THE FIRST PART OF A TREATISE CONCERNING POLICY, AND RELIGION. Wherein the infirmity of human wit is amply declared, with the necessity of Gods grace, and true Religion for the perfection of policy; And by the way some political matters are treated; Diuers principles of macchiavel confuted; And many advises given, tending no less to religious piety, then to true policy; With a confutation of the arguments of Atheists, against the providence of God, which is clearly proved throughout the whole. Written by THOMAS FITZHERBERT Esquire, and catholic priest, for the benefit of you●g Statists. Sit homen Domini benedictum a seculo &c. The name of God be blessed for ever, and ever, for wisdom, and fortitude are his, and he changeth times, and ages, and transposeth, and ordaineth kingdoms at his pleasure. Dan. 2. Printed at douai by LAVRENCE KELLAM, at the sign of the holy lamb. M.DC.VI. Visis testimonijs duorum doctorum virorum qui hunc librum se legisse fatebantur, nihilque in eo Fidei Catholicae, aut bonis moribus contrarium reperisse, eundem approbaui,& utiliter praelo committi posse censui. Actum Duaci 18 Aprilis 1606. Georgius Coluenerius S. Theol. Licent.& professor,& librorum in Academia Duacena censor. TO MY son EDWARD FITZHERBERT. kindness, saith the proverb, will creep where it can not go; The meaning is, if I be not deceived, that such is the force of love and affection, that when it can not manifest itself so amply as it would, it will show itself in some sort as it may; the which is now verified in me; For, whereas I haue never hitherto had the means,& opportunity to manifest my affection towards you, by reason of my departure from you and my country, in your infancy,& my continual absence ever since,( for the space of these three and twenty yeres) I can no longer forbear to give you some testimony of my love, by the particular address of this treatise unto you; For, although I intend it generally to al my cuntrymen, for the public good, yet I can not but wish the best part of the benefit to you, to whom the fruit of al my labours is most due, both by a special prerogative of nature, and also by the particular privilege of my own desire, and your desert. Therfore, to the end you may reap the benefit which I wish you of this treatise, you shal understand, that although part of the subject is policy, yet my meaning is not to animat you to the study, or practise therof, for that in my many yeres travel,& service of foreign princes,( wherein I haue observed the success of many, great negotiations,& been myself employed in some) I haue learned by experience, that the old proverb, Of little meddling cometh great ease, is verified in nothing more then in matters of state; the practise whereof may well be compared to the use of fire, which though it be most necessary for man, yet is most dangerous to deal with, and doth men some times irreparable damages, be they never so circumspectly. And this I say, for that I haue known very many stats-men of great sufficiency, much perplexed, and diuers ruined, not so much by their own inconsideration, as by the difficulties, and dangers incident to the handling of state-matters, which are subject to infinite accidents, and hazards, impossible to be foreseen and prevented, by the wit, or industry of man; And therfore the only point of state, which I would haue you to learn, or at least to practise, is, to serve God and your prince, with al duty and loyalty, yielding( as our saviour commandeth) To Caesar that which is Caesars; Matth. 22. and to God, that which is Gods: And ever to persuade yourself, that honesty joined with piety,& prudent simplicity, is the highest and surest policy that may be: for as Salomon saith; Qui ambulat simpliciter, Pro. 10. ambulat confidenter,& qui deprauat vias suas manifestus erit. He which walketh simply and plainly, walketh confidently& surely,& he that runneth an vndirect course shal be made manifest. And this our saviour also taught his Apostles, Natth. 10. and us al, when he said. Estote Prudentes sicut serpentes,& simplices sicut columba. Be you prudent like to the serpent, and simplo like to the dove; whereof I shal not need to say more unto you here, for that I haue sufficiently handled this matter in this treatise, in the which I would wish you for your better instruction, to observe specially these points following. The first is; The natural imbecility of mans wit; the consideration whereof is most necessary for every man, to ●he end he may not only beware of presumption, and an ●uer-weening of his own wit( the danger whereof I haue ●eclared in the first, and second Chapter) but also haue ●ecourse to the remedies which God hath ordained for ●ans infirmity; that is to say, continual prayer to him for ●he light and help of his grace, and the council of discreet, and wise friends; of both which points I haue trea●ed at large, partly in the 28. Chapter, and partly in my ●uless for young statists; whereto I remit you. The second observation which I wish you to make, is, of the course of Gods providence in the affairs of men, ●s how he disposeth not only of kingdoms and states, but also of particular mens affairs, working his will in them, ●nd by them, some times manifestly, and some times ●y secret operation, permitting evil to the end to draw good therof, and serving himself of mens wills, wits, ●olicies, and power, as also of al other his creatures, ●nd of al manner of causes, natural, moral, and ac●idental, for the execution of his holly will, and secret ●udgements; The consideration whereof infinitely im●orteth every Christian man, as well for the discharge of ●is duty towards God, as also for his own special come●ort, throughout the whole course of his life. For he that alwaise hath the providence of God before ●is eyes, and acknowledgeth his merciful disposition in what soever befalleth him, is neither puffed up with pride 〈◇〉 prosperity, nor dejected with sorrow in adversity, nor ●et dismayed with the apprehension of dangers, but alwaise holdeth an even and steadfast course, resigned to Gods will, grateful for his benefits, not repining at his ●unishments, knowing that al will turn to his good, if the ●ault be not in himself; whereby the seruants of God receive infinite consolation, whereas those who haue not the like consideration of Gods providence, haue neither any stay of themselves in prosperity, nor any true comfort in adversity, but being no less dissolute in the one, then desperate in the other, perish many times in both, through Gods just Iudgement. And although you shal find matter considerable concerning this point, throughout this whole discourse, yet I specially recommend two Chapters to your reading, to wit the 25. and 26. where I haue declared the causes why God permitteth good men to be afflicted, and wicked men to prosper in this world, which being well weighed may yield you, as I hope, both consolation, and instruction. The third point to be observed is, the severe Iustice of God in the punishment of sin, Exod. 20. ( Visiting the iniquities of parents vpon the children unto the 3. and 4. generation) which as I haue made most evident in princes, and their states, so may it also be observed in private men, and particular families. Therfore the instruction, which I would wish you to take by this point, is, that the true cause of the decay and overthrow of most families, is the same that I haue showed by evident examples to be the ruin of kingdoms,& states, to wit the sins of men, punished either in themselves, or in their children and posterity, whereby whole families are extirped, razes extinguished, ancient houses decayed, and personnal defects, or imperfections, continued sometimes in families for many decents. whereby it may appear, how simplo they are, who hope to eternize their names and families, by wicked means, and how absurdly many men use to say, that he is happy whose father goeth to the devil( because wicked men leave many times their children rich, with il gotten goods) whereas experience teacheth, that although God of his secret judgements suffereth evil men to prosper for a while for such causes as I haue signified in the 26. Chapter) yet and punisheth them, and dissipateth their ill gathered sub●ance sooner or later, where vpon groweth the proverb: ●ale parta, male dilabuntur; Goods il gotten, are il spent. Et vix ●udebit tertius haeres; And they seldom descend to the third ●neration. Wherfore we may say with far more reason, that and is unhappy whose parents sins may draw the male●ction,& wrath of God vpon him; and that most happy he, who fearing God, and being descended of virtuous ●arents, enheriteth not only their well gotten goods, but also Gods blessing for their virtues; For such a one hath a ●sting stock, and an indeficient treasure, yielding an as●red fruit to him,& his; which I wish you alwayse to remember, to the end you may live in the fear of God, ●at it may please him to bless you with his grace, and al ●mporal happiness, yea and to prosper, and perpetuate ●our posterity, for his own glory, and the good of your ●untry; For, Sic benedicetur qui timet Dominum; Psal. 127. So shal he be ●lessed who feareth God. furthermore you shal find in this treatise diuers political recepts, and rules, which though as I said before, I do ●ot aduise you to practise, yet it can not hurt you to know, ●nd the rather for that many of them may be applied to and condition, or state of any particular man; such being and connexion of al the parts of prudence,( whereof po●cy is one) that they concur, and communicate in many ●ings, in so much that an aduise may be very political, ●r good for the administration of state, and withal very econnomical, or fit for the government of household, yea ●nd necessary for the direction of any private man, in his particular affairs; of which kind, diuers will occur ●nto you, in reading this treatise. In like manner, whereas I haue interlaced many things against Atheists, which you, and other good Christians, may perhaps omit to read, as not pertaining any way to you, I think good to advertise you, that you may also find therein matter worth your consideration, for that I haue by the occasion of their objections, cleared diuers doubts, explicated many difficulties,& decided some notable questions; which may serve, not only for the confirmation of our Christian faith, but also for the edification of any good Christian reader, yea and stir him up to the admiration of Gods infinite wisdom, iustice, mercy bounty,& omnipotent power, and to the due reverence, and fear of his inscrutable judgements. moreover, having had desire both to delight,& profit my readers, I haue sowed in this my gardain( as I may term it) the seed as well of moral, as of political doctrine, and haue watered it abundantly with al kind of history, yea more perhaps then will seem convenient to some curious and severe censurers, who may desire to haue al things restrained to the limits of their liking; nevertheless, I would haue such to understand if any such there be that I haue been the more copious in examples, for the better and more clear confutation of Macchiauillian,& Atheistical politics, who referring al the effects of Gods secret judgements, yea and of many of their own errors to chance, are best convinced by experience, which is chiefly deduced from history, and showed best by multitudes of examples. Therfore I would haue you to think that I invite you to the reading of this treatise, as to a gardain, in the which I hope you shal find variety of faire flowers, and wholesome herbs; whereof I wish you first to take a full view,& after to make yourself a nosegay of what you like best, for I can not expect that you, or any other, will like and allow, ●f every thing alike, which I treat, or teach in this Treatise, no more then it can be expected, that many guests in●ited to a feast, be it never so well furnished, shal be al of ●hem contented alike with every dish: and therfore even ●s many dishes are provided, not so much that al the guests ●ay eat of every one, as that every guest may haue some ●ish to his liking; even so I haue proposed to my readers ●ariety of matter in this discourse, not so much hoping that al of them will be pleased with every thing therein, as that every one of them may find some thing to content him To conclude; I would not haue you expect in this my Treatise, any curiosity of exquisite words, or fine filled phra●es, or other ornaments of eloquence, because nether my declining yeares,( where with my style is also declined) neither yet the gravity of the matter which I handle, do seem to me to permit any other then a plain style, and familiar manner of writing, accommodated to common capacity for the public good; Besides that I perceive by such english books, as I haue chanced to see, printed in England of late, that the english tongue is much altered since I came thence, and therfore I may well fear, that the language currant in my time( which I am forced to use because I never used, nor learned other) may now seem no less barbarous to some men, then diuers new words, ●nd phrases seem strange to me; But howsoever it be, I hope my loving, and courteous cuntrimen, will measure this my work rather by the matter, and my good meaning, then by the language, or manner of composition, and that for supplement of al defects, they will accept the abundance of my good will, and desire of their benefit, which hath moved me to take this pains, to treat of a necessary subject, never handled before in our tongue, fo● ought I know; In which respect I hope it may be the more grateful unto them; And this being al which I haue thought needful to advertise you touching the Treatise following, I refer you to the preface for your further satisfaction, concerning my further intention, as well in this first part, as in the second, which by Gods grace shal follow in time, if God give me life and health; And in the mean while, I wish you al contentment, and the abundance of Gods grace, taking my leave with this benediction of the Psalmist. Benedicat tibi Dominus ex Sion,& videas bona jerusalem omnibus diebus vitae tuae,& videas filios filiorum tuorum, pacem supper Israel. The last of october. 1605. Your loving Father. T. FITZHERBERT. THE PREFACE, WHERE IN IT IS SIGNIFIED WHO ARE politics; How they err in Religion; and what difference there is betwixt them and other heretics; Also what is the intention of the Author in this Treatise, and in the other part therof that is to followe; And lastly some foundations are laid for the proof of Gods providence in humane affairs. AMONGST many errors concerning Religion which are currant in this our unfortunate age, none is more dangerous or pernicious then the opinion of such, as are commonly called politics; so name, not because they practise true and perfect policy, but because they esteem themselves, or are of many falsely repu●ed, for prudent and politic men: and therfore as the Latin word Tirannus which at first did signify a monarch, Calepin Varro.& alij. and absolute ●inge, came afterwards by the abuse of royal authority to signi●y only a Tyrant, and as in like manner the word Latrones signified ●t the first such as were the guards of princes, and grew in time ●y their disloyalty to be understood of Robbers,& theeues; What the name of politic signifieth properly. What policy is. so al●o though the name of a politic doth signify in deed such a one ●s practiseth that parte of humane prudence which concerneth state, and is properly called Policy, yet by the abuse of such as pro●esse the same, it beginneth in al languages to be taken in evil ●arte, and is commonly applied only to those, The name of a politic commonly taken in evil part and of whom it is understood. politics pervert the order of nature. who framing a ●olicy after their own fancy, no less repugnant to reason, then ●o conscience& religion, change al the course of true wisdom ●nd prudence, and pervert the order of nature itself, preferring things less worthy, before the more worthy, inferior things ●efore superior, corporal before spiritual, temporal before ●ternal, human before divine, the body before the soul, earth ●efore heaven, and the world before God. How& when politics ar heretics in the highest degree. 2. Therefore whereas these politics err no less in religion then in policy, they also deserve the name of heretics, and are so indeed in the highest degree, when obstinacy concurreth with their error. For others which teach false doctrine in matter of religion, The difference in matter of religion betwixt politics& other heretics. do err only in some parte of the catholic faith but peacocks err in the whole. heretics either impugn our saviour Christ, or his saints, or his spouse the church, or some person of the blessed trinity, but politics make war against al these, yea against Deitye itself. heretics admitting some grounds of Christian faith, do deny and deride the rest; but politics seeming to admit al, do in deed deny, contemn, and deride al. heretics though they reject some parte of true religion, yet they haue some religion; but politics admitting in show al religions, haue in truth no religion, denying either God himself, or at lest his providence in the affairs of men, which is the ground of al religion. Finally heretics undermine and shake the foundations of Christiani●y, politics ouerthrow the foundations of Christianity. but politics do utterly overthrow it; for although they grant, and aclowledge the necessity of religion, aswell to the institution, as also for the administration, and conservation of commonwealth, yet they so little consider the nature, dignity, and true effects therof, that they prefer in al things, reason of state before reason of religion, as though religion were ordained only for the service of commonwealth; Yea, and which is more to be lamented, How politics abuse religion. they use it no otherwise then as nurses use fables of bugbeares to terrify little children withal, to make them the more obedient; as though religion or belief of a God, were only a matter of opinion, consisting in fantasy, and imagination, and devised to keep men in awe,& fear of eternal punishment, to make them the more obedient to temporal laws; in which respect those which hold this opinion care not greatly what religion be professed, so that the people persuade themselves that there is some God which punisheth evil men, and rewardeth the good, whereby they do not only overthrow al religion, but also utterly destroy and ruin in time, the kingdoms& commonwelthes where they govern, as shal evidently appear in this Treatise. 3. And whereas it seemeth to me that this error proceedeth principally of two causes, the one; Whence the error of politic proceedeth. for that many men haue so ●reat a presumption of their own wisdom, that they measure ●herby al things, as well divine as humane; and the other for ●●at they know not, or at least, This treatise divided into 2. parts. do not duly consider the na●●re, force, fruit, and dignity of true religion in commonwealth; will therefore divide this Treatise in to two partes. 4. In the first, I will show the insufficiency of mans wit, po●cy, and power, for the institution, The contents of the first part. government and conserua●ion of common wealth, with out the peculiar help& assistance ●f Gods grace, which can not be had with out true religion. ●n the second parte I will declare that true religion is a most excellent and divine thing, The contents of the 2. part. not consisting only in conceit and opinion of men, but flowing from the very fountain of nature ●t self; as being the end whereto aswell every man, as also com●onwealth is naturally ordained; and that therefore not only al ●articuler actions of men, but also al policy and reason of state, 〈◇〉 to be leueled, and squired by the rule thereof, and that nothing can be truly political or good for state which swerveth ●rom true religion, and lastly I will prove that only one( to wit ●he Christian catholic religion) is truly political, or fit for government of states. 5. Of these two parts, I present unto thee, good Reader, The principal intention of the author in this treatise. at ●his time, only the first, and although my principal intention ●herein, is no other, but to show the weakness of human policy, ●nd the necessity of true religion for the perfection thereof, ne●ertheles for the better satisfaction of such as by reason of the ●ubiect which I handle, may perhaps expect some further dis●ourse concerning state, I haue determined to touch some poli●ical matters now and then by the way, as occasion shalbe offered,& to lay down in the end some general advises& rules of policy, ●ot for men already practised in affairs of state( of whom I ●hal ever be glad to learn) but for such only, as are willing to ●pply themselves thereto, and haue no experience thereof, whom I desire to set in the high way,& direct course of a ●ound and perfect policy grounded on Gods grace, and true piety, to the end they may proceed to their practise, with more ●ight, less danger, and better success to themselves and the ●rinces whom they serve, and consequently to the public good, which dependeth on nothing more, then on the well handling, and good success of matters of state. How far the author meaneth to touch religion in this treatise. 6. And for as much, as one part of my subject being Religion, and I by profession a catholic Priest, it may perhaps be imagined that I will touch some matters, which may be offensive or vngratful to such as profess the religion now established in our country; I think good to advertise thee, good Reader, that my meaning is not in this first part to handle any matter of religion now in controversy betwixt protestants& catholics, neither yet in the latter, any further then the same shal be necessary conjoined with matter of policy; Atheists ar common enemies both to catholics& protestants. Only I desire such protestants or puritans as shal red this part, to hold me excused, if for the confusion of their common enemies, and ours( I mean Atheists, for such are the politics whom I especially impugn) I allege some times some examples of Gods extraordinary assistance given to his seruants miraculously by his Angels, Saints, or otherwaise, Why examples of miracles are alleged in this treatise. seeing there can not be a more evident argument for the proof of Gods providence, then the same; And if any man doubt whether such miracles haue been, or may be donne in these our daies, I wish them not only to consider those few examples of our time, which I haue had occasion to mention, but also to inform themselves sufficiently of the many most notable miracles showed by almighty God the last year, at the Image of the blessed virgin Mary near to Sichem in Brabant, which are so fresh in memory, and so evident in the parties who received benefit thereby, that they can not with any show of reason be denied. Many notable miracles donne this last year in Brabant. But no marvel if such things are doubted of by some which hear of them in these daies, seeing the stupendious miracles of our saviour himself, and of his Apostles& seruants in al ages, haue not been believed of al those that saw them, but of those only whom it pleased God to illuminate with his grace. Plutark, in the life of Coriola●us. And therefore I say with plutarch, and Heraclitus two paynim Philosophers, that the greatest parts of Gods works are unknown to men for lack of belief. The error of polityks proceedeth partly of atheism. 7. moreover, whereas the error of politics, as well in matter of state, as in religion, proceedeth in great part of mere atheism( in respect that they beleeue not that God hath care of man, or taketh account of his actions, or disposeth of kingdoms, and states at his pleasure) I haue therfore determined early to prove the providence of God in the affairs of men, ●d especially in the government of state, and to answer parti●larly the arguments of the politics, or Atheists, A foundation laid for the proof of Gods providence. F. R. P. in his resolution. Cicero de legib li. 1. There was never any people, or nation so barbarous, but they acknowledged a God,& his providence. Plutar. li. contra Colotem. epicu●eum. against the ●me; To which purpose I think good also to lay some founda●n of my future building, here in this preface, for the more ●eare confutation of their error in that behaulfe, wherein I ●eane to be the briefer, partly because some others haue most ●cellently treated the same matter in our tongue, and partly cause the divinity and providence of God is of itself so eui●nt in nature and reason, that as Cicero following Plato saith. ●ere was never any people in the world so barbarous, or irreligious, but ●t although they knew not what God they ought to serve& adore, yet they and we that they ought to serve and adore some God, by whose proui●nce they were to be governed. In which respect Plutark also ●th, That we may find some cities void of money, theatres, and of faire ●d sumptuous buildings, but none without temples for the service of God. 8. Whereupon it followeth necessary, The general and uniform consent of al nations cerning Gods providence derived from nature. not only that there is God, but also that his providence disposeth,& governeth the ●aires of men; For whence could this uniform consent, and ●inion of Gods providence, and his deity spring, and flow into and minds of al people& nations, in al times, and ages, but from ●ture itself, for Cicero as saith. Omni in re consentio omnium gentium 〈◇〉 naturae putanda est; The consent of al nations in any thing whatsoever, is be accounted the law of nature: Cic. Tuscul. quaest. li. 1. and therfore whatsoever is vniuer●, and common to al men, must needs be natural; and being natu● it can not be vain, for as Aristotle saith. Deus& natura nihil fa●nt frustra. God and nature do nothing in vain: as for example, Aristot. de caelo li. 1. sum. 6. te●. 32. man naturally inclined to learn, and know truth, to love, and de●e good, to hate and eschew evil, which inclinations, and de●es in man were vain, if there were no truth to be known, thing good which might be loved and desired, or nothing ●d which might be eschewed. And so in like sort, if there were 〈◇〉 God to worship and serve, nor any divine providence in ●ans affairs, the natural inclination of man to religion, that is say, to the worship and service of God were vain, and conse●ently erroneous in nature, which were absurd to say. And this so manifest that whereas Aristotle teacheth that some things are Aristot To. pl●. li. 1. c. 9. evident to reason, As evident to reason that God is to be honoured, as to sense that snow is white. Arnob li. 7. contra Gentes. and some to sense, he putteth for example 〈◇〉 the first, that God and our parents are to be honoured; Whereof fait● he, whosoever doubteth hath no less need of punishment the● he should haue need of sense, if he denied snow to bee white To which purpose also Arnobius saith, that he which deniet● that God made and governeth the world, hath neither understanding, nor yet sight, or common sense. 9. For who is so senseless that shal behold and duly consider the very works of nature, their immensity, multitude, an● beauty, their admirable effects, their wonderful order, thei● conexion, and subordination in the heauens, in the air, in th● elements, Works of nature prove that there is a God and creator of al things. in the earth, and in al creatures, especially in ma● himself( in whom there appear so many miracles of nature such art in the composition, such wisdom in the disposition such conformity of one parte to an other, and such perfectio● in the whole that he is worthily called Microcosmus, a little wordl● who( I say) considereth this, and can doubt that there was som● Creator and Author therof, of infinite power and wisdom; Fo● who is so simplo, that seeing a goodly palace, of so excellent an● rare workmanship, that it draweth the eyes of al men to behold it, doth not presently acknowledge it to be the work of som● notable Architect; for a notable effect can not be with out notable cause. 10. Furthermore( to omit many other considerations whe● of I will speak otherwhere) if a man note and consider the wonderful wisdom that appeareth in the harmonious compositio● of contraryeties, or as I may term it in the dissonant conco● of contrary motions and qualities in Gods creatures; as the motions, Diuers considerations forcing man to acknowledge a Creator of infinite wisdom and power. of the sun, and the moon, and other planets, not only different one from another but also contrary to the motion o● the highest spheere, and yet al of them carried with such a perpetual, equal, and constant course, that thereof redoundeth th● usual and ordinary counterchange of night and day, of month and yeeres, of winter and summer, and al other times and seasons, necessary for the production of the fruit of the earth, an● the conservation of al living creatures. And again if we add● thereto the contrary qualities of the four elements, reduced t● a temperature in the constitution of al earthly things, wher●vpon depend the 4. contrary humours in the body of man, and other living creatures, and those humours tempered also with ●ertaine equality wherein consisteth the health, life, and con●uation of the said creatures; If a man( I say) will consider this, can not imagine either that it was at first ordained, or else it 〈◇〉 continued by chance, seeing there appeareth therein such an ●finit wisdom, that no reason, wit, or wisdom of man, can ●fficiently comprehend it. ●1. And whereas some do say, How God and nature are al one, and how they are distinguished. that it is not God but nature which ●rketh al this; I ask them what they mean by nature, whe●er it be a thing that having reason, and vndersting in itself, ●oueth al creatures according to the proper nature and kind of ●ery one of them, for in that sense God and nature is al one, in ●hich respect he is called Natura naturans, that is to say, Nature ●hich giveth nature to al things, wherefore Seneca defineth nature thus; D. Tho. 12. 9. 85. ar. 6. Seneca li. 4. de beneficijs c. 7. The definition of nature according to Seneca. ●atura nihil est nisi Deus& diuina ratio toti mundo& eius partibus in●a; Nature is nothing else but God, and a divine reason inserted, or put ●o the world and into every part therof. But if they mean by the ●oord Nature, a certain power, influence, or instinct which without any sense, or understanding in itself hath an operation ●en in senseless things, inclining and moving them to a certain ●d, it must needs follow that the same nature, influence, or ●wer, hath that motion force and operation from some supe●our essence which hath understanding, and is of infinite power ●d wisdom, who created, moveth, guideth, and conserveth it; 〈◇〉 which sense Aristotle defineth nature to be; Principium motus, Nature defined by Arist. phis. li. 2. tex. 1. & ●ietis, the beginning of motion and rest, and saith, that it is to be numbered ●ongst those causes which do woorke for an end; whereupon S. Tho●as infereth notably that nature must needs be directed by the ●ouidence of God, for nothing which is void of understanding, D. Thom. in li. 2. phis. lec. 12. Nature directed by Gods providence. Plato in Timaeo. Marsil. Ficin. in compend. in Timaeo. c. 1. ●d sense can tend to a certain end, except it be directed by ●me that knoweth the end, as an arrow can not tend to a cer●ine mark, except it be shot by some one that knoweth the ●acke,& in this sense nature is nothing but the instrument of God, ●d so Plato treateth of nature in Timaeo, as Marsilius Ficinus obser●eth very well. 12. This is so evident in reason that by the consideration ●ereof the heathen Philosophers attained to the knowledge of a deity, Rom. 1. for as S. paul saith. By those things that are visible in th● wordle, they came to understand that there was an invisible God who mad● the same; How the heathen philosophers attained to the knowledge of a Deity. knowing right well by the light of reason that nothing can be cause and author of itself, and noting such a subordination of inferior causes to superior, and such a connexion, and coherence of al things visible on earth and in the heauens, that they easily ascended, as it were, by degrees, from the lowest to the highest, and so to the contemplation of the Author and governor of al, whom they concluded to be eternal with out beginning or end, of infinite wisdom, bounty, majesty and power, incomprehensible and ineffable; And therfore Simonides the poet being asked of Hieron the tiran● of Sicily what God was; Cicero de natu deorum. li. 1. demanded a daies respite to answer,& being then asked again his opinion, craved two daies more and after again a longer time, and in the end said; That the mo● he thought vpon him, the less he knew what he was. And no maruail● seing he is infinitely great without quantity, infinitely good without quality, he moveth al things and is not moved, he changeth al things, and is not changed, he is in every place, and contained in no place, every where present, every where whole, in a● things, and yet included in nothing, with out al things and excluded from nothing, under al things, and oppressed by nothing, above al things, and yet not elevated, or sustained by any thing, but sustaineth, and mantayneth al things, finally b●ing the cause, begininge, and end of al things, or rather al i● al, yet he neither is, nor can be said to be any thing of al. Psal. 96. The incomprehensibility of the divine nature. 13. So that in respect of his incomprehensibility we may we say of him with the Psalmist. Nubes& caligo in circuitu eius. Cloude● and darkness do inuirone him; and Posuit tenebras latibulum suum He hath hidden himself in darkness, and yet considering the evident and shining light of his deity, most manifest in al hi● works, Psal. 18. whereof the Psalmist also saith: The heauens declareth glory of God, and the firmament showeth forth the works of his hande● we may well say with S. paul; Lucem inhabtat, he dwelleth i● light; 1. Tim. 6. which light nevertheless he calleth, Inaccessibilem, inaccessible; for although there is nothing more manifest then the cle● son of his divinity; yet so infinite is his nature& so incomprehensible is the light thereof, Arist. metaph. 2. text. 1. that Aristotle himself confesset● that the understanding of man can no more comprehend the ●euine essence, and the proprieties thereof( though they are ●ost manifest in nature) then the eye of the owl can behold and light of the sun. 14. For this cause, The divine nature insinuated by the old philosophers, with dyvers attributes. Arist metaph. li 1. Idem. Metaph. li. 12. text. ultimo. not only our divines but also the old ●hilosophers being not able to express his infinite and ineffable ●ature by any proper name, do insinuate the same by many ●tributes; Aristotle calleth him the First cause, the first mover, and the ●st beginning, to whom he ascribeth the government of the world, ●hich he compareth to a family, governed by one master, or ●ord, and to an army conducted by one General, Mercurius Tris●egistus termeth him understanding, nature, necessity, the b●gininge ●idst, and end of al things. Plato calleth him the father, governor, and, Mercut. in Paemandro cap. 3. Plato. in Timaeo. Parmen Sophis. phaedro.& li. 6. de rep. Platoes doctrine concerning God& his providence in the government of the world. Plato. li 34. de. legib. dia. 10. ●ng of the world, beauty, and goodness itself, By the participation ●herof al things that are good and faire, haue their name and ●ture, in so much that he teacheth expressly, that God is only 〈◇〉 be beloved for himself, and nothing else in the world to be ●eloued, but for him; and that his providence extendeth itself, ●ot only to the government of the world in general; but also to ●uery thing in particular, which he laboureth to persuade by ●iuers symilitudes,& examples. As of a good physician that hath ●re to cure al diseases, aswell little as great; Of a father, or master ●f a family, who looketh carefully to al things that are therein; ●f a good governor that hath an eye& regard to every thing 〈◇〉 the city: And lastly to a Captaine-General of an army, who as it were the life, and soul thereof, and conducteth and gui●eth it, and every parte of it by his directions. 15. To which purpose Cicero also testifieth that the whole ●hooles, as well of the Peripatetiks, as academics, did teach, Cicero Acad. quaest. li. 1. that ●od is the soul of the world, and the perfect wisdom and prudence which ●uerneth al things in heaven,& in terris ea queen pertinent ad homines, Cicero de finib& nut deo. lib. 3. and ●ose things in earth which belong to men; And the same as ●cero also witnesseth was the doctrine of the stoics. The foolish opinion of Epicurus rejected by al other philosophers. Cicero. de natura deorum. li. 2 Al which ●hilosophers, rejected, and derided the ridiculous opinion of ●picurus who framed to himself, a fantastical conceit of a certain ●lle God, who he said had a delicate and a transparent body, and ●ued in such continual ease& repose, that he would not trouble himself with the government of the world. In favor of which opinion some haue objected out of our holy Scriptures that ou● Lord God after the creation of al things. Gen. 2. An objection out of the scriptures in favour of the opinion of Epicurus. Aug. de. Gen. ad lit. li. 4. c 1& in senten. Aug apud Prosperum. 277. The objection answered by S. Augustin. Requieuit septimo die a● vniuerso opere, quod patrarat; restend the 7. day from al the work● that he had made; as though his rest should consist in not meddling with the administration of the world, and government o● his creatures; To which objection S. Augustine answereth thus Creatoris omnipotentia &c. The omnipotent and divine virtue an● power of the Creator is the cause of the subsistence or being o● every creature, which divine virtue and power if it should a● any time cease from the government of those things that i● created, the very kind and nature of al things must needs perish and fall to nothing. And therefore whereas our saviour sait● Pater meus usque nunc operatur. My Father doth work even until thi● time; joan. 5. he signifieth the continuance of his work in the administration and government of his creatures. In which respect th● Scripture also saith of the divine wisdom, Sap. 8. that pertingit à fine &c. It reacheth from end to end strongly, and disposeth al thinge● sweetly. And to the same purpose the Apostle said to the Athenians; Acts. 17. How the word requieuit septimo die in Genesis are to be understood. In ipso vivimus &c We live, we are moved, and haue our beginning and being in him; that is to say in almighty God. For if he should with draw his hand or operation from us, wee could neither liu● nor move, nor haue any being at al: and therfore it is to be understood that God did so rest from al his works the 7. day, that h● made no new creatures; and not that he ceased to conserve an● govern those which he had made. Cicero l. 3. de not. Deo 4. 16. Thus far S. Augustine in answer of this cavil, whereto 〈◇〉 also add that, as Cicero saith very well; He which confesseth there i● a God and yet denieth him the government of the wordle, and the communication of his grace, and goodness to his creatures, contradicteth himself and destroyeth divinity; for that he denieth to almighty God that whic● is most proper to the divine nature, and most excellent in it, yea and taxeth him most absurdly either with want of wisdom( if he say that God knoweth not how to provide for his creatures) o● with want of bounty and goodness, if he say that he knowet● how to do it and yet will not, or else with lack of power, if h● would do it and can not. The author of nature fountain of al goodness and wisdom. For reason and philosophy teachet● that the author of nature, being the fountain of al goodne● and wisdom, as I haue said, yea goodness and wisdom itself must needs be of such infinite bounty that he will not forsake ●d neglect his own creatures; and of such infinite wisdom ●d power that he both knoweth how to provide for them, ●nd also is able to do it; not with labour and toil, as Epicurus ●olishly imagined, but with al facility, by his only will and ●oord; conform to that which the Psalmist saith of the creation ●f al things: Ipse dixit& facta sunt, ipse mandavit& creata sunt; Psalm 148. and spake the word and al things were made, he commanded and they were ●cuted; No marvel that God governeth and moveth al things by his only will seeing the soul doth the like in the body of man. Seneca de consolat. ad Heruan. ca. 8. Gen 1.&. 2. Psal. 8. And this the stoics did show by a very evident and fa●iliar example of the soul of man, which with the only will ●oueth and governeth the body and every parte thereof as it ●steth. And even so( say they) al things in the wordle are with facility made moved and changed by the will and power of ●od, whose divine spirit( as Seneca saith) is equally dispersed ●roughout al ●he whole, per maxima& minima, as well through and least as through the greatest things. 17. And now to add a word or two of Gods particular pro●dence in mans affairs, can it be with any reason denied, that and hath a more special care of man, then of al other things in ●rth, seeing he ordained al earthly things for him, and him for ●s own service, creating him to his own Image, The great care and love of God towards man. and enduing ●m with a reasonable soul, capable of the knowledge of his ●uine nature, to the end he might love worship and serve him? ●his not only our holy Scriptures, but also the most learned ●ilosophers do acknowledge, as Trismegistus, Plato, Aristotle, Trismegist. in Paemandro ad Ta●trum.& ad Asclep. Plato in Timaeo& li. 4. de legib.& in Alcibiade Aristot. li. 10. Ethic. Iamblic. Porphirius. Plotinus, apud Marsil Fianum in Compendio in Timaeum. c 6. The consideration of religion and of the Church of Christ ministereth invincible proofs of Gods providence. & al ●atonickes and peripatetics who do constitute& place the end and ●icity of man, in the knowledge and contemplation, love and ●orship of God, yea in a perfect coniunction, amity, and unity ●ith him, as I will prove at large in the second part of this Trea●e, where I shal purposely speak of the dignity, fruit, and ne●ssity of catholic religion in commonwealth; the consideration ●hereof will afford most invincible proofs of the infinite wis●me, power, bounty, majesty and providence of almighty ●od, manifestly seen aswell in the perspicuous evidence, purity, ●d excellency of the Christian catholic faith, as also in the ●mirable institution of the ecclesiastical monarchy, that is to say and Church of Christ, and in the conservation thereof so many ●ndereth yeares together against the fury of al infernal and terrestrial power, besides the manifest concurrence of a diuin● providence in the wonderful force of holy Sacraments in God● Church, and power of holy men both dead and living, and thei● stupendious, and miraculous works. 18. Al which as they are necessary for the perfection of commonwealth( as I will make it evident) so do they infallibly demonstrate the course of Gods providence therein, and therefore in both respects are to be handled by me amply in the second parte of this Treatise, and sometimes touched by occasion in this first part, wherein also the providence of God in the dispositio● of mens affairs, How the providence of God in mens affairs shalbe proved in this treatise. shal be sufficiently proved, by the infirmity of man, and his natural servitude and bondage to almighty God by the consideration of Gods miraculous operation in the overthrow of mans policy and power: by the dependence of a● humane designments or actions on the will of God: by his disposition of States and kingdoms, by the punishment thereof fo● sin. And lastly by the very arguments of atheists themselves which shal not only be clearly confuted, but also proved to b● notable proofs of Gods providence. The Conclusion of the preface. 19. And because al these points shable sufficiently debate● and confirmed in the discourse following, I remit thee( goo● Reader) thereto, and will conclude this preface concerning th● providence of God with S. Augustin; who explicateth notabl● this our Christian doctrine, Aug. solilo q. ca. 14. in these words; for as much( sait● he) as thou, o Lord, gouernest al things dwelling within the● and art alwaise present in every place, and hast care of euer● thing that thou hast made, thou art so attentive to that whic● I do, and dost keep such watch over me day and night, a● though thou haddest forgotten al other things in heaven& had care of nothing but me; A notable saying of S. August. concerning the providence of God. for the immutable light of thy light is neither the greater for seeing one only, nor the less for beholding diuers and innumerable things; For as thy sight do● comprehend perfectly al things together, so with the sam● perfection it comprehendeth every thing particularly, and co●sidereth al things as well as every one, and every one aswell as a● without division or diminution, or any change on thy part,& Thus saith S. Augustin of Gods particular providence, whic● shal suffice concerning the same for this time. 20. Now then to come to the point which I determined ●st to handle in this discourse, to wit, the insufficiency of al 〈◇〉 main policy for the government of state, two things are ●st to be considered for the declaration thereof; The one is the ●tural infirmity of man; And the other, the condition and state commonwealth; both which points I will handle with as great ●rspicuity as my determined brevity will permit. THE TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS knowing THE CONTENTS of the first part of this Treatise. AN epistle of the author to his son wherein he advertiseth him what he would wish him to observe in this Treatise. The preface wherein it is declared who are politics, how they err i● matter of Religion, and how they differ from other heretics; Also wh● is the principal intention of the author in this Treatise; And finally som● grounds are laid for the proof of Gods providence in human affairs. For the proof of the imperfection, and insufficiency of al human policy the natural imbecility of man, and weakness of his wit, with the caus● therof are declared; And by the way it is signified what danger, and d●triment groweth to man by self love, and presumption of his own wi● with an exhortation to humility. Cap. ● A further declaration of the infirmity of man, and the imbecility of 〈◇〉 wit, and policy by the consideration of his natural bondage to almigh● God, and of his blindness, and ignorance in his own affairs, and consequently of the necessity of Gods providence for his government,& directio● as well in public as private matters. Cap. ● For the more ample proof of the insufficiency of human wit a● policy, diuers examples are alleged of the error of politics, and world wise men in matters concerning themselves, and their states, by occasi● knowledge it is also debated how far a man may trust a reconciled ene● and how true prudence, and Christian charity may concur with distr● and suspicion. Cap. ● By occasion of the former examples it is debated whether the Emper● Charles the 5. did prudently in passing through France vpon a sa● conduct, and of the danger he was in, and how he escaped; Also conc●ning the errors of Henry the 3. King of France in the slaughter of 〈◇〉 Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal his brother. Cap. ● Of errors committed by whole demonstrates, namely of Rome, and Veni● with the conclusion of the premises, and an admonition to politics conc●ning their folly and ingratitude towards almighty God. Cap. ● The weakenes of al human policy is proved by the nature of comm●welth, that is to say by the natural mutability, and instability therof, ●emplified briefly in Empires, kingdoms and other States. Cap. ● The imbecility of mans wit, and policy is further proved by the imperfe●on of al political science, with a consideration of the imbecility of law-●ker●, exemplified in Solons laws, by occasion whereof a political que●on is debated concerning sedition. Cap. 7. The imbecility of law makers is also exemplified in certain wicked, and ●surd laws of Licurgus, Plato, and Aristotle, with certain obserua●ns no less pious then Political. Cap. 8. The imperfection of human laws, is shewed by the defects incident to ●w; and first what law is, to what end it is ordained, and what it can ●forme in commonwealth. Also an exact comparison of the law of the flesh ●ugnant to commonwealth with political law, whereby it appeareth that ●litical law can not suppress the carnal law. Cap. 9. An answer to an objection made in favour of political law, supposed be sufficient for the suppression of 'vice, if it take sufficient order for the ●od instruction,& education of youth whereof the impossibility is shewed, ●d in conclusion the necessity of the law of grace to supply the defect of po●ical law is inferred. Cap. 10. The insufficiency of human policy is further proved by the vnce●tainty of and success of mens wisest designments, and for the better explication therof is declared what are fate, fortune, and chance, and that according to the ●nion of the best Philosophers fate doth not derogat from the freedom of ●ans will, and much less from the providence of God; and by the way some ●athis said of Astrology, and force of the stars. Cap. 11. A further consideration of fate, and fortune, according to our Christian ●ith, and the doctrine of our holy Scriptures, and how almighty God woor●th his will in the affairs of men, by casual, and accidental means. Cap. 12. dyvers examples of sundry accidents, whereby the plots, and desygnments great politics haue been dissipated, and overthrown; And concerning ●ices that for a time haue been profitable, and in the end haue proved percious. Cap 13. Of the force of sudden chances, and unexpected events in the overthrow well of mans power, as of his policy; And of the hazards, and doubtful ●ents of battailes, and other enterprises of war, and that al the success ●erof dependeth vpon the providence of God, giving victory sometimes by ●ret concurrence with secondary causes, and sometimes by manifest, and ●iraculous means. Cap. 14 For the further proof that the success in war dependeth vpon Gods will, ●d providence, examples, are alleged of miraculous victories in every age● since our saviours time, with the conclusion of this point concerning chances and unexpected events. Cap. 15. The insufficiency of mans policy and power, for the conservation of commonwelth is showed by the consideration of Gods Iustice in the punishment, translation, and subversion of states for sin, which point is handled in 7. chapters next ensewing; And first the Iustice of God in punishing the sins of men is proved by arguments drawn from nature itself. Cap. 16. For the more evident proof that God overthroweth states and kingdom for sin, it is first proved that they depend on his providence; Also it i● signified for what causes God giveth the government of kingdoms, or states to men; And finally for what kind of sins, and in what cases he punisheth, or destroyeth whole commonwelths. Cap. 17. Examples of the severity of Gods Iustice vpon kingdoms, and states f● sin; And first of the subversion of the most potent empire of the Chaldaeans, and of their admirable city of babylon, and for what sins the sam● was ouerthrown; And that the events therof testified by proane authors answered exactly to the prophesies in our holly Scriptures. Cap. 18 Of the destruction of jerusalem, and of the great calamities of th● Iewes euersince for their sins, and how the prophesies of Daniel and 〈◇〉 our saviour himself were fulfilled therein, whereby the providence and Iustice of God is evidently proved. Cap. 19 Other examples of Gods severe judgements vpon commonwealths for sinn● and particularly for negligence in the execution of Iustice vpon offender● and for the sins of the flesh. Cap. 20 That the three conquests of our country by the Saxons, Danes, an● Normans, proceeded of the sins either of the princes, or of the people or of both; and what their sins were which deserved so great a punishment; Also by the way it is discoursed, what great mercy God sh●wed towards the Britons, and English from time to time. Cap. 21 Of the conqu●st of the kingdom of Naples by Charles the 8. King o● France, for the sins of the kings therof, with the conclusion inferrin● vpon the premises, the providence, and iustice of God in the dispositio● of states, and the insufficiency of man for the government therof withou● Gods assistance. Cap. 2● The imbecility of mans wit is further discovered by the answer of certain objections of Atheists against the providence of God, and first som● what is said of the inscrutability of Gods judgements, and of mans ignorance in ordinary, and trivial things; And how that ignorance is the m●● ●er of atheism, Cap. 23. The objections of the Atheists are discussed, and answered, tendency it ●peareth that their arguments against Gods providence are notable and ●dent proofs of the same; And first how it standeth with the providence, ●stice, and mercy of almighty God to suffer so much sin, evil, and mischief the world. Cap. 24. Of the affliction of good men in this life, and that the same is a notable ●gument as well of Gods providence, bounty, and iustice, as of his love them, with much comfortable doctrine for the afflicted seruants of ●od. Cap. 25. Of the great longanimity,& patience of almighty God towards wicked ●en, and of the causes of their prosperity, by occasion knowledge their pit●ul, and miserable state is declared, with some good admonitions to ●m. Cap. 26. Of the variable, and uncertain events, that are common to good and ●il men in this life, as why the good, and bad, do many times prosper, or 〈◇〉 afflicted alike; Also why one man is some times punished for the faults an other, why some are chastised in this life, and others not, and finally ●hy almighty God doth manifest his judgements to man in some things, ●d concealeth them from him in some other; And that in al this the proui●nce of God clearly appeareth. Cap. 27. It is inferred vpon the premises that no sinful policy can be truly counted ●ise or political, and by occasion therof it is declared whence true wisdom what it is, and wherein it consisteth; As also the difference betwixt ●isdome, prudence, and policy, and lastly the necessity of grace to the per●tion of policy is signified; with a consideration of the dangers, and diffi●ties incident to matter, of state. Cap. 28. certain general rules or advises no less pious then political, for the ●struction of such as desire to manage matters of state, and haue no ex●rience therof, to the end they may deal therein with less danger, and dif●ulty. Cap. 29. Other general rules for a young statist advanced by his princes favour to of his council; as what he is to consider in himself, in his prince, and in and matters that are to be consulted. Cap. 30. What a counsellor ought to consider in his prince, as namely his consci●ce, his commodity, and his reputation. Cap. 31. What a counsellor is to consider in matters to be consulted. Cap. 32. For the better, and more particular instruction of young statists concerning matters to be consulted, a matter of state is debated, to wit what is to 〈◇〉 considered in a deliberation touching the maintenance of a civil war, in foreign country. Cap. 33 An other question is debated for the further instruction of a young statist to wit, whether a princes state can be assured by wicked policy, by the occasion whereof many principles of macchiavel, and of the politics his followers are examined, and confuted by reason of state, without the consideration of Gods Iustice. Cap. 34 The argument of the last chapter is prosecuted with the consideration o● Gods iustice in punishing wicked princes by the ministry of al his creatures Also some what is said of the enormity of murders, and Gods severe punishment therof. Cap. 35 It is further debated whether al sinful policy be against reason of state, by occasion whereof some things are observed touching the course of Gods providence in the conservation and dectruction of states and by the way som● what is said of sorcery, and how dangerous the practise therof is to princes And finally it is concluded, that al wicked policy is pernicious to state, an● that the wisdom of politics, or Macchiauillians is near folly. Cap. 36 TABLE showing BRIEFLY THE PRINCIPAL points THAT ARE handled in the first part of this Treatise. Adam ●Riginal iustice lost by the fall of Adam. chap 1. num 7. Mans nature more glorified now by the occasion of Adams sin, then it should haue been if ●dam had not sinned. cap 12, num 36. ●w it stood with Gods iustice to suffer Adam to be tempted: cap 24, num 11. ●hether God did injury to Adam in suffering him to be tempted: Ibid. ●hy it was not convenient that God should hinder the temptation of Adam ●ough he knew he would fall: cap 24, num 12. adultery ●●ulterie permitted by Licurgus amongst the Lacedemonians: cap 8, num 6. ●w rigorously the Saxons in germany being balsams punished adultery: ●p 20, num 11. The hurt that followeth of unlawful procreation: Ibid. Aff●iction Aff●iction: And how tribulation is the patrimony of good men: cap 25, ●um 12. God purgeth the sins of good men with temporal affliction in ●is life: cap 25. num 3. Good men are sometimes afflicted for their fathers ●ffences: num 4. For an admonition of their natural infirmity: num 5. To ●anifest to the world their virtue: num 6. That their miraculous works ●ay redound to his glory: num 7. For the conversion or confusion of their ●ersecutors: num 8. For the example& consolation of the weaker that are ●fflicted: num 9. To move evil men to imitate their virtues: num 11. To ●ave trial and experience of their own valour: num 12. ●●e affliction of good men an evident argument of the immortality of the ●ule: cap 25. num 14. It exempteth them from the occasions of sin: num 6. It is the ordinary and high way to wisdom: num 18. It tempereth the ●xorbitant humors of men: num 19. It teacheth them moral philosophy: abide. It enricheth their experience: num 20. It increaseth& perfiteth virtue: ●um 21. It maketh them conform to Christ their master and head: num 22. ●riefe sum of the benefit of affliction in good men: cap 25. num 26. No●able considerations of Seneca concerning the same: num 27.28. ●●e difference betwixt affliction and punishment. cap 27. num 19. certain ●asess wherein afflictions are not punishments. num. 20. Three conclusions gathered of the premises. num 22.23. allured ●ng allured being greatly distressed by the Danes, was comforted by a vision of S. Cuthbert: cap 21. num 9. He expelled the Danes out of England which would not be Christians: num 10. The mercy of God to his posterity to the fourth generation: Ibid. Et cap 15. num 15. Angels ●ngels may err in the iudgment of future things depending on the will of God or man: cap 1. num 13. ●ngels haue an exact knowledge of al natural causes: cap 1. num 14. Man ordained to supply the room of Angels: cap 1. num 15. Atheists Atheists are common enemies both to catholics and Protestants. In pre●tio: num 6. The ingratitude of Atheists taxed by Seneca: cap 2. num 23. Two sorts of Atheists, some in opinion, and some only in words: cap 23. n● Of Atheists in belief and their gross folly. cap 23, n, 19. Atheists haue not t● true light of natural reason. Ibid. Al their arguments do notably bewra● their ignorance and folly: num 21. The chief arguments of Atheists against the providence of God: c 24. n ● Their blindness: n 2. Their arguments reduced to four heads. Ibid. Oth● arguments of the atheists: cap 27. num 1. The answer: num 2 3 4 5. B babylon The wealth, strength,& beauty of the city of babylon. cap 18. num 1. T● destruction therof: num 2. The great desolation of the place where it stoo● num 5. The particular causes why God destroyed it. num 7 8 9. Balbus The strange escape of Michael Balbus being ready to be executed: cap 35. n ● battle The doubtful event of a battle is greatly to be feared: cap 14 num 4. The practise of Lewis the 11. to overcome an enemy without battle: ca● 14. num 5. The force of sudden chances in battailes: cap 14. num 8 9 10 11. Of the force of sudden fear in battailes: cap 14. num 12 13 14 15 16. Examples of battailes lost by diuers other accidents: cap 14. num 17 18 19 21 2● blasphemy Pope pus the 5. commanded don John de Austria to give battle to th● Turkes at Lepanto, and of the miraculous success thereof: cap 15. num 2● For how small causes wicked men blaspheme God: cap 23. num 13. A story of a blasphemous gamester miraculously punished: cap ibid. num 16 How blasphemies are punished in spain: cap ibid. num 17. Blasphemers stoned to death in the law of Moyses: Ibid. blasphemy against Christ or our Lady punished amongst the Turkes: Ibid. A decree of S. Lewis king of France against blasphemers: cap 23. num 18. blasphemy unpunished may draw the wrath of God vpon the whole commonwealth: Ibid. Blood Blood ever repaid with blood: cap 35. num 57. Bondage The natural bondage of man to God: cap 2. num 7. The difference of servitude betwixt one man and an other, and the bondag● that al men owe to God: cap ibid. num 8. The ancient philosophers acknowledged the bondage of man to God: ca● ibid. num 9, The bondage that man oweth to God for his redemption. Ibid: A furth● consideration hereof: cap ibid. num 12. brittany The diuers mutations in brittany since the Romans conquered it: cap 6. n ● The miserable estate of the Brittans invaded by the Picts& Scots: cap 21. num Their recourse to God for help: num 4. Their vngratefulnes to God: Ibi● Their sins& vices: num 5. Their new invasions: ibid. They called in th● Saxons for their defence which turned to their overthrow: Ibid. Their r●lapse: num 6. The vices both of the clergy and Layitie: Ibid. C Cade ●he garboils and tumults in England raised by jack Cade and his fellowes: cap 7. num 4. Cadwalladar ●g Cadwalladar flying into France acknowledged Gods iustice vpon him ●fe and his people: cap 21. num 7. Canutus ●tus son to Sweno invaded England: cap 21. num 17. His great virtue ●d piety: num 18. A memorable act of his. Ibid. Chance ●thing of importance to be left to chance: cap 32. num 11. Change and often change of government in the Roman empire: cap 6. num 5. Charles and often changes& innovations of diuers states in italy: cap 6. num 6 In the ●almes of Scotland, France, Flanders,& other kingdoms adjoining: Ibid. ●o documents concerning the changes& mutabilities of states: cap 6. num 7. and passage of Charles the 5. through France into Flanders. cap 4. num 1. ●he dangers that he escaped in that passage. num. 2. The familiar welcome ●f the young Dolphin saying, yield thyself Emperour. How he let fall a ●ch Diamond to gain thereby the good will of madam de Estampes: ibid. ●s great devotion. num. 3. Chastillon ●sieur Chastillon Admiral of France sought his own destruction: cap 3. num 〈◇〉. His error: num 13. His answer to Monsieur du Tore to tel the king ●at there was no Count Egmonts in France: ibid. Children ●ants punished corporally for their parents sins,& why. cap 27. num 16. children are part of their parents goods. Ibid. and good deeds of parents rewarded in their children, and why. Ibid. and natural marks and properties of parents descend to their children. cap 7. num 17. with the difference betwixt that which is made by arte and that which is engendered: Ibid. python born with the figure of a lance vpon ●is body. ●hy innocent children perish with wicked men in the general punishments ●f commonwealths: cap 27. num 18. They perish corporally sometimes to and salvation of their souls: num 25. and children of tyrants punished for their fathers tirranny. cap 35. num 42. ●xemplified throughout the residue of this chapter. Christ the weakness and infirmity that appeared in our saviour Christs humani●e: cap 24. num 30. The stupendious effects of the infirmity that appea●ed in his passion: num 33. The weak instruments he used for the conuer●on of the world: Ibid. His omnipotency manifest therein: num 34. and providence of God and the divinity of our saviour Christ manifest in and miraculous conversion of the world: cap 24. num 35. ●hether the passion of Christ did free his seruants from suffering: cap 25. ●um 23. Christ to be imitated in the bearing of his cross: cap 25. num 25. ●ristian doctrine seemeth repugnant to mans nature. reason, and sense: ●ap 24. num 33. Clement ●ment was the watchword of him who killed the Duke of Cuise, and the name of him who slwe the King of France: cap 31. num 9. commission and danger of associates in Commission when they are not sincere friends: ●ap 29. num 23. ●nces sometimes dissauow their Commissions after some wicked fact is done by their order,& sometimes do pick quarrels,& take small occasion to make away the instruments of their own wickedness: cap 29. num 3●. Commonwelth The nature of commonwealth: c 6. num 3. wherein& of whom it consisteth: num The wisdom of Aratus in reforming the commonwealth of Sicione: cap 7. n ● No sufficient means to make a perfect commonwealth by human laws 〈◇〉 magistrates: cap 9. num 4 The commonwelthes where the carnal law governeth cap 9. num 18. Se● more: cap 10 num 19. The good and il of the commonwealth and of the prince are conjoined: ca● 43. num 13. Confederacie henry the 3 of France his confederacie with the Protestants and the succe● thereof: cap 4 num 8. Considerations concerning towns or states confederated: cap 33. num 19, ●● necessary for a prince to discover the ends of the principal confiderates in matter of war: cap 33. num 22. Conquest The commission that God gave the Romans to conquer the world: cap 17. n The causes of the three conquests of our country by the Saxons, Danes a● Normans: cap 21. num 1, 3, 5, 8. S. Dunstan prophesied of the conquest England: num 15. The conquest of the kingdom of Naples: cap 22. num 1. The iudgment Phillip de Commines thereof: num 2. The tirranny cruelty and vicious liu● of the kings of Naples: Ibid. Their chastisement: num 3. The admiral● facility of the conquest of Naples: Ibid. The evident punishment of G● vpon the kings therof: num 4. A prophecy of the conquest therof: Ibid. T● kings of Naples deprived of their kingdom especially for one sin: nu● Consent The consent of al nations is the voice of nature: cap 2. num 22. Conspiracies Opinion of the princes weakness is the mother of conspiracies: cap 31. n 50 Macchiauillian remedies against conspiracies: cap 34. num 6. Conscience remorse of conscience an argument of Gods iustice in the punishment sin: cap 16. num 2. The horror of a guilty conscience: ibid. num 4. The tormented conscien● of Nero having killed his mother: num 5. The torments of a guilty conscience: cap 22. num 7. Alfonso strangely tormented with the horror of his own conscience: ibid. The definition of conscience: cap 31. num 1, 2. The worm of conscience ●teth at one time or other: num 3. Why it is frequent and not continu● ibid. What remorse of conscience breedeth: ibid. henry the 3 of France rejecting conscience in the breach of his oath out threw his estate: cap 31. num 9. The torment of conscience which tyrants endure: cap 34. num 41. The tormented conscience of K. Richard the 3. after he had killed his neph● cap 34. num 43. Consultations Concerning matters to be consulted: cap 32. num 1. Counsel A tempting of God to contemn human counsel num 6. The necessary cocurrence of devout prayer therewith: num 13 A council is not to be contemned because some of the motives haue fail● cap 30. num 15. The answer of the wise photion to the Athenians having d●swaded them from an enterprise which afterwards fel out well: Ibid. counsel grounded vpon conscience and iustice never to be repented: cap 30. num 16. The answer of Aristides to dionysius the tyrant who demanded one of his daughters in marriage: Ibid. ●espect of others mens greatness pernicious in councils: cap. Ibid. num 22. ●o wicked counsel more pernicious to state then that which is given for the benefit of state cap 31. n 5. proved by examples of K. pharaoh. and the Iewes: num 6. Of King astyages, and K. Amulius: num 7. Of the famous captain Aetius: num 8. Of Caesar Borgia; Of the Q. of hungary, and of henry the 3. of France. Ibid. Of Andronicus Comnenus who meaning to kill Isacius Angelus ●or the assurance of his state, caused his election to the imperial dignity: ●ap 35. num 20. ●hy a womans counsel is never good but vpon a sudden: cap 32. num 13. Councellors ●any councellors necessary for princes: cap 29. num 12. Et cap 32. num 8. ●●e points that are to be considered of a young councillor: cap 30. num 1. Eight points to be considered in the councillor himself: Ibid. ●he aduise which Basilius the Emperor gave his son, whom to choose for ●is councellors: cap 30. num 5. ●ow a councillor ought to admonish his prince of his error: cap 30. num 7. The wise saying of Parisatis mother to Cyrus to this purpose: Ibid. Who ●hey are that commonly ouer-shoote themselves herein: Ibid. ●●e discreet modesty of Haephestion councillor to Alexander: cap 30. num 9. How a councillor ought to speak to his prince, and of his prince: num 10. Councellors by connivency are partakers of their princes faults: Ibid. A notable answer of Themistocles to Euribiades who took up his staff to strike ●im: Ibid. ● councillor ought to be constant in his opinion: cap 30. num 11. inconstancy 〈◇〉 a councillor an evident sign of folly: Ibid. ●hy young men are not fit to give counsel: cap 30. num 11. Why old men ●esolue slowly& maturely: Ibid. ● councillor ought to be free from passion and particular affection: cap 30. 〈◇〉 21. The danger evil councellors incur by geueing evil counsel to their ●rinces: num 25. evil councellors hateful to the people and punished by ●●em: exemplified in Emson and Dudley put to death by henry the 8. to satis●●e the importunity of the people, who demanded iustice against them for ●he evil counsel they had given to henry the 7. Ibid. ●●e punishment of a wicked councillor is a debt due to the whole commonwealth: cap. 30. num 27. What Comineus noteth of a councillor of the ●uke of burgundy: Ibid. What a councillor is to consider in his prince: cap 31, num 1. The prin●ipal thing that a councillor ought to regard: num 2. How a wicked councillor endangereth the state of his prince: num 4. What a councillor ●●ould hold for a chief ground: num 57. ●ecessarie for a councillor to know the state of foreign princes: cap 32. n 2. 〈◇〉 councillor should be affable and courteous to strangers, and why: Ibid. ●●e difference that may be noted in the ability of councellors: cap 32. num 8. 〈◇〉 princes council ought to be composed of men of different humors: n 9. cruelty The fruit of cruelty: cap 34. num 29. Dangers not remedied but increase● by cruelty: num 55. cowards are cruel: cap 35. num 30. Crucifixes The experience of what the balsams think at the first of Christ Christ crucified: cap 24. num 31. What conceit some balsams in China had of crucifixes use amongst Christians: Ibid. The subtlety of the devil to hinder the showing of crucifixes to the balsams in China: Ibid. D Danger Why God suffereth his seruants to fall into danger: cap 4. num 4. What is to be considered concerning danger& the prevention therof: cap 32. num 11. How many ways a wicked prince is endangered: cap 34. num 39. Defects The defects of nature may be and often are supplied by the light of grace cap 28. num 18. Example of diuers in whom grace supplied natural defects: Ibid. Of Dani● being but a child: of Ananias, Misael, and Azarias: num 19. Of judith: num 20. Of Moyses: num 21. Of david: num 23. Of S. antony. S. Catharin of Alexandria. Of S. Catharin of Siena. And of S. Francis. of Paula. deformity The absurdity and inhumanity of Aristotles Law, ordaining the exposition of lame and deformed children: cap 8. num 17. deformity of body, doth not prejudice the beauty of the mind: Ibid. king Cressus very deformed of body yet a very wise and excellent prince cap 8. n. 18. A story of a deformed priest made Archbishop of Cullen. n. 1● Delay The danger of needless delay. cap 29. num 14. In what cases delay is necessary. Ibid. num 16. Designments Of the execution and success of designments. cap 11. num 2. No man ca● warrant the good success of his designments. Ibid. num. 3. A designment of Charles duke of burgundy overthrown by a chance. c 13. n 3. A good designment is not to be left of for fear of false rumors. cap 31. num 54 Diogenes Mans impossibility to execute his own designments without Gods permission. cap 35. num 7. What Diogenes said to a disciple of his whom he ha● forbidden the tavern. cap 34. num 40. dissension A story of the dissension of two young men of Siracusa about their concubine. cap 7. num 15. The trouble that often riseth by the dissension of women. cap 7. num 19. Exemplified in the two daughters of Fabius Ambustus, the one married to a noble man, the other to a plebiean. The dissension between the duchess of somerset and queen Catharin parr, falling at variance for the precedence. Ibid. num 20. A great army of Christians dissolved by the dissension of the kings of England and France. cap 14. num 11. Dissimulation The difference betwixt fiction and discreet dissimulation. cap 31. num 30. Discreet dissimulation commendable in a prince. Ibid. Distrust No less folly to distrust al men, then to trust every man: cap 3. num 7. Ho● distrust may be called the mother of security: num 8. How distrust and suspicion, may stand with true prudence and charity: n. ● division The danger that groweth to a prince by maintaining division amongst hi● subiects: cap 7. num 16. Princes by maintaining division do but help t● ●et their own house on fire: Ibid. ●he danger of Machiauels doctrine concerning division: cap 7. num 21. ●chiauels doctrine concerning division confuted: cap 34. num 10. devil and devil affecteth the title proper to divinity: cap 1. num. 1. ●d revealeth sometimes his secret iudgments to wicked spirits, and how: ●ap 36 num 7. What things the devil can foretell: num 8. His collusion in ●orcerie: num 15. He can not be forced by man by any natural means: Ibid. E Edwin ●dwin brother to K. Adelstan set to sea, with only one seruant in a boat without sail: cap 31. num 3. What happened to K. Adelstans cup-bearer who gave unto him that wicked counsel: Ibid. Edwim ●win king of Northumberland made a Christian: with a notable discourse of his conversion: cap 17. num 11. Edward Edward the Confessor succeeded Canutus: cap 21. num 20. The conquest of England revealed unto him: num 21. A parable signified unto him in his ●ision num 22. The exposition of the parable: Ibid. What he said at his death: num 24. ●ng Edward the second broached with a spit: cap 34. num 25. ambassadors and practise of the Lacedemonians in employing ambassadors: to wit to ●hoose such to sand on their embassages, as were either public, or at the ●east secret enemies: cap 29. num 22. and practise of Lewis the 11. when he employed a great ambassador: cap abide num 23. Empire and man oftentimes the cause of the destruction of a whole empire: c 7. n 3. The Empire of Rome offered by public proclamation to whom soever would give most for it: Ibid. 30. Emperors declared by the soldiers in the ●pace of 15. yeares: Ibid. Employments that happeneth to those that vnaduisely seek great employments: cap 28. ●um 41. and assistance of wise and sincere friends most necessary in great employments: cap 29. num 22. The treachery of seruants or followers to be feared ●n employments: num 24. enemy ●w far a man may trust a reconciled enemy: cap 3. num 5. ●econciled enemy is not to be trusted: num 6. what maner we may distrust our enemies: num 7. and doctrine of Epicurus and his fellowes: cap 9. num 17. Epicurus and counsel which Metrodorus a disciple of Epicurus gave to his brother: Ibid. Error and error of henry the 3. of France in the slaughter of the Duke and Cardinal ●f Cuise: cap 4. num 5. The reuoult of the principal towns of France against ●im: The great misery of himself and his court that ensued: num 7. 〈◇〉 error of the senat of Rome: cap 5. num 1. An other error of the same n 6. 〈◇〉 error of the Venetians: cap 5. num 8. An other error of the Venetians: n 9. too foul errors of Solon: cap 7. num 13. ●herin Licurgus erred: cap 8. num 2. ●en err many times in that which they presume to know best: cap 23. n 10. Ethelred and offence of Ethelred in whose time the Danes conquered England: cap 21. num 16. Ethelred expelled out of England by Sueno: num 17. He recovered England: Ibid He died for sorrow: Ibid. evil wherein al evil consisteth: cap 24. num 3. Why God permitteth sin and other evils: num 13. The world is more perfect and complete by the evil that is therein: Ibid. The nature of earthly things requireth a mixture of good and bad: Ibid. Though evil considered by itself seemeth inconvenient, yet to the composition of the whole world it is necessary: num 15. No evil in the world but good doth come of it: num 17. The office of reason and wisdom is to distinguish betwixt good and evil: num 22. The Lacedemonian said merrily he had chosen the less evil when he had chosen a little wife: cap 28. num 14. Extremities What a man must do in extremities: cap 32. num 12. In extremities the coumsel of a simplo man may be good, and why: num 13. What princes should do in dangers and extremities: cap 36. num 30. An example hereof in king david: Ibid. F Factions Why Machiauillians think that factions amongst subiects are good for their princes: cap 34. num 12. Factions in the commonwealth are dangerous to the prince: cap Ibid. num 13, Factions amongst great men most dangerous: num 14. Princes make factions and can not afterwards hinder the bad effect of them: Ibid. falsehood He that is false to God will not be true to men: cap 29. num 30. The practise of Constantius Caesar commanding the Christians to depart from his service: Ibid. If falsehood& fraud were permitted amongst men no commonwealth could stand: cap 31. num 18. Once false ever suspected: num 27. falsehood hateful to God and man: num 28. Fate What the Platonicks teach of Fate: cap 11. num 15. S. Augustines doctrine concerning fate: cap 12. num 3. S. Gregories doctrine concerning fate: Ibid. How Christians ought to understand the word fate: num 4. The profane use of the words fate and fortune over common at this day: num 5. favourits An advertisement to the favourits of princes: cap 29. num 26. The dangers that the favourits of princes incur by the hatred of the people: ib. fear No passion bereaveth a man of his sences more then sudden fear: cap 14. num 12. The sudden fear and amazement of a Spanish captain in France: Ibid. Rome surprised by Arnulphus the Emperor through a sudden fear, which happened by the occasion of starting a hare: cap 14. num 13. A battle lost by the Christians to the sultan through a sudden fear, caused only by a horse that was let loose: cap Ibid. num 15. The definition of fear: cap 16. num 3. fear concurring with hate makes it more dangerours to him that is hated: cap 34. num 4. The prince adding fear to the hatred of his subiects, redoubleth his own fear and danger: num 5. fear turneth vpon the author: Ibid. The infelicity of such princes as seek rather to be feared then to be beloved: cap 34. num 29. Exemplified in Demetrius K. of Siria Alfonso and Ferdi●d kings of Naples: num 31. In lodovic Sforza Duke of Milan: In K. John England: num 32. feasts ●y public feasts& plays were first instituted: cap 34 num 11. Ferdinand ●nand king of Naples died for sorrow: cap 22. num 5. His soul ap●red after his death: num 6. fidelity and fidelity of Licurgus solicited by the wife of his brother king Polidectes ●rry with hir with promise to destroy hir child in hir womb: c 8. n 1. ●erein fidelity consisteth: c 31. n 18. Concerning truth& fidelity in a prince: ●7. fidelity most necessary in the prince for conservation of the common●lth: n 19. How the fidelity of the prince redoundeth to his good: n 20. and fidelity of Ferdinand brother to Henerie king of Castile. num 26. flattery ●uncellor ought to avoid flattery: cap 30. num 6. flattery is the ruin 〈◇〉 princes state: Ibid. ●asant example of a rude philosopher concerning flattery: num 8. Fortune ●ortune, Chance, and Fate: cap 11. num 3. Some born fortunat: num 2. and superstitious worship of fortune amongst the Gentiles: num 4. What ●ges they ascribed to fortune, chance, and fate: num 6, 7, 8. S. Augustin rejecteth the name of fortune: cap 12. num 4. The effects of ●tune attributed to God by holy Scriptures: num 6. definition of fortune according to the Platonicks: cap 13. num 12. friendship ●t friendship not to be respected when public matters are handled: c 30 n 24. ●t Popilius the Roman being sent ambassador to his old friend K. Antio● said unto him touching their former amity: Ibid. G God and works of nature prove that there is a God and Creator of al things: prefat. num 9. Diuers considerations forcing man to acknow●ge a Creator of infinite power and wisdom. Ibid. How God and nature ●l one, and how they are distinguished. num 11. How the heathen Phi●phers attained to the knowledge of a deity. num 12. Platoes doctrine ●cerning God and his providence in the government of the world. n. 14. ●y God is called Dominus in the scripture: cap 2. num 7& 8. The necessity Gods government and direction for the conservation of man proved by reasons. num 11.14.15.& 24. ●nfinit wisdom of God in disposing of al things: cap 12. num 9. In ●t maner God disposeth of the actions both of good and bad men. num Nothing casual or accidental to the will of God: Ibid. ●erueth himself of the evil wills of men for the execution of his holy 〈◇〉 cap 35. num 32. guards ●actious election of Emperors by guards and armies of soldiears: cap ●um 10. The ruin of many Emperors by their guards: num 11. The ●kes great guards of Gianizaries dangerous to his state: num 12. ●itle security that wicked princes haue in their guards: cap 34. num 28. Guise great affection of the people of France to the duke of Guise and the Car●l: cap 4. num 6. Their deaths: num 9. See more cap 31. num 9. H Hate ●cessiue wickedness exposeth a prince to excessive hatred: cap 34. num 3. ●o force or power can sufficiently resist the hatred of many: num 4. politics seek absurdly to remedy hatred by fear: cap 34. num 4. Hat● and fear are the causes of conspiracies: num 5. The hatred of subiects m dangerous to princes by the experience of al ages: proved by examples 〈◇〉 of diuers histories: num 15. Examples out of our own history to the sa● purpose: num 25. An in evitable danger which a prince generally hated must needs incura● cap 34. num 30& 31: No prince generally hated can long live in securit● n 35. every little error of a prince generally hated is very dangerous: Ib● No vigilancy sufficeth against the hatred of men: cap 34. num 36. The gr● vigilancy of Alexander the tyrant, killed by his wife: Ibid. Of Claudius t● Emperor poisoned by his taster. Of dionysius the Emperor murdered by 〈◇〉 own chamberlins: Ibid. An other danger proceeding of human infirmity: cap 34. num 38. Exemp●fied in Iulius Caesar. In Archias tyrant of Thebes. In Charles the last duke 〈◇〉 burgundy. Henerie henry the 5. of England crwoned in France: cap 7. num 18. Henerie The notable escape of henry earl of Richmond from K. Edward the 4. a● Richard the 3. cap 31. num 18. Herod Herods own son slain amongst the Innocents: cap 8. num 24. Augu● Caesar said that it was better to be Herods big then his son, and why: Ibi● jerusalem The miraculous destruction of jerusalem by the Romans: cap 15. num Why Titus the general of the Roman army refused to be crwoned after 〈◇〉 had taken the city of jerusalem: Ibid. The destruction of jerusalem prophesied by Daniel: cap 19. num 1. Also our saviour: num 2. The siege of jerusalem 40. yeares after our Sauio● passion: num 3. jerusalem besieged by Gods special providence at a f●● of Easter: num 6. The extreme famine in jerusalem being besiedge● num 7. The people of jerusalem constrained to eat Horses, Asses, Do● Rats, Mice, the leather that covered their shields and bucklers, and 〈◇〉 very dung out of the stables: Ibi. A noble woman known to eat hir ow● child that suct at hir breast: Ibid. Hipocricie No hipocricie can suffice to cover a tyranny: cap 31. num 15. Hipocricie increaseth the hatred of God and man against a tyrant: Ibid. Hughe The passion of S. Hughe a child, crucified at lincoln. Another in No●wich: cap 19. num 15. humility An example of the humility and patience of K. david: cap 36. num 30. An●ther example of him: num 31. An example of K. henry the 6. of England: n● The notable effect of prayer and humility when God doth absolutely dete●mine to destroy a prince: Ibid. Humors The diversity of wills and humors in every commonwealth: cap 7. num 2. I Iewes The wonderful punishment of God vpon the Iewes before the siege jerusalem: cap 19. num 4 Their extreme misery being besieged: n ● Their bowels ript up in hope to find gold: Ibid. The number of the● that died& were slain in the siege: num 10. The Iewes banished out of Ciprus, and a law made that it should be dea● for any jew to arrive there though he were driven thither by tempest a●nst his will: cap 19. num 12. The continuance of Gods punishment vpon ●m ever since: under trajan, and Adrian. under Antonius pus, Marcus Au●s, and severus: under Constantine. In the time of Theodosius, Arcadius, and ●orius. In England. Amongst Turkes, Moores, and Christians: from ●m 12. to num 26. 〈◇〉 forbidden by edict to behold their own country a far of: cap 19. n. 13. ●eason of the stink which the Iewes haue about them: num 15. favour done to the Iewes by julian the Apostata: cap 19. num 17. The edification of their Temple miraculously hindered: num 18. By an earth●ke: by fire from heaven: and by the sign of the cross which appeared ●he air: Ibid. Iewes purchased licence for money to go to jerusalem to bewail the ●ersion of their Temple: cap 19. num 20. S. Hierom an eye witness. num A jew in England had seven of his teeth pulled out one after an o●: num 25. Iewes shal be converted in the end of the world: cap 19. num 29 The ●sess why God hath ordained that they shal remain a distinct people ●m al other notwithstanding their general dispersion: num 30. The Ie● ought not to be expelled from amongst Christians: num 32. The reason ●y they are suffered to live in Rome: Ibid. Information ●anger of taking information in matters of state by obscure questions: 30. num 18. How informations are to be taken in important matters: n 20. ●formation little to be esteemed when the informer doth not understand drift of the propounder: Ibid. Ingratitude ●ans ingratitude towards God: cap 5. num 10. A notable discourse of ●ug. concerning the same. num 12. Instruments iustice vpon evil instruments: cap 29. num 31. Alexander the great at obsequies of his father, commanded public iustice to be done vpon ●se whom he himself had secretly employed to kill him: num 32. Intelligence ●ncellor ought to procure frequent intelligence out of foreign countries, of what matters: cap 32 num 4. ●t benefit a councillor shal reap by frequent intelligence: Ibid. invasion ●reuentions which Francis the first K. of France used against the invasion ●harless the Emperor: cap 14. num 5. ●nuader ought to seek battle and why: Ibid. Ironside ●d Ironside slain vpon a preuie as he was easing him: cap 21. num 17. Gods Iudgments ●ustice of God most evident though his iudgments are inscrutable: cap num 1. A notable sentence of S. Aug. hereof: num 2. intolerable presumption and folly of those which make themselves ●ges of Gods iudgments: cap 23. num 12. Their wit compared to the wit ●m that would seek to put al the world with in the compass of a nut●l: Ibid. reasons of Gods iudgments in particular are secret and unknown: cap num 23. Many reasons may be given of Gods iudgments in general: ●d. Why God manifesteth his iudgments in some things and concealeth ●em in other some: num 24. Not fit for us to know them: Ibid. They are ●dden from us for our good: num 25. Iustice Rome sacked and spoiled by the Gaules for an act of hostility and injustice, contrary to the law of arms: cap 5. num 6. A great plague and famine in the cities of Rome and Laurentum for negligence in the execution of iustice: cap 20. num 1.& 2. The Lacedemonians grieueously punished for omission of iustice, and for the sins of the flesh: cap 20. num 5. human iustice punisheth whole commonwealths though every one therein hath not offended, and why: cap 27. num 18. Gods iustice is the first and principal cause of the overthrow of wicked princes: cap 35. num 3. Al creatures are the instruments of Gods iustice for the punishment of sin: Ibid. Princes are the ordinary ministers of Gods iustice: cap 35. num 5. How private men are the ministers of Gods iustice: Ibid. Some men are the ministers of Gods iustice by chance or against their will: Ibid. The secret operation of God in moving men to the execution of his iustice: num 6. How wicked men are the ministers of Gods iustice: num 7. How sinners execute Gods just; ce vpon themselves: Ibid. The Emperor justine had been a swineheard: cap 35. num 8. K king kingdoms Gods merciful providence in the protection of the kings majesty our sovereign: cap 35. num 21. The desolation and ruin of many ancient kingdoms: cap 6. num 5. kingdoms and crownes often obtained by wickedness: cap 9. num 24. The queen of hungary procured aid of Soliman the great Turk who deprived both hir and hir son of their kingdom: cap 13. num 14. Al kingdoms and states disposed by the infinite wisdom and will of God: cap 17. num 1 S. Aug. argument to prove the same: num 2. The consideration of the particular causes why God giveth kingdoms to men: cap 17. num 9. To some for the comfort of his seruants: Ibid. To some for the punishment of some wicked prince: num 13. To some for the punishment of a wicked people: num 14. To some for the execution of his iustice: Ibid. To some in reward of some service done him: num 15. To some for some good deeds of wicked parents: num 16. To other some for some good deeds of virtuous parents: num 17. To some in reward of moral virtues: num 18. To other some in reward of infused virtues: n. 19. The providence of God in the disposition of kingdoms: cap 22. num 7. Al the calamities of kingdoms are punishments for sin: num 13. L laws four kind of laws amongst the Romans: cap 7. num 6. Gods inspiration necessary for the making of good laws: num 8. A notable saying of Plato to this purpose: Ibid. The laws of four famous lawmakers examined and reproved: num 10. Of the laws of the Lacedemonians reformed by Licurgus: cap 8. num 1. How he erred: num 2 A ridiculous law of his: num 3. Theft, lasciviousness, and adultery allowed by Licurgus. num 4.5.6. Licurgus and Solon accounted by antiquity the mirror of lawmakers: cap 8. num 8. The impious laws of Plato in his commonwealth: cap 8. num 9. Plato contrary to himself: num 11. laws ordained in vain when the occasions thereof are permitted: num 12. Two absurd laws of Aristotle: cap 8. num 16.