ver septima●atio lib. 1.  as of the likelihood and truth of the crime objected.  
secondly that the evidence and proofs produced be most manifest as in the 4. Chapter of this treatise I have sufficiently proved.  

Battol. l. Maritus ff. de qu. l. confe●sio extraiudi●lalis.  thirdly that the witnesses shall be such as no lawful exception can be taken against them.  

Bart. in l. qui ●●●e nu. 6, ff. de quaest.  And although the judge may give torment with one lawful witness that produceth indicium indubitatum as the lawyers term it, an undoubted and clear evidence (as for example when there is an eye witness against whom no exception can be taken, 
Bart. ibid. au● innocent. ●●icut extra de ●ymon glos. ●ingul. in l. ●in verbo ve● inditijs c. ●amiliae her●i●cum, re●epta a Bartol●●ald● etc. 〈◊〉.  for so saith Bartol) yet when the said evidence is not so manifest two witnesses at least are required and the same to be contests, that is to say, affirming one and the self-same thing.  
This being true; it appeareth that Squire was tormented against all law, for that the matter and evidence that was brought against him was neither clear, nor yet testified by lawful and sufficient witness; for as for Stanley besides that he was subject to many exceptions aswell of suspicion of subornation, as also for being his accuser, in which respect he could not be a witness, his evidence was likewise in itself so defectious that it could be of no moment or consideration in the world as I have proved in the 6. Chapter.  
And as for the letter which the privy councelor testified he had seen, it was not proved to be a true and no counterfeit letter, and therefore no such clear evidence as law requireth to the giving of torment, besides that if his honour will be taken for a witness yet he was not contestis with Stanley for that they did not testify both of them one and the self same thing as is needful when the evidence is so weak as this, neither did that letter mention any particular act but employment of Squire in general, & for generalities no particular man can be punished as saith the law.  
Therefore I conclude that he being tormented unjustly, and against law the confession so extorted could not be of force to condemn him, though he ratisied the same afterwards publykly at the bar; for all civil lawyers do agree, that if the evidence be not sufficient to the giving of torment, yea and also sufficiently proved (in such manner as before I have declared) then the confession extorted thereby is 
a Glos v● in l. qu. l bendae ff. qua ●●. Foller. is pract. cri● 10 307. n Mars. co● 95. num. l Alex in l in alien a celus nu.  nu●la, that is to say, to be accounted none at all, though the party should ratify it a thousand times after (for so 
b Gramon cons 37 ● 6 & 7.  they write) yea and further, that although after such ratification, there should be presented sufficient proofs (whereby it should be manifest that the confession was true) yet it could not be thereby 
c Bart. in maritus ● ff. de qu ●●ulius ●● in practic crim qua ●●. num.  revalidate and made good in law for his condemnation, though it were in cases of assassinat treason or any other like heinous crime whatsoever, and this being true in the civil law, it cannot be contradicted by ours, which is more favourable to life, and admitteth no torture in trial of causes for condemnation, nor relieth so much upon confession of the party extorted by torment, as upon sufficient evidence of lawful witness, which in this case of Squire was none at all; in which respect the judges and jury hearing him say, that he had been tormented, and seeing the evidence and witness insufficient for the giving of torment, aught to have held his confession, and the ratification thereof suspected, and so to have at least suspended their judgement until better proofs had been produced, presuming that for as much as he might assure himself, that all the benefit he should reap by the revocation of his said confession, would be but new torments worse than death, he resolved himself to ratify the same and at his death to discharge his conscience, and to clear himself, as those which accused me at Brussels determined to do, and as infinite others have done in like cases. And that this was also his resolution it appeared manifestly at his death, at what time he utterly denied not only the fact, and all intention thereof, but also that he had been employed to any such end by any man, accusing his own frailty in that he had for torment belied himself; which being considered with the weakness of the evidence, doth no less manifest his innocency and ours, then discover the impiety of those that enueygled him to belly and slander himself & others, whereof I will speak more hereafter.   

AN EXPOSTULATION which M. Cook her majesties Attorney. CHAP. IX.  
FOR as much, as I understand that M. Cook her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. Attorney was a principal actor in the tragedy of Squire, and played the part as well of a kind, as of a kindly cook, in seasoning such an unsavoury matter with salt tears; and of a notable calumniatour in belying and slandering me with father Walpole and others, charging me not only with discovering the matter to Stanley (whereof I have spoken before) but also with imparting it to the King my master of glorious memory, making his Maᵗⁱᵉ. thereby an abettour of that imaginary conspiracy, I cannot forbear to answer him briefly thereto, and to debate the matter with himself.  
Therefore, good M. Cook, how simple ●oeuer you conceive me to be, yet I would have you to understand, that I have not got so little experience, and skill of King's humors● in these 15. or 16. years that I have haunted their courts, and served some of them, that if I should have employed Squire or any man else, to kill her Maᵗⁱᵉ. I would have acquainted any king or sovereign Prince therewith, whereby they might take me for a Queen or King killer; for howsoever the act might turn to their benefits, or be to their likings, I am sure they would say with Augustus Caesar, I love the treason but I hate traitor, 
Plutar. in life of ●c. mulus.  besides that I am not ignorant that they hold it for a necessary point of state, to maintain the sovereign majesty of Princes as sacred and i●●●o●able, yea though y●●be of their very enemies, & therefore when Darius was overthrown by Alexander the great, and traitorously killed afterwards by a subject of his own called Bessu●, he recommended the revenge thereof to no other, 
●ust. lib. 11.  but to Alexander himself, saying that it was not his particular but the common cause of Kings, and matter of necessary example, which should be both dishonourable and dangerous, for him to neglect, in which respect Alexander afterwards revenged the same, not esteeming (saith the story) Darius to be so much his enemy, 
Idem lib. 11.  as he that slew him.  
This consideration might have sufficed (I assure you M. Cook) to with hold me from acquaynting his Maᵗⁱᵉ. with the matter, if there had been any such, but much more his Maᵗⁱᵉˢ great virtue, piety and justice, so known to all the Christian world (howsoever you and your fellows in your hemisphere are ignorant thereof) that I know not who durst have presumed so much as to intimat any such matter to him, whose royal heart (the very harbour of honour and true magnanimity) was no more compatible with murders & mischiefs, than your base mind is capable of Kingly conceits.  
This shall suffice for answer to your discourse of my imparting the matter to the King, seeing there was no other ground thereof, but your own imagination, which was no less Idle, than your head was addle all that day, being the morrow after your marriage, as I understand, when you were not as yet come to yourself, having left, as it should seem, not only your heart, but also your wits at home with my lady your wife, as it may well appear by the abundance of tears you shed in your pitiful pleading, where of I cannot but say as Catulus said to a bad orator that having employed all his eloquence to move his audience to pity, 
Cicero lib. 1. de ocat.  asked him his opinion thereof, whereto he answered; in truth (quoth he) you moved much pity, for there was no man there, that thought not both you & your oration much to be pitied, and so Sir I may say of you, that no doubt you moved all wife men that were present to pity you, and to hold you either for the simplest, or else the most malicious man that ever occupied your place, the simplect if your tears were from the heart, & the most malicious if they were feigned.  
For though you had been a man of far less understanding in the laws of England than one that should deserve to be the Queen's Attorney, and had not been employed in the examination of the cause (as by all likelihood you were) yet you could not but note such weakness & insufficinency of the evidence, such wresting of law, and consequently so little appearance of truth, and less of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. danger, that you could have no cause of tears, except it were to bewail the lamentable case of the poor prisoner, yea and your own, for being in great part guilty of his blood, which if you saw not, but weapt in good earnest, for pity of her Maᵗⁱᵉ. your law served you for little, and your wits for less, and I dare say there were some on the bench that laughed well in their sleeves to see your simplicity, and thought you were more fit, (as good a cook as you are) to be a turn spit in the Queen's kiching then her attorney in the king's bench.  
But if you saw the poor man's inocency & yet could shed tears like the crocodil to his destruction your malice surpassed all that ever I heard of. And truly the best that your best friends can conceive thereof, is that it proceeded from some natural infirmity of a moist and Ide brain and therefore I would advise my lady your wife, hereafter to keep you at home, (seeing you have such a childish trick when you come abroad, to cry for nothing) or else to send with you a nours with an apple to still you when you cry, for otherwise verily you will shame yourself, and your friends, and so I leave you until you give me further occasion, which if you do, you may assure yourself that I will follow the council of Solomon and answer a fool according to his foolishness, lest by other men's silence he may think himself to be wise.   

OF THE LIKE SLANDERS raised divers times heretofore against Catholykes, and of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution. CHAP. X.  
YOUR lordships have seen upon what small ground or rather none at all Squire was condemned, and we here slandered, whereby you may judge how justice is administered now in your Realm, by those that are or should be the Ministers thereof for the better declaration whereof, and the further justification as well of us here for this matter, as also of all Catholykes for the like slanders raised against them divers times heretofore both at home and abroad, I will be so bold as to represent unto your Lordship's sundry manifest wrongs, and open injustices done unto us in this kind, for if this had been the first we should have had less cause to complain, & this might have passed the better uncontrolled, as many others of like sort have done, but seeing this manner of proceeding against us is now so usual in England that it is grown to a common practice, (and thereby much guyltles blood shed many innocent men slandered, many weak scandalized, the simple abused, and deceived, the true cause of our suffering obscured, and our religion defamed) no reasonable man can blame me (I hope) if upon so just an occasion, as the defence of my brethren, our common cause, and myself, (that am more particularly interessed in this matter then many others) I launce a little this long festering sore, to the end that the malignity thereof being discovered, it may receive some cure and remedy through your Lordship's wisdoms, whom it importeth, and in whose hands it resteth to remedy the same.  
For this purpose may it please you to consider that there is such a symphathy betwixt persecution & calumniation as they are ever lightly found to concur and go accompagned, for besides that calumniation is of itself a kind of persecution, we never read that God's Church was ever persecuted, but his servants were calumniated & slandered in which respect our Saviour fore warning his Apostles, & Disciples of the persecutions that they were to suffer, armeth them no less against slanderous, and calumnious tongues, then against other furious assaults of his & their enemies, saying, 
Matth. ●.  happy are you when men shall rail upon you, and persecute you, & speak all evil of you, belying you for my sake; and after exhorting them to pray for their persecutors insinuateth also the concurrence of calumniatours, saying pray for them, 
Ibidem. 1. cor. cap.  that persecute and caluminiate you; and S. Paul speaking of persecution raised against him, & the rest of the Apostles saith, we are cursed and we bless, we are persecuted, and we endure it, we are blasphemed and we beseech.  
This will be also more manifest if we consider the nature and property of the chief persecutor of God's Church, 
The devils name & nature.  whose arms, and instruments all other persecutors are, I mean the devil himself, who being (as the Scripture saith) a liar, and the father of lies, yea and a slanderer (in which respect he is called Diabolus which signifieth nothing else in the greek tongue but a calumniatour) can no more forbear to lie, and slander, than the dog to bark, when he is augrie, or the snake to hiss, and therefore whensoever by God's permission he maketh war against the Church he employeth his instruments no less to slander and calumniate God's servants, then corporally to afflict and persecute them.  
Hereof the experience hath been seen, in all the persecutions, aswell of our Saviour himself, as of his Apostles, & infinite other Martyrs whensoever the Church hath been persecuted, either by Infidels or heretyks; our Saviour was slandered to be a seducer of the people, to work by the devil, to be enemy to Caesar, 
●. 7. & 10.  to hinder the paying of his tribute, 
●●c. 23.  and lastly to make himself a King, S. Paul was falsely charged with profaning the Temple, 
●ct. 14 17. 〈◊〉 24 25.  with sowing sedition, stirring up the people to rebellion, and many other such like odious and grievous matters, 
●ctor. 6.  S. Stephen the first Martyr was stoned to death upon the testimony of false witnesses, that were suborned to accuse him of blasphemy against God and Moses; 
●●cit. lib. 15. ●ertul. in ●pol. justin. ●pol. 2. ad ●nton●n. Euseb.. lib. 5. ●p. 1. & 4.  In like sort in the persecutions under Nero, Dioclesian, Antonius & others the christians were put to death under colour that they had set a fire the city of Rome, killed & sacrificed children eaten man's flesh & stirred up the people to sedition against the Emperors, and their Gods and religion.  

●i●t. Trip. li. ●c 27. Rus. ● 10. Victor ●● persee ●andal.  The Arrian heretics in Greece accused S. Athanasius to be a whore master a witch, and a traitor: The Vandals that were also Arrians in afric killed the Catholykes there under pretence that they had secret intelligence with the Romans against their state and government, as we are now: 
〈◊〉 Dia●. ●b. 16.  and lastly the Empress Theodora, wife to justinian the Emperor did cruelly persecute S. Silverius Pope of Rome and all his clergy, objecting falsely against them that they had written to the Goths to invite them to invade the Roman Empire, and other like calumniations whereby to spill their blood with less admiration, and repugnance of the common people.  

●ra●. in lau●em caesa●ij ●atris.  In all which it is to be noted, that (as S. Gregory Nazianzen said of julian the Apostata, when he persecuted the Christians) the enemies of God's Church endeavoured by all subtile & crafty means, to procure that they which suffered for Christ's cause should be punished as wicked and facinorous men yea and to make them and their religion more odious to all, they slandered them commonly with matters pernicious, and dangerous to all as with treason against the Prince and State, so that whilst they were punished as public enemies & neither favoured nor pitied by any, their persecutors had free scope to discharge all their fury upon them without contradiction.  
This having been always the custom and practice of the enemies of the Christian, and catholic faith, which we profess, it is no marvel though those which impugn the same in England in these our days (provoked or rather possessed by the same spirit of lies, and calumniations, that their praedecessours were) do hold the same course that they have done partly slandering us with such devised matter as this of Squire, which never had essence or being in rerum natura, but only in imagination and fiction of the devisers, and partly ordaining laws and statutes, whereby some principal points of catholic Religion, or else some necessary consequence, exercise and issue thereof being made treason many may be entrapped within some show of offence against these laws and statutes, whereupon again it ensueth that the common people (who hold for Gospel all that our English parliament enacteth, and have not the capacity to discern betwixt a true and a feigned treason) hearing that the Catholykes are always put to death as traitors (whom they understand to be none but such as commit some heinous crimes against the Prince or state) are brought to imagine that all Catholyks are perturbers, and enemies of the common wealth, and that their religion is not the common, and general religion of Christendom or that ancient faith in which all their forefathers lived, and died, and our Realm flourished so many hundred years together, but rather some particular, and pestilent opinion of some sect sprung up of late, that cannot stand with the safety of Kings, and Princes, nor with the quietness of their states.  
And verily I dare say that such of the common sort as are not above 40. years of age, and never saw catholic times in England and have heard of so many executions of traitorous papists, 
The falsehood of the English persecutors.  as we are termed, do think Papistery to be nothing else, but a very compact of treason, or perhaps understand that Papist, and traitor are but different words, that signify one and the self same thing, so that although all persecutors have sought to cover their persecutions with the cloak of treason, I think none have wrought it so cunningly as ours have done by means of these laws seconded with such slanders as this of Squire against Father Walpoole and me and others here, of which kind, there have been so many, and of such divers sorts in sundry parts of England these later years, as neither I, nor perhaps any one particular man can take upon him to discover the same, and therefore I will only touch with convenient brevity a few, which either are with in the compass of my own knowledge and remembrance, or have come to my understanding by undoubted, and assured means, and may be proved by sufficient witnesses that were present thereat, if need require, and liberty granted to make the proof.   

OF THE MOST NOTORIOUS injustice committed in the condemnation of Father Edmond Campion of the Society of jesus, and of eleven other learned and godly Priests for a feigned conspiracy against her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and the state in the year 1581. CHAP. XI.  
I AM sure there are many yet living that were present at the araygnment of that worthy man. Father Campion of the Society of jesus, & of eleven venerable Priests with him, and do remember the notorious injustice done unto them in sight of all the world, who were endited and condemned in the year of our Lord 1581. For a certain conspiracy made at Rome & Rheims in France to dispossess her Maᵗⁱᵉ. of the crown by invasion of the realm with the help of foreign Princes, the wh●ch conspiracy was supposed to be held in the month of May of the precedent year to wit the 22. of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. Reign at Rome and Rheims, for proof whereof first spoke the Queen's solicitor and Attorney with other of the Q●eenes council who began to dilate the matter with large discourses (as the old Roman orators were wont to do when they meant to draw out the day and leave no time to their adversaries) handling theses only, & not hypotheses, to wit general propositions and common places of the grievousness of treason, of the peril of Kingdoms where traitors live and do cloak their intentions with show of Religion, of the great importance of the safety of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. person and the dangers she had passed, and how much she was maligned by Catholykes both at home and abroad and other like stuff.  
Then came they to declare how many ways rebellions and tumults had been attempted by such kind of people, as the excommunication of Pius Quintus, the hanging up of it by M. Felton, the rising in the North by the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, the late attempts of Doctor Sanders and others in Ireland, and when no end was made in amplifying & exaggerating of these matters, the prisoners often times desired that they would come to the particular points of the indictment and prove some particularities against any one of them of whom some said that nothing was alleged but original sin, & the facts of others, some that they were very children when most of the matters alleged did happen, some that they were of far different places, states and conditions.  
And when these accusers or rather declamers went still forward to urge the insurrections of other Catholykes against these that were present F. Campion among other things said, Sir, supposing that divers men catholic in Religion having for the said Religion, or other causes taken sometimes arms (as of Protestants also I think, no man can deny it that considereth what hath passed in our days in Germany, France, Flaunders and Scotland) yet what is this to any of us here at the bar, though we be of the same Religion, this doth not prove us to be of the same action; if a sheep were stolen and a whole family called in question for the same were it a good manner of proceeding for the accusers to say your great grand fathers and fathers, and sisters and kinsfolk loved all mutton, ergo you have stolen the sheep, if you will prove any thing against us M. Attorney and Solicitor you must leave your ranging speech & come to say thou Campion or thou Sherwyn, or thou such a one, hast done, or dealt, or committed this act.  
This said that servant of God, and to all indifferent men that were present his demand seemed most just and reasonable, but yet would it not be hard for a great while, at last notwithstanding were brought in certain witnesses whose names were Slead, Cradock, Monday, & Eliot. The first had been a serving man in Rome and said he had heard by common report that some stirs were like to be shortly in England; Cradock had been a broken Merchant about Italy, and imprisoned in Rome for a spy and testified of one that to comfort him in prison should say, he has happy that he was forth of England, seeing it was like that great troubles would ensue there; Monday was a player of comedies, and had been some few days in Room, and could say little or nothing at all; Eliot was a servingman who having been a catholic before, but now in danger for stealing away a young gentlewoman out of M. Ropers house, and for suspicion of a robbery for which he and his friends were bound to appear at the next assizes) to get himself free, betrayed first his best and greatest friend M. pain a Priest, and afterward took F. Campion and now came into judgement, not to accuse any particular man present of any matter of weight but to make them odious by relating a certain fiction of his own against M. pain absent but in the tower whom he accused to have told him of a devise that had been thought of to kill her Maᵗⁱᵉ. in time of progress or hunting with fifty armed men, which the other after upon his death took to be most false.  
Now than all these witnesses being brought in, and saying no more in effect them here hath been laid down how insufficient there depositions were to condemn any one of his company, and much less all and every one of them together I refer me to the judgement of any man that hath but common sense, for albeit we grant that these witnesses were all honest men, (as it is evident they were lewd and infamous fellows) what proved they against F. Campion or any of the rest there arraigned? what particularities brought they of the conspiracy, and pretended invasion as with what forces it should be done, what foreign Princes had been treated with all, and how or by whom the matter had been negociated, & by what means they at Rome conferred with them at Rheims and how it came to pass that the conspiracy came to be held by so many several persons, and in such distant places at one time, as in the end of one month of May? no doubt for the condemnation of the prisoners, it had been requisite that if not all, at least some of these particulars should have been proved, either against them all or at least against some one of them as it is evident it was not, for though we should grant that some body had told Slead, or Cradock in Rome that there would be great stirs in England shortly, what did that touch F. Campion in particular or any of the rest?  
And whereas one said that he had heard also at Rheims of some such stirs like to ensue, what proved this against any of those that came from Rome, or yet against those that were come from Rheims divers years or months before or else afterward seeing that there was at that time near hand 200. English at Rheims of whom it could not be with any reason presumed that they were all privy of the conspiracy, if there had been any such, and if only some were privy thereof how did it appear that those which were arraigned were of that number seeing the witnesses did not particularly charge any of them therewith?  
Lastly he which testified that M. pain the Priest, told him of a conspiracy of some Catholykes to kill the Queen in a progress what proved he against any of them at the bar, seeing that M. pain was none of their company, and the matter altogether different from the other where upon they were indicted.  
Was this then such plain and sufficient evidence as is necessary in law for condemnation of a man in matter of life and death, which evidence as before I have showed in Squyres case, aught to be as clear as the sun, not general but particular, not of hearsay, but of assured, and certain knowledge and testified by witnesses, avouching one and the self same particulars.  
But what need I labour to overthrow their testimonies by law seeing it was clear to all them that were present at their araignments or deaths, that they were neither all known one to an other, neither yet to the witnesses themselves, before they were brought to the bar and that some of them were in England and some in other places, at the same time that they were supposed to have conspired at Rome and Rheims as divers of them affirmed, and was by the oath of M. Thomas Lancaster manifestly proved of M. Colington the Priest, who was quit thereupon, and the like was also avouched of an other of them by one M. William Nicolson who being present and moved in conscience to testify a truth, called to the judges from the place where he stood, and offered to depose that he knew that one of the prisoners (whose name I have forgot) was other where then was said in his indictment, at the same time that the crime was supposed to be committed,   

  

  

OF TWO CATHOLICS in wales condemned upon the testimony of witnesses suborned, and hired for money. CHAP. XIIII.  
TWO substantial men the one called John Hewes & the other Richard White, having been many mes most cruelly tormented, and examined by Sr. George Bronley, & others his assistants in the Marches of Wales, & confessed nothing whereupon hold might be taken to execute any of the captious laws upon them, were nevertheless designed to the slaughter, and for that purpose 3. witnesses were suborned to accuse them, that they had persuaded some to be Catholykes: the prisoners being arraigned thereupon, excepted against the witnesses, that one of them had been nailed on the pillory for perjury in the same shire as it was notoriously known to all men, and that aswell he as the rest were hired to testify against them, the judges answered to the first exception, that though the party had been perjured in one case yet he might say true in an other, and then did put the prisoners to the proof of the subornation for which purpose, they avowed that a gentleman of good estimation, who was then in the same town could testify it, and therefore desired he might be called, the gentleman was sent for, and being deposed, witnessed, that one Peter Roden told him that Gronow, (for so was one of the witnesses called) and his companion's had received 15. shillings a piece to give testimony against the prisoners, and that he was also offered so much himself, and had refused it. The judges knowing belike that this was true, & fearing that it would be made too manifest; would not send for Peter Roden, but rejected the testimony of the Gentleman as improbable, saying what should any man gain by the death of these men, that he should suborn witnesses against them? and so without further trial of the truth thereof, bade the jury go together, who having some scruple to condemn them upon the testimony of such infamous, and suborned witnesses could not agree thereupon, until two of them had been to confer with Sr. George Bromley, by whom as it should seem, their consciences were so well satisfied, that they found them guilty, whereupon they were condemned, and the one of them called Richard White executed at wrexam where he had been long time before prisoner.   