& 21. Aristotle against himself: num 20 An objection of his answered concerning the exposition of children: num 23. The definition of law: cap 9. num 1. Law is the soul and life of the commonwealth: num 2. Al laws are defective: num 3. The imperfection of written and unwritten laws: num 4. Better to be governed by good laws then by the will of the best man, and why: cap 9. num 4 Two principal ends whereunto human laws do tend: num 5. Where in the force of human laws consisteth: num 6. How many ways the penalties of the political laws may be escaped: cap 9. num 11. Anacharsis compared laws to the spiders web, which takes only the little flies: Ibid. An exact comparison of the political law with the law of the flesh: Ibid. Where unto the political and carnal laws do tend: num 12. The commonwealth wherein the carnal law governeth: cap 9. num 18. The carnal law hath hir advocates, Orators, and Teachers: num 17. Religion, doctors, and Preachers: num 19. The punishment which the carnal law threateneth: num 28. The insufficiency of political law for the reformation of 'vice acknowledged by Licurgus: cap ibid. num 35. Also of late by a wise paynim in China. The force of the law of grace for the reformation of 'vice: cap 10. num 20. League Simeon and levi cursed by their father jacob for violating their league with Sichem and Hemor: cap 31. num 32. Saules posterity punished for his breach of league with the Gabaonits: num 33. The great regard which Iosue had of his oath and league with the Gabaonits. The obligation of lawful leagues: Ibid. The motives or ends of lawful leagues to be considered: cap 33. num 20. diversity of ends causeth the dissolution of leagues: num 21. In what case a prince may support a foreign league not united: num 23. Licentious life Licentious and carnal men content to buy their delighters with money, and many voluntarily to beggar themselves to obtain their filthy pleasure: cap 9 num 29. The beastly and brutish mind of some licentious men: num 34. The son of the famous Dion being restrained by his father from his licentious life which he had lead in his fathers banishment, cast himself desperately from the top of a house and broken his neck: cap 9. num 31. A notable epistle of S. Boniface an English man to K. Ethelbald to withdraw him from his licentious life: cap 20. num 11. The unfortunate ends of the kings Celred, Osred, and Ethelbald in punishment of their licentious lives: cap 20. num 12. See more of this matter in the letter S. and the word sin. Loadstone The causes of the admirable properties of the Loadstone unknown: cap 23. num 3. love The benefit of love and frendiship in a commonwealth: cap 34. num 11. The love and union of members of the political body, most necessary for the conservation thereof: Ibid. lie Great difference to be noted betwixt telling a lie, and concealing the truth: cap 31. num 30. A lie most unseemly in the mouth of a Prince. Ibid. M The insufficiency of machiavillian remedies cap 31. num 28. Three things to be considered and noted of Machiauillians: num 48. Machiauel wherein consisteth the greatest part of Machiauels policies: cap 34. num 2. His principal remedy consisteth in extremity of wickedness: num 3. Machiauel was not the inventor of his policies: num 7. An objection in favor of Macchiauillians: cap 34. num 45. The answer: n 46. An other objection of the Machiauillians: num 50. the answer to the same num 51. How Machiauels friends excuse him at this day: num 60. Why Macchiauillian policies are against true reason of state: cap 35. num 2. Magistrat The magistrat a speaking law,& the law a dumb magistrat: cap 9. num 3. As the magistrat should govern the people, so should the law govern the magistrat: num 4. The negligence of magistrates in the execution of iustice draweth the wrath of God vpon the whole commonwealth: cap 17. num 27. Malice The malice of the devil and wicked men turneth to the benefit of the good and the glory of God: cap 24. num 19. One pretending to kill Promotheus strooke him with a sword and lanced an inward imposthume with in his body, which otherwise could not haue been cured: Ibid. The malice of the devil and evil men like to the bloody thirst of the horse-leech,& why: cap 35. num 19. Man No man without defect: cap 1. num 6. The causes of mans natural infirmity and weakness: num 6. The instability of mans nature compared by Heraclitus to a running water: cap 2. num 3. Mans nature changeth every minute of an hour, and compared by Seneca to the emptying of an hour glass: Ibid. Man always dying: Ibid. S. Aug. discourse of the frailty and misery of man: num 4. For what end the good gifts of body and mind are bestowed vpon man: cap 2. num 6. Al mans actions depend wholly on the will of God: num 10. As also al things necessary for his life: num 15. His insufficiency to provide for himself: Ibid.& num 24. A sound aduise of Plato concerning what man should crave of God: num 25. The first blow that God giveth a wicked man when he will destroy him is in the brain: cap 3. num 13. A consideration of mans imbecility and weakness of wit, and of the need he hath of Gods direction: cap 5. num 10. Mans corrupt nature thirsteth afrer things forbidden: and compared to a torrent or violent flood: cap 9. num 7. His promptness to learn evil: n 15. Seneca saith, that man may be thought to profit well who becometh none of the worst: Ibid. A tribunal in the soul of man: cap 16. num 16. Wicked men Of the impunity and prosperity of wicked men: cap 26. num 1. God spareth wicked men sometimes to give them time to repent: num 3. What the balsams observed herein: num 4. God forbeareth wicked men sometimes for good mens sakes: num 7. How much it may avail an evil man to be in the company of a good man: num 8. God spareth wicked men sometimes until they haue yielded some good fruit: cap 26. num 13. Some for some good deeds they haue done: num 19. Some for some good deeds of their progenitors: num 21. Some to draw them thereby to love him: num 22. Some for the punishment of other some: num 23. God exalteth wicked men sometimes for their punishment: cap 26. num 25. Their prosperity is a preamble to their destruction: num 26. An example of polycrates the tyrant who cast into the sea a Diamond of inestimable valwe: num 27. An other example witnessed by S. Ambrose, of a wicked man who vaunted that he had never in his life felt any cross or misfortune: num 28. The fearful estate of wicked men: cap 26. num 34. Wicked men spared some times until their iniquities are complete: Ibid. Wicked men more foolish then children, and compared to Esops cock: cap 36. n 36. Wicked men compared to lysimachus, who sold his kingdom for a draft of water: num 37. Massacre Matters The massacre of the Protestants in Paris: cap 3. num 12. Three things to be considered in every matter: cap 32 num 5. necessary to know the state of the matter with al the circumstances: num 6. What is particularly to be considered in every matter: num 7. What is to be foreseen and provided for in every matter: num 10. melancholic The melancholic iudgment most sound: cap 32. num 9. misery He is miserable which never suffered misery: cap 25. num 13. A wise saying of the famous Lady Catharine Q. of England: Ibid. num 19. He which never tasted of misery is ignorant of the one half of the nature of things: Ibid. num 20. Miracles Many notable miracles done this last year in Brabant. Prefat. num 6. Why examples of miracles are alleged in this treatise: Ibid. money money lent to maintain a foreign war in danger to be lost: cap 33. num 10. Places or towns given in pawn for money in danger to be lost: num 11. How money is to be bestowed in the maintenance of a foreign league: cap 33. num 25. What effect money may work: Ibid. How money is to be bestowed vpon true friends, and how vpon suspected parsons: num 27& 28. money and forces concurring work great effects: cap 33. num 29. No trust in affection bought with money: Ibid. A man corrupted with money will be faithful to no man: num 30. Mule A fable of a Mule moralised in mans presumption: cap 2. num 2. thirdly pomp and honors compared to the packsadle of the Mule: Ibid. num 5. A worthy saying of Seneca. Ibid. Murder Liuerotto having traitorously murdered his uncle was also traitorously murdered himself: cap 31. num 46. An other example of a traitorous murder by christian K. of Denmark: Ibid. Machiauel infereth the necessity of murder som●●imes for a princes security: cap 34. num 53. A machiavillian proverb: Dead men bite not. num 54. Seleueus K of Siria forsaken of his subiects for a murder: num 55. Gods wonderful providence and iustice in the strange discovery of murders: c 35 n 60. The wounds of a dead body bleed if the murdrer come wher● it is: Ibid. The discovery of the murder of Ibicus: n 61. An other strange story of a murder discovered: n 62. A murder discovered by a dog: num 63. A crafty answer of the devil to cause a murder: cap 36. num 18. N Nature The definition of nature according to Seneca: Prefat. n 11. Nature difined by Aristotle: Ibid. The incomprehensibilitie of the divine nature: num 13. Nero Nero the Emperor killed his mother: cap 16 num 5. neutrality An absurd law of Solon forbidding neutrality in a public sedition: cap 7. num 14. In what cases neutrality is to be allowed or dissalowed: num 22. neutrality unlawful in divisions concerning Gods service: Ibid. neutrality condemned in matters concerning the just defence of the prince or the commonwealth: n 23. neutrality in private quarrels commended:& compared by Plutarck to the buskin of Theramenes, which served for both feet: Ibid. O oaths The Roman magistrates and senat most exact in the observation of oaths and promises, even to their enemies: cap 31. num 23. A notable example of Marcus At●ilius Regulus to this purpose: Ibid. Sextus Pompeius would not break his oath to be Emperor of the world: num 24. Matters in controuesie decided by oaths at the tombs of martyrs in the primitive Church: cap 31. num 37. What S. Aug. affirmeth of his own knowledge: Ibid. Oblation Oblation of the first fruits after harvest generally used in Aristotles time: cap. 2. num 22. obstinacy obstinacy in opinion unfit for councellors: cap 30. num 13. From whence obstinacy in opinion proceedeth: Ibid. Opinion Folly for a wise man not to change his opinion when there is cause: Ibid. A necessary exception to be understood in the opinion of a wise man: Ibid. Original sin The reasons why the baptized are not exempt from misery after the remission of original sin: cap 27. num 19. Ouerthrowes The Lacedemonians overthrown in the plain of Leuctra by Gods just iudgment for their sins of the flesh: cap 8. num 7. The children of Israel twice overthrown although God appointed them a captain and bid them give battle: cap 12. num 18. The Roman Empire overthrown by the same means that preserved it for a time: cap 13. num 9. The overthrow of hannibal by a Roman: cap 14. num 12. See more in the letter V word victory. Examples of great numbers overthrown by a few: cap 14. Exemplified from: num 26. to num 36. P Parents The evil example and bad instruction of vicious parents: cap 10. num 4. Many vicious parents desire to haue their children like to themselves: n. 3. Some covetous parents recommend unto their children avarice for a virtue: num 4. A wicked exhortation of a great prince to his own son: Ibid. Patience The example of Gods patience towards sinners to be imitated by men: cap 26. num 5. perfidiousness perfidious prince teacheth his subiects to be traitorous to himself: cap 31. num 20. perfidiousness is a sign of a base& vile nature: num 27. The dangers which accompany perfidiousness in a prince: Ibid. How the balsams observed Gods iudgments vpon perfidious persons: cap 31. num 34. perjury Gods notable iudgment vpon Cleomenes and Calippus for perjury: num 35.& 36. perjury miraculously punished at Rome in the time of S. gregory: n. 38. ● notable example of Elfred a noble man of England miraculously punished at Rome for perjury: num 39. The letters patents of K. Adelstan testifying the same: num 40 ●eriurie notably punished in Lotharius K. of Austrusia: cap 31. num 41. In earl Godwin father to K. Harrold: num 42. In K. Harrold his son: num 43. In Charles duke of burgundy: num 44. In Caesar Borgia: num 45. In Christerne K. of Denmark: num 46. In the duke of bourbon: num 47. In Henerie the 3. of France: num 48. Philosophers The bad lives of the wisest and best Philosophers amongst the balsams: cap 10. num 11. Their learning: Ibid Their controversies about the chief and sovereign good, and about God himself. Their exhortations and precepts: Ibid. The virtue of the ancient Philosophers what it was: cap 10. num 12. Platoes community of women a very sink of sin: num 13. The covetousness of Aristotle who used to sel the oil wherein he had bathed himself: num 14. Plutarcks opinion of the lives of the best Philosophers: num 15. Lucians discourse of their manners: num 16. Their dissension concerning important matters: num 18. Pictures An excellent ordonance of Aristotle forbidding wanton and lascivious pictures: cap 8. num 13. Plato Why Plato sighed beholding many notable young men that came to hear his lecture: cap 10. num 7. Plots Three things to be considered in plots and designments. The invention; the execution; and the success: cap 11. num 2. Plots are seldom or never executed in the field as they are ordained in the chamber: cap 14. num 7. Policy What policy is. Prefat. num 1. Wherein human policy chiefly consisteth: cap 7. num 1. The imperfection of al political science: num 5. No sinful policy can be truly wise: cap 28. num 1. No true policy admiteth any impiety: num 36. God doth justly turn machiavillian policies to the overthrow of the contrivers. proved by sundry examples: cap 31. num 5.6 7.8.9. Lewis the 11. overtaken in his own policy: cap 3. num 1. His manifest error: num 2. What learning he required in his son: num 3. Caesar Borgia Duke of valemce overthrown by his own policy: cap 3 num 4. The answer of Hernando Gon●ales unto him in excusing himself for the breach of his promise: Ibid. The plot of the Duke of Nothumberland against the lady mary: cap 13. num 6. His overthrow by Gods providence: num 7. The lady Maries preservation: num 8. Roderic K. of spain overthrown through his own policy: cap 13. num 14. Whether every sinful policy be against reason of state: cap 36. num 1. Ho● and when wicked policy may be a means to conserve a state. num 24. Ho● wicked policy may both benefit and hurt the state at one time: num 26. A● example hereof in the kingdom of Israel: num 27. Three conclusions that wicked policy can not stand with reason of state: ca● 36. num 34. The necessity of Gods grace to the perfection of policy: num 35. That al wisdom or policy grounded on wickedness is mere folly: n 36 peacocks What the name of politic signifieth properly: Prefat. num 1. politics pervert the order of nature: Ibid. How and when politics are heretics in the highest degree: n 2. politics overthrow the foundations of christianity Ibid. How politics abuse religion: Ibid. The sympathy betwixt the head and the members in the body politic: cap 17. num 26. A notable history of Andronicus Comnenus Emperor of Constantinople an egregious politic: cap 34. num 19. An objection of the politics: cap 35. num 39. The answer to the same: n 40. A second objection of the politics: cap 36. num 1. The answer to the same: n 2. A third objection of the politics: n 21. The answer to the same: n 22. The wisdom of politics wherein it consisteth: cap Ibid. num 38. Protugal Portugal voyage: anno. 1589: cap 14. num 9. The reason of the arms of Portugal: cap 15. num 20. Prayer and Procession The miraculous effects of public prayer, and processions in cases of necessity amongst Christians: cap 2. n 17. A great plague in Rome remedied by public prayer: num 18. The siege of Constantinople miraculously raised: num 19. The great drought in the islands of Chio& the miraculous remedi● thereof by processions of Christians: num 20. An excessive drought in the islands of Phillippinae relieved by prayer: Ibid. A great drought in France remedied by prayer: num 21. A wise prayer of Ion a pagan poet cap 2. num 26. Examples of the great force of devout prayer: cap 29. num 8. Gods will not superable by force, nor evitable by policy, but flexible to praie● cap 36. num 20. Presumption Presumption a great impediment to man for the knowledge of God and himself: cap 1 num 3. Presumption of a mans own wit most dangerous, and why: num 4. How generally the infection of presumption reigneth: num ●. The damage that ensueth of self love and presumption: cap 2. num 1. Prince No means in political law to reform a vicious prince: cap 9. num 32. What princes that haue al do notwithstanding want: cap 30. num 6. The least defects of princes are commonly noted and known to their subiects: cap 31. num 15. Pompey the great noted of singularity for scratching his head with one finger: Ibid. Caesar for going il girded; and the like of some others: Ibid. The reputation of true and not feigned virtue requisite in a prince: cap 31. num 16. What the effects of 'vice are in a prince: Ibid. A prince is the rule of his subiects: num 22. A prince is the image of God in two respects: num 29. His bad example ouerweigheth good laws: Ibid. The benefits that redound to the prince of the purity of conscience: num 52. ●he greatness of princely authority is to be measured by the stability thereof: cap 32. num 17. The answer of Theopompus of Lacedemonia to the queen his wife: Ibid. ●o power or policy can defend a prince from the resolution of some one man: cap 34. num 27. ●od punisheth wicked princes more severely then private men,& why: c. 35. num 22. The exemplar punishment of wicked princes without the ministry of man; and by the ministry of man: containing many strange and fearful examples; from num 23. to num 35. What a prince reduced to any extremity is to consider: cap 36. num 3. How dangerous it is for him to be curious to know Gods secret councils: n 14. Promise The danger of breach of promise: cap 33 num 29. providence 〈◇〉 foundation laid for the proof of Gods providence: Prefat num 7 There was never any people or nation so barbarous but they acknowledged a God and his providence: A notable saying of S. Aug. concerning the providence of God: num 19. ●he experience of Gods providence in the relief of mens necessities shewed by examples: c 2. n 17. The providence of God the nurse of mankind: n 22. ●l goods imparted to man by Gods providence: cap 12. num 7. The effects of Gods providence attributed often to the next and immediate causes: num 10. How the effects of Gods providence is attributed to chance: num 11. The effects of Gods providence wrought often by most casual means: n. 13. Why Atheists doubt of Gods providence: c. 23. num 1. See more cap 24. n. 35. observations concerning Gods providence in the conservation and destruction of states: cap 36. num 23. Prudence The definition of Prudence: cap 28. num 11. The end of every action truly prudent must needs be good. num 12. Prudence prefereth the greater good before the less, and the chiefest good before al other: num 14. A difficulty proposed concerning other partes of prudence, with the satisfaction of the difficulty: num 36. Prudence divided into three partes: Ibid. A prudent practise of the wise Cosmo de Medices, and of Philip the 2. K. of spain in propounding important matters to their councellors: cap 30. n 23. Punishment The iustice of God in punishing sin: cap 16. num 1. Punishment of sin a debt due to the author of nature: num 3. The subiects punished for the sins of the prince, and princes punished for the sins of the people: cap 17. num 24.& 25. Why the punishment of one man redoundeth sometimes to many: num 28. God differeth sometimes the punishment of wicked men to punish them in time and place more convenient: cap 26. num 9. An example of Gods punishment deferred: Ibid. Why God differreth the punishment of evil men: num 11. God looseth no time in the punishment of wicked men by delay: n 12. Continual impunity and prosperity of wicked men an assurance of their reprobation: num 30. God is vehemently angry with sinners when he doth not punish them: ibid. How it is to be understood that God hardened Pharaoes hart: num 35. Why some sins are punished in this life and not others: cap 27. num 8. How the good and bad are punished many times together: num 9. How good men participat of the faults of evil men: Ibid. How the good and th● bad are distinguished in the sight of God though they be punished together num 10. The doctrine of S. chrysostom concerning the punishment 〈◇〉 sin: num 11. Why some men are cut of by iustice of God and not other● Ibid Why al are not punished alike in this life that sin alike: num 11 How it standeth with Gods iustice to punish one for an others faults: nu● 13. The place of Ezechiel and Exodus answered: num 14.& 15. The miseries o● this life are not punishments in Christians but only when they are some o●fence: num 19. No man knoweth for how small an offence God will punish a prince in h●● person or state: cap 31. num 4. Exemplified in david, Moyses and Ezechias. Q Quarrels Phillip de Comines reproved for allowing in a young prince, to nourish quarrels amongst the Ladies of his court: cap 7. n 19. A quarrel begun betwixt two boys in italy caused much bloodshed: num 21. Councellors should leave their quarrels at the council chamber door: cap 30. n 22. What Aristides of Athens being sent ambassador with Themistocl● who was his enemy, said unto him at his departure out of the town: Ibid R Reason What dominion reason hath over the sensual powers: cap 1. num 9. Religion How far the Author meaneth to touch Religion in this treatise: Pref. n 6. The progress of Christian Religion in China at this present: cap 24. num 32. The necessity of true Religion in commonwealth: cap 36. num 35. Remora The strange property of a fish called Remora: cap 23. num 4. Repentance No man knoweth how long or little God will expect his repentance: cap 16 num 36 The danger of delay of repentance: Ibid. God giveth not time o● repentance to al sinners alike, and why: num 37. Sinners compared to sleeves and robbers, which some of them escape many yeares, others fewe● and some are taken and hanged for the first robbery they commit: Ibid Reputation The great care the Romans had of their credit and reputation: cap 5. n 4. The reputation of a prince greatly to be regarded of a councillor, and why cap 31. num 10. The danger of the loss of a princes reputation: Ibid. wherein the reputation of a prince consisteth: num 11 12 13. Machiauel adviseth hi● prince to seek to haue the reputation of Religion and virtue: num 14. The reputation of true and not feigned virtue requisite in a prince: num 16.& 49. A mans credit and reputation in a matter of trust likened to a glass which being once broken is not reparable. num 27. The reputation of the prince● power and greatness: num 50. Augustus Caesar laboured greatly to conserve the reputation of his greatness: num 51 The great Zerxes ruined by the loss of reputation: Ibid. When the loss of reputation is chiefly to be feared, and when not: num 53& 54. In what case an unjust blemish of reputation i● to be tolerated: num 56. Restitution Restitution made by the senat of Rome to the Ardeatins of a piece of land wrongfully detained: cap 5. num 3. Reward Of reward and punishment: cap 9. num 9. The rewards the law of the flesh proposeth: num 20. The rewards of 'vice are certain for the most part: num 21. rewards with out desert: num 23. The K. of France took from one of his subiects al his offices and dignities for running away and gave them to one that ran ten mile farther then he: Ibid. Riches The riches& other goods of this world haue no true goodness in themselves, for if they had they would make them truly good which possess them: cap 1. num 5. Wordly wealth and pleasures accompanied with dangers and discommodites: Ibid. covetousness fed and nourished with riches: cap 25. num 17. He that looseth his riches, looseth the matter wherewith a great evil is fed and nourished in him: Ibid. The reason why the goods and evils of this life are common to good and evil men: cap 27 num 7. Why God giveth temporal goods to some that crave them and not to other some: num 8. S secrecy secrecy in matters of state most necessary: cap 29. num 27. Matters of secrecy like to a mine, which having any vent is wholly frustrat: Ibid. The answer of Peter of arragon to Pope Martin the 4: Ibid. A general rule to be held concerning secrecy: num 28. Princes esteem nothing more in their seruants then secrecy: Ibid. Dangerous to be partakers of princes secrets: Ibid. The answer of Phillipides the Comedian to K. lysimachus: Ibid. ●ecrecie most requisite in a councillor: cap 30. n 17. Of Alexander the great who shewed a secret letter to Haphesion: Ibid. secrecy the best and surest bond of matters of state: Ibid. The admirable secrecy of the Roman senat: Ibid. Some men over secret, and some to open: num 18. Some intending to be secret discover their secrets: Ibid. security ●Vherein the greatest security that can be had by human means consisteth: cap 34 num 52. Whether any princes state can be secured by iustice and moral virtue: num 56. The greatest security of princes consisteth in the love of their subiects, which virtue procureth: num 57. Sedition ● principal point of political science, either to prevent seditions, or quickly to appease them: cap 7. num 14. Sedition compared to a spark of fire, that may fall into such matter as may set a whole house on flamme: Ibid. ●edition a principal cause of the subversion of states: cap 34 num 14. sin ●l sins and offences redound to the offence of God though sometimes they seem to be committed only against man: cap 16. num 7& 8. three kindes of sins for the which God punisheth whole commonwealths: cap 17. num 21 22& 23. ●xamples of Gods severe iudgments vpon whole commonwealths for the sins of the flesh: cap 20. num 4 5 6 7& 8. spain conqered by the Moores for the sins of the flesh: num 8 9& 10. ●he enormions sins of the clergy, nobility, and people of England at the time of the conquest therof by the Normans: cap 21. num 23. ●o man can escape the punishment of sin: cap 22. num 14. 〈◇〉 ●inne shuts the eyes and punishment openeth them: cap 31. num 3. slave ●orde and slave correllatiues proper to God and man cap 2. num 8. The definition of a slave num 9. The slave and the free man both slaves alike to God: Ibid. A lord or a slave by nature according to Aristotle: num 13. sorcery ●orcerie most hateful to God and dangerous to princes: cap 36. num 14 The collusion of the devil in sorcery: n 15. Examples of princes abused by sorcerers: num 16 17& 18. stars No influence of stars can force the will of man: cap 11. num 10. The mo●● learned philosophers did exempt mans will from al constraint of stars: num 11. How Bardasenes proved that the stars did not force the will of man: num 12. How many ways the force of the stars may be frustrated: num 13. The uncertainty of the iudgment of Astrologers by mens nativities: num 14. State No wit or power of man able to uphold a state when God will punish it for sin: cap 22. num 15. The imprudence of those who presume to deal in matters of state, without any regard of Gods assistance: cap 28. num 39. And in the greatest matters of state without experience: num 40. The practise of matters of state like the practise of physic: num 42. How dangerous it is for young men to meddle in matters of state: num 43. The commodity of a good intention in undertaking matters of state: cap 29. num 2. The difficulties and dangers that are to be considered in matters of state: num 3. The benefit of providence and fore-sight in matters of state: Ibid. The benefit and necessity of prayer for the good success of matters o● state: num 8. The famous captain Aetius preferring reason of state before conscience, bot● destroyed himself and endangered the Roman Empire: cap 31. num 8. The highest point of state: cap 33. num 2. Reason of state very variable: n. 8. Gods will to conserve or destroy states not always absolute: cap 36. num 29. What the intention of a statist ought to be: cap 29. num 1. Three thinge● to be considered of statists: num 5. Two things to be practised of statists: Ibid. A statist ought to measure the matters he undertaketh with his ability: num 18.& 19. Better for a statist to aclowledge his defect then to accept a charged he can not perform: num 20. A young statist ought to begin his practise with small matters: num 21. A young statist like to a physician: Ibid. A young statist compared to an ivy three: num 22. Many matters not to be undertaken at once of a young statist: num 25. success The evil success of two expeditions of S. Lewis of France against the Infidels: cap 12. num 16. The evil success of an other expedition, made for the recovery of the holy land by the solicitation of S. Bernard: num 17. The disgrace and obloquy which the holy man incurred for the same; and how it pleased God to clear him of that imputation by a public miracle: Ibid. Suspicion How suspicion is excluded from prudent circumspection: cap 3. num 10. An English proverb to this purpose: Ibid. T Tarantola The admirable property of the Tarantola: cap 23. num 5. The bitinge or stinging of the Tarantola cured by music: num 6. Time Time not to be lost. cap 29. num 14. Timoleon An attempt against Timoleon overthrown by a strange accident: cap 13. num 1. The opinion of Plutarck there vpon: Ibid. tyrants tyrants are slaves to those by whom they keep others in slavery: cap 13. n. 13. tyranny can not be hide: cap 31. num 15. The speedy fall of tyrannical states noted by Aristotle: cap 34. num 8. How Denis represented to Damocles the miserable state of a tyrant: num 42. tyranny like a labyrinth which hath no issue: num 45 A tyrant converting his tyranny to a royal and just government shal be much more secure then by continuance of tyranny: num 46. Examples of tyrants which assured their estates by iustice& virtue: num 48. How a tyrant may make himself generally beloved: num 51. The miserable end of tyrants can not be attributed to chance, and why: num 59. The miserable end of tyrants observed diligently by al historiographers and referred to Gods iustice: cap 35. num 33. The children of tyrants punished for their fathers tirranny: num 42. Confirmed by sundry examples of Baasa K. of Israel: num 43. of Manahen K. of Israel: num 44. of Denis tyrant of Sicily: num 45. Of ptolemy K. of egypt: num 46. &c. Treason ●rinces love the treason but hate the traitor: cap 29. num 29. Treachecie Andronicus punished for his treachery towards Onias: cap 31. num 34. Charles Duke of burgundy worthily betrayed: num 44. Caesar Borgia punished for his perfidious treachery: num 45. Trust The extreme folly of such as trust wholly in themselves: cap 5. num 11. V virtue The uncertainty of the reward of virtue by political law: cap 9. num 27. It overthroweth men many times to haue done too good service: Ibid. Some as well princes as other are of that nature, that when they think they cannot reward a man commodiously to his merit and contentment, they hold him ever after for an eye sore, and seek to be rid of him on way or other: Ibid. The pains which worldly men conceive to accompany virtue seem to them inevitable except virtue itself be avoided: cap 9. num 28. nothing more irksome to evil men then virtue: num 30. The great aversion of wicked men from virtue: num 31. Impossible to find teachers of true virtue in a profane commonwealth: cap 10. n. 9. Difference betwixt virtuous& learned men in a commonwealth: n 10. The great virtue of many Saxon kings whereof eight were canonised, besides sixty princes of royal blood: cap 21. num 8. The force of virtue consisteth in suffering or overcoming evil: cap 24. num 25. The rewards of virtue far greater by the occasion of evil: num 26. The true and full reward of virtue reserved for the next life: cap 25 num 14. virtue giveth reputation to the possessors thereof: cap 30. num 3.& 4. 'vice 'vice easily learned and virtue very hardly: cap 9 num 16. One only taste of 'vice is enough to make a man vicious ever after: Ibid. The ministers of 'vice soonest exalted to honor: n 22. Victories God is the giver of victories; And why he overthroweth many times the stronger by the weaker: cap 14. num 37. God giveth victory three ways: by secondary, by casual, and by miraculous means: num 34.39& 40. Examples of miraculous victories in the old testament num 42. ulysses Examples of miraculous victories in every age since Christ. c. 15 per totum. ulysses companions transformed into beasts. cap 1. num 8. union Hope of future blessings by the union of the three crownes of England, Scotland, and Ireland. cap 35. num 21. w War War in England betwixt the K. and the earl of Warwick: cap 7. num 1● The events of war most doubtful? cap 14. num 1. hannibal feared t●● events of war: Ibid. The chance and decay of fortune in war exemplified 〈◇〉 many famous captaines: n 3. The diuers casualties of warlike attempts: n ● speedy execution most necessary in matters of war: cap 29 num 15. Concerning the maintenance of a civil war in a foreign country: cap 33. nu● 1 2 3 4 5& 6 Good counsel of Alcibiades concerning the maintenance of 〈◇〉 foreign war: num 7. civil warres end often to the cost of the forrener tha● maintained them: num 8.9 10 11 12 13 14 15& 16. Considerations concerning those which demand succour in matters of war: num 18. See more touching matter of war in the words battle, Conquest, overthrow, and victories. Welle Of a strange well in Lucania: cap 23. num 4. A well in Darbishire whic● ebbeth and floweth four times in an hour: Ibid. Free-wil Mans free will not subject to fate according to the opinion of the most ancient Philosophers: cap 11. num 9. Why God gave free will to man: cap 24. num 4. Six reasons given for th● same: Ibid. Free will was given to man for his great benefit, and for God● great glory: num 10. William William the conqueror minister of Gods iustice to conquer the English: cap 21. num 25 His tyranny vpon al states: Ibid. His extreme cruelty: num 2● The English had not one day of repose during 21 yeares of his reign: n 27. The cruelty and avarice of K. William Rufus son to the Conqueror: Ibid. He was killed by chance with an arrow as he was hunting: Ibid. wisdom True wisdom the particular gift of almighty God: cap 1. num 7. The benefit of wisdom: cap 24. num 21. wisdom the especial gift of God according to Plato: cap 28. num 3. Wha● wisdom is and wherein it consisteth according to our holy Scriptures: nu● 7. He which truly feareth God is wise for his temporal good, and why: num 9 No man is wise in exposing himself to Gods indignation: num 10. Th● difference betwixt wisdom and prudence: num 11 No man so wise that he knoweth always what is convenient for himself: n 17. The wisest worldly man is a fool in that which importeth him most: num 32. Why the simplest seruant of God is wiser then the wisest wicked man: num 33. The wisest man living playeth the fool sometimes when he attempteth any thing against the will of God: cap 35. num 11. Wit The cause of mans natural infirmity, and the weakness of his wit: cap 1. num 6. The opinion of many Philosophers of the weakness of mans wit. num 11. Two notable sayings of Socrates and Archesilaus to this purpose: Ibid. The imbecility of wit acknowledged by Salomon: num 12. Y ●outh Youth corrupted by lascivious books and ballads: cap 9. num 17. An objection that the good education of youth is sufficient for the institution of a perfect commonwealth: cap 10. num 2. The answer to the same, showing diuers impediments that hinder the good education of youth: n ● FINIS. FOR THE proof OF THE IMPERfection and insufficiency of humane policy; the natural infirmity of man, and the imbecility of his wit, with the causes ther●f are declared. And by the way it is signified, what danger and detriment groweth to man by self love and presumption of his own wit, with an exhortation to humility. CHAP. I. WEE red in plutarch that there were certain sentences graven vpon the gate of Apolloes temple at Delphos, whereof one, was, plutarch: vpon this word. E●grauen vpon the gate of Apolloes Temple. as it were, a salutation of the people to Apollo, containing a certain profession of their faith, and belief of his deity; which the devil who de●uded them in that Oracle, ascribed to himself. An other was 〈◇〉 good lesson or aduise of Apollo to the people, in recompense ●herof; The first was, this word Ei in greek, which signifieth thou art, whereby the devil who always seeketh to be honoured ●s God, took unto himself the proper and true title, The devil affecteth the title proper to divinity and attri●ute of divinity, alluding to the name which God giveth to ●im self in the Scripture, to wit, Ego sum qui sum, I am he which ●●m. The other( to wit Apolloes lesson, Exod. 6.3. or aduise to man) was 〈◇〉 h●se-auton, know thyself: that is to say, know thy own imbecility or weakness. 2. Therfore to transfer this from the gentiles to us christians, and to apply it to my present purpose; The knowledge of God, induceth man to the knowledge of himself Arnob. lib 7. contra Gentes. I say that these two ●ent●nces haue such rel●tion, and correspondence, the one to the other, that by understanding the first, we may come to the consideration of the latter, and by the knowledge of the latter, we shal the better conceive the first For as Arnobius noteth very well if we know and consider that God only is, that is to ●ay, that he only hath essence, and being, of himself, as being the first and principal cause of al natural causes and effects, t●● Author, Creator, mover, and conservator of al things, 〈◇〉 cannot, but consequently aclowledge that we haue no tr●● essence, nor being of ourselves, and thereby we come also to t●● knowledge of our own frailty, and infirmity; which is the fo● said lesson that Apollo gave unto man, in saying gnoth●se-au● Know thyself. The knowledge of ourselves, induceth us to the knowledge of God. again this knowledge of ourselves, inducet● and leadeth us in some sort to the knowledge of God; for whe● we well consider our own imbecility, frailty, and mortality with the mutability, and inconstancy of humane thinge● we easily perceive that we are not absolute or yet haue any tr●● being of ourselves, but that we depend as al other things do● vpon some supernatur●l power, that is to say, vpon the common Father, Author, and Creator of nature and of al natur●● things: and so we come to understand, not only that there is 〈◇〉 God, Plato in. Alcib. but also what is our duty, and obligation to him, in respe●● of our dependence vpon him. Therfore Plato teacheth tha● to the attaining of virtue and wisdom, two things are most r●quisite in man, the first, to know God, and the second to kno● himself. 3. Now then; one of the greatest impediments that hinde● man from knowing either God or himself, Presumption a great impediment to man for the knowledge of God, and of himself. is a vain conceit● and presumption, that many men haue of their own witt● and sufficiency, which draweth them into infinite errors, absu●dities, and dangers, both of body and soul: for it ingendret● in them obstinacy, arrogancy, a spirit of contention, contradiction, and singularity, indignation and disdain of other me● contempt of counsel, and of al help, humane and divine; an● not only error, but also heresy, infidelity, and atheism. F●● those that presume overmuch of their own wits, and measure al things thereby, do commonly beleeue no more the● they know, and understand: and therefore seeing them selu●● unable to sound the depth of Gods judgements or to compr●hend many mysteries of our Christian& catholic faith, with in the compass of their capacity, they fall many times into fla● heresy, or atheism. 4. This disease of presumption( for so I may term it bein● a mortal sickness of the soul) is much the more dangerous f●● that it so affecteth, The presumption of a mans own wit most dangerous, and why. or rather infecteth& blindeth the vnder●tanding of man, that every one seeth it sooner then he that is ●●cke therof, who commonly thinketh himself to be very sound ●nd well. For reason, which in the diseases of the body is able ●o judge thereof aright, being itself well at ease, is in this case ●●e parte itself that is diseased, being possessed with such a ●hrensie that it perceiveth no more the lamentable case it is in, ●●en doth a mad or frantic man see his own madness: in ●hich respect it is in very many incurable; for that they take ●uch pleasure in their own sickness, that they will admit no ●ure, nor so much as any counsel for their remedy. 5. And truly if we consider how general the infection ther●f is amongst men, though not in al a like, and how few there ●re that perceive it in themselves; we shal see what cause we al ●ave,( for I admonish myself herein as well as others) to fear ●east we haue some touch thereof, more or less. And to this purpose, let every man examine himself, how often in his life, and hath held& stiffly defended some false conceit and opinion ●f his own, how apt he is stil to do the like; How generally the infection of presumption reigneth. how well he li●eth his own doings; how loathe he is to confess an error, or ●o seem to be ignorant, or yeld to an other man: let every one( I say) consider this well, and he shal see what cause he hath to ●uspect some spice of this frenzy in himself, which wise men ought the rather to eschew, and abhor, for that it is the pro●er disease of fools; for as our English proverb saith, None so ●old as blind Bayard, nor any man more confident of his own wit, and knowledge, then he that hath least, or none at al. 6. whereas on the other side, the wiser a man is, the better and seeth and considereth, as well the general imbecility, and weakness of man, as his own particular defects, from the which no man in this life can be free; No man without some defect. and weighing well how ●itle al that he knoweth is in respect of that which he knoweth not, and how uncertain al humane knowledge is,& how subject to error, he acknowledgeth his own frailty,& ignorance, Non alta sapiens( as the Apostle saith) said humilibus consentiens, Rom. 12. not conceiving highly of himself( nor meddling with matters above his reach) but limiting his conceits in al humility within the compass of his capacity, which is a necessary& essential point of true wisdom, The cause of mans natural infirmity, and the weaknes of his wit. as I will declare more at large hereafte● But to th'end that the natural infirmity of man, and his ignorance may the better appear, the cause therof is first to be co●sidered, for so we shal the better understand the effect. 7. Therfore although man at his first creation, had al th● powers of his soul vigorous,& perfect in their nature, promp● and ready to the execution of their functions, Original Iustice lost by the fall of Adam. as his reaso● and understanding clear, his will and affection ordinate, an● inclined to good, and his sensual powers so bridled by origina● iustice, that they yielded due obedience to reason: Yet whe● original iustice was lost by the fall of our first father Adam, an● the light of Gods grace extinguished, not only reason was muc● weakened, and the will disordered, but also the sensual powe● so corrupted, S. Tho. 1. 2. q. 85. art. 3. or rather infected, that they haue ever since runn● head-long to their objects with such violence, that they commonly draw the will after them: whereof diuers reasons may b● given, but one or two shal suffice, to wit, that althou●h the wi●● be so placed betwixt reason and sense, that it may incline itself to either, yet it contracteth a kind of friendship, and amiti● with sensuality, a long time before it be acquainted with reaso●( as we see by experience in children, who are some yeares ledd● by sense, before they come to the use of reason) whereupon i● followeth, The will often overcome by sensuality. that the will having already found the passion of sensuality, strong, familiar, and pleasant, and after feeling the fir●● motions of reason, weak, unwonted, and disgustful, doth presently give itself so fully over to the pleasures of the sense● that it hardly recovereth itself ever after; especially seeing w● can never come to the future good that reason promiseth us, b●● by the conquest of concupiscence, and sensuality, the whic● giving us present payment of an apparent good( to wit pleasure and delectation) entangleth& bewitcheth us in such sort tha● we are content to rest,& repose therein; yea& to yield our selu●● prisoners to pleasure, and to desist from the pursuit of the future good, and true felicity that reason promiseth vs. Homer. Hes●od. ovid. 8. This the Poets represented in the companions of Vlisse● who returning with him towards Ithaca, where they were t● receive the reward of their labours, were so bewitched by th● way with the pleasant, and delectable cups of Cyrces, that the● would pass no further, but remained with her, ulysses companions transformed into beasts by Cyrces. and were trans●●rmed into beasts: as in truth al those may be said to be, that ●●nding to the true felicity which nature hath proposed to man and so drunken by the way with the delight, and pleasures of ●●e world and the flesh, that they give themselves over thereto, ●●d bec●mme, Sicut equus& mulus quibus non est intellectus. Psal. 31. Like a ●se, or a mule that hath no understanding. 9. well then, the will of man being thus perverted, what mar●●ile is it, When mans will is perverted by sensuality his understanding is easily led in to error. if reason and understanding be so corrupted thereby ●●at it be drawn to error; for we see, that as men are affencted, 〈◇〉 commonly they understand and judge: in which respect love called blind, for that it obscureth and blindeth the vnderstan●●ng of man in such sort, that it can not discern the truth. ●fficile est( saith the latin proverb) amare& sapere It is hard to ●●ue, and to be wise. For where affection beareth sway, reason is ●●rced to obey, and therfore no man is thought to be a compe●●nt and fit judge in his own cause, Arist lib. 6. Et● cap. 4. nor yet in the cause of those ●home he dearly loveth. And for the same reason Aristotle af●●rmeth: that intemperance corrupteth the iudgment of man, because the will being seduced and the affection drawn thereby, Intemperance, corrupteth mans iudgement. ●●e light of reason and understanding is so obscured& darkened ●y passion, that it can not discern good from evil. And the same 〈◇〉 also signified in the book of wisdom, where the Holy Ghost ●eclaring the cause why a good man is some times taken sud●ainly out of this life, saith, Raptus est, ne malitia mutares intellectis. Sap. 4. and was taken suddenly away, least malice or inordinate affection, should ●ange, or corrupt his understanding. Therfore although reason since and fall of our first father, What dominion reason hath over the sensual answers. doth stil retain so much dominion ●uer the sensual powers, that it may subdue them with the assi●●ance of the will, rectified and guided by grace; yet when the will 〈◇〉 perverted, reason either is wholly seduced and deceived ther●y, or at least remaineth so weak, and powerles, that it looseth ●he command and dominion which it ought to haue, and therefore the poet saith; Video meliora probóque, deteriora sequor. ovid. Metam. lib. 7. in prine. I see and ●pproue that which is best, but I follow the worst. 10. Hereto I may add also an other reason of the error in mans understanding, to wit, the difficulty of the object therof, for that truth,( which is the object of the understanding) is not only involved, The difficulty of the object of mans understanding. and wrapped like the kernel of the nut, in 〈◇〉 many shells& rinds of abstruse doubts, and difficulties, th● many times it is hardly found, but also it is so encountered wi●● falsehood and error, disguised with the show& apparance 〈◇〉 verity, that the best wits are often deceived there with; a●● therefore no marvel if the wisest men of the world do ma●● times go astray, stumble,& fall into the obscurity of the manifold, and intricate doubts, questions, controversies, perplexities,& uncertain events that daily occur in humane affairs. The opinion of man● principal philosophe s concerning the imbecility of mans wit. Cicero. A cad: quest: li. ●.& 2. 11. This the wisest Philosophers did so well consider, that man● of them affirmed; that nothing in this world can certainly b● known and understood, by reason of the error in mans sense● imbecil●tie of their wites, brevity of their lives, and the obsc●ritie of truth; of which opinion were, Socrates, Plato, Democrit●● Anaxagoras, Empedocle, and al the new academics; in so muc● that Socrates was judged by the Oracle, to be the wisest man the● living, because he was wont to say, Hoc solum scio, quod nihil s●● I know only this, that I know nothing; whereto Archesilaus adde● that not so much as that could be known, which Socrates sai● he knew, to wit; that he knew nothing. And although the●● Philosophers, may seem to haue exceeded in exaggerating the ignorance of man( thereby to repress,& correct, as it may b● thought, the presumption that many men had of their ow● knowledge, and wisdom) yet they sufficiently signified therb● their conceit of the weakness of mans iudgement, and imbecility of his wit. 12. Therefore to reduce the extremities of opinions in thi● matter to a mean, The wisest man doth often err without the help of Gods grace. I neither wholly evacuate and annihilate ma● knowledge and providence, as they seemed to do, neither ye● with others extend, and enable it further then may be iustl● granted to mans imbecility. For as I confess that man( though corrupt of nature, and weak in wit and iudgment) may nevertheless, with the ordinary concurrence, and assistance, that Go● giveth to his creatures, know, foresee,& determine man● things notably, both for his private, and public good; so I also affirm, that except he haue some supernatural light of God● grace to illuminate his understanding, and to rectify, and guid● his will, the wisest man shal many times absurdly err: and that ●●erfore it is convenient, for every man, how wise soever he ●old himself to be, to aclowledge the same in al humility to ●●mighty God, and to crave true wisdom of him, An exhortation to humility as his special ●●ft, following the example of the wise man, in the book of ●isdome which treating of the excellency of true wisdom, and ●cknowledging it to be the special gift of almighty God, craved 〈◇〉 at his hands, and withal signified notably, the weakness of ●ans wit and iudgment, with the reason thereof, in these wor●es; Da mihi domine &c: Sap. 9. give me o Lord( saith he) that wisdom which as●●steth thy seat and cast me not of from the number of thy servants, for that 〈◇〉 am thy bondslave, and the son of thy bondwoman, a weak man and of ●orte l fe, unable to understand aright what is iustice and draw, The imbecility of wit ac●nowledged by Salomon. and who●●euer is the most perfect and excellent amongst the sons of men, he is to be ●●counted as no body, if thy wisdom do not assist him; for the cogitations ●f mortal men are doubtful and fearful, and al our providence is uncertain, 〈◇〉 reason that the corruptible body doth aggravate the soul, and this earthly ●abitation doth depress the understanding. 13. This, and much more to this purpose saith the wise man ●r rather the Holy Ghost by him, True wisdom the particular gift of almighty God. teaching that true wisdom is ●he particular gift of almighty God, and that without the light ●f his grace, mans iudgment, and understanding is obscure, his ●onceits, and designments full of doubt and fear, his proui●ence, and foresight uncertain, and therefore Salomon wisely ●duiseth. Ne innitaris prudentiae tuae &c. Rely not vpon thy own wis●ome, but in al the course of thy life think vpon God, proverb. 3. and he shal direct thy ●●epps. And to the same purpose Ecclesiasticus saith, Ne te extollas &c: ●oe not extol thyself in thy own conceit like a bul, Ecclesi. 6. lest perhaps thy force ●nd pride be beaten down by folly, that is to say, lest for punishment of thy pride, God give thee over to thyself, that thou mayst fall by ●hy own folly. S Paul also exhorteth the Romaines, and in them ●l other Christians, Non plus sapere quam opertet sapere, Rom. 12. said sapere ad ●●brietatem. Not to be writer then a man ought to be, but to be soberly or modestly wise that is to say; that a man go not above his reach, not( as I may term it) out of the sphere of mans infirmity, Arist. lib. 1.& 3. de anima. nor attribute to himself greater perfection of nature then he hath, considering that though almighty God hath placed him in the highest degree of al those creatures that haue sense; yet he hath given him the lowest rank of those that haue vnderstand●●● having subordinated him to Angels, Angels may ●●re in the iudgement of future things depending on the will of God or of man. of whom those of 〈◇〉 most inferior and lowest order, haue an understanding far m clear, and excellent then he; and yet so nevertheless th●● their knowledge is also limited. For if we consider them in th●●● own nature, without the supernatural help of God, they 〈◇〉 err, and be deceived; as in the iudgement of things to co● that depend not vpon natural causes, but only vpon the will 〈◇〉 God, or yet vpon the free will of men. 14. Hereof the Phil●sophers were not ignorant,& th●●fore Porphyrius the platonic, seeking to give some probable re●son, Porphyr apud jo Picum Mirandul. cont. Astrologos. why the sp●rits that governed the Oracles, lied many time saith; that ●hen they judged of things to come by the stars, they mig●● be deceived. And yet in the opinion as well of Philosophers, as D●uines, Angels haue a most exact, and certain knowledge of natural causes, Angels haue a perfect and exact ●nowledge of al natural causes. & of the effects therof, having naturally in the● selves the forms, or representations of al natural things, whi●● therfore they behold and see with al evidency, and perspicuit●● whereas man doth understand nothing but by discourse, or b● means of phantasy,& sense, both which are greatly subject 〈◇〉 error, in respect that they depend vpon an organ so corruptib●● as mans body is, which many times being il disposed, wholly oppresseth the understanding, Plutar: in vita Catonis. ( as we see in fools and mad me● and doth obscure it more or less in al men. In which respect Nearchus the Pithagorian( as Plutark affirmed) was wont to call th● body of man, Plato in Phaedon. pestem ainae, the plague of the soul. And Socrates, Pla●● and al their followers held most constantly, that the more th● soul is abstract from the senses, the more clearly it understandeth; and that because in th●s life it can never be wholly separat● from the same, therfore it can never in this life attain to perfect knowledge& true felicity. Man ordained to ●upply the room of Angells. Mat. 12. 15. This was their opinion, and being well understood, it i● not dissonant from our Christian doctrine, which is, that although man is ordained to supply ●he room, and place of the angel that fel, and therfore is made capable of their perfection, 〈◇〉 mean as well of their knowledge as beatitude( in which respect our saviour saith of souls glorified, sunt sicut Angeli, they are 〈◇〉 unto Angells) yet he can not attain unto it in this life, which 〈◇〉 but as the way wherein he is disposed, lead, and guided thereto ●y the light of Gods grace; which disposition is to be perfected, ●nd consummated by the light of glory in the next life. Wher●ore the Apostle saith, Ex parte cognoscimus, &c: Mans knowledge most unperfect in this life. we know in this ●●fe, but only in parte, or unperfectly, but when that which is perfect shal ●●me,( that is to say when we shal attain to the vision of God, ●nd perfect beatitude) then that which is unperfect shal be evacuated; 1. Cor: 13. When I was a child, I spoken like a child, I thought like a child, I vnder●●oode like a child, But when I became a man I laid away al childishness. ●hus saith the Apostle, signifying that as the understanding and knowledge of an infant, is most unperfect, in respect of the knowledge and iudgement of a man; Mans knowledge to be perfited in the ne●● life by the vision of God Ibid. Psal. 35. Aug: lib: de civitat: dei ca. 29. so is al the knowledge we ●ave in this life most weak and unperfect, in respect of that ●hich we shal haue in the next, quando videbimus fancy ad faciem, ●hen we shal see God face, to face,& in lumine eius videbimus lumen,& 〈◇〉 his light shal see light. For as S. Augustin saieth of Angells, we ●●al see al creatures more truly, and clearly in the wisdom of ●od, then in themselves, by reason that we shal see them in ●●eir cause, and in the very arte whereby they were made. 16. This I haue said to show that he which attributeth to ●im self, any perfection of knowledge or understanding in ●is life, exceedeth the limits of mans nature, and taketh vpon him the knowledge of Angells, or of a soul glorified, whereto it is no more possible for any man in this life to arrive by any natural means, then for a beast or an unreasonable creature, to attain to the knowledge& understanding of a man: which I will yet make more evident in the next chapter. A further DECLARATION OF THE INfirmity of man, and his imbecility of wit, with a considerati●● of his natural bondage to Almighty God, and of his blindn●● and ignorance in his own affairs; And consequently of t●● necessity of Gods providence, for his government and directio● as well in public, as priuatte matters. CHAP. 2. AS self love and presumption of a mans ow● wit are very discomendable in al such as a● infected therwith; so are they most hateful a●● hurtful in those, The damage that ensueth of self-love and presumption. that having good natural ●●lentes, and gifts of body and mind, do with flow in wealth, dignity, and authority, who vain conceit of their own sufficiency being seconded wi●● the pride of their prosperity, and confidence of their powe● makes them many times so insolent, that the wise man sait● of such kind of men: It is better to meet a raging bear, that hath 〈◇〉 her whelps, proverb. 17. then a fool that is confident in his folly. For such co●monly contemn both God and man, and run such an unbridled and exorbitant course, that they overthrow, not only the● selves, but also al such as depend vpon them. 2. Therfore for as much as the saying of the royal prophet david is truly verified in such men, to wit, homo cum in h●nore esset, Psal: 48. &c: man when he was in honor did not understand, and th●●fore was compared to brute beasts, and made like unto them; I wish 〈◇〉 might hap unto such men as we read in the fable, A fable of a mule moralised in mans presumption. plutarch in Conui●io Sapient. it chance once to a Mule in Lidia, which beholding in the water his ow● shape,& seeing his long legs, his tall stature, his feiture( 〈◇〉 it seemed to him) very faire and comely, his brave pack-saddl● adorned with plumes of feathers, bells, and other furniture, w● so transported with sudden delight and ioy, that first he bega● to bray then to leap and kick, and after to run: but as 〈◇〉 was in the midst of his career, he chanced to remember th●● his father was an ass, that his long legs and tall stature, w●● given him to make him the more able to labour and toil, and ●●at his brave furniture, was but a saddle to carry a pack, and ●●nally that he was born, and ordained to serve, and to bear ●ot only burdens, but also stripes, if he did not his duty: which ●hen he remembered, he was so confounded, that he suddenly ●aid his course, and returned quietly to his accustomend labour ●nd occupation. The like I say, I wish might hap to such as ●dmiringe overmuch their own good partes, and the gifts ●herewih God hath blessed them, are puffed up with such pride, ●●at forgettting wholly both God& themselves, they run head●●ng to their own ruin and perdition. And therfore to re●oke such men from their dangerous course, to walk the se●ure way and trodden path, which nature hath laid open to ●ad them to true honor and felicity, I wish that they would remember, and consider certain things figured, and represented, 〈◇〉 the fable of the Mule. 3. The first is, the state and condition of Man, job. 17. as that rottenes ●nd filth( as job saith) was his father, that wormes are his brethren, ●●d sisters; that he is dust; and shal return to dust; being replenished ●vith miseries, he flourisheth and fadeth again within a while like a ●ower, and vanisheth away like a shaddowe, and never remaineth in ●●e state; such being the instabillitie of mans nature, The instability of mans nature. that the ●ore we fix our cogitation thereon, to find out some stay, and ●●ue being therein; the less we find it, even as, the more a man ●●●resseth or wringeth water in his hand, the less he holdeth. Plutark vpon the word Ei. 〈◇〉 which respect Heraclitus was wont to say, that as a man can ●ot enter twice into one and the self same running water or ●●uer, by reason that it fleeteth, and passeth away continually; 〈◇〉 we cannot possibly find the substance and nature of man, wise in one state. For as time which measureth it, so changeth ●●il, that one instant succeedeth and destroyeth an other, one ●inute an other, one hour an other, one day an other, and ●he like in weekes, monthes, and yeares: so also mans substance ●nd life, which is measured,& wasted by time, Mans nature changeth every minute of an hower. Senec. ep. 24. suffereth change ●nd mutation every year, every month, every week, every ●ay, every hour, every minute, every instant, until it be clean ●onsumed, in so much that our life( as Seneca saith) is but a conti●ual death: for we are daily and hourly dying, seing some parte of our life is cut of every day, and every hour; not only in our old age, and decaying yeares, but also in the very flow● of our youth. For though then we grow and increase in ●●ture and strength, yet our life stil decayeth and decreaseth, sei●● we haue every day so much less to live. And as the voiding 〈◇〉 emptying of an hour glass that is continually runinge, do●● not consist only in the falling of the last grain of sand, Seneca Ibid. but 〈◇〉 the whole defluction thereof from the very beginning: so o● death, saith Seneca, doth not consist only in the last hour 〈◇〉 our life, Man always dying. when we cease to be, but in the wasting and consumi●● course thereof from our first nativity: so that our last gasp 〈◇〉 not so properly our death, as the end and comsummation thereo● For although thereby we arrive to the period of death, yet w● were going towards it long before. Aug: de verb: Dom. Ser. 1. 4. In this respect. S. Augustin saith very well, that we shou●● haue less cause to fear, if we were made of glass. For w●●( saith he) is more frail and brickle then glass; and yet we see it is ke●● and may continue whole ages. And although it be subject to breaking 〈◇〉 accidents, yet there is no fear that it may perish, neither by old age or sic●nes: S. Augustines discourse of the frailty and misery of Man. whereas we fear not only innumerable chances, which bring 〈◇〉 to his end, and never cease to threaten his ruin, but also the injury of ty● which wasteth us continually, so that we may avoid perhaps a blow or fall, or such other mishaps, but we can never avoid our end; we may s●●● and eschew, those perils which are external, but internal which da●● grow within us, we cannot eschewe. Thus saith this grave, an● learned Father; which how true it is, daily experience doth d●monstrate unto us, so that we may truly say with the Psalmi●● Homo vanitatis similis factus est, Psal. 143. dies eius sicut vmbra praetereunt. Ma● was made like to a very vanity, his dayes pass away like a sha●dowe. 5. The second point which I would wish those men to co●sider, is, that al those external gifts, either of body or of fo●tune( as they are termed) which so dazzle their eyes, thirdly pōpe and honors compared to the packsadle of the mule. that the● cannot see their own weakness, may well be compared to t●● brave packsaddle of the Mule; which though it be never 〈◇〉 gay and gorgeous, is but a base thing, and hath nothing in 〈◇〉 self to be esteemed, serving only for the more commodio●● and easy bearing of the burden that is laid thereon, yea, a●● is not only burdensome in itself, but also if it be not well and ●ariely used, gauleth the back of the poor beast that beareth it, 〈◇〉 much as would the pack itself, that is laid vpon it. even 〈◇〉 honors, dignities, wealth, pleasure, and al worldly pomps 〈◇〉 commodities, that seem so glorious in the eyes of most men, ●ave no true goodness in themselves( for as Seneca saith well If ●●ey were truly good, Seneca ep. 87. they would make them good which possess them) ●ut are ordained to make men bear more contentedly the ●eauie burden of miseries, and afflictions incident to this life, ●●d yet nevertheless are not only burdensome themselves ●hat is to say accompanied with corrosiues, crosses, thirdly wealth and pleasures accompanye● d with dangers and discommodities. anxiety of ●ind, and dangers) but also if they be not well and warily used, ●●e more pernicious to their owners and possessors, then the very miseries of the world, for the comfort and remedy whereof ●●ey are ordained. For the greatest afflictions of this life can but ●●ly overthrow the body,& no way hurt the soul, but greatly ●●ofit it,( if a man bear them patiently) but worldly wealth, ●easures, and commodities, do overthrow eternally both ●●die and soul, if they be abused; that is to say, if they be not ●●garded only as things transitory, and referred principally to ●●taining of eternal felicity. Therfore S. Paul giveth this pre●●pt to Timothy for rich men; Diuitibus huius saeculi praecipe, &c: 1. Timoth. 6. ●●ue( saith he) this precept or instruction to the rich men of ●is world, to wit, that they look not too high, nor fix their ●ope in uncertain riches, but in the living God, who doth fur●●sh us abundantly with al things necessary for our use, and ●●at they labour to be rich in good works, giuing and com●unicating their goods freely, to the end they may make a good ●●undation of treasure for the time to come to obtain true ●●fe. Thus saith the Apostle. 6. thirdly to proceed with the application of the fable; would haue these men to remember, For what end the good gifts of body and mind are bestowed on man. Cicero office. lib. 1. that their good gifts of ●odie and mind, are not( as I may term it) of their own pur●●ase, but bestowed vpon them by their Creator, not only for ●●em selves, but also for others; no man being born( as Cicero with) for himself, but for the maintenance of humane so●●etie, whereof every one is a member, and therfore not to live 〈◇〉 sport, pleasure,& idleness; but to labour each one in his quality and degree, for the common and public good. In whic● respect, job. 5. job admonisheth us, that, Homo nascitur ad laborem, 〈◇〉 avis ad volatum; Man is born to labour, as the bide is ordained to fly● Finally, I would wish them always to haue in mind, that wha●soeuer dignity, excellency, and privilege of nature they clai● to themselves; yet they nether are, nor can be free and at the●● own liberty, but are by an irrevocable law, and decree of nature, perpetually subject and bound to the service of God the●● Creator, and the author of nature, as his slaves and bondmen yea, with such condition, that if they do not sattisfie their dut● in that behalf, they shal be chastised, and punished, not wi●● stripes, as was the Lydian mule, or only with temporal pain●● but with eternal; and so much the more greuouslie, by ho● much they are more potent and powerful then others. For 〈◇〉 the book of wisdom saith, Sap. 6. Mighty men shal suffer torm●●● mightily. The natural bondage of man to God. 7. And for as much as the explication of this point of ma● natural bondage, and servitude to God, may help greatly to t●● decyphring of the weakness of mans wit, and his other infirm●ties, I think good to speak somewhat more particular●● thereof. Aug de gen. ad lit lib. 8. ca. 11. Isidor Petrus. Comestor. S. A●gustin and other learned Fathers haue well obseru● in the holy Scriptures, that almighty God is not called ther●● Dominus that is to say Lord, in the creation of any other creatu●● but of man, and that then the Scripture saith, Formauit D●minus Deus, Genes. 2. &c: Our Lord God framed, or made man of the slime of 〈◇〉 earth. And again afterwards, when it is declared that God 〈◇〉 put man in Paradise, Ibid. it is said; Tulit ergo Dominus Deus hominem,& ● Our Lord God took man and put him into Paradise. Whereup●● S. Augustin saith thus; S. Augustines observation why God is called Dominus in the Scripture. Aug. de gen. ad lit. lib. 8. ca. 11. Nunc ubi ad id ventum est, &c. Now w● it came to pass that God placed man in Paradise to labour there and to k●●● it, the Scripture saith: Sumpsit Dominus Deus hominem, &c. Our L●●● God did take man and put him into Paradise, not because God is not 〈◇〉 the Lord of al other creatures as well as of man, but because this was writ●●● only for man to admonish him how much it behoveth him, not only 〈◇〉 haue such a Lord and master, but also to live in al obedience under his co●mandement, and not licentiously to abuse the power that God hath g●●● him; Thus far S. Augustin. 8. To this purpose it is to be noted, that God is called Domi●●● only in respect of the servitude and bondage, that man, and al ●is other creatures owe unto him. For as father and son, mai●●er and seruant, husband and wife, are correlatiues, and can ●ot be the one, but in respect of the other; Lord and slave Correlatiues proper to God and man. Psal: 115. so also is Dominus and servus, Lord& slave. whereto the Psalmist seemeth to allude, ●ying to almightty God; o Domine o Lord. And yielding present●● the reason why he calleth him so, he addeth. Quia ego servus ●us& f●ll●us ancillae tuae: because I am thy bondman, and the ●●nne of thy bondwoman. And for this cause nothing is more ●●equent in holy Scripture then the names of Dominus and servus ●plyed to God, and man. Where also to show the nature and ●●ndition of this bondage, the same is compared to the bon●●ge, that by the law of nations the slave oweth to his Lord and ●aister. Where vpon the royal Prophet saith: Psal: 122. As the eyes of bond●en are vpon the hands of their Lords, and the eyes of bondwomen vpon 〈◇〉 eyes of their mistresses: so are our eyes vpon our Lord God until he haue ●●rcy vpon vs. And S. Paul teaching lords and maisters how they ●ould consort themselves towards their slaves: Colloss. 4. You lords( saith 〈◇〉) do nothing to your slave, but that which is just& rightful, growing ●●at you haue also a Lord and master in heaven. Signifying thereby, as Thomas noteth, that as they were lords and maisters to their ●●ues; so is God Lord and master to them, and to al other men. Lect. 4. in cap. 5. ep. ad Colloss. ●herein nevertheless it is to be considered, that the servitude ●●d subiection which man oweth to God, is without al compa●●son, infinitely greater, and more obligatory, The difference betwixt the servitude of one man to another, and the bondage that al men owe to God. Ambros. in ep. ad Coloss. ca. 4 then is that which ●y bondman by the law of nature or nations, can owe to his ●ord. And therfore S. Ambrose vpon the same words of S Paul, o that he signified to lords and maisters, that they were not ●nly lords, but as it were in a shadow;( having only com●andement of the body) and that the invisible God, author of 〈◇〉 things, is the only and true Lord of body and soul. 9. This bondage of man to God was acknowledged by the ●ost ancient, and learned Philosophers. For Pithagoras teaching, The ancient philosophers acknowledged the bondage of man to God. Cicero de senectute. Plato de leg. ●●at it is not lawful for any man to kill himself, useth the same 〈◇〉 an evident and known principle, to prove his doctrine, say●●g That no man ought to depart out of the station of this life without the ●●●mandement of God. To which purpose also Plato saith: That God ●o less offended if a man kill himself, then any Lord or master would be, if his slave should do the like. The reason is, for that man be 〈◇〉 the bondslave of God by nature, is wholly his, and not his ow●● For as Aristotle saith: Aristot. li. 1. polit. The definition of a slave. A slave is a man, that is an instrument of 〈◇〉 master, and wholly at his disposition. In which respect also humai●● laws ordain, that a slave be held as part of the goods a●● possesions of his Lord, as being wholly his, no less then his o● or his ass; the which must needs be understood much more 〈◇〉 haue place in man towards God, in respect of his obligation and subiection to him, The bondage that man oweth to God for his redemption. infinitely greater then can be the obl●gation or subiection of one man to an other; especially if 〈◇〉 do add to the former considerations, an other reason of o●● servitude and bondage to almighty God: to wit, the inesteem●ble price payed for us by our saviour IESVS CHRIST, God 〈◇〉 man, who of his infinite bounty shed his most precious blo●● to redeem us from the thraldom of the devil and sin, to t●● end we might serve him in the freedom of righteousness 〈◇〉 iustice. Whereto S. Paul aludeth, saying. Let every man rem●●● in his vocation wherein he is called to the Christian faith; wert thou ca●● being a bondslave? let not that trouble thee, for the bondslave that is ca●● to the faith of Christ, 1. Cor: 7. is made a freeman of our Lord, and the freem●● becoming a christian is a bondslave of Christ; you are bought for a g●●●● price. &c: Thus saith the Apostle, signifying that the slave, a●● the freeman, are equally slaves of our saviour Christ, in respe●● of the price that he paid for them both, The slave and the freeman are both slaves alike to God. Ibid. and that 〈◇〉 slave no less made free from sin by his vocation to the 〈…〉 the freeman. In which respect the Apostle calleth the 〈…〉 slave, Libertum Domini, A free-made man of our Lord 10. Hereupon I infer two things, the one, that seeing m is the bondslave of God, Al mans actions depend wholly on the will of God no man of what degree, quality, or c●●dition soever he be, can be free or at his own liberty, to dispo●● of himself or his own actions, but dependeth wholly vpon t●● will of almighty God, his Lord. Therefore S. Paul saith. Non 〈◇〉 vestri, 1. Cor. 6. empti enim estis pretio magno. You are not your own, 〈◇〉 you are dearly bought. And again in an other place. Siuè v●●mu siuè morimur Domini sumus, 2. Cor. 5. whether we live or die, we 〈◇〉 our lords. 11. The other conclusion, which I infer vpon our bond 〈◇〉 to God, is, that no man, be he never so wise, rich, and pote●● hath sufficient means in himself for his own conservation, The necessity of Gods government& direction for the conservation of man. ●hich I say, not so much in respect of the need that every man ●ath one of an other( yea and many times, of the vilest,& basest ●reatures that are) as for the necessity that al men haue of the ●ouernment and direction of almighty God their Lord, as well ●o illuminate their wit and understanding, as also to provide ●hem of al things necessary for their lives, and for their private, ●t public good. Eccle. ca. 11. Whereof the Holy Ghost adviseth us in Eccle●●asticus saying: Ne dicus sufficiens mihi sum? Say not I am sufficient ●●t myself. For( as he also saith in the same chapter) bóna& ●ala, vita& mors, paupertas,& honestas à Deo sunt. Ibid. Al things good ●●d bad, life and death, poverty and wealth are of God. And although 〈◇〉 may seem to some, perhaps needles, and superfluous for me ●o offer any further proffe of a matter so evident as this, yet for ●smuch as there are over many, which( as I haue said before) ●artly for lack of faith and belief of Gods providence, and par●ely vpon a vain presumption of their own abilities, do as●ribe al the remedies of their necessities either to their own ●isdome and industry, or to secondary or inferior causes, and ●ot to the first cause which is the providence of God. Psal. 15. I will therefore briefly say somewhat of this point. 12. The royal Prophet saith. A further Consideration of mans bondage to almighty God. Dixi domino Deus meus es tu quo●iam bonorum meorum non eges. I said to my Lord, thou art my ●od, because thou hast no need of my goods. Where he sheweth ●he reason why he calleth him his Lord, and his God, to wit, ●or that almighty God being the first cause, the very fountain ●f goodness the begininge and end of al things whatsoever, is 〈◇〉 absolute of himself, that he hath no need of man or any ●hinge else. whereas man having no substance, being, or good●es, but that which he hath of God, dependeth wholly vpon ●im, as al other creatures do. And therefore doth worthily ac●nowledge him for his God( that is to say) for his Creator, ●uthor, and conservator; and oweth him al subiection, serui●ude, and bondage, as to his natural Lord and master. wher●pon it followeth necessarylie, that he needeth his assistance, ●elpe, and direction, not only as his creature, but also as his ser●ant, and bondslave. Where vpon also S. Augustin saith, Aug. de. Gen. act. lit. lib. 8. cap. 11. Deus ●ostra servitute non indiget, &c. God doth not need our servitude or bondage, but we need his government and commandeme●● that he may both employ us, and also keep and conserve us: 〈◇〉 therfore he is our true and only Lord, because we serve hi● not for his good and commodity, but for our own good 〈◇〉 conservation. Thus far S. Augustine. Aristot. polit li. 1. A Lord or a slave by nature according to Aristotle. 13. This also appeareth by the reason of the natural bonda●● of one man to an other, according to the doctrine of Aristo●●● who saith: That a seruant or slave by nature, is he, that is n●● of himself sufficient and able to govern himself, but ha●● need of the direction and government of an other; And t●● a Lord, and master by nature, is he, that doth so excel in w●●dome, that he is able to guide and direct both himself 〈◇〉 others, and that it is profitable and necessary for a bondsla●● to be governed by a Lord and master, in respect that he c●●not sufficiently govern himself. 14. This being true in a kind of natural bondage of one m●● to an other( whereof Aristotle treateth) much more forcibl● and evident is the reason in the natural bondage of al manki●● to God; The absolute necessity of Gods help and direction for man, and why. for that no man needeth so much the help and dir●ction of an other man, as al men need the assistance and help 〈◇〉 God. Neither is any mans wit so far inferior to the wi●● of an other man, as al mens wits and understandings are i●feriour to the infinite wisdom of God, whose help and di●●ction is absolutely necessary for every man, for two reasons ●●pecially. 15. The one, for that the things that are necessary for m●● life and conservation, The first Reason. are nether in man himself, nor in 〈◇〉 power, but depend wholly vpon the will and pleasure of Go● which no man can doubt of, that considereth the doctrine either of Christians or of Paynim Philosophers, or the consent and c●stome of al nations, Al things necessary for mans life depend on the will of God. or yet manifest experience. For who see● not how little it availeth any man to toil, and labour, in tilli●● the ground, in sowing, planting, or in traffic by sea, or lan● if God do not give heat, could, rain, winds, and faire weath●● in their seasons, wholesomnes of air, increase of the fruits 〈◇〉 the earth, yea and the fruits themselves? Psame. 103. 16. Therefore the kingly Prophet saith of almighty Go● That he watereth the mountaines from above, to the end the earth 〈◇〉 bring hay for cattle, and herbs for the use and service of man: bread to ●●●engthen his hart, and wine to make him merry, and oil to exhilarate 〈◇〉 face, and that when he openeth his hand, al things are filled with his ●●unty, and when he turneth away his face, they perish and turn to their ●●st. Thus saith the royal Prophet. And this dependence of ●an on Gods providence for al things belonging to his conser●●tion, was signified amply by almighty God himself to the ●●ople of Israel, when he gave them the law vpon mount Sinai, Leuit. 26. ●●omising them, that if they kept his commandements, he would ●●ue them rain in due season, and that the earth should bring ●orth al kind of herbs and plants, that their trees should be ●aden with fruit, that their vintages,& harvests should ouer●●ke one an other, with such abundance, that they should not and able to consume the old store, before they should haue new: ●●ey should live in peace, and security,& that neither noisome ●easts, nor the sword of the enemy should molest them: of al ●hich he also threatened them the contrary, in case they would ●ot obey him, and afterwards he fully performed the one, and and other, blessing them with peace and plenty when they ser●ed him, and punishing them with famine, pestilence and war ●hen they offended him. 17. luke. 11. For this cause we Christians by our saviours instruction ●●d commandement, do daily pray unto God, to give us, The miraculous effects of public prayer and processions in cases of necessity amon●st Christians. The experience of Gods providence in the relief of mens necessities, showed by examples. A great plague in Rome remedied by public prayer an. 590. Baron. an. 590. Gregor. Turonens. li. 10. c. 1. hist Franc. Panem ●●strum quotidianum, Our daily bread and sustenance: And do use not ●nly private but also public prayers, processions, fastings, and ●ortifications in al cases of necessity, aswell to avert Gods ●rath, as to obtain his grace and benefits for the common ●ealth, whereof admirable, and miraculous effects haue been ●nd are many times seen amongst Christians, for the vndoub●ed proof of Gods providence in al things belonging to our ●onseruation, which I could confirm by many most manifest ●xamples in al ages, but three or four shal suffice for this time, because I am also to touch this point hereafter. 18. In the year of our Lord 590. there was such a cruel plague ●nd pestilence in Rome, that al the inhabitants of the city were ●●most destroyed therewith; for remedy whereof S. gregory the ●reat( then newly chosen Pope) commanded that public ●rayers,& processions should be made for some daies; whereby the wrath of God was appeased, in such evident manner th●● S. gregory did also ordain other solemn processions to gi●● God thankes for the benefit received; as appeareth in his ow● works, Gregor. in Registro in princ. Indict 10.& Greg. Turon. li. 10. Baron. an. 590. besides the testimony of other approved authors. An● at the same time( as constant famed hath ever since reported there publicly appeared an Angel putting up his sword upo● the top of Moles Adriani, now called by the same occasion th● Castle of S. Angelo. 19. Also in the year of our lord 717. the Saracens an● Arabians besieged Constantinople three yeares together with ●wor● huge army and navy, The siege of constantinople miraculously raised an. 717. but at length through the prayers of 〈◇〉 German,( who then was living and patriarch therof) and the frequent processions of the people, made in the honor of the ble●sed virgin Mary patroness of that city; the army of the In●●deles, was for the most part consumed with famine, could,& pestilence, Beda. de. 6. aetat: in fine: an 718. Paul. Diac. li. 6. 〈◇〉. 47. and the navy wherein those which remained, meant 〈◇〉 haue retired themselves, was with a fiery hail that fel vpon 〈◇〉 from heaven, sunk and utterly destroyed, excepting ten ship●●● whereof five came unto the hands of the Christians; God so di●posing for his own greater glory, that the particulars there●● might be known. In memory of which notable miracle the●● was a feast instituted,& yearly celebrated, to give God thanke● for the same, S. Theophanes Cedrenus, Menologium Basilij 15. Augusti. as appeareth not only in S. Theophanes, Cedrenus a●● others, but also in the Martirologe, and calendar of the Greeks. 20. But to ommit many other examples of ancient time, an● to come to our dayes, within the memory of man. It chanced 〈◇〉 late in the year of our ●ord 1594. litterae annuae. an 1594. that there was so great 〈◇〉 drought, and danger of a general famine in the island of Ch●● which is now under the turk, that the people thereof despairing of humane help, determined to haue recourse to the d●uine. The grat drought in the island of Chio, and the miraculous remedy therof by processions of Christians. And therefore, for as much as the inhabitants there●● were of four several professions of religion, one of Turks, 〈◇〉 other of Iewes, the third of schismatical Greekes,& the fo●●● of roman Catholiks, they al agreed to implore the mercy and favor of almighty God, by public processions, every one according to the custom of their religion, which the Turkes perfo●med first, the Iewes next, and the Greekes next after, without any comfort or relief; but the fourth day that the roman Cath●likes made their procession, it pleased God to give them such ●re of rain, that their necessity was remedied, and the Chri●●●an catholic religion greatly confirmed, to the confusion o of the Turkes, and Greekes and the conversion of many 〈◇〉 them. And now again of late in the year 1603. litterae annuae an 1603. not yet full ●o yeares ago, the people of certain towns in the islands of ●●ilippinas lately converted to the Christian faith by the Fathers 〈◇〉 the Socictie of IESVS, were in like manner in great fear of ●in through an excessive drought in al those partes, An excessive drought in the islands of Philippinae relieved an. 1603. and relei●●d by the like means with abundance of rain which fel the ●ne day that the procession was made, whereas other people of ●●e towns and countries adjoining( who used not such means 〈◇〉 obtain Gods favor) received not the like benefit, as it is ●●●tified by late letters from those partes, newly printed by pu●●ke authority. ●1. Hereto I also add an other modern example whereof I 〈◇〉 self was an eye witness in Paris about the year of our Lord ●7. at what time there was such a continual drought, A great drought in France, remedied by prayer an. 1587. for many ●nethes together, that a general famine was greatly feared, ●ereby the Magistrates spiritual, and temporal were moved 〈◇〉 ordain that the relics of S Genouefa patroness of Paris ●●uld be carried in solemn procession, as at diuers other times ●●ey had been in other public necessities, with manifest benefit the city of Paris, whereto the success was answerable also this time. For whereas there had not been one drop of rain many months before, it began the same day of the processi●● in the afternoon to rain abundantly, and so continued ●ny dayes after, where with the people were wonderfully ●●mforted. And I remember well that some of our country, who ●●ing the preparation for the procession jested greatly at it ●●ying it would now be seen what wonders S. Genouefa could ●orke) were much confounded, as some of them unto whose ●●des this treatise may come, if they be yet living, cannot but ●●member. 22. This I haue said( as I also shal haue occasion to say more ●her where) to show the manifest experience of Gods proui●●nce in our affairs, and our dependence thereon for our con●●●uation, which may also be confirmed not only with the doctrine of the most learned Philosophers, The consent of al nations is the voice of nature. Cicero, tuscul. quaest: lib. 1. but also with the vn●uersal consent and opinion of al nations( which Cicero calleth the voice of nature) seeing the general custom of al people in 〈◇〉 ages, hath been to crave al kind of temporal benefits of Go● by public prayer and sacrifice, as al histories do testify. T● which purpose Aristotle signifieth that the use was in his tym● and had been from al antiquity, Oblation of the first fruits after harvest generally used in Aristotles time. Arist: eth. lib. 8. ca. 9. Ibid. ca. 12. to sacrifice to God present● after harvest, to offer up unto him the first fruits of his ow● gifts, in thankes giuing for the same. And he also teachet● that man oweth to God a filial love as to his father, because 〈◇〉 receiveth of him his essence, being,& nourishment. In whi●● respect also Plato calleth the providence of God: Matricem gene● humani; The providence of God the nurse of mankind. Plato lib. 2. de l●g.& lib. 10. de ●ep. Plutar. in his Tratise why Oracles ceased. The testimony of Seneca concerning mans dependence on the providence of God. Seneca. lib. 4. de benef. c. 6. The nurse of mankind. And plutarch in like manne● saith: It is that loving and charitable mother, which bringeth forth, a● conserveth al things for the use of man. 23. Therfore to omit infinite other testimonies of Philosophers which might be alleged, I conclude this point with t●● famous Seneca, who to confute the Athiestes of his time, and 〈◇〉 show withal their ingratitude towards almighty God the●● Creator and conservator, rehearseth many benefits that ma● hath received of God, aswell generally in the heauens, as als● particularly every one in his own person, and then addeth the●● words. Seing thou dost greatly esteem( saith he) the●● gifts, why art thou so ungrateful, not to aclowledge th●● self a debtor to him that bestowed them vpon thee? When 〈◇〉 hast thou the very breath that thou drawest? Whence th● light, whereby thou disposest of thy actions? whence the●● blood wherein thy vital heat, and spirits are conserved? When●● those exquisite savours, meats, and sauses, so abundant th●● they even tyre, and cloy thy appetite? Whence these prou●cations of languishing pleasures? Finally, whence hast tho● this very ease, rest, and repose wherein thou wallowest an● wasts thyself? If thou be grateful, wilt thou not say, with th● poet: Verg. ●●log 1. Deus nobis haec otia fecit, nanque erit ille mihi semper Deus; th●● is to say, God gave me the same, and he shal be my God for eue● And a little after he addeth. But if thou say, that not God, b● nature hath given thee al this, dost thou not understand, th●● thou dost but change the name of God, and call him nature, 〈◇〉 whom thou mayst apply what name soever expresseth any hea●enly force, or effect, for so many may his names be, as he gi●eth gifts. Ergo nihil agis, ingratissime mortalium. Therfore, Ibid. c. 7.& 8. The ingratitude of Atheists taxed by Seneca. o thou ●ost ungrateful of al mortal creatures, thou dost but trifle ●hen thou sayest that thou art a debtor to nature, and not to ●od: for God is neither without nature, nor nature without ●od, but both is one, as if thou shouldst haue received a benefit ●f Lucius Annaeus Seneca, and wouldst say, that thou art not a ●etter to Seneca: but to Anneus, or to Lucius. Dost thou not see ●●at thou changest not thy creditor, but his name? even so; what●●euer thou callest God, be it nature, fate, or fortune, al are but ●●uers names of one God, according to the diuers use and exer●●se of his power. Thus far Seneca; reproving notably the ingra●●tude of Atheists, as Cicero also doth, saying. Cicero. de legib li. 2. He that is vngratful to God deserveth not the name of a man. Horat. li. 2. ode 13. The second reason of mans insufficiency to provide for himself, to wit, because he knoweth not what is convenient for himself. Eccles. 7. Hierom in. li. Habac. ca. 1. A sound aduise of plato concerning what man should crave of God. Ibid. Plato in Alcibiade 2. Hier. in ep. ad. Ephes. li. 2. ca. 4. That he deserveth not the ●●me of a man who enjoying those things which the earth produceth for his and, is not thankful to God for the same. Thus much for the dependan●e of man vpon the will and providence of God for his conserua●●on, which is one of the two reasons that I intended to yield, ●hy Gods help and direction is absolutely necessary for man. 24. The other reason is, because mans wit is so weak and ●ind, that he knoweth not what is good and convenient for ●●m self, and much less for others, where vpon the Poet saith? ●uod quisque vitet, nusquam homini satis cautum est in horas; that is to ●y: No man is so wise, and wary that he knoweth at al times what to ●●oyde. And the book of Ecclesiastes saith to the same purpose. ●uid necesse est? &c. What needeth a man desire or seek things above him ●●●fe, seing he knoweth not so much, as what is necessary and convenient ●●r himself and in the dayes of his peregrination? 25. Therfore S. Hierom compareth almighty God, to a wise ●hisition, who giveth not to his patient hurtful things, though ●●e desire them never so instantly. And likneth man to a sick man, ●ho many times desireth that which would be his death if it ●ere granted him. In which case, Mercy( saith he) were cruelty: ●uia voluntas tua contra te petit. Because thy own will desires against goody. Wherefore Plato giveth sound aduise never to crave of al●ighty God absolutely any thing that partaineth to our temporal ●ate, but with condition, to wit, if it be convenient for us: ●r that as S. jerome also saith in an other place; Id quod, oportes orare nescimus,& saepè contra nos petimus, estimantes esse pro nobis! 〈◇〉 know not what it is convenient to pray for, and many times we 〈◇〉 those things that are against us, thinking that they be good for vs. A● the Apostle himself saith also to the same purpose. Roman. 8. Spirit●●●uat. &c. The spirit of God doth help our infirmity, for wee know not 〈◇〉 nor what wee should pray. 26. This is manifest by the vain and foolish desires of 〈◇〉 yea of the wisest, that wish and earnestly desire some times 〈◇〉 things as are most pernicious for them; In so much, that it 〈◇〉 well be said unto them, as our saviour said to his two Apos●●● who desired to sit the one on his right hand, and the other 〈◇〉 his left: mat. 20. Nescitis quid petatis: You know not what you may 〈◇〉 wherefore Plato comendeth a certain poet called Ion, 〈◇〉 when he heard his friends other whiles crave of God 〈◇〉 things as were not convenient, A wise prayer of a Pagan Poet. was wont to pray thus. O Iup● give us good things, wherther we ask them or no, but those things 〈◇〉 are evil give us not, plate. in Alcib. 2. though we crave them never so much? And th● foolish desires of men the poets signified by the fable of Pha●●● who having by his importunity, ovid. metam: li. 1.& 2. obtained of his father Pha●●● the guiding of his chariot, burnt both the world and him sel●● And Cicero also signifieth the same by an other fable of Thaes●● who craved of Neptune three wishes whereof one was the ●●struction of his own son hippolytus, Cicero. office. lib. 3 which being obtain●● he remained al his life after most sorrowful and inconsolable. The conclusion of this chapter inferring the necessity of Gods providence for mans conseruat●on. 27. Seing then man is so weak of power and wit, that 〈◇〉 himself, he neither can sufficiently provide for himself, 〈◇〉 ther yet knoweth what is convenient for his own estate, it f●●loweth necessary, that the providence of God his Lord 〈◇〉 Creator is most needful for his conservation and directio● throughout the whole course of his life; nor only in his priua●● and particular affairs, but much more in public matters, p●●taining to the government of the commonwealth: for the be●● prooffe whereof, and of the insufficiency of al humane wit 〈◇〉 policy, I will lay down some examples of the errors of so●● famous peacocks, who by their own imprudence haue either overthrown, or else greatly endangered, themselves and the●● estates. ●OR THE MORE AMPLE proof OF THE insufficiency of human wit and policy, diuers examples are alleged of the errors of politics, and thirdly wise men. By occasion whereof it is also debated, how far a man may trust a reconciled enemy, and how true prudence& Christian charity, may concur with distrust and suspicion. CHAP. 3. LEWIS the eleventh King of France, one of the most politic Princes that France ever had, Philip de Comines de reb. gest. Lodouici. 11. in. cap. 33. ●eing at wars with his own brother Char●es duke of Normandy: Francis duke of Britany: and Charles duke of Burgundy, and desiring greatly to separate the last from the other two, to the end and might the better be revenged on them, solicited him by his ●mbassadors to come to conference with him, which the Duke ●●alded unto, so that the meeting might be in a town of his ●wne in the frontiers of Flanders and France, Lewis the 11. of France overtaken in his own policy. for his better secu●●ty: where with the King was well contented. The meeting ●●erfore being appointed at rosne( whither the Duke was come ●ith his army) and safe conduit sent to the king by a letter of ●●e dukes own hand, the king went thet●er without any for●es or guard, to show the confidence he had in the Duke, to the ●nd to oblige him the more, and to gain his good will. But the ●uke seing now his enemy in his power, and understanding at ●he same time, that Liege was revolted from him by the solicita●●on of certain ambassadors of the king, took him prisoner, ●nd would not release him until he had recovered the town of ●●ege, whither he forced him to accompany him with no small ●anger of his person And in the end having made him grant to ●ome hard conditions in favor of his confederates( against ●home the king had especially plotted that conference and ●reaty) he released him. 2. Now then who seeth not in this example, The manifest error of King Lewis. how grossly ●his great politic erred in two things, wherein it might be presumed that a man of any experience could not haue been 〈◇〉 ceaued. The one, that having employed certain agents or ●●bassadors, to stir up the town of Liege against the Duke, 〈◇〉 did not countermaund it, when he resolved to put himself in 〈◇〉 his hands; for who could be so simplo, as not to consider t●●● if the practise should take effect( as it did) whiles he should 〈◇〉 in his power, not only the peace and amity which he desired 〈◇〉 make, would be hindered thereby, but also his person enda●gered? For that the Duke should haue just cause to detain hi● at least until he had done him reparation of the wrong. 3. The other error was, that he would vpon any security 〈◇〉 safe conduit, put himself to the courtesy& mercy of his enem● without an urgent, and inevitable necessity; knowing how lit●●● assurance is many times in words or oaths, when present co●modity either private or public, is offered by the breach ther● Besides that, his own rule( which he was wont to say, 〈◇〉 al the latin he would haue his son to learn, What learning Lewes the 11. required in his son. to wit, Qui nes● dissimulare, nescit regnare He which knoweth not how to disse●ble, knoweth not how to reign) might haue moved him 〈◇〉 haue doubted in his enemy, that which he practised him selfe himself● and was apt enough to suspect in his best friends. And this he ha● just cause to fear in the Duke of Burgundy, whom he had dece●ued before by a false composition, which he made with him 〈◇〉 Constans,& broke presently after, whereby he had both incited& also taught him, to pay him with money of the same stam● Wherein may be noted as well his notable error, as also Go● providence and iustice in punishing his double dealing with t●● like, according to the saying of our saviour; Qua mensura,& ● What measure you shal make or give to others, mat. 7. the same shal be measure● or made to you again. 4. No less notable an example both of the one and of th● other, may be observed in Caesar Borgia duke of valemce, who●● great wisdom Machiauel so much admireth, Machia. princ. Caesar Borgia Du ● of valemce the pattern of machiauels prince: ouerthrowne by his own policy. that he maketh hi● a mirror and pattern for a prince; whom he might mo●● justly haue made a mirror of mischief, and pattern of al perfidiousness, cruelty and impiety. This Caesar being after the deat● of his father spoyled of al the estates that he had by force an● fraud laid to gather in Italy, and in danger as he thought o● his life, or liberty at least, Guicciat. hist. lib. 6. by the displeasure of Pope Iulius the se●ond that then reigned, resolved to fly for his security to Har●ando Goncales, general in the kingdom of Naples, for Ferdinando ●ing of arragon and Castile; forgetting, or not considering, the ●anifold causes of offence that he had given to him, and to the ●ing his master in sundry occasions, and so trusting to his safe ●onduict, he put himself into his hands, and was shor●ly after ●ent by him prisoner into spain, by order from the King; ●hereof Goncales excused himself, pretending that his faith and ●●fe conduit, ought not to hinder his execution of the King ●as maisters commandement, against whom he said he could ●ive no security: and so the Arch-politike of his time, who had ●y subti●it●& treachery, overthrown very many, was himself ●y God just iu●gment overreached, and( as I may term it) ●●●ipt in his own play, to his utter ruin and overthrow, as vpon ●n other occasion shalbe declared more amply hereafter. 5. Therfore what was become of al his accustomend craft? ●here were al those profound policies, that excellent iudg●ent, that sharpness of wit, How far a man may trust a reconciled enemy. those rare inventions that made him ●uch a worthy pattern of Machiauels prince? for whether we respect true wisdom, or the common craft and subtility of world●●e men( which is now commonly called machiavillian policy) and erred in the principles of both; for subtility and craft, which ●xcludeth al charity, teacheth so to distrust, as never to trust, ●or to pardon an enemy, nor to leave to hate, hurt,& reuenge, ●hen opportunity is offered, notwithstanding any reconciliation. Besides that, the malice of men so far extendeth itself in ●uch cases, that politics hold it not secure for him that doth offend any man, to trust him ever after. To which purpose the ●talian proverb saith. Chi offend non perdona may, whereby it is signified, that he which doth any notable injury to an other man, can never after with his own safety trust him, or yet spare ●im if he may overthrow him, for fear that at some time or other he may seek to be revenged; so that this Arch-politike according to the rules of his own art and profession, should haue never put his life into the hands of one whom he had once offended, and much less of an open enemy reconciled. 6. And as for true wisdom though it ever keep itself within the bounds of charity, and teacheth us not only 〈◇〉 p●●don, but also to love our enemies, yea and to do them 〈◇〉 pleasure we conveniently may; yet it so joineth the pruden● 〈◇〉 the serpent, with the simplicity of the dove, that it warneth us to b●ware of them, Seneca. A reconciled enemy not to be trusted. Ecclesiast. 12. and not to trust our lives or states in their hand● when we may avoid it, remembering ever the council of Se●●●● who saith. never beleeue that he will be faithful unto thee, who of 〈◇〉 enemy is become thy friend. Which also the Holy Ghost teacheth i● the book of Ecclesiasticus; where it is said. never beleeue or tr●●● thy enemy, for as old Iron groweth every day more rusty then other; so i●creaseth his rancour; and if he humble himself, and crouch unto thee, y●● haue an eye unto him, and keep thyself from him; place him not 〈◇〉 unto thee, least he put thee out of thy place, and make thee know to thy c●●● how true are my words. And again to the same purpose, Salom●● saith in his parables. proverb. 26. When thy enemy shal speak softly unto thee( th●● is to say) shal flatter thee or speak thee faire, then trust him not, 〈◇〉 then his hart is full of mischief. In al which the Holy Ghost instr●cteth, and adviseth us to be wary, but not malicious; to be ci●cumspect, but not suspicious; to haue an eye to a reconcile● enemy, but not to hate or hurt him, or to reuenge old wronge● Therefore Salomon counterpe useth the foresaid doctrine with pr●ceptes of compassion,& charity towards our enemies, saying When they enemy falleth, proverb: 24. be not glad therof, and let not thy hart rejoice 〈◇〉 his ruin, least our Lord seeing it, be displeased with thee, and turn 〈◇〉 wrath from him. proverb: 25. And in an other place; if thy enemy( saith he) 〈◇〉 hungry, give him meat, if he be thirsty give him drink, and thou sh●● cast coals vpon his head, and our Lord shal reward thee, Thus far th● king and prophet, Rom. 12. whose words S. Paul also reciteth, and o● saviour confirmeth by his commandement; saying; love yo●● enemies, and do good to them which hate you. &c. 7. Thus then we see how true wisdom, and Christian ch●rity concur, and how the prudence of the serpent, is to be joined with the simplicity of the dove, In what manner we may distrust our enemies. in so distrusting our enemies that we leave not to love them, and yet loving them s● that we trust them no further then may stand with our ow● safeti●, ever fearing the malice of mans nature, which is so abstruse a●d hidden, that no man can be assured of his best fren● and much less of a reconciled enemy. In which respect, it i● wisdom so to love and trust our friends that we remember ●●thal, that they may become our enemies; Seneca. ep. 3. And therefore Seneca ●●uiseth us so to live, that our actions may be as justifiable ●fore our friends as before our enemies. To which purpose ●o the Holy Ghost in the book of Ecclesiastes saith: Ab ini●cis tuis seperare,& ab amicis tuis attend. Eccles. 6. separate thyself from ●y enemies, and beware even of thy friends. And in an other ●●ce; A filijs tuis& domesticis attend. Eccles. 32. Take heed of thy own ●●ildren, and of thy how should seruants; which nevertheless not to be understood, as though a man should trust no body, ●hich were not only a miserable case, but also extreme folly. ●●r as Seneca saith. It is as foul a fault, and as great a folly in a man, to ●eue and trust no body, as to beleeue and trust every man: and many, Seneca. ep. 5. No less folly to distrust al men then to trust every man. Plut: in Dion. o he, whiles they fear to be deceived, do teach men to deceive them, ●●ging them justly there unto, by suspecting them wrongfully. The which ●●●tark also confirmeth saying; That fools for lack of wit to provide ●erwayes for their own security, do think it the safest and wisest ●●y to distrust al men, and so in the end they procure their own ruin. 8. Therefore in this point of confidence, and diffidence ●●e wisdom consisteth( as al virtue doth) in the mean, to wit, ●●at we nether trust, nor distrust al men, How distrust may be called the mother of security. nether commit our ●●●ess and whole estate to any mans will and pleasure, but only in and of necessity, and then also to make discreet choice of ap●●oued, wise, and virtuous friends, but never of a reconciled ●●emie. And in this sense it is well and wisely said; that Diffiden● est matter secu●itatis; Distrust is the mother of security. 9. How distrust and suspicion may stand with true prudence and charity. Cor. 13. Chrisost: hom. 33. in. 1. Cor. 13. But now perhaps you will ask me how the rule of perfect ●aritie, and of true prudence can agree herein, seeing charity as Paul saith: non cogitat malum; doth not think any evil, that is 〈◇〉 say( as S. chrysostom expoundeth it) suspecteth no evil; how ●●en can I distrust my reconciled enemy, but I must suspect ●●at he will betray me? Whereto I answer, that two things are 〈◇〉 be considered in charity, the one that it beginneth at a mans ●●fe, for no man is bound so to love an other, that he hurt him ●●fe: the other is, that as S. Paul testifieth also of charity, 1. Cor. 13. non ●it perperam: it doth nothing foolishly or unadvisedly. For 〈◇〉 S. chrysostom saith, expounding the same place, Charitas non ●t temeraria, &c: charity is not rash and heady, for it maketh a man wise, grave, and constant. 10. Now then to show how suspicion is excluded from t●● prudent circumspection, which charity admitteth, it is to 〈◇〉 understood, How suspicion is excluded from prudent circumspection. that I may be wary and circumspectly, though I 〈◇〉 not suspect, but only vpon a general supposition of mans or●●narie frailty and malice, and the inscrutabillity of his hart, I 〈◇〉 in a doubtful case take the surest way, to wit, that although, verily hope that my reconciled enemy be so good, and ho● a man, that there resteth no malice in his hart towards me● nevertheless I will be so considerat and provident, that put t●● case he should haue the will to hurt me, yet he shal not haue t●● opportunity or occasion to do it by any act of mine: in whi●● sense our english proverb may be well understood, which sai●● If my friend betray me, I beshrew him; but if my enemy betray me, I besh●●● myself. And this advised and wary proceeding is so far fro● breach of charity, that it standeth well with al kind of love 〈◇〉 friendship, betwixt friend and friend, father, and child, brot●●● and brother, man and wife, prince and subject. And therfore respect that it seemeth to include some kind of suspicion, 〈◇〉 withal admitteth al charitable affection it is called by some, Be●●uola suspitio, a friendly or loving suspicion: in which sense S. C●●●sostome saith. Chrisost. hom. de S. Susanna. Maleuola suspitiones sunt calumniantium; beneuola s●●pitiones sunt gubernantium; malicious suspicions are proper to C●lumniatours; beneuolous, and friendly suspicions belong to G●uernours. 11. Therefore to return to duke Valentin, hereby we may 〈◇〉 that he was destitute, not only of true wisdom, but also of wit, and reasonable discourse, when he, in whose hands, 〈◇〉 brother or friend could ever be secure, expected security in 〈◇〉 hands of his enemy, and persuaded himself, that faith sho●●● be kept with him, who had never kept it with any man. But ●●cause I shal haue more occasion to ●peake of him hereafter, I 〈◇〉 pass to a modern example of mans ignorance and weakness, 〈◇〉 the miserable end of Monsieur Chastillon, Monsieur chastilion. Admiral 〈◇〉 France fought his own destruction. Admiral of France 〈◇〉 sacred at Paris, who for the great opinion of his wisdom 〈◇〉 prudence, had the conduct of al the affairs of the Protesta●● in France, some yeeres in the first troubles in the time of Ki●● Charles the 9. 12. when after some yeares of cruel war in France betwixt ●●e catholics, and the Protestants, peace was concluded in the ●●are 1570.& for the better assurance thereof, a marriage agreed ●●on betwixt the most Christian King that now reigneth, ●●en called King of Nauare, and the sister of Charles the 9. ●●en King of France, al the chief heads, and leaders of the Pro●●stants, were invited by the King to the court, aswell for the ●●●emnization of the marriage, The massaker of Protestants at Paris an. 1570. as for the confirmation of the ●ace, whereupon there was held an assembly of the Protestants Rochel, to determine whether it were convenient that they ●ould al go to the court or no, and it seeming good unto them ●●at some of the principal, especially the Admiral should stay at ●●me to prevent the worst, in case there should be any double ●●aling on the kings part, the Admiral only was of opinion that was convenient they al,& especially he himself should go,& ●eaged many reasons to that purpose; and finding them neuer●●elesse unwilling thereto the put them in mind how oft he had ●●alded to them, contrary to his own opinion in diuers con●●●tations, and therfore requested them, that in this they would ●●ndescend unto him, not doubting but it would turn to the ●●blike benefit of their cause. well, to be brief, they yielded ●●to him, rather to satisfy his importunity, then for any liking ●●ey had thereto, and so he went with the rest, and within a few ●●yes after their arrival at Paris, both he and they al( excepting ●●me two or three that escaped by chance) were slain, by order 〈◇〉 the King 13. Who seeth not here an evident example of mans igno●●nce& weakness, in the Admiral, who having in so many occasi●●s before this time of his overthrow, shewed himself so ●●udent and provident, that he could nether be overcome by ●●rce, nor circumvented by fraud had not now so much wit, The error of the Admiral of France. 〈◇〉 to follow the wise aduise of o●hers, but thought it safe and ●●●cure for him and them, to adventure( as a man may say) al their ●●ods in one bottom, yea and without any necessity to put ●●em selves to the mercy of a sovereign King whom they had 〈◇〉 highly and so many ways offended. And this may be the more ●ondered at in the Admiral, Estien, Pasqui●● lib. 5. epist. for that in the beginning of the ●●cond troubles, he wisely foresaw the like danger, and inconvenience to himself, and warily avoided it. For, the 〈◇〉 having got some inkling of the Protestants intention to 〈◇〉 new broils, and fearing most the Admiral in respect of 〈◇〉 great iudgement and experience, both in matter of war 〈◇〉 peace, sent unto him Monsieur du Tore his cousin to adur● him that he had great and important affairs to communi●●● with him, wherein he would gladly haue his aduise, and therefore desired him to repair to the court with speed; The A●miral hearing the message and suspecting( as it should seem that the King ment no good towards him, said to Monsieur 〈◇〉 Tore, The answer of the admirable of France to the King. that he should tel the King from him, that there were 〈◇〉 Count Egmonds in France; meaning that he would not suffer his he● to be out of so easily as Count Egmond had done lately before Flanders. And this was al the answer he would give him; w●●●●by it appeareth how circumspectly he was and suspicious of 〈◇〉 King, when as yet he had given him fatre less cause of offe● then afterwards when he had the second time rebelled ag●●●● him yea and forced him to make a dishonourable peace, and 〈◇〉 notwithstanding he could not be dissuaded from putting h●● self and al the rest of his friends into his hands; The first below that God giveth a wicked man, when he will destroy him, is in the brain. so blind is 〈◇〉 wit and iudgement of man, when God determineth to punish him, for then the first blow that God commonly giveth him, is in the brain, whereby he taketh from him his iudgement, that he may run headlong vpon his own ruin, Psal. 9. and as the Psalmist saith of the sinner, be over reached in his own plots and inventions. ●Y OCCASION OF THE FORMER EXAMples, it is debated in the next chapter, whether the Emperour Charles the 5. did prudently in passing through France, vpon a safe conduct; and of the danger he was in, and how he escaped. Also the error of Henry the 3. King of France, in the slaughter of the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal. CHAP. 4. IT shal not be amiss to consider here, The passage of Charles the fifth through France into Flanders. Surius in commentario rerum in orb gestarum anno. 1539. by the occasion of these examples, whether the most valiant, prudent, and pious Emperour Charles the 5. committed an error or no, when after many yeares war, betwixt him, and Francis the first of that name King of France, and the said ●●ings disgrace at Pauia, and his imprisonment in spain, he passed ●otwithstandinge through France vpon a safe conduct given him 〈◇〉 the King, to give remedy to the tumults lately before raised 〈◇〉 gaunt: wherein the good success, aswell of his safe passage as of and speedy pacification of those troubles, may seem to be no ●ale argument of his prudent designment; nevertheless waigh●●g the matter according to reason of state,& not according to ●●e success( which depending wholly on the hand of God is ●any times good& fortunate, though the council and design●ent be imprudent) I can not approve his resolution therein, for ●●e reasons above declared, and the extreme danger that he ex●osed himself unto, and the small profit he could expect to ●eape thereby, incomparison of the damage that might haue ●ucceded to him and his estate, if he had been made away, or ●etained. For although it imported him very much, presently to ●uench that fire kindled in Flanders, before it should grow to 〈◇〉 greater combustion; yet the danger therof was not so great, as ●ould haue been in the inconvenience of his death or imprison●ent, if it should haue chanced. 2. For; the revolt of the country might haue been remedied either by force, or perhaps by faire means, as long as he 〈◇〉 life and liberty: but the other had been remediless; and the gr●●test detriment that could befalle him;& therfore not to be ●●uentured vpon, but only when it could not be avoyded 〈◇〉 this no doubt, was his own opinion when he came into 〈◇〉 being admonished of his great danger, not only by his sister th● queen of France, but also( as some men think) by the Kin● own son the Dolphin, The dangers that Charles the 5. escaped in pasing through France. Surius ibidem. who in respect of the good affection 〈◇〉 did bear him, from the time that he had been hostage for 〈◇〉 father in spain, cast himself up behind the Emperour vpon 〈◇〉 horse, at his first arriualle before he alight( under colour to gi●● him a familiar welcome)& clapped him vpon the shoulder, sayi●● unto him openly and merrily, weld thyself Emperour; but af●●● told him secretly in his ear of the councells resolution to 〈◇〉 him, whereupon the Emperour thinking it necessary to ga●● madam d'Estampes( who was greatly favoured by the King, 〈◇〉 thought to be his enemy) took occasion as he was talki●● with her, to let fall before her a rich diamond as it were 〈◇〉 chance, and when she of courtesy took it up to restore it vn●● him, he would not receive it again at her hands, but intre●ted her to accept it as his gift, whereby( as also by his go● persuasions) it is thought he procured her friendship, whi●● concurring with the endeavours of his sister the queen of Fran●● and his own good diligences done with diuers of the Counc●● was thought to facilitate his escape. 3. But who, or whatsoever was the means therof, it is 〈◇〉 to be doubted, but that it proceeded principally from the pro●●dence and mercy of almighty God towards him. To whi●● purpose it is to be considered, that it was reported not only 〈◇〉 his own servants, but also by the Embasadours of Flanders th● attended vpon him in al that journey, that he spent 2. or 3. how● every night in prayer vpon his knees, Surius ibid. The great devotion of Charles the fifth. & as much every morni●● secretly in his chamber: in regard whereof, and of the gre●● service he had done, and was to do to Gods Church, it may 〈◇〉 presumed that God did specially favour& protect him, wher●of it pleased his divine majesty also to give public testimon● by delivering him twice whiles he was in France from euide●● danger of death; the one time from stifling in a smoke, th●● vpon a sudden was raised in great abundance by an arteficial ●●●e, vpon a steer, as he was going from his chamber, Idem. Ibid. and an ●ther time from the fall of a great board that light some part of it upon his head and broke it. And although it might haue been ●●●●eaued that these things proceeded of some practise( in ●hich respect the King would haue punished the authors therof 〈◇〉 death, for the better satisfaction of the Emperour) yet he ●ould not suffer it, but obtained their pardons. 4. By these dangers,& the happy escape of the Emperour( in●●riour in wisdom to no prince in his time) three things may e●●dently be gathered. The first, his error: the second, th'in firmity ●nd weakness of mans wit: the third, Gods most merciful and ●rouident care in the preservation of his servants, Why God suffereth his seruants to fall into dangers. whom he ●●ffereth some time to err and to fall into great dangers and dif●●culties; partly for their humiliation, and to exercise their ●ith, patience, and confidence in him, for their greater merit; ●●d partly to make manifest aswell to themselves as to al others, ●●e loving care he hath of them, and that as the Psalmist saith; ●lus servorum à Domino,& protector eorum in tempore tribulationis. Psal: 36. ●he health and salvation of just men, is from our Lord, and he is ●heir protector in the time of trouble. Here then may al Princes ●earne of this prudent and pious Emperour, what is their best ●emedie in like cases of danger, to wit, to haue recourse, as he ●ad, to almighty God, and to crave his assistance, reposing them ●elues always vpon his merciful providence, and saying with ●he worthy King and Prophet. Oculi mei semper ad Dominum, Psal; 24. quo●iam ipse euellet de laqueo pedes meos, that is to say; My eyes are always upon our Lord, for he will deliver my feet from the snare. 5. I might add to the errors in this kind, The error of Henry the third of France, in the slaugther of the Duke& Cardinal of Guise anno. 1588. diuers other ex●mples, notorious in this age, but I omit them for breuityes ●ake, to speak a word or two of henry the 3. King of France, and ●f his error and want of iudgment in the slaughter of the Duke, ●nd the Cardinal of Guise, whereof I am able to say much of my ●wne knowledge, for that I was at the same time in his court ●nd palace at Blays in the service of his mother; and wondered ●ot a little to see& hear, many that were acompted very wisemen, applaud to the kings act, as most prudent and necessary, ●n so much that when any man urged that it was against conscience to kill them in that manner especially the Cardinal, 〈…〉 commonly answered, That reason of state required it. Which 〈◇〉 moved me to think even then vpon writing some disco●●● concerning the necessary concurrence of the reason of 〈◇〉 with conscience and religion, though I haue not had oppo●●●nitie to perform it until now. 6. nevertheless leaving apart the consideration whe●● the act was in itself lawful or no, and weighing the circ●●stances therof, The great affection of the people of France to the duke of Guise and the Cardinal. only according reason of state; I think no 〈◇〉 will deny, that the King knowing the aversion, and aliena●●●● of his people from himself, their exceeding great affection 〈◇〉 the Duke of Guise& to al the princes of his family, and the c●●federacie of al the principal towns of France with them; y●● and with the Pope and the catholic King( for the defence of C●tholike Religion, in respect of the favor that the King of Fra●●● had shewed to the Protestants both at home and abroad) 〈◇〉 man( I say) will deny, but that he should in al reason haue s●ficiently provided himself of money and forces, before he ●●solued to kill the Duke,& especially the Cardinal, in such an odio●● manner as he did, whereby he was sure to incur the censu●● of the Church, and thereby to give a sufficient pretext to 〈◇〉 own subiects to take arms against him, and to foreign Princ●● to assist them. 7. But he was at that time so unprovided of al means, to r●presse the fury of his enemies,& to defend himself, that a pr●●cipal man about him, who at the first did greatly approve his 〈◇〉 told me within a few daies after, that he had greatly ouers●●● himself, in doing it at such a time, when he had nether 〈◇〉 principal town at his commandment, nor forces in the feil●● nor money in his purse: which was indeed most true, as I 〈◇〉 testify vpon my own knowledge. For as for the towns, 〈◇〉 of the chief and next unto him, The revolt of the principal capitains of France against henry the third. to wit, orleans whereof he 〈◇〉 counted himself most sure( by reason that the gouerno● therof was wholly at his devotion& the Citadel in his hand) 〈◇〉 the very first that declared itself against him, within less th● 2. daies after the act; the example whereof, Paris, Roane, and al t●● Parlamental, and other principal towns presently followed, in 〈◇〉 much that there never passed 3. or 4. daies but there was new● of the revolt of some one great town or other; whereupon en●●ed so great necessity and poverty, not only to the King, but ●o to al the nobility in his court, that I think the like hath sel●●me been seen in the court of any prince. For the towns sea●●g presently,& intercepting in their jurisdiction al the kings ●ts, and receipts, and the goods and revenues of al such as ●ere with him, reduced them to such necessity, that they were ●●●ced to coin their plate into money, and yet nevertheless ●thin a while they had not wherewith to buy themselves ●ate; In so much that the greatest and richest prince of France, ●s forced to borrow of one of his own chaplains al the money 〈◇〉 had, which was but 30. The great misery and necessity of the King of France, and al his court. crownes as the priest himself told 〈◇〉) and the queen was constrained to sand away almost al her ●●dies, and maides:( who in respect they were women were ●●fered by the towns to pass) and the King for his parte was ●bate of money, as I understood by one of his treasures who ●s my great friend, that for the remedy of his necessity, and furnish the expense of his remove to Tours( whither he was ●●●ced to fly) he had no other means but to make three new ●●●icers, vpon condition to provide him amongst them 30. thou●●●d crownes, which was al the stock and store he had for that ●●●sent, to sustain the weight of so great a war, as he had by 〈◇〉 own oversight drawn vpon himself. ●. And for his forces, it appeared presently how weak they ●re, for al his guards and such other souldiers as he then had ●●die, or could weak in 2. or 3. months space, being sent to ●●●eance to assist the citadel( which held for him against the ●wne) were so few in number, that vpon the first news of Mon●●r du M●yenes march thitherward with no more then 3. or 4. ●●ousand men, they abandoned the citadel; yea and the King ●●m self was fain to fly down the river in al hast to Tours, Henry the 3. of France his confederacy with the Protestants and the success therof. ●ere after some time he was forced( for want of other remedy) 〈◇〉 take the resolution to join with the Protestants, which ●●ough it increased his forces, for the present, yet it so redou●●ed the hatred and fury of his enemies, that it did accelerate 〈◇〉 destruction, which shortly followed, as I shal haue occasion 〈◇〉 declare more particularly other where. 9. Herein thou maiest observe( good Reader) how this great King( who in cunning subtlety and al machiavillian policy 〈◇〉 inferior to none in this age) erred nevertheless most absurd●● that which a man would now think a child would hardly 〈◇〉 been deceived in; so easily is an error seen when it is past, 〈◇〉 so hard to be foreseen, and prevented, especially where p●●● reigneth, from the which very few men, or none are free in ●●ters that touch themselves. But because I shal haue occas●●● to speak also hereafter of other errors of particular men, I 〈◇〉 ad to the former some examples of the errors of whole Coun●●● and Senates. OF ERRORS COMMITTED BY WHO●● demonstrates, namely of Rome, and Venice, with the conclus●●● of the premises; and an admonition to the politics, concern●●● their folly and ingratitude towards almighty God. CHAP. 5. WHAT marvel is it that particular men, 〈◇〉 they never so wise, be overseen in matters state, seeing that the most wise and gra●● demonstrates haue also erred therein many time● whereof I will for brevities sake, allea●●● only 3. or 4. examples. Cicero reporteth that Senat of Rome having taken great sums of money of certa●● tributary cities to make them free, An error of the Senate of Rome. forced them after to 〈◇〉 their old tribute without restoring to them the money that t●● had paid for their freedom, Cicero li. 3 de officijs. which he saith was; Turpe impe● A shane to their empire; Piratarum enim( saith he) melior f●●● des, quam senatus; For the faith of pirates, was better then the Fa●●● of the Senat. 2. This then being so great a fraud that in any well gou●●ned commonwealth it could not pass unpunished in priu●●● men, must needs be a foul and shameful fault in a whole S●nate, not only for the injustice of the fact, but also for the en● they committed in government, to wit, in giuing to their s●●iects an example of fraudulent, and deceitful dealing, which ●●ing, as it were, authorized by their public act, would the ●●re easily insinuate itself into the commonwealth, to the great ●●●riment therof. To which purpose Cicero saith; Cicero. lib. 3. de legibus. Princes and go●●●●ors, when they offend, do not only endamage the commonwealth, in ●●●t they are corrupted themselves, but also in that they corrupt others, and 〈◇〉 more by their evil example, then by the offence itself. 3. Seeing then nothing can be more pernicious to any state ●●en that fraud and injustice should haue course therein) for, as ●●●ero saith Faith is the foundation of iustice, Cicero: office. lib. 1.& 2. and iustice the stay of ●●●te) the roman Senate did err most absurdly in opening the ●●●e to al kind of cozenage in the commonwealth by their own ●●●mple, besides the loss of reputation which must needs fol●●w therof to their empire, as well with their own subiects, also with their friends and confederates; a thing so dange●●us to state, that the same Senat informer times, being better ●●uised, Restitution made by the Senate of Rome, to the Ardeatines. T. livius. Dec. 1. li. 4. Idem. Dec. 1. li. 3. did make restitution and reparation of like wrongs to ●●couer their credit with their confederates and friends, and ●●erfore they restored to the Ardeatins, a piece of land which the ●●ople of Rome had against al reason and equity adiudged and ●●ken to themselves some yeares before, when the said Ar●●●tins, and the Aricinians being in controversy for that land, ●●d remitted themselves and their cause to their iudgment. 4. Likewise at other times the Senate resolved to deliver ●ost notable men, to their enemies, The great care the Romans had of their credit and reputation. rather then to infringe iu●●●ce, and incur the infamy of fraud, and deceit; In which ●●spect, T. Verturius, and Spurius Posthumus both of them consuls ●●d T. Mutius, and Quintus Aemilius tribunes of the people, were ●●liuered prisoners to the Samnites, Cicero. li. 3. de officijs. rather then the Senat would ●●●tify the peace they had made with them; Besides that the fa●ous Consul, M. Attilius Regulus being taken prisoner in Africke dismissed vpon condition that the prisoners of the Carthagi●ns should be also delivered, was by his own motion sent ●●ck by the Senat, because they nether thought good, to de●●●er the prisoners, nor yet to lose their credit, and reputation 〈◇〉 iustice, by recovery of their Consul, contrary to the con●●tion. 5. But perhaps you will say that the error which I here reprove, was committed when the commonwealth was g●●●●●●● corruption, and declined from the integrytie of vert●● 〈◇〉 iustice wherein it flourished in former times; therfore 〈◇〉 consider the same commonwealth in her purity, I mean in 〈◇〉 beginning about 120. yeares after the expulsion of the Ki●● For although the Senat did at that time give many notable ●●amples of singular prudence and exact iustice; yet it failed s●● times in both, to the great damage of the state. An other error of the Roman Senate. 6. When Brennus the britain( as some say) being Capta●● of the Gaules that pasted into italy, besieged a town ca●● Clusium, beyond the Alpes, and demanded of the inhabita●● some parte of their territory; the Clusians finding them sel●● to weak to resist them, The siege of Clusium by the Gaules. craved succour of the Romans, who 〈◇〉 ambassadors to treat peaceably with the Gaules in their beha●● during which treaty and siege, there chanced to pass some 〈◇〉 of hostility betwixt the Gaules& the Clusians, wherein the G●●●●● perceived that the Roman ambassadors contrary to the law 〈◇〉 arms, had born arms against them, and killed a princi●●● parsonage of theirs; whereupon they presently sent to R●●●● to require the romans to punish their ambassadors for re●●ration of the wrong which they had done them; But the Se●tours although( as livy confesseth) they knew well enough t●● the Gaules demanded no more then was reasonable, T. livius Dec. 1. li. 5. y● they were partly so partial in the behalf of their Embassado●● and partly so confident of their own forces, that they not o● refused to do them iustice, but also made the same Embassad●● Generals of an army to be sent to succour the Clusians. Vpon 〈◇〉 knowledge whereof the Gaules were incensed with such fu●● that calling God and man to witness of the wrong, they prese●●ly raised their siege from Clusium, and went directly in al ha●● Rome, Rome sacked and spoyled by the Gaules. and by the way overthrew the army of the romans, en●●● the city, sacked, spoiled, and burnt it, with the greatest da●mage& disgrace to their state, that ever the Romans received 〈◇〉 the space of above 1100. yeares after that Rome was built, I me●● until the first sack thereof by the Goths. 7. The which may be ascribed partly to Gods just iudgme●● in punishing their injustice,& partly to their error, in that 〈◇〉 to much contemned so huge an army of so valiant people, a● 〈◇〉 exasperate them by open injuries,& to draw them vpon them ●●lues with redoubled fury, whereas they should in al reason of ●●te, haue sought to pacify and divert them by al convenient ●eanes, considering that he is not wise that feareth not the ●●ubtful events of war, especially at home, where the victory 〈◇〉 an enemy is most dangerours, and in this case most of al, where ●●e whole state was to be adventured against an outrageous mul●●tude of desperat vagabonds that had nothing to loose; so that ●●is error was no less costly to the commonwealth, then inexcu●●ble in the Senate. 8. Hereto I might ad diuers examples, of the Senat of Venice to ●●e which Guicciaidin saith, Guicciard: hist li. 4. It is fatal some yeeres to be deceived diuers ●●nes. But two examples shal suffice, the first may be their reso●●tion to make league with Lewis the 12. King of France, to assist ●●m in the conquest of Milane against Lodouicus Sforza Duke ●●ereof, following the opinion of Antonius Grimanni, Ibid. li. 4. hist. which Guic●●●rdin saith proceeded partly of passion, and partly of a desire to 〈◇〉 large their dominions, by joining Cremona to the rest of their ●●●tes in Italy, The error of the Venetians in making league with Lewis the 12. of France. notwithstanding that Marchio Treuisano had dis●aded the same with most strong and pregnant reasons, repre●●nting unto them by examples then fresh in memory, how dan●●rous it would be for them, to bring the French into Italy, and 〈◇〉 haue so potent a neighbour in the state of Miliane as a King of ●●ance, whereof they saw the effect shortly after, when King ●●wis had it in his possession; For then were they in such fear 〈◇〉 his forces, that they durst deny him nothing that he deman●ed of them, as Guicciardin noteth, Guicciard. li. 4. in fine. in their delivering of Cardinal ●scanius brother to duke Lodouicus, and of Baptista viscount and ●●uers other noble men of Milane who had put themselves into ●●eir protection, vpon their public safe conduct, with express ●ention of safeguard against the French. 9. An other error of theirs more dangerous, and damma●ble unto them then the former; was, their great oversight, as●el in their unadvised proceedings towards their confederate ●●d friend Francis the first of that name King of France, Guicciard. li. 8. initio. The erour of the Venetian in joining with K. Francis of France. as also in ●●e injuries which they did to the Pope,& the Emperour Maximi●●an, whereby they drove them al, that before were divided, to ●●ite themselves with the King of Castile and diuers other princes against them in the league of Cambray. ●n. 1●0●. And nevertheless 〈◇〉 the Pope demanded of them the restitution of a town or two his, vpon condition not to enter into that league, nor to ra●● the same, but rather to procure the dissolution therof, they ●●fused it, by the persuasion of Dominicus Treuisano Procurator 〈◇〉 S. Marks, though other of the gravest and wisest senators 〈◇〉 of contrary opinion: Therfore the issue of the matter w●● that al these princes joining their forces together accordi●● to their agreement, spoyled them of al their possessions in Ital● and divided the same amongst themselves, and had prosecut●● their victory further, if the Pope had not been a mediator 〈◇〉 them, and procured their peace vpon their humble submission 〈◇〉 the Emperour, whom they most wronged. 10. Seing then these famous and renowned Senates consisti●● of so many wise and grave men, A consideration of mans imbecility, and weakness of wit, and of the need he hath of Gods direction. haue committed so gross err●●● to their own great prejudice, and danger of their state; w●●● assurance can any man haue of mans wit, plots,& defygnme●● if he confided either in himself alone, or in the only coun●● and iudgment of man. And therfore considering what I ha●● here before discoursed concerning the condition and state 〈◇〉 man, his natural subiection, servitude, and bondage, to his L●● God and Creator, his dependence vpon his holy will and pr●uidence, his frailty and imbecility, his blindness of wit, 〈◇〉 weakness of iudgement, his frequent errors, be he never so wis● and lastly his necessity in respect of al this, to crave, and ha●● his Lord and Creators assistance, direction, and protection; h●●● vngratful and simplo are those men that presume so far of the●● own wits and sufficiency, that nether for their private, nor 〈◇〉 public affairs, they make any account of Gods help or ●●sistance? The ingratitude of such as do not acknowledge the bounty of God towards them. vngratful( I say) for that having good partes and ●●lents, and many temporal blessings, which nature and rea●●● teacheth them not to be( as I haue said before) of their o●● purchase and provision, but of the liberality and bounty 〈◇〉 ●●mighty God, they do nevertheless so admire the gift, that th●● forget the giver, and so enjoy the benefit, that they do not 〈◇〉 much as thank him that bestowed it vpon them; yea and 〈◇〉 steede of thankes, praise, honor and service which they o●● him, do render him contempt, dishonour, and disseruice. A●● therfore no marvel if almighty God, in punishment of so great ●●gratitude, do give them over many times, to a reprobate ●●se, to the end, that as they offend him by an overweening of ●●eir own wisdom, so they may be punished, yea and perish 〈◇〉 their own folly; This ingratitude of man, Aug. lib. Soliloq. S. Augustine wor●●●ly calleth; The roote of al spiritual evil, the dry and burning wind ●●●t blasteth al our corn, and stoppeth up the fountain of Gods mercy ●●●ards vs. 11. But herein appeareth not only the ingratitude, but also ●●e extreme folly of such men( be they accounted never so ●se) seeing that their weakness and imbecility is so manifest ●uen to themselves if they list to consider it) that they may ea●●●y perceive that they are not absolute of themselves, The extreme folly of such as trust wholly in themselves. but that ●●ey depend vpon a higher power, and yet nevertheless they are unadvised, as to cast themselves into the innumerable dangers, ●●d difficulties of this world without regard, yea with contempt ●●d offence of him, on whom they depend, and who only can ●●●●ect, and guide them aright; wherein they may be compared to me simplo& self-willed fellow, that will needs put himself 〈◇〉 sea in a terrible tempest without a pilot, or undertake a journey ●●rough a dangerous desert in a dark night, either without a ●ide, or else having a dear and loving friend to guide him, dieth him so unkindly, and contemptuously by the way, that 〈◇〉 forceth him to forsake him in the midst of the wilderness, ●●d so perisheth worthily through his own folly, and in●●atitude. ●2. Therefore I conclude with this notable sentence of S. Au●●●tin, speaking to man. Thou receauest( saith he) the benefit, Aug. li. 4. meditat. dost not acknowledge th'author thereof; the gift is manifest& ●●ough the giver be hiden, yet thy own reason may teach ●●ee, that it is not thy due, but the gift of an other: And ther●●re whosoever the giver be, thou mayst think, that as he hath ●●stowed exceeding much vpon thee; so he hath loved thee much, ●●ing he would give thee so much; And this being so, A notable discourse of S. Austen concerning the ingratitude of man towards God. what ex●●eame folly is it, not to seek and desire the love of such a po●●t and kind lover, and what perverse ingratitude, and impiety ●it, not to love one that loues thee so exceedingly? If then thou ●●e and esteem his gifts, love him that bestowed them vpon thee, and love them as things that are subject to thee; an● things that should serve thee, as pledges of thy spouse, as g●●● of thy friend, as benefits of thy Lord; and so as thou mayst 〈◇〉 be mindful how much thou art his debtor, yea and love his g●●● not for themselves, but for his sake, not together with 〈◇〉 but for him;& lastly love them so, that thou mayst love him, 〈◇〉 them, and above them. Thus saith this famous and learned ●ther, which I wish al men would print in their hartes, and p●●ctise in their works, for so should their, councells and delibe●●tions be more free from error, and their actions from il succe●● the which many times is not so properly the fruit of mans in●●●mitie, as a punishment of God for sin, as it may appear by 〈◇〉 examples already alleged, and shal more plainly hereafte● when I shal purposely treat of Gods iustice. Chap. 16.17.18.19.20.21.22. THE INSVFFICIENCY OF MANS WIT● and policy, for the government of commonwealth, is proved 〈◇〉 the nature of commonwealth, to wit, by the natural mutabilli●●& instabillity therof, exemplified briefly in Empires, kingdoms and other estates. CHAP. 6. HItherto I haue laboured to show the insu●●ciency of mans wit for the government of co●monwelth by the natural infirmity of man now I will prove the same by the nature commonwealth itself, which is a thing mutable, so intricate, so full of difficulties, subject to accidents, unpossible to be foreseen and preuent● and hanging, as a man may say, vpon so many gymmols, that 〈◇〉 human wit or power, is of itself able to assure& establish 〈◇〉 The natural mutability and instability of commonwealth. 2. For the proof hereof, we are first to consider the nature mutabillity and instabillity of commonwealth, which consisti●● of men, must needs be subject to the same mutation and corruption, whereto al men and human things are subject, by 〈◇〉 inviolable decree and law of God, the author of nature, w●● hath irrevocably ordained, that whatsoever is compounded ei●●er naturally of elements, or artificially by the industry of men ●●al be dissolved; and that whatsoever groweth and increaseth ●●al decrease& perish. And therfore we see that al earthly ●●inges haue their beginning, their growth and increase, their ●te and consistance, their declination and decay,& finally their ●●ssolution. For besides infinite external causes by the which ●●ey are sooner or later corrupted, and consumed, every thing ●eedeth in itself an internal sickness, which in the end doth ●euitably bring it to corruption. The Iron and other metals, ●eed a rust; the corn& other fruit, a worm; the cloath, a moth, ●ens bodies and other living creatures, diseases which destroy ●●em in the end, and so in like sort, commonwealth engendereth itself, disorders, discord, and dissension, which sooner or la●●r bring it to ruin. 3. For the better explication hereof, The nature of commonwelth. and of the nature of ●●mmonwelth, it is further to be noted, that as the health and ●●tegritie of every thing that is compounded of different and ●●●trary qualities, consisteth in the equal temperature of the said ●●alities; so of the distemperature and inequality thereof, grow●●h the corruption and dissolution of the said compound. For ●here there is a continual conflict of contrarieties( every one ●orking according to his own nature and property) it can not 〈◇〉, but that in time one will abound, and an other decay, one ●eare and wast an other, and so in the end one overcome, and ●●tinguish th'other, whereby the composition must needs soo●er or later be dissolved. 4. And this we see verified, not only in al natural bodies, ●ompounded of contrary humors, or elements( as in men, ●easts, herbs, trees, plants, and such like) but also in the poli●●ke body, that is to say in commonwealth itself, Wherein and of whom a commonwelth consisteth. consisting in ●he combination of persons of different sexes, orders, degrees, ●nd qualities; as of men, and women, prince and subject, rich ●nd poor, noble and base, bound and free, good and bad, and of ●nnumerable particular men, differing amongst themselves in ●rofession of life, faculties, trades, and occupations, in manners ●nd affections, and yet al united, and combined together in the ●ommunion of one law, and government. Wherefore even as mens bodies, being compact of contrary elements, and 〈◇〉 with different, and contrary humors, are so much the 〈◇〉 healthful, sound, and durable, by how much the said hu●●●● are better and more equally tempered amongst them sel●●( which nevertheless can never haue such an exact and per● temperature, but that in time they will consume one an oth●● and consequently destroy the body with the affect) even so 〈◇〉 politic body, that is to say the commonwealth, is so much 〈◇〉 sounder, and flourisheth the longer, by how much the tempe●●ture of the different orders and degrees therein, is better, 〈◇〉 more equally composed. plate. 8. de repub. Which temperature Plato calleth: 〈◇〉 harmony consisting in an equal and concordant disparity, or inequali●● wherewith the commonwealth is( as it were with a certain bond) knit and united in itself. 5. But for as much as it is not possible, that the said polit●●● harmony and consonance, can be for ever preserved in the co●tinual discord and conflict of contrary degrees, humors, incli●●tions, affections and passions; it must needs follow that 〈◇〉 bond, that is to say, the harmony being interrupted and broken the commonwealth shal fall to disorder, and consequently deca●● As both Aristotle and Plato do teach, Arist: li. 5. Poli. ca. 12. Plato. de Rep. li. 80. and is also most manifest the experience of al ages and times, and of al kingdoms 〈◇〉 commonwelthes, either past, or present, as( to say somewh●● briefly of both) we see evidently in the ancient kingdoms 〈◇〉 Iuda, The desolation and ruin of many ancient kingdoms. and Israel, of egypt, Macedony, Persia, Parthia, Lacedemony, 〈◇〉 in the commonwealth of the Carthaginians, Athenians, Corinthi●●● Thebans, and such others, al of them famous in times past, 〈◇〉 some of them flourishing no less in al kind of learning and ●●mane wisdom, then in arms and military discipline, and n● utterly perished; The often change of government in the Roman Empire. Tit. livius. in so much, that there is scant any monum●●● or memory of them. And hath not also the like chanced to 〈◇〉 mighty and potent empires of the assyrians, the Medes, the Gree● and the Romans, whereof the last, which was also the mighty of the rest, had so many changes in a few ages, to wit in 6● yeares space, that it received al forms and kindes of gouerme●● passing first from kings to Decemuiri, that it to say, ten goue●nours: from the Decemuiri, to kings again; from them to C●●suls, from Consuls again to Decemuiri, from them to the Tri●●●●● of soldiers, from Tribunes to Consuls, from them to Perpetual Dicta●●●s, from Dictators to Triumuiri, and from them to Emperours, ●●der whom the empire being miserable rent, and torn with ●●il wars, became in the end to be a pray and spoil to al ●●rbarous nations. 6. And if we look to the kingdoms and commonwelthes ●●ich stand on foot at this day, as namely our own country, The diuers mutations in Britany since the Romans conquered it. Polidorus virgilius in hist. Angl. ●●d what changes and mutations there haue been therein, since was first conquered by the Romans, how many kings it hath ●●d at once, to wit 7. how oft it hath been conquered by stran●●rs, as by Saxons, Danes and Normans; what civil wars, and ●ody battailes there haue been since the last conquest, first in ●●●g Stephens time, after in the barons wars, and after again ●●twixt the house of Lancaster and york, for the space of above 〈◇〉 yeares, wherein we red that one only king, to wit, Edward 〈◇〉 4. was present and fought himself in 8. or 9. Philippus Commineus in hist. de reb. gest. Lodouici. c. 50. several bat●●es, and that during the same time there were slain& bani●●ed 80. Princes of the blood royal. And again if we add thereto ●●e depositions, expulsions, imprisonments,& murders of kings diuers ages, and times, and the frequent rebellions of the ●●iects against their princes, for exactions, extortions, and in●●uation of Religion. And if we also consider in Scotland, The revolutions and divisions in the realms of Scotland France Flanders, and other kingdoms adjoining. joan. Laesleus de Orig. Scot. froissart. Poplinier. froissart. Mercurius Belgicus. our ●●xt neighbour, the like or rather greater revolutions, which and caused the violent or untimely death and destruction of ●r. 9. kings and regents, in these 2. last ages. And great mu●ions and domestical divisions which haue miserable distra●●●d,& almost ruined France, no less heretofore at diuers times, ●●en now of late; As also the most frequent or rather conti●●al commotions in Flanders, seldom or never quiet in times ●●st, and in great garboil at this present. And again if we cast ●●r eyes somewhat further to the countries next adioininge, to the Empire in germany very potent in former times,& ●●w much decayed; or to spain, first subject to the Romans, Roderic. toledan. joan. vassaeus. ●●er to the Goths, and then conquered by the Mores( solicited ●●d brought in by the Spaniards themselves) then divided into 〈◇〉 or. 7. several kingdoms and states, and now at length after ●●ntinual civil war for 6. or 7. hundreth yeares together, re●●ced again not many yeares ago to one monarchy. Finally for brevities sake( to range no further abroad then Italy) if weigh the innovations that haue succeeded therein, as well this last age( by the bloody wars betwixt the French and 〈◇〉 Spanish for the states of Milan and Naples, The often changes and innovations of diuers States in Italy. Blond. Sabel: lib. Singonius Guicciard. subject sometim●● kings and Princes of their own, and now made prouince● spain) as also the mutation in former times not only in the states, but also in Rome itself, taken, and sacked, or at least be●●ged 13. or 14. several times, and in al other partes of Italy miser●bly distressed, spoiled, and ruined partly by the frequent irr●●tions, and inundations of barbarous nations,( as Goths, Vand●● Alans, Huns, and Lumbards) and partly by invasions of Germa●● Emperours, and lastly by domestical and civil wars, proceedi●● otherwhiles of the ambitions of tyrants in many particular c●ties, and sometimes of the furiours faction of the guelves and ●●belins( which for some yeares filled al states, cities, towns, 〈◇〉 and private houses with cruel slaughters and murders of p●rents, kinsfolks, friends, and of al sorts of people) someti●● again by popular tumults and seditions, whereby there h●● been noted in Genua ten notable changes of that state in 〈◇〉 space of 30. yeares, sometimes the common people preuailin●●●gainst the nobility; and some times the nobility against the p●●ple, by which mean they are now brought to so low an eb●● that whereas they were able in times past to hold Compete●● with the state of Venice, yea and took the Duke of Venice pris●ner in a battle at sea) wherein they had 200. gailles of th●● own( they haue not now past 25. and the same also waged 〈◇〉 paid by the catholic King; if( I say) we weigh and consider this, we may draw from hence two notable documents. Two Documents concerning the mutability and change of States. 7. The first, the casualty and vanity of al human pow●● honor, dignity, dominion, and glory, seeing they do not o● perish sooner or later, but also are subject, whiles they 〈◇〉 such mutation, and accompanied with infinite corrosiues and ●flictions, which consideration may justly move us to elevate 〈◇〉 cogitations from al earthly delights, to the contemplation 〈◇〉 desire of the heavenly, Seneca praefat. in li. 1. natural. quaest. that are ineffable, incompr●hensible, 〈◇〉 eternal. For as Seneca saith; nothing is more contemptible then 〈◇〉 he do not raise and elevate himself above himself. 8. The other document is, that considering the natural 〈◇〉 ●obilitie, inconstancy and infirmity as well of commonwealth as ●f man himself, and of al earthly creatures; no human wit, 〈◇〉 power, is more able to defend any kingdom, or common●elth from declination, and decay, then to preserve a man from 〈◇〉 sickness and mortality, or other earthly things from cor●●ption. ●HE WEAKNES OF MANS WIT AND policy, is further proved by the imperfection of al political science, with a consideration of the imbecility of law-makers exemplified in Solons laws. By occasion whereof, a political question is debated concerning sedition. CHAP. 7. IN the last chapter I shewed the insufficiency, of mans wit for the government of state, by the natural mutability and instability of commonwealth: now I will further prove the same by the defects and imperfection of human policy. Wherein human policy principally consisteth. And whereas the policy of man( for as much concerneth government of commonwealth) consisteth either the institution, and the execution of good laws, or in wise ●●uncells, deliberations, plots,& designments; I will first speak laws, and show their insufficiency for the establishment of ●●te, not only in respect of the infirmity of the law-maker, but so for the imperfection incident to lawe itself; I will speak 〈◇〉 either a parte, and first of Law-makers. 2. For this purpose I wish thee( Good reader) to remember that I haue proved before in the beginning of this Treatise con●●rning the imbecility of mans wit, which I haue declared to ●●e such, that no man can without the light of Gods grace, suf●●ciently know and understand what is convenient and necessa●●e for himself: which I made manifest, not only by reason, ca. 2. nu. 14. and ●●e authority of holy Scriptures and grave authors, but also by ●uident examples of the errors of great politics and wisemen, ca. 3.4.& 5. ●ho haue been either ruined, or at least greatly endangered by the means whereby they thought to profit, and advance the● selves. Cicero de Diuinatione. Whereupon I may well infer with the proverb, Qui s●● semitam non sapit, an aliis monstrabit viam? he which knows 〈◇〉 the way himself, can he teach it to an other? that is to say, 〈◇〉 that knows not what is good and fit for himself, can he 〈◇〉 able to judge& determine what is convenient for other men, ●●pecially for a whole commonweth? The diversity of wils& humors in every commonwelth. To this purpose it is to 〈◇〉 considered,( as I haue signified before) that there are such m●●titudes of people, such difference of degrees, qualities, and conditions, and such peruersity of wills, humors, and affections 〈◇〉 every commonwealth, that no human wit is able to reduced the● to that perfect temperature, and harmony, which is requisite 〈◇〉 the conservation of civil unity and amity, to the end that al m●● continually concur in the obedience of one lawe, in one kin● of government, and live therein contented each one in his ●●cation, in security, peace, and plenty, which every law-maker● governor of commonwealth, ought to procure. 3. This may partly be judged by the government of a fami●● be it great or little, which is many times turned upside dow●● and dissolved by the perverse humour of some one, or two, n●● corrigible by any council or chastisement of the head thero● What marvel is it then, if in whole kingdoms and commo● earths, amongst so many thousands of different persons, and 〈◇〉 different humors, there are many so exorbitant and turbule●● that no wit, nor power of man, can be able to tame or temp●● them? One man oftentimes the cause of the destruction of a whole Empire. Plutar. in Paulo Emilio. Roderic. toll tan. li. 5. de reb. Hispan. c. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. livius Dec. ●3. lib. 2. Plutar. in jul. caesar. And do we not see many times, that the covetousness, 〈◇〉 the lust, or the treason, temeritie, or folly, or the ambition 〈◇〉 some one man, endangereth or overthroweth a whole empyr● The kingdom of Macedony was lost through the covetousness 〈◇〉 Perseus king thereof; The treason of one count julian offended 〈◇〉 the lust of Roderike King of spain( who deflowered his daughte● was the cause that the Mores conquered spain, and posses●● 6. or 7. hundred yeares. The temerity of Terrentius Varro, whe●● he was Consul of Rome and gave battle to Hannibal, caused t●● great overthrow which the Romans received at Cannae, to th● great danger of their commonwealth, which in the end was v●terly overthrown by the ambition of Iulius Caesar. 4. But what should I speak of a King of Macedony, or a Ki●● of spain, or a Consul of Rome, or a Iulius Caesar, when the turbulent ●umor of a base fellow, or petty companion, such a one I mean, 〈◇〉 a Blacksmith, or a jack Cade, or a jack Straw, The Garboyle and tumult in England raised by jack Cade and his fellowes. Stow. Haul. Holinshed. hath been able to ●ut al England in a garboyle, to the great danger of the state; ●eing then one fault or error of some one man, may ruin, or ●●danger a kingdom, how shal mans wit or policy be able, sus●cienctly to prevent the inconvenience that must needs grow ●y the infinite faults and errors, which in tract of time are ●ommitted in every commonwealth, by so many thousands as are ●erein, through the folly or malice of men. 5. Furthermore, if we consider what the politic science whereby commonwealths are instituted, and governed) is able 〈◇〉 perform, and how far it may extend itself, we shal easily and how little perfection and establishment any state can receive ●y the law-maker, or governor therof, be he never so politic. ●or whereas other sciences and artes were( as Aristotle teacheth) ●●uented by some, augmented, and amplified by other, Arist. li. 2. Ele●ch. c. ultimo. and ●rought in time to perfection, it falleth out otherways in the ●olitike science, which is so uncertain and variable, that although the rules& precepts therof, The Imperfection of al political science. were many hundreth yeares go delivered by most famous Philosophers, and explicated, and ●mplified since by infinite authors ancient and modern; yet both ●●ason and experience sheweth, that it never arriveth, neither ●n arrive to perfection. For nether one and the self same po●●cy, is fit for al commonwelthes( as one art or science is fit and ●onuenient for al kind of men) nether is commonwealth so du●●ble in one manner and form of government, that the self ●●me policy will ever serve for the same; seing al commonwelthes ●re subject to mutation, and many times one is engendered by ●he corruption of an other, every one requiring different laws, ●nd a different policy. 6. And although the commonwealth do remain in one ●orme of government, as either in a Monarchy, Aristocracy, four kind of laws amongst the Romans. or a ●opoular State; yet such is the variety of times and instability of the ●umors and affections of men, that new laws and different po●cies will be necessary thereto. And therfore where as the Ro●ans had 4. kind of laws, as Cicero testifieth, one was De abro●andis legibus, to abrogate and repel laws, Cicero de le●. by the virtue and authority whereof, many laws made by very wise men, were ●●terwards by their posterity annulled and repealed, as vnprofitab●● and vnconuenient. 7. The same may be observed in the very laws of Go● which haue varied according to the different state of man a●● times, as it is evident by the lawe of Nature, the lawe of Moys●● and now lastly the law of Grace. The reason whereof S. Augus● giveth saying; Aug. li. 3. confess. c. 7. That it is not to be wondered at, that God ma●● different laws, in different times; seeing that in one day, and 〈◇〉 one house, and in one man, one thing is convenient to o●● member, and another to another, and one thing to one man● and another, to another: and that the thing which is exp●dient now, will an hour hence be unlawful and inconuenie●● Whereby it appeareth that time which breedeth certainty 〈◇〉 iudgment and experience in men, for the perfection of oth●● sciences and artes, doth so change,& abolish laws and po●●cies, that it causeth in law-makers and gouernours, ignoran● error, and confusion. 8. For this cause Plato affirmeth expressly, that no man be 〈◇〉 never so excellent of wit, or never so prudent and practice in affairs, Gods inspiration necessary for the making of good laws. can be able without the inspiration and assistance God, to make sufficient laws for the perfect establishment of commonwealth. And therfore in the institution of his ov●● written commonwealth, and of the laws therof, he craveth help of almighty God, and otherwhere saith. That as brute beasts 〈◇〉 not be happily governed by beasts, without the help of man: so man can 〈◇〉 be well& happily governed by man, without the help of God. And aga●● in an other place he teacheth; Plato. 4. de legibus. that as men cannot live without laws, so neither could men haue had sufficient laws, from P●●metheus( that is to say from the providence of man) if jupiter h●● self the creator of al, Idem, in Minoe. Idem in Protagora. had not sent mercury to men with lawe●s be the interpreter of his divine will. Whereby he signifieth mi●●cally after his manner, that without Gods special assistance, 〈◇〉 wit nor providence of man can suffice to institute, and co●serue any state or commonwealth, either by the means of la●● or otherwise. 3. Reg. 3. 2. Paral. 2. 9. This also Salomon knew and acknowledged, who therfo●● craved wisdom of almighty God for the government of 〈◇〉 people, adding; Quis enim potest judicare populum istum, populum ●●m hunc multum? For who can without thy help, Sap. 9. judge and govern is thy people, so many in number. And again; give me o Lord that wis●●me which assisteth, thy seat, for I am a weak man; Et minor ad intel●●tum indicij et legum; And not of capacity to vndersstand what is iudgment ●●d lawe; Thus said this prudent King, considering, and humbly ●●knowledging his own infirmity, in respect whereof almighty ●●d gave him greater wisdom, wealth, honor, and glory, then ●●er had any earthly Prince. 10. But now for the further proof of this matter, let us exa●●ne some of the laws of 3 or 4. of the most famous law-makers at ever were; that by the discovery of their errors, the weak●●s of mans wit in the institution and administration of common●elth, may the better appear. And whereas some haue founded instituted commonwelthes indeed, and some only in writing, The laws of four famous Lawmakers examined and reproved. serve for patterns for others; I will speak here only of four of ●eatest famed, of either sort two, as of Solon the Athenian, Licur●● the Lacedemonian, Plato called the divine, and Aristotle master Alexander the great. 11. When the commonwealth of the Athenians, having been ●uerned for many yeares together by the laws of Dracon, ●s fallen to decay through the excessive covetousness& rigour ●rich men, whom the poorer sort( being loaden with debts& ●t able to pay them) were forced to serve as slaves by sentence the iudges,( whereupon there arose daily infinite tumults and ●●ditions) it seemed good to them al, to recommend the reforma●●n of their whole state to Solon, a man so highly esteemed for 〈◇〉 wisdom, that he was accounted one of the 7. wisemen of ●●eece, The Reformation of the commonwelth of the Athenians by Solon. Plutar. in Solone. who persuading himself that it could not be conueni●tly reformed, except the poor were relieved& eased of their ●●bts, resolved to abolish& cancel al contracts and obligations 〈◇〉 debts past, imparting his mind therein first to some of his in●●e friends, who seing his resolution, borrowed great store of ●oney,& emploid it in land, whereupon it followed that when ●●on published his new lawe( which he called Seysacthia that is 〈◇〉 say A discharge of debts) they remained exceedingly enriched, ●●eir creditors defrauded, and he much suspected of deceit, as to ●●ue had secret intelligence with his friends, and part of their ●●ine. Two soul errors of Solon about the reformation of the Athenian commonwelth. 12. And although it seemeth that therein he had wrong 〈◇〉 he lost by his one law, as some writ 15. talents which 〈◇〉 owing him) yet he can not be excused in two things, the one that he caused not his friends to restore the money which th● had guilfully borrowed; and the other, that without exami●●tion of the particular causes and reasons of every mans debt, 〈◇〉 ordained a general abolition of al debts good and bad; where aswell those which were able to pay, as the unable were disch●●ged, and al creditours without difference defrauded, Cioe. offi●: li. 2. contrary al equity and iustice, which( as Cicero saith speaking of the li●● case) requireth above al things, Great injustice committed by Solon. Ibid. that every man haue his ow● and that equal regard be had to the right, aswell of the rich, as 〈◇〉 the poor( which saith he) is no way observed; Cum locupl●● suum perdunt,& debitores lucrentur alienum; When rich 〈◇〉 loose their own, and debtors gain that which belongeth other men. Besides that, in this case the necessity was not s●● to break iustice so notoriously; for that the inconuenien●● might haue been remedied otherwise, without injury to a●● as partly by the means, How Solon might haue reformed the commonwelth without the breach of Iustice. which he himself also practised, 〈◇〉 wit, by raising the money, and partly by borrowing some gr●● sums with the which he might haue made at least some co●● position with the creditours, in behalf of the debtors& h●● repaid the money after in time by penalties, confiscations, 〈◇〉 some moderate taxes, whereby the poor might haue been 〈◇〉 the present relieved, and no man wronged. Cicero Ibid. 13. Therfore Cicero greatly commendeth, Aratus, who w●● the city called Sicione had been 50. yeares oppressed by tyra●● and he himself banished with 600. others of the richest m●● therein, first found means to kill the tyrant, and after hau●● called home al those that were banished, and finding difficu●● in restoring them to their goods and livings( which were the possession of other men& had been in 50. yeares space alie●●ted by many contracts, and bargains of sales, dowries, leases 〈◇〉 such like) thought it not convenient, either to take the said ●uings from those that possessed them, or yet to leave the ot●● unsatisfied. The wisdom of Aratus in ●●forming the ●●●y of Sc●one. And therfore he borrowed a great some of mon● of Ptolomeus King of Alexandria,& examining every mans cau●●& making an estimate of the lands, so dealt betwixt the par●●● that for ready money, some of them were content to leave their ●●ssession,& others to sel their right, and surcease their claim, ●hereby peace and concord was made, al men satisfied; Et sic par( saith Cicero) cum Ciuibus agere,& non aliis sua eripere, Ibidem. aliis dare ●●na; So it is fit to deal with subiects, and not to take from some their ●●e, and to give it to others to whom it doth not belong; as Solon did, ●●o therfore was to be blamed, not only for error, but also ●●r injustice. 14. I omit other errors of Solon, which might be observed the form of his commonwealth, An absurd law of Solon forbidding neutrality in a public sedition. Plutar in Solone. to come to the examina●●●n of one of his laws, by the which he ordained, That who●●●uer in any public sedition, should be neutral and take neither part, ●uld remain ever after infamous; his reason was, for that he ●●ought it not convenient, that any man should so much love 〈◇〉 own ease, as not to participate of the trouble of the com●onwelth whereof he was a member. Which reason, together o the lawe, Plutark worthily and wisely rejecteth, Idem, in his book of instructions for such as deal in matters of state. for that would be an assured means to put( as it were) fire to gun●●wder, and to set al the commonwealth on a flamme, without ●●pe of any internal remedy; For( saith he) even as in sick body, ●he hope of help with in itself, is to be expected from the partes that sound( and therfore when the body is wholly corrupted, there is no help ●emedy but from abroad) even so in politic body sick with sedetion, Solons law rejected by plutarch. ●he internal remedy is to come from the whole and sound partes therof; ●at is to say; from such as are neutralls, who may labour with ●●e one part and with the other to compound the quarrel; for otherwise where al is in tumult no remedy can be expected; ex●●t it come from abroad. Ibidem. A principal point of political science either to prevent seditions, or quickly to appease them. And therfore plutarch holdeth it for ●●e highest and principal point of politic science in any gouer●ur, know how either to prevent seditions, that they never ●owe, or else quickly to appease them, when they are grown, 〈◇〉 they never so little. For even as the least spark that is, may fall to such matter, that it may set a whole house on fire; so the ●●st civil sedition may fall amongst such persons,& in such time, ●●t it may put a whole commonwealth in combustion, and vt●●lie ruin it; and for this cause, wise gouernours haue an eye ●●t only to dissensions concerning the commonwealth and pu●●ke matters; but also of private quarrels, though it be amongst mean men, for that many times they redound to the public d●triment: whereof of Plutark recounteth a notable example. 15. Two young men of Siracusa were so great friends, th●● the one of them being to go abroad vpon an occasion, recome●ded unto the other the care of his concubyn; the other in hi● absence, being overcome with love and lust, abused her; 〈◇〉 reuenge whereof, Plut. Ibidem. A story of the dissension of two young men of Sy●ac●sa. his friend at his return corrupted the other wife, by which means there grew a great quarrel betwixt them and the matter coming to the notice of the Senat, wise Sen●●● gave council to banish them both, least their private quarr●● might breed some public sedition; But his aduise was negl●cted, whereupon it followed that the friends of either takin● their partes, made within a while such a tumult and civil warr● in the city, that the whole state was overthrown thereby. 16. But as al private quarrels may prove dangerous to th● commonwealth, so most of al when they grow betwixt gre●● personages. Phil. de come. Cron. du roy Louis ca. 138. The danger that groweth to a prince by maintening division amongst his subiectes. In which respect, Philip de Comines blameth grea●● such princes, as do not seek to compose dissensions and qua●rells amongst some of their greater subiects, but rather nouri●● them by favouring one party more then the other, wherein th●● do no other( saith he) but help to set their own house ●●fier. 17. whereof he allegeth 2. notable examples: the one of t●● queen of England( wife to king henry the 6.) who taki●● part with the Duke of somerset against the earl of Warwi●● was a special cause of that war, war in England betwixt the K. and earl of Warvvicke. Ibidem. which the earl made ma●● yeares together, against the King and house of Lancaster to the●● utter overthrow, and therfore( saith he) the queen shou●● haue done much mo●e wisely, if she had shewed herself 〈◇〉 the first indifferent betwixt the two parties, and helped to ●gree them. 18. The other example which he allegeth, is, of Charles t●● 7. King of France: who when he was Dolphin took parte with t●● Duke of orleans, Henry the fifth of England crowned in France. against the Duke of Burgundy in a private quar●● of theirs. In revenge whereof the Duke of Burgundy, called Hen●●● the 5. King of England into France, and helped to crown him and his son after him kings in Paris. 19. And whereas Philip de Comines seemeth to take it for 〈◇〉 inconvenience, that a young Prince should sometimes for his ●port, Philip de Comines reproved for allowing in a young Prince to nourrish quarrels amongst the Ladies in his court. Plin. de viris illuster. Liu. dec. 1. lib. 6. The troubles that often arise by the dissension of women. and pleasure nourish some jars& quarreles amongst the ●adies and Gentlewomen of his court, I can not but dissent from ●im therein: for that womens jars may make mens warres. And ●xperience hath taught, that mutations haue sometimes happened ●n States by womens quarrels. As in Rome, where Fabius Ambustus ●aving married his two daughters, the elder to a noble man cal●●d Sulpitius( who was after made Consul) and the younger to a ●●ebiean called Licinius Stolo( who by the laws was not capable ●f that dignity) it chansed that a disgust fel betwixt the two ●●sters, for that the younger visiting the elder( who was then ●ife to the Consul) and holding herself to be contemned of ●er, in respect of her meaner estate, lamented so pitifully to her ●●ther, that to appease her, he practised with the people to ●ake his son in-law Licinius Stolo Consul, in derogation of the ●ncient law and custom, which excluded the plebeians from the ●onsulshippe. And although the chief Senators opposed them ●●erto, with might and main, as to a great novelty, and a matter ●ery prejudicial to the dignity of the Senate, yet he prevailed,& ●ot only procured a decree, that from thence forward the ple●eians might be Consuls, but also obtained the election of Licinius ●●olo his son in-law. And this was done, to satisfy the disdain ●f a woman against her own sister. 20. But more dangerous& lamentable was the quarrel of too sisters in-law in England, in the time of Edward the 6. The dissension between the duchess of Somerset and Q. Kath. parr in England. whereof the one was queen catherine● parr, lately before wife to King ●enry the 8. and then married to the Lord Thomas Seymer Admiral ●f England, and the other was the duchess of Somerset, wife to the ●ord Protector of England, brother to the Admiral. These two La●ies failing at variance for the precedence, Sander. de schismate Anglic. lib. 2. which either of them ●hallenged, the one as queen Douager, and the other as wife to ●he Protector( who then governed the King, and al the realm) ●●rewe their husbands into the quarrel, and so incensed the one ●f them against the other, that the Protector procured the death ●f the Admiral his brother; whereupon also followed his own ●estruction shortly after: for being deprived of the assistance and ●upport of his brother, he was easily overthrown by the Duke ●f Northumbarland, who caused him to be convicted of felony and beheaded. lo then what inconvenience followed of t●● falling out of two women: therfore Aristotle wisely aduise●● Princes to haue care, Aristot. Poli. li 5. ca. 2. that their wives do no disgraces, nor gi●● just cause of disgust to the wives of their subiects, for that( sai●● he( commonwelthes haue been overthrown by such meane● 21. But what marvel is it if the quarrels of women may 〈◇〉 dangerous to the commonwealth, seeing a famous and pernitio● faction in Italy, A quarrel begun betwixt two boyes in Italy, caused much bloodshed. Tarcagnota hist. mundi par. 2. l. 15. began by the occasion of a quarrel betwixt t●● boyes, whereof the one gave the other a box on the ear: in r●uenge whereof, the father of the boy that was strooken, cut of th● hand of the other that gave the blow, whose father making th● quarrel his own, sought the reuenge of the injury done to 〈◇〉 son,& began the faction of the Neri, and the Bianchi, that is 〈◇〉 say, black& white, which presently spread itself throwout Italy& was the occasion of spilling much Christian blood. Whereb● we may see how necessary it is for gouernours to haue an eye 〈◇〉 quarrels, though amongst mean persons: and how dangerous is for a Prince to make division in his state betwixt great pers●nages, The danger of Machiauels doctrine concerning division. Arist. l. 5. Pol. c. 11. to balance& counterpoise one of them with an oth●● to the end they shal not conspire against him, as Machiauel cou●selleth absurdly, following the old tyrannical precept. Si vis 〈◇〉 nare, divide. If thou wilt reign, make division. As though it should 〈◇〉 always in the Princes power, to moderate the same at his pl●●sure, whereof no mortal creature can assure himself,( be he n●uer so wise or potent) And therfore we may say of such dāgero●● courses, Ecclesiast. c. 3. as saith the book of Ecclesiasticus. Qui amat periculum, p●●● bit in illo. He which loues danger, shal perish in it. 22. nevertheless to return now to Solons law( which co●demneth neutrality in public seditions or factions) although in some cases the said law would be pernicious to commōwelt● yet in some other I hold it so necessary, In what cases neutrality is to be alowed, or disalowed. as that no man cou●● do his duty either to God, or his country, except he should p●● the same in practise. As for example, if the quarrel were for m●●ter of religion, or touching either the service of God, or the p●blike good of the commonwealth, or for the just defence of th● lawful prince, and governor therof; in which cases al neutrality were unlawful. For when there is question of Gods service, to be neutral, Neutrality unlawful in divisions concerning Gods service. luke. 11. were nothing else but to betray Gods cause, and 〈◇〉 declare a mans self to be his enemy, according to our saviours ●ying. Qui non est mecum, contra me est,& qui non colligit mecum, spergit; He which is not with me, is against me, he which gathereth ●t with me, scattereth. And therfore the neutrals in that case, are ●ose whom the Holy Ghost calleth Tepidi, men that are luke●●rme, of whom the Scripture saith in the person of God; vti●m esses aut calidus, aut frigidus, said quia tepidus es, Apocalip. 3. euomam te ex ore ●o: I would thou wert either hot, or could, but because thou art but luke●●rme, I will therfore spit thee out of my mouth. 23. again in the other case, neutrality condemned in matters concerning the just defence of the Prince or commonwelth. where the controversy concer●th the good of the commonwealth, or the just defence of the ●ad therof, neutrality were in effect treason, and should merit ●t only the note of infamy( as Solons law ordained) but also ●y rigorous punishment whatsoever. And therfore in al such ●sess, al men are bound in conscience and duty without delay, 〈◇〉 declare at least their good will& affections to the maintenance 〈◇〉 the just cause, and when persuasions will not suffice, then to ●●ploie al their force, yea& their lives for the suppression of the ●ditions, rather then to suffer them to prevail. 24. But in other cases( as when some particular mens private ●ssention doth grow to a public sedition, or when the con●●tion is not betwixt the head and some of the members, but ●etwixt the members themselves) to adhere to either party( as ●●lons law commanded) were no other then in steede of water, Neutrality in private quarrels condemned. ●herewith to quench fire to cast in oil to nourish& augment 〈◇〉 to the great danger and detriment of the whole state. There●re in such a case, the neutral& indifferent man may best help 〈◇〉 remedy the disease of the commonwealth, putting on( as Plu●●ke saith) the buskin of Theramenes, which served for both feet, Plut. in his instruct. for such as deal in matters of state. ●at is to say, dealing indifferently with both parties to draw ●●em to composition, not for his own ease, or to avoid the par●cipation of the public or common calamity( as Solon in his ●●w supposed of al neutrals) but to extinguish the fire kindled 〈◇〉 the commonwealth, or at least not to minister further matter ●●erto by any act of his. This then we see how Solon erred in his ●●wes,& ordinances, Arist. polit. li. 2. ca. 10. though Aristotle seemeth to prefer him ●efore al other law-makers, censuring and controlling al the est, and excusing him in that, wherein others reprehended him, and concluding him to be an excellent law-maker, as also Pl●●● doth, Plato de legib. who for patterns and examples for al such as shal instit●●● commonwealths and laws, proposeth Minos, Solon, and Licurgu●●, 〈◇〉 which last, I will therfore speak next. THE imbecility OF LAW-MAKERS I● also exemplified in certain wicked and absurd laws of Licu●gus, Plato, and Aristotle, with certain observations no le●●pious then political. CHAP. 8. plate. in Licurgo. LICVRGVS was no less famous for his ro●● birth, then for his great wisdom, and me●● virtue, who being brother to Polidectes King 〈◇〉 Lacedemony, succeeded him in the kingdom 〈◇〉 the earnest request of the people( in respe●● that his brother left no issue, but only his v●●● great with child) and being earnestly solicited by her to ma●● with her, with promise to destroy the child in her womb( 〈◇〉 the end that his kingdom might be the more assured) he 〈◇〉 not only refuse it, but also when the child was born,& prou●● a son, he proclaimed him King, taking only to himself t●● tutele of him, and the government of the realm during his m●noritie, with intention in the mean time to reform it, b●●● grown to great corruption, Of the laws of the Lacedimonians reformed by Licurgus. and al most utterly decayed;& therefore he abolished most of the old laws, and ordained new, the use whereof the Lacedemonians flourished many yeares abo●● al the rest of the Grecians, in so much that they had the domi●●on of al Greece for some time. 2. nevertheless if we examine his commonwealth, and 〈◇〉 laws thereof, we shal find, that he failed both in true p●●dence, How Licurgus erred in framing his common welth rather for wars then for peace. and in moral virtue. For whereas a good law-mak● ought to frame his commonwealth no less to Religion, Iustic●● and Temperance, then to fortitude, that it may stand& flowris● as well in time of peace, as in time of war, his laws tend● principally to make the people valiant, and warlike, whereup●● it followed, that the Lacedemonians flourished so long as they ●●d warres, and when they came to enjoy peace, they felle to ●●cay with in a while( as Aristotle noteth) whereby the error of ●●urgus evidently appeareth. Arist. poli. li. 2. ca. 7. For as peace is not ordained for far, but war for peace, as motion and labour is ordained ●●r rest( in which respect Cicero saith: war is so to be undertaken, Cicero. office. lib. 1. that peace may be attained thereby) so in like manner, a common●elth is rather to be framed and ordained for peace, then for far; And yet so for both, that it may stand by both. In which ●●spect the commonwealth of the Athenians as plutarch noteth, Plutark in Phocione& pelopida. ●●ose Pallas for their patroness, who was called both Polemica& ●●litica, that is to say, Warlike, and civil: as also the Thebans had for ●eirs, Harmony, which was held to be the daughter of Mars and ●●us, whereby they signified, that the harmony of common-welth ●●nsisteth in the consonance, and coniunction of military and ●●il discipline; Iustinia. Institut. in proemio. which also justinian signified in the institutes of ●●e civil lawe, saying: Imperatoriam maiestatem, &c. It is convenient ●t the Imperial majesty, be not only decked, and adorned with arms, but 〈◇〉 defended with laws. ●. But in the commonwealth of the Lacedemonians this was no ●●y performed; For, the laws of Licurgus, tending only to make ●●em strong, laborious, and valiant, could not make them reli●ous, just, and truly temperate, which for civil discipline and ●aceable government is most requisite. For, as for laws tending 〈◇〉 religion, we find none made by Licurgus, A ridiculous law of Licurgus Plutar. in Licurgo. not any religious act ●his, but only one more ridiculous, then religious, as that he ●dicated an Image to laughter, which he made a God, or at least ●ould haue to be worshipped for a God, to make the people ●erry at their public feasts, and meetings. And as for laws ●rtaining to iustice, he made few, and one amongst the rest; ●hich opened a great gap to injustice, and to al consonage& de●●it; for he ordained, that it should be lawful for any man, to ●●ale any kind of meate( so that he were not taken or disco●●red in the doing of it) and that boys and children should ●●ue so little allowed them to eat, Idem. Ibid. that they should be forced to ●●ole, and steal for their better provision, to make them ther●● the more industrious, nimble, and quick of spirit, and others ●ore wary& watchful to keep well that which they had, in so much that he which could steal most cunningly was most co●mended. 4. But who seeth not that this was the next way to fill t●● commonwealth with theeues; Cunning theft and deceit allowed of in the laws of Licurgus. For is it likely that those who fro● their infancy are brought up in stealing,& pilfering trifles, will ●●terwardes( when they haue got the habit& ability therof) f●● bear to steal things of greater importance? Or can thee 〈◇〉 practise their occupation with more safety any way to beco●● in the end most expert, and thereby pernicious to the commo●welth, then with the warrant, and under the protection of th● law? seeing the penalty which was ordained for them that we●● taken with the maner, was not inflicted for the injustice of th● fact, but for their lack of skill and dexterity in the performanc● which must needs make every one labour to excel in th● act of the every: Finally when the law not only permitteth, 〈◇〉 also induceth men to deceive, some times, and in some thing●● doth it not also dispose, and as it were, direct them to decea●● as oft, and howsoever they may? Therfore good and wise la● makers, seek to prevent evils, and to cut of the occasions 〈◇〉 'vice, and not to minister matter or occasion thereto, which 〈◇〉 our corrupt natures, needeth a bridle to restrain it, and nor 〈◇〉 spur ro prick it forward. 5. And this may also be said in respect of an other lawe of ●●curgus inducing to intemperancy, and al kind of incontinen●● For although he ordained some things notably for the educ●tion of youth; Idem. Ibid. tending as it seemed, to the repression of con●●piscence, and dissolute life,( as a very spare and homely diet hard bedding of reedes( or as some writ) no beds at al, justin. li. 3. con●●nual labour and exercise, one only garment, for the whole yea and such like) yet it appeareth that his meaning was no ot●● therein, but only to make them able to endure the labour, a●●toile of war; For he ordained other laws so much in fauo●● and furtherance of lust,& of al carnality, yea in the worst kin● that it may justly be said, Plut. Ibid. he made his whole commonwe●●● worse then a burdel; For he instituted certain wrestlinges an● dances, Absurd news of Licurgus tending to lasciviousness. and other exercises of boyes and wenches naked, to b● done in public at diuers times in the year, in the present both of young& old men, which what effect it might work 〈◇〉 the mindes and manners of their citizens, any man may easily ●dge; especially seeing both their laws& customs, permitted ●at men should be enamoured of boyes, which was held for lau●ble and necessary for their good education, it being presumed ●●t their louers would carefully instruct them in virtue. 