OF WILLIAMS' YORK, AND Patrick Cullen executed also for feigned conspiracies against her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. person. CHAP. XV.  
BUT to return to feigned conspiracies against her Maᵗⁱᵉ. I omit divers for lack of perfect knowledge of the particularities, and will speak only of some published 4. or 5. years ago in a pamphlet printed in divers languages, as in English, French, and Duitch, concerning a conspiracy of Doctor Lopez, and two other portuguese, in which pamphlet two Englishmen called Williams, and York, and Patrick Cullen an Irishman; were charged to have conspired the death of her Maᵗⁱᵉ. by the instigation of the banished English Catholykes at Brussels.  
And for as much as the pamphleter would seem to justify the condemnation, and execution, of the said two Englishmen, & the Irishman by their own confessions, I w●● but desire your Lordships for the discovery of that fiction, only to consider the circumstances thereof, not meaning to meddle with the matter of Doctor Lopez and his fellows, because no English catholic was charged therewith.  
The pamphleter saith they confessed that the English Catholykes at Brussels held certain counsels amongst themselves, where at were present two Doctors of divinity, a jesuit, 5. or 6. gentlemen and others, all which are named in the pamphlet, who he saith conspired altogether the death of her majesty, and persuaded Willians, and York to undertake the execution thereof, with the promise of forty thousand crowns, & that for the greater satisfaction, and faster binding of them, father Holt the jesuit took the blessed Sacrament (which he had brought to the council) kissed it, and gave it unto them, swearing upon the same, that he would pay them the said ●ome, when they should have effected that which they had promised.  
For the examination of this supposed confession, I would wish to be considered, what likelihood or probability there is, 
Absurd improbillities.  that those two soldiers Williams, & York, both of them young men (whereof the first was held but for a cold and weak Catholyk, and the later suspected to be a protestant, as in deed he was, & then newly come from England, without any recommendation, or testimony of his affection to catholic religion, or of his good behaviour) could win so much credit so quickly, amongst such principal Catholykes, as to be admitted to their counsels (if they had held any) and to be made partakers of so high a secret, especially seeing that the Catholykes on this side the sea are not ignorant, that spies are daily sent from England, to discover what passeth amongst them, in which respect they are so far from trusting in weighty affairs those they know not, as they hold suspected those of their own religion, that come from thence and bring not sufficient recommendation, what show otherwise soever they make of zeal to the catholic saith;  
Is it then credible that so many grave personages, Doctors, Priests, and gentlemen, all of them wise, and men of experience would recommend such a matter, as the kill of her Maᵗⁱᵉ. to men unknown unto them, suspected, yea and mercenary, (seeing as the pamphlet saith they meant to do it for hire) did they not know (seeing all the world knoweth it) that no man can attempt such a ma●er without losing his own life, or putting the same in evident danger, whether he hit or miss (whereof the late examples, aswell of those that killed the Prince of Orange, and the last King of France, as of those that have failed to kill him that now reigneth do give sufficient testimony) in which respect neither those two that were supposed to undertake this act for recompense, could have any probable hope ever to enjoy the reward promised, neither those Priests and gentlemen could persuade themselves, with any reason, that these or any others that should promise to do the same for any such consideration of reward would ever execute it.  
Furthermore is it probable, that those two which should do the fear, would consent that a matter so dangerous for them should be communicated to so many, or that the principal of the said supposed counsellors, being men of great consideration & daily practised in affairs would condescend to treat such a matter in a council of men so different in quality, and humours, as it is well known they were, that the pamphlet nameth; seeing some of them for causes not unknown, I am sure, to the pamphleter, did fears communicate together in matters of common conversation, and much les in matters of such importance, yea and that some others of them were held suspected, of 〈◊〉 of that company, to have secret intelliligence with some councillors in England, for the which they were afterwards called in question? and therefore it were an absurd thing to think that so many so diversly disposed, and affected, and some of them suspected of the rest, should treat together a matter of so great secrecy, weight, and danger, as the kill of her majesty, besides that, it is evident (and upon my knowledge I affirm it) that of those which were named to be of this immaginary council at Brussels, some did reside ordinarily in Antwerp, some at S. Omers, and some at Mastrich, yea and were in the said places of their ordinary residence, at the same time that the pamphleter saith they held these counsels at Brussels, which being known in Flanders to be most true did serve notably for the detection of this slanderous fiction among the wiser sor● of those of that country, which did read the pamphlet in french, or duitch, who wondered no less at the authors impudence in this behalf, than they laughed also heartily at his folly, when they noted the ridiculous jest of f●. Holts carrying the blessed Sacrament to the supposed council, his kissing it, & swearing upon it, when he did minister it, to Williams, and York; which are things so far from the custom and use of the catholic Church, as every child on this side the sea, knoweth it to be an impudent and gross lie;  
And where as the pamphleter relieth wholly upon their confessions for the justification of their condemnation, it is most certain that howsoever they might be forced by torment secretly to confess those particulars, or otherwise falsely to accuse themselves, as Squire was, yet Williams at his death utterly denied the same, and as for York it was evident enough, that he died distracted of his senses, and was not in case to deny or confess, any thing at that time, as all those that were present at their deaths may well remember.  
And as for Patrick Cullen, (of whom I will speak a word or two) it is manifest that he never confessed either publicly or privately that he was any way employed against her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. person, 
patrick Cullen t● his death.  which at his death M. Toplif acknowledged sufficiently, when he said unto him, it is now no more time (Cullen) to disguise the matter, seeing thou must die, and therefore confess thy treason, and ask her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. forgiveness, whereto he answered that he called God to witness that he was never employed against her Maᵗⁱᵉ. no● came into England which any such intention, and yet the pamphleter affirmeth that he was also condemned upon his own confession, though he lay down no particularities, nor circumstances thereof, in which respect it needeth no further answer and therefore to conclude; it resteth only that I here protest, as I do before God, that I being at Brussels at the same time that these men were executed, and the pamphlet published, some of the principal of those gentlemen that were slandered with these matters, did swear unto me, and take it most deeply upon the charge of their souls, that they never had any acquaintance, or conference, with Williams and York, in their lives, nor ever knew them otherwise then by sight, & that there was never held amongst them any such counsels, or assemblies, nor any of those 3. any way employed against her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. person for aught they knew, which as I take myself in conscience bound to believe, (knowing the great integrity and virtue of the parties, as I do) so I have thought good upon this occasion to testify it unto your Lordships, and to all others that shall read this Apology, for your more abundant satisfaction in this behalf.   

OF THE ENDS THAT OUR Adversaries have or may have in slandering Catholykes with such treasonable attempts, & first of the end that they have common with all persecutors of God's Church and how much they fail of their purpose therein. CHAP. XVI.  
IT appeareth (my Lords) by these examples that the slandering of Catholykes with treasonable attempts in our coutry is no new practice, but an old for many years, and so oft reiterate, that it is now grown to be stale and a common custom, or rather held for a special and necessary point of state, but with what benefit to the state, it shall be discussed after when I shall have briefly declared the ends that the authors of these calumniations have or may have therein, the which may be considered, either as common to all the enemies of catholic religion, or else as particular to these our Adversaries now a days, of the first I have spoken before discoursing of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution, where I proved that it hath been always the custom of the persecutors of Catholykes to seek by imputation of false crimes to obscure the true cause of their sufferings, and consequently the glory of their martyrdoms, wherein nevertheless how much they have failed of their purpose (I mean as well these of our time, as those other their praedecessours) it is evident by common experience, seeing almighty God hath in all ages so disposed, and day he doth for his own glory, that the clear light of truth, and innocency hath dispersed the clouds of calumniation in such sort that his servants have triumphed over all the malice of men, and remained no less glorious with a double crown of martyrdom than their enemies ignominious and odious for there double persecution.  

The glory of martyrs oppressed by calumniation.  For the proof hereof let us look back to former times, & see what the persecutors of God's Church, have gained by the like devices; have they thereby any jot obscured the glory of God's servants, who are esteemed, honoured, and served throughout the Christian world for glorious Martyrs, and saints of God, and receive more honour, & glory in one festival day of theirs, than all the monarchs of the world in all the feasts of their life? Are not the Altars & Temples builded to God in their memories more triumphant than the thrones, and trophies of all earthly Kings? doth any Prince's power extend itself so far as theirs, whose dominion reacheth from the east to the west, from the one Pole to the other, whose subjects, servants, and supplyants', are not only the common people but Princes and potentates, Kings & Emperors, that crouch kneel and present their petitions, at their tombs and monuments, or wheresoever there is any little memory of them? Are all the royal robes, crowns and diadems of Emperors and Kings so much esteemed, and reverenced in their own Kingdoms as is throughout Christendom the least rag, or relic of any one of them, whereto we see Almighty God giveth no less virtue and power oftentimes when it is for his glory, and their manifestation, to cure the sick, to heal the lame, to raise the dead, to cast out Devils, than he gave to the hem of our saviours garment, 
Matth. 9 Act. 19 Act. 5.  to the handkerchefs that touched S. Paul's body, to the shadow of S. Peter? This hath always been so notorious in God's Church, that S. Chrisostome speaking of the great miracles done by the body and relics of the blessed martyr saint Babilas, 
Tom. 5. contra Gent. quid Christus sit Deus in vita Babilae.  maketh the same a manifest argument against the Paynims to prove that Christ is God, which I wish by the way, that our Protestants in England may note for their confusion, seeing that denying the virtue of saints Reliks they do paganize with them, and do deny thereby an evident argument of Christ's divinity, but to proceed.  
On the other side what honour have their calumniatours, and persecutors purchased to themselves? are not their very names odious and execrable to all posterity, & as the memory of the other is aeternized with immortal glory, is not theirs buried in eternal infamy? 
Sap. cap. 4.  To this purpose saith the book of wisdom that the wicked shall see the end of the just man, and shall not understand what God hath determined of him, and why our Lord did humble him, they shall see him, and contemn him; but our Lord shall deride them, for they shall fall afterwards without honour, & shall ever be amongst the dead in shame and infamy.  
Hereby may our adversaries partly judge what they shall gain in the end by murdering so many Catholyks as they do, under colour of treasons, and enormous crimes; but for their further satisfaction in this point let them look abroad into Christendom, and see what account is already made of their supposed traitors I mean such as die directly for religion made lately treason, who of all Christian catholic people in the world are held for no less glorious martyrs, than those of the primitive Church as appeareth not only by the public testimony of the most famous writers of this age, but also by the devotion that all Catholyks, yea and the greatest Princes, and potentates of Christendom do bear to the least relic of any one of them, which they think themselves happy to have, & keep with all due respect, and reverence, besides that it hath pleased almighty God to glorify his name already with divers notable miracles done by the same, which hereafter will be known with sufficient testimony of the truth thereof, and as for their martyrdoms I have no doubt but as already they are known, acknowledged and honoured by all true Catholykes so in time also convenient they will be approved by the authority of the whole Church, whiles in the mean time the memory of their persecutors shall be damned, either to the deep pit of oblivion or else to everlasting ignominy as they may see it hath already happened to their praedecessours, and thus much for the end common to all persecutors.   

OF OTHER ENDS PARTICULAR to our English adversaries and of their disloyalty therein towards her Majesty. CHAP. XVII.  
THE other ends particular to our home adversaries at this day may be thought to be partly public, and for the common good (as they in the depth of their wisdom, or rather in the height of their folly do imagine) and partly for their own particular profit or emolument.  
The public are these, first to incense the Queens Maᵗⁱᵉ. against us to the end she may give them leave to exercise freely all cruelty upon us, whereby they hope in time to destroy us, and to extinguish the memory of catholic religion, wherein I wish them by the way to note, how far they are deceived of their expectation, & how almighty God doth daily infatuate, and frustrate their counsels, and turn them to their own confusion, seeing that notwithstanding all their rigour, there are at this day many more recusants in England, and sincere Catholyks that will give their lives for their Religion then there were when the persecution first began; so that we see how true it is which Tertulian saith Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae, the blood of Martyrs is the seed of the Church: But to proceed.  
The second is to irritate also her Maᵗⁱᵉ against the King catholic who is therefore commonly made an abettor of all those feigned conspiracies, lest otherways she being of her own inclination desirous of peace, might come to some composition with him, & so Christendom be brought to repose, which these men imagine would in time grow to be dangerous to their gospel, or rather to their particular states & commodities which they may be presumed to esteem more than any gospel, but how this piece of policy standeth with true reason of state I will signify hereafter.  
Thirdly it is not unlikely, that the devisers of these feigned conspiracies seeing themselves employed by your Lordships otherwiles in some matters of state, take themselves for so great statists, that they make no doubt to extend their care further than your Lordships mean they should do, to wit to the whole state and government yea to the person of her Matie. though little to her good or comfort holding it a high point of policy, and necessary for the common wealth, 
Martial lib. 2. Epigram.  that her Maᵗⁱᵉ. be kept (as a man may say) in awe with these bugbears of imaginary attempts against her person, to the end she may be the more pliable and easy to be governed, for as the poet saith, res est imperiosa timor, fear is an imperious thing.  
Furthermore the end which they may have for their own particular commodity is to make themselves and their services more gratful to her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and to your Lordships by their pretended discovery of so many dangerous treasons against her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and the state.  
Whereto I will add that it also importeth your honours to consider whether any of those that are taken to be the chief discoverers of these supposed treasons, may be thought to favour the title of any particular pretender to the crown after her Maᵗⁱᵉ. for in such case they may perhaps use this artifice to shadow some designment of their own, no less dangerous to her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ person then this which they feign and lay to our charge, to the end they may the more assuredly and securely execute the same, & that afterwards the suspicion and blame thereof may rest upon us, 
●a●. lib. 4. Annal.  which we read was the practice of Sejanus in the time of Tiberius the Emperor, who aspiring to the Empire, and determining to make away Agrippina that was a great mote in his eye, first suborned some to put into her head that the Emperor meant to poison her, and after made rumours to be spread all over Rome that some had conspired her death.  
I say not this my Lords to charge any man particularly (for I know not who they are, that are the forgers of these false coins) but because I see that the like practices have been used to the destruction of Princes, and may with reason think, that those which have so little conscience to procure the spilling of so much innocent blood by such damnable devices as these, will make less scruple to break all laws human and divine when there is question of a crown, I therefore insinuate this to your honours as matter worthy of your consideration, especially feing it cannot be thought that they bear any good, and loyal affection to her Maᵗⁱᵉ. knowing that she cannot but be much afflicted with the vehement apprehension of these supposed treasons, and yet never ceasing to torment her therewith, framing daily new fantasies of feigned fears, as though heaven and earth had conspired against her, the concept whereof (accompagnied with other cares incident to the government of such a potent state) might suffice to procure the untimely death of the most courageous prince that liveth, and what it may work in her Maᵗⁱᵉ. no less timorous of nature by reason of her sex, then decaying now in bodily vigeur, by reason of her declining years, any man may easily judge.   