6. Furthermore adultery which was punished with death, levit 20. l●● Iulia. not ●●ly by the law of Moyses, but also by the law of the Romans and ●her nations, as a thing pernicious to commonwealth, was not ●●ly permitted, but also approved by Licurgus his law; ordaining, adultery permitted by Licurgus amongst the Lacedimonians. ●●t if an old man married a young wife, she might with her hu●●nds licence, make choice of any young man that she liked to ●●ue a child by him, which her hushand brought up as his own. ●●d if a valiant, or virtuous man( as good soldiers were termed ●ere) liked well of an other mans wife, he might demand leave her husband to haue issue by her, which was not denied, but ●ought convenient for their commonwealth to maintain there in good race, and breed of valiant men, Plut. in Licurg. as Plutark signifieth in ●fence of this law of Licurgus. 7. This then being so; Arist. li. 2. pol. ca. 7. The ouerthrow of the Lacedimonyans in the plain of Leuctra, by Gods just iudgement for their sins of the flesh. Plut. narratione amator. Diodorus Siculus. li. 15. ca. 14. ca. 20. nu. 3. what marvel it is that al sin of ●●e flesh and beastliness reigned more in Lacedemony, then any ●●ere else in Greece, as Aristotle witnesseth? Nay what wonder is it ●●t almighty God of his just iudgment plagued them for it in 〈◇〉 end? with a memorable overthrow in the plain of Leuctra, ●ere they lost the dominion of Greece, by the occasion, and for ●●nishment of a horrible rape, committed by two of their citti●●s, as I will declare more at large when I come to treat of ●●ds iustice. 8. And for the present, to conclude concerning Licurgus and ●●n, I will not stand vpon other things reproved by Aristotle ●he laws of Licurgus, seeing it is evident enough by that which ●ave touched before, that these two mirroures of law-makers ●●r so were Solon& Licurgus accounted of al antiquity) may serve less then others of meaner mark, Licurgus and Solon accounted by antiquity the mirrors of Lawmakers. for examples of mans infir●●ties, and of the weakness of his wit in matters of common●●lth; to whom I will now add Plato,& Aristotle, who though ●●ey founded no commonwelthes as the other two did; yet they ●●med in writing either of them one, in the which they labou●● to show, both the excellency of their own wits, and the perfection of human policy, wherein nevertheless they euiden●ly shewed the imbecility and imperfection of both. Plato lib. de repub. 9. For what can be more absurd, or more impious, then 〈◇〉 community which Plato ordained in his commonwealth, 〈◇〉 only of goods and possessions, but also of women, to the e●● that no man should haue any thing proper, or peculiar to h●●selfe; The impious laws of Plato in his commonwelth. in so much that fathers, and mothers, should not kno●● their own children, nether yet any child know his own p●rents, whereby he thought to establish in the commonwe●● such a perfect unity, that no man should be able to say, this 〈◇〉 mine, or this is thine, but every one haue a general care of 〈◇〉 where as if that law were put in practise, the utter ouerthrowe● commonwealth, and of al human society must needs follow thereon. 10. For matrimony being taken away, and such a pro●●cuous, Promiscuous& beastly procreation in the laws of Plato. and beastly procreation introduced, the natural love betwixt parents, and their children, brethren, kinsfolks, 〈◇〉 alyes, and al consanguinity, kindred,& affinity would be qu●●● abolished; horrible incest between kinsfolks, brethren and ●●sters, father and daughter, mother and son;( which al nati●● abhor) would ordinarily be committed,& in occasion of qu●rells, which sometimes could not be avoided, one brother wo●● kill an other, the father, the son,& the son the father, for la●● of knowledge one of another; besides many other great inco●ueniencies, Arist. polit. lib. 2. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. declared very particularly and at large by Arist●●● in his politics, who also proveth very evidently, that the v●●● which Plato sought to establish in his commonwealth by this la● would not follow thereon, whereby appeareth his double err● Al which I omit for brevities sake, to speak a word or two of other law of his; Another most absurd Platonical law. who having ordained that young men sho●● for increase of their strength and agility of body, exercise th●●selues naked, at certain times, and in certain places appoi●● for that purpose, called Gimnasia, commanded also( not as Li●●●gus did, in Lacedemonia that young girls& wenches should d●● naked amongst boys, but far more absurdely, that women 〈◇〉 the flower of their youth, should dance, run, wrestle, ride, 〈◇〉 do al exercises with young men naked, aswell as they; wh●( saith he) whosoever misliketh, understandeth not how profitable it is 〈◇〉 the commonwealth. 11. But who could imagine that the prince of philosophers ●or so was Plato esteemed) could so far forget himself, as ●●uing instituted and framed his commonwealth to al kind of ●●rtue, as to the only means to arrive to perfect felicity( for ●hich purpose he gave notable documents, and precepts, and ●●de excellent laws concerning al virtues, Plato contrary to himself. & amongst the rest ●●uching chastity) who( I say) considering this, could imagine ●●t this professor, master, and teacher of virtue, this commen●●r, and commander of chastity, would not only permit, but ●o ordain a thing so contrary to his own profession, to the ●●d of his commonwealth, and to his own laws, precepts, and ●●unsels, as the lascivious aspect of naked women? whereby the ●●r of concupiscence being kindled in men, and the bridle of na●●al modesty taken from women, what else could follow ther●, but al beastly dissolution, and carnality of life as well in the ●●e as in the other. 12. For precepts are given,& laws ordained in vain against ●continency, when the occasions, provocations,& nourishments ther●● are permitted: which whosoever useth to admit, laws ordained in vain against 'vice, when the occasions therof are permitted. playeth with and flamme, as doth the fly, and commonly is burned thereby. For ●●w many do we see daily overcome with 'vice( and especi●●y with that of the flesh) because they will not forbear the oc●●sions? we may put fire to straw when we will, but we can not ●●ench it when we will: it is in our power and choice to combat o our enemy, but the victory is not in our hands: and so we ●●y easily enter into the conflict, and admit the allurements of ●ne when we list, but can not so easily overcome it, nor yet ●●tire ourselves when we list. And therfore in this kind of com●●t, the veriest coward gets the victory, that is to say, he which ●●eth at first, or rather dareth not abide to see so much as the ●●ce of his enemy: in which respect the Holy Ghost adviseth us; ●●gite a fornicatione; Flee from fornication. And Iuuenilia desideria fuge; 1. Cor. 6. 〈◇〉 & avoid youthly desires:& again, Sicut a fancy colubri, fuge peccata: ●●s from the face of a serpent, so flee& run away from sin. 2. Tim. 2. Eccl. 21. For who●●euer delighteth to admit the occasions, who soever( I say) ●oth not shut up the doors, and windows of his eyes& ears, to and enticements of lust, but is content to entertain them into the secret cabinet of his hart, though he were stronger then Sa●●●● holier then david, wiser then Salomon, let him make account 〈◇〉 be vanquished as they were. 13. Therefore Aristotle Platoes scholar, knowing how ●●sely men are corrupted, by the hearing and sight of wanton 〈◇〉 lascivious objects, and especially children( whose first impres●● of good or bad are hardly removed ever after) ordaineth in 〈◇〉 written commonwealth, that they shal be kept from the hea●●● of wanton talk, An excellent ordinance of Aristotle, forbidding wanton talk, and lascivious pictures. Aristot. lib. 7. po●ic. 17. and from the sight of lascivious comedies, 〈◇〉 such other representations as may move them to carnal cogi●●tions, which inflame concupiscence to al disordinate appeati●● In respect whereof he commandeth, that the magistrates shal 〈◇〉 suffer in the commonwealth, any dishonest images, or wan●●● pictures, which may represent any unclean or lascivious act 〈◇〉 the beholders; which when I consider, I can not but lamen●●● little care that is commonly had thereof in Christian commonw●●thes; where not only most mens mouths overflow with dis●●nest and beastly talk, but also al places are furnished with w●●ton& lascivious pictures and images, as with special ornamen● which also many keep in their bed chambers, and most sec●● closets and retraites, to the end they may satiate their libidi●● eyes, and provoke their spent, and languishing lust, with the f●●quent and greedy aspect thereof. I am shamed to say the r●●● and haue said this by the way, constrained by the just grie●● which I conceive of so great an abuse, which having been 〈◇〉 allowed, and forbidden by Paynims, is nevertheless permi●●● amongst Christians. 14. But to return from whence I digressed, I concl●●● that these Platonical laws had been more fit for a Sardanaphalu●● a Hel●ogabalus, if they had written of commonwealth, then 〈◇〉 Plato, who professed himself to be a physician of souls, a ref●●mer of manners, a teacher of temperance, and the schoolmais●● of al virtue; so blind is man( be he never so wise) with out t●● light of Gods grace. Arist lib. 2. polit. c. 1. ●. 3. 4 5. 6 7. 8. 15. But perhaps some may think that Aristotle, his scho●ler( who was the wonder of the world for his wit, and vnd●●tooke to censure and syndicate him, and al other lawmakers before him) saw clearer in matter of laws, and commonwe●●● then they; let us then examine him a little, and we shal find that 〈◇〉 erred more absurdly then any of them. ●6. This may appear by two of his laws: Two absurd laws of Aristotle Arist. lib. 7. polit. cap. 16. whereof the one ●s, that if a man had any deformed or lame child, he should 〈◇〉 it out like a whelp and expose it to perish. And the other ●s, that if a man had above a certain number of children, ●hich number he would haue to be determined according to ●●rie mans ability) his wife should destroy the fruit in her ●●mbe, when she found that she had conceived. Ibidem. Wherein he ●●wed himself more unnatural and inhuman then the very ●●it beasts; For as Cicero saith very well; lib. 3. de finib. These two things can not goody together, to wit, that nature would haue procreation, and that it ●●uld not haue the creature when it is born, to be beloved, and conserved: 〈◇〉 which appeareth( saith he) evidently in bruit beasts, whose labour 〈◇〉 care in the conservation of that which is born of them is such, that we 〈◇〉 aclowledge the force and voice of nature therein. Wherefore, it is ma●●est,( saith he) that as we naturally shun and abhor al kind of ●ife; so also we are naturally moved to love the issue of our bodies. Thus o Cicero, who also other where saith; Cicero office. lib. 1. where as it is common to al ●●ng creatures to haue a care of those things, which they haue brought ●●h, nature hath given specially to man a love to his children, Ibid. and a care ●rouide them al things necessary: Thus saith he and common ex●●rience teacheth it to be true. 17. What then can be more dissonant from reason and na●●e, The absurdity and inhumanity of Aristotles law ordaining the exposition of lame and deformed children. then that a man who is born and naturally inclined to cle●ency, humanity, and piety, should show himself unkind,& human, not towards beasts, but towards men, not towards ●angers, friends, or seruants, but towards his own children,& ●●t for no fault of theirs, but for some defect or deformity of ●●dy which they could not remedy; and ought rather to move ●●an to compassion, and pitty, then to cruelty? Besides that ●●ch corporal defects do not for the most part hinder the opera●●●n of the mind, and understanding; and therefore it may very ●●el happen by the execution of this inhuman law of Aristotle, Seneca ad Lucillum, ep. Deformity of body doth not prejudice the beauty of the mind. ●●t only that a father shal be deprived of a son, but also that and commonwealth shal loose a necessary and notable member. ●r( as Seneca saith) Ex casa vir magnus exire potest,& ex deformi, ●●●ilique corpusculo formosus animus,& magnus. A notable man, may come out of a poor cottage, and a beautiful and high mind, out of a 〈◇〉 and deformed body. 18. Could corporal imperfections and deformities exch●●● aesop from the number of philosophers? King Craesus very deformed of body, yet a wise and excellent Prince. Gueuerra in vita Marci Aurelij. or take from Craesus 〈◇ reputation of a most excellent and wise prince? who inui●●● Anacharsis the philosopher to come to his court, wrote of hi● self, that although nature had made him deformed, crook●● backed, one eyd, lame of a leg, a dwarf, and as it were a mon●● amongst men; yet he thought himself so monstrous in 〈◇〉 thing, as in that he had no philosopher in his court, and of 〈◇〉 council. 19. The like may be said of a notable, though very deform●● Bishop of Cullen, Guliel Malmsbury li. 2. ca. 10. of whose great wisdom and virtue, Willia● 〈◇〉 Malmsbury giveth testimony, declaring the occasion of his ad●●●ment to that great archbishopric in this manner. An E●●rour of Germany( saith he) being a hunting,& wandering by ch●●● with very few or none with him, in a morning( vpon the su●●● before lent, called Quinquagessima,) came to a poor parish ch●●● dissembling himself to be a soldier and desired to hear ma●●● the parish priest being a man so deformed of body that he 〈◇〉 Penae portentum naturae, A story of a deformed priest made archbishop of Cullen. almost a monster of nature, said mass ●fore him, and as the Emperour wondered with himself, t●● almighty God, who is of infinite beauty& majesty, would su●● so deformed a creature to serve him in such a high and di●●● mystery, it chanced that the priest reading the verse of the Tr●●● which was that day; Psal. 99. Scitote, quoniam Dominus &c. know you th●● Lord is God, and that he made us, and not we ourselves, pronounc● the same in such a different tune and voice, from that which 〈◇〉 had red before, that the Emperour took it as a thing ordai●● by almighty God, to answer his cogitation, and began to h●● such a reverent opinion of the priest, that having informed h●● self after mass, of his great virtue, he made him Archbishop● 〈◇〉 Cullen, much against his will. In which charge he behaved hi●selfe with singular commendation, as well for the temporal, as sp●ritual affairs, and left behind him a notable memory, both 〈◇〉 great wisdom,& also of singular sanctity,& holiness of life,& Whereby appeareth the absurdity of Aristotles lawe. For if it h●● been in force where this deformed bishop was born, t●● Church had wanted a notable pastor, and the commonwealth an ●●cellent, and principal member. 20. Furthermore it is manifest by Aristotle himself, li. 5. Ethic. ca. 11. Aristotle against himself. that is law of exposition of children is most unjust, and injurious to ●●e commonwealth: For whereas he proveth in his ethics, that man may not kill himself, he affirmeth amongst other things, ●●t he which besides the course and form of law doth hurt an ●●her, who nether defendeth himself nor hurteth him, doth ●urie to the commonwealth. Therefore how much more iniu●ous is it, to destroy an innocent child, that can nether defend ●●m self, nor hurt any other, and might in time do notable ●●●uice to the commonwealth. 21. The like also may be said of the other law of Aristotle, Arist. li. 7. Pol. c. 6. The absurdity of Aristotles news concerning the destruction of children in their mothers wombe Cicero orat. pro Cluentio. ●●ncerning abortion, or the destruction of the child in the mo●ers womb, being a thing, punished severely by al good laws, 〈◇〉 injurious not only to nature, but also to commonwealth, which 〈◇〉 deprived thereby of a designed cittyzen, as Cicero termeth it, ●●eaking of a Woman of Miletus in Asia, who having procured ●ortion of her child a little before her time of travel, was con●mned to death. Neque iniuria( saith he) quia designatum Reip. ●●em sustulisset; And very justly, for that she had made away one that ●s designed to be citizen of the commonwealth. In which respect and civil law doth greuiously punish al wilful abortion after con●●ption, whether the child haue life or no, ff. de paenis. li. si aliquid. parag. qui abortionis. inflicting death if the ●ilde were already quick, and other ways banishment with ●●nfiscation of the goods of the offenders, if they be noble or 〈◇〉 account, silvester verb. Aborsus. Armilla ibid. and condemnation to dig in the mines if they be ●●ore. Besides that our Canonists do teach it to be a mortal ●●ne, either to procure abortion after conception( though the ●●ilde be not quick) or voluntarily to hinder conception, or to ●●use sterility, because it is( say they) Contra bonum prolis generandae; ●gainst the good of generation, which nature ordaineth for ●●e continuation of mankind, and maintenance of humane so●itie. 22. Therfore whereas Aristotle himself adviseth that the ab●●tion be procured after conception, before the child haue life, ●dding this reason, for that( saith he) to do it after, Arist. ibid. vt sup. were nefas, 〈◇〉 wicked act) his reason excuseth not his absurdity in this law, and condemneth him of wickedness in the former, Aristotle confuted by his own assertion. concer●●● the exposition of children. For if it be a wicked act to kill a qui●● child before it be born, much more wicked and cruel is the 〈◇〉 to expose it to destruction& death after it is born, when it h●● more sense and feeling of hurt, and naturally moveth more 〈◇〉 compassion. 23. But perhaps some may say, that he which exposeth 〈◇〉 layeth forth a child doth not kill it, An objection an●wered. Exod 2. Plut. in Romulo. justin. li. 1. for that it may hap( as ma●● times it hath) that the child may be taken up by some other a●● nourished, as it chanced, to Moyses, Romulus,& Remus, Cyrus, Kin● of Persia, and diuers others; whereto I answer, that although th● providence of God, overcome many times the mailce of ma●● yea& turn it to good: yet mans offence is never a whit the le●● nether can a chance that happeneth after an act, alter the nature 〈◇〉 the act; I mean, it can neither rectify it, if it be il done, 〈◇〉 make it il, if it be well done. And therefore I say, that seing reas●● and the law of nature commandeth,( as I haue shewed befor● that every one haue a special care of the life and conservation 〈◇〉 his children, he which not only forsaketh his own child, t●● hath not any way offended him, but also exposeth it to peril 〈◇〉 death, can not be excused of unnatural dealing, inhumanity, 〈◇〉 impiety, though some stranger should chance afterwards 〈◇〉 prove more human and pious towards it, then the father hi● self. 24. well then to conclude this point, I say of Aristotle 〈◇〉 Augustus Caesar said of King Herod, Macrobius lib. 2. Saturnal c. 4. ( when he understood that ●mongst the innocents which he caused to be killed after th● birth of our saviour, one of his own sons was slain) It is be●●( saith he) to be Herods big, then his son. Herods own son slain amongst the Innocents, And this he said, for th● pigs were not killed in judea because the Iewes did not eat 〈◇〉 swines flesh. And even so I say, it were better to be a beast in A●●stotles commonwealth then a man, for beasts should be assure● cared and provided for by their dams, whereas the children 〈◇〉 men should be in danger to bee forsaken both of father and mother, and so to perish. An other absurd error of Aristotle. 25. And here I can not forbear to say somewhat of an other constitution of his, which I know not whether it were mo●● absurd or ridiculous. Thou mayst remember( good reader 〈◇〉 that I made mention a little before of a notable law of his forbid●●ng in his commonwealth, the use of lascivious pictures,& ima●●s, lest young men, and especially children, might be corrupted 〈◇〉 manners by the sight therof; nevertheless he ex●●●teth in the ●●e law, the Images and pictures of certain Gods; In whom ●aith he) the custom alloweth lasciviousness; lascivious pictures and images of Gods absurdly allowed by Aristotle. meaning no doubt the ●●inted and graved stories of the adulteries of jupiter, Mars, and ●●●us, and other Gods and Godesses, set forth every where a●ongst the balsams, as well in public places, as in their private ●●wses, and temples. Wherein may be observed the ridiculous ●●surdity of this great philosopher, not only in matter appertai●●ng to religion,( which I remit to be examined other where) ●t also in matter of commonwealth, yea& concerning his own 〈◇〉 before mentioned; for what would it avail to take away 〈◇〉 other wanton pictures,& representations that might corrupt ●●e mindes of yought, when he expressly alloweth the use of the ●●●ciuious pictures of the Gods, which must needs corrupt them ●uch more, and as it were instill into them, vicious affections& ●●sires to gather with their religion, yea by the example of their ●ods, by the imitation of whom they could not but hope to ●●aine aswell to perfection of virtue, as to eternal beatitude& ●●licitie, believing as they did, that they were true Gods? 26. For how could any man he persuaded that adultery de●●●ued punishment or was not a great, yea a divine virtue, seing ●●rs taken tardy with Venus, Mens mind corrupted amongst the gentiles by the sight of the lascivious pictures of their Gods. or jupiter stealing away Europa in ●●ape of a bul, violating Loeda in form of a swan,& entering in 〈◇〉 the house of Danae by the loouer, like a golden shewer? ●ould not any man that should be religiously devoted to these ●ods, be animated by the sight therof to do the like? yea and ●●ildren learning their religion, and not only hearing, but also ●●ing every where by pictures and Images, that such acts were ●●mmitted by their Gods, could they imagine that the same ●ere evil, and not to be imitated? This is very well declared by ●●cian of his own experience, who in his dialogues maketh Me●●ppus say thus, Lucian. in ●●nippo. When I was yet but a boy( saith he) and heard out 〈◇〉 Homer and Hesiod of the adulteries, fornications, rapes and seditions of 〈◇〉 Gods; truly I thought that those things were very excellent,& began ●●en then to be greatly affencted towards them; for I could not imagine that the Gods themselves would ever haue committed adultery if they 〈◇〉 esteemed the same lawful and good. Thus saith he. And the like ●●nifieth also Chaerea in Terence, who beholding a table wherein it 〈◇〉 painted how jupiter deceived Danae, Tetent. in Eunuc. when he came in, at 〈◇〉 top of the house, saith, that he was greatly encouraged to 〈◇〉 flower a young maid by the example of so great a God; A● 〈◇〉 Deum?( saith he) Qui templa coeli summa sonitu concutit. Ego hom●● hoc non facetem? Ego vero illud ita feci& lubens? But what God was 〈◇〉 mary he which shakes the highest temples of the heauenes with thunder, 〈◇〉 therfore might not I that am but a poor wretch do the like? yes truly I 〈◇〉 and that with al my heart. 27. lo here the effect, that the sight of such lascivious p●ctures of the gods, Aristotles absurdity manifest. must needs work in the mindes of such 〈◇〉 should behold them, and be withal religiously affencted towards them. And therfore Aristotle permitting these, and forbidding 〈◇〉 other, to prevent the corruption of youth, might be compa●●● to one that should make a law to forbid the burning of how●● except it were with some artifical or wild fire, that could not 〈◇〉 extinguished; For such may be said to be the fire, of concu●●scence kindled in the minds of men or of children, by religi●● acts, or representations which make impressions that never ●●ter can be razed out again, so long as the affection to the sa●● religion remaineth. But hereof I shal haue occasion to say m●● in the second parte of this Treatise, when I shal treat of 〈◇〉 damage which false religion breeds in commonweth; 〈◇〉 therfore for this time I conclude, that Aristotle failed, and e●●● no less, or rather much more absurdly, then the other law ●●kers, whose errors he censured and controlled. 28. Hereby two things appear evidently; the one, the weak●● of mans wit when it is not supported and directed by the gr●●● of God; The weaknes of mans wit and the imperfection of laws inferred vpon the premises. and the insufficiency, and imperfection of hum●● laws, through the weakness of the law-makes, who intendi●● many times to make good and wholesome laws for the ben●● of the commonwealth, do ordain things very inconuenie●● and prejudicial thereto; which Cicero observed in some of t●● wisest men of his time; I can tel you( saith he) of Marcus Cotta wi●● lawe concerning private iudgments, Cicero de rep. in fragmentis was abrogated by his own brother 〈◇〉 same year that it was made, and the laws of Licinia, and Mutiae made two most wise Consuls, were in the judgements of al men not only unprofitable, ●●t also pernicious to the commonwelth, as also the laws called Liuiae were ●●rogated by the demonstrates in an instant. And in like manner, I hold the laws ●●eiae, and Apuliae to be nothing worth. Thus far Cicero. The like ●hereof might be exemplified in every commonwealth, but this ●●al suffice at this time concerning law-makers. And now let us consider law in itself, what it is, to what end it is ordained, and that it can perform in commonwealth, for the perfection and ●●tablishment therof. ●HE IMPERFECTION OF HVMANE laws is further showed by the defects incident to law: And first what law is, to what end it is ordained, and what it can perform in commonwelth. Also an exact comparison of the law of the flesh) which is contrary to commonwelth) with political law, tendency it appeareth that political law can not overcome the carnal law. CHAP. 9. PLATO speaking generally of al law, Plato in Mino. de rep.& de leg. as well written as unwritten, defineth it to be; A reasonable rule leading and directing men to their due end, for a public good, ordaining penalties for them that transgressé, and rewards for them that obey. And Cicero more briefly thus; Cicero. li. 1. de. legib. Idem. Ibid. Law is( saith he) the highest or chief ●●son grafted in nature, commanding those things which are to be done, and ●●bidding the contrary. And again. Law is the force of nature, the vn●●rstanding and reason of a wiseman, the rule of right and wrong. The definition of law. And ●●eaking more particularly of written law, he saith it is; The rea●● and understanding of a wise man, who ordaineth in writing what he ●●inketh good, by way either of commandement, or of prohibition. Lastly ●●e civilians most briefly,& properly define it thus. Accurs. in instit. ff. de legibus.& Senatus constit. 3. Lex est sanctio ●●cta, iubens honesta, prohibens contraria. Law is a holy decree,( that to say, a decree which ought not to be broken) commanding ●ood and holy things, and forbidding the contrary. Plato. de leg. 2. This law Plato calleth, the soul that giveth form 〈◇〉 life to the commonwealth,& the anchor that stayeth& assureth it 〈◇〉 Cicero saith, Cicero l. 3. de leg. Law is the soul and life of the commonwelth. that neither any house, nor city, nor nation, nor y●● human kind could stand with out it. 3 nevertheless how excellent or necessary soever it is fo● commonwealth, yet it is to be understood, that al laws wha● soever( that are merely human) are defective and insufficient for the perfect government of a state. Al laws defective. laws writen or vnwriten. Idem. Ibid. The magistrate a speaking law, and the law, a dumb magistrate For whereas human lawe●s consist either in written statutes& decrees, or in the commandement and ordinances of a wise magistrate( which magistrate Cicero therfore calleth A speaking law, as he also calleth the law, A dumb magistrate) it is evident that nether of both a part, no● yet both concurring, can suffice. 4. As for the first, whereas written laws are universal, an● concern the actions of men, The imperfection if written laws. which are infinite and particular, it is not possible that any law-maker should extend his laws so far, that they may sufficiently provide for al cases that may occur but that he must leave place for the determination and iudgement of men according to equity, as not only Aristotle, but al●● the civilians themselves do teach, Arist. ethic. li. 5. c. 10. julian. li. 19. ad edictum. ff. de legib.& senatus constit. 3.& julian. li. 89. dige●t. and the experience is dail●● seen therof in the necessity of interpretation and mitigation o● laws, in dispensations, and in appellations from law to conscience, whereby the imperfection of al written laws sufficient●● appeareth. And as for the ordinances of wise magistrates, it is manifest by that which I haue said before concerning the errors o● wise gouernours& law-makers, that the weakness and blindne●● of mans wit, The imperfection of vnwritten laws. Better to be governed by good laws, then by the will of the best man, and why. Arist. polit. li. 3. c. ●2. Where good laws govern God doth governs. and the corruption of his nature is such, that he ca● nether see so clearly in al cases, nor yet be so void of affectio● and passion, that he shalbe able always to determine, decree● and judge according to equity. In which respect Aristotle disp●●ting whether it were better that a commonwealth should be governed by good laws, or by the will of the best man, preferret● the government of laws before the other, saying, that The law i● as it were a pure and clear understanding: whereas the understanding o● the best man is joined with sensual appetite, tendency it may be corrupted And that therfore where the law governeth, there God governeth with the law, but where man governeth, be he never s● wise and virtuous, there a cruel beast( to wit concupiscence an● passion) entereth in to the government with him, and many times ●bscureth his understanding, and perverteth his will. As the magistrates should govern the people so should law govern the magistrate. julian li 15. digest. ff. de legib& Senatus. constit. 3. Cicero de leg li. 3. For which ●ause the magistrates ought in al cases, wherein the meaning of ●he law is clear, to judge and determine, according to the pre●cript therof( as the civil law itself ordaineth) and Cicero saith, ●●at as the magistrate governeth the people, so should the law govern the ●agistrat. whereupon I infer, that seing no law-maker can so su●●iciently provide for the government of commonwealth by the ●●tter of the law, but that he must leave infinite cases, yea and the ●●terpretation of the laws themselves to the determination& ●●dgment of men( who are also on their parte defective, No sufficient means to make a perfect commonwelth by human laws or magistrates. to wit ●●biect to passion and error) it followeth that nether the law without the magistrate, not the magistrate without the law, nor ●●t both concurring, can suffice for the perfect government of con●onwelth, but should be for to supply the defects of the other. ●nd therfore I conclude, that there is no sufficient means& ●ssured, to establish any state by human laws. 5. This will be more evident if we consider what are the special ●nds whereto laws are ordained,& what they can perform. too things are principally intended by them: Two princial ends fireship human laws do tend. the one the ad●inistration of iustice by the decision of causes, controversies, ●nd suits, betwixt party, and party; The other is, the reforma●●on of manners, and repression of 'vice, for that it is pernicious 〈◇〉 commonwealth. Of the first, I haue already spoken sufficient●●, having declared as well the weakness of the law-maker, and ●agistrate, as the imperfection of the law in the determination ●f causes, and therfore I will enlarge myself here a little further concerning the later, which is suppression of 'vice and reforma●●on of manners, and will declare that human laws can not su●●ciently perform, either the one, or the other. 6. For if laws were able to reform mens manners, ff. de legib.& Senatus consult. Tit. 3. Isidor. li. 5. Etimolog. The force of human laws consisteth in precepts, prohibition, permission, reward and punishment. or to ●●presse 'vice, they must do it either by precept, or by prohibition, or ●●y permission, or by rewardinge, or by punishing: for in these five thin●es consist al the force of human laws, as the lawyers them ●elues do testify. As for the two first, to wit, precept& prohibition, ●●ey are altogether unable and insufficient to bring the cor●●pt nature of man to any perfection of virtue. For what other ●elp haue we thereby but only the knowledge of our duty; which knowledge alone as Aristotle saith, Arist. lib. 2. Ethic. cap 4. helpeth little or nothing to vert●● whereof the praise and commendation consisteth in action, and operation. F●● it nothing availeth though we know never so much, if we, d●● not put our knowledge in practise. And as it little profiteth a si●● man to know what meate is good for him, when he hath suc● a loathing to it that he can not eat it; even so the corrupt nature of man hath little help or remedy by the knowledge of hi● duty; when virtue is so loathsome unto him, that he can not brook it. Seneca ep. 95. precepts alone little avail to the obtaining of virtue. For as Seneca saith; Nihil proderit dare praecepta, nisi pri●● amoueris obstantia praeceptis. It is to little purpose to give precep●● except thou first remove the obstacles therof. Therfore the poe● saith truly. — si possem, sanior essem; said trahit inuitum, noua vis, aliudque cupido, Mens aliud suadet, Video meliora proboque, Deteriora seauor. That is to say, I would be better if I could, but a new and strange fo●● draweth me against my will, and sensuality persuades me one things and reason an other; I see and approve the better, but I follow the wos●● Also the Apostle speaking in the person of our corrupt nature testifieth the same saying. Rom. 7. Scio quia non habitat in me &c. I know t● there dwells no goodness in me, that is to say, in my flesh, for I haue a g●● will or desire, but I can not perform it, for I do not the good which I des●● to do, but I do the evil which I would not do. Thus far the Apostle whereupon it followeth that the precept& prohibition of the la●( whereby we haue only the knowledge of good and evil) littl● availeth us for the attaining of virtue, except the infirmity& corruption of nature be cured by some other means. For A●●mus( saith Seneca) vt ad praecepta posit ire, Sene. ep. 95. soluendus est: that is to s●● The soul must be loosed from the bonds that tie& entangle it, or other v●●● it can not follow the good precepts that are given. But what if the pr●hibition of evil doth hurt also, if it be not otherways helped? Rom 7. Prohibition of itself rather hurteth then other ways. 7. This the Apostle proveth clearly, to show thereby the inf●●mitie of the Mosaycal law, considered in it-selfe without Go● grace; Peccatum( saith he) non cognoui, &c. I knew not sin but 〈◇〉 th● law, for I knew not concupiscence, but because the law said, th●● sh●lt not covet. And sin by the occasion of the commandment hath wroug● al concupiscence in me: thus far the Apostle. And how true this 〈◇〉 common experience may teach us; seing nothing is more proper ●nd peculiar to the malice of mans nature, then the desire to do that which is forbidden, and commonly for no other reason, but because it is forbidden, which the poet signifieth elegantly, ●ying. cvi peccare licet, peccat minus; ovidius. 3. de arte amandi. ipsa potestas Semina nequitiae languidiora facit. &c. Nitimur in vetitum semper, cupimusque negata: Sic interdictis imminet aeger aquis. and which hath leave to sin, sins less, for the liberty to sin weakeneth ●●e very roots and seeds of sin: Mans corrupt nature thirsteth after things forbidden. Horatatius. 1. Carminum. odd 3. we always strive to do that which is ●●rbidden us, like to the sick man, who thirsts most after forbidden wa●●●; And an other poet saith to the same purpose. Gens humaruit per vetitum nefas. Mankind runneth head long to sin when it is ●●●bidden him; For even as a torrent or land-floud running a vio●●nt and precipitous course, and meeting with any stop by the ●ay becomes the more furious, and with redoubled force makes self way, and beareth down al before it: even so mans cor●●pt nature, being carried headlong with unbridled desires,& ●●●ding itself repressed or hindered with any law or comand●ent, breaketh down the banks and bounds of duty with 〈◇〉 doubled fury, in such sort, that it committeth double offence: 〈◇〉 wit, it doth not only do the evil that it desireth, but also bre●●eth the law, as the Apostle insinuateth saying; Lex iram operatur. Rom. 4. ●c. The law worketh or causeth wrath, for where there is no law, there is 〈◇〉 breach of law. Whereupon Saint Augustine saith, In decerptis ex August. The letter of the 〈◇〉 killeth, for it makes a man rather know evil, then eschew it, and by ●●●t means rather increaseth then diminisheth sin, for that mans concupi●●nce, or vnlawful desire is accompanied also with the breach of the law; ●herby it appeareth that law in commanding or forbidding, help●●h not sufficiently to the reformation of mans corrupt nature. 8. And can Permission or connivence with evil( which is an●●her point of the law) work any greater effect? who seeth not ●●at the same doth nothing else but bewray the imbecility and 〈◇〉 ●●perfection of law, Permission prophesieth the imbecility of law. seing it is forced to permit that which it ●●adly would, and should remedy, but can not. And therfore I ●il proceed to treat of Reward,& Punishment, wherein as Solon was wont to say, principally consisteth the government of commonwealth. And Isidorus saith; Legis proemio aut poena vita m●●ratur humana. Isidor. li. 50. Etimolog. Mans life is wholly governed, by the reward or punishment of the lawe. Of reward and punishment. 9. Now then for as much as these two haue al their oper●●tion about the effects of virtue or 'vice, that is to say about goo● or bad actions( which are only rewarded and punished by law) and not about the causes and roots therof, to wit the good or bad habits or affections of the mind( from whence spring al good or evil actions) it is manifest, that though they may be motives to good, yet they can not be effectual and sufficient means to work it. For so long as the cause remaineth, so long will the effects follow therof at one time or other. 10. For as trees are yearly cropped, and vines lopped, ye● whiles the roots remain sound, they bud a fresh, and bring forth new bows, leaves and fruit; even so, although evil& sinful acts be punished in wicked men, yet if the causes from whence they proceed( to wit the inordinate affections and passions) be not taken away, they produce the same effects sooner or later, openly or secretly. For what commonly followeth of the punishment of a vicious act, when the habit of the vi●● remaineth, but that the offeder sinneth more warily an other time? and how often do men offend the laws with our punishment, yea with out any fear or danger therof? That man( sait● Cicero) who fears nothing but a judge and towns, Cicero de leg. what will be 〈◇〉 do in the dark, or when he finds a archbishopric and rich man alone, of who●● he may haue the spoil? 11. Furthermore how many ways may the pennaltie of th● law be avoided? Some escape it by their power( in which respect Anacharsis compared laws to the spiders web, whic● takes only the little flees, Plut. in Solon. whiles the great-ones break through it) and some again avoid it by corruption either of the judge witness, How many ways the penalties of political laws may be escaped. or jury; and some by favor and friendship,& other by negligence of officers, which do not execute the laws, an● some by the Princes pardon. But what shal we say of such as offend the law not only with out punishment, but also with reward? And to the end that this may the better appear, and tha● with al we may see what force law may haue for the suppression of the malice of mans nature, let us consider the force of a contrary law, which every commonwealth encountereth and im●ugneth political law, to wit, the law of the flesh, whereof the apostle saith; Video aliam legem, &c. Rom. c. 7. I see an other law in my body re●●gnant to the law of my mind. And for as much as this lawe hath al●o her precepts, prohibitions, rewards, and punishments, An exact comparison of political law, with the law of the flesh to show the advantage of the later. let us ●ut it in balance with the civil and political lawe, weighing the ●●ne with the other, that we may see whether will be like to ouer●eygh in man void of Gods grace; and consequently in com●onwelthes that rely only vpon human policy and power. 12. It is therfore to be considered, that the carnal law flo●inge from the very bottom of mans corrupt nature, is so ●uch stronger, and more forcible then the other, to move and ●aw him, by how much it is more internal and familiar with ●im, and the end or scope therof more agreeable and consonant 〈◇〉 his corrupt humour, will, and affection. Wherunto the political and carnal laws do tend. For political law ten●eth only to, Bonum verum, and bonum commune. A true good, and the ●●mmon good, consisting in solid and perfect virtue; whereas the ●●rnal law tendeth to, bonum apparence, and bonum privatum. An appa●at and private good, connsisting only in mans own profit, pleasure, ●●d delectation, whereto every one is of his own corrupt nature ●●clined. 13. The like may be said also of the statutes and decrees of the and and the other, that is to say, their precepts, The statutes of the political and carnal law. and prohibiti●ns, consisting in commandments, negative, and affirmative, ●herein the carnal law hath also the like advantage, in respect 〈◇〉 the greater facility of the precepts therof, and the difficulty 〈◇〉 the things it forbiddeth. For whereas the civil and politycal ●●w commandeth us to love our neighbours as ourselves, and 〈◇〉 prefer the public good before our private, to be temperate, ●●d continent, not to steal, not to deceive, not to commit for●●cation, or adultery: the law of the flesh being opposite in al, ●ommandeth the contrary, as to love ourselves better then our ●eighbour, to prefer our private good before the public, to ●eale, and deceive for our commodity, to commit fornication, ●●d adultery for our pleasure, and to conclude al in one pre●●pt it saith, Ede, bibe, lude, post mortem nulla voluptas. eat, drink, and, 〈◇〉 merry, for after death ther is no pleasure. 14. These statutes of the carnal lawe the Holy Ghost layeth down notably in the book of wisdom, speaking of wicke● men in these words: Dixerunt impij. &c. The wicked said, let 〈◇〉 enjoy the goods that we haue, Sap. 2. and use the creature in this time of our yo●● without delay: let us fill ourself with wine and oyntements, and let us 〈◇〉 loose the flower of the time, &c. let us leave every where the signs of 〈◇〉 mirth, for this is our part, and this is our lot; let us oppress the poor 〈◇〉 man, and let us not spare widdow, nor haue respect to the hoary hea●●● of any; and let our strength be the law of injustice. lo here the statut●● of the flesh, which how much more consonant and agreeable the● are to mans corrupt nature, and how much more easy to be pe●formed then the statutes and decrees of the political law, th●● command and forbid the contrary, I need not to declare. 15. For who knoweth not that to learn 'vice a man hath n●● need of any great wit, Mans promptness to learn evil. or of a counsellor, or of compulsion; wh● is so simplo that hath not wit enough to be wicked? whereas t● be virtuous we need not only wit, and capacity, maisters an● teachers, but also laws, stripes, prisons, gives, and gibbets; an● yet( as Seneca saith) We may think we profit well if we be none of th● thirst; Seneca ep. 75. so that he which is either left to his own corrupt nature or hath no other then human help, is drowned in 'vice an● sin, Ibid. before he come within a kenning of the port of virtue We are( saith Seneca) taken up by the way, we labour to come to vert●● being already entangled and intercepted by 'vice; And no marvel, seeing men void of grace,( for of such I speak) haue nether sufficient arms to defend themselves, nor refuge where to sa●● themselves. For reason which is their only weapon, not bein● strengthened by grace, is so weak and brickle, that it breaket● at the first blow, and moral virtue( wherein consisteth 〈◇〉 their hope& refuge) is so hard to be attained, that a man rece●ueth many deadly wounds of his enemy, before he can arri●● where it is. Besides that, his danger is the greater, for that th●● war is so domestical, and intestine, that he is not secure fro● himself; for that he is to fight not only with the world and th● devil, but also with his own passions and affections, in so muc● that his greatest fear may be, lest he himself betray himself ● and render himself prisoner to his enemies. 16. Furthermore we see that our procliuity to 'vice, and o●● aversion from virtue is such, that as it sufficeth to flesh a do●● only once vpon sheep, vice ●●sely learned and virtue very hardly. to make him a sheepe-werryer as long ●he liveth; even so one only taste of 'vice is enough to make a ●an vicious ever after; whereas many acts are required to the ●●rtayning of the habit of any one virtue, and so timely is mans ●●eendship with sensuality the mother of 'vice, and so late his knowledge, and use of reason which leadeth to virtue, that he ●ath gone half the way to 'vice, before he know where virtue welleth: by means whereof he commonly groweth to be vicious ●ery early, to wit, in his child-hood, and virtuous very late, if ●●er he prove virtuous at al; for the way to virtue is long and ●●d of difficulties, but the way to al kind of 'vice is easy, Eccle. ca. 21. & as Salo●on saith, Complanata lapidibus; even, and well paved, short, and ●one in a trice; Haud procul illa habitant, brevis est via qua sit eundum. Hesiod. ●ice dwelleth nor far from us, the way is short, and al in descent. ●hereupon the poet saith, facilis descensus averni, Vergi. li 6. AEnead. the descent to ●●el is very easy. Finally of these two ways our saviour saith, ●●ta porta et spatiosa via est, &c. The way is broad& Math. c. 7. spacious that leadeth 〈◇〉 perdition and many enter in thereat; but the gate is straite, and the way is ●●row which leadeth to life, and few men find it. Thus we see, The advantage that the carnal law hath of the political law. how ●reat advantage the law of the flesh hath of the political law, in ●●spect of the facility that men find to fulfil the precepts therof, ●hich in some are nothing else but to be vicious. 17. The carnal law hath her advocates, Orators, Philsophers and teachers. But what, doth it want any thing where with political law furnished, which it hath not also in high degree, to be able to ●old this competence? hath not this carnal law,( trow you,) ●●er advocates, Orators, Philosophers, and teachers, to publish ●●d proclaim it, to pled it, to teach it? how say you, by al the ●ct of Epicurus? whose doctrine consisted principally in the pre●●pts of this law, and impugning as much as he durst the civil ●●d political law? In which respect al epicureans were banished ●●t of many good commonwelthes of Greece as Plutark testifieth, ●●d that worthily. The doctrine of Epicurus and his followers. For Epicurus having made a demand in cer●●ine questions which he wrote, whether a wise man would not and against the political lawe, if he might be sure to escape puni●ment? answered freely thereto; yes truly. And writing to Idome●●us( one of his schollers) he admonished him seriously not to ●biect himself to the laws and opinions of men, whensoever and might hope to avoid the penalty of the laws. And Metrodorus a disciple& familiar friend of his writing to his brother, Metrodorus a disciple of Epicurus. forbade him to go to the wars,& to endanger himself for the public good of Greece, advising him to drink good wine at home, and to treat himself well, that his body might receive al pleasure, and contentment: Idem in his treatise that a man can not live merrily in the sect of Epicurus. Philip. 3. concluding that the chief and sovereign good, consisteth in the belly, and in the pleasures therof. This is the philosophy that belongeth to the law of the flesh,& experience sheweth what numbers of professors there are therof in every commonwealth. Quorum Deus venture est( as the Apostle saith) whose bellies are their Gods. whose endeavours tend to nothing, but to their private pleasure and commodity, who employ their wits, studies and pens to nothing so much, as to publish and promulgate the carnal lawe, in ambrous and lascivious books, wanton poems, and scurrilous and bawdy ballads, Youth corrupted by lascivious books and ballads. which abound every where to the corruption of youth, and consequently to the prejudice of the commonweal, and to the great shane, in my fancy, of the magistrates that see it and suffer it. 18. moreover to the end we may see that this carnal law will yield in nothing to the political, hath it not also commonwelthes wherein it governeth, and a prudence& policy appropriate unto it? The common-wealths where in the carnal law governeth. politic Princes and magistrates that practise it? yea and politic writers that teach and maintain it? How say you by al Tyrannical states, where al is drawn to the pleasure or particular benefit of the Prince? Are not the same ruled according to the precepts of this lawe? do the magistrates and gouernours therof practise any other policy but prudentiam carnis, Rom. 8. as the Apostle calleth it, the prudence and wisdom of the flesh? And Machiauel whose works are so highly esteemed of many states-men at this day; doth he teach any other government, Machiauel de principe. then that which proceedeth from the principles of this law, to wit from self love and particular interest? 19. And this were not much to be wondered at, if it had not also a Religion conform to itself; The carnal law hath religion, doctors and preachers. with doctors and preachers to defend, preach, and teach it. For as political law having the help and assistance of true Religion, is more perfect,& worketh far greater effect in commonwealth, for the establishment and conservation therof( as in the second parte of this Treatise shalbe made manifest) so also the carnal lawe being masked with the vizard of some religion either true or false, is of far greater force to overthrow and destroy commonwealth; and therfore it seeketh always to haue either the apparance& show of true religion( in which respect Machiauel teacheth his tyrant to be an hypocrite) or else it serveth itself of some new fangled and false religion; Machiauel de principe. which the Apostle signifieth when amongst opera carnis, the works of the flesh, Gal. 5. he numbereth sects of heretics. And such is especially the religion of some sectaries at this day, whose doctrine tendeth wholly to the liberty of the flesh, and by consequence, to the destruction of political law, as I would show here, but that I haue purposed to do it hereafter in the second parte of this treatise, more amply then this place will permit. 20. But perhaps you will say that the other law in rewarding and punishing surmounteth this, and represseth it in such sort that it can haue no force in any well governed commonwealth? Let us then examine this a little, and we shal find that the political lawe hath no odds of this in that point: The Rewardes the law of the flesh proposeth. for this hath also rewards and punishments as well as that. The rewards which this proposeth are diuers, for it promiseth for some things, the pleasure and delectation which is sought in the action, with the which, the party doth think himself so well satisfied, that he is contented many times to bestow much money, yea to venture his life to obtain it. Some times again it proposeth some gain or commodity, which may accompany or follow the fact. And lastly it findeth means other whiles to rob virtue of her reward, and to apply it to itself, in so much that there is no remuneration promised by the political law, whereof the carnal law may not some times give hope to such as follow it; as I will make evident by the comparison of the one with the other, whereby it shal appear that the carnal law hath every where the advantage. 21. Therfore I say that the rewards propose for virtue by the political law, are uncertain in respect of the other, for nether is there any at al assigned for very many good acts, nether yet al those rewards that are promise are performed; The Rewardes of 'vice are certain for the most part. whereas the rewards of 'vice are commonly more certain. For either they go before the act( as it falleth out in bribes and many other cases of unlawful gain, where the reward is paid( before hand) 〈◇〉 they accompaine the fact( as in al cases of intemperance and incontinency, wherein only pleasure is sought, and in cozenages& deceits which bring present gain) or else they follow vpon the fact, as when some unlawful act is done vpon promise of future pay; so that for 'vice the reward is always either assured, or at least hoped for and expected, which is no small motive to induce men thereto; whereas for virtue there neither is any reward to be had many times, nor yet hope of any by political law, as we see by experience in very many men, who live laudably in the commonwealth al their lives, and yet are so far from having any remuneration, or from expecting any, that they think themselves happy in that they can escape the penalties of the lawe. The ministers of 'vice soonest exalted to honour. 22. But let us proceed a little further. Is there any reward for virtue so assured by political law, that 'vice can not, yea doth nor, daily obtain it? Hath it not honor many times for reward, as well as virtue? who sooner riseth to the highest offices, and credit in some courts, then the minister of the Princes pleasures, or instruments of his wickedness? As sejanus under the Emperour Tiberius? Sueton. in Tiberio Claudio Nerone. Two slaves called Narcissus and Pallas under Claudius? Tigelli●● under Nero? Pexennius Cleander, Regilius, julianus& other slaves under Commodus? Al which governed both the Emperours& the empire: Lamprid. Herodian. Pero. Maxia. de vitis Imperat. to whom I might add diuers other, if I thought it convenient. For whether we look to former times, or to the present, we shal find every where, as many advanced by evil means as by good; for no man is so wicked, but if he haue money, he may hope for any preferment whatsoever. Curia pauperibus clausa est, dat census honores, Census amicitias, ovid. eleg. 7. pauper ubique jacet. The court( saith the poet) is shut up to poor men, and wealth giveth honors, wealth giveth freendshippe,& the poor ma● lieth every where in the dust. Philip. de Comines Cron. du Roy graced c. 7. 23. And if we also consider how Princes commonly bestow their rewards, we shal see that merit is least respected, which Philip. de Comines sheweth by a pleasant example of Lewis the eleventh king of France, and Charles duke of Burgundy, who after the battle( which was fought betwixt them at Montlehery in Fra●●●) being determined to reward& punish such as had deserved well or il in their armies,& finding that diuers ran a way on both sides whiles the battle was doubtful( some one on the one side a hundred miles estward, and others on the other side as much westward) the king of France took from one of his subiects al his offices and dignities for running away, Rewards without desert. and gave them to an other that ran ten miles further then he; and the duke of Burgundy deprived also one of his, of al his goods& authority, for the like cause,& with in a while after gave him more then ever he had before, whereby( saith Comines) it appeareth that Princes bestow their rewards& favours, not like angells, but like men, as they are. 24. Seeing then 'vice hath not only particular rewards either of gain or commodity, or of pleasure at least( which contenteth some more then gold) but also hope of the rewards due to virtue itself, either by the Princes error and infirmity, or by his favor, or by purchase, or by accident& chance, kingdoms and Crownes often obtained by lewdness. ( whereby many wicked men are also advanced,) what advantage could the political law haue of the other by proposing reward, though it were never so great? Do we not see Crownes& Soueraignties, wherein most men place the greatest felicity of this life) do we not( I say) see the same procured by murders, mischiefs, and most wicked means? And doth Machiauel propose any less reward to his Prince for extreme wickedness, then assurance in soueraignity; so that the most wicked man that is having hope to get or conserve a crown, or other sovereign state, by some murder or mischief, what greater, or so great reward could he expect for al the virtue in the world, by obeying political laws? Wicked men honoured for gods. Haue not very many in old time got divine honors, though they were most wicked men, as jupiter, Venus, Bacchus, Hercules, Tiberius Caesar, and diuers Emperours as bad as he? And so it would stil fall out, if Christian religion had not expelled Idolatry out of the world. So that we see, political laws, with out the help of Gods grace and religion( for so I consider them here) can not assign so great a reward for virtue, but that the wickedest man in the world may hope also to haue it, though he follow and obey the law of the ●●esh. 26. But a man may say, that many wicked men which promise themselves great gai●● or aduancement, by some wicked act, get nothing in the end but racks and ropes in recompenc● therof; virtuous men disgraced, and punished. which I grant, but then let us also consider on the other side, how many notable men either loose their lives in the action for the which they should be rewarded; or instead of the reward which they deserve, get nothing but ignominy, banishment, hatred of their Princes or people, Plutark. in their lives. death, and utter ruin; as Marc●● Cariolanus, furious Camillus, Scipio, Cicero, Themistocles. Aristides, photion, Dion the Sicilian; and infinite others, of whom some were deprived of their dignities, others banished their countries, and others shamefully put to death by public authority, after they had done great services to the Commonwelthes,& states wherein they lived. 27. And did not Lewis the .11. King of France discover a great secret, Philip Commi ●a 92. concerning the humours of Princes, in rewarding services past; when he said, Il perd souuent d'avoir trop bien servi. It overthroweth men many times to haue done too good service; signifying that princes are more willing to haue others beholding to them, The uncertainty of the reward of virtue, by political laws. then to be themselves beholding to any. And that some as well Princes as others, are of that nature, that when they see their obligation so great to any man, that they think they cannot commodiously reward him to his satisfaction and merit, they hold him but for an eye-sore, and seek to be rid of him one way or other. Therfore how uncertain and casual is the reward of virtue by political laws, seeing the distribution therof is in the hands of such, as for some particular respect, or interest of their own, may not only forbear to reward, but also some times undo and destroy, those that haue best deserved of them and th● commonwealth? Thus much for Reward. 28. Now to speak of Punishment, wherein consisteth the greatest force of any political law for the repression of mans malice, let us see what are the penalties or punishments where with the law of the flesh terrifieth men, The punishments which the carnal law threateneth. to divert them from virtue,& to draw them to 'vice: for although it can not of itself inflict any punishment vpon the true louers of virtue, who tread down and triumph over al the power of the flesh, and of the laws therof: ●et it setteth up certain scar-crowes to fright the simplo souls that it deceiveth, proposing unto them far greater difficulty, labour,& pain, then there is indeed in the practise& exercise of virtue; which difficulty they hold for no other then a continual affliction,& as it were a penalty or punishment inflicted vpon such as labour to be virtuous, by means whereof they contemn the penalties of political laws, esteeming them not only more easy to be avoided, but also more tolerable to be born then the other; I say more easy to be avoided, for that nether is there a penalty imposed for every offence, nether are those that are ordained, always exacted of offenders,( for as I haue noted before they are many times escaped, either by power, or by favor, or by corruption of officers, or by their negligence, or by the Princes pardon) whereas the pains that worldly men conceive to accompany virtue, seem to them inevitable, except virtue itself be avoided; whereto no man can arrive, but by the straite, narrow, and painful way, which I haue before described. 29. And again the penalties of political laws, Penalties of the political law, seem more tolerable to wicked men then penalties of the carnal law. seem to them more tolerable then the other, for that al penal mulcts, consist either in payment of money, or in infamy, or in corporal, or capital punishment. If in money they fear it not much, for they are content to buy their contentment there with,& many we see do voluntarily beggar themselves to obtain their pleasures. If the penalty consist in infamy, what care they for the same, who hold ●inne for no shane, but for an honour, Psal. 51. &( as the Psalmist saith) Cloriantur in malitia, they glory in malice, & latantur( saith Salomon) cum male fecerint,& exultant rebus pessimis, Prou. 2. quorum viae peruers●, quorum gressus infames sunt; Who rejoice when they haue done amiss and exult in the worst things, whose ways are perverse, whose steps are infamous: If the punishment be corporal, or capital, they esteem the practise of virtue fare more painful. 30. For what affliction, prison, restraint of liberty, torment or death can seem so grievous to a man given over to lust and pleasure, as to afflict himself by restraint of his own will, Nothing more irksome to evil man thē virtue. to conquer and subdue his own unbridled affections, to chastise his body, to the end to make it obedient to the spirit, to mortify and crucify himself, to die to his lust, and concupiscence, yea, and to be as it were his own butcher and hangman, to execute al this vpon himself, not for once or twice, or for a day or two, or for now& then, but daily, continually, and with out initermission ( for otherwise true virtue can nether be attained, not c●●●●ued) can any thing( I say) seem more irksome, or any p●●●shment more corporal, or capital, to sensual, and fleshly m●●● destitute of Gods grace: 1. Cor. 2. Qui non percipiun● ea quae sunt spiritus D●● who haue no feeling nor apprehension of matters belonging to the spirit of God? 31. Corporal torments they think with Epicurus, the greater they are, the sooner they dispatch a man out of pain, and th● less they are, more tolerable they are. And death they hold for an end of misery: but these labours and pains which they imagine to be in continual exercise of virtue, they take for a continual and neuer-dying torment,& for an everlasting death, so that very many are so disgusted with the only conceit, and apprehension therof, The great aversion of wicked men from virtue. that they will not take so much as a taste of virtue to avoid any penalty of law whatsoever, as we see daily in many malefactors that are incorrigible. And again diuers that haue already made some entrance into the course and way of virtue, are thereby so tiered,& wearied with in a while, that they utterly despair ever to arrive to any perfection therein( such men I mean as haue no light nor help of Gods grace) in so much that one Sextius a gentleman Roman( of whom Plutarcke writeth) having given himself to the study of philosophy, Plutarck. li. de tranquil. animi. and the practise of moral virtue, was with in a while so discouraged, that his friends had much a do to keep him from drowinge himself. AEmilius Prob. in Dione. And Aemilius Probus testifieth that the son of the famous Dion of Sicily being restrainted by his father from the licentious life which he had lead for some time in his fathers banishment, desperately cast himself from the top of the house, and broken his own neck. No means in Political law to reform a vicious Prince. 32. But put the case that the subiects might be made virtuous by the fear of punishment, what remedy is there for the Prince, when he is of a bad and malign nature? Truly none: for he feareth no penalty of the law, being himself above the law: and as for good council, if any man dare give him any, he contemneth it. What good did the good council, and precepts of the divine Plato& the famous Dion, to the two tyrants of Sicily the father& the son called dionysius, who to requited them for their good instructions, sold Plato for a slave,& banished Dion out of Sicily? what benefit reaped the wicked and cruel Nero, by al the good discipline he received of the wise Seneca, vpon whom he exercised his cruelty no less then vpon al others? And what effect wrought the good education, example, and instructions, which the Emperour Marcus Aurelius( called the Philosopher) gave to his son Commodus, who succeeding him in the Empire, was far more detestable and hateful for his 'vice, then his father was renowned, and beloved for his virtue? 33. If then there be no sufficient means, by laws, education, council, or exhortations, to reform the vicious and corrupt nature of a wicked Prince, who seeth not that by consequence, there is no assured means, to make the commonwealth virtuous? For though it be never so well ordered, and disposed in the body, yet it may receive such corruption from the head, that it may perish thereby. For as Pliny saith: even as in mens bodies. Plini. li. 4. e●. so also in commonwealths the disease is most greeuious and dangerous, which proceedeth from the head, And we see commonly that the manners of the people, are conform to the manners of their Princes. 34. Now then to conclude, No sufficient means in political law, to make the common welth virtuous. what sufficient means is there in political law, to suppress the law of the flesh, and to make the Prince and people truly virtuous? Is it precepts, or prohibitions? nothing less; for seeing they consist but in words, they are easily contemned: and as I haue shewed before, prohibition doth increase the disease( that is to say) the offence and sin, rather then remedy it: and as for permission of evil, it doth but bewray the weakness of political law, and show the force of carnal law, which the other is fain to permit, because it can not redress it: What then? is it punishment or reward? neither of both; for as I haue signified, either the offences are so secret, that they are not subject to punishment, or the law is deluded, and the penalties avoided many ways; or if not, yet in respect of the pains that wicked men imagine to be in the exercise of virtue they are little feared And as for reward; what reward ordained by law can so satisfy a sensual man, as pleasure, which he holdeth for his sovereign& chief good,& for the only felicity of his life; in so much that I haue heard some men, most wickedly protest and swear that if it were not for the pleasure s of the flesh, their lives would be loathsome and hateful unto them. The insufficency of political law for the reformation of 'vice acknowledged by Licurgus Arist. polit. li 2. ca. 7. 35. Therefore Licurgus despaired with great reason to make either the King or the subiects in his commonwealth virtuous by the force of laws. For which cause he ordained( as Aristotle saith) that the Kings of Lacedemony should not be perpetual, but govern for a time, least some evil King( if his government were for term of life) might destroy the commmohwelth. 36. Also this insufficiency of political laws, and of al other human means to reform the manners of wicked men, was, as it seemeth, wisely noted and considered of late by a wise and learned paynim in China, The same acknowledged of late by wise paynim in China. who being of himself of a good and virtuous disposition, and having proved by experience that nether the religion which he professed, nor the laws of his country, nor mans own industry, nor yet any other natural or human● means, sufficed to conquer and subdue the laws of the flesh, despaired, as it seemed, ever to attain to any perfection of virtue, until he met with the fathers of the society, who at th●● present preach the Christian faith in China, Littera annua dela Cina deal. an. 1601. of whom he demande● whether the law, which they taught, were able to reform, the bad and malign nature of a wicked man, and to make him truly virtuous; And understanding by them the supernatural and divine force of Gods grace communicated to man by the means of Christian religion,( which in that respect is called the law of grace) and that by the help therof, any wicked man may undoubtedly arrive to al perfection of virtue, he inclined presently to be a Christian, which afterwards vpon further, and more particular knowledge of our Christian catholic doctrine, he most gladly and religiously performed. But of this point, to wit of the necessity of true Religion, and the force therof in the reformation of manners, I am to speak more amply in the second parte of this Treatise, and in the mean time I haue here sufficiently shewed, that political laws are altogether insufficient to repress 'vice, and consequently to establish a perfect policy and government of commonwealth. AN anwer TO AN objection MADE in favor of political law, supposed to be sufficient for the suppression, of 'vice, if it take sufficient order for the good instruction, and education of youth. But the impossibility therof is shewed, and in conclusion the necessity of the law of grace, to supply the defects of political law, is inferred. CHAP. 10. but some perhaps will object that laws do not so wholly rely vpon punishment and reward; or vpon the other points which I haue handled before, but that they haue also other helps to reform 'vice, and plant virtue in the commonwealth, and that therfore Zaleucus, Carondas, Cicero de ligib. li. 2. and Plato, did say( as Cicero testifieth( that it also belongeth to lawe, to use persuasions and instructions, and not to terrify only with threats; For as S. Augustine saith of heretics; Aug. ep. 48. Si ter●erentur &c. If men should be only terrified and not taught, the government might seem to be wicked and tyrannical. Furthermore laws may ordain( as they commonly do) that children be brought up from their very infanc●, in al kind of virtue, and furnished with precepts of philosophy, which being sowed like good seed in the mindes of youth, as in a fertile and well manured soil, ma● in time wax ripe, and bring forth very good fruit, to the public benefit of the commonwealth. 2. An objection that good education of youth is sufficient for the Institution of a perfect commonwelth. For what can be more effectual for the planting of virtue in the minds of men, then good education, whereby the tender age of children ma● be framed like wax to receive the impression of virtuous habits; For as the young and tender twig is easily bowed an● way, and being once set streight, so groweth al ways after, and at length when it is become a three, will rather break them bow; even so a mans nature being framed to virtue in his infancy and strengthened therein by good custom, may grow in time to such perfection, that nothing shal be able to draw or divert it from a virtuous course. For Adolesceus( saith Salomon) iuxta viam suam cum senuerit non recedet ab ea. that is to say; Pro●erb. ●●. The young man when he comes to be old, will not leave the course which he held when he was young. Hereupon it may be inferred; that if the laws ordain public schools, and universities, and take sufficient order for the education& instruction of youth, in al kind of learning and moral virtue, they may with the helps of punishment and reward, suffice for the instruction of a good and perfect commonwealth. The answer to the former objection, knowing diuers impediments that hinder the good education of youth. 3. To this I answer, that although good instruction and education may greatly help to make the comonwelth virtuous; yet in such commonwealths as are governed only by human means, and policy, it cannot work the desired effect, by reason of diuers impediments that will undoubtedly occur. First we see in al commonwealths, that many very vicious parents desire to haue their children like unto themselves, and therfore are not only negligent in procuring their good education, but also help to corrupre them by their evil example, and also by industry and bad instructions, taking no less delight to see them abound in 'vice, then virtuous men do, to see their children replenished with virtue. 4. The covetous, and avaricious man, that hath enriched himself and increased his living by fraud, usury, extortion,& other unlawful means, encourageth his children to do the like, not only by his own example, but much more by the gain that they are to reap thereby; besides that such covetous parents, do not stick to recommend unto their children, The evil example and bad instruction of vicious parents. avarice for a virtue, and al maner of fraudulent and unlawful gain, for lawful purchase,& points of good husbandry. In like sort the licentious man, who accounteth his own loose life for no sin but solace, cannot dislike, or reprehend that in his children, which he alloweth in himself; yea and I haue heard of a great Prince, who being much given to the sins of the flesh, and seeing his son more virtuously inclined, so much disliked it in him, that he seriously exhorted him to beget bastards, to the end to fortify& strengthen his house. And the like may be noted for the most parte in al sorts of bad and vicious men, whose evil example& pernicious precepts, are commonly of more force to draw their children to 'vice, then any instruction of master, or teacher, can be to move them to virtue. 5. Secondly, very many, or rather the far greater part of the commonwealth cannot, though they would, The greater part of the common welth uncapable of such education, as 〈◇〉 requisite to ma●● them truly virtuous. give their children that good education that were convenient to make them truly virtuous, partly for want of means and ability to bear the charges therof,& partly because they are forced to bring them up to some trade or occupation, whereby they may be afterwards able to live: who therfore cannot be tied to such rules or manner of life, as were necessary for the virtuous education of youth which with our continual restraint, and diligent oversight of maisters and correctors, easily falleth to 'vice. 6. Thirdly, it is to be considered, that of such as shal receive the good instructions,& education which the law may ordain, a great number will be of that perverse and malign nature, that they will reap no benefit ther●y. For as Seneca saith; Seneca ep. 95. The malign and perverse nature of many not capable of good instruction Non semper ●●d actiones rectas praecepta perducunt, said cum obsequens ingenium est; Precepts and instructions do not induce al men to virtuous actions, but ●●ly such as are of apply able& obedient natures: whereof we daily see the experience in very many youths, whom neither labour, nor industry, nor good and virtuous example, nor severe correction, nor yet any other human means, can so much as dispose to take any taste of virtue. 7. Fourthly, although many youth may profit greatly in virtue for a time, whiles they remain under the charged and correction of maisters, and are separated from the occasions& examples of 'vice, yet afterwards when they shal be delivered from the bridle of restraint, and the yoke of obedience, very many of them will become vicious. This was wisely considered by Plato in his schollers; For beholding one day a great company of towardly, and notable young men that came to hear his lectures, he sighed deeply, and said to himself; I fear me that many of these being the seed and children of men, plutarch. will hereafter become examples of human infirmity. 8. Thus said he: and if he had cause to fear this in such as being already mature in yeares, and ripe in iudgment, gave th●m selves to the study and practise of virtue of their own free election; what may be feared of children, who for the most part are held in a virtuous course by compulsion, or because they haue yet had no taste or trial of worldly delights rather then of their own choice, Very many after virtuous education do fall to 'vice. or for the love of virtue? what else,( I say) may be feared, but that when they shal see themselves at liberty and come to taste the pleasures of the world, they will fall to vicious life, yea and that many of them will( as the old proverb saith) of young saints, become old devils? whereof wee haue daily experience in great numbers of young men, who having had notable education, and made great progress in virtue and learning, do nevertheless become afterwards very vicious and wicked; so that if we consider how many there will be in any profane commonwealth that will receive no benefit of good instructions, either by the negligence, evil example, or bad persuasions of their wicked parents, or by reason of their poverty, or because their estate requireth other employment in trades or occupations, or by their own perverse and incorrigible natures, or by human frailty( whereby many fall daily from virtue to 'vice) we shal find that the least parte of the common wealth, by far, will be bettered by any good education that political laws alone may ordain. 9. This will be much more manifest if we add hereto some other considerations concerning the maisters, Impossible to find teachers of true virtue on a profane commonwelth. and teachers of virtue, by whose insufficiency, negligence, or evil example the youth is many times in al commonwealths il instructed& corrupted, besides that it may well be said, that in a profane commonwealth their cannot be found any such sufficient and able men for the education of youth, as were convenient to make them, and the whole commonwealth truly virtuous; wherein I wish to be noted, that I make no small difference between a virtuous and a learned man, for if the question were only to find learned scholmaisters and readers to make good schollers, I would easily grant that such provision might be made, and order taken that there would be no want of good Grammarians eloquent Rethoritians, subtle Logicians, profound Philosophers and men excellent in al human learning, yea and that they might make so many notable schollers that a great parte of the commonwealth might become learned. 10. But the question being here, not of expert Pedagoges and schoolmasters but of good& virtuous men that may teach true virtue, as well by their own example and practise, Difference betwixt learned and virtuous men in a Commonwelth. as by their precepts; I may boldly say of such, that none at al can be found in commonwealths, voided of Gods grace and true religion, from the which al true virtue floweth, as from the fountain, and without the which no man can be truly virtuous, as I will make most manifest in the 2. parte of this Treatise, whereto this question properly belongeth. And in the mean time for some satisfaction of the Reader, I will briefly touch here in this place, one consideration belonging to this matter, to wit, the experience of al former times and ages, concerning such as haue ben the principal professors of virtue in profane commonwealths; as what their abilities, and sufficiency hath been for the teaching of true virtue, whereby also it may be judged what perfection any such as they,( I mean men voided of Gods grace) can work in any commonwealth. 11. For this purpose it is to be considered, The had lines of the wisest and best Philosophers amongst the paynims. what manner of men the gravest, wisest, and best Philosophers were, who in times past took vpon them to be the true louers of wisdom, teachers of virtue, and reforms of mens manners, whose wisdom nevertheless was,( as the Apostle termeth it) more folly; 1. Cor. 3. Aug. ep. 131. what was the learning of the Philosophers. Their controversies. Their exhortations and precepts Themistius in Orat. ad Valentem. Eccles. hist. li. Aug. de civit. li. 19. c. 1. Hieron. li. 2. comment. in ca. 13. Mathei. For al their learning and knowledge was,( as Augustine saith) nothing else but ianglinge sophistry, towers built in the air, proud error, vain& ●●rious lies, their controversies were infinite, their dissensions endless, and irreconcilable, about no less matters then the sovereign and chief good, yea and about God himself: holding, concerning the first, 288. several opinions, and 300. about the latter. Their eloquence, exhortations, and precepts, were not as S. jerome saith) that little seed of mustard( whereof our saviour speaketh in the gospel) which being sowed in the field of mans hart, groweth to be a great three; But it was a kind of seed that had no viuacytie, quickness nor life in it, as tastles worm-eaten seed which yeeldeth either no fruit at al, or nothing else but weeds, or perhaps some pot herbs that faded and perished straitght. 12. The virtue of the ancient Philosophers what it was, And what shal we say of their virtue which was so much admired? was it any thing else but vanity? no truly. For although some of them seemed to excel, some in one virtue, and some in an other,( whereby a few in very many ages were counted virtuous) yet they were al so far from true virtue and goodness, that it may justly be said of them; that even as a purblind man, or one that hath but half an eye, may be held( as the proverb saith) for a king amongst blind men: so in that infinite number of wicked men, who pestered and poisoned the world with their wickedness in time of paganism, wicked men not better one then another, but less evil. those few which were not so wicked& vicious as the rest, were reputed for good and virtuous; not because they might truly be said to be better then their fellowes, but because they were less evil; Fabritius the famous roman( saith S. Augustine) shal be less punished, A●gustin. cont. julian. pelag. then the wicked Catalin, not because he was better then Catalin, but because he was no● so bad as he. And so may we say of them al that although some of them seemed to haue some virtues that others had not, or were not in some things so vicious as the rest, yet they were al of them loaden with 'vice, Rom. 1. as the Apostle testifieth, who describeth them to be men; given over by almighty God to a reprobate sense, and to the desires of their own hartes, The testimony of the apostle concerning the abominable lives of the philosophers. to al ignominious passions and uncleanness, replenished with al iniquity, malice, fornication, covetousness and lewdness; full of envy, murders, contention, deceit, malignity, and detraction, contumelious, proud, haughty, inventors of mischief; &c. 13. Thus saith the Apostle of the old philosophers, whereof if it were lawful to doubt( considering the authority of the witness) sufficient testimony and confirmation might be had out of profane authors, Plato proved to be very vicious, by his own works. yea out of their own works. For who is he that readeth and considereth the absurd laws of Platoes community of women, and the promiscuous generation( which I haue mentioned, and reproved before) will not discover in him, a very sink of sin, from the which he belched out such beastly doctrine and lascivious laws, wherein nevertheless he followed the opinion and doctrine of his maisters, Socrates, and Pithagoras, two of the most famous Philosophers that ever had been before his time. Aristotle accused of great vices by di●ers ●n his own ●●me. ●u●●●. co●tra Philo●o. ●o●. c. 1. 14. And what shal we say of Aristotle, Platoes scholar whom diuers that lived in the same age, did testify to be a most wicked man; Cephisodorus the disciple of Isocrates, charged him with deli●acy, intemperance,& gluttony. ●icon the pithagorian, said h●● was so covetous that he used to sel the oil wherein he bathed himself. Democh●r●s objected against him, that he betrayed his own country Stagira, to the Macedonians. And finally, Aristocles the Peripateticke, who took vpon him to defend him against others, confesseth that two things commonly reported of him were probable, that is to say, that he was ungrateful to his master Plato,& that he secretly enticed away the adoptive daughter of his dear friend Hermias the Eunuch, and married her, of which Eunuch, he had been also before so fervently enamoured, that ●●bulides saith, he made a kind of marriage with him;& Theocritus of Chio wrote an epigram of their beastly love and conversation; yet this is he who hath written most exactly of al moral virtue in his book, de Ethicis, to de moribus, that is to say of manners, and was the Prince or head of the Philosophers called the Peripa●eticks. 15. And is it not likely that al the rest of them were as vain ●nd vicious as he? yes truly; the truth whereof may be gathered out of Plutark, plutarch. li. de. industria animalium. Plutarkes opinion of the lives of the best philosophers. who being himself one of the gravest of al the ●atter sort, in sect a platonic, and master to the Emperour trajan, in his dialogue of the industry of beasts, giveth to understand ●nder the name of Autobulus, that not only Socrates and Plato, but also al other philosophers not withstanding their outward show and ostentation of some virtues, were generally as intemperate, incontinent,& wicked as any common or ordinary slave. 16. But of al other profane authors Lucian painteth them, Lucian. dial. in Scripto; negromantia vel Menippo. ●s a man may say, in their coulers. For in his diologues he bringeth in Menippus speaking of the Philosophers thus; Because I was,( saith he) uncertain what course of life to hold, I thought good to go to ●he Philosophers,& to take their aduise, that they might direct me therein, Lucians discourse of the manners of the old philosophers. not ●●nsidering, that as the proverb saith, I cast myself out of the frying pan in ●o the fire, for I found amongst them al things more uncertain, then ●mongst any sort of men, in so much that the life of the veriest Idiot, seemed ●●to me more happy then theirs. For when I beholded their lives, I perceived ●hey were clean contrary to their own precepts and doctrine; those which ●aught that money and riches were to be contemned, did gape after nothing more then ganie, lending to usury teaching for hire, and doing al for money; ●hose which in words seemed most to contemn glory, referred al the whole ●●●rse of their lives thereto. And finally, those that openly spake most against ●●luptuousnes and pleasure, secretly sought& embraced nothing else. Thus far Lucian. 17. whereby we may see what maisters and teachers, what guides, and physicians the ignorance, weakness, and blindness of man hath had, or may hope to haue, in commonwealths that rely vpon the wit and policy of man; yea and what virtue men that are voided of Gods grace can plant in other men to make them truly virtuous, seeing that with a little good seed of moral doctrine they sow so much cocle and darnel of il example, that the virtue which they teach, is as it were, suffocated and choked even in the very blade, in such fort, that it can yield no good fruit; The dissension amongst the old philosophers concerning most important matters. 2. Tym. 3. 18. For who is he that should hear the professors and maisters of virtue disagreeing amongst themselves, and scolding every day in their schools one against an other, aiming continually at a mark which they never hit, professing to teach that which they never knew, and to give that which they never had themselves, ever learning( as the Apostle saith of heretics) and never coming to the knowledge of truth, reprehending 'vice in a● men, and never reforminge it in themselves, who( I say) should see this, and would not rather despair, ever to be able to attain to virtue, then be encouraged by their persuasions to the study and practise thereof. No political law can ma●e a commonwealth virtuous. 19. Therefore I conclude, that considering the impediments that occur in profane commonwealths, on the behalf as well of the instructors and teachers of virtue, as of those which are to be instructed, that is to say, seeing that not only the maisters are on their parte insufficient for the virtuous education of youth, but also the far greater parte of the youth themselves, either incapable of good instructions, or not much the better for it, for the reasons before declared; It followeth that no law merely political can by any good education of youth make a profane commonwealth virtuous; whereto if we add that, which before I haue also proved concerning the insufficiency of al political laws, for the suppression of the carnal law, and the reformation of manners; it followeth necessarily that some supernatural help is requisite for the perfect institution, and government of a commonwealth, which help I will other where prove to consist in the law of grace, that is to say, in true Religion, whereby the defects of political law may be supplied, and the law of the flesh suppressed. 20. For the law of grace doth illuminate the understanding, fortify and strengthen reason, repress sensuality, facilitate the way to virtue,( which it maketh sweet, delectable,& pleasant) representeth to the understanding, the turpitude, lothesomnes, The force of the Law of grace for the reformation of 'vice. horror, and danger, of 'vice, and finally it addeth to the temporal rewards and penalties of political law, the everlasting and eternal; so that political law being seconded, and supplied by the law of grace, that is to say true religion, may reform the corrupt manners and nature of wicked men, and work that effect in commonwealth for the which it is ordained, as I will evidently prove hereafter in the second part of this Treatise, where I shal treat of the necessity and dignity of religion in the commonwealth. In the mean time this shal suffice in this place to show the imperfection of that parte of policy which consisteth in human laws. THE INSVFFICIENCIE OF HVMANE POlicy is further proved by the uncertainty of the success of mens wisest designments:& for the better explication thereof, it is declared, what are Fate, Fortune,& Chance,& that according to the opinion of the best philosophers, Fate doth not derogate from the freedom of mans will, and much less from the providence, of God: and by the way some what is said of Astrology, and of the force of stars. CHAP. 11. having shewed the imperfection of human laws,( wherein consisteth one parte of mans policy) it resteth now that I treat of the other parte, consisting in councils, plots& desigments, either for war, or for peace, and that I show also therein the weakness of mans wit and power, and his insufficiency for government of commonwealth, without the supernatural help of Gods grace and assistance. 2. That this may appear, three things are principally to be considered in plots and designments; the first, the invention; the second the execution; Three things to be considered in plots and designments, the invention, the Execution, and the success. the third the success. To the first is required wisdom in the contriver; to the second not only wisdom but also dexterity, yea and power in the executor; and to the third good hap, commonly called good fortune. Of the first, to wit the invention of plots, and wisdom in the contrivers, I haue spoken sufficiently heretofore, having shewed the weakness of mans wit by evident examples of the manifest and absurd errors, Ca. 7.& 8. Ca. 3.4.5. as well of the wisest Philosophers in the ordinance of laws, and the institution of commonwealths, as also of most politic Princes, yea and of the gravest and wisest demonstrates in their deliberations; and therfore I will now treat here especially of the execution, not only of politic plots, but also of powerful and potent attempts, Of the execution and success of designments. al which depend principally of the success, and of the good or il hap of the executours. For be the council, plot,& enterprise never so prudently contrived, or never so wisely, dexterously, and powerfully executed, yet if good hap answer not the expectation in the success, al is in vain; and which is more, we see often times that many unadvised and foolish designments succeed very well, Foolish designments succeed well many times by chance. Arist. li. de bona fortuna. Some born Fortunat. more by hap( as men commonly say) then by cunning; which Aristotle noteth in such as are horn fortunate; Who( saith he) following the secret impulse& motion of their own natures and dispositions, haue commonly good and fortunate success, yea some times contrary to al human reason; in so much that when they deliberate much, and rather follow discourse of reason, then their own inclination, they loose their good fortune, and haue il success; whereupon groweth the proverb, An old proverb, fortune favoureth fools. fortuna fauet fatuis; God sends fools fortune, which, common experience teacheth to be true in very many simplo men, who are far more fortunate through out the whole course of their lives, then others that are far wiser then they. The which Aristotle ascribeth to the gift of God, the author and mover of nature, To be born fortunate is the gift of God. and of al natural inclinations, who giveth better hap to some men then to others, as he also distributeth diversly his other gifts, not to al men alike. 