THAT THESE PROCEEDINGS of our adversaries which they hold for politic are against all policy, and true reason of state. CHAP. XVIII.  
BUT put the case that her Maᵗⁱᵉ. be so invincible of courage, that there is no fear of any such effect to follow, yet let it be considered whether in other respects it stand with true reason of state to incense her Maᵗⁱᵉ. against her subjects by lies and slanders, and them against her, by insupportable wrongs and cruelties, which were no doubt the next way to put all in combustion, if the Catholykes loyalty, obedience, and patience, were not such, as God be thanked it is, and I hope ever willbe, such I say, as never hath been red nor heard of in any people so oppressed, so long time together, so many in number, so honourable in quality, and condition, and so friended abroad as they might be (in respect of their religion) if they would seek the remedy that other discontented people have sought in former times, whereby the state of England hath been changed, and turned upside down, twice or thrice already since the conquest; for how were the two Kings Richard the 2. & 3. disposessed of their crowns, and lives but by their own subjects malcontent, succoured with small forces from abroad? & yet no such cause given them as is to us, who are esteemed for no better than opprob●ium hominum & abiectio plebis, the scorn of men, and outcasts of the people, & as saint Paul saith peripsema mundi, the very scum of the world, 
1. Cor. 4.13.  contemned trodden under foot, & derided of all men deprived of all privilege of natural subjects, of hon●ors & dignities, lands, & lives, for no greater offences, than our ancient, & the universal faith of Christendom, made treason, yea for feigned crimes never meant nor dreamt of.  
To this purpose it is to be considered, that no force, nor power is so great (as Cicero saith) that can resist the hatred of a multitude, 
Cice. office  neither any empire so potent, that can long stand by rigour, oppression, and cruelty, & therefore amongst the causes of the overthrow of empires, and Kingdoms, Aristotle worthily reckoneth hatred, 
Arist. epoiit. lib. 5.  and fear of the subjects; exemplyfying the same with the small continuance of all the tyrannical states, that had been in his time, or before; 
Cicer epist. ad Attidum.  and Caesar confessing that he never knew any cruel man, that could long conserve himself and his state, but only Sylla (which yet was not long) he wisely added, that he would not follow his example; wherein he had great reason, for one swallow as they say, makes no summer, neither can the example of a few which escape, countervail a common experience, that teacheth what evident dangers do accompany cruelty, & oppression, which no human power nor policy can make secure, as it is evident enough to all wise men that will consider how little security Kings, and Princes, that have incurred the hatred of their people, have found in the remedies, and defences, that human policy hath invented; I mean in their treasures, fortresses, guards, armies, multitude of spies, wisdom and vigilance of councillors, and such like; for have not a number of them notwithstanding all this, been by their subjects chastised, and reform, deposed, expelled, imprisoned, killed, and those that have escaped best, have they not commonly lived a miserable life, afflicted and tormented with continual fears, ielousyes, and suspicions of their best friends? for as Seneca saith, 
Senec.  he that is feared of many must needs fear many what did all the wealth, 
Sect●n.  power, and force of the Roman empire avail the Emperor Claudius, poisoned by his raster, and Nero so pursued by the people, that he was forced to cut his own throat, or Domitian killed by his chamberlains, or ●omodus murdered by his concubyn, 
Sir Aure● vict.  Phocas by one of his chiefest favourits, or Caligula, Pertinax, Caracalla, Heliogabalus, 
Capitoli●. Lamprid. Eurrop.  Pupienus, Balbinus, Philippe, Galen, Severus, Macrinus, Aurelianus, Maximinus, Probus, with divers others, some of them slain by their own guards, and some by their soldiers; to whom we may add the last King of France, killed by one alone, in the midst of his puissant army, when he thought himself most potent and secure.  
Whereby it evidently appeareth how unsure, dangerous and pernicious are the policies of our adversaries, who following the absurd and pestilent doctrine of Ma●hiauel think they can assure her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. estate by rigour cruelty and injustice wheareas both reason & experience teacheth that mercy and truth (as Solomon saith) do preserve the Prince and that his crown, 
Pro. 20.  and throne is fortified with clemency, to which purpose also Seneca saith, 
Seneca lib. 1. de elemen. cap. 19  the love of subjects is to the Prince a castle inexpugnable, and clemency a sufficient guard though he be alone in the midst of the market place, so that these most cruel and bloody devices of our persocutours, are not only impious, but also foolish in that very point wherein they will have them seem most wise.  
But if it be considered how they rivet this piece of policy with an other point of state, and what may by likelihood ensue thereof, it may be thought their meaning is no other but to put fire to gunpowder and to set all on a flame and themselves also to burn therewith, or to run away by the light for using the matter towards us as they do, procuring so much as in them lieth, to alienat us from our natural obedience to her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and to drive us to some desperate course (which nevertheless I hope they shall never be able to do) a man would think they would at least seek to put her majesty in peace with her neighbours abroad.  
But they are so far from the same, that they do not only incite her Maᵗⁱᵉ. daily against the most potent Prince of Europe, by slandering him unto her, with practices against her person and life, but also do seek to kindle him against her by infamous libels published in divers languages, and stuffed with lies and slanders, with injurious and dishonourable speeches against his person to make him an enemy irreconcilable; for who knoweth not that injurious words offend much more many times than deeds (as Plutark well noteth) especially against Princes that most of all esteem their honours? for so long as their contentions are only for amplifying their dominions, 
Plutar in the life of Timoleon.  or merely for matter of state, the enmity commonly endeth with the occasion of the quarrel, and the damages are by restitution or recompense easily repaired (whereby we see that those Princes which have had the greatest differences and wars between themselves do many times after become the greatest confederates and friends) but personal injuries especially touching honour and reputation, as they proceed from an excessive hatred in them that offer them, so are they not easily pardoned, neither yet amongst Princes repacable by any restitution.  
What then is the meaning of these makebates? will they oblige Matie. to a perpetual war not with some petty Prince or poor potentat, but with the most potent, rich, and mighty Monarch of Europe? and upon what confidence? is it the wealth and force of England? the strength of allies, and confederates? or yet the good success of these late wars, which moves them thereto? who knoweth not that in power & wealth her majesty (though she be most puissant and rich) yet is far inferior to him? in which respect that which Plutark noteth of Cleomenes King of Lacedemony, 
In the life of Agis & Cleomenes.  and Antigonus the great King of Macedony, may well be said in this case.  
It seemed (saith he) to proceed of great wisdom, valour, and ●rowes that Cleomenes could with the forces of one only state maintain war against the power and treasure of the Kingdom of Macedony, and all the people of Peloponese and not only defend his own, but also take places and towns of his enemies. But he which first said that money, is the sinews of war had great reason, for even as amongst wrestlers those which have strong bodies by nature, and hardened by continual exercise do always in time overthrow them which have nothing but art and agilitte, even so Antigonus who had the power and wel●● of a great and rich Kingdom to sustain the expenses of the war, at length wearied and overlaid Cleomenes that had no such means to bear the charges thereof, thus saith Plutark in substance, of these two Kings; and so may we say of her majesty and the King catholic, that by all lyklyhood the multitude of his Kingdoms, the wealth & infinite number of his subjects, the abundance of his treasures that flow from his Indies, and the strength of his armies and garrisons continually kept in pay, cannot but wear out in time, the power and wealth of England, though it were much greater and richer than it is, especially if either any breach should fall out betwixt the french and us, or any civil wars amongst them, or a new storm arise from any other part, in which cases how England would be able to weald with so potent an enemy as is his majesty, I leave to your lordship's wife consideration.  
But perhaps these men presume upon her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. league and amity with foreign Princes and States, let them therefore consider what assurance is therein, seeing experience teacheth that the amity of Princes never lasteth longer than fortune favoureth or consideration of profit concurreth, besides that infinite occasions of jealousies, and unexpected quarrels fall out daily amongst Princes which break the surest leagues, and make the best friends the greatest enemies.  
What resteth then to make these brewbates so confident? is it her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. good success? but of all other reasons that aught lest to move them, for he is not wise (said jason to Epaminondas) that fears not the events of war, which are so variable as neither force nor policy, nor skill of art military nor any human means can assure; whereof we need not to seek examples abroad, seeing we have enough at home, if we but consider the variety and counterchange of good & bad success in the wars betwixt King Henry the sixth and King Edward the fourth and the great victories, and dominions which our Kings her Maties. predecessors had in France some years together, and that at last they lost against all that they had got there; such is the inconstancy of human affairs, stable in nothing but in instability, and therefore after a glowing Sun of prosperity all wise men fear a sharp shower of adversity knowing that extrema gaudij luctus occupat, 
Proverb. cap. 14.  which a poor of our time wel-expressed in this distich.  

Mirror of Magist.  When hope and hap, when health and wealth are highest,  
Then woe and wrack, disease and need are nighest.  
In which respect, that is no small point of wisdom in any prosperous and victorious Prince ever to fear the after clap, and to be such an enemy as he may after be a friend and so to make war as he exclude not himself from possibility of peace if his former fortune fail him, yea and during the course of his prosperity to hearken to any reasonable composition, rather than to stand to the hazards of future events, which many great Princes and famous Captains not observing, have obscured all their former glory with final disgrace, and made themselves lamentable examples of human infelicity.  

Plutark in the life of Paulus Aemilius.  Perseus' King of Macedony puffed up with pride for divers victories that he had got against the Romans, provoked them so long with continual injuries that at length Paulus AEmilius conquered his country, & carried him and all his children prisoners to Rome in triumph.  
And Charles the last Duke of Burgundy, being grown so haughty and insolent with his great power, prosperity, excellent wit and courage, that he would not hearken to the most reasonable offers, and humble suits of the Swissers (with whom he was at variance) lost two battles unto them at Granson and Morat, and his credit, 
Philip. coming.  and friends with all, where upon ensued his other disgraces, and finally the ruin of him and his state.  
This (my good Lords) I say to show the inconsideration of our adversaries who promising themselves (as it seemeth) a perpetuity of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. life and prosperity, think it good policy to kindle the coals of these present wars, betwixt her and the King catholic, with abuse and injury of them both (as before hath been declared) seeking to make an immortal hatred betwixt them, and a quarrel irreconcilable, and yet are withal so unadvised at home, as to procure (as much as in them lieth) to alienat from her Maᵗⁱᵉ. the hearts of her own subjects, by most exorbitant cruelties, and open injuries, drawing her and the whole estate thereby into evident dangers both domestical and foreign, which dangers if they should concur to the effects that may be feared, though their own ruins also would be included therein, yet were that but a small satisfaction, or recompense, for the loss of so many other better than themselves.   