3. nevertheless speaking generally, the common axiom is true in most men, to wit, unusquisque sibi fingit fortunam suam, every man frames his own fortune, that is to say, every one is happy, or unhappy, according to the course he taketh, or the diligence he useth. For as the Spanish proverb saith, diligence the mother of good fortune. diligentia es la madre de buena ventura, diligence is the mother of good hap; which yet is so to be vndrestood, that although those commonly speed the best, which use the best& wisest means; No man can warrant the good success of his designments. yet no man can either by any industry, or human wisdom, warrant the good success of his designments, for that so variable and infinite are the accidents and sudden chances which daily occur in mens affairs, that no wit of man can fore-see them,& much less prevent them; God having so ordained( for his own greater glory) to check the pride and presumption of man, lest if he had as well the event and success of his plots in his own power, as the contriving of them, he would not know himself, nor aclowledge any dependence vpon his will; therfore some times it seemeth good to his divine wisdom, to overthrow and delude the highest policies, and deepest devises of men, by such means as they least expected, and could never imagine, which I will show by sundry examples. But for as much as men commonly attribute al sudden accidents, and unexpected events, either to fortune and chance, or to fate, to the derogation aswell of Gods providence, as of the freedom of mans will; I crave thy patience( good reader) whilst for the better explication of this matter, I say somewhat here by the way of Fortune, Chance, and Fate, Of Fortune, Chance, and Fate. as what they truly are, and how they haue been, or are il understood of many, and in what sense we may ascribe thereto the effects we see either natural or moral: whereby also the providence of God, and the freedom of mans will shalbe made manifest. 4. Such is the force of sudden chances, and unexpected events, as well for the bad success of mans affairs, The superstitious worshipp of Fortune amongst the Gentills. that the superstitious gentiles imagininge the same to proceed from Fortune, did worship it for a goddesse, persuading themselves that al the prosperity, or adversity of man in this life, depended principally of it: and therfore the romans attributing unto it al their felicity,& the greatness of their Empire, called it the Nurse, pillar, Plutark. de fortuna Romanorum. and Head of the city of Rome, and dedicated to it diuers images, and most gorgeous and sumptuous temples. 5. But it is to be understood that amongst the Gentills, the ignorant and common people did understand by Fortune one thing; and the wise& learned conceived another. For although the vulgar sort imagined that fortune was a goddesse, as the poëts feigned, gouerninge al the actions& affairs of men at her pleasure, giuing good, or bad success not according to their merits or demerits, but as it were by chance( in which respect shee was always painted blind) yet the learned and wise, A●●st. li. 2. Phisico. held Fortune to be nothing else, but as Aristotle termeth it. Causam per accidence; Boeti. li. 3. de conso. prosa. A cause by accident or chance; or as Boetius calleth it, Effectum per accidence, an effect by chance, which happeneth at unawares; wherefore the satirical poet deriding the common peoples superstitious opinion of Fortune, saith thus. Iu●en satire. 10. Nullum numen habes, si sit prudentia, said te Nos facimus fortuna Deam, coeloque locamus. That is to say, thou fortune hast no power where wisdom is, yet we make thee a goddesse and place thee in heaven. 6. And whereas three things were commonly conceived to haue grace power vpon the councells, What things were ascribed to fortune by the Gen●ills. actions, and lives of men, to wit Fortune, Chance, and Fate, the best learned did distinguish them, and determine of them in this manner: To Fortune they ascribed only those things, which happen to men rarely& unexpected, whiles they work or do any thing by discourse of reason, and for a certain end or purpose. As for example, when a man diggeth the ground only of purpose to lay a foundation of a building, and findeth by chance a treasure which he did not look for, they called it fortune. 7. To Chance Chance. they ascribed such things, as happen to men in like manner, seldom and unexpected, whiles they are working or doing any thing without discourse of reason, and to no certain end or purpose. As for example when any thing good or bad chanceth to a man whilst he is sleepinge, or to infants, or brute beasts that do not work by discourse of reason. 8. To Fate Fate. or destiny they did attribute those effects only which proceed necessary from al superior, and inferior causes, connected together, and subordinated one to an other, by the disposition,& with the influence of the first cause which is God. In which sense those effects were called fatal, which proceed of the motion, influence, and operation of the heauens, stars, planets, elements, and other inferior bodies subordinate to them; as the counterchange of day& night, and of the seasons of the year, and al such effects in the bodies of men, beasts, and other earthly creatures, as are caused by the ordinary course, motion, influence, The Ancient Philosophers did subject Fortune, Chance& Fate, to the providence of God. and operation of al the said superior bodies. nevertheless the grave and learned Philosophers did subject al these three,( to wit Fortune, Chance, and Fate) to the providence of God, disposing of al his creatures according to his will and pleasure, which Cicero affirmeth plainly of the opinion as well of Aristotle, and the peripatetics, as of Plato, and the academics, of whom he saith thus; Cicero. Acad. quaest. li. 1. They taught that the soul of the world is that perfect wisdom which we call God gouerninge al things as well in earth pertaining to men, as also in heaven which( perfect& divine wisdom) they called sometimes necessity or fate, because nothing can be otherwise then it is determined or ordained by it, and sometimes they called it fortune by reason that it doth or worketh many things which we cannot foresee, for that we are ignorant of the causes therof; thus far Cicero; This was also the opinion of the stoics as appeareth evidently in Seneca, who having taught that the names of almighty God, may be as many and different, as are his gifts, or the effects of his works, concludeth thus; what soever thou callest God be it nature, Seneca li. 4. de benefi. c. 7. fate, or fortune, al are but diuers names of one God; according to the diuers use and exercise of his power. 9. Thus saith Seneca the famous stoic according to the opinion of the chief of his sect, which held as the peripatetics, and platonics did, that God being the first cause, doth govern the world by the means of al inferior causes, moving and disposing the same, to produce effects, according to their natures and properties; Mans frewil not subject to fate according to the opinion of the philosophers. wherein nevertheless it is to be observed concerning fate, that these Philosophers did not imagine any such fatal necssity to redound of the combination, concurence, and cooperation of al these causes, that could force the will of man, or deprive it of liberty and free election in actions, either good or bad, which election they affirmed to be in the power of man, as appeareth not only in Aristotle( who proveth the same notably in his ethics) but also in Plato and al Platonicks, Arist. ethi●. li. 3. c. 4. al of them urging to that end; that otherwise al punishment of offences were unjust, al reward of virtue vndeserued, al exhortations council and laws, altogether needles and superfluous, which to say were most absurd, and injurious to al commonwelthes, and to human society, yea and to nature itself, from the which the use thereof floweth as from their fountain, in which respect al the gravest and most learned Philosophers did utterly reject the opinion of the Chaldean Astrologers, who did attribute a fatal necessity to the stars, whereby they taught men were compelled to do well or il with out any freedom of election on their partes, the absurdity whereof is most evident. No influence of stars can force the will of man. 10. For natural reason teacheth that how soever the influence of the stars and superior bodies may move, incline,& dispose the will of man to affections or passions, by reason of the coniunction that the soul hath with the body;( which is the proper organ whereby it worketh) yet those superior bodies cannot any way force the will of man, because his soul far excelleth al bodily and corporal things, in dignity& perfection of nature, and therfore cannot be forced by them, nor by any thing that is inferior to itself. In which respect the best Philosophers affirm, that the soul of man is so far from being subject to any fatal necessity or compulsion, proceeding either of the stars, Plato in Timoeo& li 10. de rep. plotinus Ennead 2 li. 3 ca. 8& de. fato c. 8.& 10. Marsil. Ficin. Argumento in li. Plotoni de Fato. c 8. or of the order and connexion of bodily causes, that when it doth not subject itself to the body, but worketh according to the rule of reason, it is not only itself free from al violence or force of fate, but also many times freeth and exempteth the body from the same, as Plotinus and other platonics affirm. 11. This also the best Astrologers( that haue been Philosophers withal) haue of themselves taught; The most learned Astrologers did exempt mans will from al constraint of stars. as Ptolomeus, who sheweth how many ways the inclinations of the stars may be avoyded, and giveth for a general rule this known sentence; Sapiens dominabitur astris& adiuuabit opus stellarum; A wise man may overrule the starre●, and help them in their operation; As we see for example in bodies of weak constitution by nature, which by care and industry( as by physic, Ptolom. in Quad●●pat& in li. de indicijs. diet, good air) and such other means are longer preserved then bodies of better complexion natural, which use not the same means; also we see the like effects in the natural conditions of men, for that some of very had inclination, according to their nativities, are by education and doctrine made good; Cicero T●scul. qual● l. 4. as we red of Socrates, who by the iudgment of Zopirus the physiognomer, and also by his own confession was inclined to al kind of 'vice, though by philosophy he became a mirror of al moral virtue; And some of the other fide, that are of a very good disposition natural, are by bad education, il company, and counsel, corrupted and perverted. 12. Bardasenes apud marsil. Picin. in Summa li. plotini de Fato. c. 1. Furthermore Bardasenes the Sirian( who was himself a famous Astrologer) proveth that the stars are neither causes of al the actions of men, neither yet can force mans will. And amongst diuers other notable arguments he allegeth one most evident; to wit, How Bardasenes proved that the stars do not force the will of man. that al the people of every commonwealth do use at some one time, to do some one act either religious or civil, though they be every one of them born under a diuers constellation: as for example, the Iewe● do infallibly circumcise their sons the 8. day after they be bo●●e,& every saturday keep their sabbath, resting from al kind of work, as the Christians also do celebrate the Sunday. And in like manner the Gentiles had their feasts which al of them kept vniformally vpon certain daies, and their assemblies for election of offices, and for other affairs of the commonwealth, which uniform, and one act of so many men born under different constellations, can not be caused by the stars, the operation and effect whereof cannot be one and the self same, when their aspects are so different as they must needs be in the nativities of many particular men: And therfore( saith he) that one act proceedeth of their own consuls moved thereto by discourse of reason, or by force of religion, laws, custom, and suchlike. 13. moreover al the Arabian and Hebrew Astrologers do agree that the fatal effects of the stars, How many ways the force of the stars may be frustrated in the opinion of the best Astrologers. are frustrated sometimes, by the indisposition and contumacy of the matter, or by the mobility therof; and sometimes by the opposition of a general and universal fate to a particular mans fate; as when the fate of any particular man is encountered wi●h the fate of a whole country or kingdom whereof he is a member; or when the ser●ants fate is crossed with the fate of his master, or the fate of the soldiar by the fate of his captain; joan. picus Mirand contra Astrol. and again otherwhiles fatal effects are hindered( say the Arabian Astrologers) aswell by the liberty of mans will, as by the providence of God, which( as ●abbyn Auenzram teacheth in his book of natiuityes) doth ouerweygh al fate whatsoever. Rabbi Auenz. in initio. li. de gauit Trismegistus apud lactantium li. de origine. erorris. To which purpose also the ancient Hermes Trismegistus saith, unica custodia pietas; pium enim hominem, nec daemon malus nec fatum tenet; nam Deus liberat pium ab omni malo; The only sure guard of man is piety, for neither any wicked spirit nor fate can hold or bind the godly man whom God delivereth from al evil. Thus saith he. The vncerteinty of the judgements of Astrologers by mens nativities. 14. And here I wish to be noted by the way what certainty may be had of the iudgments of Astrologers by mens nativities, when al the fatallity which any of them can imagine to proceed of the stars, is so many ways evacuated; besides that Ptolomaeus the prince of Astrologers confesseth himself, that no man is so skilful in the art of Astrology, Ptolom. li. Apotoles traducto. ● joan. Pico. Miran. Idem in li. 100. verbor. but that he is deceived many times, and that they only who are inspired by almighty God, can truly foretell particular events. And Porphyrius who of al the Platonicks did most favour astrology, affirmeth that the spirits which gave oracles in times past, were themselves deceived, and lied otherwhiles when they judged of things to come by the stars, Chap. 1. as I haue signified before vpon an other occasion. The platoniks teach that religious acts are effectuos means to divert al fatal effects. 15. But to conclude concerning al fatallity proceeding either of the stars, or of the connexion of causes; the Platonicks referring al effects what soever, either fatal or accidental to the disposition of Gods providence,( as I haue declared before) do teach that the most effectual means to divert or frustrate any fatal effect, is adoration consisting in the true worship of God, that is to say in devout prayer, and other acts of sincere and true Religion, whereby may be obtained the favour and protection of him, vpon whose will depend al causes and effects what soever. As Iamblicus the great platonic teacheth expressly, concluding that by the help& favour of almighty God, Iamblicus de misterijs AEgip●or. nos ipso● a fato eximire possumus, we may exempt and free ourselves from fate; as also that God being humbly and sincerely adored, multa mala repellit, quae alioqui naturaliter evenire, doth repel and turn from us many evils, which otherways would naturally hap unto vs. Thus much concerning the opinion of Philosophers touching Fate, Fortune, and Chance. A further CONSIDERATION OF FATE and Fortune, according to the Christian catholic faith, and the doctrine of our holy Scriptures,& how almighty God worketh his will in the affairs of men by casual and accidental means. CHAP. 12. I HAVE in the last chapter declared the opinion of the best Philosophers concerning Fortune, Chance, and Fate, and proved that though they taught some things casual and accidental; yet they acknowledged with al, both the liberty of mans will, and also the supereminent power of Gods providence, And now in this chapter I will briefly show howe the same agreeth with our Christian catholic faith, and debate some other things pertaining to this matter. 2. S. Augustine, though he reject the name both of Fortune, and Fate, as neither well understood by the common sort, nor well used of poëts, and some others that professed learning, yet in substance he agreeth with the opinion of the best and most learned Philosophers saying of Fortune thus. Fortune is understood to be in those things which seem to hap by chance, Aug. quaest. supper Genesin. li. 1. not because Fortune is any divine power, but because such accidents, do by the ordinance of God proceed from causes that are secret and vnknowne to vs. And again in an other place; Aug. li. 5. de civit. Dei. ca. 9. we Christians( saith he) do not affirm that those causes which are said to proceed of fortune, are no causes at al, but that they are secret and ●idden from us, and therfore we do attribute them to the will, either of almighty God or of some spirits. Thus far S. Augustine, giuing to understand that the sudden and unexpected chances which are called effects of Fortune, do particularly proceed from the providence of God, using the ministry of spirits or other creatures, for the execution of his will. 3. And as concerning Fate; whereas some understand the same to consist only in the constellation of the stars,( as I haue signified before) and some thought it to proceed of the order and connexion of al, S. Augustins doctrine concerning fate. as well inferior as superior causes; the first he utterly rejecteth, and the later he admitteth in some sort, to wit, so that neither the freedom of mans will, nor the providence of God be denied thereby, wherein nevertheless he alloweth not the name of fate, as a word not to be used amongst Christians; Aug. l●. de civit. De● li. 9. therfore he saith. Omnia fato fieri; &c. we Christians do not say that al things are donne by fate, nay we rather affirm that nothing is done by fate; For we show that the very name of fate is vain, and to no purpose, as it is commonly used and understood to be in the constellation of the stars, wherein every man is born or conceived, and yet nevertheless we do not deny the order and connexion of causes wherein the will of God is most potent, but we do not call that order by the name of fate. Thus far S. Augustine, who also a little after, to show that no order or connexion of causes( which the Philosophers called fate) can necessitate or force the will of man, Idem. saith thus. It doth not follow that because God hath ordained a certain order of causes, therfore there is nothing in the arbitrement or power of our wills, which consuls being the causes of our works and actions, are to be reckoned amongst the causes which God hath ordained. Thus saith this learned Father; signifying, that seing God hath given freedom to our wills, and ordained that they shalbe causes of our actions, it is as natural to them to work freely and with out compulsion of any other cause, as to fire to heat, or water to wet, or to other causes to produce their natural effects. How Christians ought to understand the word fate. 4. Lastly to show to what cause al these things, that are called fatal are to be referred, and what we Christians ought to understand by this word fate; he saith thus. If any man do attribute this effect to fate, calling the will and power of God by the name of fate; Sententiam teneat, Aug. li. 3. de civit Dei cap 1. linguam corrigat, let him hold his opinion, and correct his speech. Thus far S. Augustine, To whom I will add one other witness of our christian doctrine concerning fate, to wit the famous S. Gregory the great( from whom we Englishmen received the Christian faith) who having signified that certain heretics called Priscillianistae taught that every man is born under a certain constellation of the stars, S. Gregoryes doctrine concerning fate. Grego. Hom. 10. in evang. luke. which they held to be his fate, or destiny, addeth these words: said absit a cordibus fidelium &c. But let it be far from the harts of Christianes to think or say that any thing is fate or destiny; for he only who created man governeth his life; and man was not made for the stars, but the stars for man; And therfore if the stars were the fate or destiny of man, it should follow, that man should be subject to those things, which are ordained for his service; Thus saith S. Gregory, agreeing both with S. Augustine,& also with the old and best philosophers in substance of opinion concerning fate, and rejecting the very name thereof with S Augustine, because the common people aswell amongst Christians, as amongst the Painyms used the same too profanely. In which respect also S. Augustine rejecteth the name of Fortune, S. Augustin rejecteth the very name of fortune as not to be used of Christians. so far disallowinge the use therof, that in his later daies, when he censured al his works and writings, he retracted the same in a book of his written when he was a young man,& newly become a Christian, whereof he saith thus. 5. Non placet mihi, &c. Aug. li. Retract. ca. 4. It displeaseth me that in that work I name Fortune so oft, though I meant not thereby any goddesse, but the accidental event of things, where vpon these words are commonly used in speech, perhaps, peradventure, perchance, &c. al which nevertheless are to be referred to the divine providence; Thus saith he to teach us that it is the duty of Christians, not only to avoid the profane opinions of the pagans, concerning fate and fortune, but also their profane manner of speech, or writing therof. The profane use of the words Fate and Fortune over common at these daies. What then would he say if he were now living, and saw the writings of some Christians of no small estimation, aswell historiographers as others, who not with standing the abundant matter, and occasion that the subiects which they handle do offer unto them, to observe the course of Gods providence; do seldom or never speak therof, but refer al kind of effects and accidents to fate or fortune, more profanely then many of the Painyms were wont to do, in whom a man shal find very pious and religious observations of Gods infinite wisdom, providence, and iustice; Truly if S. Augustine( I say) were living and should see such works, he would not think them fit to be red of Christians. 6. But now to proceed, and to leave a parte the consideration of fate or destiny, and to speak a little more of Fortune, or Chance, The effects of fortune attributed to God by holy scriptures. according to the sense and doctrine of the holy Scriptures the wisest and most learned Philosophers,( as before I haue declared) called almighty God Fortune, acknowledging thereby that from his providence proceedeth al the variety of prosperity and adversity, and al the good and bad success which the superstition of ignorant men did commonly ascribe to Fortune. And although our holy scriptures do not apply the profane name of Fortune to the in finite majesty of God, yet they attribute unto him al the effects therof, 1. Reg. cap. 2. and therfore they say; Dominus mortificat, &c. Our Lord doth mortify and revive, empouerish and enritch; humilitate and exalt, raise the needy from the dust, and the poor from the dirt, that he may sit with princes and possess a seat of glory; for to our lord belong the thrasholds or limits of the earth. 7. Hereof the Scriptures also do afford us infinite examples, by the which the course of Gods most particular providence( in matters that are commonly ascribed to Fortune or Chance) is represented as it were in a glass, Al goods imparted to man by Gods providence. to the eyes of the Christian reader, who may learn thereby how almighty God the author and fountain of al goodness, doth impart to men not only the goods which are called, Bona animi& corporis, The Goods of the body and of the mind( as knowledge, learning, wisdom, strength, beauty and such like,) but also Bona fortunae, the goods of fortune,( as riches dignity, honour. &c. God gave to samson exceeding strength, to judith extraordinary beauty, Iud. ca. 14.15.16. judith ca. 10. 3. Reg. ca. 3. and to Salomon not only admirable wisdom and knowledge, but also infinite riches. And as for the variety of prosperous and adverse Fortune, the holy scriptures also teach us, that the same depend wholly vpon the hand and providence of almighty God. This we see in job, most fortunate for a time in his own person, job. 1.2.& 24. in his wife, children, friends, and substance, and again for a while most unfortunate and miserable in al, and yet in the end more rich and prosperous then ever, who in the midst of his misery and losses, did comfort himself with the consideration of Dominus dedit Dominus abstulit; Our lord gave it and our lord hath taken it a way. wherein it is also to be noted, that the devil desiring to afflict him, could not touch him or any thing of his, without the particular licence of almighty God. 8. In like manner the wonderful wisdom and particular providence of God appeareth no less in the strange and variable accidents that happened to joseph, Genes. ca. 37.39.41.& 42. sold for a slave by his own bretheren, transported in to egypt to a kings palace, and from thence to a prison, there fettered and manacled for a time, and yet afterwards exalted to the principal and chief charge of a kingdom, whereupon followed the conservation, Exod. cap. 2.3.4.5.6. not only of his father, but also of his brethren that sold him. What should I speak of Moyses exposed in his infancy in a basket to the mercy of a river, found and taken up by a kings daughter, nourished as her son, then forced to flee, for the slaughter of a man, 1. Reg. cap. 16. 2. Reg. cap. 2.16.17.22.23. and yet in the end advanced to be captain general and governor of the people of God to deliver them from captivity. Or what need I speak of Saul who as he was seeking his fathers asses. was anointed king by the prophet, obeied by the people, prosperous for a while, and yet in the end miserable slain in a battle against the Philistines. Or of david transferred from a sheephooke to a sceptre, victorious against al foreign enemies, yet persecuted by his own son, driven out of his palace, despised, and reviled by his subiects, and afterwards restored to his former tranquillity, peace, and dignity. Dan. cap. 4. Or of Nabuchodonosor dejected and cast down from his Imperial throne to the company of brute beasts for a time, and yet afterwards raised again to his ancient state, dominion, and glory. Esth. cap. 3.& 7. Or of Aman most potent for a while by the favor of Assuerus, and at last vpon a sudden hanged vpon the gallows that he had prepared for poor Mardochaeus. In al which the holy Scriptures do manifestly represent unto us the admirable providence of God, though such like effects are commonly attributed to fortune or chance. 9. But what need I( I say) allege these examples out of our holy Scriptures, seing that from the begininge to the end, they are nothing else but as it were a perfect and lively portrait of the divine providence, The infinite wisdom of God in disposing of al things. expressing the abstruse and hidden councils of almighty God, and the inscrutable course which he holdeth in the disposition of mens affairs, thereby to teach us where unto al the mutations and changes, the good and il success, and the sudden chances and events which so diversly distracted the states of man, are to be referred; whereby we may also learn how sweetly his infynit wisdom disposeth al things, working his holy will not only in his creatures, but also by them, making them his instruments and ministers; yet in such sort that the effects which are seen, do not seem to proceed from him, but are commonly attributed to the next and immediate causes, when the same are apparent, which we may observe not only in the common speech of men, but also in the holy scriptures themselves. 10. As for example, we read that almighty God signified to Salomon, 1. Reg. cap. 11. that for his Idolatry his kingdom should be divided, in his sons time, and that the prophet Ahias Salonites also during Salomons reign, told Hieroboam( who was after king of Israel) that God would give him ten of the twelve tribes, which Salomon governed, and that only two tribes should remain to Roboam Salomons son: 3. Reg. 11. yet when this came to be executed the scripture declareth that Hieroboam& the ten tribes divided themselves from Roboam, because he refused the council of old men( who advised him to content the people) and followed the aduise of young men who had been brought up with him: The effects of Gods providence attributed often to the next and immediate causes. and counseled him to give them hard answers; which indeed was the next and immediate cause of their rebellion, though the first and principal cause was the ordinance of God for Salomons sin, and therfore the Scripture saith in the same place, that; Non acquieuit rex &c. The king did not give contentment to the people, Ibid.& paralipcap. 11. because God had cast him of, to the end it might be fulfilled, which the Prophet had foretold to Hieroboam; And when Roboam had assembled a mighty army of a hundreth and fourscore thousand to fight against Hieroboam and the 10. tribes that followed him, God commanded the prophet Semeias to forbid him to fight with Hieroboam, Ibid. Quia mea hoc gestum est voluntate. Because( saith almighty God) it was done by my will. lo here how the revolt of the 10. tribes from Roboam seemed to proceed only of his error, though it proceeded principally from the will of God, who served himself of Roboams error, as of a means to punish in him, as well his own sins, as the sin of Salomon his father. 11. In like manner when some second and immediate cause is not aparant and evident, How the effect of Gods providence is attributed to Chanc●. the effect is commonly attributed to Chance, which also may be observed in the holy scriptures, whereof I will allege some few examples, to show thereby how almighty God useth casual means for the execution of his will. We read that two phophets at several times told king ahab from almighty God, that he should die a violent and bloody death, for spilling the innocent blood of Nabath and sparing Benadad king of Siria; and afterwards when he went to fight against the syrians, Michaeas the prophet also told him that he should be killed in the battle, in so much that he said; Si reversus fueris in place non est locutus in me Dominus. 3. Reg. ca. 22. Paral. ca. 18. If thou return alive our lord hath not spoken in me. nevertheless afterwards when the scripture declareth how he was killed, it saieth thus? Vir quidam tetendit arcum in incertum saggittam dirigens,& casu percussit Regem Israel &c. A certain man bent his bow, and shooting his arrow at random strooke the king of Israel by chance; So that almighty God executed his holy will vpon ahab by Chance; yea and signifieth the same in his scriptures in such sort, as nothing could seem to be more casual, or accidental, though it was his special ordinance long before. 12. The like also may be noted in the book of maccabees; for when Iudas Machabaeus fought against Gorgias, it is signified there as a matter of Chance, that some of the soldiers of Iudas were killed. Contigit( saith the text) paucos ruere Iudeorum: 2. Machab. 12. It chanced that a few of the Iewes were slain; nevertheless it appeareth afterwards that it was Gods particular iustice and iudgement vpon them, for there were found under their cloaks some things that had been offered to Idols, which they had secretly brought before from lamnia, and therfore the Scripture saith afterwards; Ibid. Omnibus ●●go manifestum est ob hanc causam eos corruisse; It was therefore manifest to al men, that they were slain for this cause. 13. whereto I may add for more evident proof, The effects of gods providence wrought often by most casual means. & the better explication of this matter, that we find also many times in the holy scriptures, that almighty God used otherwhiles to execute his iustice, and sometimes to work other effects of his ●rouidence, by the most casual and accidental means that may and, to wit, by lotts, as when the mariners did cast lotts in a great tempest to find out the cause therof, jonae. c. 1. and the lot fel vpon jonas whom God ordained to punish for refusing to preach to the Niniuits. Iosuae. 7. And Acham having stolen part of the spoil of Hierecho was by the special commandement of God discovered by a lot, and put to death for his offence. 14, Also Saul being assigned by almighty, 1 Reg. 10. God to be King and anointed by Samuel, was chosen nevertheless by way of lots. And finally the Apostles themselves did cast lots to choose mathias to supply the place of Iudas, which election they took to be the special work of God,& therfore they said. ostend Domine quem elegeris ex his duobus. Act. 1. show o lord which of these two thou hast chosen. Such then and so particular is the providence of God, that even those things which seem to be most accidental, are directed, and guided by him for the execution of his will in the most important affairs of men, yea and of his own spouse the Church. 15. Therfore we may not so refer the effects which we see,& the success of mens actions, Nothing casual o● accidental to the will of God. to inferior causes, or to chance, that we deny therein the will& providence of God, to whom nothing is casual or accidental, he being the first cause from the which proceed al other causes and effects, and who serveth himself of them for the working of his will, giuing such success to the intentions and actions of men, God disposeth of the actions as well of good as bad men, according to his secret and just judgements,& not according to their intentions. be they good or bad, as for his own glory, and the execution of his secret iudgments is most convenient; And therfore as he permitteth the sins and errors of evil men, to use and turn them to his service; so doth he many times frustrate the good designments and endeavours of holy and good men, when the same are different from those ends, which he in his divine providence and secret iudgments hath projected. 16. This hath been most evident in diuers unfortunate expeditions of Christian Princes against the Saracens and Turkes, namely of Lewis, the 9. king of France. A man so admirable for his virtue, Paul. Emilius in lodovic. 9. and so glorious for his miracles both in his life, and after his death, that he was canonised, and is served in the Church of God for a saint; who nevertheless making two voyages against the Infidels, The evil success of two expeditions of S. Lewes of France against the infidels. the one into egypt& the other into Barbarie. was in the first, after many calamities both by sea and land, overthrown with his whole army, and forced to redeemne his life and liberty, with such conditions as it pleased Gods enemies to impose vpon him: and in the later voyage he dyed of the plague, which so afflicted the whole camp of the Christian Princes his confederates, that they were forced to raise their siege from Tunes, when they had brought it to extremity. And in both the voyages such was the misery of the Christians by shipwreck at sea, and by famine and pestilence on land, that it seemed God fought for his enemies against them, so terrible and inscrutable are his iudgments. 17. Paulus AEmilius in Lodouico 7. Sigon. de regno Italiae. an. 1147. The like hath chanced also in other expeditions of Christian kings and Emperours, for the recovery of the holy land; whereof one was made at the motion, and instant solicitation of S. Bernard, who having persuaded Lewis the 7. king of France to undertake the same, The evil success of an other expedition made for the recovery of the holy land by the solicitacion of S. Bernard. induced also conrad the Emperour and many other princes thereto, partly by preaching, and partly by many wonderful miracles which he did at a diet held at spire in Germany; and yet the success therof was so bad, that the holy man incurred much disgrace and obloquy, which he bore with great patience, saying, that seing the weakness of men was such, that they would needs accuse either God or him for their il success, he was content to bear the blame that God might be excused. And yet nevertheless it pleased God to clear him shortly after of that imputation, by a public miracle, for a blind child being brought unto him by his parents to be restored to his sight, he desired publicly of almighty God, Guliel. abbot In vita sancti Bernardi. li. 3. c. 4. that if his divine majesty did move him to persuade the voyage to the holy land, yea and did cooperate with him therein, that then it would please him to restore sight unto the child, or otherwise not, where vpon the child recovered his sight presently, and al men admired no less the sanctity of the holy man, then the secret iudgments of almighty God, who had made him his instrument to procure the execution of his iustice vpon his own people. 18. We red in like manner, judic. c. 20. The children of Israel twise ouerthrown although God appointed them a captain& bad them give battle. of two great overthrows given to the children of Israel, not withstanding that at both times almighty God himself encouraged them to give battle to their enemies, yea and the first time appointed them a captain or leader, for the just reuenge of an enormous injury done unto them by the tribe of benjamin, which reuenge nevertheless it pleased not God to give them, until he had first punished them by the hands of their enemies for their own offences, so that God disposeth not always of the success of mens actions according to their good or bad intentions, but according to his own secret and just iudgments, prospering sometimes the bad designments of evil men, and overthrowing the good endeavours of his seruants, as for his own greater glory, and the reward, exercise and punishment of them or of others, by the means it seemeth to his wisdom most convenient; And yet always so, as neither the wicked by their good success shal escape the punishment due to their bad intentions, or actions; nor the good shal loose the merit and reward of their good meanings& labours, though they succeed never so il in the sight of men. 19. Thus then I haue sufficiently declared, what are Fate, Fortune, and Chance, and that they no way empeach the freedom of mans will, and much less the course of Gods providence, where vpon they principally depend. I haue also shewed that almighty God serveth himself as well of al casual and natural causes, as of the good or bad designmentes of his seruants, or enemies, giuing such success there unto, as for his own glory, and the execution of his holy will, and just iudgments, is most requisite. And therfore I will now proceed to prove the insufficiency of man for the government of commonwealth, by evident examples of councils, policies, and attempts, of the wisest and most potent politics, deluded by sudden chances, and unexpected events, or rather by Gods providence, using the same, as a means to work his will, and to make men see their own weakness. DIVERS EXAMPLES OF SVNDRY ACCIdents tendency great plots and designments of great politics haue been dissipated, and overthrown: and concerning policies that for a time haue been profitable, and in the end haue proved pernicious. CHAP. 13. WEE read in plutarch that the people of Sicily being oppressed with diuers tyrants, Plut. in Timoleon. An attempt against Timoleon ouerthroun by a strange accident. craved assistance of the Corinthians, who sent them for their succour a captain of theirs called Timoleō a man famous not only for military discipline, but also for moral virtue& piety. This Timoleō had within a while so good success, that the tyrants despairing ever to be able, either to overcome him, or to defend themselves by force, one of them called Icetes suborned a coople of desperat companions to kill him, who persuading themselves that they might best perform it, as he should be sacrificing unto his Gods, and wholly attentive to his deuotions, watched an opportunity for that purpose; and finding him one day in the temple ready to sacrifice, they drew near him to execute their intent; but as they were ready to strike him, one of the standards by, who suspected nothing of their intention, vpon a sudden gave one of the conspirators such a mortal wound, that he fel dead in the place: the other seeing his fellow killed,& thinking that the conspiracy was discovered, fled to the Altar, took hold therof, craved pardon of the Gods and of Timoleon,& promised that if he would save his life, he would discover al the practise; in the mean time he that killed the other conspirator being fled, was taken& brought back, calling God& man to witness that he had done nothing but a most just and lawful act, in killing him that had killed his father, which being known to some that were present,& testified by them to be true, filled al the assistants with admiration of Gods providence, who by such a sudden and unexpected accident, had not only overthrown the pernicious plot, and designment of the wicked tyrant, and preserved Timoleon, but also had executed his iustice vpon a murderer. The definition of Fortune according to the platonicks. Plut. Ibid. 2. Hereupon Plutark maketh a notable discourse of Fortune following the opinion of the Platonicks, concerning the same( which they define to be, Demoniacum potestatem &c. An angelical power connecting diuers and different causes to produce some effect) and therfore he noteth in this history how the good Angel of Timoleon, Proclus in Comment. in Timaeum. did for his preservation assemble, and, as it were, chayn together things that had of themselves no coherence, making one of them, the beginning of an other. For although the murder of his father that killed the conspirator, had no connexion with this conspiracy against Timoleon; yet, neither that murder had been revenged, if this conspiracy had not followed, nor yet this conspiracy had been discovered and overthrown, but by the occasion of that murder committed long before. Plutarck ascribeth the preservation of Timoleon to the providence of God by the means of his good angel. Philip. coming. ca. 58. Thus discourseth Plutark vpon this accident, which although he referred to Fortune( speaking therof according to the opinion of Platonicks) yet he ascribed it principally to the providence of God, who by the ministry of a good Angel protected and preserved his seruant Tymoleon, in respect of his great piety& devotion, And this being well understood, is no way repugnant to our Christian and catholic doctrine. An other example of a great designment of Charles duke of Bur●undie ouerth●own by a chance. 3. But to come to examples nearer our time, Charles Duke of Burgundy being at war with Lewis the 11. king of France, had for his confederates the dukes of Guienne and Brittany, whereof the first was the kings own brother, and having been in former times twice deceived by the said King with false treaties, and now desirous to quiter him with the like, offered him to abandon his two confederates vpon condition, that he would restore unto him certain towns which he had of his vpon the frontiers, advertising his confederates in the mean time, that his meaning was not to forsake them, or to keep any conuenant with the king, but only to recover his own, and then to delude him as he had been deluded before by him. The king suspecting no deceit, accorded to the conditions, and sent his ambassadors to Duke Charles to take his oath, for the performance of the covenants on his parte, the Duke swore, or rather forswore himself( promising vpon his oath that which he meant not to perform) and then sent his ambassadors in like manner to the King to take his oath; In the mean time before the ambassadors arrived where the king was, it pleased God so to dispose that the Duke of Guienne the kings brother, and confederat to Charles died, which the king understanding, and seing himself already delivered by his brothers death of the danger of civil war which he most feared; refused to swear, and to stand to his covenants, and so al the crafty devise, and subtle plot of Charles was overthrown, by the sudden accident of his confederates death, which he never dreamed of, and he himself forsworn for nothing. 4. Hereto I will add Caesar Borgia Duke of valemce, The ouerthrow of Caesar Borgia( Macchiauels mirror for a prince) by a suddayn chance. whom Machiauel so highly admireth( as before cap. 3. I haue signified) that he proposeth him for a pattern or example to his prince, this Caesar being become exceeding rich and potent by the help and authority of Alexander the 6. his father, and fearing nothing so much as his fathers death, Guicciard. li. 6. whereby it might chance that some enemy of his might be chosen to succeed him, studdied and laboured by al means possible to prevent that inconvenience, and to procure that the election of his fathers successor might fall in to the hands of himself and his friends, which when he had provided sufficiently as he thought, it chanced by such means, as I will declare after a while, that not only his father died, but also that he himself fel so extremely sick at the same time, that he could execute nothing of that which he had before resolved; whereby it came to pass( God so disposing of his just iudgments) that an enemy of his fathers and his being chosen to succeed, he was with in a while utterly overthrown. In which respect, he himself was wont afterwards to confess, and lament the imbecility of mans wit, Guicciard. li. 6. for that when he thought he had foreseen al the inconveniences that might happen unto him by his fathers death, and provided to prevent them, he never so much as imagined that he should be so sick at the same time, Caesar Borgi● thinking to poison an other poisoned his own father and himself. that he should not be able to put any of his designments in execution. 5. And herein it is also to be noted for the further proof of the matter in hand, that he himself was the cause as well of his own sickness, as also of his fathers death, and consequently of his own ouerthowe, by a wonderful chance that happened contrary to his expectation; for having invited his father and Cardinal Cornetti to a vineyard, with intent to poison the Cardinal, to the end to inherit his goods, he recommended a certain poisoned bottle of wine to a trusty seruant of his, with special charged to keep it safe, and to give it to none without his express order, but so it fel out by his servants negligence, or rather by Gods iustice, Psal. 7. that as the Psalmist saith. Incidit in foueam quam fecit, he fel himself into the pit that he made for others. For his father coming in to supper very hot, and thirsty, by reason of the great heats, and calling for wine, the seruant that had charge of the bottle, not knowing it was poisened, but imagininge only that it was some special wine more precious then the rest, and not having any other ready,( for that the provision was not brought from the palace) gave him of that wine, Gu●cci●rd. ibid. whereof not only he, but also his son Caesar Borgia drank, and being both poisened therwith, the father( who was old and weak) died presently, but the son being young, and more able to resist the force of the poison, had time to take great and potent remedies, whereby after long and dangerous sickness he hardly escaped, and what became of him after, shalbe declared in the second part of this treatise when I come to speak of Gods iustice vpon wicked men which in him was very exemplar; And in the mean time we see how God did frustrat his wicked plots, and pernicious projects, by accidents which he never dreamed of, and much less could prevent. And this I wish the rather to be noted in him then in others, for the great account that Machiauel and al other politics make of his rare wisdom and iudgement. Sander. de Scism. Anglic. john Stowe in Edou. 6. 6. But now to come to an example in our own country which many may yet remember. The lord John Dudley earl of warwick and after duke of Northumberland in king Edward the 6. his time meaning to advance himself and his family; married the lord Gilford Dudley his fourth son, to the lady jane daughter to the duke of Suffolk, pretending to make her queen after king Edward, The plot of the Duke of northumberland against the lady Mary. in prejudice of the lady Mary, daughter to king Henry the 8. and sister to the said king Edwarde, and by the reason of the kings lingering sickness, had time to use al the means which he thought convenient for the accomplishment of his desire, and therfore procured partly for freendshipp, and partly for fear, not only the consent of al the lords of the council, but also the hands and subscriptions of 400. others, noble men and gentlemen, of the most principal through out the realm, in so much that there seemed to want nothing for the assurance of his designments, but only to haue the Lady Mary in his hands, whom therfore he caused the council to sand for in the kings name, vpon pretence that she should come to comfort the king; which she obeied, not suspecting any sinister meaning in the Duke 7. But as she was vpon the way, yea and with in half a daies journey of London, ready to fall in to the snare, it pleased God that she received aduise of the Dukes designments from one of his own council, where vpon she returned suddenly, and with in a while after that she arrived at her own house, she had news of the King her brothers death. And although she was utterly destitute of men, money, council, and al other human means to enable her, to resist so great an adversary as the Duke,( who had al the treasure and strength of England in his hands) yet such was her trust in God for the iustice and right of her title, that she caused her how should seruants presently to proclaim her queen in the country towns there abouts; whereupon, first the common people of the countries adjoining, and afterwards diuers gentlemen of account repaired unto her, The Duke of Northumberland his ouerthrow by Gods providence and iustice. in so great number, that the Duke of Northumberland and the council( who had already proclaimed the Lady jane in London& in diuers other partes) thought it convenient to leuye forces, and to make a Royal army, whereof the Duke himself for the authority of his person should be general. The Duke put himself then presently into the field, leaving the charged of the city and tower of London to the Lords of the council, who promised him al fidelity: nevertheless seeing him absent,& understanding the great concourse of the people to the assistance of the Lady Mary, and considering with al the equity of her cause, they agreed amongst themselves to proclaim her in London which they did presently, and committing to prison the Lady jane, they sent order to apprehended the Duke himself, who was so dismayed there with when he understood it, that he utterly lost courage, and suffered himself to be taken prisoner at Cambridge and brought to London where he was after executed. 8. Here now we see this great designment of the Duke, that was fortified with the consent of al the council, and nobility of the realm suddenly ouerthowne, by such accidents as passed his power to prevent, to wit; First by the discovery of his intention disclosed by one of his own council, at such time, as if it had been concealed but one half day longer, it had by al likelihood taken effect. The Lady Mary her preservation from her enemies throu●h Gods providence. Secondly by the Kings death, ensuing so soon after, that the Duke had no time to use his name and authority to seize vpon the Lady Maries person, which he would haue done, if the King had lived but a few dayes longer. Al which the good Lady considering, together with the other circumstances of the matter, to wit, the affection, concourse, and assistance of the common people, the sudden change of the councells resolution, the dismaye, and speedy apprehension of her potent adversary, and lastly her victory, in such an important,& doubtful quarrel, without the spilling of one drop of blood, and al this with in twelve or thirteen dayes after her brothers death, she wisely& gratefully acknowledged the benefit wholly from Gods hand. And therfore ordained for the inscriptions of the angells, stamped in her reign, this verse of the psalm; A domino factum est illud, P●al. 117. et est mirabile in oculis nostris; This was done by our Lord, and it is wonderful in our eyes. By these examples and infinite others which might be alleged, it is evident that there is no surety in the councells and plots of men, be they never so wise, except they be guided particularly by the spirit of God; for when they haue built( as a man may say) towers of policy as high as the tower of Babel, a sudden blast of an accident unexpected, shal cast them down to the very ground, to the confusion many times, and ruin of the builders, and contrivers therof. 9. But what shal we say of councils& policies, that seem not only to be grounded vpon great reason, The roman Empire ouerthrowen by the same means that preserved it for a time. and contrived with great prudence, but also succeed for some time notably well, and yet in the end prove to be pernicious, whereof we haue seen sufficient experience in the roman empire, which was overthrown in course of time by that which for many yeeres seemed to be the strength and security therof. For whereas the first roman Emperours, having oppressed the commonwealth by arms, persuaded themselves that their state was to be established and conserved by the same means, whereby it was gotten, and, therfore resolved, that the safety therof, and of their persons consisted in strong guards, garrisons, legions,& armies of soldiers to be distributed throughout al the partes of their dominions, it is evident that the same was in the end, one of the principal causes of the utter overthrow of the empire, though at the first it seemed greatly to establish and assure the same. 10. For after the death of Nero( when the family of the Caesars was ended) not only the guards deputed for the custody and safeguard of the Emperours persons, called Pretoriani milites, The factious election of Emperours by guards and armies of soldiers. but also the legions, and armies, disposed, and placed in diuers quarters of the empire, seeing as well the persons of the Emperours, as also the strength of the empire in their own hands, did arrogat unto themselves such authority and liberty to choose new Emperours, that they set them up and pulled them down at their pleasures: whereby in less then one year after Neroes death, Suetonias Plutarck. 4. Emperours, Galba, Otho, Vittellius& Vespasian were chosen by the guards which forced the Senates to admit and confirm them: and their insolency grew to such extremity in time, Eli●s Spartian. that after the death of the Emperour Pertinax whom they killed, they made offer of the Empire by public proclamation, to whosoever would give most for it. And whereas there were but only two that offered money for it, to wit, Sulpicianus, and Didius julianus, they gave it to the later, partly because he gave them ready money, and partly because Sulpicianus was father in law to Pertinax whom they had slain, and whilst not only the Emperours guards, but also the soldiers of every army took vpon them to make Emperours, it fel out some times, that there were as many Emperours chosen at once, as there were diuers armies in the empire; in so much, that in the time of galen& Valerian, Trebel. Pollio in trigi●ta tyrannis. there were no less then 30. Emperours declared in sundry places, in the space of 15. yeares: where vpon it followed that the empire being pyttyfully rent& torn with civil warres was so weakened, that it became a spoil and pray to the Goaths, Vandals, Alans, Huns, Lombards and such other barbarous nations. 11. Thus was the roman Empire overthrown by the same means, that were nor only ordained to conserve and maintain it, The ruin of many Emperors by their own guards. but also did indeed for a time preserve it from many dangers, both domestical, and foreign; to wit, as well from invasion of foreign enemies, as from rebellions of subiects, which by the Emperous guards, and the ordinary legions dispersed through out al partes of the Empire, were either easily prevented, or speedily repressed. For which cause the Emperours themselves were content to stand( as it were at their mercy, to the end they might by them, rule and command others: which though to some it was a safegaurde and security, yet to many others it brought ruin and perdition, Sueton. Iulius Capitol. A●lius Lam pride. Trebel, pollio. flavius vopisc. as to Caligula, Pertinax, Caracalla, Heliogabolus, Pupienus, Balbinus, Phillipus galen, severus, Macrinus, Aurelianus, Iulius Maximinus, Probus, with diuers others, some of them slain by their own gaurdes, and some by their soldiers. 12 This inconvenience the Emperours of the Turkes do seek to remedy in their tyrannycal dominion( which they also uphold by force as the Romans did, Lazaro Soranzo in his Ottoman. par. 1. though with less danger) For although they haue above 300. thousand horse and foot ever in readynes under their Coronells& Captaines in Europe, Asia,& Africa, yet they keep them always a sunder& so dispersed, that they never come together in any number, unless they be to be emplyoed in some foreign war: The Turks great guards of Gianizaries dangerous to his state. nevertheless their guards of Gianizaries which they haue always near about them for the security of their persons, to the number of 13. or 14. thousand, haue proved many times no less damageable then dangerous to their states, for they haue not only some times set up the younger brother against the elder,& helped the son to depose the father, Paul. Iouins. comment retum Ture in Batazete. 2. Lazaro Soranso, in his Otto manno. par. 1. but also even in this our age, haue taken the most confident officers, and greatest favourits of the turk from him by force,& cut of their heads, yea and compelled him to pardon them, yea and to give them what soever they would demand to appease them. 13. whereupon two considerations may be gathered; the one, the infelicity of tyrants, Tyrants are slaves to those by whom they ●epe others in slavery. who whiles they seek rather to be feared then to be beloved, are forced to make themselves subiects and slaves to those by whom they keep other in subiection and slavery: whereby we see how true it is which Seneca saith. Quod alieno metu magnum est, suo non vacat. That which is great by others fear, is not voided of fear itself. The other consideration is, how ticle is the state of Princes, how weak their policies, The dangerous and ticle state of princes without Gods Special protection. how uncertain the success of their plots,& consequently how needful it is for them to crave and haue the special protection of almighty God in al their designments and actions, seeing the means whereby they labour to preserve themselves from dangers, prove many times more dangerous in the end, then the dangers themselves which they seek to avoid. 14. Roderic K. of spain ouerthrown throwgh his own policy. Lucas Tudensis. an. 713. This may further appear by the policy which roderick King of spain used to assure his state against the children and friends of King Vitiza, whom he had deposed, for fearing least his subiects might rebel in their favour, he dismantled al the strong holds and places in spain, and disarmed the people, whereby though he strengthened his state, in regard of domestical danger yet he weakened it in respect of foreign attempts, in so much that the Moores invading him shortly after, joan. vasaeus in. Cron. an. 714. Baron. nno. 713. Beda. hist. Eccles. li. 1. c. 14& 15. & overthrowing him in battle, found so little resistance afterward, that in 7. or 8. moneths they conquered almost al spain. The like also may be said of the Britons to whom their own policy proved most pernicious: for being molested and oppressed by the Picts and Scots, they called in the Saxons for their defence, The Britons conquered by the same means, tendency they meant to defend themselves. who for some time served them to good purpose, but in the end they conquered them and their country. In like manner the queen of Hungary thought it good policy to procure the aid of Soliman the great turk against Ferdinand King of the Romans, brother to the Emperour Charles the 5. and for a while she was relieved& supported thereby, but in the end, Soliman commnig into Hungary in person, with pretence to succour her, deprived her& her son of their kingdom: as also Amurates one of Solimans ancestors, conquered the greatest part of Greece by the like means and occasion. 15. But perhaps you will say that this was so gross a folly in Christian princes( to trust to the help of such potent and perfidious infidels) that it is not to be alleged for an example of policy. I grant, that it was folly, but such follies are committed by the wisest Princes and their councells, when God will punish them: for he either taketh from them their wits, to the end they may err and precipitate themselves, or he overthroweth their wisest designments, by such means as they can not imagine, or else he bringeth them to such exigents, that they are forced witting to take some dangerous, and desperat resolution whereby they are ruined. And this I say happeneth many times, to the mightiest and wisest Princes, when they forget their duty to God, and confided over much either on their own wisdom and policy, or vpon their power and strength, as I will make it yet more manifest in the two chapters next ensuing. OF THE FORCE OF SVDDEN CHANCES and unexpected events, for the dissipation as well of mans power, as of his policy, and of the hazards and doubtful events of battiles, and other enterprises of war. And that al the success therof dependeth vpon the providence of God, giving victory some times by secret concurence with secondary causes, and some times by manifest and miraculous means. CHAP. 14. ALTHOVGH the success of mens affairs is most uncertain, The events of war most doubtful. variable,& subject to infinite chances and hazards; yet in nothing so much as in matters wherein mans power is most seen, to wit, Supplement of Plutarc in Epaminondas. in matters of war: whereof the events are so doubtful and dangerous, that( as Iason said to Epaminondas) he is not wise that doth not fear them. Plutar in photion. And therfore it is noted of photion a most excellent captain of the Athenians, that although he was chosen 45. times general of their armies, yet he himself did ever persuade them to peace, fearing the success of war. And Hannibal having been for 16. Hannibal feared the event of war. yeres victorious in Italy, and forced at length to defend his own country, which was Carthage,( where Scipio the Roman had already overthrown two great armies of the Carthagenians, and was ready also to present him battle) he doubted so much the event therof, that craving conference with Scipia, he sought to persuade him to peace, Li●ius dec 23. li. ●●. representing unto him the hazard of war, and advising him to consider in the prosperous course of his victories, not only what had happened to other men, Idem. To make peace is in the hands of man, but victory is in the hands of God. Ibid. but also what might happen to himself, and that to make peace was in his own hands; but if he once came to battle, the victory should be only in the hands of God. And lastly that. Nusquam minus quam in bello eventus respondent. The events of things do no where less answer the expectation of men then in war. 2. Thus said hannibal, Idem. who may also well serve for an example of his own admonitions; For though he had been many yeares together the terror and scourge of the Romans, and the most famous and renowned captain then living, yea and was, as it were grown old with victories in foreign countries, The ouerthrow of Hannibal● by a roman. Ibid. even before the very gates of Rome; yet he was at length utterly overthrown at home by a Roman, a young man interior to him in reputation, experience, and forces; and in that battle which most imported him, and wherein by the iudgement of al men, he employed al the endeavour, military art, and skill he had, or which could be required in a most prudent and valiant captain. 3. This change and decay of fortune in war, The chance and decay of fortune in war exemplified in many famous captaines. Machab. li 1. ca 5 just. in li. 1 Plutarc. may be exemplified in many others, as famous captaines as ever were, as in the worthy Iudas Machabeus, Cyrus King of Persia; Pirrus King of Epyrus, Marcellus, Pompeius Magnus, Marcus Antonius competitor of Augustus Caesar, the Emperour Constantius, and Heraclius, Belisarius, Edward the 3. King of England, our famous country man. John Talbot the first earl of Shrewsbury, whose name is yet terrible to the French; the great earl of Warwick in the time of Edward the 4. and Charles Duke of Burgundy, Nicolo Piccinino. Lewis the 12. Polidor. Virg. Phil. coming. Guicciard Pero Mexia Suriu●. King of France. And now lastly in our memory the Emperour Charles the 5. al which( with many others who for brevities sake I omit) having by many notable victories got the famed and renown of most famous captaines, either were at last disgratiously killed, or else received some great overthrows, or had at least some notorious decay of their wonted prosperous success. 4. The doubtful ●uent of a batt●ll is greatly to be feared. The consideration hereof hath moved diuers most valiant captaines to avoid the adventure of battailes as much as might be, and rather to seek to overcome their enemies by stratagems, practices,& delays as Q. Fabius Maximus who by such means distressed hannibal much more then others could do by main battailes: and therfore Enninus the poet said of him; Cunctando restituit rem; He repaired the state of the Romans by delays. And it is also written of the valiant Franciscus Sforza Duke of Milane, E●●lus apud Cicet office. l. 1. Silua de vatia lection. c. 1. part. 2. that he would never join battle with an enemy but when he could not otherwise choose. 5. And Lewis the 11. King of France( who was no less valorous in war then prudent in peace) feared nothing more, as Philip de Comines testifieth, Philip commi ca. 17.26. ct. 125. then the hazard of war, and specially of a battle, which by al means possible he sought to avoid: inso much, that when any enemy entred into France, he procured to make peace or truce with him, what soever it cost him: as appeared when Edward the 4. King of England was there, with a strong army, Phil. coming ca. 29. ct. 64. to whom he gave a great some of ready money,& granted to pay him a try but of 50. thousand crownes a year, besides diuers pensions to his counsellors, and other hard conditions, rather then he would hazard a battle with him, knowing the casualty therof, and that as Cominaeus saith: une battle perdu á mauuaise queúè. A battle lost hath an yl tail; and why. coming ibid. A battle lost hath an il tail, or consequence. For it redoubleth the hope and courage of the victors, it astonisheth, and discourageth the vanquished, it shaketh the fidelity of subiects, it ministereth matter& opportunity of conspiracy to malcontents, of revolt to towns,& of alienation to confederates, who commonly sway with the good success. And for this cause, not only king Lewis the 11. but also other wise Princes haue used, when an enemy hath been ready to enter into their countries, Idem. ca. 64. The practise of L●wis the 11. K. of France, to overcome an enemy with out battle. to dismantle al the towns in his way, that were not tenable, and to fortify the rest, retiring thither al the cattle and provision of the country, and destroying al the corn upon the ground thereby to consume him by famine, long sieges, and al kind of delays, rather then to seek to overthrow him by a main battle. This was prudently practised by Francis the first King of France, at such time as the Emperour Charles determined to enter into Prouence with a great army, Martin du Bellay. The preventions which Francis the first K. of France used against the invasion of Charles the Empero●●. in so much that when King Francis understood that the people of the country resisted the destructions of their corn, and other commodities, he sent his army to destroy it, where by the Emperour finding al towns fortified, and no provision abroad, was forced after he had besieged Marcella some moneths, to retire himself for lack of victuals. And this I haue thought good to signify by the way, for that Philip de Comines and Martin du Bellay( both of them notable historiagraphers and councillors, the first, to Lewis the 11. and the other to Francis the first) do greatly approve this maner of proceeding in these Princes, and propose it for a rule of state to al such kings and Princes, as being in possession of their kingedomes& states, are invaded by foreigners, though for those that invade& seek to conquer, Phil. de coming ca. 29. The inuader ought to seek battle; and why. Philip de Comines thinketh it convenient to seek battle, to make short work, by reason of the difficulty to be succoured, and of the infinite dangers and inconueniencyes that happen by delays to an army of strangers in a foreign country. Besides that he which invadeth, and seeketh to conquer, commonly adventureth no more but his present army, and that in hope to get a crown; whereas the Prince in possession, adventureth his whole state against nothing, and a state is lost many times, with the loss of a battle at home, if the victory be well followed. 6. The diuers casualtyes of warlike attempts. But to return to speak of chances and to touch some particularities, thereby to show evidently the weakness of mans wit and power, and the casualty of warlike attempts, let us consider by how many accidents the mightiest armies are many times dispersed and dissipated, and the greatest enterprises overthrown: as sometimes by the death of some one man; sometimes by the dissension of Leaders and captains, or by the mutiny of soldiers; sometimes by tempest or unseasonable weather; sometimes again by plagues or diseases in the camp; otherwhiles by sudden fears that fall vpon the soldiers without cause; Guicciard. ii. ●. and sometimes( as Guicciardine noteth) by a commandement either not well understood, or il executed; by a little temerity or disorder, by some vain word or speech of the meanest soldier; and lastly( saith he) by infynit chances which happen at unawares, unpossible to be foreseen and prevented by the wit or council of any captain, Phil. Comines c. 5. 7. Hereto I also add out of Cominaeus, Plots ar seeldom or never executed in the field as they ar ordained in the chamber. that be the council never so well taken and the plot never so well laid, it is seldom or never executed in the field, as it is ordained in the chamber: and that some times by the least motions or occasions that may be, the victory is won or lost; which( saith he) is a great mystery, whereby kingdoms and states rise or fall; Idem Ibid. & hereupon the same author groundeth two conclusions no less piously then wisely, the one that no human wit is able of itself, sufficiently to govern an army of men; and the other that God reserveth to himself the success of battailes, and disposeth of the victory at his pleasure. 8. This will be made clear by examples, by the which I will show first the force of sudden chances in battailes, and other enterprises of war; and after, that al victory proceedeth from the providence and hand of God, and not from the policy and power of men. As concerning the first, we see many times that great designments are broken, The force of sudd●yne chances in battailes, and war. and potent armies dissolved by accidents, with out any force or stroke of enemy. When Lewis the Emperour,( called Lewis of bavier) was in Italy with a great army and ready to besiege Florence, vpon the confidence he had in the valloure and assistance of Castruccio of Pisa, Peto Maxia. in L●doni● Ba●aro. whom the Florentines feared more then any man living, it chanced that the said Castruccio dyed, whereupon the Emperour broken his desygnment, and returned into Germany with his army. 9. Also in the time of the great schism betwixt Vrbanus the 6. Pope of that name, and Clement the false Pope, who was called Clement the 7. Paul. AEmil. in Catolo. 6. and lived in Auignion. Lewis Duke of Anio● uncle to Charles the 6. king of France, went into Italy with a huge army, wherein he had above 30. thousand horse, partly to deliver jane queen of Naples( who was besieged by Charles Durazzo nephew to Lewis King of Hungary) and partly to depose Pope Vrbanus in favor of Clement, and when he had already entred Italy, and began to make war in the terrytorie of Bolonia( which belonged to the Church) and was likely in al mens opinions( by reason of his great forces) to obtain his desire in al he pretended, he suddenly fel sick and dyed, whereupon al that great army dissolved itself, Lewis duke of Aniou his death 〈◇〉 Italy. Paul. AEmilius in Lodouico. 9. and every man returned from whence he came. 10. The like hath chanced diuers times by some great plague and mortality in armies, as in that of the Christians which besieged Tunes in afric, under the conduct of Lewis the 9. called now S. Lewis,( as I haue declared cap. 12. before vpon another occasion) which army was so molested with pestilence, that it was forced to rise from the siege at such time, as the town was brought to extremity,& must needs haue rendered itself with in a few dayes. And to omit al other more ancient examples of this kind, the queen of Englands army sent to Portugal in the year 1589. in favor of Don Antonio, Portugal vio●g● an. Dom. 1529 receiving no loss to speak of by the enemy, was so consumed with a strange sickness, that of 18. thousand which went therein, there returned not men enough to bring home the ships, whereof some were left behind for lack of mariners. 11. Paul. AEmilius in Phillipo. 2. In like manner a potent army of Christian Princes going to besiege jerusalem, and having already taken Ptolomais was dissolved by the dissension of Phillip the second King of France. and Richard the first king of England. For whereas the first pretending cause of return departed vpon a sudden, A great army of Christians in the holy land dissolved by the dissension of the kings of England and France. the other fearing that he meant to invade England in his absence, could not be persuaded to stay long after him, whereupon followed the surcease of the enterprise,& the dissolution& return of the whole army. 12 Furthermore such is the force of sudden fears which fall vpon men sometimes by mere chance with out any just cause, that the greatest armies are utterly overthrown thereby. Of the force of sudden fear in battles. And no marvel, seeing no man is so valiant, but that he may be seized and transported with a sudden fear. And therfore the Lacedemonians before they went to fight, were wont to sacrifice to the Muse, Plutarck. in tra●● de Ira reprimenda. sto obtain their assistance against the furious assaults of sudden passions; which taking Reason many times at unawares, and as it were at an advantage, do so oppress it, that they bereave a man of al iudgment and discourse for a time, No passion bereaveth a man of his senses more then sudden fear. and no passion more then fear; whereof I saw myself a notable experience in a most valiant spanish captain in France, in the time of the league, who going out of his garrison with certain troops vpon an occasion, and meeting by chance with the enemy where he least suspected, took such a fright that he ran home with might and main, and told us( for I was there the same time) that al the soldiers were cut in pieces,& that he himself escaped very hardly, nevertheless with in 5. or 6. hours after, they al returned home safe, and not so much as one man hurt, though they came scattered one after another, for they al fled as well as he, and the rather by his example, which would haue utterly disgraced him, if in very many occasions before he had not got the reputation of one of the most valiant men of his nation, in which respect, it was rather wondered at in him, then blamed. Rome surprised by Arnulphus the ●mperour through a suddayn fear. Si●onius de Regno Italico an. 896. 13. But to ●hew the like effect of sudden fears in whole armies vpon diuers accidents; When Arnulfus the Emperour besieged Rome, it chanced that a hare being start by some of the camp ran towards the city, and that a great number of the soldiers pursued her with great noise& cries, which the Romans seeing from the town, and conceiving that the enemies ment to give some furious assalt thereto, were surprised with such a fear, that they abandoned the walls and rampaires, and the enemy taking the opportunity skaled the walls and took the town. A battle lost by the Christians to the Turks through a suddeyn fear. Nauelerus. Chron. an. 1396. 14. Also when Sigismond king of Hungary who was after Emperour, gave battle unto an army of the Turkes near to Nicopolis, and was assisted with great numbers of Frenchmen, and of diuers other nations, the french horsemen being in the vangard and seeing themselves after a while hardly prest, alighted from their horses to fight on foot; their horses being loose, ran al back toward the camp, which he Hungarians and others that were in the reereward seeing,& imagining that the horsemen were al killed, took such a fright therwith that they ran a way, whereby the turk got a notable victory with great slaughter of the Christians, especially of the French who were almost al slain. The Christians ouerthrown by the sultan through a suddeyn fear. Paul AEmilius in Philipo 2. Nauelerus in Chron. 15. Also at Ptolomais in egypt which the Christians besieged two yeeres together, the sultan who came with a great army to succour it, gave them an overthrow by the like chance, of a horse which being let loose ran back to the camp, for whereas diuers of the soldiers called one to an other to stay him, many ran out of their ranks to take him with such disorder, that they seemed to those that were behind and somewhat far of, to run a way; whereupon a great part of the Christian army began to fly; and this happened at such time as the sultan with his soldiers being put to the worse were running out of the field, who nevertheless seeing the Christians fly, called back his men, charged them a fresh, and got the victory. Phil. coming. ca. 85. Charles duke of Burgundy ouerthrown by the Switz●rs at Granson. 16. Charles duke of Burgundy besieging Granson, and understanding that the swissers came to succour it, went to meet them to give them battle; The soldiers of the vangard, as they were marching, meaning to take a better way, retired a little back: the reereward seeing the same, imagined that they fled, and began themselves to flee, whereupon the rest also did the like, and in conclusion the Duke& al ran a way, abandoning their artillery& camp to the spoil of the swissers, who were exceedingly enriched thereby and yet killed but only 7. men, for al the rest saved themselves by flight. Thus much concerning sudden fears, whereto I will add a few more examples of other accidents. 17. Examples of battayls l●st by dyvers other accidents Osotius. li. 7. ca. 36. Gildo governor of afric under the Emperours Arcadius and Honorius rebelled against the empire; And his own brother Mas●●zil was employed against him for General, who had not in a certain occasion above 5000. men, to fight with 70000. And the armies being so near together that they were ready to charge one another, Gildo governor of Afri● ouerthrown by a strange accident. Mascezil began to make motions of peace and receiving some hard& cross language of one that bore an Ensygne, stroke him vpon the same arm that held it, wherewith the ensign fel,& diuers others that followed seeing the same, and conceiving that he which bore it had yielded it, came in great hast and yielded themselves, whereupon Gildo fled away with a great parte of the army and the rest rendered itself. 18. Guiccia. li. 5. The French ouerthrowne by the Spaniards, through a word mistaken. Also in the battle of Cirignola in the kingdom of Naples betwixt the Spaniards& the Frenchmen, aword of the Count de Nemours who was General of the French being misconstrued by his soldiers, was a great cause of their overthrow; for the battle being already begon, and the Count finding that he could not pass a certain dich( over the which he had thought to ●ave lead some part of his army to charge the Spaniards on the other side) cried unto the soldiers that followed him, back, back, meaning to led them another way, but they not knowing the cause, understood that he had bid them fly, which they al began to do, and others seeing the same followed the example:& it chanced also at the same time that the Count was slain; whereupon the whole army of the French ran away, and left the field and victory to the Spaniards. 19. again who soever hath red any thing of the ancient warres, or hath any experience of these of our times, cannot be ignorant what confusion may be bread in a battle by a little disorder growing vpon some sudden accident, battles lost by a little disorder. livi. dec. 3. li. 10 whereby armies many times are causes of their own overthrow: as it chanced to hannibal in his last battle with Scipio, wherein his own Elephants turning back vpon his horsemen, so broke and disordered them, that the Romans taking the advantage therof easily put them to flight, The battle of Fury in France, in the year 1590. 20. The like to this hath happened sometimes in this our age,& namely a few yeeres past in France, in the year of our lord 1590. in the battle of Yury, betwixt the King of France that now is, and the Duke de main then general for the league, in which battle the horsemen of the league flying back vpon their own footmen, broke them in such sort, that the enemy entering with al, easily defeated them. The victory in battles dependeth ●ometymes vpon wynd and wether, as well by land as by sea 21. Lastly to show evidently the force of chance in war; is there any thing more uncertain or inconstant then wind and weather? and yet nevertheless thereupon dependeth many times the success of battailes and other warlike attempts, especially by sea, where the wind and weather do predominate, and do check al the power of men. For who is ignorant that be the navy never so potent, it can neither go out of the harbour, nor arrive where it should, to encounter the enemy, if wind and weather be not favourable? Which also is as necessary and important for the obtaning of uictory in a conflict by sea, wherein the first advantage that the expert sea man seeketh to get of his enemy, is to win the wind of him: which wind changing also sometimes during the conflict, doth give both the advantage& victory to the enemy. The battle of Le●anto betwixt the Christians and the Tur●s. As it fel out in the battle of Lepanto between the Christians and the Turcks, wherein the wind being first favourable to the Turcks, changed suddenly and drove al the smoke of the artillery and small shot vpon them, whereby they were so blinded, Surius in commentar. 1571. that they were easily and speedily overthrown: whereof I shal haue more occasion to speak more particularly cap. 15. number 28. hereafter. 22. And this chanceth in like manner in battailes vpon land;& therfore wise captaines seek not only to haue the sun, but also the wind on their backs; for it often falleth out, that a storm of hail or rain in the face of an army, or a violent wind driving either the dust or the smoke of shot& artillery vpon it, The great victory ●f Hannibal at Cannae. giveth the victory to the enemy. As in the famous battle at Can●ae when Hannibal overthrew the Romans, and slay 4000. foot and 2700. ●iu●. dec 3 li. 2. horse, and took 3300. prisoners, he had the wind in his favor, which being in his back,& with al so violent, that it drove the dust into the eyes of the Romans, did greatly facillitate his victory. 23. The victory of Scipio Assatiticus against Antiochus livi. dec. 4. li. ●. The like or rather a far greater victory got Scipio Asiaticus against Antiochus King of Syria, whom he put to flight and slay 5000. footmen and 4000. horse with the loss only of 349. men, by the help of a foggy mist, and a shewer of rain; for the mist was so thick that the huge army of Antiochus could not one part of it see another, whereas it wrought no such effect in the small army of the Romans; and again the rain so weakened the bows and slinges of the soldiers of Antiochus, that they served to little purpose, whereas the Romans using only swords and darts received no damage thereby. And to come nearer our time, Pero Mes●ia. in vitis Impet. in Ad●lto. Guiccia. li. ●. we red that Adulfus the Emperour was slain, and is whole army overthrown by Albertus, by reason that the sun was in their faces. 24. Also amongst some other causes of the loss of the great battle of Ghiaradadda betwixt the Venetians and the French; Guicciardin observeth, The battle of Chiaradadda l●st by the Venetians through a shower of rain. that a shewer of rain which fel as they were fighting, made the ground so slipery vpon a sudden, that the footmen of the Venetians could not hold their footing, to defend themselves against the french horse, by which means they were easily broken and the greatest parte of them slain. 25, This then we see how great a sway chance beareth in battailes and enterprises of war, How little confidence is to be had in the policy or power of man for the good success of a battle. and consequently how little confidence is to be reposed in the wit, policy, power, or endeavour of men for the good success therof, which dependeth vpon infinite accidents, chancing so diversly( according to the difference of persons, times, places, and circumstances) that nether the wisdom of any General can foresee them, nor any diligence, dexterity, or industry of soldiers prevent them, though al should concur in the highest degree: for be the soldiers never so obedient, dexterous, and diligent, and the captain never so wise& valiant; yet what assurance is there of good success when a sudden danger shal so dismay both captain and soldiers, that nether the one shal know what to command, nor the other how to obey, when an erroneous conceit of some few, or the bad example of some one, or a word mistaken, or a blast of wind, or a shewer of rain,& innumerable other accydents, not possible to before seen or remedied, shal give the victory to the weaker, yea to those that are in a manner vanquished. The success of battles dependeth who●ly on the will and secret judgements of God. 26. But now to demonstrate not only that al human policy, power,& force is vain, but also that God disposeth of the success of battailes and warlike attempts, according to his holy will and secret iudgments: it is to be considered that as the worthy Iudas Machabaeus said, Non in multitudine exercitus victoria belly said de caelo fortitudo est. Machab. li. 1. c. 3. The victory in war doth not consist in the multitude, or greatness of the army, but al fortitude and strength is from heaven; And to the end that the same may appear to be true; Examples of a great number ouerthrowne by a few justin. li. 2. I will first show by diuers examples, that a handful of men, many times overthrow many thousands, and after I will make it manifest, that the same doth proceed for the hand and providence of God. Mighty armies of Darius and Xerxes ouerthrown by a few. 27. Milciades the Athenian, having but eleven thousand soldiers, overthrew Darius king of Persia, who had 600. thousand: as also not long after Themistocles with a small number overcame 700. thousand foot, and 300. thousand horse, brought into Greece by Xerxes king of Persia, who escaped by flight in a little fisher boat, whereas not long before the earth and sea was scarce able to hold him. Idem Ibid. The battle betvixt Alexander and Darius. 28. Alexander the great with less then 40000. overcame Darius who had 600. thousand, of whom he killed two and twenty thousand, and lost but nine footmen, and a hundred and 20. horse: and in his second battle he killed wherefore and one thousand foot, and ten thousand horse, and took 40000. prisoners, with the loss of an hundreth and 30. foot and 150. horse. Plutarck. in the life of Paulus AEmil●us. Bel●satius. Clau●ius. Procopt. l 2. de bella vandil. johan. Vassae in ebton. an. 588. lieu. Tu●ens. Sanctus ●sidor. 29. Paulus AEmilius a Roman, in his second consulate, being far inferior in number of soldiers to Persaeus king of Macedonia, took him prisoner, and slay 25. thousand of his men with the loss of 80. Romans. Bellisarius with 5000. overcame 50000. Vandals. Claud us a captain of Recaredus king of spain, with 300. soldiers slay and put to flight wherefore thousand that came into the confynes of spain to the succour of the Arrians conducted by B●sea or Baso a subject of Guntran king of orleans. Abderama the Moore entering France with 450000. Arrians ouert●rown by Los●a. Saracens was defeated by Charles Martelle who with the loss of 1500. men, slay Abderama& the greatest parte of his nobility, and 3. hundreth 70. and five thousand Saracens. 30. John froissart in Chron. The Count of Flanders ouerthrowne by the inhabitants of gaunt. The people of Gaunt rebelling against the Count of Flanders their sovereign,& being so blocked on al sides that they were like to perish with famine, issued desperately out of the town with 5000. only, and gave battle to the Count though he had 40000. men, whom they put to flight and pursued even into the town of Bruges, whence he escaped very hardly in the night disguised, Walter of Pletemburg, ouerthrewe the muscovites. whereupon almost al the towns of Flanders yielded to them. 31. Walter of Pletemburg great master of the Knights of Prussia, with a small number in respect of his enemy slay 100000. muscovites and lost but only one man. And a few yeeres after, Tilman. Bredem bach. de bello Liuoni. Idem. Ibid. the Lituanians having not boue 30. thousand, slay 90. thousand muscovites with the loss of 20. men. 32. And here further it is to be noted, When man is most confident of his own power, he hath Commonly the thirst success. justin li. 34. The Corinthians subdued by the Romans. that when man is most insolent, and confident of his own power, and most contemneth his enemy, then many times he hath the worst success, whereof I will also allege a few examples. The people of the country of Achaya( whereof Corinth was the chief city) being very confydent of their own power, abused certain ambassadors of the Romans, who in reuenge therof sent an army to make war vpon them; This army seemed to them so little in respect of theirs, that they made sure account of victory; and therfore when they went to battle they took with them waynes and carts to bring home the spoils of the Roman army, and placed al their parents, wives,& children where they might see the conflict, but they were al overcome, their wives and children made prisoners, the town of Corinth taken, and al the people therof sold for slaves. 33. Plut. in ●●ecullo. Tigranes the King of armoniac being assisted with diuers other Kings his confederates, Tigranes King of armoniac ouerthrowne by the Romans. had an army of above two hundreth and twenty thousand armed men, whereof 50000. were horse, to fight with Lucullus the Roman, who had not above 12. or 13. thousand horse, and foot, in which respect he was so contemned by his enemies that not only every one of the Kings, but also almost every particular colonel desired of Tigranes that he with his troops might haue the honour to fight with him alone; and Tigranes himself jested at him, saying, that if he came as ambassador he had many men, but if he came to fight, he had very few. In conclusion they fought, and Lucullus had the victory, and killed of the enemy a hundreth thousand foot, and almost al his horsemen, and( which was most admirable) he lost but 5. men in al, and about 10. others were hurt. Basilius great D k● of Muscou●●, ouerthrov●n by the Polonians. Cromer. in orat. funci●. in ol●tu S●gismundi. 34. Basilius the great Duke of muscovy being to give battle to the Polonians trusted so much to his own strength( having an army of 80. thousand men) that when he might haue taken them at an advantage as they passed a river, he would not, but bragged that he would let them pass over, to the end that afterwards he might drive them al before him like beasts into Muscouia: nevertheless it so fel out that the Polonians got the victory, and slay 40. thousand muscovites, and took 5000. prisoners; so dangerous a thing it is for any man to contemn his enemy vpon confidence of his own strength. Dangerous to contemn an enemy. P●lidor Virg. hi●t. l. 19. 1556 35. But what need I allege foreign examples seeing we haue at home some most notable in this kind. John king of France at the famous battle of poitiers, john King of ●rance ta●en in the battail● of ●●y ●●reby Edward the black prince. betwixt him and Edward the black Prince son to king Edward the. 3. had 60, thousand men, and the Prince had not above 8000. which made king John so confident, that being earnestly solicited by the Popes Legate to accept such reasonable conditions of composition as the Prince offered him,( which were to restore unto him, al the prisoners, castells, and towns that he had taken of his before in that war, and further to bind himself by oath not to bear arms against him for some yeeres) he would admit no other condition, but that the Prince should yield himself prisoner, and al his army to his mercy; whereupon the Prince gave him battle,& took him& his son Phillip prisoners, with a thousand seven hundreth others of the nobility, slay 6000. soldiers, had the spoil of his camp, and carried away above 100. ensigns. 36. And afterwards at the battle of Agincourt, in France between Henry the 5. The battle of Agin●●urt betwixt the Eng●●●h& Fr●●ch. King of England, and the Dukes of orleans and Barbon in the time of Charles the 6. King of France; the French so far exceeded the English in number of horse and foot, and made such sure account of the victory, that being ready to join battle, Polid. li. ●is. 2●. an 14. 19. they sent a messenger to King Henry to know what he would give for his ransom, yea and prepared a triumphant chariot to carry him away prisoner when they should take him; but God so disposed, that he took the two Dukes prisoners,& slay almost 20000. of their men, and lost not above five or six hundred of his, or, as some writ, not a hundreth. 37. I omit many other examples, which might be alleged; And now to show whence al these admirable victories proceed, I will conclude with that which almighty God said unto the children of Israel when he gave them the law, God is the gives of victories. Leuitit. 26. promising them that if they served him, Persequemini, saith he, mimicos Vestros &c. you shal pursue your enemies, and they shal fall before you, five of yours shal give chase to a hundreth strangers, and a hundreth of you, to ten thousand; Thus said almighty God, and to the same purpose also Moyses, prophecing of the great overthrows which the enemies of the children of Israel should give them, by the just judgements of God for their wickedness, demanded, how it should come to pass, that one should overcome a thousand,& two, Deuicr. 32. ten thousand whereto he also answered Quia Deus suus vendidit eos. Because their God hath sold them, and given them over to their enemies. Why God ouerthroweth many times th● stronger by the weaker. And the like must needs be confessed in al such cases, such being the style of almighty God,( when he meaneth to punish men for sin) to confounded the strong by the weak, as well to beat down the pride of the potent and mighty, who confided in their own strength, as also to show his own power& glory in those things, God the Lord of hosts& armies. Isai 37. Ierem. 9. Ezechiel. 30. wherein man is most powerful and glorious, to wit in matters of war, armies, battailes; and therfore our Lord is commonly called in the Scriptures Dominus exercituum. The Lord of host and armies. 38. And although it seemeth most commonly that the victory in war proceedeth either of the valour, or power of him that overcometh, or of the error, cowardyze, How God giveth victory by secondary causes or weakness of the vanquished, or else otherwhiles of chance; yet it is not therfore to be denied to proceed from the providence of God, who disposing al things sweetly worketh his will by secondary causes,( as I haue declared before) for some times he giveth valour and courage, some times he taketh it away, other whiles he doth dissipate and frustrat prudent councils, and policies, and other whiles again he bereaveth men of their iudgments, to the end they may err,( when their sins deserve it or his secret judgements require it) some times he worketh by such secret& hidden causes, that the victory seemeth to men to be got by chance, though to his divine providence and wisdom nothing is accidental. Eccle. 46. et 47. Indic. 4.5.6.13.14.15. Psal 143.2. Machab. 10. Psal. 17. et. 141. 39. To Iosue, Debora, Gedeon, samson, david, and Iudas Machabeus he gave extraordinary courage, and valour; yea and as david saith of himself. He taught their hands to fight, and made their arms like bows of brass. whereby they got most notable victories, memorable to al posterity; He daunted the courage of Zara the Aethiopian, 2. paralip. ca. 16. and of his million of men; whereby they al fled, and were most of them slain, of whom the scripture saith. Exterruit Dominus Aethiopes coram Asa, et Iuda, fugeruntque et ruerunt usque ad internecionem; Our Lord cast a fear vpon the Ethiopians before the face of King Asa, and Iuda, and they fled and fel with great slaughter; He in fatuated the crafty and politic council of Achitophel whereby david was deliured from his son Absalon; 2. Reg. 17. He permtted the spirit of error to deceive the prophets of King ahab that he might run vpon his own ruin: 3. Reg. c. 22. Dedit Dominus( saith the prophet Micheas to ahab) Spiritum mendacij in ore omnium phrophetarum tuorum, Our Lord hath given the spirit of lies in to the mouth of al thy prophets. Lastly though his divine majesty determined, that the said King ahab should be killed by the Syrians( in that battle whereto his false prophets encouraged him) nevertheless he ordained, God giveth victories by casual means. that the same should be executed by casual means, for so the scripture saith, as I haue signified before in the 12. chapter. 40. lo then how almighty God whose wisdom and power is infinite, whose councils are incomprehensible, and iudgments inscrutable doth not only use means which seem to men accidental& casual; but also serveth himself of the wits, wils, hartes, and hands of al men, yea of their very errors and evil wils, for the execution of his holy will, to give victory where and when it pleaseth him; to humiliate the haughty and proud, and to exalt the humble; Psal. 9.3. Reg. 20. Psal. 32. Vt sciant quia homines sunt. That they may know they are men.&. Quia deus est dominus, that God is their lord: And that Rex non saluatur per multam virtutem. The king is not saved by his own great power, nor the giant by the greatness of his strength; But that( as it followeth in the same place) Occuli domini supper metuentes cum: Ibid. The eyes of our Lord are vpon them which fear him and trust in his mercy. 41. And although it seemeth good to his divine wisdom ordinarily to work and execute his will as well in war as in other affairs of men, by such a secret concurance with secondary causes, that his operation therein is not apparent to the eyes of men( thereby to leave place for the merit of faith, as he doth in like fort in al the course of his government of the world, and his disposition of human affairs:) yet sometimes for his own greater glory and the greater confusion of his enemies, and to make it manifest unto al men that the success of mens actions depend vpon his will; God giveth victory many times by miraculous means. he giveth victories in such wonderful and miraculous maner, that the most incredulous and faithless man can not deny it to be his work. 42. This may appear by very many examples, Examples of miraculous victories in the old testament. Exod. ca. 14. not only in the old testament but also in the histories of later times. Of some of the first kind I will only make a brief mention, because they are notorious to al Christians. King pharaoh and al his host pursuing Moyses and the children of Israel, were drowned in the read sea: The army of the 5. kings of the Amorrheans was destroyed with hail from heaven, yea& the sun, Iosue. ca. 10. judic. c. 7. & moon stood stil a whole day while Iosue fought against them. Gedeon with 300. men who did but sound their trumpets, and beat their pots and flagons one against another, overcame an innumerable multitude of the Madianits and Amalecits, who were so dismayed and confounded that they killed one an other. samson with the iawbone of an ass, slay a thousand Philistines. Iud. ca. 15.4. Reg. ca. 7. Benadad King of Syria besieging the Israelites, and having almost famished them, took such a fright in the night, that he left the camp,& ran away with his whole army. The angel of God killed in one night a hundred 4. score and 5. thousand in the camp of Sennacherib King of Assria. judith delivered Bethulia from the siege of Holofernes, 4. Reg. ca. 19. judith. ca. 13. who had a hundreth and forty thousand in his camp. And lastly to omit diuers others, 5. Angels appeared on horseback in the air, Machab. li. i. c. 10. defending Iudas Machabeus against Timotheus& casting thunderbolts at him& his army, whereby they were put to flight, and above 20. thousand of them slain. 43. But what? hath not almighty God also manifested his own power and glory in like manner, since the time of our saviour Christ in al ages, even until this wherein wee live? I might allege an infinite number of most notable examples, out of the histories of al countries& times; but for brevities sake I will only relate one or two of every age, Examples of miraculous victories in every age since Christs time. for the instruction of such as call in question the credit of the holy scriptures in the miraculous victories afore said; or do any way doubt of Gods providence in human affairs, or else expect the good success either of their policies, or of their powerful attempts, otherwise then at the hands of almighty God. FOR THE further proof THAT THE success in war dependeth vpon Gods will and providence, examples are alleged of miraculous victories in every age since our saviours time; with the conclusion of this point concerning Chances and unexpected events. CHAP. 15. The miraculous destruction of jerusalem by the Romans. Anno 72. Iosephus de bello judaico. li. 7. c 18. WHo soever considereth the predictions, and prophecies not only of the ancient Prophets, but also of our saviour himself, concerning the siege and destruction of jerusalem,( which were fulfilled in the first age, 38. yeeres after our saviours passion) and weigheth with al the prodigious signs and tokens which were seen before the same, and the admirable effects that followed,( as that eleven hundreth thousand Iewes perished, partly by their own civil dissensions during the siege, and partly by the enemies sword) who soever( I say) considereth the same, he can not deny, but that God gave them in to their enemies hands; which Titus general of the Roman army acknowledged himself when he had taken the City, and seen the infinite numbers of dead bodies, and the extreme calamity of those which were living. Philostratus. li. 6. And therfore he refused to be crwoned, saying to them that asked him the cause, that he was not author of such a wonderful exploit, but that God being angry with the Iewes, had used him as his instrument to execute his iustice vpon them. But because I shal haue occasion hereafter to speak more particularly of this siege, and of the cause therof,& of Gods notable iustice shewed therein; it shal suffice only to haue made this mention therof in this place, to show, that the victory of the Romans proceeded from the hand of God, and not from their own power. 2. In the second age, A miraculous victory of the Emperour Marcu Aureliu●. Anno. 176. when Marcus Aurelius the Emperour made war in Germany, against the Marcommani, Quadi, and diuers other barbarous nations to the number of 977. thousand, and was no less afflicted and al his army with thirst for lack of water, then oppressed with the multitude of enemies, he sought relief from his false Gods, by the profane sacrifices and prayers of his Idolatours priests,& seeing no fruit therof, he commanded a Christian legion, which served him in his army to pray unto their God for relief and victory, vpon whose prayers God destroyed the army of the enemies with thunder, lightning, and fiery hail; And at the same time refreshed the Emperours army with such store of rain that it served them to drink& quench their thirsts, whereby the Emperour had a most notable victory which he acknowledged as obtained by the prayers of the Christian legion; and therfore did not only honour it ever after, with the title of Fulminatrix,( that is to say the Tuunderer) but also granted to al Christians exemption from persecution, by public edict. And this appeareth by the letters of the Emperour himself to the Senat testifiing the same, Euseb. ecclesiast. hist. li. 5. ca. 5. orosi. li. 7. ca. 15. justin. et Tertul. Apolog. ca. 5. et ad Scapulum c. 4. whereof not only Eusebius, Orosius, and many other historiographers make mention, but also justin the philosopher and martyr, and Tertulian who in their apologies for the Christians, object the same to the heathens their enemies, as a matter so manifest, that they could not deny it, besides that there remaineth even to this day, a monument, Baron. an. 176. and memory of it vpon the famous pillar erected by Marcus Aurelius in Rome, and dedicated to his father in law the Emperour Antonius. 3. In the third age S. Mercury not long before his martyrdom, Anno. 254. Metaphrastes. Surius in eius vita 20. decem The Persians ouerthrown miraculously by S. Mercury. ( being but a private soldier in the army of Decius the Emperour, and fighting against the Persians) had a sword given him by an Angel, and was encouraged by him to press into the midst of 〈◇〉 ●nemies battle, which he did with such valour, that he slay the King of Persia, whereby the whole army was discomfited; in recompense whereof the emperour Decius advanced him greatly and gave him very honourable charged in his army, though with in a while after, understanding that he was a Christian, he caused him to be most cruelly tormented and executed. 4. In the 4. age the famous Emperour, and honour of our country Constantine the great, Anno. 312. as he was going from Britany towards Italy with small forces against Maxentius the tyrant,( who had a hundred& 70. Maxentius miraculously ouerthrowne by Constantin the great. thousand foot men,& 18. thousand horse) saw in the air at midday a cross with this insciption, In hoc vince. overcome in this, and the next night after our saviour also appeared unto him,( though he was yet a paynim) and shewed him the same cross which he had seen in the air the day before commanding him to bear it in his standard, and assuring him of victory. whereupon constantine confering with certain Christians which were in his army, received of them instructions of the Christian faith& determined to be a Christian; in testimony whereof, he made that famous standard called the Labarum, Baron. 20. 312. wherein was contained the form of the cross which he had seen in the air, whereby he did not only overthrow the tyrant Maxentius, but also was most victorius ever after during his life, in so much that when soever any parte of his army was distressed, it was presently relieved by transporting that standard thither. Euseb. li. 1. de vita. Constant. ca. 20.24.25.26. 5. This apparition of the cross with the vision of our saviour afterwards, and the miraculous victory of Constantine is testified many ways; Eusebius bishop of Caesarea living at the same time wrote the history vpon the report of Constantine himself; who, Mephrasies 20. Octob. he saith, affirmed it to him with an oath; Also Artemius, who was then a soldier in Constantines army, objected the apparition of the cross afterwards to julian the Apostata, affirming that not only he, Euseb. hist. li. 9. ca. 8. et in vita Constant. c. 32. but also the whole army did see it, which he told him, he might understand to be true by many of his own soldiers, ●otim. li. 3. who were there present, and saw it as well as he. Furthermore Nazarius a pagan orator, in his panaegirical oration made in praise of Constantine, in the presence of him and of the whole Senat of Rome, attributed his victory against Maxentius to the miraculous assistance of God, declaring amongst other things as a matter notorious amongst the Gaules,( who are now Frenchmen) that there was seen in diuers partes whole armies of certain celestial men, which passed through the country towards Italy, publishing and proclaiming by the way, Baron. anno. 312. that they went to assist Constantine. Lastly the Senat itself erecting a thriumphant ark in the honor of Constantine, and in memory of his victory, did signify that he obtained the same instinctu divinitatis, by the instinct or help of God, as appeareth yet to this day in the inscriptions vpon the said ark. 6. Anno. 338. Sapores K. of Persia driven from ●isibis with gnats. Hieron. in croni. Theodor.& hist. li. 2. ca. 30. Anon. 63. Socrat hist. li. 3. c. 17. In the same age Sapores king of Persia by the prayers of the holy Bishop of Nisibis called james, was driven from the siege therof with gnats and flees. As also the Emperour julian the wicked Apostata fighting against the Persians was slain with a lance or spear, no man knew by whom; in so much that Calistes one of his own guard, writing afterwards the story of that war in verse, saith that he was killed by a Daemon, that is to say a spirit: and he himself acknowledged it to proceed from the hand of God for his malice to our saviour Christ, casting his own blood with great fury in to the air saying; vicisti Galilee: Theodoret. l. 3. c. 20. O Galilean( meaning our saviour) thou hast overcome me; 7. Also in the same age the Emperour Theodosius the elder surnamed the great, overcame Eugenius the tyrant: Anno ●94. Ang. de c vit. dei li 5 ca 26. The miraculous victory of the Emperour Theodosius against Eugenius. Potius orando saith S. Augustin, quam p●gnando, rather by prayer then by fighting. For after he had by long and fervent prayer recommended his cause to almighty God, it pleased his divine majesty miraculously to assist him with a great storm of wind and tempest, which did not only cast back his enemies darts and arrows against themselves( where with great numbers of them were slain) but also wrested their weapons out of their ●ands, and so dismayed them that they were defeated with al facility, which, August. Ibid. as S. Augustine testifieth, one of the soldiers who fought under Eugenius and escaped from the battle) reported to him. Besides that Claudianus a pagan poet who wrote at the merely time, acknowledged the miracle writing of Theodosius in these words. O nimium dilect Deo, Claudianus Paniger ad Honor. in eius 30. consul. cvi militat ●ther Et con●urati veniant ad classica venti. that is to say; O dearly beloved of God for whom the very air fighteth and the winds come conjured at the sound of the trumpet. Aug li. 5. de civit. de● ca. 23. 8. In the 5. age S. Augustine who then also was living, recounteth for a miracle& the special work of God( as no doubt it was) that Rhadagaisus King of the Goths coming before Rome with a huge army of above 200. Anno. 406. Orosius. thousand men, was with out the loss or wound of any one Roman, utterly discumfited, and himself with his children, Anno. 425. Theodoretus hist. li. 5. ca. 36. Socrat. li. 7. ca. 42. N●cepho. li. 14. cap. 4. taken and slain. And in the same age almighty God miraculously destroyed Roylas a Scythian and his puissant army with thunderbolts, and fire from heaven, when he approached to Constantinople, which he ment to haue besieged in the time of Theodosius the younger. 9. But most wonderful, and miraculous was the overthrow of the Saracens in the same age as they were coming to succour Nisibis, Anno Domini. 420. Socrat. lib. 7. ca. 18. besieged by an army of Theodosius the younger. For almighty God strooke in to them such a terrout and fear of the Christian army, A miraculous ouerthrow of the Saracens by an army of Theodosius. with an imagination that they were enclosed and assailed by the same on every side, that a hundreth thousand of them cast themselves armed in to the river Euphrates, wherein they perished with out stroke of enemy: the which was understood to haue been performed by the help and ministry of Angels, who a little before appeared to diuers in Bythinia as they were going to Constantinople, and bad them signify unto the Constanstinopolitans,( which at that time were in great fear of that huge army of the Saracens, that they should haue the victory, to which purpose they said they were sent by almighty God to give them assistance. 10. What should I speak of Clodoueus King of France, who being yet a paynim, Clodeueus the first Christian King of France. Anno. 499. Paul AEmilius in Clodoueo. in the same age gave a notable overthrow to the almains by Gods assistance, which he obtained by a vow that he made to be baptized if he got the victory; which vow he presently after performed, and with al planted the Christian faith amongst the French. I forbear( I say) to recount the particulars therof and of other miraculous victories in that age, seeing we haue in our own country a most notable example of a victory obtained by the Britons, who being assailed by a great number of picts, Anno. 429. A miraculous victory of the Britons against the Pelagians. & despairing of their own forces, craved the prayers and help of S. German, a French bishop being come thither at the same time to clear the country from the infection of the Pelagian heresy, under took the conduct of them, and ordained that when they should come to fight& join battle they should cry al together Allelluya. 3. times, which they did, Bed. lib. 1. c. 20. and so obtained a glorious victory, as our famous cuntriman S. Bede reporteth in his ecclesiastical history of our country. 11. In the 6. Anno. 544. The city of Sergiopolis miraculously defended against Cosdroes Procopius de bello Gothico. age Cosdroes King of Persia understanding that the city called Sergiopolis was void of soldiers to deffend it, thought to surprise it vpon a sudden, but when he arrived there, it pleased God that the walls seemed to him to be so furni●hed with soldiers that he was astonished ther with, knowing right well that there were not so many soldiers in the town; and therfore understanding it to be miraculous, he returned with out making any further attempt against it. This miracle was attributed to the merits of S. Sergius patron of that city. And some yeares after this, an other Cosaroes also King of Persia, Anno 593. evagrius li. 6. ca. ●. though he was no Christian, yet understanding of great miracles done by S. Sergius, vowed to give a rich gift to his church if he obtained victory in a battle which he was to fight, and afterwards he performed it, sending thither a very rich cross of gold set with precious stones with an inscription in greek containing the history therof. 12. In the 8. Anno 60●. Aimonius lib. 3. ca. 87.& 88. age we red that when Theodobert and his brother theodoric both Kings of France, overthrew Clotarius son of King chilperic, an Angel was seen in the air fighting for the 2. bretheren; Anno. 602. As also the next year after a Saint appeared in like sort fighting in the air against the Romans in behalf of Arnulphus the Longobard Duke of Spoleto in Italy, Paulus Diaco. l. 4. ca. 5. S. Sabinus seen fighting in the air. the which apparition was known to be of S. Sabinus the martyr by his picture, which at the same time was devoutly kept in the churches dedicated unto almighty God in honour and memory of him. 13. In the 9. Anno. 718. Rodericus toledan. li. 4. ca. 2. The miraculous victory of Pelagius K. of Spain● against the Saracens. age also Pelagius King of spain being driven in to the mountaines of Asturias by the Saracens( who before had conquered, and then possessed al the rest of spain) was forced to fortify himself in a cave, where the Saracens besieged him, and being destitute of al human help& hope, he had recourse to almighty God through the intercession of the blessed virgin Mary, which had so good effect, that the arrows and darts of the Saracens turned back vpon themselves, and slay so many of them that the rest began to flee: whereupon King Pelagius issued with his soldiers,( who were but 1000. in al) and pursuing them killed very many, joan vasscus. an●o. 718. Iu●●s T●dens Ro●et. Tolet. and the rest. & the rest either perished in the mountaines, or were drowned by the riuers which at the same time did ouerslowe some partes of the country; and this is testified by al the Spanish historiographers. Anno. 749. 14. In the same age Pepin King of France being to fight against the Saxons and Westphalians, made a vow to almighty God and S. Swibert, Baron tom 9. Annal. ho● anno. A miraculous victory of Pepin K. of France. S. Swybeyt an English Saint. ( an English Saint) that if he got the victory he would make a solemn pilgrimage to S. Swiberts toumb; afterwards when he came to join battle with his enemies, there appeared such a miraculous& heavenly light vpon his whole army,& his enemies were so astonished and dismayed there with, that they presently offered to yield themselves, declaring what they had seen, and so the King taking hostages of them made an end of that war, Ludgetus Monast epist. ad A●xfridu● de mirac. S. Swibetti. and acknowledging Gods mercy and favor therein, through the intercession of S. Swibert, performed his pilgrimage bare foot accompanied with great numbers of his Nobility, as witnesseth S. Ludgerus bishop of Munstar. Anno. 880. king allured mira ulosly overthrew the Danes. Polid. lib. 5. cull. M●lmes li. de g●st reg Angl. li. 2 c. 4. Roger. de Hou●d. Annal. part. 1. Ingulphus. Hist. Angl. an. 872. 15. In the 9. age the famous allured or Alfred King of the West Saxons, and the first founder of learning in our university of Oxford, being spoyled almost of al his state, and brought to great extremity by the Danes, was comforted and encouraged by a vision of S. Cuthert, who appeared not only unto him, but also to his mother in their sleep, promising him victory of his enemies, and recovery of his state, and to the end he might the rather beleeue it, he fore told him and his mother certain things, which succeeded presently after. whereupon he gathered new forces by sea, and land, assailed his enemies and recovered his own, delivered Rochester, London, and other towns from the siege of their enemies, and partly killed them,& partly drove them al out of the country, except some few whom he permitted to remain vpon condition they should be Christians; finally having also enlarged his dominion by the conquest of the kingdom of the Mercians, Polid. Ibid. he gave great gifts& made rich offerings to almighty God in honour of S. Cuthert in the Church where his relics were kept, ascribing al his victories& good success to his merits and intercession. Anno. 825. 16. In the same age Ranimirus King of Leon,& Asturias in spain having refused to pay the yearly tribute of virgins( which Mauregatus one of his predecessors had granted to the Moores, The miraculous ouerthrow of the Moores in spain by King Ranimirus. joan. valaeus. cron. an. 825. Roderic. Tolet. li. 4. cap. 1● road. sand. par. 3. ca. 10. jo Vasse. in cron. an. 825. did also make war vpon them, and being assisted by S. james who was seen visibly to fight for the Spaniards vpon a white horse, slay about 70000. of them with small forces; In memory whereof the Spainards h●ve ever since used to call vpon God& S. james in th●ir wars, as Englishmen do vpon God and S. Georg●. Besides th●t the letters patents of king Ranimirus, whereby he granted to the church of S. james in Compostella certain yearly tributes to be paid thereto,( in which letters this story is declared) are yet kept, and yearly red publicly in the churches of the dioceses of Compostella in memory of this victory. 17. In the 10. Anno 915. The Sa●acent miraculously ouerthrown in Apulia. Sigo. de regno. Ital. an. 915. Luit. prand li. 2. c. 14. The scythians miraculously defeated by the Emperour of Constantinople. Hist. joan. Cuto. palate. age when the Saracens entred Apulia in Italy with exceeding great forces, Pope John the 10. of that name sent an army against them, which though it was far inferior in number; yet overthrew them, and following the victory killed them every man, which was especially attributed to the help of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul, who were seen fighting for the Christians. In the same age, John Simisces Emperour of Constantinople, had a notabe victory against the Scythians by the help of S. Theodorus the martyr, in the day of his feast, who was seen by al the Emperours army fighting before them vpon a white horse and breaking the ranks of the enemy; in memory whereof the Emperour reedyfied the church where he was butted, which had been for some time before utterly ruynated 18. In the 11. Anno. 1098. A miraculous victory of Godfrey of Bullen in the holly land. Paul AEmil. in Philippo. 1. S Antonin. Tit. 16. c. 13. ss. 5. Guliel. Tyrius de bello Sacto lib. 5. c. 23.& lib. 6. c. 14.& 22. Baron. To. 11. an. 1098. age in the voyage to the holy land under Godfrey of Bullen the Christians being besieged in Antioch, with a great multitude of Turks, Saracens,& Persians,& extremely afflicted with famine, S. Andrew appeared to a devout priest in the army,& commanded him to tel the Christian Princes,& captaines from him, that if they would dig in S. Petres church in a certain place where he appointed, they should find the spear where with our saviours side was pierced,& that carrying the same before them in their battle, they should assuredly haue the victory; the priest after 2. or. 3. apparitions and admonitions of the Apostle, did the message to the Princes, the place was digged where it was assigned, the spear found, great hope of good success conceived by al, a resolution taken to issue out vpon the enemy, and that the Popes legate should bear the holy spear in the enterprise. This being so ordained, and every man in order, and ready to make the attempt, there fel vpon them al a heavenly due, which gave such vigour and force, as well to their horses, as to themselves,( almost starved before with thirst and famine) that they assailed the enemy with redoubled hope and courage, and obtained a most famous victory. Apud Paul. AEmil. Ibid. And Baldricus bishop of Dole who lived at the same time, testifieth that he was told by some of the soldiers, who were there present, that there appeared in the air three men on horseback, leading after them great troops, and that they fought for the Christians, these three were supposed to be, S. George, S. Demetrius, and S. Mercurius. Anno. 1099. Antoninus hist. Tit. 16. c. 13. pat. 7. jerusalem miraculously taken by Godfrey of Bullen. 19. And in the the year following the Christian army lying before jerusalem, having for a month together assailed it in vain,( in so much that the souldiers began to shrink away) there appeared unto them a man in resplendent and glistering armor vpon Mount olivet, who made sign to those which were going away to return, whereby the whole army received such courage, that they gave a fresh assault, and with in while got the town, Godfrey of Bullen,& his brother Eustathius being the first that entred the same. A miraculous victory of Alfonso King of Portugal. Anno. 1139. L. Andreas Resendius de Antiquit. portugallia lib. 4. 20. In the 12. age Alfonso the first king of Portugal being encorraged by our saviour,( who appeared unto him crucified, and promised him victory) gave battle with 4000. to 4. hundreth thousand Saracens, conducted by 5. Kings whom he overthrew, and therefore whereas he was wont before that time to bear for his arms a white field only, he added thereto( in memory as well of the 5. wounds of our saviour, as of the 5. Kings which he overcame) 5. escuchons, in form of a plain cross azure, and in one of them. 30. plates, in token of the 30 pence, for the which our saviour was sold, which plates the Kings his successors distributed equally into 5. escuchons in every one 5. in a decussis, The reason of the arms of Portugal. that is to say in form of a great†. or S. Andrewes cross,( called in armoury a saltier) so that the plates being counted saltier wise as they stand,( whereby the plate in the midst is numbered twice) there are six in every escuchon, which in al make up the number of 30. plates. And as for the 7. castles gold in a bordure geules( which are also parte of the arms of Portugal) they were added to the 5. escuchons afterwards, vpon the conquest of the kingdom of Algarbes, wherein are. 7. principal citt●es, signified by the 7. castles; and this I haue thought good to note by the way, as well to give some satisfaction to such as are curious in the search of Antiquities, as also to show the religious gratitude of king Alfonsus towards our saviour, in leaving such a monument of his merciful apparition, and of the admirable victory which he gave him. 21. Anno. 1212. A miraculous ouerthrow of the saracens by Alfonso K. of Castile. In the 13 age the memorable battle was fought in spain betwixt Memelius King of the Saracens and Alfonsus the 8. King of Castile where in were killed 200. thousand Saracens, and but 25. Christians, which almighty God shewed evidently to proceed from his hand, as well by the apparition, of the cross of our saviour Christ, which was seen at the same time in the air, as also for tha● presently vpon the approach of a banner, wherein was painted the Image of the blessed virgin Mary patroness of the province of Toledo, the army of the infidels which until that time had stood firm and vnmoueable, began to fly, Roder. Tolet de reb. His. lib. 8. Ca. 10. and was with in a while utterly overthrown, as witnesseth Rodoricke. Archbishop of Toledo, who was present at the battle. 22. In the 14. The Venetians miraculously recovered their state age the Venetians having received many disgraces and great overthrows by the Genueses, were brought to such extremity that they determined to make peace vpon what conditions soever it should please their enemies, Iacobus Philip. Bergomas in supplem. chron. Anno. 1371. and as they were consulting thereupon in their Senat, there rose a voice amongst them vpon a sudden( no man knew from whence it came) which said, o Venetians you haue only one, to wit Pisanus, who may overcome the Genueses. This Pisanus was a senator of Venice and then in prison, for having lost a great battle by his negligence( as it was supposed) at Pola in Istria where he commanded the Venetian army. Therfore Andreas the Duke of Venice and the rest of the Senate being much amazed to hear the said voice,& holding it for some divine oracle, went al of them presently to the prison to deliver him, and made him admiral and captain general of their navy, by whose wisdom, and valour, their state was not only conserved, but also restored to the former dignity. 23 There occurreth also in the same age an example of our own country wherein the assistance of almighty God was notorious, considering the means used to obtain the same, and the admirable effect that followed Edward the 3. Anno. 1345. The victory of the English against the f●●nch in the battle of Creci. King of England being in France at Creci in Picardy, with a small army, and pursued by Philip. the 6. King of France with a huge host, had such confidence in almighty God, that he doubted not to give him battle, although the French being assisted by the King of Bohemia, and his son Charles King of the Romans, were more then 8. times as many as the English, jo. froissart in cron Machab. li. 1. c. 3. to wit 100. thousand; whereas the English were but 13000. and 100. in which respect King Edward considering with the good Iudas Machabeus, that: Non est differentia in conspestu Dei liberare in multis et in paucis; There is no difference in the sight of God to deliver with many or few; resolved to seek his protection and help, and therfore the night before the battle he retired himself shortly after supper in to his chamber, where he continued in pr●ier vpon his knees until midnight, and the next day which was the day of the battle, not only he himself and his son the black Prince, but also the greatest parte of his army were by his order confessed and communicated,& such was the force of their devotion,& confidence in God, that they got the most famous victory that the english men ever had, for they took 80. ensigns and slay the King of Bohemia, 10. or 11. Princes; 1200. Knights, and men of account and 30000. others of al sorts, and the King of France himself hardly escaped by flight: which victory was( as it seemeth) prognosticated and signified from heaven, the moring before the battle; for the sun being already up and shining vere faire, there fel suddenly such a wonderful obscurity and darkness vpon the two armies, jo. Frois. ibid. that froissart who lived in the same age and writeth the story, doth attribute it to an eclipse of the sun which he saith was most terrible; whereas it is c●rtaine by the calculation of the eclipses of that year, that naturally there could be none at that time, whereupon it may be inferred, that it was some supernatural, and prodigious sign pretending the divine providence, and ordinance, in the overthrow of the French and victory of the English. Anno. 148●. 24. In the 15. age Mahomet the great turk after the conquest of Constantinople, sent a great navy& army to besiege R●des which then was in the possession of the Knights of the order of S. John( now called the Knights of Malta)& after many violent assaults given to the town, his soldiers, Rodes miraculously defended against the Turk. jo. Naucler in Cron. were so terrified with the vision of a Saint or Angel, which fought against them, that they fled al away in such hast, that one of them oppressed and killed an other. 25. In the same age the navigation of the East Indies being discovered by the Portugals, the King of Congo, A miraculous ouerthrow of paynims in the East India. jo. Maffaeus. in hist. Indi. in the cost of afric was by them converted to the Christian faith who dying a Christian left two sons, the one called Alfonsus a Christian,& the other a Paynim, who though he was the younger, yet pretended to exclude his brother Alfonso from the succession to the crown, because he was a Christian Alfonso fearing his own weakness,( in respect that the greatest parte of the realm followed his brother) first recommended his cause by continual prayer to almighty God, and then assembled the Christians and such others as would assist him, and finding in conclusion that he had not above 36. armed men, and the rest very few in number in respect of his brothers great power, he ordained that when they should come to fight, they should al together call vpon the name of Iesus, and S. james, which they did, and so put to flight the Infidels, and took both his brother and the lieutenant of his army prisoners, who confessed that there appeared such a heavenly light vpon the Christian army and such numbers of horse men fighting for them, that they were forced to fly. dyvers miraculous victories obtained by the Portingals& Spayniards in the east and west Indias, left vnmentioned for brevities sale. Anno. 1532. Surius. in Comment. Guintium in Hungary miraculously defended against the Turk. Anno. 1565. 26. I might add hereto diuers other most miraculous& stupendious victories, which it hath pleased God to give to the Portugalles and Spaniards, against the infidels, in planting the faith in the East& west Indies, as well in the 15. as in the 16. age, which was the last, and ended but 3. yeeres ago, but I let pass the same, and will conclude with two or there memorable examples nearer home, and in the memory of some yet living. 27. In the 16. and last age soliman the great Turk was repelled with great loss and shane from a little town in Hungary called Guintium, by an Angel or some who fought against him in the air on horseback, and drove back his army as it was entering into the town. And some yeeres after, not above 40 year ago a huge army also of Soliman besieging the town of S. Michel in the island of Malta, The miraculous defence of S. Michels in the island of Malta. was after three months siege, and many most furious batteries and assaults given thereto, forced to retire with the loss of 23. thousand Turks, by the intercession and help of the blessed Virgin Mary, S. Paul protector of that island and S. John Baptist patron of the order of the Knights of Malta, Pietro gentle. de Vanlonio, of the siege of Malta. that defended the same: which was sufficiently acknowledged by the Turks themselves, who demanded of the Christians what woman that was which shewed herself some times during their assaults vpon the castle of S. Elmo, accompanied with two men, the one an old man with a long beard& a sword, and the other a young man clad in skins, by which description( agreeing with the pictures of S. Paul and S. John, Baptist as they are commonly painted in our Churches) it appeareth that almighty God delivered the town from the barbarous fury of the Turks by their merits, together with the intercession of the blessed and most glorious Virgin Mary. Anno. 1571. The victory of the Christians against the Turk at Lepanto, Catena in vita F●● 5. 28. A few yeeres after in the year of our lord 1571. almighty God gave to the Christians a famous victory against the Turks at Lepanto, and revealed it as well before hand, as at the time of the battle to pope pus 5. of holy memory, who having not only recommended the good success therof to the prayers of al Christian people in general, and to many great seruants of God in particular; but also used of his own part al manner of devotion, and godly means to obtain Gods merciful assistance therein, had such assurance given him of the victory by the holy Ghost, that he sent Monsieur Odescalco bishop of Penna to Don John of Austria general of the Christian navy with a charge to tel him, Pope pus quintus commanded Don john de Austria to give battle to the Turks at Lepanto. that he commanded him, with al the authority which God had given him to give battle to the enemy with the first commodity, assuring him on the behalf of God that though he were inferior in forces he should haue the victory, and the like assurance he also sent him by Don Hernando Carrillo count of Pliego( whom Don John had sent to him vpon business) as also by Marco Antonio Collunna General for the Church, and by many other Captaines which came to demand his benediction when they went to the battle. 29. And afterwards at the time and instant of the victory being walking with Monsieur Bartolomeo Bussotti his Treasurer general, and treating of important affairs, The victory of the Christians at Lepanto revealed to pus quintus at the time of the battle. he went from him vpon the sudden, opened a window, and steadfastly beholded the heauens, and after a while shutting the window again he returned to the Treasurer full of ioy and said unto him, it is not now time to treat further of this matter, but to give God thankes for the victory which he hath given our navy against the Turkes, and then he retired himself to his prayers. 30. This the said Treasurer did not only set down at the same time in writing with a particular note of the month, day, and hour, but also told it to diuers of his particular friends before the news came of the victory, which by reason of contrary winds, stayed so long that the Pope said many times he marveled of it; Selin the great Turk ascribed the victory to the prayers of pus 5. Also Selin the great Turk who then reigned was so persuaded, that this victory of the Christians proceeded of the prayers of Pope pus, that when he understood of his death which happened the year following, he ordained great feasts& triumphs for three daies together in Constantinople. 31. moreover the manner and greatness of the victory being considered, it is evident that God fought for his seruants. The manner of the victory of the Christians at Lepanto. Sur. in Comment. anno. 1571. Anton. Cicatellus in vita. Pij 5. For whereas the Turk had 300. gallies and the Christians not fully 200.& the wind at first was contrary to the Christians and favourable to the Turks, it pleased God that the wind calmed presently, and an other wind arose from an other part, which drove al the smoke of the artiliry and of the small shot vpon the Turks, and so blinded them that it healped the Christians greatly to get the victory, which they obtained with incredible speed, to wit, in 4. hours. In which time they slay Hali Bassa the General and 30000. Turks, and took 3000. prisoners, and a 130 gallies besides 80. which they sunk, and lastly delivered 15000. Christian slaves; so that we may say with the Psalmist: Deus respexit &c. Psal. 101. God had respect unto the prayers of the humble, and despised not their petitions; let these things be written in an other generation; The conclusion of this chap. inferring the weaknes of mans policy and power and Gods providence in the disposition of mane affairs. and the people which shal be created will praise our Lord. 32. In these examples good reader thou mayst haue noted the miraculous proceedings of almighty God, disposing of mens power, forces, and pollcies, according to his will, and giving such event and success to their most powerful enterprises, and attempts, as for the confusion of the proud and presumptpuous, or for the comfort& releese of the humble which trust in him, or for the demonstration of his own power and glory seemeth to his wisdom most convenient, and thou hast seen the same witnessed not only by the holy Scriptures, but also by examples of al ages since our saviour Christ, confirmed partly by the gravest writers and historiographers, and partly by monuments and memories therof yet extant; and partly by the confession of Paynims, and enemies to Christian religion. 33. Who then that shal duly consider the same, can be so faithless, and incredulous as not to beleeue, or so impudent to deny, either the providence of almighty God in human affairs, or else that the success of mans policies deliberations and enterprises, depend wholly vpon his will? whereto if we add what I haue also proved in the former chapter, to wit, that al sudden chances, and unexpected events,( which do many times delude and dissipate mans policies and power) do proceed from no other fortune or fate, then the ineffable wisdom and inscrutable iudgments of almighty God, serving himself of al inferior causes to produce al kind of effects. Two things, must needs follow thereon; the one that no policy or power of man, is of itself sufficient, and able to conserve any kingdom or commonwealth, but needeth thereto the help and assistance of God. The other is that therfore the surest and wisest way for any governor or prince is to recommend himself, his state, his councells, his designments& al his actions continually, and in al humility to Gods merciful direction, vpon whom only dependeth al the good success therof; and the prosperity and security of al states, and commonwelthes; Therfore I conclude with the prophet Hieremy; Hierom. ●a. 17. Maledictus homo qui confidit in homine, et ponet carnem brachium suum. Cursed is the man which trusteth to man, and maketh fle●h his arm; This will be yet more evident by the discussion of the next point which I promised to handle to wit, the iustice of God in punishing commonwealths for sin whereof I will treat in the next chapter. THE WEAKNES AND INSVFFICIENCY of mans wit, policy and power for the conservation of commonwelth, is showed, by the consideration of Gods iustice in the punishment, translation and subversion of states for sin; which point is handled, in 7. chapters next ensuing; and first the iustice of God in punishing sin is proved by arguments drawn from nature itself. CHAP. 16. I Haue hitherto shewed the insufficiency of man for the government of commonwealth, aswell by his own natural infirmity and weakness, of wit, as also by the nature of commonwealth, which I haue proved to be subject to such mutability, and to so many accidents, and chances, unpossible to be foreseen, or prevented, that it passeth al the policy or power of man to give sufficient order, and assurance to the same; whereto I think good to add yet an other consideration, to wit, Of the iustice of God, The iustice of God in ●unishing sin. punishing the sins of men in every commonwealth; whereupon follow many times mutations, and changes therein, yea, and the utter subversion and overthrow therof, for the offences either of the people, or of the princes, or of both. And although there is nothing more manifest then the same, either in reason, or experience,( in so much that it may perhaps seem to some zealous men, a needles, and superfluous labour to produce any proofs therof) yet for that there are many in these dayes who either do not beleeue it, or at least do not observe, and consider it( as it were convenient) I haue thought good to say somewhat touching the same, to the end, that not only mans weakness and infirmity every way, but also the course of Gods providence in mens affairs may be the more evident; which later point is also one special part of the subject which I haue undertaken to handle in this treatise. 2. Therfore first to speak of Gods iustice in general, whosoever doubteth whether God doth execute his iustice vpon men, let him but hearken to the voice of nature in himself, and in al other men, Remorse of conscience an argument of Gods iu●tice in the punishment of sin. to wit, the prick and remorse of conscience, which al men naturally haue, after offence committed. For what else is the same, but as I may term it, a sumner, or an aparitor of the author of nature, summoning, and citing every offender to appear before his trybunal, whose voice, when a guilty conscience heareth, it is vexed with anguish, fear, and horror, whereupon the holy Ghost in the book of wisdom calleth wickedness; Sap. 17. job. 15.16. Timidam; timorous, and fearful, and job, saith of the wicked man: undique terrebunt eum formidines &c: fears shal terrify him, on every side,& shal enwrap and entangle his feet, and the sound of terror shal always be in his ears. Statius 2. Hereupon also the poet saith; O caeca notentum consilia, o semper timidum scelus; O how blind are the desygnments of evil men, and how fearful is wickedness always? The wicked man naturally feareth punishment. Cicero. Tuseul. quaest. 2. The d finition of fear. 3. But what is it that the wicked man naturally feareth? is it not the punishment due for his offence? for he that feareth must needs fear some evil that may befall him; for fear is( as Cicero saith) Opinio impendentis mali, the opinion of some evil that hangeth over a man, or as Philo saith Futuri mali expectatio, the expectation of an evil to come; Now then; the evil that the guilty conscience of man naturally feareth, can be nothing else but punishment for sin, for that his fear and the effects therof grow vpon no other cause, but vpon the knowledge of his own offence, both nature and reason teaching, Punishment of sin a debt due to the author of nature. Math. c. 6. that every fault deserveth punishment, and that the same shalbe exacted as a due debt by the author of nature. In which respect the sins of men are called debita, debts, as our saviour himself called them, when he taught us to say; demitte nobis debita nostra; forgive us o Lord our debts, that is to say our sins, or offences. As also he compared the place deputed for the punishment of sin in the other life, to a prison for a debt, exhorting every one to make peace with his adversary if he haue any here in this life; Math. c. 15. luke. ca. 12. Lest( saith he) thy adversary deliver thee to the judge,& the judge give thee into the hands of the minister of iustice, and so thou be cast in prison; truly I say unto thee thou shalt not be delivered from thence, ●●til thou haue paid the last farthing. Thus said our saviour, signifying that punishme●● for sin is no less due to be payed then any debt whatsoever. 4. This I say nature itself not only notifyeth to every man by a secret instinct, but also giveth him a taste therof in the worm or remourse, whereupon the satirical poet speaking of wicked men, saith elegantly thus; — Curtamen hos tu Euassisse putas, funeral. Sa●ir. 11. quos semper conscia facti Mens habet attonitos,& sardo verbere caedità Paena autem vehemens,& multo saeuior illis, Quas& Seditius granis invenit,& Radamanthus Nocte dieque suum gestare in pectore testem; That is to say, how canst thou think that those men escape unpunished, The horror of a guilty Conscience. whom the knowledge& consideration of their own wickedness ever holdeth astonished, beating them, as it were, with stil and secret stripes, for truly neither the severe judge Seditius, nor yet Radaman thus, did ever invent so vehement, and cruel a torment, as it is for a man, day, and night to carry the testimony of his own wickedness in his own breast Thus saith the poet, the truth whereof appeareth in the horror of many wicked mens consciences, vexed with fearful phantasyes, dreadful dreams, terrible thoughts and cogitations, distraction, madness, and despair. 5. We red of Nero that after he had killed his mother, Suet. ca. 34. he was continually exagitated( as himself confessed) with fantasies of the apparition of her ghost, and with conceits that the furies persecuted him with burning torches, Phil. Commi. de reb g●stis Caroli. 8. Guiccir. li. 1. and Alfonsus King of Naples having unjustly,& cruelly murdered 24. of his Barons, could never sleep quietly for the representation of their shapes which always vexed him in his dreams; Also of such kind of men the Satirycal poet saith thus. Hij sunt qui trepidant& ad omnia fulgura pallent Cum tonat exanimes, Iuuneal. S●ti. 15. primo quoque murmur caeli Non quasi fortuitò, nec ventorum rabie, said Iratus cadat in terras& vindicet ignis; the sense is this. These are they which tremble and wax pale at every flash of lightninge, and are almost dead at every clap of thunder, as though the wrathful hand of God were powring down fire vpon them, S●et. in Tib●ri●& Caio. for punishment of their wickedness Thus saith the poet, whereof Tiberius and Caius Caligula two most wicked Emperours may serve for example, who trembled always and hide themselves when they hard any thunder. 6. The cause of al this is no other but that almighty God the author of nature hath ordained as S. Chrisostom witnesseth, Chrisost. To. 1. concio. 4. de Lazaro. A tribunal in the soul of man. that conscience shalbe, as it were, a tribunal in the soul of man, to the end that every one being the accuser, witness, yea and judge of his own sin, and condemning himself by his own sentence, may either repent and do satisfaction, or else expect the due punishment therof from the divine iustice,& aclowledge it for most just when it shalbe inflicted vpon him; For seing al sin doth impugn and transgress the law of nature, it followeth that the punishment of sin doth most properly belong to the author of nature, who as he made nature and her laws, so doth he most justly exact the pennalty due to the transgression therof. 7. And even as we see in commonwealths betwixt Princes& their subiects, that particular injuries done to particular men against the political laws, redound to the offence of the Prince as head of the commonwealth,( in which respect though the wronged remit the trespass done to them, yet the Prince justly punisheth the offender) even so it falleth out betwixt God, and man; Al offences redound to the offence of God, though sometimes they seem to be committed only against man. Psal. 6.2. Math. ca. 16. ca. 17. nu. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. The uniform consent& practise of al natinos in craving pardon of God for sin i● an infallible argument of his iustice. Cicero Tus. c. quaest. for although mans offence may sometimes seem to be committed only against man, or human authority; yet it redoundeth to the offence of God, vpon whose authority and power pedendeth al the power and authority of man, and from whose supreme and eternal law do flow al other good and just laws; so that although men, either punish or remit the faults of men, yet the offenders are not exempt thereby from the punishment of God, except they also satisfy his iustice, who searching the hartes,& reins of men, and taking account of every idle word, is the just judge. Qui reddit vnicuique iuxta opera sua; which yeeldeth to every one according to his works; rewarding and punishing some in this life and some in the next, and some in both, whereof I will say more,& yield some further reason after a while. 8. In the mean time I wish to be considered as an other evident argumet of Gods iustice, drawn also from natture itself, that the constant and uniform consent and practise of al nations, and people( which Cicero saith is nothing else but: vox naturae, the very voice of nature) doth give manifest testimony of the truth hereof. For to what end were al the propitiatory& expiatory sacrifices ordained and used, not only amongst the faithful people of God, but also amongst the Heathens, Greekes, and Romans, yea and al barbarous nations, but to pacify the wrath of almighty God, and to obtain remission and pardon of punishment due to sin. 9. The experience of Gods iustice vpon sinners. Finally the most certain experience of Gods iustice vpon sinners( confirmed not only by the testimony of most grave and learned authors of al times and countries, but also by daily examples evident to be seen) teacheth and convinceth that God is Deus vltionum the God of punishment; Deus fortis et zealots &c.: Psal. 93. Exod. 20. A mighty and jealous God, who visiteth and punisheth the iniquity of the father vpon the children, unto, the 3. and 4. generation. 10. But for as much as I am also to touch this matter hereafter, and to treat of the punishment not only of tyrants and wicked men, but also of heretical and schismatical kings, partly in this first part of this treatise,& partly in the second, I will therfore here in this place speak only of Gods iustice extended vpon whole commonwealths, Kingdoms, and Empires,& for some introduction thereunto, I will first say somewhat of his providence in general, in matters concerning the states of kings and Princes, as far as I shal think convenient for this place. FOR THE MORE EVIDENT proof THAT God ouerthroweth states and kingdoms for sin, it is first proved that they depend on his providence, and that they are at his disposition; also it is signified for what cause God giveth kingdoms and states to men;& finally for what kind of sins and in what cases he punisheth or destroyeth, whole commonwelths. CHAP. 17. I HAVE in the beginning of this Treatise sufficiently declared, as a matter most evident in nature and reason, and confessed by al philosophers, that al creatures in heaven and earth, haue not only their essence, and being, but also their natural proprieties, and what soever is good and commendable in them of their first cause, that is to say, of almighty God their Creator. whereupon it is necessary to be inferred, Al human power, and authority proceedeth from God and dependeth on his will. Apoc. 19. Rom. 13. proverb. ca. 8. that al human power, authority, and dignity whatsoever proceedeth from him, and dependeth on him, who for his own service and greater glory imparteth the same to men, no less then other of his gifts. In which respect the scripture giveth him the supereminent title of, Rex regum,& Dominus dominantium; the king of kings, and Lord of Lords: and further saith, that Non est potestas nisi a Deo; there is no power but from God. and that by him, Reges regnant& principes imperant: kings reign, and Princes rule; whereupon also it followeth, that al kingdoms and states are disposed by his infinite wisdom and holy will; Al kingdoms and states disposed by the infinite wisdom and will of God. For if al power be derived from him, and if kings and Princes reign and rule by the authority which he giveth them; then they are no other but his ministers subiects& vicegerents, accountable for that which they haue of him, and to be governed and guided by him, placed, and displaced, punished, rewarded, and disposed, both they, and their states, as it shal please him. 2. Aug. li. 5. de cluis dei. ca. it. S. Augustine argument to prove the dependence of states vpon the providence of God. This also may be inferred vpon his providence in far less matters, or rather in al other things; whereupon S. Augustin reasoneth thus; seeing( saith he) the highest, and true God hath given order and conveniency, and as it were a certain peace, agreement, and harmony of parts not only to heaven, earth, and man; but also to every little and contemptible creature, to every feather, to every flower, or herb, and to every leaf, it is not to be believed that the kingdoms of men; or their governments are not also ordered by the laws of his providence. Thus reasoneth this learned and holy doctor, as who would say, if God haue care of lesser things, it can not be imagined that he neglecteth the greater; the care whereof no less partaineth, but rather more to his infinite bounty, wisdom, and power: For although the providence of man( which is limited, with in the strait and narrow bounds of human infirmity,) extendeth itself sometimes to the least matters only, because it can not comprehend the greatest, and sometimes to great matters and not to small, because it can not sufficiently comprehend both, yet the providence of almighty God being infinite, The providence of God extendeth itself to al things little and great. extendeth itself to al things, because he is no less infinite in wisdom, and power, then in bounty and goodness, and therfore, as he is creator of al things, he also careth and provideth for al things; and as it is fit for his incomparable goodness to care for the least things in the world, so is it convenient for his infinite wisdom, and power, to care and provide for the greatest, and especially for matters of kingdoms and commonwealths, which most import, and are of that nature,( as I haue sufficiently showed throughout this whole treatise) that they surpass the capacity, wit, and power of men. 3. whereupon it followeth that if almighty God should exclude the same from his divine providence, there should want sufficient means in nature for the government& conservation of the world, which were absurd to say; and therfore I will conclude with S. Augustin: Non tribuamus( saith he) dandi regni potestatem &c. let us not attribute the power of giving kingdoms or Empires to any other but to the true God, August. Ibid. ca. ●●. who giveth felicity in the kingdom of heaven only to the pious and godly, and bestoweth the kingdoms of the earth, vpon good and bad according as it pleaseth him, whom nothing pleaseth unjustly. Thus saith he, and to the same purpose S. jerome saith, Regna Dei gubernantis mutantur,& finiuntur arbitrio. &c. kingdoms are changed, Hieron. in daniel. ca. 2. and ended by the will of God, who governeth al, and the causes therof are known to him who made al. 4. Thus saith S. jerome expounding a notable sentence concerning this matter in Daniel the prophet, The dependence of states vpon the providence of God proved by the prophecy of Daniel. who having understood by revelation from almighty God as well the dream or vision of Nabuchadonosor, as also the interpretation therof( whereby was signified the translation of his empire first to the Medians and Persians, and after to the Grecians, and lastly to the Romans) was strooken with such an admiration of Gods providence, and power in the disposition of Empires, and kingdoms, that he broke forth into these words, Dan. ca. 2. Sit nomen domini benedictium a seculo &c. The name of our Lord be blessed for ever and ever, for al wisdom and strength is his, and he changeth times and ages, and translateth, constituteth and ordaineth kingdoms at his pleasure. Thus said the prophet. 5. The truth whereof is so evident by the event of that vision of Nabuchadonosor, and of the other prophesies of Daniel, that no paynim or infidel, who shal duly consider the same, can with reason deny it, or doubt of it, seeing al that which he foresaw, and foretold so many hundreth yeeres before, hath been from time to time, and daily is accomplished, and fulfilled, as the histories of al times and experience plainly show. Idem. Ibid. The accomplishment of Daniels prophes● concerning the empire of the world and many particular kingdoms. Idem. ca. 11. For he prophesied not only of the translation of the Empire of the world from nation, to nation, as before I signified, but also of the particular wars, and the contentions, of the successors of Alexander the great, especially of the kings of Syria and egypt, of their victories and overthrows, of their leagues, their marriages, and the fraudulent practices of one of them against an other, and of the affliction of the Iewes during the time of those wars, especially by the persecution of Antiochus king of Syria,( whereof the books of maccabees do treat at large) as also of the fall of the Roman empire, ● Mach. b. c. 5. 6. 7. 8 9. of the very time of the coming of our saviour Christ, of his passion and death, of his Church and kingdom, and of the amplytude and eternity therof, and al this he prophesied so particularly, and clearly, that whosoever shal confer his predictions with the events testified by profane authors, namely by Pausanias justin, polybius; Q. Curtius, Appian,& Iosephus, and with our scriptures,& ecclesiastical writers, he can not but aclowledge the verity therof. 6. This was so manifest to the very balsams, Hierem praefat. in Daniel. The Cauel of Porphir●●● against Daniel; pro●phesy confuted. that Porphiryus the platonic philosopher noting the accomplishment of al that which Daniel prophesied in the 11. chapter, concerning the successors of Alexander the great, affirmed that it was a history of matters past, written in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, and published as a prophesy in the name of Daniel, which is easily confuted as well for that the 70. interpreters translated it amongst others partes of scripture, almost a hundreth yeeres before the time of Antiochus, as also because Iaddus chief bishop of the Iewes shewed the same to Alexander the great at jerusalem, to prove unto him that a graecian King should subdue the Persian empire, which Alexander expounded of himself, and was encouraged thereby to give battle to Darius, Iosephus li. 11. antiquit. whom he defeated and deprived of the kingdom of Persia and Media; And this was 160. yeeres before Antiochus. Besides that the events of al that which Daniel prophesied of things to follow the time of Antiochus until this day, as of the fall of the Roman empire, and the rising of the kingdom of Christ, that is to say of his Church and of the increase and admirable propagation therof through out the world, do not only confute the calumniation of porphyry, but also prove most manifestly the providence of almighty God in the affairs of men, Iosephus the Iew proved the providence of God by the verity of Daniels prophesyes. joseph. li. 10. antiquit. ca. 12. as Iosephus the famous jew observed in the same prophesies for matters past until his time, convincing thereby the epicureans, and al other atheists who denied the providence of God in human affairs; When I consider( saith he) the prophesies of Daniel, I can not but utterly condemn their ignorance, which deny the providence of God over men, for how could it come to pass that his predictions should fall out to be so true as we see, by the events they are, if the course of the world, and thirdly affairs were guided by chance; Thus saith Iosephus, who nevertheless saw not the accomplishment of a great part of Daniels prophesies, which these last 15. ages that haue passed since his death, haue made manifest unto vs. Dan. ca. 2. How the prediction of Daniel to Nabuchadonosor, hath ben fulfilled from time to time, and daily it. 7. For where as the vision of Nabuchodonosor interpnted by Daniel signified that the empire of the chaldeans should be overthrown by the Medians and Persians, and they again by the Grecians, and the Grecians by the Romans, and that the Roman empire should be crushed, and bruised by astone cut out of a hil without hands,( that is to say by our saviour christ born of the blessed virgin Mary with out the help of man) and that the said ston should grow to be a mighty mountain, and fill the whole earth, by which mountain was signified the Church of Christ propagated through out the whole world, which should subdue to her obedience, not only the Roman empire, but also al other earthly kingdoms and states in time; whereas( I say) al this was signified by Daniel to Nabucodonosor, The verity of Daniels prophecy much more manifest to us then it was to Iosephus. Iosephus neither saw the decay and fall of the Roman empire,( which flourished chiefly in his time) nor the subiection therof to the empire of Christ and his vicars or substitutes in earth( who haue already above 1500. yeres possessed the very seat of the Roman Emperours:) whereupon I conclude, that we who haue seen& daily do see the accomplishment of these prophesies, Dan. ca. 2. God disposeth of kingdoms and states by the ministry of men. Isay. 10. more then Iosephus did, haue far greater cause, and more reason then he to aclowledge the manifest verity therof, and to admire the infynit wisdom,& wonderful providence of almighty God, and confessing with Daniel,( as before I signified) that: Ipse mutat &c. It is he which changeth times and ages, and transferreth, and setteth up kingdoms; though he use therein the ministry of men, who are no other but his instruments to execute his will. Men the instruments of God many times though they know it not. Isay ibid. In which respect he called the King of the assyrians, the rod of his wrath, and his staff, and compared him to An axe and a saw, which men use for their service, because he ment to make him his instrument for the punishment of the Iewes, though the said assyrian had no such intention, nor any imagination therof,; as it was also signified by the prophet, who having called him, the rod of his wrath, and his staff, added: Ipse autem non sic cogitabit, &c. but he shal not think so, neither shal his hart so conceive which shal be wholly set vpon conquest, and vpon the destruction of many nations. 8. And this secret operation of almighty God, for the execution of his will, The dependence of states vpon Gods providence proved by the prophecy of Zachary Zacha. ca. 6. is not to be understood to haue place, only in kings and Princes and in particular men, but also in whole kingdoms and empires, which are in like manner secretly moved, governed, and disposed by him, the which is notably signified in the prophet Zachary, when the angel who shewed him the vision of 4 Chariots, said unto him; Ista sunt quatnor venti caeli, qui egrediuntur vt stint coram dominatore orbis terrae; These are the 4. winds of the heaven, Hieron. in each a●●an ca. 6. which go forth to stand before the governor of the whole earth; that is to say as S. Hierom expoundeth it; These are the 4. clymats or partes of the world, which attend to know the will of almighty God: Idem. Ibid. Nihil enim haec 4. regna absque domini voluntate fecerunt, for these 4. kingdoms or empires( saith S. Hierom) did nothing without the will of our Lord. And a little after the prophet speaking of the horses in the 4. The commission that God gave to the Romans to conquer the world. Hierom. Ibid. chariot( which signified the Roman empire) saith, Qui erant robustissimi &c: those which were the strongest went forth and sought to go& run over the earth, and he( to wit, the Angel) said go, and walk over the earth &c. wherein the prophet giveth to understand that the Romans had a particular commission or licence of almighty God to conquer the world, which is signified in that the angel said unto them; item& perambulate terram: go and walk over the earth, that is to say( saith S. Hierom) Pedibus conculcate& substernite regna; subdue kingdoms,& tread them under your feet. 9. The consideration of the particular causes why God giveth kingdoms to men. But this providence of God in the disposition of kingdoms or states will the better appear, if we consider the particular causes why he giveth the same to some rather then to others; For besides the general cause proceeding from the reason and nature of commonwealth itself, to wit, the conservation of the body politic, by the supreme power and authority of the head, for the administration of iustice, defence of the weak, 3. Reg ca. 16. remuneration of the good, and punishment of the bad,( in which respect the queen of Saba saith to Salomon; Constituit te dominus regem &c. our Lord hath made thee king to the end that thou mayst do iustice and iudgement) besides( I say) this general cause indifferent to al Princes, as being the end and ground of al princely authority, there are other particular respects, for the which God raiseth and advanceth some men to supreme dignity, whereof I will recount such as occur to me at this present. 10. God giveth dominion to some for his own greater glory. Constantin the great. sometimes God giveth dominion to some men for his own greater glory, and the aduancement of true religion, for which cause he gave the Roman empire and al felicytie temporal to Constantine the great, as appeared by his extraordinary vocation to the Christian faith,& his miraculous victories,& by the propagation of Christian religion, and the subversion of Idolatry which ensued therof. The like may be said of an English King called Edwin King of that part of England which is on the northside of the river Humber( al which was then called Northumberland) to whom almighty God gave that kingdom for his own glory and the aduancement of Christian religion, as may appear by the circumstances therof which for that they are very rare, and remarkable I will briefly relate. Edwin King of Northumberland. Beda. hist. eccle. li. 2. ca. 12. Polid. li. 4 11. This Edwin son to Alla second King of Northumberland was deprived of his kingdom being very young by Edelfred, and forced to flee to Redoaldus King of the East Angles, who though he received, and treated him at first with al courtesy, yet afterwards at the earnest suit of Edelfreds ambassadors, determined either to kill him, or to deliver him unto them; Edwin understanding the same, and being heinously perplexed therewith, was comforted by an Angel appearing unto him in the habit of an old man, who demanded of him what he would give one who would not only deliver him of his care and affliction but also restore him to his kingdom, and when Edwin promised that he would be most grateful for it; he asked him further, if the same party should teach him a heavenly doctrine for his eternal good, whether he would embrace it or no, which he also promised most wilingly: whereupon the old man approaching nere unto him, laid his right hand vpon his head and said, when this shal be done unto thee, remember then that thou perform thy promise, and so vanished away; within a while after Edwin was advertised that King Redoaldus by the persuasion of the queen his wife, had not only changed his mind, but also resolved to give him assistance against Edelfred, whereof he shortly after saw the effect; for by the help of Rodoaldus, K. Edwin made a Christian. he overthrew and slay Edelfred, and recovered his kingdom; Some yeeres after S. Paulinus preaching unto him the Christian faith, and not finding him so forward as he desired, was moved by the spirit of God to lay his hand vpon his head, and to ask him whether he remembered that sign, whereupon king Edwin calling to mind his vision, cast himself down at the feet of Paulinus, and promised to beleeue and embrace the doctrine which he preached, and after a while was baptized with al his nobility and people; Thus writeth S. Bede our countryman, whereby it is manifest that almighty God bestowed that kingdom vpon Edwin, for his own glory and service and for the conversion of him and his people to the Christian saith. But now to proceed. 12. cyrus advanced to the empire of the Chaldeans for the comfort of the people of God. Isay. ca. 45. Some times God advanceth men to the government of a kingdom for the comfort of his seruants; so we red in Isaias the prophet, that God would give the empire of the Chaldeans to cyrus King of Persia, to the end he might deliver the Iewes from their captivity. In which respect he called him, his seruant, his anointed, and his pastor, or shepherd, 200. yeeres before he was born. 13. 1. Reg. ca. 16. 4. Reg. ca. 19. david made King for the punishment of K. Saul. Sometimes God giveth a kingdom to some one to whom it doth no way appertain, for the punishment of the King therof; so he raised david against Saul: and jehu against the sons of ahab King of Israel, which jehu was anointed King by the prophet, to the end he might destroy al the children and posterity of ahab, which he performed. 14. sometimes a wicked man reigneth for the punishment of a wicked people. Hier. in Daniel. ca. 2. job. Osc. ca. 13. Some times also he permitteth some wicked man to obtain a crown or kingdom for the punishment of the people thereof; Vt malus malos puniat:( saith S. jerome) that a wicked man may punish others for their wickedness. To this purpose job saith; God makes the hypocrite, or wicked man reign for the sins of the people; and to the same purpose also almighty God said to the people of Israel by the prophet Ose: Dabo tibi regem in furore meo. I will give thee a King in my fury; Grego. in illud. 1. Reg. 9. which S. Gregory expoundeth thus In furore Dei Rex datur, cum malis petor praeesse decernitur; a King is given in the fury of God, when he giveth to wicked men a king more wicked then the●. Thus far S Gregory; Which may also be notably confirmed out of Plutark though he was a paynim, who saith, Plut. de seranuminis vindicta. God useth the ministry of a wicked King to execute his iustice. that God doth serve himself of wicked tyrants as of hangmen to execute his iustice vpon others, no less or more wicked then they:& that as poisons are some way medicinable, and necessary to purge bad humours,& cure diseases, even so tyrants are necessary to purge the sins, and cure the vices of wicked subiects. To which end( saith he) Phalaris t●e tyrant was ordained by almighty God to govern the Agrigentins; and Marius the Romans; These that haue a tyrannical prince, ought rather to blame themselves, then ●ins. and therfore Apollo himself also said to the Scicionians that they had need of wh●ppinge maisters to scourge them in good earnest; Thus saith plutarch Therfore when God giveth such a King, it ●hal be well to remember the council of S. Gregory who saith; Let not those which haue an evil governor accuse him, for the same, Greg. li. moral. 25. cap. 20. seing they deserved to be subject to such a one; but let them rather blame themselves, for it is written, I will give thee kings in my fury &c. thus far S. Gregory. Some ar advanced by alm●ghty God, in reward of some service donne to him. Ezechiel. ca. 29. 15. Otherwhiles God giveth a kingdom, or increase of dominion to a wicked man in reward of some service which he hath done him; so he gave al egypt to Nabuchadonosor King of babylon, because he had been his minister in the execution of his iustice vpon the city and state of Tyrus: Nabuchodonosor,( saith almighty God by the prophet) did me great service with his army against Tyrus, and hath received as yet no reward, neither he nor his army for the same; behold I will give him the land of egypt and it shal be a recompense, for his army, and for the pains he took in my service. Thus saith the prophet; whereby we may gather how bountifully almighty God will reward such services as are done him willingly, The moil bounty of almighty God, in rewarding service donne him vnwittingly. and with intention to serve him, seing he also liberally rewarded a service done him unwittingly, for Nabuchadonosor made war vpon Tyrus, not with intent to serve God therein, but either for some reuenge of inuiryes, or for ambition to increase his dominion. 16. In like manner, sometimes God giveth government and dominion to an evil man for some service done unto him by his parents or progenitors, Wicked men advanced sometimes or prospered by some good deeds of their wicked progenitors. 4. Reg. 9.10.13.14. though they were as wicked as he; whereof we haue an example in Ioachaz, joas, jeroboam, and Zacharias kings of Israel, who though they were Idolaters, linealy descended of jehu an Idolater as well as they, yet reigned al of them,& succeeded one an other by a particular privilege of almighty God, for the service which jehu their progenitor did him in extinguishinge the house of ahab: whereas by the ordinary course of Gods iustice, al the other Idolatrous kings of Israel were deprived of their kingdoms by violent death, either the father or the son, or both, in so much that it never descended to the 3. generation, except in the posterity of jehu, to which God gave it until the 4. generation for the cause before declared. God advanceth sometimes wicked men for the good deserts of their virtuous parents. Seneca. li 4. de benefi●●●s ca. 32. 17. Also some wicked men are advanced to soueraignity for the virtues of good men their parents, or progenitors, for which cause almighty God continued the crown& kingdom of Iuda for many dissents, in the posterity of the holy King david, though many of them were most wicked men, and this the balsams also acknowledged, as appeareth in Seneca, who saith that some do reign because some one of their ancestors was a good man, for whose sake they are advanced to government, not because, saith Seneca, they are worthy of it; said quia alius pro illis meruit. But because an other deserved it for them: so that( saith he,) God giveth a kingdom to an vngratful man, not for his own sake, or for any merit of his, but to pay an old debt to some of his progenitors. 18. God giveth or amplifyeth a k●ngdome sometimes in reward of moral virtue. Lastly an Empire or kingdom is sometimes given by almighty God and sometime amplified and increased in reward of the virtue, iustice, and piety of him which possesseth it, I mean not only virtues infused( as true religion, iustice, and piety proceeding of Gods grace) but also moral virtues, whereto honour and dominion, is so due by the law, and course of nature, that who so ever should excel al other men therein, should thereby deserve not only to be more honoured then they, but also to haue dominion over them, and as A istotle teacheth, Arist. polit. li. 2.& 5. he should naturally be their King, and Lord; Besides that the godnes and bounty of almighty God is such in rewardinge al virtue and goodness what so ever,( according to the merit, and worth of every act) that whereas moral virtues proceeding only of the force of nature, can not deserve heavenly, and eternal reward,( which is supernatural) he recompenseth them temporally in this life, sometimes with wealth and riches, sometimes with prosperous success, or other temporal contentments, and sometimes with honour dignity and dominion; Aug. de civit. dei li. 5. ca. 15. and therfore although S. Augustin doth not aclowledge the virtues of the Romans to be true virtues,( for that they were commonly referred to vain glory) yet he affirmeth that God gave them the empire of the world in reward of their civil, and moral virtues, The empire of the world given to the Romans for their civil, and moral virtues. meaning thereby that although they were not truly virtuous, yet because they were more virtuous then other nations, God gave them dominion and commandement over al others: what then may be supposed of his bountyful goodness in rewardinge true virtue in his seruants( I mean infused virtue proceeding of his grace) seeing he so liberally recompenseth the unperfect virtues of his enemies; it is not to be doubted, but that he will reward the same, not only with everlasting glory, but also with temporal felicytie, when it shalbe necessary and convenient for their eternal good. How God giveth kingdoms or temporal felicity in reward of infused virtues. 19. For although temporal felicity being considered simply in itself as a thing transitory& not truly good, can be no due reward for the infused virtues( which in respect of the dignity of Gods grace from which they proceed, do merit a heavenly& everlasting reward) yet if we consider temporal happiness, as it may be referred to the service of God, and so made a means to attain to eternal felicity, it may be not only truly good, but also a true and proper reward of religious piety, and other infused virtues. Psal. 33. In which sense the royal prophet saith; Rich men haue wanted and been hungry, but those which seek our lord; Non minuentur omni bono; shal not want any good what soever. That is to say, they shal haue al good, spiritual and temporal; including in this word good, al such temporal things, as may be necessary to salvation;( for what soever is contrary thereto, God giveth not temporal felicity to al his seruants but only to such of them as will use it well. is neither good nor profitable but bad and pernicious) and therfore God doth not give temporal felicity to al his seruants, but only to such of them as he knoweth will, with the help of his grace use it well to his honour and glory, and to such it is not only a reward for virtue, but also a furtherance& help to salvation; whereas to wicked men, though it be also Gods gift,( yea and some times given them in recompense of some good act or work of theirs as I will signify more at large hereafter) yet it is not properly to be accounted a reward but a punishment, ca. 26. nu. 5. not a blessing but a curse, not felicity but misery, by reason that it maketh them more insolent, proud and licentious, and by consequence increaseth their damnation. 20. Now then to return to speak of kingdoms, empires, earthly glory, and increase of dominion, it is not to be doubted but that as almighty God doth bestow them vpon evil men yea vpon the worst men, ca. 26. ca. 26. ( partly for the causes lately declared, and partly for some other respects whereof I will speak here after) so also he giveth them some times to his seruants in reward of their virtue, so far forth as he seeth it necessary for his own glory and service, and for their eternal good. And this I would prove more at large in this place by many reasons and examples, but that the question more properly belongeth to the 2. parte of this Treatise, where I shal purposely speak of religion. 21. Therfore I will now prosecute that which I haue already touched before, and am specially to handle in this place, to wit, the iustice of God extended vpon kingdoms& commonwealth for sin, The consideration of Gods Iustice extended vpon states for sin. Three kinds of sins for the which God punisheth commonwelthe. and will make it manifest by evident examples that al mutations, and overthrows of states and kingdoms, do principally proceed from the iudgments of God, for the sins of men, which sins to speak therof briefly and in general, may be reduced to three kindes; For, as there are 3. things specially which do maintain and uphold al commmonwelthes, and for the which God doth bless and prosper them( the first religion and piety towards God; the second iustice and equity amongst men; and the third good discipline in life and manners) so also 3. other things contrary to those do subvert commonwealths, and provoke the wrath of God against the same. 22. The first is, al sorts of false religion, superstition, sins concerning religion Idolatry, heresy and schimse, and such sins as belong thereto; For the which the kingdom of Israel was by Gods just iudgment destroyed in the time of the old law, as also since Christs time al Greece. And the eastern parts of christendom haue been overrun, and are stil tirannyzed by the turk, as shal be amply declared in the second part of this Treatise. injustice. The second is al sorts of injustice, as rapine, imoderat exactions, oppression of the poor, effusion of innocent blood, calumniation or slanders, and such like, Eccle. ca. 10. for the which God punisheth kingdoms and states as the holy Ghost signifieth in Eclesiasticus saying. Regnum de gente in gentem transfertur &c. A kingdom is transferred from nation to nation, for injustice, injuries, calumniations, or slanders, and diuers deceits; and hereof I will alleged diuers examples after a while; The 3. Dissolute and licentious life. kind consisteth in licentiousness, and dissolution of life& manners, as shal appear hereafter by particular examples of Gods punishments vpon commonwealths for the sins of the flesh. 23. And in al this it is to be understood, In what cases God punisheth a whole commonwelth. The first case, Genes. ca. 18. ●0 19. that almighty God punisheth or destroyeth whole commonwealths for sins, especially in 4. cases: the first is, when any of the fore said kindes of sin is grown to be so universal& general in a commonwealth, that few or none, are free from it, as it was in sodom and Ghomorra which God destroyed with fire from heaven for the abominable sin of sodomy, wherewith al the in habitants were infected from the highest to the lowest, as the scripture testifieth. The second case. 24. The second case is, when the prince or governor of the commonwealth is a notable offeder in any of the sins before mentioned, whereby he justly draweth the wrath of God, not only vpon himself but also vpon al the commonwealth, such being the sympathy in the body politic, betwixt the Prince& the subiects, as in the body natural, betwixt the head and the members; The sympathy betwixt the head and the members in the body politic. The Subiects punished for the sins of the prince. 2. Reg. ca. 21. 2. Reg. c. 24. 2. Paral. ca. 28. and therfore as the hurt or damage of the head may redound to the destruction of the whole body; even so the sin of the Prince may procure the wrath of God against the whole commonwealth, whereof we haue diuers examples in the holy scriptures; The injustice which King Saul used towards the Gaboanits was punished in the people with 3. yeeres famine 40. yeeres after in king Dauids time; and for king Dauids sin in numbering the people there perished 70000. of them with pestilence; and in like manner for the sins of King Achaz: Humiliauit dominus Indam, saith the scripture, God humbled& afflicted al the people of Iuda, who also were afterwards carried away into captivity with their King Ioachin, by Nabuchadonosor for the sins of King Manasses, great grandfather to Ioachin; and hereof I shal also haue occasion to allege some modern examples after a while. The third case. 25. And the like also happeneth to Princes,& their whole state for the sins of the people, which is the 3. case wherein God punisheth whole commonwealths for sin; for as almighty God sometimes prospereth and blesseth the Prince for the peoples sake, Princes punished for the sins of the people. and the people for the Princes, so also he punisheth otherwiles the Princes for the offences of the subiects, as Samuel signified to the people of Israel when he had anointed Saul their King, 1. Reg. ca. 12. saying unto them, that if they feared, and served God, he would protect both them and their King, and if they persevered in their malice both they and their King should perish together.. 