OF TWO OTHER INEVITABLE damages that must needs ensue to her Maᵗⁱᵉ. & her whole state by the effusion of innocent blood with an intimation of some part of the remedy. CHAP. XIX.  
BUT albeit there were no occasion of fear, either at home or abroad as God be thanked at home there is little (though no God a mercy to these busy fellows) yet what greater indignity or injury can be offered to her majesty by her subjects then to abuse her royal name and authority, to the murdering of so many innocents as by these devices are put to death in England, whereupon do follow two inevitable damages to her majesty, and her realm, the one the infamy that her majesties government doth incur in all the Christian world, as is manifest to all those that travel over other countries, or read the books and histories that daily are written thereof by strangers in all languages, which no tracked of time shall be able to abolish.  
The other is the vengeance of almighty God due by his justice to all such notable wrongs done by public authority of her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and her laws, the which what it may bring upon her and the realm in time, any man that believeth there is a God, and just judge of human actions, cannot but fear, seeing not only the holy Scriptures, but also profane histories do yield innumerable examples of God's wrath extended upon realms and states for injustices committed therein; Kingdoms are transferred, saith the scripture, from nation to nation, for injustices, injuries, contumelies, and divers deceits; 
Ecclesiastie. cap. 10.  and amongst injustices there is none that more offendeth God, than the effusion of innocent blood, and therefore the Prophet exclaimeth in the person of God, 
Ezech. 24.  woe be to the bloody city whereof I will make a great heap, as of a pile of wood to burn; and the same Prophet threatening the destruction of Jerusalem, 
Ezech. 22.  and declaring the causes thereof reconeth for one of the principal, 
Ibid.  the shedding of innocent blood, her Princes (saith he) were like woulues' ravening for their prey, to shed blood, 
Ibid.  & again their were calumntatours and slanderers in box, to shed blood like wise, afterwards in the same place our lord speaketh to Jerusalem, saying, they have received gifts and rewards in thee to spill blood, behold my wrath is kindled against thee for thy covetousness, and the blood that hath been shed in thee, and therefore I wildispers thee into divers nations, and scatter thee into divers countries, etc.  
Also when the King and people of juda, 
4. Reg. ca 2●  and Jerusalem were led into captivity by Nabucodonozor the scripture saith expressly that it was done for the blood which Manasses had shed, when he filled Jerusalem with the blood of innocents, and therefore God would not be appeased.  
In like manner our Saviour himself prophesing of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans ascribed the same principally to the spilling of innocent blood, 
Matth. 23.  not only of his own but also of the prophets, that he had sent and was to send, Jerusalem (saith he) which kills the Prophets, and stonest them which are sent to thee, behold your house shall be left desert, etc.  
Hereof many notable examples occur in profane histories, 
just. lib. 2●.  but 2. or 3. shall suffice for brevities sake.  
justin telleth of the people of Epiras severely punished and almost destroyed, with dearth, famine, war, and sickness by God's just judgement for the cruel slaughter of Laodomia daughter of Alexander their King.  
No less notable and manifest was Gods just judgement upon the Lacedæmonians for a horrible murder and rape committed by two of their citizens upon the two daughters of Scedasus, 
Plutark in 〈◊〉 treatise entitled narationes amatoriae.  who demanding justice most instantly of the King council, and people, and being denied it of them all, craved it at God's hands with infinite imprecations, and maledictions against their state, and so killed himself also upon his daughter's tomb, where upon ensued (as Diodorus, Siculus, 
Diod sic●● lib. 15. ca ●4.  & Plutark do note) the memorable overthrow given to the Lacedæmonians by Epimanondas, hard by the tomb of the two maidens in the plain of Leuctra where the offence was committed in which deffeit they lost not only their hole army, but also the empire of Greece, which they had before in their hands many years.  
Such is the style of God's justice, to punish injustice, not only in them that commit it, but also in those that permit and suffer it, yea and in respect of the sympathy and communication which is in the body politic no less than in the body natural (where in the detriment of the least member redoundeth to the hurt of the whole) he imputeth some times the fault of one to all, & sometimes for the people's offences he punisheth the Prince (in which respect Solomon saith the sins of the people make many Princes) and sometimes for the Prince's faults he punisheth the people, and otherwiles for the sins of either he destroyeth both. 
Proverb. cap. 28.   
When Acham had stolen part of the spoil of Hie●co contrary to the commandment of God, 
joshua cap 7.  3000. of the children of Israel were overthrown by them of Hay, for his offence, 
● 2. Reg. ca 24. ●. Ibid.  which our lord imputed to them all, saying, Israel hath sinned and transgressed my commandment, etc.  
For the sin of David in numbering the people, 70000. of his subjects perished, 
●. 2. Paralip. ●. cap. 2. 3. 4. Reg. ca 24. 1. Reg. ca 12.  and for the people's offences God permitted him to sin.  
For King Achaz cause, saith the scripture, God did humble the people of juda & after gave them into captivity for the sins of their King Manasses.  
Lastly when Samuel had anointed Saul for King he said unto the people if you persever in your wickedness, both you and your King shall perish.  
Herein nevertheless this difference may be noted, that when almighty God doth punish both he useth more rigour towards the Princes and heads of the people, then towards the meaner sort.  
Whereof the holy ghost declareth the reason in the book of wisdom where he speaketh to Kings, & Princes, in this manner; 
Sap 6.  Audite reges, etc. hearken O kings, and understand, learn you which are judges of the bounds of the earth in respect that power is given unto you from our lord, and strength from the highest, who will examine your works, and search your thoughts, and because when you were ministers of his kingdom, you did not judge rightly nor keep the law of justice, nor walk in the way of God, he will appear unto you quickly, and horriblely, for most rigorous judgement is done upon them that govern: with the poor and mean man mercy is used, but mighty men shall suffer torments mightily.  
This my lords I am bold to represent unto your lordships that you may see thereby the evident danger that your whole estate may be brought into by the extreme wrongs that our persecutors do us howsoever her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and your Lordships may be free from the same in will or consent, as I make no doubt but you are.  
For if the Prince and people are so conjoined & linked together with the communication of merit or demerit, 
A consequence to be considered.  that God doth commonly chastise, the one for the others fault, 
joshua. 7.  and for the offences of either sometimes destroyeth both (as I have before declared,) if the private theft of Acham could cause the puklik calamity of the children of Israel, that had no way consented thereto, what may be feared to ensue of so horrible and public a crime, of our persecutors, as the effusion of innocent blood, thirsted sought, and spilled, so oft, and by so many subtleties and devices, by slanders and feigned treasons, by extreme torments unjustly given, by perjuries, by corruption of witnesses, juries, and judges (where by an infinite number of all sorts are drawn to the participation of the offence) and all this under pretence of public authority of her majesty, of her council and her ●awes, what may be feared (I say) but that the sin is not private, and particular, but pnblik and general, and that the whole state remaineth engaged for the payment of the penalty.  
It resteth then my lords that of your wisdoms and piety you procure some redress of these inconveniences for aversion of God's wrath from you & us & the whole realm, and for prevention of the mischief that otherwise must needs ensue. And if it please your lordships to give me leave to put you in mind of one necessary mean thereof, and as I have laid open the sore, so to represent also some part of the salve, it importeth much that for the expiation of so great a sin, and satisfaction of God's justice you lay the penalty upon the authors and instruments of the injustice as appeareth by the example of Archams' theft, whereof our lord said to joshua, 
joshua cap. 7.  I willbe no longer with you until you have destroyed him that is guilty of this crime, and when Phinees killed the Israelit which committed fornication with the Madianit, 
Num. cap. 25.  he averted the wrath of God from the children of Israel, as the scripture testifieth. Also when the people were punished with 3. years famine in David's time for the offence of Saul in killing the Gabaonits, the famine lessed when seven of Saul's offspring were delivered to the Gabaonits, 
2. Reg. ca 21.  and by them crucified, the like reporteth Plutark of a most furious plague where with God punished the cities of Rome and Laurentum for the murder of King Tatius in Rome, 
Plutar. in Romu●o.  and of certain Ambassadors of Laurentium, which plague suddenly ceased in both the cities when justice was done upon the murderers in both places.  
I have not said this with any desire of revenge, or uncharitable affection towards our adversaries, but in respect of my duty to her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and your lordships, and for the tender love that I do bear to my country, and universal good of all. For as for them (I mean our enemies) I assure your Lordships I am so far from desiring any revenge of them that I pity their case, knowing that except they repent, and do worthy penance God will surely revenge his own cause and ours, upon them, and throw into the fire, those rods of his wrath, when he hath worn them to the stumps; for such is the course of his justice, to chastise first his servants and children by the ministry of wicked men (not moving, but using their evil wills, and malice for the execution of his holy will) and afterwards to punish them most severely for the same; & therefore though he ordained the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem, and the captivity of his people for their sins, yet afterwards he utterly destroyed the Babylonians for having been the means, 
4. Reg. ●●. ●●.  and instruments thereof, to which purpose, the Prophet saith, our Lord stirred up the Kings of the Medes to destroy Babylon, 
Hier. cap. ●●.  for it is the revenge of our Lord and the revenge of his Temple, & again, I will render to Babylon (saith almighty God by the same Prophet) and to all the inhabitants of Caldea, all the evil that they have done in Zion. 
Ibidem.  And after in the same chapter, he comforteth his people in captivity, saying, behold I will make Babylon a desert, etc. and no marvel; 
Enoch. ●●.  seeing he also destroyed the Amonits, Moabits, and other their neighbours, for having laughed, and scorned at their desolation and captivity; such is the love which our Lord beareth to his servants, as he revengeth the least injury that is done them, 
Matth. 10. Luc. 10. Matth. ●●.  of whom he hath such particular care, as he numbereth the very hears of their heads, as our Saviour saith, & taketh all that is done to them, be it good or evil as done to himself.  
And now having laid before your lordships by way of some degression, these considerations (yet as annexed notwithstanding & conjoined with Squire's cause by coherence of the manner of proceeding (I shall return to treat some few lines more of a pamphlet set forth for Squyres condemnation after his execution.   

OF A CERTAIN PAMPHLET printed in England concerning the conspiracy of Squire after his death, and first of two notable lies which the Author thereof avoweth upon his own knowledge. CHAP. XX.  
HAVING determined to speak no more of Squyres affair but rather to have ended with this that hath been said, I received from a friend of mine a pamphlet printed in England by the deputies of Christopher Barker the Queen's printer concerning the matter and offence of Squire, entitled, A letter written out of England to an English gentleman remaining at Padua, containing a true report of a strange conspiracy etc. the which pamphlet doth give me occasion to enlarge myself somewhat further than I meant.  
For although I hold the same to be sufficiently answered as well by that which I have already discoursed in this Apology, as also by the foresaid treatise lately published by our friend M. A. in confutation of the whole fiction, besides that the pamphlet itself having neither name of author nor privilege, nor licence for the printing may seem rather to be rejected as an infamous libel, than held worthy of further answer; nevertheless considering that the Author thereof taketh upon him such particular knowledge of all the proceedings in that matter, that he seemeth to be no ordinary person, but rather some one that had his hand in the pie, and again forasmuch as it may be thought that the Queen's printers, neither would nor durst set forth any such pamphlet touching her Maᵗⁱᵉ. & the state, without the warrant of some man in authority, and lastly for that the Author thereof amongst many fools bolts that be hath shot therein, seemeth to have leveled one particularly at me, though he name me not, I have thought good briefly to touch some points thereof.  
To come then to the matter, 
Parts of the Pamphlet.  his discourse consisteth of 3. parts: the first, his declaration of Squyres confession, touching the particulars, as well of the supposed conspiracy, as also of the execution thereof: the second the manner of the discovery of it, the third this pamphleteers comment and censure upon the same, interposed, sometimes by the way of discourse.  
In the first I only wish to be noted two notorious and impudent lies, within the compass often lines avowed by him upon his own knowledge. The one that Squyres confession concerning the conspiracy was delivered by himself, without torture, or show of torture; the other that it was in no point retracted or disavowed, either at his trial, or at his death, whereas all those that were present thereat, are witnesses of the contrary, and amongst many others some of your Lordships that assisted at his trial may well remember I am sure that he urged a long time that his confession was extorted by torment, and although he confessed the fact after upon some persuasions and expectation perhaps of pardon, yet at his death when it imported him for his everlasting good to discharge his conscience, he revoked his said confession, not only disavowing the fact, and all intention thereof, but also his supposed employment by Father Walpoole, and when the shyrif urged him with his confession made at several times, he answered in the hearing of all the assistants and lookers on, that he would as well have said any thing else in the world at that time to deliver himself from the torments which he endured, and being pressed to confess at left his subornation, and employment by the jesuit (for Father Walpoole was not otherwyes named there) he flatly denied it, and gave a sufficient reason to clear both himself and the father, saying that he ran away from Sevil without the father's knowledge, and that therefore it might easily be judged that he was not suborned nor sent by him.  
And this I affirm as well upon divers relations that I have seen thereof in writing, as also upon the report of a credible person who was present at his execution, with whom I have spoken here in Madrid, so that I dare herein boldly appeal to the consciences not only of M. sheriff who was kindled with great choler against the poor man for denying it, but also of all the assistants and beholders, who were much amazed to hear matter so far from their expectation, their uttered by him that died.  
What then may I say of the impudence of this man that maketh no bones to put in print, yea and to affirm upon his knowledge such a notablely, disprovable by the testimony of so many hnndreths as were present as Squire's death? whereto serveth all his exaggerations of the foulness of the fact, his opprobrious speeches against Father Walpoole his devices of charms, conjurations, enchantments, exorcisms, circles, & all his Sinon's tale so smoothly framed, but to bewray both his vanity and malice, seeing he taketh delight and glory in the vain ostentation of his own lying tongue to the slander both of the quick and the dead, 
Psalm. 11.  and therefore let him consider what the psalmist saith to him, & such other calumniatours, Why dost thou glory in malice thou which art potent in iniquity etc. thou hast loved all words of ruin and destruction, thou which art a very tongue of trumpery, and deceit, & therefore God will destroy the finally, and pluck the up and remove the from thy tabernacle, and thy root from the land of the living.   