26. Also for the sins of the people, God suffered K. david to fall, whereupon followed the death of 70. thousand men who perished by Pestilence; 2. Reg. c. 24. The participation of merit and demerit betwixt Prince,& their Subiects. Greg. li. 5. in job. c. 14. by the occasion whereof S. Gregory teacheth notably the communication of merit and demerit in the commonwealth, betwixt the Princes& their subiects, saying; The good King david sinned and the people was punished; for according to the deserts of the people, the harts of the Princes are disposed; and a little after The deserts of the people& their governor are so conjoined, that often time, the lives and manners of a good people, become worse for the sins of a bad Prince, and the lives of a bad Prince, become better for the merit and good desert, of a good people. Thus saith S. Gregory. 27. The fourth case The fourth case. is when the magistrates do notably neglect the execution of iustice, for as S. Gregory faith, when the vices of the subiects are dissembled, and winked at by the gouernours, The negligence of magistrates in the execution of iustice draweth the wrath of God vpon the commonwelth. Greg. Ibid. they are reserved for the iudgement of God, who being the supreme judge, then justly exerciseth his authority, and power, as well to punish his ministers( that is to say, the magistrates) for their negligence, as also to supply their defects, in punishing others, and therfore in such case he commonly imposeth some general penalty vpon the commonwealth, whereof we haue a notable example in the overthrow, The children of Israel punished for a secret fault of one man unpunished. Iosu● c. 7. which God suffered the people of Israel to receive for the offence of one only man, to wit Acham, who having stolen part of the spoil of Hiericho, contrary to Gods commandment was not discovered and punished by the magistrates, and therfore God said unto them, that he would abandon them utterly except they searched out, and punished the offender; Yf therfore he punish so severely the omission of iustice, when the sin is secret, and unknown to the magistrates, much more may wee think he will do it, when public sins are permitted, or dissembled by them; ca. 20. nu. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. as shal appear by sundry examples hereafter. 28. And therfore for this time I conclude this point, and chapter with an observation of S. Augustin concerning the participation of merit, and demerit amongst men, Why the punishment of one man redoundeth sometimes to many. Aug. de civit. d●● li. 1. c. 9. to wit that the punishment of one doth redound some times to al men, To recommend unto us, saith he, the consideration of the straight bond, and unity of human society, to the end we may understand thereby, ho●v careful we ought to be, to hinder the offence of God in other men, as well as in ourselves, seeing we are al, quasi vnum corpus, as it were one body, and subject in some cases to pay the temporal penalties, one of an others offence. Thus much in general concerning for what kinds of sin, and in what cases God punisheth whole commonwealths. 29. And now to come to particular examples of kingdoms, and states, utterly overthrown, or greeuoussly punished by almighty God, for sin, I will make choice of some most manifest, amongst very many, which do occur unto me, and 〈◇〉 begin with two, testified partly by our holy scriptures, and partly by profane authors, who declare the events which the scriptures long before prophesied and foretold, The one example shal be the overthrow of the great empire of the Chalaians, and the other of the destruction of jerusalem, and the utter subversion of the state of the Iewes. EXAMPLES OF THE SEVERITY OF GODS iustice vpon kingdoms and states for sin, and first of the subversion of the most potent Empire of the Chaldaeans, and of their admirable city of babylon and for what sins the same was ouerthrowne, and that the events therof testified by profane authors, answered exactly to the prophesies in our holy scriptures. CHAP. 18. NOTHING was more famous in old time not more celebrated by al historiographers, The magnificence and riches of the Chaldaean em●●●re. Te●tul. aduer. Iudeos. Metast. henes de rebus. Indicis. li. 4. Dan. 2. The welth beauty and strength of the city of babylon. Solin. ca. 60. Plin. li. 6. ca. 26. Diodor. Sicul li. 3. Strabo li. 16. Hieron. li. 5. in Isay c. 14. Arist. lib. 3. Pol●tic. then the riches& magnificence of the Chaldean Empire, which besides the oriental countries, from India to Aethiopia included al egypt, afric, and spain, in which respect Daniel the prophet said to Nabuchadonosor who was King thereof, Tu es rex regum, et potesta● tua in terminos vniuersae terrae; Thou art king of kings, and thy power extends itself to the bounds of the whole earth, besides that the wealth strength, and beauty of babylon( the Imperial seat of the Ch●●dean kings,) was such, as it giveth sufficient testimony of the great power of that Empire. For the walls were 50. cubits thick, and 200 cubits high; the city was four square 15. miles from one corner to an other, and 60. miles in compass; in so much that Aristotle affirmeth that when it was taken, those which dwelled in the furthest parte of the city, did not hear of it in 3. daies; It had 100. gates, with the three sholds and posts of brass; great numbers of marble tempells, and golden images; whole streets shining and glyttering with gold and precious stones, and amongst other temples, there was one of Belus 4. square, Herodat. li. ●. containing 2. stades every way, which was a quarter of a mile in length, and a mile in compass, in the midst whereof there was a tower, which as well in breadth, as in height, contained a stade, that is to say half a quarter of a mile, vpon the which were raised 8. other towers, one above an other, with easy stairs to mount up to the top, where there was a chapel with a sumptuous bed, and a table of gold; finally such wonderful things are written by grave authors of artificial mountaines, orchards, and gardens, called, ●osius apud Iosephum. Diodor. Sicul. li. 3. horti pencils, hanging gardens, and such other things, that they seem incredible. 2. Hereby we may gather how admirable was the wealth of the kings of babylon, The destruction of babylon prophesied 200. year before it happened. Isay. ca. 13. and how great the power of their monarchy; whereof the destruction was prophesied by Isaias 200. yeeres before it happened, who said in the person of God. Ecce ego suscitabo supper eos Medos &c. Behold I will raise against them the Medians,& babylon which is so glorious amongst al other kingdoms, and so notable, and famous in the pride of the Chaldaeans shal be overthrown. And in like manner, jeremias the prophet above 60. yeeres before it was taken, Ierem. ca. ●1. said: Suscitauit dominus &c. Our Lord hath stirred up the spirit of the King of the Medians against babylon, and his meaning is to destroy it; Also Daniel the prophet interpreting to balthasar King of babylon the words Mane Thecel, Phares, Dan. ca. ●. ( which were written miraculously on the wall before him as he was banqueting with his nobility) foretold him the very day before it was taken, that God had given his kingdom to the Medians& Persians, al which was accomplished the night following, when Darius king of Media and Persia( whom Xenophon called Ciaxares) besieging babylon took it on a sudden, with the help of his nephew, Zeno. li. 7. How the prophecy of the destruction of babylon was accomplished, by the testimony of profane authors. Xenophon. Ibid. Herodat. li. 2 cyrus the persian in the time of a great feast, when the King, nobility, and people, contemning their enemies by reason of the great strength, of the city, attended only to banquets and sports, as both Xenophon, and Herodotus do testify, who do also declare the means how they took it, conform to the predictions of the prophets, to wit, by a stratagem of Cyrus, who caused certain ditches to be cut and opened, to draw away the river Euphrates, which passed through the town, whereby the channel was left dry, and the soldiers entering suddenly surprised it with out resistance. jeremy. ca. 15. 3. Of this drawing away the river jeremy prophesied plainly saying, Desertum faciam mere eius, et siccabo venam eius; I will make h●● sea( that is to say her great and famous river Euphrates) desert, and I will dry up the vain or channel therof. And again; Vada praeoccup●●● sunt: her fords or waters are preoccupaied or intercepted. and again Siccitas supper aqaus eius et arescent; her waters shal become dry. 4. Thus began the execution of Gods wrath vpon babylon and vpon the empire of the Chaldaeans, which was then translated to the Medians and Persians, according to the predictions of the prophets; which predictions nevertheless were not fulfilled al at once but in process of time; for the prophets fore told not only the surprise of the city, Ierem. ca. 51. but also the utter desolation thereof and of the whole country of babylon; Murus ille Babilonis latisim●●( saith jeremy) suffossione suffodietur &c. That exceeding broad wall of Babylon shal be undermined, Idem. ca. 50. and digged up, and the high, and magnifical gates therof shal be burnt; And again in an other place speaking to the babylonians, he saith. Confusa est matter vestra. &c. your mother,( that is to say, babylon,) is wholly confounded, and made even with the ground &c. and al those which shal pass by it shal be amazed,& shal kiss at it in respect of the plagues that shal fall vpon it. Isay ca. 13. Also Isaias prophesied that it should become a wilderness, saying Non habitabitur usque infinem, nec ponet ibi tentoria Arabs, nec pastores requiescent, said requiescent ibi bestiae; &c. It shal not be inhabited to the end, nor the Arabian( who drives his cattle from place to place to seek feeding for them) shal not pitch his tents there, nor so much as shepherds shal remain there, but it shal be a receptacle for wild beasts. 5. Al this, I say was fully accomplished afterwards, for Darius the son of Histaspis the Persian, took babylon again the second time, Her● lot. li. 3. Instin. li. 1. about 40. yeeres after the first surprise, by the occasion of the rebellion of the babylonians, and then he raised the strong and stately walls therof:& though the city was left standing yet it fel by little and little to desolation, especially after the building of Seleucia by Seleucus Nicanor, and of Ctesiphonte by the kings of the Parthians, Plinius ca. 6 li 26. from which time forward it grew to be dispeopled, in so much that in the time of Adrian the emperour, Hierom li. 5. in Esay. c. 13. in finae. there was nothing left of babylon but a poor wall which served in S. jerome time, as he witnesseth, for an enclosure of al kind of wild beasts, which were reserved and kept there for the recreation of the kings of that country, The great disolation of that place where babylon stood. when they came to hunt in those partes; and those which haue traveled lately that way, affirm, that al that part where babylon stood, is so full of lions& savage beasts, yea and of murdering theeues and robbers, that the passengers are fain to haue guards of soldiers for their safety; which I also note by the way, as an accomplishment of the prophesy of Ierem● who said, Habitabunt ibi dracones cum fatuis sicarijs; Ierem. 50. dragons or beasts of the desert with wicked murderers shal dwel there. 6. Bagadat now cauled new babylon, a dayes journey distant from where the other stood. Bozius de ruinis gent.& regno. Not a green herb or three in the territory of old babylon Plin. nat. hist. in 6. ca. 26. Herodot. li. 1. The admirable fertility of the C●●ntry of babylon in times past. Lastly it is certainlye reported by others which haue been there, that there is not there about any town or village( for Bagad●t which is now called new babylon, is a daies journey from the place where the old stood) nor so much as a three or green herb in al that territory, but that al is( as the prophet jeremy foretold) Deserta et arenes, desert and dry, w●ich may be wondered at, considering the admirable fertility therof in times past; for( as Pliny saith) it was the most fruitful country of al the east, and He odotus affirmeth that the ground yielded ordinarily 200. for one, and some yeers 300.& he forbeareth as he saith, to recount other particulars therof because the same would seem incredible to such as had never seen it. 7. But for as much, as the prophets do also specify the particular causes that is to say, the sins whereby the babylonians and Chaldaeans incurred the wrath of almighty God, and deserved so great a punishment, I will briefly lay them down in the prophets own words. Esay. ca. 13. The particular causes why God destroyed babylon. The pride of the babylonians. Esayas speaking of babylon in the person of God, said: Quiescere faciam superbiam infidelium,& arrogantiam forti um humiliabo; I will make the pride of the miscreants, or infidels to cease,& I will humiliate the arrogancy of the strong: And in an other place the same prophet speaking to babylon of the calamities that should fall vpon her said; Vniuersa venerunt supper te &c. Al thy miseries fel vpon thee for the multitude of thy witchcrafts, witchrafts. Esay. ca. 47. Ibid. & for the hardness of the harts of thy enchanters &c. stand forth with the multitude of thy witchcrafts, wherein thou hast laboured, even from thy infancy, and see whether they can profit thee any thing. Thy astrologers, Superstitious Astrology. and those which were cannon-shot to contemplate the stars,& to co●nt he way to te● thee things to come, let them now comeforth, and save thee if they can; Behold they are al made like straw or stubble the fire hath burnt them, every one of them hath erred in his way and none can save thee. Hierem. ca. 51. The cruelty of the babylonians towards the people of God& their temple. Hierem. ca. 50. 8. Also Hieremias comforteth the Iewes in their captivity saying in the person of God; Reddam Babiloni &c. I will render to babylon, and to al the people of Chaldea al the evil and hurt they haue done in zion; And again; the foundations( saith he) of babylon are fallen, the foretells are destroyed, for it is the reuenge of our Lord, and the reuenge of his temple; Dan. ca. 5. Idolatry and the profanation of holy vessels. 9. Lastly Daniel expounding to balthasar the last King therof, the inscription written vpon the wall by the hand, which appeared as he was banqueting with his nobility, signified unto him that God had given his kingdom unto the Medians and Persians, as well for his pride and Idolatry, as also because in that banquet he profaned the holy vessells of the temple, which Nabuchadonosor his grandfather had brought from jerusalem, when he lead the Iewe● into captivity, so that the special sins for the which God did overthrow the mighty and potent empire, were pride, witchcraft; the superstitious use of astrology, cruelty towards the people of God, and the destruction of his temple in jerusalem, Idolatry, and the profanation of holy vessells dedicated to Gods service; whereby we may see how heinous the said sins were in the sight of God, and how grievous is the penalty of sin; Hieron. li. 5. in Esay. ca. 14. Al human power but dust& ashes when God striketh for sin. and Lastly how true it is which S. jerome saith, speaking of the subversion of that mighty empire; Al human power,( saith he) is but dust and ashes. When the wrath of God striketh for sin. Thus much concerning the destruction of babylon, and the translation of the Chaldean empire to the Medians, and now I will proceed to treat of the destruction of jerusalem. OF THE DESTRVCTION OF HIERVSAlem,& of the great calamities of the Iewes ever since for their sins; and how the prophesies of Daniel and of our saviour himself were fulfilled therein; tendency the providence and iustice of almighty God, is evidently proved. CHAP. 19. I OMIT for breuityes sake the prophesies of Esayas& Hieremias, Isay ca. 10.& ●3. Hierem ca. 29. and will only speak of two other, the one of Daniel, and the other of our saviour himself. The prophecy of Daniel of the destruction of jerusalem. Daniel writing after the first destruction of jerusalem by Nabuchadonosor, during the captivity of the jews in babylon, and ●aving prophesied of the reedification of the temple, saith further ●n these words; Dan. c. ●9. Et post sexaginta duas hebdomadas occidetur Chri●●us &c. After threescore and two weekes( that is to say. 490. yeeres) counting the weekes by yeeres& not by dayes to wit, 7. yeeres ●o every week) Christ or the messiah shalbe killed,& the people which ●hal not be his people, and the city& sanctuary shalbe destroyed by a people that shal come with their captain, and the end of it shal be destruction,& ●fter the end of the war shal follow, the determined desolation. 2. This was the prophesy of Daniel of the destruction of jerusalem, and of the cause therof above 500. The prophecy of our saviour of the destruction of jerusalem. yeeres before it hap●ned; which our saviour himself foretold more particularly, who a little before his passion going down to jerusalem from the mount Oliues( whence he had the full view and prospect of the city) wept for the compassion he had of the misery that was to fall vpon it, saying; Venient dies in te &c: luke. 19. The dayes shal come in thee jerusalem, that thy enemies shal enuirone thee round about,& shal stray●en thee on every side, and shal not leave in thee, one ston vpon an other, because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation; luke. 21. Math. 24. Marc. 13. And again afterwards he said to his disciples; When ye shal see jerusalem besieged with an army, then know ye that the desolation therof is at hand; Then ●hose which are in judea let them fly to the mountains, and those which are in the midst of it, let them depart, and those which are in the country● adjoining, let them not enter into it, for that these are the dayes of reuenge, to the end that al those things which haue been written therof may be fulfilled; woe be to women with child, and to nurses in those dayes for them shal be great misery vpon the earth and wrath vpon this people, and they shal fall in the face of the sword, and shalbe carried captives into al nations, and jerusalem shalbe trodden under the feet of the gentiles. 3. And afterward again when the women of jerusalem bewailed and lamented him when he went to his passion, he said to them; luke. ca. 23. weep not for me( o ye daughters of jerusalem) but for yourselves and your children, for lo the dayes shal come when they shal say happy are the barren and the wombs that haue not born children, and the pa●● that haue not given suck; then they shal begin to say to the mountaines, f●● vpon us, and to hills cover us &c: Thus said our saviour, which I haue set down the more particularly to the end we may cons●der how the event corresponded to his prophesy, by the testimony of profane authors, and especially of the famous Iosephus the Iew, who was an eye witness and partaker of the common calamity of his country, though being blinded no less then the rest, he had not the grace to aclowledge the true cause therof. The siege of jerusalem 40. yeres after our saviours passion. 4. Although there passed almost 40. yeeres before the siege of jerusalem after our saviours death, yet almighty God began much sooner to execute his just iudgments vpon the jews in most evident and rigorous manner, not only in jerusalem& judaea, but also in al other partes where they dwelled, it seeming convenient to his iustice, that as they were from al partes assembled in jerusalem at the time of his passion, The moil puni hments of God vpon the Iewes, many yeres before the siege of jerusalem. joseph li. 2. de bello Iuda●●o. ca 21.& in 42. Idem. de bello judaico li. 2 ca. 1●. 20.& li. 7. ca. 28. and al consenting to his condemnation, so they should in like sort pay the penalty therof in al parts, wheresoever they lived; and therfore with in 7. or 8. yeeres after our saviour suffered, there were infinite numbers of them, slaughtered in al the cities of Syria, egypt, and other countries, by conspiracies of the people against them, as in Seleucia 50000. In Damascus 18000. In Casarea 20000. In Scithopolis 13000. In Ascalon 2500. in Alexandria 50000. 10000. more in other cities of egypt, and 5000 in Ioppe. 5. And with in a few yeeres after, Claudius the Emperour banished al the Iewes out of Rome by a public edict,& out of al the country of judea; Sueton. in Claudio. anno. 51. joseph. li. 20. de antiquit. ca. 6.& de bello judaico li. 2. ca. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. Idem li. 20. de antiquit. ca. 4. besides that the city of jerusalem was miserable infested with theeues, robbers, murderers, magicians, false prophets, and seditious persons, profaning the very temple with blood, in so much that 20000. were killed, and the most of them stifeled in a tumult in Hierusaldm, at a feast of Easter( as we call their Pascha:) Al which Iosephus recounteth as the preambles to their ruin; besides that their gouernours did use such tyranny vpon them under the emperours Caligna, Claudius, and Nero, that very many of them were forced to abandon their country and the rest to rebel, Idem. li. 2 de bello. 22. ca. which brought vpon them the armies of the Romans, first under Cestius governor of Syrya, who burned spoyled and ransacked al Palestina,& besieged jerusalem itself; ●nd after again Vespasian destroyed al the country and great numbers of the people with fire and sword, Idem. Ibid. li. 3. ca. 2. 3. 4. whiles also in the mean time they were miserable afflicted with famine and civil wars, by reason of 3, several potent factions, which arose amongst them, Idem. Ibid. li. 6. ca. 1. first in the provinces abroad and after in the city ●f jerusalem, where the seditious slay great numbers of their ●duersaries in the temple itself& committed with al such ho●ible sacrileges, and other abominable mischiefs therein, joseph. de bel. Iud. li. 6. c. 16. that ●osephus saith therof. Non recusabo dicere &c. I will not forbear to say that which sorrow forceth me to utter, I verily think that if the Romans ●ad not come when they did against those most wicked men of my nation, ei●her the earth would haue opened and swalloed up the city, or an other de●uge would haue drowned it, or thunderbolts or fire from heaven, would haue destroyed and consumed it. 6. Thus saith Iosephus, and this was the state of the Iewes when Vespasian being chosen emperour of the Romans left the charged and prosecution of the war against them to his son Titus, who presently after planted his siege before the city of jerusalem, whiles the Iewes according to their yearly custom, jerusalem besieged by Gods special providence at a feast of Easter. were assembled there, out of al parts to celebrat their feast of Pascha; which time was no doubt ordained by the special providence of God for that siege, partly to the end, that the time of their punishment might answer to the time of their offence,( for that they had put our saviour to death at their Paschal feast) and partly to the end that the reuenge might be the more complete vpon the whole nation, by reason of the infinite number of them that were assembled there for the celebration of the fea●● from al parts of judaea, and the countries adjoining. How our saviours prophecy was fulfilled. luke. 19. joseph. de bel. Iud. li. 6. ca. 13.& li. 7. c. 7.& 8. The extreme famine in jerusalem besieged. 7. The town being besieged was with in a few daies environed by the Romans according to our saviours prophesy, not only with a trench, but also with a wall, in such sort, that no living creature could issue out any way; by means whereof, and of the great multitude of people with in the town, there grew with in a while such extremity of famine, that they were forced to eat, not only horses, asses, dogs, rats, and mice, and the leather that covered their sheildes and bucklers, but also the very dung out of the stables, yea and a noble woman was known to eat her own child that suct vpon her breast wherein no doubt was fulfilled the prophesy of our saviour, luke. ca. 23. when he said; Beat● steriles &c. Happy are the barren, and the bellies which haue not brought forth children. &c. 8. But to proceed; In the mean time the besieged were no less infested with cruel sedition and wars amongst themselves, The extreme misery of the Iewes besieged. then with famine, or the assaults of their enemies abroad, In so much that they filled the city& temple with their own blood, and such as were taken by the Romans, were by the commandment of Titus, crucified before the walls of the city to the number of 500 every day, joseph. li 6. ca. 1●. until at length,( as Iosephus reporteth) there wanted both crosses for the bodies, and place for the crosses, so that there clamorous sentence of Crucifige given against our saviour Christ, luke. 23. was justly executed vpon themselves. 9. Also great numbers of them, who being forced with famine sought to save their lives by yielding themselves to their enemies, joseph. de bel. Iud. li. 6. c. 15. were nevertheless killed by the Syrian and Arabian soldiers, and their bowels ript up in hope to find gold therein, vpon a report, or at least a conceit, that the Iewes did swallow their gold to convaigh it out of the city by that means; and such was the mortality and misery within the city by famine, pestilence and the cruelty of the factious one against an other, joseph. li. 6. de bello indaico. ca. 14. that as Iosephus reporteth, al the sinks, voided places and retreats, yea the very streets were full of dead bodies, which were continually cast out from the houses and trodden vpon like dust and dirt, Isay. ca. 19. wherein the prophesy of Isaias was fulfilled who said; Facta su●● morticinia &c. Their carcases became like dirt or dung in the mydst of the streets. And although it was ordained at the first that the dead bodies should be butted at the public charge of the city to, remedy the contagion which daily increased by the pestilent savour therof, yet the number grew with in while to be so great, that there was not place to bury them, in so much that the living were forced to cast the dead over the walls in to the ditch of the town in so great numbers, joseph. de ●el. Iud. li. 6. c 14. that Titus the General of the Romans seeing it, and noting the filth and corruption that issued out of their wounds and plague-sores, loathsome to behold, exclaimed saying, that it was some extraordinary punishment of God vpon them for their sins, and not any effect of his siege, as I haue also declared ca. 7. before, when I treated of miraculous victories. 10. finally after 5. months siege, jerusalem taken& destroyed after 5. months siege. joseph. li. 7. ca. 10. the temple and city were burned, and the walls razed excepting one little piece therof, which was left for some shelter and defence for the soldiers who were to remain in those parts, besides some pieces of 3. ●owers which Titus commanded should be left for a monument ●nd remembrance of his siege, whereas al the rest of the city was so destroyed( as Iosephus saith) that it seemed never to haue been ●nhabited; which our saviour signified when he said. luke. 19. Et proster●ent &c. And they shal lay thee flat vpon the ground, joseph. li. 7. c. 17. The number of the Iewes that dyed and were slain in the siege, and of the captives. and one ston shal ●ot be left vpon an other in thee; To conclude; the number of those which were slain and died during the siege was( as Iosephus re●orteth) a million, and a hundreth thousand, and of the capti●es 97000.( whereof Iosephus himself was one) and of those ●ome were condemned to the public works, others of the ●tronger and handsomer sort carried in triumph, and such as ●ere under the age of 17. yeers, were sold for little or nothing, ●nd those which remained in the country were loaden with ●uch grievous impositions and tributes, that they lived in conti●ual misery and slavery. 11. Thus much concerning the destruction of jerusalem, The continuance of Gods punishment vpon the Iewes ever since the destruction of jerusalem. Esay. ca. 5. ●herof I think the like hath not been red or heard of in al an●iquity; But what? was the iustice of God satisfied and his wrath ●owards the Iewes appeased with this? No; for( as the prophet say said) when he prophesied of the lamentable destruction, ●nd desolation of the city: In omnibus his non est aversus furor eius, said adhuc manus eius extenta; his wrath was not averted from them with al this but his hand is stil stretched out to punish them. 12. This may evidently appear by the wonderful calamities, which fel vpon them after, not only in judaea, but also in al other places where they were dispersed; Anno. 116.&. 117. as first, in the next age, in the time of trajan the emperour, Euseb. in Chron. 18. an. Traiani. Euseb. li. 4. ca. 2.& in chron. infinite numbers of Iewes slain in diuers parts of the world in the times of the Emperours trajan and Adrian. with in less then 50. yeeres after the subversion of jerusalem; Infinita eorum millia &c.( saith Eusebius) infinite thousands of them were killed for their rebellions in egypt, Mesopotamia, and the island of Cyprus: for in Alexandria in egypt, where they lived in great multitude, al of them were put to the sword; in Macedonia they were utterly extinguished, and in Cyprus they were al either killed, or banished, and a law made that it should be death for any jew to arrive there, though he were driven thither by tempest against his will, and a few yeeres after, Iulius severus being called out of Brittany by the emperour Adrian and sent into judaea( to repress a rebellion of the Iewes) destroyed almost al the country. Dion. in Hadriano. 13. For as Dion writeth, he dismanteled 50. strong forts, and razed or burnt 985. towns and villages, and killed above 50000. jews in battle, besides that an infinite number of others either died by fire, Hierom. in Zachariam. ca. 11. Anno. 137. famine and pestilence; or were sold for slaves; And such saith ( S. jerome) as could not be sold were translated into egypt, or else perished by shipwreck, famine, or by the sword of the gentiles; Euseb. Ecclesiast. hist. li. 4. ca. 6. Iewes forbidden by edict to behold their own country a far of. Iulius capitolin in Anton. an. 141. The affliction of the Iewes under Antonius pus, Marcus Aurelius, and severus. Ammianus li. 22. Anno. 178. Spartian in severo. Baron. an. 199. And the emperour having lately before re-edified the city of jerusalem and called it after his own name Aelia, Adria commanded by public edict, that no jew should ever after enter into the territory or jurisdiction therof, nor so near unto it that he might behold it from any hil or high place; Shortly after Adrians time they were also miserable afflicted by the emperour Antonius pus for an other rebellion, and after him again by Marcus Aurelius, who being wearied with their continual tumults,( as saith Ammianus Marcellinus) exclaimed against them, saying, that they were worse then the Marcomani, Quadi, and Sarmatae, whom he held to be the most beastly of al barbarous nations; And again some yeeres after they were subdued and destroyed by the emperour severus, who triumphed for his great victory against them, and renewed the decrees of Adrian, for their exclusion from the sight of their country, by means whereof they were counted no better then vagabonds. 14. Tertul. contra. Iudeos ca. 11.& Apologet. ca. 21. And therfore Tertulian who wrote in the same time said of them thus: Dispersi, palabundi caeli& soli sui extorres, vagantur per orbem sine homine, sine Deo rege; They wander about the world, dispersed scattered and banished from their native soil and air, The paynims called the Iewes faetentes judaei. stinking Iewes. Amianus Marcellinus li. 22. having neither God nor man for their King; Quibus nec aduenarum jure, terram patriam salutare conceditur; who may not so much as in guest-wise salute or see their own country; Thus said Tertulian, and so odious& hateful became they afterwards to al men, that they were termed Foetentes judaei, filthy and stinking Iewes, as appeareth in Amianus Marcellinus a Pagan historiographer. The reason of the stink that the Iewes haue and the remedy which they haue sometimes used for the same. 15. whereof some also yield a particular reason manifesting Gods malediction vpon them, to wit, that al Iewes haue a filthy and loathsome savour continually, ever since their dispersion, and that they persuade themselves that the same can not be cured, but with drinking the blood of Christians; for which cause they haue killed many children at diuers times, and in diuers See Math. Paeris and joan Capgrau. of the passion of S. Hugh a child crucified at lincoln anno. 1255. and an other at Norwich. an. 1146. Surius 24. martij. joan. Math. Ep. ad senatum. populumque. Brixianum. Chrisost. orat. 2. aduer. Iudeos circa. anno 313. The misery of the Iewes in the times of Constantin the great, and Constantius his son. Hieron. in chron anno. 353. Sozomen li. 4. ca. 6. countries,& particularly in Trent in the year of our Lord 1475. at what time they miserable tormented and crucified a young child of 20. months old called Simon, by whose body so many wonderful miracles were done, when it was found, that he was canonised for a Saint, and the Iewes being taken for the fact, confessed that one of the causes that moved them thereto, was to drink his blood for remedy of their stinking disease, as writeth: johannes Mathias Tiberinus a learned physician who lived in Trent at the same time. 16. But to return to the former ages from whence I haue a little digressed. After the time of the emperour severus they rebelled also against Constantin the great, for the which great numbers of them had their ears cut of, and were by the emperours commandement dispersed throughout al countries with that and other marks of infamy, for the general reproach and shane of al the nation; and not many yeeres after there were many thousands of them slain in judaea, without respect of young or old, and 3. or 4. of their chief cities, and very many of their towns were burnt in the time of Constantinus son to Constantin the great for an other rebellion. 17. And here I can not but note by the way for the further manifestation of Gods wrath towards them, that although the emperour julian the apostata who succeeded Constantius, The favour done to the Iewes by julian the Apostata turned to their confusion. favoured them so much for the short time of his reign( which was but 20 months) that he gave them leave, not only to return to jerusalem to inhabit there, but also to reedifye their temple, yet it rather turned to their confusion, then to their contentment and commodity; For first, as concerning the reedification of their temple, when they had made collections of great sums of money( where to as well women as men most zealously contributed as much as they were any way able, with intention to make it more beautiful,& sumptuous then ever it was) they lost both their labour and charges, being forced by 3. prodigious accydents to surcease the work after they had began it. 18. For when al things necessary for the building were provided, The reedification of the temple in jerusalem miraculously hindered. Dan. 9. the foundation laid vpon the ground works of the old temple, the walls rising apace, the Iewes tryumphinge and insulting against our saviour Christ and the Christians( who were much dismayed in respect of the clear prophesies of Daniel foretelling the perpetual desolation of the temple) it pleased almighty God that first an earthquake dissolved the foundation, and overthrew the wall that was begon, Anno. 363. and then a fire from heaven consumed as well the tools and instruments of the workmen, as also al the timber and other matter prepared for the building, yea and burnt very many of the Iewes themselves; and lastly for their further confusion, and that it might be manifest unto them from whence al this proceeded, there appeared a cross in the air, and the apparel of al those which were present was also miraculously besprinkled and marked with crosses, which could never after be washed out, nor taken away by any means, wherewith the Iewes were so confounded, that they defisted from their work, and many of them became Christians. ruffian. li. 1. ca. 37. Socrat. l. 3. c. 17. Greg. Nazian. orat 2. in justorum. Chrisost. orat. 2. aduersus iudeos. 19. This story is written by Ruffinus, Socrates, S. Gregory Nazianzen and S. Chrisostom who saith; Huius rei nos omnes testes sumus nostra enim aetate ante annos viginti haec acciderunt; we are al witnesses of this matter, for it happened in this our age little more then 20. yeers ago. lo then how little the favor of earthly kings and Princes availeth when the heavenly King disfauoreth and punisheth for sin, and also how true it is which the royal prophet saith; Psal. 126. Nisi dominus aedificauerit domum &c: Except our Lord build the howse, they labour in vain who build it. 20. And now as concerning the abode of the Iewes at jerusalem afterwards, it is evident that they remained not long there but that with in a while after Iulians death( who dyed presently after that this chanced) they were not only expelled thence, but also forbidden again to enter into the city, Circa. anno. 389. for we red that within 20. yeeres after or there abouts, The Iewes purchased licence for money to got to jerusalem to bewail the subversion of their temple, in the time of Theodosius. in the time of the emperous Theodosius and Valentinian, their custom was to purchase licence for money yearly to go thither to bewail the subversion of their temple in the anniversary day therof, as witnesseth S. jerome who lived many yeeres in those partes and wrote there at the same time his learned commentaries vpon the lesser prophets, wherein he notably describeth the miserable state, as well of the whole country as of the Iewes themselves; which therefore I think good to lay down in his own words. 21. As for the destruction of the strong cities( saith he) which were wont to be in judea, I think it may better be judged by the eye then by the ear, better by sight then by report, and I especially who now am in this province, Hieron. in Sophoniam. ca. 1● S. jerome an e●o witness of the desolation of judaea and the misery of the Iewes. can not but see it, and approve those things which haue been written of it, for we see now scant any little monument of the old ruins in some of the greatest cities which flourished in times past; In Silo, where the tabernacle and ark of the testament of our Lord was, the very foundations of the altar scant appear; Gabaa that great city of Saul is pulled down to the very ground; Rama and Bethoron and the other famous cities built by Salomon are now little Villages; And a little after: And at this present day the perfidious and traitorous Iewes are forbidden to enter into jerusalem, except it be to weep and bewail the subversion of their temple, As the Iewes bought the blood of Christ, so they were sane afterwards to buy their own tears. for the which also they are forced to pay money, so that as in times past they bought the blood of Christ, so now they are fain to buy their own tears and can not be suffered so much as to weep of free cost; you shal see in the day that jerusalem was taken and destroyed by the Romans, that wooful people, old women at deaths door, and old men loaden no less with rags then with yeeres, come flocking thither bearing the testimony of Gods wrath in their very bodies and habit: And a little after. A woeful multitude of miserable people( whom yet no man pitieth) assemble themselves there to lament the ruin of their temple, and whiles they haue yet their cheeks bedewed with tears, and their naked arms stretched up to heaven, and their hair spread about their ears, the pitti less soldier asketh them some reward to suffer them to weep a little longer; and can any man who shal see this doubt but that this is the day of their tribulation, and the time of their calamity, anguish and misery whereof the prophet speaketh? Thus saith S. jerome of the infelicitye of the Iewes and their exclusion from jerusalem in the time of Theodosius. Chrisost. orat. 2. contra judaeos. 22. Furthermore S. chrysostom writing some yeeres after in the time of the emperours Arcadius, and Honorius, affirmed that the Iewes having lost their liberty and country, were contemptible and ridiculous to al men through out the world from the east to the west, Circa. an. 397. and to the very extremitty and further most bounds of the earth. The misery of the Iewes in the times of Arcadius and Honorius. Cod. Theod. li. 24. anno. 418. 23. Their misery also in those times appeareth by 2. laws of Honorius the emperour, the one against them,& the other in favor of them: by the first he ordaynd, that no Iew should haue, any kind of honour or office in the commonwelth, and that such as already had any should be deprived therof; the other law made in their favor, was, to repress the fury of the people against them in al parts; For that for 4. yeeres together before that law was made, their synagogues were burnt, and they themselves despitefully and cruelly handled every where, which the emperour restrained by a public edict, least otherwise they might be vrterly extinguished. The calamities of the Iewes in al Christian cuntryes since the year of our Lord. 600. Aimoinus& appendix ad Greg. Tuto. an. 614. joan. vasaei chron Hisp. anno. 694. Glaber. li. 3. ca. 7. Baron. an. 1009. 24. And who is able to recount al the plagues and calamyties which since that time haue fallen vpon them every where, and how they haue been oppressed, spoyled, banished, and massacred, wheresoever they haue lived; In France 90000. of them were forced either to be baptized or to fly the country, in the year of our Lord 614. In spain( a conspiracy of theirs being detected in the year 694.) al their goods were confiscate, themselves made slaves, and their children under the age of 7 yeeres taken from them and christened. In the year 1009. it being discovered and published that certain Iewes in France, had intelligence by letters with the prince of babylon, Naucler. in anno 1948. Pero Mexia. de vitis imperat. in caro. Nauclerus. anno. 1492. and had procured the subversion of a most famous church in jerusalem wherein was the sepulchre of our saviour, there was such a general hatred conceived against them throughout christendom, that they were tormented& slain in al places where they dwelled, some hanged, some drowned, some burned, others put to the sword, besides very many that to avoid torments killed themselves. Also in the year 1348. infinite numbers of them were massacred in spain, France, Germany,& Italy vpon a report that they had poisoned the wells in al these countries, and caused a great mortality of people; which died at the same time: and after again in the year 1492. al Iewes were expelled out of spain to the number of 124000. families of whom there dyed 2000. of the plague, as they were removing, and the like rigour was used against them in Portugal some yeeres after. 25. Also in our country in the time of King Richard the first, The misery of the Iewes in England whyles they lived there. Polidorus in Ricar. primo. Idem. in joan. great numbers of them that then dwelled in lincoln and york were slain, as well women as men, in a tumult of the people; And under K. John they were miserable oppressed with taxes and impositions, and such of them, as would not pay what was demanded of them, were cruelly tormented until they gave satisfaction: and amongst others it is written of one of them, that 7. Mattheus paris. Hist. in when. of his teeth were pulled out one after an other, before he would grant, to pay a tax of ten thousand marks, Polidor. in Edwardo. 1. which he was content at last to pay to save the rest; Lastly under King Edward the first they were al banished out of England by act of parliament. 26. Iewes at this present every where contemned, and oppressed, as well amongst Turks and Mores, as amongst Christians. And at this present time experience sheweth that wheresoever they yet dwell amongst Christians, they live in al contempt& subiection, being as it were slaves to them whom they most hate, and so odious is the race and name of them in most Christian countries, that it is counted infamy to be descended of them, or to mary with them, although they become Christians: in so much that in spain and Portugal where there are great numbers of baptized Iewes,( whom they call Christianos nueuos, new Christians) no man is capable of any Knighthood, or yet( in some places) of any dignity Ecclesiastical, or temporal, if he be any way descended of them, which is specially inquired of, by express commissions sent forth for that purpose, neither is this their oppression or servitude only amongst Christians, but also amongst Turks and Moores, as grave authors do testify, and those which travel their countries do find by experience. The blindness of the Iewes, and their hardness of hart, their greatest plague. Aug. in psal. 9. 27. finally we may ad hereto an other plague surpassing al the rest, which God hath laid vpon them for the consummation of their infelicity and misery, I mean their blindness and hardness of hart, which is not only of itself, magna damnatio, a great damnation, as( S. Augustin calleth it) but also doth exclude them from al remedy, so long as it continueth. Isay ca. 6. 28. This the prophet Isayas signified when he said, Excaeca cor populi huius, &c: Make blind the harts of this people, and aggravate their ears, and shut up their eyes, lest peradventure they may see with their eyes and hear with their ears, Psal. 68. and understand with their harts and be converted, and I moved to heal them. Also the royal prophet david to the same purpose: Obscurentur( saith he) oculi eorum &c: Let their eyes( o Lord) be obscured that they may not see, and lay a perpetual load or burden vpon their backs. And the same was also signified or rather prophesied by Moyses when he threatened the people of the Iewes saying: Percutiet te dominus amentia &c. Our Lord will stricke thee with madness, Deuter. ca. blindness and fury of mind, that thou mayst go groping in the midday as the blind man gropes in the dark, and mayst not direct thy ways, but always sustain shane and reproach, and be oppressed with violence, and not haue any man to deliver thee. 29. Thus said Moyses threatening the children of Israel( in case they should forsake their Lord God) but propheticaly describing the invincible blindness and miserable state wherein the whole nation of the Iewes should live after our saviours passion, until the end of the world; at what time our Lord hath promised to haue mercy vpon them; The Iewes shalbe converted in the end of the world. Rom. ca. 11. and therfore the Apostle said that the blindness of the whole nation of the Iewes in general should continue: Donec plenitudo gentium intraret: until the fullness of the gentiles should enter, that is to say until al nations should be converted; Et sic omnis Israel saluus fieret; and so al Israel should be saved: and to the same purpose the psalmist saith; Conuertentur ad vesperam; They shal be converted towards the evening( that is to say) towards the end of the world. Psal. 58. 30. Now then al this being considered, and that not with standing their dispersion through out al countries for 1500. yeeres space, they haue ever conserved until this day their name, and nation, we cannot but aclowledge with S. August: Aug. in psal. 58. that almighty God hath of his providence and just iudgment signed, and marked them like cain, Genes. 4. The causes why God hath ordained that the Iewes shal stil remain a d●stinct people from al other, notwithstanding their general dispersion. Psal. 58. that they may never be extinguished, but remain always a distinct people from al other, to bear and endure the deserved scourge of his wrath, and to serve not only for a manifest example of his iustice, but also for an evident testimony against themselves and al infidels, of the omnipotent divinity of our saviour Iesus Christ, whom they crucified, and of the verity of our Christian religion which they impugn. 31. This S. Augustin well considered, who expounding this verse of the psalm; Ne-occideris eos, nequamdo obliuiscantur populi mei; saith that it may well be understood, as the words of our saviour to his father concerning the Iewes, as though he should say: Istos inimicos meos qui me occiderunt noli tu occidere, Aug. in Psal. 58. maneat gens judaeorum; These my enemies( o father) who haue killed me, do not thou kill, but let the nation of the Iewes remain; whereof he also yeeldeth two reasons, the one that they remaining in continual affliction, may be a testimony to the world, as well of their own sin and great ingratitude to almighty God, as also of his iustice in punishing the same; the other reason is, Quia necessarij sunt credentibus gentibus; Aug. Ibid. Because they are necessary for the gentiles which beleeue;& why? mary( saith he) to the end that( as the psalmist saith) almighty God may show unto us his mercy in our very enemies: that is to say, that by their obstinance and reprobation, we may see his mercy towards us in our vocation; besides that, Aug li 12 contra Faustum. they serve us also( saith he in an other place) for porters to bear and carry after us the law and the prophets, in testimony of the doctrine of our Christian catholic Church. 32. In which respect S. Bernard saith notably, The Iewes ought not to be expelled from amongst christians, and why. Bernard. ad episcop. clerum.& populum spir. ep. 322. Non sunt persequendi judaei, non sunt trucidandi, nec effugandi quidem &c. The Iewes are not to be persecuted, they are not to be killed, no nor to be chased from amongst us: and then giuing the reason therof, he saith; vivi quidem apices nobis sunt. &c. They are lively letters, representing unto us the passion of our Lord, for they are dispersed into al countries, to the end that whiles they pay the penalty of their horrible crime, they may be witnesses of our redemption; Besides that( saith he) if they were clean extinguished, how should the promise of their reduction, and conversion in the latter end of the world be full filled? Thus reasoneth S. Bernard, which I haue thought god to note by the way, to satisfy the scruple of some in these daies who are scandalised to see the Iewes suffered to live in Rome, Why the Iewes are suffered to live in Rome,& other Christian cities. and other Christian countries, not considering, as it seemeth, the particular providence of God therein, who so ordaineth it for their greater punishment, his own greater glory, the manifestation of his love towards us, the confirmation of our Christian religion; yea and for the salvation of some of them, whom it pleaseth him to call to the Christian faith, whiles nevertheless their whole nation in general beareth the heavy burden of their own malediction, which they gave against themselves, Math. ca. 27. when they cried. Sanguis eius supper nos, et supper filios nostros. His blood light vpon us and vpon our children. 33. Thus much concerning the iustice of God vpon the people of the Iewes for their sin, which sin, as it was the greatest that ever was committed, so also it hath had, and stil hath the greatest and most rigorous punishment, that ever was laid vpon any nation or country, and is so evident, that it cannot be denied. OTHER EXAMPLES OF GODS SEVERE iudgments vpon commonwelths for sin, and particularly for negligence in the execution of iustice vpon offenders, and for the sins of the flesh. CHAP. 20. A great plague and famine in the cities of Rome and Laurentum, for negligence in the execution of iustice. Plutat. in Romulo. but to leave the scriptures apart for while, and to prosecute this matter a little further with the examples of profane authors, we red in Plutark that when Romulus King of Rome, and Tatius King of the Sabins after cruel wars, had made their composition to govern the Romans and Sabins jointly, their fel a strange kind of plague and famine in the cities of Rome and Laurentum, for 2. murders committed by the Romans and Laurentins, the one by the kinsmen of Tatius vpon certain ambassadors of Laurentum( which murder Tatius neglected to punish) and the other by the friends of the said ambassadors vpon Tatius, in reuenge of the injustice done by his kinsmen, and suffered by him, which also Romulus let pass unpunished; whereupon it being noted, that the plague and famine increased strangely in both cities, and a common opinion conceived that it was a punishment of God vpon them for those murders committed; and not punished, they resolved to do iustice vpon the offenders, which being done, the plague ceased presently in both places. 2. Plutar. in Camillo. Also the same author ascribeth the sack of Rome by the Gaules to the just iudgment of God vpon the Romans, for two iniustices committed by them; The first was the unjust banishment of Camillus; The second, their refusal to punish certain ambassadors of their own, who being sent to treat peaceably with the Gaules in behalf of the Clusians, committed acts of hostility against them contrary to the law of arms: and when the Gaules sent to Rome to demand reparation of the injury, Rome sacked& spoyled by the Gaules, in punishment of two injuries committed by the Romans. the Romans not only refused to give them satisfaction, but also made their ambassadors who had done the injury, Generals of an army to assist the Clusians against them, not with standing that the Feciales( who were certain officers ordained by Numa Pompilius, to determine of the just and lawful causes to make peace or war) made great instance to the Senat that the ambassadors might be punished, lest the penalty of their fault might otherwise fall vpon the commonwealth, as indeed it did; for the Gaules giuing battle to the ambassadors, easily overthrew them, and prosecuted their victory, spoiled,& sacked Rome, as I haue declared Chap. 5. nu. 6. before vpon an othet occasion. 3. Herein I wish to be noted how grievous a sin it is in the opinion of the very Paynims themselves, and how dangerous to commonwealth, to neglect and omit the punishment of wrongs and injuries done therein; whereby the offences of particular men, are made the sins and offences of the whole state, and draw the wrath and punishment of God vpon the same. whereof an other example may also be gathered out of the same author and history, Plut. Ibid. concerning the cause and manner of the first coming of the Gaules into Italy, and of the great spoil they made in tuscan, which seemed to proceed of the just iudgment of God for the like negligence in the execution of iustice. The cause why the Gaules came into Italy. 4. For one of the country of tuscan called Aruntius, having his wife taken from him, and kept by force by a noble man called Lucumo, and finding no remedy by iustice( by reason that his adversary was supported by the magistrates) was so incensed therwith against the whole state, that he went into France, and carried with him some of the grapes and other commodities of Italy, to invite the Gaules to attempt the invasion of tuscan, whereto he easily persuaded them,& served them for their guide, God so disposing of his iustice, as it seemed, that he to whom the state had done the wrong, should be the means and instrument of the punishment due for the same. Plutat. in his treatise entitled Narrationes amatotiae. Diodor. Sicul. li. 15. c. 14. Cicero. de divinat. li. 1. The Lacedemonians gre●uously punished for omission of iustice& for the sins of the flesh. 5. Hereto I will add an other notable example in the same kind, of the overthrow of the Lacedemonians,& their loss of the empire of Greece, by the just iudgment of God for the like offence, as both Diodorus Siculus, Plutark Cicero, and others affirm, and the event itself made it manifest, the story is thus. 6. Two Lacedemonians passing over the plain of Leuctra, were lodged& courteously entertained in the house of one Scedasus, who had two handsome women to his daughters, and returning that way shortly after, and finding the two young women at home, and their father absent, first ravished, and after killed them both; Their father at his return finding his daughters slain, and understanding who had been the doers of it, went to Lacedemonia to crave iustice against the malefactors; but so potent were they and their friends there, that he could by no means obtain it, whereupon after infinite malidictions powred forth in the sorrow of his hart against them, and their whole state, he went home and desperately killed himself vpon the grave of his daughters; Not long after, wars growing betwixt the Thebans, and the Lacedemonians, the soul of Scedasus appeared to Pelopidas( one of the chief captains of the Thebans) and encouraged him to give battle to the Lacedemonians in the plain of Leuctra, where he and his daughters were butted, telling him that their death should be there revenged, and so afterwards it fel out. For there the Lacedemonians lost not only the the battle, but also the empire of Greece, which they had many yeeres before possessed; wherein may also be noted how God executed his iustice vpon them in an other respect. For whereas the sin of the flesh was grown in Lacedemonia to such excess, as that no part of Greece was so much infected therwith( as I haue signified before) it seemed convenient to the divine iustice, that the same should also be a mean to draw his further wrath vpon their whole state, that so they might be punished by the means of that sin, whereby they had most offended. 7. And truly though many sins are counted more heinous and are more severely chastised by human laws then the sins of the flesh, yet almighty God hath not more rigorously punished any in whole countries& states then the same; as to omit the exemplar plague that fel vpon Sodoma and Gomorrha by fire from heaven, Gen. ca. 19. Examples of Gods severe judgements vpon whole commonwelths for the sins of the flesh. Li. judic. ca. 20. Ibid. ca. 19. for the detestable sin against nature( which in that respect is called Sodomy) we red in the holy scriptures, that al the whole tribe of benjamin excepting only 600) was slain by the children of Israel by the commandement of almighty God, for a rape that those of the town of Gabaa committed vpon the wife of a levit, whom they abused in such excess that shee presently dyed, whereupon the other tribes assembled themselves, and first demanded to haue the malefactors delivered unto them, and then vpon the refusal therof, consulted with almighty God whether they should invade them or no, which God commanded them to do, and appoynted them a captain, Chap. 12. nu. 20. & although in two battailes the children of Israel had the worst( for such cause as I haue declared before vpon an other occasion) yet in the 3. battle; Percussit eos Dominus( saith the scripture) in conspectu filiorum Israel &c. Our Lord stroke those of the tribe of benjamin in the sight of the children of Israel. Who killed of them 25100. men, that bore arms; whereby we may see no less then by the former examples, as well the enormity of the sin of the flesh, as also that the refusal to do iustice vpon a few offenders of one town of Gabaa, drew al the tribe of benjamin into the participation of the offence, which was therfore punished in them al alike. 8. But to omit the later consideration( to wit, of the omission to do iustice vpon offenders) and to say some what more concerning the punishment of God for the sins of the flesh, we haue a notable and fearful example therof in the kingdom of spain, spain conqueerd by the Mores for the sins of the flesh. conquered by the Moores and possessed by them 700. yeeres for that offence; For when the kingdom had flourished, as well in religion as power, from the time of King Recared( the first catholic king therof) for the space of 120. yeeres, the wicked king Vitiza being a man given over to al lust, Roderic. toledan. li. 3. de rebus Hisp. c. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. and carnality, infected and corrupted al spain, not only with the bad example of his own dissolute life( having many wives at once besides diuers concubines) but also with abominable laws, whereby he gave leave to al sorts of men to haue as many wives and concubines as they listed, yea& forced priestes, and such as would haue lived chast, to mary; by which means al spain became with in a while to be no better then a common stew or brodel. And although almighty God according to his accustomend mercy expected their conversion& amendment al the time of his reign,& laid only the penalty therof vpon him, whom he deprived both of his crown and of his eye-sight, by the means of Roderick who succeeded him in the kingdom: yet when the said Roderick followed his steps as well in his vicious life, Idem. Ibid. joan. vasaeus. chron. an. 11. as in the maintenance of his abominable laws, it pleased God of his iustice to permit him to give the occasion both of his own ruin, and also of the overthrow of al spain by the sin of the flesh, wherewith the whole kingdom was, as it were, overflowed. 9. For whereas King Roderick had sent a kinsman of his own called Count julian, ambassador into afric, and in the mean time ravished his daughter, or( as some writ) his wife; the Count understanding it at his return, was so incensed therwith against the king, that in reuenge therof he practised with the Moores to bring them into spain, who with his assistance conquered it so speedily, and with such destruction of the people, that the punishment of God was most evident therein. For having first overthrown King Roderick( whose body could never after the battle be found) they subdued almost al spain in 8. Almost al spain conquered by the Mores in 8. months. joan vassaeus in chron. an. 714. months, or in 14. as some say, and slay 700000. of al sorts of people; besides great numbers of captives, which they sent prisoners into Barbary, and from that time forward they remained in the possession of that kingdom, or of some great part therof for the space of 700. yeeres. 10. The subversion of spain by the Mores attributed by wyse and holly men in the same age, to Gods iustice for their sins of the flesh Baron. anno 745. This example of the conquest and subversion of spain for the sins of the flesh, was so famous, and so much observed, by godly and wise men at the same time when it happened, that S. Bonifacius, a countryman of ours and bishop of Mentz in Germany( who lived in the same age, and converted the Saxons and Frisons from paganism to the Christian faith) proposed it to an english King called Ethelbald King of the Mercians, to with draw him from his dissolute life; and for as much as his epistle to him containeth very notable matter, I will allege here some part therof, translated out of the latin, wherein this zealous, and blessed bishop having reprehended the King for his loose life, saith further thus. 11. I beseech you dear son in our Lord, Baron e●d. an. A notable epistle of S. Bonifacius an English man, bishop of Mentz to King Ethelbald to with draw him from his dissolute life. that if this be ttue which is reported of you, you will repent and amend your life, remembering how unfit it is for you, who haue the Image of God created in you, to convert the same in to the Image of the devil by licentiousness, and that you, whom no merits or deserts of your own, but the bountiful piety of almighty God hath made a prince, and King, to govern many, should make yourself slave of the devil by the sins of the flesh; For as the Apostle saith, what sin soever a man comitts, he makes himself slave therof, How rigorusly the Saxons in Germany being painimes punished adultery and fornication. and the Paynims themselves who know not the true God, do observe in this point, that which God ordained from the beginning, living in al true love and loyalty with their wives, and punishing adultery, and fornication. For if in old Saxony, where there is no knowledge of Christ, either maid or wife do commit adultery or fornication, she is first strangled, and after burnt, and he that corrupted her is hanged over her; or else she is stripped naked to the middle,& whipped by chast matrons from town to town, and pricked with sharp knives until she die therwith. If therfore the gentiles who know not God, haue such a zeal and love to chastity, what should you do, that are a Christian King; Therfore haue pitty vpon your own soul, and vpon the miltitude of your people which perish by your example, for whose souls you are to yield account. Consider also this, that if the english nation( as the very balsams in France and Italy do cast in our teeth) do contemn marriage, The hurt that followeth to commonwelth of vnlawful procreation. and give themselves over to unlawful lust, it must needs follow that the children which shal proceed of them will degenerat, and al the people grow every day worse and worse, and become at last cowardly and weak in war, unstable in faith, shameful and reproachful amongst men and hateful to God, as it hath already chanced to the Prouensals, Burgundians and Spaniards, who falling from God by the same means, are now by his just iudgment severely punished for the same by the Saracens, with the loss of the Christian faith. 12. Thus wrote this famous bishop a few yeeres after spain was conquered by the Moores, Baron. eod. an. and further added certain examples of Gods iustice extended vpon some english kings, for their licentious life and other offences, The vnfortunat ends of the kings Celred, Osred,& Ethelbald, in punishments of their licentious lives. as vpon king Celred predecessor of Ethelbald, who he saith was not only a deflowerer of religious women, but also a breaker of ecclesiastical privileges, and that therfore God suffered a wicked spirit to take and possess him, as he was banquetinge with his nobility, and to kill him after that he had made him blaspheme almighty God, and to the same cause he also attributeth the unfortunate end of Osred King of Northumberland, who he saith was Earundem culparum reus, guilty of the same faults, and that therfore God suffered him to be miserable killed. Thus this holy man admonished King Ethelbald; who as it may be presumed, contemned his council, and therfore received at Gods hands, the punishment which the blessed bishop had threatened him, Polidor. li. 4.& suplement Epitomes hist. Bedae. for he was afterwards cruelly murdered as appeareth in our histories. 13. This I haue said, with desire that it may serve for a document to al princes& maiestrats to labour by al means to repress and reform that 'vice of the flesh, not only in themselves, if need be; but also in their subiects, lest if it grow to excess in either, it may draw the wrath of God vpon the whole commonwealth, whereof I haue declared the reason in the 17. chapter. Therefore now I will proceed to other examples of Gods wrath executed vpon commonwealths,& will lay down only 4. most manifest. Three in our own country, and the fourth in the kingdom of Naples. THAT THE THREE CONQVESTS OF our country by the Saxons, Danes, and Normans proceeded of the sins, either of the Princes, or of the people, or of both; and what their sins were which deserved so great a punishment; Also by the way, it is declared what great mercy God showed towards the Brittans and English from time to time. CHAP. 21. IF WE consider the three diuers conquests of our country since it received the Christian faith, and the state therof at the same time, together with the iudgment and testimony of the gravest authors that haue written therof; The causes of the 3. conquests of our country by the Saxons Danes& Normans we shal easily see that the same haue proceeded of no other cause but of the sins of the Princes, or of the people, or of both, For although the infirmity of man is such, that there never wanteth matter for Gods iustice to punish in commonwealths( by reason whereof we see that in al countries the people are scourged more or less from time to time, not only particularly every one in his own person, with misaduentures, sickness, loss of goods, death of children& such like, but also generally with plagues, famine, inundations and wars) yet the subversion of commonwealths never chanceth, but for some great excess of sin, either in the Prince, or in the people, or in both;& commonly after many warnings& admonitions given by gentle and sweet corrections, such being the longanimity and patience of al nighty God, that he layeth the axe at the foot of the three long before he cut it down, and trieth al means to cure the sores of his seruants, by lenitiues and fomentations, rather then by cau●eres and incisions, or by cutting off the infected member, which he never doth but when there is no other remedy. 2. This course we see he held with his own people, for though he often chastised them with famine, pestilence, invasions of enemies and civil warres; The proceeding of almighty God towards his own people like to the course he held with the Britans. Hierem. ca. 2. Hierem. ca. 5. yet after a while he ever restored them to tranquillity, plenty& peace, until at length they proved so incorrigible, that the prophet lamented in the person of God, that al his fatherly correction was lost vpon them, saying; Frustra percussi filios vestros. I haue beaten and chastised your children in vain; and again the said prophet saith to almighty God; Percussisti eos &c. Thou hast beaten them( o Lord) and they haue not been sorry; thou hast afflicted them, and they haue refused to receive thy discipline; As who would say, there is noe other remedy left, but reprobation, subversion, and utter extirpation of them;& therfore almighty God gave them over into the hands of their enemies; 4. Reg. ca. 17. first the ten tribes in Samaria which were al taken with their King Osee and translated into Syria, and after also the other two tribes in Iuda, were carried into captivity by Nabuchadonosor King of babylon, 4. Reg. ca. 23.24.25. where they remained 70. yeeres;& though they were after restored to their country and their temple re-edified, yet at length they were for their extreme ingratitude and perverse obstinacy utterly ruynated, as I haue declared before. The patience which God used towards the Brittans before their conquest. 3. The like proceeding almighty God used with our country in the time of the Brittans after they received the Christian faith, for he chastised them some times with dearth and famine, some times with pestilence, and other whiles with incursions of their enemies, and with civil wars amongst themselves, so long as the same sufficed to reduce them to repentance and amendment of their lives, as some times it did; which our famous country man S. Bede, and the ancient Gildas called the Sage, do testify, declaring that the Brittans being driven partly by famine, The miserable state of the Britans invaded by picts and Scots. Gildas de excidio britain. and partly by invasions of Scots and Picts, either to abandon the country, or to hid themselves in mountaines woods and caues, craved help of the Romans writing unto them that lamentable epistle, whereof Gildas maketh mention, in the which they said; Our barbarous enemies do drive us to the sea, and the sea driveth us back to them again, so that of two kind of deaths we haue our choice, to wit, whether we will haue our throats cut, or else be drowned; Thus wrote they to the Romans: The Britans destitut of human he●●, had recourse to the divine, and obtained it. 4. But being not succoured by them, by reason of their great wars at the same time with Attila, they began to haue recourse to the mercy of God, and to rely wholly vpon his help( as the fore said authors report) and so with his assistance assailed their enemies out of the caues, and woods where they lay hide, Beda. ec●les. hist li. 1. ca 14. Gildas de exci●. Brittan. and not only gave them great overthrows, but also drove them out of the country,& shortly after had such plenty of corn, fruit, and al kind of victuals, that the like had nor been seen, The Britans by prosperity became insolent, and vngratful toward God. nor heard of before in many ages; whereupon followed the effect which moses noted and lamented in the children of Israel; Incrassatus est dilectus( saith he) & recalcitrauit; The beloved people of God was made fat, and then they began to kick, that is to say( as he expoundeth it presently) Incrassatus, impinguatus, Deuter. 32. Ibid. dilatatus dereliquit Deum factorem suum: Being become faire and fat, they forsook their God and Creator, and so it fel out with the Brittans. 5. For they proved so vngratful for Gods great mercy towards them, that( as the foresaid authors affirm) they fel into the extremity of al mischief and wickedness: Beda. hist. li. 5. ca. 14. The vices and sins of the Britans. Non solum seculares viri &c. Not only secular men, but also the ecclesiastical, giuing themselves wholly to dronkenes, to animosity, and contention, envy, cruelty, hatred of truth, love of lies, and al 'vice; whereupon our Lord scourged them again with such a pestilent mortality, that with in a while there were not men enough a live( as these authors testify) to bury the dead, Idem. Ibid. New invasions of the Britans by Picts, and Scots. and when that sufficed not to revoke them from their vicious lives; Non multo post( saith S. Bede) acrior gentem peccatricem ultio diri sceleris secuta est; Shortly after a sharper punishment of such detestable wickedness followed vpon that sinful people; For the Picts and Scots began again to make such eruptions vpon them, that not being able to withstand them, Idem. Ibid. The Britans ca●led in the Saxons for their defence which by Gods iustice turned to their utter ouerthrow in the end. Idem. ca. 15. Idem. ca. 16. The repentance of the Britans for their sins, and God mercy towards them they were forced to call in the Saxons to assist them, Quod domini nutu( saith S. Bede) dispositum esse constat. &c. Which it is manifest was done by Gods disposition, to the end that their wickedness might receive due punishment. For with in a while the Saxons did confederate themselves with their enemies, and picking quarrels against them, destroyed al the country with fire and sword, burning up houses, villages, and towns, and killing al sorts of people, in so much that many fled into foreign countries, and others hide themselves amongst the hills, mountaines and woods, until acknowledging the just iudgment of God vpon them, they called to him for mercy; Vnanimo consensu auxilium caeleste precantes; craving help from heaven with uniform consent; wherewith Gods mercy was moved to give them Ambrosius Aurelianus for their captain, and diuers notable victories by his means, and especially at blackamoor in york shear( for so was called Mons Badonicus. as saith Polidore) where they made such great slaughter of them, Pol. Virgil. li. 3. that for some yeeres, they did not further molest them, God so disposing in reward of their repentance at that time. 6. For being as Gildas saith myndful of their former calamities and afflictions laid vpon them for their sins, The relapse of the Britans into their former vices. al sorts of men, spiritual and temporal, as well the Princes as their subiects, did every one his duty in his vocation; At illis( saith Gildas) decedentibus. &c. But they being dead, and an other age succeeding ignorant of the miseries past, Gildas de excidi. britain. and corrupted with present ease and pleasure, al truth and iustice was so subverted, that there appeared not so much as any sign therof in al the fore said states of men; Exceptis paucis et valde paucis. Excepting a few, and those very few; for the kings( saith he) were tyrants, and the Iudges, most wicked and corrupt, The vices of the clergy and laity in Britanny. Idem. Ibid. the priests negligent of their duty; Raro sacrificantes et nunquam puro cord inter altaria stantes; seldom sacrificing and never coming to the altar with a pure hart, ignorant, impudent, simoniacal, and lascivious; and al sorts of laymen loaden with wickedness, with murder, paricids, pride, adulteries, swearing, perjuries, blasphemies, and al iniquity. 7. And to show some particularities of this, and how justly the vengeance of almighty God was powred vpon the whole nation, gilled Ibid. The horrible sins of the princes of Brittany before the conquest thereof by the Saxons. Galfrid monumet. hist. li. 12. ca. 15. King Cadwalladar fleeing into France, acknowledged Gods iustice vpon himself, and his people for their sins. the same author toucheth briefly the lives of some of the kings and princes that were in his time, as of Constantius, Aurelius, Conanus, Vortiporius, Cuneglasus and Maglocunus, taxing them with tyranny, perjury, sacrilegious murders, and parricids,( committed even before the holy altars) adulteries, horrible incestes, breach of vows, of religion, and chastity, yea and 2. of them with beastly Sodomy; for the which enormities, and the general corruption and wickedness of the whole nation, he threateneth or rather prophesyeth unto them the utter ruin and destruction which shortly after worthily fel vpon them, as the British cronicler geoffrey of Monmoth, also acknowledgeth saying that King Cadwalladar( who was the last of the race of Britans) used these words as he fled by sea into France, with the relics of the britain nation; Vae nobis peccatoribus ob immania scelera nostra, &c. Woe be to us sinners for our grievous sins wherewith we haue never ceased to offend God whiles we had time of repentance, and therfore now the punishment of God falleth vpon us, which rooteth us out of our native soil. Thus said King Cadwalladar, and much more to the same purpose, whereby, as also by that which I haue said before it evidently appeareth that the sins of the Britans, as well of the Princes as of the people, was the cause of their overthrow, and of the conquest of their country by the Saxons. 8. Of the conqu●st of the English by the Danes. And now to speak of that which followed in the reign of the said Saxons& English,& how almighty God punished them also for their sins, it cannot be denied but that there were amongst them many holy men and great Saints of God, as well of the kings, as of the bishops, prelates, religious men, and others; The great virtue of many of the Saxon kings whereof 8. were canonised beside 60. princes of royal blood. Guliel. Malsmsb li. 2. 5. 13. Martirol. Roman.& alij. Chap. 20. nu. 10. Baron. anno. 745. The great 'vice that rained in England when the Danes made their first invasion. as 8. kings, above 60 Princes of royal blood( to wit, sons, daughters, nephews, or nieces of kings) and 35. bishops, besides a far greater number of religious and holy men and women, also famous for their holy life and miracles, before, or after their deaths, that they were and are held and honoured for Saints, nevertheless there never wanted amongst the rest of the Princes, and people, matter, and as I may term it, fuel, to kindle the wrath of God against the whole realm, in so much that S. Bonifacius bishop of Mentz in Germany( of whom I haue spoken before) writing to an archdeacon in England called Hec●ert about the year of our Lord 745. exclaimed against the vices of the english Christians saying; In auditum malum est prae ceteris seculis &c. The like mischief hath not been heard of in former ages, to wit, that a Christian nation should far exceed& surpass the sodomites in sin, and that contemning lawful marriage,& the custom of the whole world, and the precept of God, they should live in continual incest, adultery, and abominable whoredom, even with religious women. 9. Thus wrote S. Boniface in the same age,& not many yeeres before that the Danes first entred England, The Danes infested& troubled the English by piracies and wars 200. yeres. Circa an. 740. Polidor li. 5. hist. Angl. whereby it may well be judged that for those enormous sins of the flesh, which he so much reprehended in the English, almighty God chastised them, not only by civil warres, which seldom ceased there whiles there were many kings, but also by invasion of the Danes, who first by piracyes& after by open wars, cruelly infested and troubled the realm at diuers and sundry times, for the space of almost 200. ●●ds wrath appeased towards the English by the prayers and merits o● the Saints of the nation. Polid. li. 5. hist. Anglic. K. allured being greatly distressed by the Danes was comforted by a vision of S. Cuthert. Gulielmus Malsburiensis de gestis Anglo. li. 2. ca. 4. Polidor. li. 5. Ingulphus Hist. Angl. yeeres, until at length, the iustice of God was satisfied and his wrath appeased by the prayers and merits of the Saints of the nation, as it was revealed to the good King allured, or Alfred founder of the famous university of Oxford, who having had many yeres warres with the Danes, and being driven by them at length to great extremity, and forced to retire himself into a certain fenny and marish ground in Somersetshyre, with his mother and other of his nobility, was comforted with a vision of S. cuthbert, who appeared not only to him, but also to his mother in their sleep, telling them that whereas the english had for a long time before born the heavy pennance of their sins, by the invasion and molestation of the Danes, God would of his mercy ease them therof: Indigenarum Sanctorum meritis, for the merits of the home born Saints, or holy men of the nation. And therfore bad him be of good comfort, for that he should with in a while be restored to his former state and haue the victory of his enemies, which after proved most true. K. allured expelled al the Danes, which would not be Christians. Polid. virg. hist. li. 5. Idem. li. 6. 10. For he recovered al that which he had lost and drove the Danes out of England, excepting such as were content to become Christians, to whom he gave the kingdoms of Northumberland, and of the Eastangles, who during his time never moved more war,& they of the eastern parts stirring afterwards against his son called Edward the first, were by him utterly overthrown, as also the other in Northumberland, in like manner and vpon like occasion, were subdued by his grandchild Adelstane who made England a monarchy, which so remained and flourished without further infestation of the Danes, The mercy of God towards the posterity of the good King allured to the 4 gen●ration. Guliel. Malmsb. li 2. ca 8. Ingulphus hist. Anglorum. during the reign of 4. Kings the successors of Adelstan, to wit, his 2. bretheren, Edmond and Eldred( who succeeded one an other) and the 2. sons of edmond called Edwin and Edgar, which Edgar was for his excellent virtues and prosperous reign called; Honor& deliciae Anglorum, the honor& delight of England, or as Ingulphus termeth him, honor& rosa regum, the honor, and rose of Kings, of whom it is written hat in his time al ecclesiastical orders flourished, learned and virtuous men were highly esteemed, al civil and foreign wars ceased, Scotland was tributary to him, and he was called the King of Albion, being no less powerful by sea then by land; no year of his reign passed wherein he built not some monasteries, or else did not some great and notable good to his country, and such were his virtues and so great the famed of his felicity, that there came principal men out of al countries adjoining to see him, and to be acquainted with him. 11 lo then how the promise of S. Cubert to king allured was fulfilled, partly in him, and partly in his posterity to the 4. generation, and how the Danes were expelled, and the english flourished, when the penalty of their sins past was paid, and Gods wrath appeased, by the merits of the Saints or holy men of the island as S. Cubert signified. 12. The Danes returned into England for the punishment of sin. Polidor. hist. Angli. li. 7. Therfore whereas the Danes returned again into england shortly after Edgar in the reign of his son Etheldred, and not only molested it with incursions( as they were wont) but also conquered and possessed it for a time, it may well be presumed that they were but the instruments of Gods iustice therein for the punishment of sin, as well as in former times; and although the iudgments of God are so inscrutable, that no certain iudgment can be made therof, further then it pleaseth himself to reveal; nevertheless speaking probably according to the course of his divine iustice declared in the the scriptures in like cases, The Danes conquered England( as it may be thought) for the sins of K. Edgar, and his son Etheldred. it may be thought that the said conquest made by the Danes, proceeded of the sins partly of the famous King Edgar( though he were dead before) and partly of his wife Alfreda, and lastly of their son Etheldred in whose time the country was conquered; For although King Edgar excelled in al piety and virtue in his later daies( as I haue declared) yet he did an act in his youth whereof it may be thought his children and posterity paid the penalty. 13. Polid. Virg. hi●●. Anglic. li. 6. What the offence was of K. Edgar, and Alfreda his wife. This I say for that after the death of Elfleda his wife( by whom he had King Edward the martyr) he fel in love with Alfreda wife to a noble man called Ethelwolfe, whom with her consent he caused to bee killed, to the end he might mary her; and how grievous this sin of his was in the sight of almighty God, and how justly punished in his posterity, we may well judge by the like offence of King david, who to the end he might mary Bersabe procured the death of Vrias her husband, 2. Reg. ca. 1● for the which the prophet Nathan told him from almighty God, that the sword should never depart out of his house, and that his son in the cradle should die therfore, besides that God permitted for punishment of that sin, that al his other children except Salomon died most vnfortunatly; Idem. ca. 13. For Amnon having deflowered his sister Thamar was killed by his brother absalon;& Adonias by Salomon,& lastly absalon rebelling and fighting against his own father king david, 3. Reg. ca. 2. was miserable slain, hanging on a three by the hair of the head; 2. Reg. ca. 18. & therfore no marvel that the like sin of king Edgar was also severely punished in his children. 14. To this purpose it is to be noted, that his marriage proved most unfortunate, not only to the fruit that proceeded therof, and to the whole realm( as shal be declared here after) but also to King Edward his son by his former wife, who succeeding him in his kingdom, was shortly after killed by the means of Alfreda his stepmother, Polid. Virg. li. 6. in fine. The severity of Gods iustice in punishing sin. for the aduancement of her son Etheldred, wherein I can not but note by the way, the severity of Gods iustice in punishing sin, seeing the said young Prince being so holy and innocent of life, and so higly in Gods favor, that presently after his death many notable miracles were done at his body, and he canonised for a Saint, yet he could not escape the temporal punishment due to his fathers offence. 15. But to proceed, such was the common opinion of the innocency and holiness of this young King Edward; and of the enormity of the sin committed by Alfreda in the murder of him, that the conciete of most men was at that time( as William of Malmsbury witnesseth) that the conquest of England by the Danes was a punishment of God for the same; Guliel Malms. de gestis Reg. An. li. 2. c. 9. which may well be presumed, especially if we add thereto the offence, not only of his father( whereof I haue already spoken) but also of his brother Etheldred, for whose cause he was murdered, and in whose time that conquest happened; for it may be thought most consonant to the iustice of almighty God, that Etheldred being the son of the wicked Alfreda, and fruit of the cursed marriage, yea and with al most wicked himself, S. Dunstan prophesied of the conquest of England. Idem Ibid. c. 10. Polid. Virg. li. 7. Ingulphus Hist. Angl. should bear the penalty as well of his own, as of both his parents sins. This holy S. Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury fore saw, and foretold of him, partly at his coronation( saving, that for his mothers sin in the murder of King Edward, both he and his childrens should be severely punished, and his kingdom transferred to strangers) and partly afterwards, when vpon displeasure taken against the Bishop of Rochester, he besieged him in the said city, and was nothing moved, either with the humble suit of S. Dunstan, or else with his threats of the wrath of God, and S. Andrew, patron of the church of Rochester until at length S. Dunstan gave him a hundreth pounds in money, for the which he was content to raise his siege; where vpon the holly man sent him word, that seeing he preferred money, before God and his Apos●● al those mischiefs which God had ordained, should shortly fall vpon him, meaning the invasion of the Danes, and loss of his kingdom, which fel out to be true. 16. And if we consider the manner of his life, and the nature, The offences of K. Etheldred in whose time the Danes conquered England. Eccli. ca. 10. and quality of his offences, we shal find, that they were the very same which the scriptures affirm to be the cause of the translation of kingdoms, from one nation to an other whereof the book of Eclesiasticus saith Regnum de gente in gentem transfertur &c. kingdoms are transferred from nation to nation for injustice, injuries, calumniations, and diuers deceits. In which kind of sins, King Etheldred greatly exceeded, for he had his ears so open, and showed such favour to al kind of accusers and calumniatours, that( as Polidor Virgil saith) no mans life was in security; Polidor. li. 7. besides that vpon every light occasion, he spoiled, and banished the richest, and wealthiest of his subiects, being given withal to al kind of riot, and dissolution; and therfore william of Malm●s●ury writeth of him briefly thus; Eius vitae cursus saews in principio, miser in medio, Guliel Mal. de ge● reg. li. 2. ca. 10. turpis in exitu; The course of his life was cruel in the beginning, miserable in the midst, and shameful in the end. Polid. Virg. li. 7. K. Etheldred expelled out of England by Sueno King of the Danes, who reyned there five yeres. K. Etheldred after Suenos death recovered England again; and used his former cruelty and impiety. 17. Furthermore he was so cowardly& base minded, that he was no less contemptible to strangers abroad, ethen hateful to his own subiects at home; whereupon the Danes took courage again to enter England, who first made him grant them a yearly tribute, wherewith they were content for a time,& after turning thither again, forced him to fly into Normandy and to leave his kingdom to Sweno their King who exercised al kind of cruelty vpon the English, and enjoyed the kingdom as long as he lived, which was not past 5. yeeres, after whose death Etheldred recovered it again, and possessed it 2. yeeres, whilst Canutus son to Sweno was held occupied at home with a rebellion of the people of Norway, in which mean while, Etheldred returned like the dog to his old vomit of cruelty and injustice, especially against the Danes( who then had been for some yeeres planted and marroed in England) causing many of them to be killed with cruel torments, Idem. Ibid. and amongst others, Sigifredus, and Morgandus two of the noblest of them, were falsely accused of feigned crimes, and put to death for the same; besides that Prince edmond son to Etheldred ravished the wife of Sigifred, being a woman no less admirable for her beauty, then commendable for her chastity, al which when Canutus understood, Canutus son tow Sweno invaded England. being moved with desire as well to reuenge these injuries done to his countrymen, as also to recover the kingdom of England conquered by his father, passed over thither with an army, and put al to fire and sword; whereupon Etheldred died for sorrow, K. Etheldred died for bestow. Edmond Ironside son to K. Etheldred. Canutus king of England. and although his son edmond surnamed Ironside, after diuers conflictx& a combat fought hand to hand with Canutus possessed the one half of England by composition, yet with in a year Canutus enjoyed the whole by the sudden death of edmond, slain vpon a privy as he was easing himself, and so he remained absolute King therof, as long as he lived, which was about 20. yeeres after. The mercy of God towards the English in turning their conquest to their comfort. 