OF CERTAIN ABSURD improbabilities in the same pamphlet touching the manner of the discovery of Squires supposed conspiracy. CHAP. XXI.  
AFterwards when he cometh to acquaint his Paduan friend with the manner how the matter was discovered he saith thus, when time passed said he, and nothing came of it, they (he meaneth us here) made construction of it, that Squire had been false to them, one of the more passionate of them inveigheth bitterly against Squire tells how he was trusted, and how he had undone the cause, and the better to be revenged on him, is content that one (that they let slip hither, as if he had fled from them) should give information of this matter not with the circumstances, but generally against Squire, partly to win himself credit, and partly to wreak themselves on Squire.  
Thus far this pamphleteers words which being conferred with that which as before I have signified, was urged against Squire at his arraignment concerning the same matter, will be the better understood.  
It was then declared (I mean at the bar) under the confession of John Stallage, alias Stanley lately before fleck from hence, that I did one day in my own lodging inveighs against Squire with great passion and oath, saying that he had deceived us, and that we should be discredited with the King thereby, and further that persuading ourselves that Squire had already revealed the matter, we sent in Stanley to do some other great mischief, with pretence to accuse Squire thereof, whereby it appeareth that the passionate man, who the pamphleter saith revealed it was myself, & that Stallage was not only he to whom I told it, but also the man that we let slip to accuse Squire to be revenged of him, which how improbable and absurd it is, I remit to the judgement of any indifferent man that knoweth him and us, or hath but any sparck of prudence to discover a coggingly.  

Great absurdities and improbabilities.  For first how is it credible that we had so little wit, and discourse as (if we had recommended any such matter to Squire) to assure ourselves that he had been falls unto us & revealed it only because he had not executed it with in less than a year? whereof there might be so many lawful impediments imagined, as howsoever we might suspect him, yet could we have no reason so fully to condemn him, that we should send one ourselves to discover it, whereupon must needs follow great inconvenience to us, whether he had detected it himself or no; for if he had not, we should not only do wrong to him, but also to ourselves, yea and to all the Catholykes of England in ministering matter of a new and general persecution; for if our adversaries are fain to invent such like matters many times to take occasion thereupon to persecute us could we be ignorant that they would do it much more if they had such a just occasion ministered by ourselves, whereby all Catholykes and we especially should be decried every where for manquellars, & princekillers, traitors, and homicides, in all tribunals pulpits assemblies, books and sermons, and many an innocent man suffer for our cause, upon this general condemnation.  
Is it likely then, that we would take such a desperate resolution, only upon a bare suspicion? And put the case that he had revealed it, and that we had assured ourselves thereof, could we have any reason in the world to give further light of the matter ourselves, and so to fortify his accusation of us, which of itself could not have the credit, nor consequently be so prejudicial to our common cause as when it should be seconded with a testimony of our own?  
But they say we are passionate men, and especially I, and therefore were transported with desire of revenge, for so saith the pamphleter that to wreak ourselves on Squire we sent in Stallage to accuse him, because we were persuaded that he was falls to us; let us then examine this a little, and see what coherence there is therein.  
I would, gladly know as well of the Author of the pamphlet, as of M. Attorney and others that urged this point against Squire, and us at the bar, what revenge we could expect to have of Squire by revealing that which we thought he himself had revealed? were we so simple to think that we could hurt him thereby? truly, though these fine heads will not allow us so much wit as themselves, yet they do us wrong to take from us ordinary discourse and common sense, seeing these are things so evident, that it rather may be wondered how their deep conceits could take them for probable, then imagined that we should commit so gross errors, so that this devise is sufficiently disproved by the absurdities thereof.  
But how simple soever these men take us to be. it appeareth that the pamphleter was not well in his wits, 
A notable folly of the pamphleter.  when he acknowledged that Stanley was suborned by us to accuse Squire, and that two letters which he pretended to have stolen out of one of our studies, were found to be counterfeit, yea and that thereupon it was collected that Squire was an honest man (which in deed was the most direct construction that could be made thereon) whereby the pamphleter notably discovereth the extreme injustice done to Squire; for if the subornation of Stanley was so manifest, that it served for an argument of Squyres honesty, it is clear that the torment given to him upon Stanleys' accusation was against all law and conscience, whereupon it also followeth that the torment being unjustly given, the confession extorted thereby was utterly void in law, and by consequence the condemnation grounded upon the confession most unjust, and injurious, as I have sufficiently proved in the 8. chapter.  
Furthermore whereas the Pamphleter confesseth that Stanley had two counterfeit letters concerning this matter, which he pretended to have sto●ne out of one of our studies, he giveth me no sma● occasion to think that the letter which the privy councillor urged against Squire at his arraignment, as written betwixt my kinsman and me, was one of them whereupon for my part I will make no further collection then that the pamphleter showeth himself to be a very simple man in publishing such th●nges, as directly redound to the overthrow of the cause which he undertaketh to defend.  
Well to conclude this point for as much as it doth not appear upon what ground the pamphleter and his fellows affirm that Stanley was sent into England, & suborned by us, whether upon their own imagination, or else upon his confession; I lay that their charity towards us, and their proceedings heretofore in like causes being considered together with Stanleys' good conscience and conditions (whereof I have spoken amply before) it as little importeth what they say or imagine of us, 
.  as what he hath confessed or shall confess except it be at the gallows, which is now (as matters are handled in England) the only tribunal of truth, I mean the only place where truth is tried, as may appear by the late example of Squire, so that when I shall understand that Stanley is hanged also, and that at his death he hath ratified this, I shall then say that there is some more probability therein, though since the writing of this it is signified (as hath been said) that he denieth all again now in the tower.  
And truly if our adversaries did not persuade themselves that he would at his death confess the truth as Squire did, & so mar all I doubt not but they would have hanged him ere this, being the man he is and so well deserving it, but now as the matter standeth, I think for avoiding the foresaid trial of Tyburn, he may rather fear a fig then a halter seeing those that have him in their clutches, cannot but conceive that the truth of this matter may in time come to be discovered to their shame, no less by his life then by his public death, so that I think he may make his will, if he have any thing to dispose, though the hangman is never like to have his coat. Thus much to the text of the pamphlet, now to the gloss, & for that hereafter I must be a little more plain with the Author thereof, than the respect and duty, I owe to your Lordships would permit, If I should continued my speech to you, I will by your Lordship's leaves address the same henceforth to him and his fellows.   

OF CERTAIN IMPERTINENT and foolish glosses of the Author of the pamphlet, and first concerning the moderation and lenity which he saith is used in causes of Religion where it is not mixed with matter of state. CHAP. XXII.  
IN the third page you appeal Sir Pamphleter to the knowledge of your friend in Padua for the distinction & moderation of the proceeding in England in ecclesiastical causes with what lenity and gentleness it hath been carried, except where it was mixed with matter of state, for such are your own words.  
Hereto I answer that by your restriction & exception of state matters you overthrow your general proposition of clemency, and prove that there is no moderation lenity nor gentleness used at all, for where is not matter of state mixed with religion now a days in England, are not so many essential points of catholic religion made treason as no man can do the duty of a catholic, but he is ipso facto a traitor, seeing no man can be so much as absolved of his sins, nor receive any Sacrament of God's Church by the only true ministers thereof (I mean Priests) but he committeth treason? besides the other captious laws about the Supremacy, the exacting of the oath, and the urging of Catholykes to come to heretical service, & communion, under colour of temporal obedience to the Prince, is not in all this, state mixed with religion, yea and to no other end then to persecute us under co●our of treason and matter of state, while ye persecute religion, and for religion.  
Was not this the very practice of julian the Apostata who to cover his persecution of Christians sometimes caused his picture to be set with jupiter or other fais Gods and sometimes made himself to be painted with their ensigns and resemblance, thereby to make such mixture of religion, 
●●●om lib. 5. cap. 16. Nicepho lib. 10. cap. 23.  and matter of state, that those which should refuse to commit Idololatry might be punished under colour of contempt of his imperial person.  

Sonom. Ibidem.  Hereof saith Sozomenus, Nam sic cogitabat, etc. for so julian thought that if he persuaded them to that, he should more easily bring them to his will in other points of religion also, and if they resisted in this he might punish them without mercy, as offenders against both the common wealth and the Empire.  
It not this now practised in England in effect? for what other thing is it to annex the keys of Peter with the Princes crown the divine power with the human, the supremacy spiritual with the government temporal (dignities no less distinct in nature, then incompatible in lay persons, and especially in women sex) what other thing is it, I say, then to join julian with jupiter, and to paint the Prince with the ensigns and resemblance of deity, and to what other end then under colour of treason & matter of state to make away all those that shall refuse to acknowledge this pretended ecclesiastical supremacy.  
Such than is your mixture of religion with matter of state, as whiles you pretend to punish none for catholic religion, you persecute cruelly all Catholykes for no other true cause then religion, yea and as the pharisees did, you persecute and crucify Christ again in his members, 
joan. 1●.  as an enemy to Caesar, 
joan. 11.  and for the same reason of state that they did cry to Pilate si dimittis hune non es amicus Caesaris, if you let him scape you are not Caesar's friend for that his fault is not religion but matter of state against Caesar and again si dimitiunus hunc venient Romani, etc. if we dismiss this man the Romans (together with Spaniards) will come and take from us both our place and people, and will conquer, spoil & destroy us, for which respect you have already killed some hundreds of Catholykes upon like suspicions and ealumniations by virtue of your new statutes, besides many murdered for feigned conspiracies, and falls imputed crimes, and an exceeding multitude of others consumed and wasted with imprisonment, others pined a way in banishment, others impoverished & ruined with taxes, impositions, and penalties, and an infinite number daily languishing in captivity, penury, and misery, for that they will not yield as you call it temporal obedience in coming to your service, and communion, & yet forsooth you trouble none for religion.  
But if it please you and your friend in Padua that knoweth as you say this matter so well to consider it a little better, you will easily see that the distinction that you and your fellows make is confusion, your moderation persecution, your lenity severity, your show and talk of mercy nothing else but a mere mockery and plain cozenage of the simple reader, for to preach one thing and practise an other, is I trow the highest point of cozenage that may be.  
But what marvel is it if you draw our religion to matter of state seeing your own religion hath no other rule, nor ground but reason of state, for albeit the substance of religion, which now you profess different from ours, be patched up of old and new heresies, especially of these last of Luther, Zwinglius and Calvin, yet that which is properly yours, and the key and stay of all the rest and maketh you a body and part different from other Sects of Lutherans, Zwinglians, and Caluenists, Puritans, Brownists, Anabaptists and the like, is the obedience that you acknowledge in ecclesiastical causes to a lay head, which although it was first introduced into England by King Henry the S. only upon animosity against the sea apostolic (because the said sea would not allow his divorce from Queen Catherine (which King in all other points detested your religion) yet being abolished by Queen Marie her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. sister, and last praedecessour, it was returned again in the beginning of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. reign that now is, only upon reason of state as all the world knoweth, and so hath hyherto been continued.  
For those politic statistes of ours that had the use of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. ears in the beginning, considering that the Queen of Scotland being then married unto the French King, pretended title unto the crown of England, and fearing that the sea Apostolyk would favour her pretence in respect of the marriage of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. mother; yea and that the people would also incline that way, if they remained still in the obedience of the said sea, 
3. Reg. ca 12.  they hadrecourse to Hieroboams' policy and abusing the facility of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. good nature and young years persuaded her to change the religion then publicly professed, and not only to banish the authority of the Pope, but also to follow her father, and brother's example in taking the title of ecclesiastical supremacy upon herself, a thing absurd, ridiculous, unnatural, impossible, & therefore worthily rejected, impugned, and derided by Luther and Caluyn themselves and by their followers, 
Luther Calvin Kennitius.  and the Puritans at this day in England, and all other sectaries abroad, as a matter without all president or example in any Christian common wealth or colour of Scripture, except of some few texts that treat of obedience to Princes in general no less to Heathen Kings, than Christian, and therefore can not with any show of reason be understood of their primacy in causes ecclesiastical.  
Seeing then your religion so far as it is distinct from others, hath no other ground than reason of state, I doubt not, but if the matter were well examined what God they believed in, that persuaded her Maᵗⁱᵉ. thereto, or you and your fellows that manitayne it upon the same reason, and by such unchristian practices, as you do, you would be found to be comprehended in the third division of varro, who said that 3. kinds of men had three different kinds of Gods, 
Aug. 6. de cinitat. Dei c. 5.  the Poets one, the Philosophers an other, and statists or Polityks a third & that every one of them had a different religion according to the difference of their Gods, as that the religion of the Poets was fabulous, the other of the Philosophers natural, the third of the Statists, politic, and accommodated to government.  
And this is that which you profess; For the God you believe in is the Prince, your scriptures are the acts of Parliament, your religion is to conserve the state persas & vefas, and therefore as all good Christians do measure the reason of state by religion, which is the true rule, and the end thereof, and from the which it cannot in reason dissent or disagree, so you on the other side reduce and frame religion to your false reason of state, and by that means pervert all the order both of nature and grace preferring the body before the soul, temporal things before spiritual human before divine, earth before heaven the world before God, and which is more you subject both earth, heaven, body soul, the world, yea God and all, to the private pleasure, and profit of the Prince, as though he were the end, the Lord, and God of all the world, and of nature itself, whereupon ensue those monstrous policies which we fee fraught with all frand, hypocrisy, perjuries, slanders, murders, and all kind of cruelty, oppression and impiety, which have ruined infinite Kings with their countries, & Kingdoms, and what they will bring our poor country unto in the end, time will tell, whereto I remit me, for as the Italian proverb saith, La vita il sine, ●l di l●da La sera, the end praiseth the life, and the evening the day.   

OF THE TRUE CAUSES OF more moderation used in the beginning then afterwards, & of the difference made by the Laws, betwixt Seminary, and I Mary priests. CHAP. XXIII.  
But to proceed in your observations, you go forward to give example that there is moderation used in ecclesiastical causes, where matter of state is not mixed with religion, saying, for else I would gladly learn what should make the difference the temper of the laws in the first year of the Queen, and in the 23. and 27. but that at the one time they were papists in conscience, and at the other, they were grown papists in faction, or what should make the difference at this day in law betwixt a Queen Marie priest, & a Seminary priest, save that the one is a priest of suspicion, and the other a priest of sedition.  
Hereto I answer that because you say you would gladly learn, and that I take you to be of a good wit and docile, I will take pains to teach you this point that you say you would so fain learn. Know you therefore that there were divers causes of more moderation and lenity used for some years in the beginning then afterwards, & yet not those which you speak of and so you show your self either ignorant, or malicious in both.  
The first an ordinary rule of state which those great statists that procured this change could not neglect I mean in case of innovation to use no sudden violence, but to proceed by degrees, especially in matter of religion, which is seldom changed without tumult and trouble, whereof they had seen the experience in the times of both the kings Henry and Edward, & therefore they had great reason to water their wine at the beginning, and to use moderation at least for some years until the state and government were settled.  
The second cause was the doctrine of your own gospelers in Q. mary's time, who because some of their followers were burnt for heresy (according to the Canons and laws of the Church) cried out that they were persecuted, and published in their books and sermons, that faith ought to be free, and not forced, & that therefore it was against all conscience to punish or trouble men for their religion, in which respect the authors of the change, that served themselves of them in the ecclesiastical and pastoral dignities, could not for shame at the very first, use the bloody proceeding which afterwards they did, though nevertheless they forbore not in the very beginning to imprison, and otherwise to afflict, all Bishops and chief pastors; and such others as would not subscribe, & come to their Churches, for the which cause I remember that besides a great number of ecclesiastical and temporal persons, some of my own kindred and family were called to London, and imprisoned in the second year of her majesties reign, and so remained prisoners many years after.  
The third cause was the vain hope that those polityks had that a religion so sensual, and full of liberty as theirs, authorized with the power of the Prince, upholden with laws, promulgate with all artifice of writers preachers, and persuaders, would easily within a few years insinuate itself into the hearts of all men, especially of the youth, whereby they made account, that the elder sort being worn out, there would be within a few years little memory or none at all left of Catholic religion; but when they saw after some years experience, how much they were deceived of their expectation, and that through the zealous endeavours of the learned English Catholics abroad, learned books written, Colleges & seminaries erected, priests made and sent in, & thereby infinite numbers reduced to the unity of the Catholic Church, not only of the schismatics that fell at the first, either by ignorance, or for fear, but also of the Protestant's themselves (and amongst them even many ministers and principal preachers) and none sooner converted, or more zealously affected to Catholic religion, than the youngest and finest wits, wherewith our new seminaries began to be peopled; when those statists I say, saw this, they thought it then time to bestir themselves, and to persecute in good earnest, and yet to do it in such sort, as they might, if it were possible, avoid the name, & suspicion of persecutors both at home and abroad, and therefore they used the same policy that julian the Apostata did, of whom S. Gregory Nazianzenus writeth, 
Orat. 3. in julianum & orat. 10. in laudem Caesarij.  that he professed not externally his impiety with the courage that other persecutors his predecessors were wont to do, neither did he oppose himself against our faith like an Emperor that would gain honour in showing his might and power by open oppression of the Catholyks, but made war, upon them in a cowardly and base manner covering his persecution with crafty, and subtile devices, envying them, the name and glory of Martyrdom that the soldiers of Christ had got in former persecutions, and therefore he endeavoured to use violence in such sort as it should not appear, ordaining that the Christians which suffered for Christ should be put to death as malefactors, this affirmeth. S. Gregory Nazianzen of julian the apostata wherein you may see a true pattron of your own proceedings, for to exemplify the same with answer to the question you ask concerning the temper of the laws made in the 23. year of her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. reign, what other cause had you to make those laws in that year, but that you knew that Father Campian and divers Seminary Priests were come into England lately before, & therefore to make the world believe that their coming was to no other end but to sow sedition, and trouble the State, you did not only make those laws, but also shamefully mundered the same year the said famous man, and 11. godly innocent Priests with him for feigned conspiracies proved against no one of them, & disavowed by them all at their deaths, which sufficient proof of their innocency, as before I have declared at large in the 11. chapter, besides many other since made away in like manner upon like false pretences, and especially in the year 88 after the kings Armada had passed through the channel, in which year you executed above 40. Priests, and Catholykes in divers parts of England, to make the world believe that they had intelligence with the Spaniards or had procured the coming of the said Armada, which could not be proved, nor so much as justly suspected of anyone of them.  
Moreover I dare boldly affirm, neither shall you ever be able with truth to control me, that whereas our Seminaries have yielded within these 30. years 5. or 6. hundredth Priests that have laboured in that vineyard (whereof you have put to death more than a hundredth) you could never justly charge any one of them with sedition or matter of state except it were Ballard executed with Babington and the rest, 
Of Ballard.  whom as I will not excuse, (because I know not how far he waded in those matters) so will I not condemn him, considering the proceedings of you and your fellows with Catholykes in like cases, yet this I will be bold to say that if he had any dealing therein, it was without the consent or knowledge of any of his superiors, yea or of any intrinsical friend of theirs, whereof I could yield a sufficient reason, if it were convenient.  
But let us admit that he was as deep in those matters as any of the rest; have you therefore any reason to condemn all other Seminary Priests for his act, I do not blame you here for punishing any catholic that you should find to be truly seditious, but I find it strange, & against all reason and justice, that you do not only punish us for feigned crimes, but also impute the doings of one or of a few to all, which was always in my time, and I think it still, the absurd dealing of your lawyers in the arraignment of Catholykes urging against them the attempts of Doctor Sanders in Ireland, and Feltons' setting up of the Bull, and such like, as though every catholic were privy to their doings, or thought himself bound in conscience to do as they did, which kind of argument your lawyers would never use, if they were not either most malicious or ignorant, or thought all their audience to be fools: For what conclusion can be drawn from one or some particular to a general, as to say, Eton the preacher did penance on, the Pillery in cheapsyde and after at Paul's Cross for lying with his daughter, such a minister was hanged for a rape, such an other for sodomy, such a one for a murder; ergo, all ministers are mnrderers, sodomites, ravishers of women, and incestuous persons.  
Would your ministers allow this conclusion, or else that laws should be made against them all for the offence of some of them? and yet to say truly there have been so many examples of ministers convict & executed for such crimes that you might with more, reason exterminate the whole ministry, as a very sink of sin, then condemn all Catholykes as seditious, for Doctor Sanders, and Feltons' cause, o● all Seminary Priests for Ballards'.  
But to conclude this point, it is evident enough, that neither Ballards' offence (if he committed any) nor theirs that were executed with him could be any occasion of those rigorous laws against Seminary Priests which were made some years before, when (as I have said) you had not any one example of a Seminary man, that had been, or could be touched with any sedition, other than such as you feigned of them yourselves.  
Furthermore what just cause had you to make the distinction in your laws betwixt Queen Marie Priests, 
Q. Marry. Priests.  & Seminary Priests? have you found any more in the one then in the other, but only that you know the old Priests of Queen Martyrs time were so spent and wasted already that there was not left of them perhaps half a score in England (who also you thought would be in a short time consumed) whereas of the others, you saw a continual spring, that would flow perpetually, to the undoubted destruction of your heresy in time, if it were not stopped, in which respect, you thought good to seem to favour the first, that you might with more show of reason persecute the later.  
Nevertheless you have hanged some of those Q. Marry Priests as well as the other, only for doing their function counting them therein no less seditious than the Seminary Priests, and yet you say you spare the one sort as only superstitious, and punish the other as seditious.  
But such seditious and superstitious Priests as these are, were the very Apostles and Disciples of our Saviour, 
2. Cor. ●.  for they absolved from sin, as these do, 
Act. 10.  they administered the Sacraments of Baptism, or the A●ter, extreme unction, 
Act. 2. & 20.  & the rest as these do, 
jam. 5.  they said mass (that is to say) they offered in sacrifice the blessed, 
Act. 14.  body and blood of our Saviour as these do, they did preach, 
Act. 17.  and teach the Christian catholic doctrine as these do, 
Act. 24.  finally they were persecuted & punished for sedition as these are.  
Thus Sir you may see you had not those causes which you pretend, to change the temper of your jaws, nor to distinguish betwixt Seminary and Queen Marie Priests, neither any reason at all to call them either superstitious, or seditious. But let us see some more of your gloss.   

THE CONFUTATION OF an invective which the Author of the Pamphlet maketh against the jesuits. CHAP. XXIIII.  
IN your 10. and 11. page you make a digression to treat of the strange mysteries as you call them of the jesuits doctrine, how they mingle heaven and hell, and lift up the hands of the subjects against the anointed of God, you wonder that Princes do not concur in suppressing them, who you say make traffyck of their sacred lives; you compare them to pirates that are public enemies to human society, and to the Templars that were all put down throughout Christendom within a few weeks, and lastly you find it strange that the Bishop of Rome doth not purge out a leaven as you call them, so strange and odious.  
These in deed are very strange and odious speeches, and no marvel for there can be no more sympathy betwixt the jesuits and you then betwixt good and bad, light and darkness, Christ and Belial; it is no marvel, that the thief hateth the gallows, the dog the whip or the wolf the mastif, that keeps the flock, neither that you and all other heretyks malign those, whose schools are your scourge, 
Of the jesuits.  whose books your bane, whose virtue is your confusion, whose vigilance and industry is the guard simple fowls against the assaults of your heresy and impiety, wherein the great goodness of God is to be noted who for every disease provideth a remedy, for every poison an antidote, for every harm a help, so it pleased him of his divine wisdom to provide against a Simon Magus, a Saint Peter; against an Arrius, an Athanasius; against a Nestorius, a Cyril; against a Vigilantius, a Hierome; against a Pelagius, an Augustinus; (who was borne in afric the same day, that the other was borne in England) against the heretyks called Albigenses, a Dominik and his holy order of the friar preachers; and lastly in this our age, against a Martin Luther and his cursed crew of vicious Apostates he raised an Ignatius de Loyola with his blessed company, of virtuous, and Apostolical priests, commonly called Jesuits, whom though the Devil, and all his instruments (I mean you, and all other heretics, apostatates, and atheists) have no less impugned then the catholic Church itself, which they defend, yet nevertheless their holy Society is through the providence of God propagate and spread throughout the Christian world from one pole to the other; and thereby the wracks and ruins of Christendom repaired, infidels converted, heretyks confounded, youth instructed, the weak edified, no less to the glory of God, then to the confusion of his enemies & theirs.  
But to come to the particulars of your slanderous digression; you wonder that Princes do not concur to the suppression of this sect, as you call it, that maketh a traffic of their lives; & I wonder, you are not ashamed to build such a malicious slander upon so false a ground, seeing I have evidently proved that this matter of Squire (whereupon you run all this descant) is a mere fiction a lewd, and a loudly, improbale in itself, proved by no witness, or evidence, extorted from him by torment, retracted and disavowed at his death, though you shamefully say the contrary: besides that it is now above 20. years since the jesuits first entered England in which time you have racked, 
●suits●acked  and rend divers of them (Father Southwe● 10. times, Father Walpoole 14. Father Campion I know not how oft) and divers others for their cause, and all to find out some such matter, and yet you never got so much as any inkling of any, so that this contumelious speech of yours, is but a vain blast, that (as a man may say) shakes no corn, nor cracks any man's credit but your own.  
Furthermore how childish and vain is the comparison you make of them to pirates, thereby to conclude them to be public enemies of human society, meaning (by like) by human society yourselves, whose public enemies you may in deed account them in respect of your heresies, yet in that sense there is neither truth nor propriety in your manner of speech, for though I allow you to be human and earthly in the highest degree, yet a true society you cannot be called, being so dissociate, and divided in religion amongst yourselves as you are, except it be the society of Sampsons' foxes whose tails were only tied together and their heads severed. 
judic. 15.   
But if you consider the infinite numbers and multitudes of those that from one end of the world to the other do love at this day and reverence the jesuits (as fathers, that give them spiritual food as physicians that cure the diseases of their souls, and as pilots (not pirates) that guide them to the port of eternal salvation) you shall easily see the vanity, and idleness of your discourse, and either be forced to grant that they are no enemies to human society, or else absurdly say, that all men besides yourselves are seized with such a lethargy, or senseless stupidity that they cannot discern enemies from friends.  
Can any man that is not mad or drunken with heresy as you seem to be, or overcome with passion persuade himself that so many wise pious, and politic kings, Princes, counsels, magistrates, and governors (whose dominions extending from one pole to the other, do contain the noblest, and worthiest parts of human society among Christians) would be so unadvised to receive them into their kingdoms countries, cities, & courts, foster them, cherish them, love, reverence and honour them as they do, if they were such public enemies to humane society as you make them, or any way hurtful to their states, perilous to Prince's lives, preiuditial to public good, or rather if they were not most necessary, and beneficial to them all?  
This is so manifest to men of discourse and reason that I need not further to enlarge myself therein, seeing there is no man so simple that will prefer the vain and malicious conceit of a few poor sectary Caluinists hated & contemned by all other sects of the same breed, before the judgement and experience of all the rest of Christendom, whereof you are not worthy to be counted the parings, neither for your number nor for any other respect whatsoever, and albeit I might say much more in this behalf yet for that the matter is evident of itself, and the innocency and honour of these servants of God hath been defended by many learned books in these our days against the barkings of all sectaries and other their enemies, and emulatours which their vocation and virtues cannot but purchase unto them, I shall leave of to speak any more of this argument for the present, and so pass over to that which remaineth.   

OF THE HYPOCRISY OF the author of the Pamphlet and his fellows, and of a ridiculous miracle feigned in her majesties supposed escape. CHAP. XXV.  
IT resteth now only to speak a word or two of the religious zeal, and devotion towards God, which you show in your glosses wherein you interlace not only examples of scripture, but also considerations of Gods extraordinary and visible providence in the preservation of her Majesty from this great conspiracy, for the manifestation of his own glory, in so much that you make is miraculous comparing her majesties supposed escape to the shaking of the viper from S. Paul's hand without hurt, but in such ridiculous manner, as in truth it made me and others good sport when I read it, for though I have heard many fond comparisons, and similitudes of idle brains in my days, yet never heard I such an other as this is, and that in print.  

A ridiculous comparison.  You say thus, & they are your own words as they lie in the book, that as the viper was upon S. Paul's hand and shaked of without hurt, so this was done in july, in the heat of the year, when the pores and veins were openest, to receive any malign vapour, or tincture if her Majesty by any accident had laid her hand upon the place.  
Of which words there can be no other sense gathered (in my opinion) than this that as S. Paul being bitten with the viper shaked her from his hand, and had no hurt, so if by chance her Majesty had laid her hand upon the poisoned pommel of the Saddle in the month of july when the pores and veins are open she might have been poisoned or receive malign vapours or tinctures. But good Sir you might have done well to have put this conceit in ryme● for so it would have been at least rhyme without reason, whereas now it is neither rhyme nor reason, yet if you had said that her Maᵗⁱᵉ. had touched the poisoned place, as you signify the contrary (which mars the fashion both of your comparison, and of your miracle) there had been some more similitude, and matter miraculous, but as you have handled it there is neither miracle nor meaning, so far as my reason reacheth, and consequently this very first miracle that ever you had for confirmation of your Gospel in England is miscarried for lack of good handling. But to leave this to the laughter of all wise men, I will proceed to some other considerations.  
Who is he that seeing somuch mention in your discourse of God, of his mercy, of his providence ordinary, and extraordinary, and of his more than natural influence to the preservation of her Maᵗⁱᵉ. would not think you to be a very religious and devout man, or could imagine that you knew in your conscience, that all this matter of Squire was a fiction, as it is evident you did? whereof I need to bring no better proof than those two notable lies before mentioned, which you take upon your own conscience, though not only yourself, but also many hundreds that were at Squyres death know the contrary; whereby it appeareth that all your show of religion devotion and zeal tendeth to nothing else, but to set a gloes upon this your counterfeit ware, to make it the more saleable amongst the common people; which exceedeth all impiety.  
For what can be so exce●able, or sacrilegious, as to abuse the sacred name of almighty God, the holy, scriptures, and show of devotion and religion to such a mischievous end, as to slander and calumniate, which any man that believeth there is a God would tremble to do. But such is the custom of you, and your companion's to make a mask and vizard of religion to cover therewith your impious, and irreligious practices, persuading yourselves, that although some of the wisest may discover your treachery, yet you shall carry away many of the multitude, which is the fruit you expect of this and such other your infamous, and slanderous libels, forgetting that of Cicero nullum simulatum di●turnum, no feigned, or disembled thing can ●ong continue, whereof our Saviour warneth us sufficiently, saying, beware of the leaven of hypocrites; nothing is secret, that shall not be revealed, nothing is hid that shall not be known, for those things which you have said in the dark shall be spoken in the light, and that which you have spoken privity in your chamber shallbe preached in the house tops.  
So that you Sr. libeler, and your fellows cannot look to delude the world always as you have done many years but that sooner or later God will open the people's eyes, and discover unto them your hypocrisy and disguised impiety, yea and perhaps make them his instruments to revenge his cause, and their own upon you, wherein may be fulfilled, that which jobe saith of the hypocrite, the heavens shall reveal his iniquity, and the earth shall rise against him.  
Well Sir, though much more matter worthy to be treated do offer itself unto me at this present, by occasion of this your libel, yet not to overload you at once, nor to weighed the reader, this shall suffice for answer thereunto: only I will advertise you of one thing, that although you dissemble your name (fearing belike that the notable untruth avowed by you might turn to your shame if you should be known) yet I am not ignorant who you are, and have forborn to 〈◊〉 you, only to requite your courtesy in sparing to name me in your said libel, which at the bar other your fellow barristers did not forbear to do, so that being now every way out of your debt, as I take it, I take my leave of you, wishing you as much grace as to myself.   

THE CONCLUSION TO the Lords of the Council. CHAP. XXVI.  
MY very good Lords, although it is a common saying, and commonly true, that obsequium amicos, veritas ●dium parit, flattery gets friends, & truth hatred, in which respect I might well fear that the plainness which I have used in this discourse might be offesive to your Lordships, yet framing in myself a far other conceit, of your wisdoms, & judgements then of the common sort of men (whose ears do ●tch rather after vanity, than verity, after pleasure rather than profit) I persuade myself that your Lordships are such friends and patrons of truth, that you cannot mislike to hear it, when it is delivered upon so just an occasion, as the defence of honour and innocency, & to so good an end as a public benefit, and therefore I hope that when your Lordships shall have well weighed the particulars represented here to your consideration, I mean our innocency, the treachery of our adversaries, the abuse offered therein to her Maᵗⁱᵉ. and your honours, the infamy that groweth thereby to your government, the dangers both domestical, & foreign, the offence to God in shedding innocent blood, and lastly the punishment due thereto from his justice, your Lordships will not only approve my plainness accompanied with reason, sincerity & truth, but also employ your wisdoms, charity, and authority, to the reparation of our wrongs, and relief of our miseries, whereof I say, I cannot but have exceeding great hope, when I consider the great zeal your honours have showed to the maintenance of justice, in the punishment of such as you have understood to have abused your commissions towards Catholykes, in far less matters than this which I have touched in this Apology, whereof I have known, and heard of divers examples, as well before I came out of England, as since, whereby it is evident, that these other extreme injuries that our adversaries daily do unto us, proceed merely of their own malice, and no way of your Lordship's will, commission, or consent, and that for the remedy, there wanteth nothing, but that your honours may have notice thereof, which I have therefore presumed to give you in this Apology by the occasion of this my purgation, which I present unto you in all humility, beseeching your Lordships, for conclusion of this treatise, to consider from what root all these foul unchristian practices of our adversaries do spring, as that they are nothing else but the fruit of heresy, which hath no other period where to rest, but atheism, or apostasy from Christ, as evidently appeareth by all the east parts of the world, which from like schism, and heresy, are fallen to flat infidelity; which if it please your Lordships well to weigh, and the true remedy withal, which Machiavelli, (though in other things he be most absurd and impious) yet wisely teacheth in this case, to wit, to reduce a corrupted state of common wealth, to the point from whence it first declined, I hope your honours will see the necessity of the reduction of our realm to the ancient catholic religion, and to the unity of the catholic body of Christendom, whereof it was many hundred years together a principal member, in all honour, and security, flourishing in justice, equity, and piety, whereas now by this difunion, and divorce, from the said catholic body, and religion, it is not only exposed to many dangers, and much in ●●my, but is also replenished with injustice and impiety, as appeareth by the ordinary, & daily proceedings of our adversaries against us, declared sufficiently in this Apology, which I leave to your honours wise consideration, humbly beseeching almighty God to illuminat your Lordships, and her majesty also in this behaulf, which if it shall please his divine Maᵗⁱᵉ. to do, and with so great a grace, and blessing, as is the light of his catholic faith, to consummate and perfect those other rare gifts that he hath already bestowed upon her Maᵗⁱᵉ. (I mean her many princely parts, her power by sea, & land, her peace at home, her prosperity abroad, her long life and reign) she willbe one of the most fortunate, famous, & glorious Princes, that England or Christiandome hath had in many ages, and a most rare example of God's unspeakable mercy to the endless comfort of all true Christians. From Madrid, the last of August. 1599  
Your Lordship's humble servant T. F.   

THE TABLE OF the Chapters.  
THE preamble to the right honourable the Lords of her majesties privy council. 
 The author's protestation of his innocency, with the confutation of the fiction by the improbability of the end that was supposed to move Squire there unto 
Chap. 1.  The examination of the grounds whereupon Squire was condemned, and how uncertain is the trial of truth by torment. 
Chap. 2.  Of the cruelty of the rackmaisters in England, and of their manner of examination. 
Chap. 3.  Of the tormentors & their manner of proceeding against law and conscience. 
Chap. 4.  That the common laws of England do not admit torment in trial of criminal causes for the condemnation of the delinquent. 
Chap. 5.  Of the presumptions urged by some lawyers against Squire and first of the deposition of John Stallage alias Stanley. 
Chap. 6.  Of the testimony given by a privy councillor. 
Chap. 7.  That the evidence produced against Squire was not sufficient in law to give him torment, and that therefore his confession extorted thereby was of no force, and consequently his condemnation unjust. 
Chap. 8.  An expostulation with M. Cook her majesties attorney. 
Chap. 9  Of the like slander raised divers times heretofore against Catholyks, and of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution. 
Chap. 10.  Of the unjust condemnation of father Campion of the Society of jesus, and 11. Priests for a feigned conspiracy against her Majesty and the state. 
Chap. 11.  Of the like injustice used against M. pain a Priest for a surmised conspiracy against her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. ties. person. 
Cha. 12.  Of the like unjust condemnation of M. james Fen, & M. George Haddock, upon the like falls pretence. 
Chap. 13.  Of two Catholykes in wales condemned upon the testimony of false witnesses suborned and hired for money. 
Cha. 14.  Of William's, York, & Cullen executed for feigned conspiracies against her Majesty. 
Chap. 15.  Of the ends that our adversaries have, or may have, in slandering Catholyks with treasonable attempts, and first of the end that they have common with all persecutors of God's Church, and how much they fail of their purpose therein. 
Chap. 16.  Of other ends particular to our adversaries, and of their disloyalty towards her Majesty. 
Chap. 17.  That these proceedings of our adversaries which they hold for politic are against all policy, & true reason of state. 
Chap. 18.  Of two inevitable dommages that must needs ensue to the whole state, by the effusion of innocent blood: with an intimation of some part of the remedy. 
Chap. 19  The confutation of a pamphlet printed in England concerning the feigned conspiracy of Squire, and first of two notable lies which the author thereof avoweth upon his own knowledge. 
Chap. 20.  Of certain absurd improbabilities in the pamphlet touching the manner of the discovery of Squyres supposed conspiracy; 
Chap 21.  Of certain impertinent and foolish gloss of the author of the pamphlet; and first concerning the moderation, and lenity which he saith is used in causes of religion where it is not mixed with matter of state. 
Chap. 22.  Of the true causes of more moderation used in the beginning then afterwards, and of the difference made by the laws betwixt Seminary & Queen Mary Priests. 
Chap 23.  The confutation of aninuective which the author of the pamphlet maketh against the jesuits. 
Chap. 24.  Of the hypocrisy of the author of the pamphlet, and his fellows, and of a ridiculous miracle feigned in her Maᵗⁱᵉˢ. supposed escape. 
Chap. 25.  The conclusion to the lords of the council. 
Chap. 26.   
Such few faults as may have escaped in the printing, it may please the courteous reader to pardon.