18. Herein nevertheless it is to be noted, how the mercy of almighty God concurred with his iustice, and moderated the rigour therof, for that of his infinite bounty he determined by this conquest as it seemeth, rather to chastise, correct, and redress England then to ruin and oppress it, and therfore after he had some what satisfied the severity of his iustice not only vpon the realm, by the 5. yeeres cruel reign of Sweno( who ransacked and spoiled al sorts of men, as well ecclesiastical, as temporal) but also vpon the persons of Etheldred and his son Edmond, he gave them Canutus son to Sweno for their King, who though he was a stranger, The great virtue and piety of K. Canutus. yet governed with al clemency and good example of life, doing continually acts of piety, making good and wholesome laws, easing the people of taxes and impositions, and deserving well of al states, by the means whereof England flourished in his time in peace and plenty, of whom I can not for bear( this occasion being offered) to declare here by the way a notable act, which I wish al Princes would well weigh and consider in the height of their prosperity. 19. Polid. Virgil. Angl. hist. li. 7. in fine. A memorable act of K. Canutus. It chanced once that as he was walking at Southamton by the sea side some of his noble men flattered him, and extolled above al measure his great power, calling him the most mighty and potent King of al kings commanding absolutely over men, land and sea, whereupon to correct their flattery( and to show mans infirmity) he went to the very sea side, and sitting down there, said to the waves( as the tide was coming in) I command you, that you touch not my feet, and being presently well washed with a wave that came in vpon him, he arose, and turning to his noble men, said, lo my lords you call me King of kings and Lord of land and sea, though I can not command one of these little waves of water; therefore know ye, that the only King of kings, and he that commandeth land and sea, is the father of our Lord Iesus Christ, Henricus Huntind hist. Angl. li. 6. by whose will and providence al things are governed; And having said thus he returned to Winchester, and took the crown which he used to wear vpon his head, and put it with his own hands vpon an image of Christ crucified, which was in the church of S. Peter and Paul, and would never after wear any crown so long as he lived. 20. Though this may seem to be a digression from my matter, yet I haue thought good to recount it here, as well for the rareness of the example, as also that it may appear how mercifully God dealt with the people of England to give them such a king, by whose piety their conquest turned to their comfort. And this his mercy appeared much more afterwards, Guliel. Malsm. de gest. reg. li. 2. ca. 12. Polid. Virg. li. 8. Ingulphus. hist. Henric. Huntind. li. 6. Roger. hoved. Annal. par. 1. S. Edward the Confessor son to K. Etheldred succeeded Canutus. when it pleased his divine majesty so sweetly to dispose, that after the death of Canutus, and his two sons Haraldus and Hardicanutus, or as Polidor calleth him Cunueus, which two reigned but 6. yeeres the crown returned again to English blood, yea& to so excellent a Prince as was S. Edward the Confessor, who reigned in al tranquillity peace and felicity above 23. yeeres, so that it may seem that almighty God sought, not only by so great benefits, but also by the good endeavour and example of two such virtuous& pious kings, to induce the people of England to reform their lives, which had been before so corrupted, by the evil example, negligence, and bad government of Etheldred; But when he saw their obstinacy and ingratitude towards him to be such that neither severity, nor lenity, could reclaim them, he gave them over into the hands of the Normans, partly to punish them according to their deserts, and partly to consummate the punishment due to the sins of Edgar and Etheldred; For which cause it may be thought he would not suffer the good King Edward( who was Etheldreds son) to haue any issue, or any other then living of the race of Etheldred, to succeed him in the kingdom; for at the same time lived Edgar, son to edmond Ironside and his two sisters, cull. Malms. de gest. reg. Angl. li. 2. c. 13. Guliel. Malmsbury. li. 3. de Wilhelmo. 1. Christine; who was religious in a monastery at Ramesey, and Margaret, who was after married to malcolm King of Scotland; And Edgar( as William of Malmsbury witnesseth who wrote in the time of King Henry first son to the conqueror) having been tossed and tumbled too, and fro, with great variety of fortune Nunc( saith he) remotus,& tacitus canos suos in agro consumet; He now wasteth and consumeth his hoary hairs far from the court, in a silent and quiet country life. 21. But what soever may be supposed of Gods iudgments in this point, the other concerning the punishment of God vpon the people for their sins is evident enough, partly by the circumstances and the event, Guliel. Mal. de gest. reg. Angl. li. 2 c. 13. The conquest of England by the Normans revealed to S. Edward in a vision. Alredus abbess in vita Edward. apud Surium 5. januarij. and partly for that it pleased almighty God to reveal the same to King Edward himself a little before his death, who living in a trance 2. daies together, signified when he came to himself, that two religious men whom he had known in Normandy to live and die with great edification) had appeared unto him, and told him from almighty God, that after his death the kingdom should for a time be given over into the hands of divels, and wicked spirits for the sins of the clergy and people. And further he said, that when he made instance to haue leave to signify the same unto them to the end that they might repent,& avert the wrath of God from themselves as the Niniuits did, the said religious men answered that it would be to no purpose, for that neither they would repent, nor God would forbear to punish them, and when he further insisted to know when the wrath of God would be appeased towards them and their sins remmitted, Guliel. Mal. ubi Supra. A parable signified to King Edward in his vision. they answered him in this parable. 22. When a green three; say they, being cut of in the midst, and one part thereof separated from the other the breadth of 3. acres, shal with out help come together again, flourish, and fructify, then shal they receive some comfort, Alredus. Ibid. and their sins be remitted; This he told to the queen his wife, the Lord Robert Steward of his house, herald( who was after king) and Stigand bishop of Canterbury, al which were present when he came out of his trance, and the event shewed shortly after, the truth of the first part therof, when Duke William of Normandy slay King herald, and conquered the realm, The exposition of the parable. and brought al the states therof to miserable servitude; and as for the later part( to wit the parable) some haue expounded it, that it was fulfilled, when Henry the first married maud the King of Scotlands daughter, whose mother Margaret was daughter to edmond Ironside& niece to Edward the Confessor, as I haue signified before; so that the three, that is to say, the reign of English kings being cut asunder by the death of king Edward in whom it ceased, was separated from the trunk the breadth of 3. acres, that is to say, the reign of 3. kings, to wit herald, William the conqueror, and William Rufus, and came together again in Henry the first, when he married the foresaid maud, who was( as I haue said) daughter to Margaret and she daughter to Edmond Ironside, and the three fructified when maud the Empresse issued of that marriage, who was mother to Henry the 2. in whom ceased the reign of strangers in England, al his successors being naturally english. 23 But to return to speak of the sins of the people, which according to the prophecy of S. Edward deserved so great a plague, Guliel. Malmesb. hist. Angl. li. 3. d● Wilhel. 1. we may sufficiently understand the same by the testimony of William of Malmesbury living in the same age, who saith, that although al learning, religion, and virtue had flourished many yeeres amongst the english, yet a little before the coming of the Normans the same was utterly destroyed and decayed; The enormous sins of the Clergy Nobility& people of England at the time of the conquest therof by the Normans. For the priests( saith he) were so unlearned that they could scant pronounce truly the very words of the sacraments, and divin service; and such was the ignorance generally of al men, that a grammarian was held for a wonder, religious men were wholly given to delicacy and kept no rules of religion, the noble men and gentlemen gave themselves over to gluttony and laciuiousnes, there was no respect of religion, nor care of iustice; in so much that the common people served for no other then a pray to the nobility, who spoiled& ransacked them at their pleasure; It was a common custom, when men had got their maidseruants with child, either to sand them to the stews, or to sel them for slaves, drounkenes, and al the vices that commonly accompany the same, or follow therof, were generally through out the realm; Thus saith William of Malmsbury in substance. Alred. in vita Edwardi. What S. Edward said at his death concerning the sins of the English, and the conquest to follow in punishment thereof. William the conqueror minister of Gods iustice to chastise the English. Polid Virgil li. 8. in fine. Idem. li. 9. per totum. The tyranny of Willam the conqueror vpon al states. 24. Also S. Edward himself when he declared his vision said, that the magistrates as well spiritual as temporal, were no better then ministers of the devil, that God was every where dishonoured, law contemned, truth trodden under foot, pitty and mercy banished, cruelty held for a pastime and entertainment; and therfore( said he) the wickedness of the english is now complete, and grown to the height, and the reuenge and punishment therof is shortly to follow. 25. This was proved to be true by the event with in a year after, when William Duke of Normandy called the conqueror came into England, whom God made the instrument and minister of his iustice to chastise them, for being admitted and crwoned King( presently after the bloody battle wherein King herald& 20000. men were slain) he began to tiranize vpon al states, he spoiled the nobility of their lands, goods, dignities and offices, to give the same to the Normans, he oppressed the people with infinite, and intolerable taxes, and impositions; he deprived cities, bishoprics and monasteries, of their immunities, and privileges, forcing them to redeem them of him again, for great sums of money; he took from churches& religious houses, not only such money as they had in store, but also the holy vessels dedicated to Gods service; he abolished the old laws and ordained new, and caused them to be written in the Norman tongue, which the english understood not, whereupon there grew great confusion in the exercise therof, in al sorts of actions and pleas, as well criminal as civil,& many wrongfully lost their lands and goods, and many their lives, and a gate was opened to al kind of injustice. 26. Furthermore he was not content only to spoil the english of their wealth, but also deprived them of their pleasures, taking from very many noble men, and gentlemen their parks, and chaces for his own use, yea and overthrew houses, churches, villages and whole parishes to make forrests, in so much that( as Polidor virg: Polidor. Virg. li. 9. witnesseth) to make the chase which now is called new forest he dispeopled and made desert al the country betwixt Salisbury and the seaside for 30. miles space, and when diuers of his nobility by reason of his tyranny rebelled against him, he took occasion thereupon to use al kind of severity, The extreme cruelty of K. William the conqueror. and cruelty, not only vpon their persons when they fel into his hands, but also vpon whole countries and provinces, which he so spoyled and ransacked, that they lay wast for some yeeres after; Finally his government, during the time of his reign, seemed to tend to nothing else, but to extirpate, and extinguish the race, and name of the English. 27. The English had not one day of ease or repose during the 21. yeres of wiliam conquerors reign. The cruelty and avarice of K. william ●ufus son to the conqueror. Polid. Virg. li. 10. whereto if we add the frequent wars in England in his time, partly by rebellion of his subiects, and partly by invasion of strangers, as of Danes and Scots, we shal find that England had not one year, no nor one day of ease and repose during the 21. yeeres of his reign; which calamity also continued, or rather increased for 13. yeares after his death, by the succession of his son William Rufus, who far exceeded his father in cruelty, avarice, oppression of his subiects, and contempt of God and man, by reason whereof, he was so hated of the people, that when his death was known which was most sudden and exemplar,( for he was killed by chance with an arrow as he was hunting) the people were so transported with ioy, that they went every where to the churches to give God thankes therfore, as for the happiest news that ever came to England, in hope that the last day of his life would be the first day of their liberty; If therfore we consider al this, we shal evidently see how true the prophesy of S. Edward proved when he said, That England should be given for a time into the hands of divels, and wicked spirits, for the sins of the nobility, clergy, and people. 28. Here then I conclude, that whereas the first conquest, The conclusion of this chapter concerning the three conquests of England, and the causes thereof. seemeth to haue proceeded of the sins as well of the people as of the princes, and the second of the offences rather of the princes then of the people, the last was( as S. Edward testified) in punishment of the peoples sins, rather then of the princes; whereby we may see as before I noted, the sympathy in the body politic, no less then in the natural body, betwixt the head and the members, in the participation of punishment for sin or reward for virtue; Which may serve for a motive to al Princes and magistrates, An advertisement to princes, and magistrates. to haue special care to avoid the offence of God, not only by their own good lives, but also by punishing and reforming the sins of their subiects, lest their negligence in either, may draw Gods wrath vpon both, to the destruction of the whole commonwealth. Thus much for the three conquests of our country. OF THE CONQVEST OF THE kingdom of Naples by Charles the 8. King of France, for the sins of the kings therof, with the conclusion inferring vpon the premises the providence and iustice of God in the disposition of states, and the insufficiency of man for the government therof, with out Gods assistance. CHAP. 22. THE fourth example which I promised was of the kingdom of Naples given by almighty God into the hands of Charles the 8. The conquest of the kingdom of Naples. King of France for the sins of the Kings therof, as al men generally conceived, and the effect itself seemed to make manifest, whereof also Philip de Comines( who was counsellor to the said King Charles, Philip. de Comines in Carolo. 8. and served him in the action) giveth notable testimony, which I think good to set down in his own words in respect of his gravity& authority, who speaking of the cruelty and tyranny of Ferdinando King of Naples, and of his son Alphonso in causing 24. noblemen their subiects to be most cruelly murdered in prison, discourseth first of their vices and wickedness, and after of Gods just iudgments vpon them for the same. Philip. Comines. The iudgement of Philip de Comines of the conquest of Naples for the sins of the Kings therof. Of the first he saith as followeth. 2. No man( saith he) was ever more cruel, more wicked, more vicious, nor a greater glutton then Alphonso, though his father Ferdinando was more dangerous then he, for in making men faire weather and good cheer, he commonly betrayed them, as he dealt by Count Iacques whom he murdered villainously, though he were ambassador with him for Francisco Sforza Duke of Millan, and so he dealt also with many others, never using mercy towards any, no not so much as towards his own near kinsman, The tyranny, cruelty, and vicious life of the kings of Naples. besides that he never had any pitty or compassion of his poor people, for he made a very merchandise of his kingdom, in so much that he forced his subiects to feed, and fat his hogs, and pay for them if they chanced to die, he bought up al the oil and grain in the country before it was ripe, and sold it after, extremely dear, compelling them to take it at his price, and whilst he sold, no man might sel any; If any nobleman or gentleman, were more rich then the rest he forced him to lend him great sums of mon●● he took from his nobility their razes of horses, or else made them keep them for him, whereby he had many thousand of horses, mares, and colts; Both the father and the son took many women by force; They never had reverence, nor respect to the holy Church, they sold bishoprics, as for example that of Taranto which Ferdinando the father sold for 13000. ducats to a jew for his son, who he said was a Christian, he gave abbeys to falkoners with charge to keep him a certain number of hawks at their exp●nces; Alphonso the son never kept any lent, nor made so much as any show to keep it, and for many yeeres together he was never confessed, nor comunicated, and to conclude, it is not possible to do worse then they did both. 3. Thus saith this author of the lives and manners of these 2 kings, and then he further addeth concerning Gods iudgments vpon them, it may( saith he) seem to the readers that I haue said this of some particular passion, or hatred towards them, but( in good faith) I haue not said it to any other end, Philip. de come. Ibid. Charles the eight K. of France the commissary of God to chastise the ●ings of Naples. then to continue the course of my history, and that it may appear, that this voyage of king Charles to Naples proceeded only of the will of almighty God, who ordained that so young a king destitute of council money, and al sufficient means for such an enterprise, should be, as it were, his commissary to chastise these kings who were wise, potent and rich,& had many wise councillors and grave personages about them, and many subiects and friends, and allies abroad in Italy, whom it imported to conserve and defend that kingdom,& yet nevertheless( though they foresaw the storm long before) they could not find means to avoid it, nor make resistance any where, for, excepting only the castle of Naples, The admirable facility of the conquest of Naples. there was not any place, town, or fort that stayed King Charles one whole day; in so much that Pope Alexander said very well, that the Frenchmen came with chalk in their hands like harbingers, to make and take up their lodgings where they list, for they had not occasion so much as to put on their armor in al the voyage. The evident punishment of God vpon the kings of Naples. 4. Therfore I conclude according to the opinion of very many good religious men,& other of al sorts of people(& the voice of the people is the voice of God) that God did punish these kings visibly& in such evident manner, that it might serve for an example& admonition to al Princes to live well, according to the commandments of God; for these kings whereof I haue spoken lost their honours and realm, great riches,& movables of al sorts, and their own persons in the end, three of them in the space of one year or little more; and as I haue understood of some that were very near them, A prophecy of the conquest of Naples. they found in pulling down an old chapel, a book, whereof the little was, The truth with her secret council, in which book was contained al that happened after unto them, and when they three only had red it they burnt it. 5. Thus much I haue thought good to set down in the words of this wise and grave author, to the end that not only the bad lives of these kings, but also his iudgment may appear concerning Gods iustice shewed vpon them and their whole kingdom for the same; And this may also be confirmed by the other prrticulers, Chiceiardin li. 1. hist. K. Ferdinand of Naples dyed for bestow. which Guicciardin, recounteth of them and of the success of that war, signif●ing that Ferdinando the father being very wise,& understanding of the intention of king Charles to come to invade his kingdom, feared so greatly the success, in respect of his own bad life and his sons, that he laboured by al means possible, by ambassadors and friends to divert him from his purpose, offering him to pay him a yearly tribute of 50000. ducats, and to hold his kingdom of him by fealty and homage, and when he saw that nothing would prevail, he fel sick for sorrow, and died before king Charles entered into Italy. 6. And Alphonso his son( who then succeeded him in the kingdom) though he bragged long before that he would go as far as the mountaines to meet king Charles if he came forward( which he said he would never beleeue he durst do) yet afterwards when the French were in Italy,& came as far as Rome, he took such a fright that he cried out every night, he heard the frenchmen coming, and that the very trees and stones cried France; Gucciardine. Ibid. and as Guicciardin affirmeth( who was not a man either easily to beleeue, or rashly to writ fables) it was credibly and constantly reported, The soul of K. Ferdinand appeared after his death. that the spirit of Ferdinando his father appeared to one that had been his physician, and bad him tel his son Alphonso from him, that he should not be able to resist the frenchmen, for that God had ordained that his progenny should after many great afflictions be deprived of their kingdom, for the multitude and great enormity of their sins, The kings of Naples deprived of their kingdom especially for one sin. and especially for that which he had done by the persuasion of Alphonso himself in the church of S. Leander in Chiaia near to Naples, whereof he told not the particulars. 7. Guicciard. Ibid. The torments of a guilty conscience. Furthermore the same author signifieth that Alphonso was exagitated with suspicions and fears, whiles he was waking,& in his sleep with the representation of the noble men whom he had caused to be secretly murdered in prison( as I haue declared before( and that being in this miserable perplexity he resigned his crown to his son called, Ferdinando( as his grandfather was)& ran away into Sicily in such hast, that his mother in law with whom only he communicated his intention, being desirous to flee with him, could not persuade him to stay for her so much as three daies which shee earnestly desired, to the end she might haue that comfort at least to be queen of Naples a full year, but he told her that if she would not go presently with him, he would leave her, protesting, Philip. coming. in Carolo. 8. K. Alphonso being strangely tormented with the horror of his own conscience fled into Sicily. as Philip de Comines testifieth, that if any sought to stay him by force, he would cast himself out of the windows, asking her further if shee heard not every one cry France, France. And thus being tormented with the horror of his own conscience, and the terror of Gods just iudgments already fallen vpon him, he fled into Sicily, taking with him only diuers sorts of delicate wines( which he had always loved ouerwel) and some garden seeds to sow, and a few jewels, and a a little money, without giuing any order in the world to his goods and movables which he left in great quantity in the castle of Naples. 8. But being arrived in Sicily and touched with Gods grace, he fel into the account of his bad life past, and of Gods iustice executed vpon him, K. Alphonso died in Sicily very repentant. and meaning to do some satisfaction for the same, he entred into Religion and did great alms, and pennance, in which state he dyed within while of t e ston, with the extremest torments that could be imagined, as some of the Religious with whom he lived told afterward to Philip de Comines, as he himself writeth. Idem. ca. 19. K Ferdinand son to Alfonso being forsaken of his subiects fled into Sicily, and dyed there 9. And to conclude the tragilical history of the kings, his son Ferdinando to whom he resigned his crown, having assembled al his forces, durst make no resistance any were to the french but fled before them from place to place, until at length almost al his subiects forsook him, and rebelled against him; whereupon he fled also into Sicily,& with in while died there. 10. lo here the miserable calamity which for the sins of these Kings fel not only vpon them, but also vpon their whole kingdom, serving for many yeeres after for a pray and spoil to foreign nations, until at length Gods wrath being appeased,& his iustice satisfied he gave it the repose which it now enjoyeth under the catholic King of spain. certain aduertisments inferred vpon the premises. 11. This shal for this time suffice for the exemplyfication of Gods iustice in general vpon commonwealths for the sins of the Princes and people wherein I wish certain things to be noted, which occur vpon the due consideration of the premises; The providence of God in the disposition of kingdoms. First, the providence of almighty God in the affairs of men and particularly in the disposition of kingdoms, and empires seeing he correcteth, punisheth, transferreth,& overthroweth them for sin. How hateful sin is to almighty God. 12. Secondly how enormus& hateful a thing, sin is to almighty God, and how terrible are his iudgments for the same; seeing the offences of a part of the commonwealth, as either of the Prince or subiects, may cause the calamity of the whole. Al the calamities of kingdoms are punishment for sin. 13. Thirdly that al the miseries and calamities which fall vpon kingdoms and states, are no other but the effects of Gods iustice, punishing in them the sins and offences of men. 14. Fourthly how necessary it is for every particular man to avoid the offence of God, not only for the public good of the commonwealth( to the punishment whereof his sins may redound) but also for his own particular benefit; For seeing the severity of Gods iustice is such that he punisheth sin in whole commonwealths( wherein many times some good men participate of the punishment due to wicked mens offences) no particular man that is an offeder can make account to be exempt from the penalty due to his own sin, No man can escape the punishment of sin. but that he shal pay it sooner or latter, here or hence, of which point I shal haue occasion to speak more amply hereafter. 15. Lastly it followeth vpon al this discourse, No wit or power of man able to uphold a state, when God punisheth it for sin. that no wit or power of man is able to uphold any state when God striketh& punisheth the same for sin; whereby appeareth the insufficiency of man, for the government of commonwealth, without the help and assistance of almighty God which is the point that I specially intended to prove throughout al this Treatise. THE imbecility OF MANS WIT IS further discovered by the answer of certain objections of the atheists against the providence of God; and first somwhat is said of the inscrutability of Gods, iudgments, and of mans ignorance in ordinary, and trivial things, and how that ignorance is the mother of atheism. CHAP. 23. SEEING I haue made it evident that God doth execute his iustice vpon whole kingdoms and commonwealths, in punishing them for sin( whereupon as well his providence in human affairs, as also mans imbecility and weakness is necessary inferred) it resteth now, that for confirmation therof, and for thy further satisfaction( good Reader) I clear certain doubts and difficulties which occur in this matter, and serve for stumbling blocks to such as are weak in faith, to cast them headlong into the depth of atheism, Why Atheists doubt of the providence of God. who measuring the infinite power and wisdom of God with their own weakness, will beleeue no more then they know, and call in question the providence and iustice of God, because they cannot comprehend the reason of his secret iudgments, not considering that although nothing is more evident nor apparent, The iustice of God most evident though his iudgments are inscrutable. even to the understanding& eyes of men( as I haue partly declared already) then the execution of Gods iustice here on earth; yet nothing is more abstruse, inscrutable, and incomprehensible, then his judgements, that is to say, the reasons and causes why, and the manner how he proceedeth therein, which the royal Prophet signifieth very aptly saying; Psal. 35. Iustitia tua sicut montes Dei, iudicia tua abissus multa; They iustice( o Lord) is like to the highest mountains, and they iudgments like to a bottomless sea; That is to say, as on the one side thy iustice may be compared to the mightiest mountains, not only for the sublimity and immobility, but also for the perspicuity and evidence therof; so on the other side they iudgments may be likened to a bottomless sea, for the unmeasurable depth and profundity of them, which the Apostle considering, exclaimed, O altitudo divitiarum &c. O how moil is the depth of the riches of Gods wisdom and knowledge; Rom. ca. 11. how incomprehensible are his iudgments, and unsearchable are his ways! who knoweth the sense or meaning of our Lord, or who is his counsellor? Aug. de verbis Apostle. ser. 20. A notable sentence of S. Aug. concerning the inscrutability of Gods iudgments. 2. Thus saith the Apostle; whereupon also S. Augustin. Quaeris tu( saith he) rationem? Dost thou seek a reason of Gods judgements? I for my part will fear and tremble thereat; reason and argue thou, and I will wonder and admire, dispute thou, and I will beleeue, I see the pit, but cannot sound the depth,& seeing the Apostle saith that the ways of God can not be found; thinkest thou to find them out? To search things inscrutable, is as unpossible as to see things invisible, or to speak things ineffable. Thus saith this famous and learned father, acknowledging his own imbecility,& incapacity, for the comprehension of Gods iudgments, though nevertheless for his sharpness of wit, his excellent knowledge and learning, both human and divine, and other notable gifts of nature, he was inferior to few men that haue lived either before him or since, and yet now a dayes every jangling sophister and poor grammarian, every shallow and idle headed companion, plungeth himself boldly into the depth of Gods secret councells, and either must haue a reason therof, Men exact reasons of Gods secret councils,& yet know not the reasons and causes of common effects. or else he will deny his iustice, his providence and his deity, not considering in the mean time how little men know, or can conceive of common and trivial things, which are daily before their eyes. 3. For who is he that can yield the true causes and reasons of al such natural effects as we daily see in common experience? as of the properties of the load ston which doth not only draw iron unto it, Leuinus Lemnius de occulto naturae mirac. li. 3. c. 4. The causes of the admirable properties of the loadstone vnknowne. Poca de hidrographic. hispanice. Idem. Ibid. but also hath an admirable virtue for the use of navigation; For, the needle of the compass being touched with the head of the load ston, ever turneth to the north pole; whereas if it be touched with the other end, it turneth south ward, and being rubbed with the one side, it looketh eastward, and with the other side, westward; which virtue is strengthened& redoubled, as some Spanish nauigatours writ, if the Loadstone be made hot in the fire& laid sometime in the oil of Crocomarcium; as also they say, it is utterly lost and extinguished, if the ston be steeped in the oil of quicksilver; besides they observe that the said needle of the compass never standeth just north, but only in one meridian, to wit, Idem. Ibid. in that which passeth by the island of S. Maria( which is one of the Azores, otherwise called Terceras) and of S. Antony, which is the most westward of the islands of Cabouerde, and that in al other meridians it inclineth more or less to the east or west. 4. Who then is able to yield the true cause therof? A strange well in Lucania. Baptist: Fulgoso li. r. de dict.& fact. mirab. ca. 6. or of infinite other secrets in nature, as of the fountain in Lucania in the kingdom of Naples which( as Baptista Fulgoso witnesseth) a man shal find very clear if he go to it with silence, but if he speak, it is presently troubed; or of a well in the, A well in Darbishire, which ebbeth and floweth 4 times in an howre. The strange properties of the fish called Remora. Bapt. Fulgoso. Ibid. Peak foreste some two or three mile from the bath of Bucston in Darbishire, which well, being on the side of a high hil, ordinarily ebbeth and floweth with great equality and proportion, 4. times with in the space of an hour, or there about, whereof I haue been myself an eye witness; or of the wonderful property of a little fish called Remora not past a span long, which is able to stay a ship under sail, whereof the experience hath been diuers time seen, as in the naual battle at Actium, betwixt Augustus Caesar and Antonius, wherein the ship of Antonius was stayed by that fish in such sort that he was fain to embark himself in an other. Also As Caius Caligula the emperour passed once to Antium by sea his galley being under sail& rowed with 400. Plinius histor. natut. li. 32. c. 1. oars was detained by a Remora, and could not be moved, until some who conjectured the cause, dived into the water and took away the fish from the side of the galley whereto it had fastened itself; And hereto may be added the strange property of an other fish cauled Torpedo, Idem. A fish cauled Torpedo. Ibid. which being taken with an anglerod so benummeth the arm of the fisher that he is forced to let the rod fall. 5. And although I do purposely forbear to speak here of infinite other examples notorious in this kind( for that they are common to be found in such as writ of the natures and properties as well of living creatures, as of waters, trees, herbs, plants,& such like) yet I can not omit to declare some particulars of the property of a kind of spider, The admirable property of the Tarantola. which is found only in Apulia in the kingdom of Naples, and is cauled Tarantola, or Phalangium. 6. This spider is not venomous or poisonful at any time of the year, but in the greatest heats of summer, at wha● time if any man be bitten, The biting or stinging of the Tarantola cured by music. or venomed thereby, he receiveth no cure but by music, in which respect, musicians do ordinarily in the summer time, pass with their instruments from village to village to cure such as are venomed by the Tarantola, who are therfore called in that country Tarantati, as witnesseth Alexander ab Alexandro, Alexan. Genial diarf. li. 2. ca. 16. who saith, that as he and others of his company travailed through Apulia in the heat of the year and heard musicians playing vpon diuers instruments in every village; they enquired the cause, and understood that they were such as cured the Tarantati; The manner how those which are venomed by the Tarantola are cured. whereupon he and the rest being desirous to see the experience therof, dismounted from their horses and went into a house where one was to be cured, whom they found not only speachles but also senseless in appearance, and yet nevertheless after that the instruments had sounded a while, he began first to move his hands, and then his legs in measure according to the sound and stroke of the instruments, and at length rose up and danced with a good grace, and when the musicians ceased to play( as of purpose they did to show unto the beholders the strange nature of that disease) the sick man fel down again as though he had been dead, and when they returned to their instruments and played again, be arose and danced as before, until at length al the venom& poison wherewith he was infected, was dissipated and dissolved, and so he returned to his senses, and recovered perfect health; Idem. Ibid. And further the said author testifieth, that if there be any infected and not fully cured he can never forbear to dance, when soever he heareth any music. This I haue thought good to relate for the strangnes therof, vpon the report of so grave an eye-witnes as was the author that writeth the same, whereto I might add many other so stupendious effects, and secrets of nature, that al mans wit faileth in the consideration of the true causes therof. 7. But what need I speak of things so rare and strange seeing no human wit is able to comprehend and understand the admirable science and art which almighty God hath used in the creation of the least flower, worm, flay, or flee, vpon the earth? For as Lactantius saith; Deo soli nota sunt opera sua &c. Lactan. li. 7. ca. 2. No human wit able to understand the art which God hath used in the creation of the least creature in the world. No man knoweth fully the parts of his own body. G len. de A●n tom. administrat. o Lactan. de Ira. dei. ca. 14. Gods works are known to himself alone, and man can not attain to the understanding therof by disputing or arguing, but by learning of him who only knoweth them and can teach him. Thus saith he. 8. But if any man desire to see how short is the sight of his own understanding in things above himself let him consider how little he knoweth of himself as what his own soul is, which giveth him life, or of what members and partes his body is inwardly compacted, and what is the office, use, and function of every bone, vain, artery,& sinew which no man fully understandeth as Galen himself coffesseth, saying that those, who do apply themselves to the study and speculation of Anotomies al their lives, are deceived therein, and therfore Lactantius saith: Multa esse constat in corpore, quorum vim, rationemque perspicere, nemo nisi qui fecit, potest; It is manifest that there are many things in the body of man, the force and reason whereof no man can conceive but he which made them; nevertheless by that which is understood therof, galen, Galen. de vsu partium. li. 3. being a paynim notably inferred against the epicureans( whom he calleth beasts) that the creator of man must needs be of infinite wisdom bounty and power. 9. Furthermore, what is either more convenient or profitable for man to know and understand exactly then his own constitution and complexion, the state of his body and the true causes of his diseases whereby he may conserve his health, The true causes of mens diseases vnknowne many times. remedy and prevent sickness, and prolong his life; and yet nevertheless we see that neither the complexions of mens bodies, nor the causes of their diseases are perfectly known, either to the patients themselves, or to the phisitians, be they never so well learned or practised, so that many times the ignorance therof, breedeth error in the cure, and consequently procureth the death of the patient. 10. But what marvel is it, that there are infinite things in nature, and many in man himself, which man doth not know or understand, seeing he is deceived and erreth many times in that which he presumeth best to know, Men err many times in that which they presume to know best ca. 4. 11. 12. as it is manifest by al the precedent discourse concerning the imbicillity of mans wit, which I haue already sufficiently shewed, as well by reason and testimony of most learned and grave authors, as also by examples of the errors of the wisest Philosophers and, greatest politics, who haue absurdly erred in those things wherein they haue sought to make the greatest show and ostentation of their knowledge and wisdom. Sap. ca. 9. 11. Therfore I conclude with the wise man that seeing, we hardly attain to the knowledge of things in earth, and find out with labour even those things which are in our sight; Caelestia quis inuestigabit Who shal be able to find out heavenly things, or who knoweth( o Lord) thy councils and meaning, except thou give wisdom and sand thy holy spirit from the highest? Thus saith he wise man in the book of wisdom, and this is evident enough by common experience, as I haue already declared. The intolerable presumption and folly of those which make themselves iudgges of Gods iudgment●. 12. What then may we say of those men, who make themselves iudges of Gods iudgments, and limit his infinite wisdom and power within the compass of their small capacity? may it not be said of them that they are as well and wisely occupied, as if they should seek to put al the world into a nut shell? which how unpossible soever it is, yet it may be said to be more probable then the other, for betwixt the whole world and the shell of a nut, there is some kind of proportion, by reason that neither of them is infinite, but haue both of them their limits& bounds; but betwixt a thing infinite( as is Gods wisdom and power) and a thing finite or limited( as is the created understanding of man) there is no proportion at al; and therfore it is no less then mere madness for any man to seek to comprehend the infinite wisdom and power of almighty God, within the straite and narrow limits of his understanding and to make his weak and light wit the plummet to sound the bottomless sea of the inscrutable iudgments of God. 13. And truly if we consider the reasons that move men many times to call in question, or to deny the providence of God, we may wonder no less at their gross ignorance and folly, then at their impiety; Two sorts of Atheists, some in opinion and some only in words. I mean such as are Atheists in opinion; For some there are( and that over many in these wicked daies) who though they openly blaspheme the holy name of God, and most wickedly curse, defy, yea and deny his deitye, yet they rather do it vpon some rage and fury, ●hen for that they beleeue as they say, for so far are wicked m●n transported many times with fury and passion, when they are hindered of their desires, For how small causes wicked men blaspheme or deny God. Propertius. that no reuenge vpon any creature can content them; and therfore they seek to be revenged vpon the Creator himself, blaspheming, or denying him for every trifle, which also the Poëts amongst the balsams observed in the humours of men in their times towards their God. 14. ovidius. Propertius describing the desperat passion of a woman forsaken of her lover saith of her. — Et queritur nullos esse relicta Deos, Seing herself forsaken she complaineth strait that there are no Gods. And in an other poet, a forlorn lover made the perjury of his mistress,& her beauty withal, an argument to prove that there were no Gods. Esse Deos credamne? fidem iurata fefellit, Et manet in solito qui fuit ore decor. Shal I beleeue that there are any Gods, seeing She hath forsworn herself, and yet is as Faire as ever she was? And an other poet chargeth the Gods with cruelty, for no greater a reason, but because serpents are said to renew their youth yearly, when they cast of their old skins, and yet beauty of women hath no such privilege, but fadeth without remedy. Tibullus Crudeles divi serpens nouus exuit annos, Formae non ullam Fata dedere moram. O cruel Gods; the serpent every year changeth his skin and reneweth his youth, and yet the Fates haue granted no stay nor repair to beauty. 15. Thus did the Poëts express the fury of mens passions denying God and his providence, or blaspheming him for every trifle, which also how truly it may be applied to our time, such may be witnesses as do haunt dy●in-howses, and hear the horrible blasphemies of many gamesters, who when their success answereth not their expectation, stick not presently to deny God or to blaspheme his holy name, or his Saints; whereof I think it not amiss to recount a notable history of the miraculous punishment of a blasphemous gamester which happened in the city of Luca the 30. of march in the year of our Lord 1588. 16. The story is thus, jacomo Pietro disant Romano a young man of 26. A story of a blasphemous gamester miraculously punished. yeeres of age having lost his money at dice, powred out many blasphemies against almighty God, and seeing a picture of the blessed virgin Mary, took up the dice and aimed with his eye and hand to throw them at it, which when he attempted to do, and streached out his arm to that purpose, it broken in the midst of the bone, betwixt the showlder and the elbow, and he himself fel down in a sound, and being hardly recovered by them that were present, remained in such horrible torment, that both he and they acknowledged the manifest hand of God therein, in so much that one of the best surgeons in the town called Rocco, being sent for to cure him, and understanding the cause& manner of his hurt, refused to deal with it, whereupon he was carried to the Hospital, to be cured there; the famed whereof caused great concourse first of the citizens of Luca, and after of the country people to see the picture of the blessed virgin, and it pleased God so to satisfy their devotion, and to glorify his son our saviour in his holy mother, that very many wonderful miracles were daily done there, and al sorts of diseased persons were cured; whereupon the magistrates of Luca caused the said miracles to be printed, and the books to be published the year following, at what time I myself was not far from Luca at Genua, where I remained almost 2. months, and heard the constant famed of the daily miracles that were done there, which vpon so just an occasion, I haue thought good to signify in this place, to the glory of God and the honor of the blessed virgin, as also to the end it may appear, that although almighty God is of infinite patience and longanimity, yet nevertheless he otherwhiles taketh exemplar revenge even in this world of injuries done in this kind, either to himself or to his Saints and seruants; whereof I could allege innumerable examples, if this place did permit it, where my purpose is not to speak, but only by the way, of this sort of Atheistical blasphemers, who are Atheists rather in words then in belief or opinion. 17. Therfore this might suffice concerning them, but that I can not but lament, that so great an impiety as blasphemy is being so common in England, as it is, How blasphemies are punished in spain. both pass there unpunished, whereas in other countries the least blasphemies are severely chastised, in so much that in spain, I haue known a man set in the market place the greatest part of the day, gaping with a gag in his mouth, for swearing only Porla vida de dios by the life God, whereas other Atheistical blasphemies are more rigorously punished by the Inquisition; And with great reason, seeing the law of Moyses ordaineth, Leuit. ca. 24. Blasphemers stoned to death in the law of Moyses. Dan. ca. 3. Blasphemy against Christ punished amongst the Turks. that he which should blaspheme the name of God should be stoned to death, and Nabuchodonosor a Pagan and Idolatrous King, being moved with the miracle of the 3. children, made a decree that whosoever should blaspheme the name of the God of Israel should be killed and his house destroyed; yea and the very law of the Turks and Mahometans ordaineth great pecuniary penalties and 60. bastonades for such as blaspeme our saviour Christ or his mother; as diuers Christians who haue traveled in turkey do testify. 18. And amongst the decrees of Christian princes, we find one of the holy S. Lewis King of France who commanded that al blasphemers, Ciles Corozet de propos memorables. A decere of S. Lewis K. of France against blasphemers. should haue their judges pierced with a hot iron, and when some complained unto him of the severe execution therof, he wished that his own tongue were pierced in like manner, vpon condition that the name of God might be no more blasphemed in his kingdom, whereby Christian princes and magistrates may learn, what zeal, and jealousy of Gods honor they ought to show in the rigorous punishment of such horrible blasphemies, Blasphemy unpunished may draw the wrath of God vpon the whole commonwelth. ca. 23. as are now every where over common. And truly how dangerous the permission therof may prove to their states and commonwealths in time( through Gods just iudgement) it may be conjectured by that which I haue already discoursed concerning the participation of merit& demerit betwixt the commonwealth and every member therof; seing that( as I haue declared before) some great offence of some one man may draw the wrath of God vpon a whole kingdom, especially when the magistrates are negligent in punishing the same; For so, it is made the offence of the commonwealth which remaineth engaged to pay the penalty. Thus much concerning this kind of Atheists in words. 19. But now to speak of an other sort of Atheists, who though they are more wary and spare of their speech, Of Atheists in belief and their gross folly. yea and many times shrowd themselves under some show of religion and piety, yet in opinion and belief are truley Atheists( not acknowledging the providence of God in human affairs) of sueh( I say) that although many of them are esteemed for great wise men, yet when I consider the reasons that induce them to atheism, I cannot but greatly wonder at their gross folly, seing that how wise soever they seem either to themselves, or to other men, it is evident that their atheism proceedeth of mere ignorance and blindness, as it also doth in al other that are infected therwith, who by the just iudgment of God haue their harts so obscured and possessed with ignorance and error, Atheists haue not the true light of natural reason. job. ca. 38. that they loose the very light of natural reason in things pertaining to their salvation; wherein is verified the saying of job: Aufereturab impijs lux sua; Wicked men shal haue their light taken from them, which is the greatest punishment& malediction that God layeth vpon the most wicked men for their sins. In which respect the scriptures every where testify of the jews; That their harts were blinded, their ears dulled,& their eyes shut up; Isay. 6. joan. 12. Rom. 11. Act. 28. Mat. 13. Marc. 4. luke. 8. Psal. 68. Rom. 1. to the end they might neither see with their eyes, nor hear with their ears, nor understand with their harts; And in like manner the Apostle saith of the Philosophers, that for punishment of their wickedness they were not only given over to a reprobate sense, but also that their foolish harts were obscured in such sort, that esteeming themselves for wise men, they became fools. 20. Therfore I say that for as much as by the just iudgment and malediction of almighty God, this blindness of hart and obscurity of understanding is common to al Athyiests; it may truly be said that ignorance and blinds are the true mothers of atheism, Ignorance the mother of atheism, and why. seeing no man that hath the true light of natural reason can doubt, either, that their is a God, or that he governeth the affairs of men, as we may perceive by the ancient Philosophers, who being guided by the only light of reason, arrived to the knowledge as well of Gods providence in human affairs, as of his deity; and therfore it is no marvel that the Psalmist calleth al Atheists fools in diuers places, as, Psal. 52. The holy Scriptures do call Atheists fools. Psal. 91. Dixit insipiens &c. The fool said in his hart there is no God, And again speaking of the admirable magnificence of Gods works, and of the profound depth of his divine councells, he addeth; Vir insipiens non cognoscet, et stultus non intelliget haec; The unwise man shal not know these things, and the fool shal not understand them, And lastly reprehending the folly of such wicked Atheists, as think that God doth not see their iniquity, nor yet that he will punish them You unwise men( saith he) understand, Psal. 9●. and you fools be wise at last; he which planted the ear vpon the head of man, can not he hear? and he which framed and made the eye, can not he see, and consider? and he which doth correct and chastise al nations, will not he punish? 21. Thus you see how the Psalmist treateth Atheists with the title of fools, and now to show further how worthy they are therof, and how true it is, that ignorance is the mother of atheism, it is to be considered, Al the arguments of Atheists do notably bewray their ignorance and folly. that al their reasons against the providence of God do notably bewray their ignorance and folly, partly because they are notable arguments against them( as I will show after a while) and partly because it is evident thereby that the only reason why they call in question the providence of God, is, because they understand not the reason of his iudgments in some things; so that the ground of their doubt and infidelity, is no other, but their ignorance; and rherfore they argue much like, as if a blind man should say, that the sun shineth not because he is so blind, that he seeth it not; For no otherwise can they conclude vpon their reasons against the providence of God, the which is so manifest in infinite things, and by such evident arguments,( as I haue pertly shewed already and will do more amply hereafter) that the obscurity of some points can not prejudice the clear light of the rest, but ought rather to move men to aclowledge their own infirmity, and to admire the ineffable wisdom of God, and to say with Lanctantius; Lactan. de Ita. dei. ca. 1. Hoc differt ab humanitate divinitas, quod humanitatis est ignoratio, divinitatis sciencia; This difference there is betwixt divinity and humanity, that ignorance is proper to humanity, and knowledge to divinity. 22. This will be most manifest if we examine some of their principal arguments, and although for answer therof I must endeavour to yield some reason of Gods iudgments in some things, I would not haue any man to think that I presume to sound the depth therof, or to wade further therein, then I shal be warranted and guided either by the holy scriptures( wherein it hath pleased God to reveal some part of his councells in behalf) or by the writings of Gods seruants, and Saints, whom his divine majesty hath illuminated, for the instruction of the weak in faith. THE objections OF THE ATHEISTS are discussed, and answered: tendency it appeareth that their arguments against Gods providence, are notable and evident proofs of the same; And first, how it standeth with the providence, iustice, and mercy of almighty God, to suffer so much sin, evil, and mischief in the world. CHAP. 24. THE principal arguments of the Atheists consist in these points following. The chief arguments of Atheists against the providence of God. If God( say they) haue care of men, and be with al infinitely wise, bountiful and omnipotent, why doth he suffer so much evil and mischief in the world? why is innocency oppressed? truth obscured? virtue of most neglected? 'vice embraced? good men despised? evil men honoured, and advanced? yea and those which serve God best, and are counted most dear unto him, more oppressed and afflicted many times, then his greatest enemies? Either( say they following their old master Epicurus) God can remedy this and will not, or he would and can not, or he neither can, nor will, or he both can and will; If he can remedy it, and will not, he is not( say they) infinitely good and bountiful; if he would and cannot, he is impotent and weak; and if he neither can, nor will; he is neither omnipotent nor infynitly merciful and good;( and by consequence he is not God) and if he can and will, why doth he not( say they) remedy such great inconveniences, why doth he not exterminate al evil out of the world, cherish and honor his friends, punish his enemies, advance virtue, suppress 'vice, maintain and support innocency and truth; and why suffereth he such confusion as we see daily in mens affairs, by reason of the variable and uncertain events good and bad, which are common to al men alike, be they just or unjust? wherein( say they there rather appeareth mere chance and casualty, then a divine providence. 2. Thus argue they, whereto I say, as S. Augustine said of some arguments of the Platonicks; Aug. de civit dei. li. 22. ca. 11. Ecce qualibus arguments divinae omnipotentiae humana contradicit infirmitas, quam possidet vanitas, that is to say, behold with what wise arguments the omnipotency of God is contradicted by the infirmity of man, posest with vanity; Thus said S. Augustine of certain objections of the Platonicks, The blindness of Atheists in that their arguments are notable profs of Gods providence. against some points of Christian religion. And so may I say with far more reason of these arguments of the Atheists, which are so far from confirming their assertions, that being well wayghed, they clearly prove the contrary, and convince them notably of ignorance and blindness, seeing that the same reasons, whereby they impugn the omnipotency, bounty, iustice, wisdom and providence of almighty God, are clear and invincible proofs therof, as I will make manifest in this chapter, and the three other next ensuing; The arguments of Atheists, reduced to 4. heads. For whereas their arguments may be reduced to four heads, the first concerning the permission of evil. The second concerning the affliction of good men. The third touching the prosperity of wicked men. And the fourth concerning the variable and uncertain events, that are common to good and evil men in this life, I will treat of al these 4. points severally, and first of the causes why God permitteth so great evil in the world as we daily see. Aug. de vera religione, ca. 12.& 23. Al evil consisteth either in sin, or in the punishment of sin. Idem. li. 1. retractat. ca. 9.& de libero. arbit. ca. 1. 3. And for as much as al evil consisteth( as S. Augustin saith) In peccato; or In paena peccati, either in sin, or in the penalty of sin, that is to say, either in the offence of God, or in the misery& affliction which God justly inflicteth vpon men for the same; and again, seeing that al sin proceedeth from mans free will( in which respect S. Augustin also affirmeth, that the free will of man was the cause of al the evil in the world) it shal be necessary for the clearing of those difficulties, and the explication of this whole matter, to consider two things; the one, why almighty God gave free will to man; and the other, how it could stand with his mercy and goodness to suffer man to be tempted, knowing that he would abuse his free will, and consequently incur his indignation, and draw vpon himself al that misery which since hath fallen vpon him. 4. As for the first point, to wit, the causes why God gave free will to man, though many reasons& causes may be given for the same, yet I will content myself, with these few following. Why God gave free will to man. First the dignity of mans nature did require it, for seing it pleased almighty God not only to create him of an intelligent, and reasonable nature, and to his own Image, Genes. 1. Psal. 8. but also to make him Lord of the earth and of al earthly creatures, and as it were his lieutenant and vicegerent over them, it was most convenient also for man to be Lord of his own will, that is to say, not to be moved, or to work by necessity or compulsion( as other creatures inferior to him do) but freely and by election of his own will, by which freedom of will, and by his understanding, he became the Image of almighty God his Lord and Creator, Damascen. li. 2. de fide ortho. ca. 12. as witnesseth S. john Damascen; whereby it appeareth that it was most honourable for him, and requisite to the dignity and excellency of his nature to haue free will. 5. Secondly God gave freewil to man that it might appear thereby, that although he ordained man for his service, yet he had no need of him; For whereas men, the more need they haue of their seruants, the more they seek to bind them unto their service, and to deprive them of liberty and freedom of will, almighty God meaning to show that he had no need of man, gave him free will to do what he would. 6. Thirdly, that thereby his iustice and equity might appear, in rewarding and punishing every man according to his deserts, Ignat. ep. ad magnets. just in. mart. in Apolog. Itaen. li. 4. c. 71.& 72. Basil. in psal. 61. Aug. li. de vera religione. ca. 14. which could haue had no place, if man had not free will, vpon the which is grounded the reason of merit and demerit, and consequently of reward and punishment, as not only al our divines, but also the paynim philosophers do teach. 7. Fourthly; to show his infinite bounty in proposing to man so high a reward, as everlasting glory, to be obtained by the means of free-will, helped and assisted with his grace. Chrisost. ho. 22. in Genes. Hieron. ad Damasum. ep. 146. Arist. li. 3. ethic. c. 4. 8. Fiftly, to the end, that the endless treasure of his riches might appear, seing that he would not appoint, or ordain for man, any certain measure or limits of his rewards, but gave him free will to merit with the help of his grace, and to obtain as much as he list. 9. sixthly to show his omnipotency and infinite wisdom in governing the affairs of man, seing that the freedom of their wills is no way able to hinder the execution of his will, for as much as al the actions of men, be they never so voluntary or freely done, yea the actions of wicked men, do finally concur to the working of his holy will, through the admirable disposition of his wisdom& omnipotency, much like as if a man were able to direct the arrows of al the archers in the world to hit one butt, though they were shot al at rovers, and at infinite sundry marks, Aug. de civit. dei. li. 22. ca. 1. This S. August: signifieth saying, Multa fiunt a malis &c: Many things are done by evil men against the will of God, but such is his wisdom and power, that al those things which seem to be contrary to his will, do finally tend to those ends which he of his bounty and iustice hath foreseen and ordained, thus saith S. Augustin. Freewil was given to man for his great benefit and Gods great glory. How it stood with Gods goodness to suffer man to be tempted. God did no injury to man in suffering him to be tempted. Eusebius. de pmparat. evangel. li. 6. ca. 5. God gave Adam sufficient means to overcome the temptation if he would. Aug de civit dei. li. 14. ca. 27. 10. Hereto other reasons might be added; but by these it appeareth sufficiently, that it was most convenient for man to haue free will, not only for the glory of God, and the manifestation of his infinite power, wisdom, iustice, and mercy; but also for the dignity of mans nature and his exceeding great benefit; 11. And now to speak of the other point proposed, to wit, how it could stand with Gods infinite goodness to suffer man to be tempted, knowing that he would fall into sin, misery, and damnation. I say first that almighty God did man no injury therein, in respect that he had given him sufficient means to overcome the temptation of his adversary with al facillity, if he himself would. For as Eusebius bishop of Caesaria noteth very well, God gave not only free-will to man, but also the light of understanding, reason& conscience, ever moving him to good; whereto he incited him also with the promise of reward for virtue and well doing, and terrified him with threats of punishments, in case he should transgress his law; whereto I add that he was also ready to assist him with his grace, if he would haue put his confidence in him, as teacheth S. Augustin, who saith, Homo sic erat institutus &c. Man was so framed and ordained, that if he had trusted vpon the help of God, he had overcome the temptation of the evil angel. Why it was not convenient that God should hinder the temptation of Adam though he knew he would fall. 12. Secondly I say that although almighty God did know that man would abuse free-will to his own hurt and damnation; yet it was not convenient that therfore he should exempt and free him from temptation afterwards, for that, as on the one side temptation had served man for a notable occasion of merit, and consequently of great benefit to himself, if he had resisted it( as he easily might haue done if he had listed) so also on the other side, when he fel, it ministered to almighty God sufficient occasion and matter, to show his infinite mercy, iustice, wisdom, and omnipotency, in turning the same not only to his own glory, but also to mans benefit and to great good many ways; For which cause S. August: saith, that although God knew that man would sin, Aug. de civit Dei li. 22. ca. 1. et. li. de corrupti. et gra. ca 10. et. 12. et in enchirid ca. 27. yet he made him of a mutable nature,& suffered him to be tempted, because he foresaw what great good he would draw out of his fall. Iudicans potentius& melius esse &c. judging it to be better and more for his glory, and for the manifestation of his power, to do good by the occasion of evil, then not to suffer any evil at al to be done. Chrisost. hom. de lapsu primi homnis 10. More for Gods glory to draw good out of evil then not to suffer evil to be. And S. chrysostom also saith: Deus praescius futurorum &c. God, who knoweth al things to come, made man to his own image and likeness, and gave him precepts, foreseing both his transgression, and also the great good, which his divine wisdom was determined to draw out of the same. Thus saith S. chrysostom. 13. And now to recount some of those goods and benefits which almighty God did foresee would redound vpon mans sin, and withal to answer the objection of the Atheists concerning his permission of evil. The first good or benefit may be, that the world itself is much more perfect and complete thereby; Why God permitteth sin& other evils. The world is more perfect and complete by the evil that is therein. The nature of earthly things requireth a mixture of good and bad. Aug. de triplic● habitaculo. For although evil being considered in itself, is hateful and loathsome; yet being wayghed together with al other things, which are necessary to the composition of the world, we shal find it to be also convenient for the same, for diuers respects. First, for that the very nature and condition of earthly things, doth seem to require a mixture of good and bad; for seeing that in heaven there is nothing but goodness and felicity, and in hel nothing but badness and misery, it was very convenient that this our terrestrial world, which is betwixt both, should in some degree participate of both. To which purpose S. Augustin saith, that God hath made 3. habitations, or mansions, to wit, the highest, the lowest, and one in the midst, whereof the two extremes are altogether contrary, and the other in the midst hath a great affinity or likeness with both the extremes. 14. For whereas almighty God did compact the world of contrarieties, as of 4. contrary elements, The world compacted of contrarieties. contrary qualities of moisture and dryness, heat and could, of light and darkness, day and night, soft and hard, high and low, it was convenient also that he should permit the opposition of evil to God, to the end that the good might thereby become more prespicuous, eminent,& laudable, Arist problem. Sect. 22. q. 11.& Rhetoric. li. 2. for Contraria( saith the philosopher) iuxta se posita magis elucescunt; Contrary things being set together do make each other more aparant; And even as a shadow in a picture, or a little mole or wart in a beautiful face, or a foil under a diamond, though they are of themselves imperfections, yet being considered in their composition they are ornaments thereto, Aug. enchirid ad Laurent. ca. 10. even so saith S. Augustine: That which is called evil, being well ordained and disposed in the university of things, that is to say in the whole world; Eminentius commendat bona, vt magis placeant& laudabiliora sint; Doth more eminently or excellently set forth good things to make them the more delectable and commendable. 15. Thus far S. Augustin, who also in an other place concerning this matter saith notably: that even as a man of a very short sight, Aug. li. de ordine ca. 1.& li. 2. ca. 4. who in a great table full of checher work or marquery should be able to see no more but some one or two little pieces therof, could not discern the cunning of the workman in the composition of the whole, but would perhaps blame both the work, Though evil considered by itself seemeth inconvenient yet to the composition of the whole world it is necessary. & the workman; even so it chanceth to ignorant men, who not being able to comprehend in their weak understandings, the great arte used by almighty God in the composition of the whole world, are many times scandalised with the consideration of some particular things; whereas( saith he) if they could lift up their eyes to see and consider al the whole together, they should find every thing notably ordained, and disposed in due manner and place. 16. Hereof we see evident examples in every man, in every house, in every comonwelth. For if we regard some partes of man in themselves, they are but unseemly and loathsome, yet being considered with the whole body, Some partes of man unseemly and loathsome in themselves yet necessary for the body. they are convenient& necessary; the like also may be said of some homely places, needles to be name in the most beautiful palaces or of some base& odious offices in commonwelths which nevertheless are most necessary thereto, as of catch poles, promoters, hangmen and such like; yea saith S. Augustine Quid sordidius meretricibus& laenonibus? Aug. li. 2. de ordine. ca. 4. &c. What is more filthy then bawds and queans, neuerthelee they are sometimes necessary permitted in cities? Lastly to conclude, what more offendeth mans ear then a discord in music, A discord in music well placed graceth the harmony. yet being well placed with good cords in a musical composition, it greatly graceth the harmony and giveth contentment to the ear, and even so al evils in the world being regarded apart by themselves, seem inconvenient and absurd, but being considered together with the university of al other things, do help to the consummation and perfection therof, as shal appear more evidently by the consideration of these points following. 17. It is to be considered that there is no evil in the world, but good doth come of it one way or other, No evil in the world but good doth come of it. whether the evil be in things natural, or in things moral; For although in things natural there is nothing absolutely evil( for whatsoever is natural is of God,& consequently good) yet that which is against the nature of any thing, How good cometh of evil in natural things. Arist. li. de g●nerat.& corrupt. c. 3. and helpeth or tendeth to the corruption of it, may be accounted evil in respect therof: but for as much as according to the philosopher: Corruptio unius rei est generatio alterius; The corruption of one thing is the generation of an other, it followeth that whatsoever is hurtful to one thing, that is to say, to that which it corrupteth, the same is convenient and good for that which is to be engendered therof; And such is the providence of God in al his creatures, that there is nothing in the world so vile or base, so loathsome, so stinking, or so poisonful, but it is good for some thing, or for some use or other, as daily experience teacheth in dust, ashes, dirt, yea and the very ordure of men and beasts( which serveth to many good purposes) and the like may be said of poisons which sometimes are made medicinable, and may be put also otherways to necessary uses, Diogenes laert: in vita. Socratis Plato. in phaedone. Plutarc. as in some countries they haue ben used for the execution of iustice in the punishment of malefactours, in stead of halter, sword, water, fire, or other instruments of iustice. 18. The like appeareth in moral evils, Cicero. Tuscul. li. 1. I mean such as proceed of the malice of men, as al sin or sinful actions, which are commonly hurtful either to him that committeth them, How good cometh of sinful actions. or to some other man; and yet both ways do ever turn to some good or other; First as concerning evil actions tending to the hurt of others, what benefits do grow to men many times by the malice of their enemies? Genes. 37. c 41. how could the love and good will of Iosephes breetheren haue profited him so much as did their hatred, and malice, which was the means to advance him to great honor and dignity; and doth it not fall out otherwhiles, that an enemy meaning to destroy an other man doth preserve his life? as it chanced to one Promotheus, Plut lib. de utilitate capiendo ab inimicis. of whom plutarch writeth that his life was saved by his enemy; who meaning to kill him, strooke him with a sword, and lanced an inward imposthume with in his body which otherways could haue had no cure; In like sort we see that the malice of the devil and wicked men against good men, The malice of the devil and wicked men turneth to the benefit of the good and the glory of God. in procuring their persecution, torments& death, turneth to their exceeding great benefit, and to Gods great glory( as I will declare more at large after a while) and when soever God permiteth any mischief or evil to fall vpon evil men by other mens malice, the same is either a warning for their amendment, and consequently an effect of Gods mercy; or else a due punishment for their sin,& so an act of his iustice whereby he is glorified. 19. And as concerning the sins of men which are hurtful only to themselves sometimes they turn also to their good, by making them see their own weakness, and to rely, more then before, vpon Gods grace& assistance: and sometimes they serve for example to other men, 2. Reg. ca. 11. Math. 26. as the fall of the prophet david, and of S. Peter, are warnings and motives to us to take heed how wee trust to our own strength: sometimes again mens sins are a punishment of sin, as in the philosophers of whom the Apostle saith that they Were given over to al wickedness in punishment of their ingratitude to almighty God, Rom. 1. and of their Idolatry. How al sin turneth to good. 20. Lastly when or how soever sin is committed it turneth to Gods glory, in respect that he either sheweth his mercy in pardoning it, or his iustice in punishing it, and so he is glorified thereby, which is the greatest good in nature, and the end of al good, Prou. c. 16. whereto he ordained al things what soever; for, Vniuersa propter semetipsum( saith the scripture) operatus est Dominus, impium quoque ad diem malum; Our lord made al things for himself, and the wicked man also for the evil day, that is to say, even as almigty God made al other things for his own service( in which respect he is called in the scripture Alpha et Omega, Apoc. 22. the beginning and the end) so also he ordained the punishment of the wicked for his own glory, reserving them for the evil day, that is to say for the day of iudgment, to show as well his iustice in punishing them, as his bounty and mercy in rewarding the good. Benefits which redound to man of sin and other evils in the world. Hereby it appeareth that the very sins of men, do always turn to good some way or other, no less then al other evils, the which also will be yet more evident, if we consider some other special benefits that redound to man of sin, and of the evil that is in the world. 21. First, the infinite goodness and mercy of God was moved thereby to give to man such excellent remedies against the same, that the benefits which he receiveth by them, do far surpass the harms which proceed of the evil, as the benefit of wisdom, whereof Salomon saith in his parables; Melior est sapientia &c. proverb. c 8. The benefit of wisdom. wisdom is better then al the most precious things in the world, and nothing that can be desired of men may be compared unto it. Thus saith he of wisdom: the office whereof is not only to distinguish betwixt good and bad, but also to teach us our duty to almighty God, and consequently the way to eternal salvation, where vpon Lactantius discourseth notably thus. 22. If there were no evil nor danger, Lactant. li. de Ira dei ca. 13. The office of reason& wisdom is to distinguish betwixt good and evil. nor any thing that could hurt a man in the world, al matter for wisdom to work vpon were taken away, and so it should be needles; For if nothing were proposed to us but only good, what need should we haue of discourse, understanding, knowledge or reason, when we should find every thing apt and commodious for us, which way soever we should turn ourselves; as if a man should bring infants, that haue not the use of reason, to a banquet of sweet and wholesome meats, it were no danger for them to eat what soever their eye or appetite should move them unto, neither for that purpose should they need discretion; but if there were some unwholesome or poisoned meats amongst the rest, they might receive great damage or death thereby, not being able to discern betwixt the one and the other. Therfore we see that we haue need of reason and wisdom rather in respect of the evil then of the good; Man hath far greater good by wisdom then harm by evil. and that God doth not take away evil from us, because he hath given us so great a remedy as wisdom, wherein there is far greater good and pleasure, then trouble and grief in evil; For that by wisdom we come to know God, and by that knowledge we attain to immortality, which is perfect felicity; Thus saith Lactantius. 23. But what? Haue we only the benefit of wisdom in recompense of evil? every harm hath a help and every inconvenience a remedy. Chrisost. in ca. 6. Math. hom. 15. every 'vice hath an oposit virtue, and every evil a good tendency it may be overcome. If there were no evil many excellent virtues would be obscured or extinguished. Haue we not also for every evil a particular good, for every harm a help, for every sore a salve for every 'vice a virtue, for every inconvenience an assured remedy if we list to use it? Omnia mala( saith S. chrysostom) habent contraria bona per quae superentur; Al evils haue their contrary goods by the which they may be overcome. By the virtue of chastity, we subdue al the vices of the flesh, by humility we conquer pride, by iustice we suppress al iniquity and injustice, by liberality we overcome avarice, and lastly by fortitude and patience we triumph over al the miseries of the world; and whereas these and such other virtues are the proper ornaments of man, whereby he excelleth bruit beasts and is made like to God, it is to be considered that some of the chiefest of them would be utterly extinguished, and the rest wholly obscured, if there were no sin nor evil in the world. 24. For if there were no passions, no intemperance, no injuries, no afflictions, how could there be any virtue of continency, patience, temperance, or fortitude, which consist either in restraint, and suppression of passions, or in the suffering of injuries, or in the toleration of miseries& afflictions? Also if there were no sins of the flesh, what commendation could be given to chastity? If there were no pride, who should be praised for humility? If no man were either covetous or prodigal, who should be counted liberal? By 'vice we know the worthines of virtue. For as by darkness we know the benefit of light, by pain the contentment of ease and pleasure, by sickness the treasure of health; so by the turpitude and loathsomeness of 'vice, we know the worthiness and excellency of virtue. 25. Therefore Lactantius saith very well; If al evil were taken away, Lact. de ira ca. 13. Chrisost. hom. de lapsu. Adami. The force of virtue consisteth in suffering or overcoming evil. there would not remain so much at any sign of virtue, whereof al the force consisteth in sustaining or ouercomminge evil; and S. chrysostom, Tolle( saith he) congeriem malorum& non erit plenitudo virtutum; Take away the heap of evil out of the world, and there shal be no plenitude or fullness of virtue; Tolle persecutores,& non erunt martyrs; tolle adulterij amatores,& non erit perfectio castorum. Take away persecutors, and there will be no martyrs, take away the louers of addultry, and chast men will haue no praise of perfection. Chrisost. Ibid. And then he concludeth Ergo ex comparatione malorum fit laus bonorum. Therfore of the comparison with evil men, groweth the commendation of the good. Thus reasoneth S. chrysostom. 26. Hereto I add, that the excellency of virtue& the benefit which we haue thereby, doth not appear only by the comparison therof with 'vice, The rewards of virtue far greater by the occasion of evil. but much more by the consideration of the reward due thereto, which rewards are far greater now by the occasion of sin, and of the evils that follow thereon, then they could haue been, if man had never sinned, or fallen into misery. For; although he was ordained to eternal glory and should haue enjoyed it, if he had never sinned; yet he could not haue had it in so high and ample a degree, as now; seeing he should not haue had those occasions and that matter of merit, which now he hath by his continual combat and conflict with sin, mans life being no other as job saith, job. 7. Mans life a continual warfare. but Militia supper terram. A warfare vpon the earth; wherein every soldier deserveth different honour and crown, according to his different labours and valour shewed against his enemies: in which respect the Apostle describeth, as it were, a combat& fight betwixt us and our enemy the devil, who he saith doth assault us with; Ignea tela, fiery darts,& spiritualia nequitiae, spiritual arms of wickedness. Ephes. ca. 6. Thes. ca. 5. And therfore he adviseth us to put on the armor of God, the corselet of iustice and charity, the sword of the spirit( which he expoundeth to be the word of God) the shield of faith, and the helmet of hope of salvation; And further, 2. Timo. ca. 4. he saith of himself that he had fought a good fight, and therfore expected the crown of iustice which the just judge reserved for him: and of al the faithful in general he teacheth, that no man shal be crwoned that shal not fight lawfully. 27. But if there were no sin nor temptation, there could be no fight, if no fight, no victory, if no victory, no crown; whereby it appeareth what benefit redoundeth to man by sin and other evils, Of the conquest of sin and evil, proceedeth the merit of eternal glory. seeing of the conquest therof proceedeth the great glory which God giveth to his seruants, not only in heaven eternally, but also even in this world, by the glorious memory had of them continually in his church. 28. The unspeakable benefit we haue by the passion of our saviour through the occasion of sin. Furthermore who can sufficiently express the good which we reap by the passion of our saviour Iesus Christ, whereby he paid the penalty of sin, with such a copious redemption,& inestimable benefit to man, that we may justly sing with the church. O felix culpa quae talem meruit Redemptorem. O happy fault that deserved such a Redeemer; For he not only canceled the obligation of our debt, and subdued the devil and sin; but also made us able to conquer them both, leaving us the endless treasure of his own merits, with means to apply the same to our own benefit; whereby al our defects may be abundantly supplied, our poverty enriched, our wracks repaired, our wounds and diseases cured, Man triumpeth over sin and al evil through the merits of Christs passion. and our weakness strengthened in such sort, that the most infirm and weak man living, may by the help therof, triumph not only over sin,& al the mischief, and malignity of the world, but also over the malice and power of the devil, yea and turn al the same to his eternal good; In so much that the least cross or trouble that a man may haue in this life, being patiently endured for the love of God, No man can justly complain of the evil that is in the world. 2. Cor. ca. 4. may through the merits of our saviours passion work in him( as S. paul saith) Aeternum gloriae pondus; An everlasting weight of glory; so that no man hath just cause to complain of the evil that is in the world, seeing the same may serve him for matter and means of exceeding merit and everlasting bliss, if he will but crave assistance of him, who denieth it to no man, but inviteth al men to come unto him, saying: Matth. 11. Apoc. ca. 3. Venite ad me omnes &c; Come to me al ye that labour& are loaden and I will refresh you. And again; Ecce sto ad ostium pulsans si quis aperiat mihi; behold I stand at the door knocking, if any will open unto me. 29. lo then how almighty God turned the sin of Adam and al mans misery to mans great benefit and felicity, yea and to his own exceeding glory, seeing therein he shewed his infinite mercy and bounty, his iustice, his wisdom, providence and omnipotency, though he did it in such admirable manner, that to worldly men, his omnipotency seemed infirmity, and his wisdom folly. And for as much as the explication of this point may serve, not only for the confirmation of that which I haue hitherto laboured to prove( touching the benefit and great good that redoundeth to man of the fall of Adam) but also for an evident demonstration of the providence of God, Of the infinite wisdom and omnipotency of God showed in the passion of our saviour for the benefit of man. yea and of the divinity of our saviour Iesus Christ against al Atheists or Infidels, that deny or doubt of the one or the other; I will briefly say somewhat first of the infirmity which appeared in his humanity, and then of the omnipotent effects wrought thereby. 30. As for the first what greater weakness could be in man, then that which our saviour shewed in himself, Of the weaknes and infirmity that appeared in our saviours humanity. when having for 33. yeeres space endured the miseries of this life, in poverty, thirst, hunger, and could, he suffered himself to be betrayed by his own disciple, apprehended by his own people, mocked and scorned, reuyled, blasphemed, falsely accused, scourged, crwoned with thorn, and in the end ignominiously crucified between two theeues? Could any man( I say) show greater infirmity then this, or any thing seem more foolish and absurd to wise men of the world, then that God should become man, and subject himself to so great ignominy and misery, or that men should worship such a one for God? what marvel is it then, Act. ca. 17. The preaching of Christ crucified seemeth at first ridiculous to paynims. that when the Apostle preached him amongst the Philosophers at Athens they laughed at him; or that the infidels to whom the faith of Christ is preached at this day, do at the first, until they haue some light of Gods grace, hold it for most absurd? 31. Hereof the experience was seen of late in China, from whence it is writtten by letters dated at Macao the 25. Litterae annuae de Macao 25. january. 1602. of january 1602. That whereas Fa. Matteo Ricchi of the Society of Iesus had obtained leave of the King of China to repair to his court, to present unto him certain rare things, hoping thereby to take occasion and opportunity to preach the Christian faith to the King and his nobility( as he and other of his Society had done some time before in diuers towns of China vpon the sea cost, The experience of what the paynims think at the first of Christ crucified. with no small fruit and gain of souls) it chanced that a governor of a city, by the which he passed, using more rigour towards him then others had done, and rifeling al his stuff, found a crucifix, which when he saw he demanded what it was, and being very particularly informed by the Father what it signified, What conceit some paynims in China had of crucifixes used amongst Christians. The subtlety of the devil to hinder the knowing of crucifixes to the paynims in China. and what the Christians believed and taught concerning him whom it represented, he fel into a long discourse inueying bitterly against Christians and their religion, concluding that they must needs be very wicked men& inhuman, seeing they could find in their harts to behold such a pitiful spectacle: besides that diuers other principal men who greatly favoured Father Ricchi and the Christians did persuade him very earnestly( of great good will as it seemed) to leave al his crucifixes behind him, or at least not to show them to any, assuring him that the very sight therof would disgust al men, and make them abhor him. 32. But the Father perceiving the subtlety of the devil( who sought by such means to make him ashamed of the signs and badges of Christian religion) would not consent thereto, but carried them along with him to the court, where he and his fellowes haue since had so good success in preaching the Christian faith, The progress of Christian religion in China at this present. Littera annua delie Iso●e Philip. deal. anno. 1603. Christ crucified a scandal to the jews and folly to the gentiles. 2. Cor. ca. 1. that they haue converted and baptized many, and obtained both a house and a church for the exercise of Christian religion, as it is advertised from the islands of Philippinae by letters dated at Manila the eleventh of june in the year 1603. and printed here very lately with privilege and public authority. This I haue thought good to relate by the way, to declare how the experience of this time sheweth the truth of that which the Apostle said of Christ crucified, to wit, that he was: Scandalum judaeis& stultitia Gentibus. A scandal to the Iewes and folly to the Gentiles. Ibid. The stupendious effects of the infirmity that appeared in our saviours passion 33. But if we consider the stupendious effects of this infirmity and supposed folly, we shal evidently see that our saviour Christ for his own greater glory; Elegit infirma mundi vt confunderet fortia; Made choice of the archbishopric of the world to confounded the strong; and therfore after his poor life and ignominious death, he used no other instrumenrs for the publishing and preaching of faith but only a few poor, The hypocondriac instruments our saviour used for the conversion of the world. simplo, and ignorant fishers, and some such other men of mecanical occupation, who subdued infinite numbers of people to the obedience of his law, not by might but by miracles, not by force of arms( as Mahomets law was established, and is stil maintained) nor by the power of Princes, but by preaching and perswations, consisting in the plain and simplo narration of a doctrine, which seemed no less repugnant to reason, then to mans nature and sense. Christian doctrine seemeth repugnant to mans nature reason& sense. For, besides that, they taught the incomprehensible mysteries of the blessed Trinity, the divinity of Christ born of a Virgin,& the resurrection of the dead( which were things surpassing mans reason and capacity) the moral doctrine which they preached with al, was no other then the continual mortification of the flesh, abnegation of a mans will, voluntary poverty, remission of injuries, the love of our enemies, hate of the world, of our parents, of ourselves, and such like points of perfection in Christian religion, which mans corrupt nature hardly brooketh, or rather abhorreth; and al this with out any promise of recompense in this life, but in hope only of reward in the next. 34. Yet nevertheless such was the omnipotency of our saviour Christ, that by the means of such weak instruments, The omnipotency of our saviour Christ manifest in the weaknes of his instruments. and of a doctrine so repugnant and vnsauory to mans sense and reason as this he hath confounded the wise men of the world, beaten down the power of the proud and potent, overthrown Idolatry, and the empire of the devil( which had been established for some thousands of yeers before amongst the gentiles) and lastly he hath propagated his faith and extended his kingdom throughout so many nations, as haue been& are daily brought to the obedience of his church, not with standing the violent opposition& persecutions raised against it by the prince of darkness assisted with the power of pagan, heretical, and schismatical emperours, Kings& princes,& of al the wicked men of the world; as shal be further declared in the second part of this treatise, 35. This then being evident in al mens experience, who can be so absurd to deny either the providence of God in the affairs of men, or yet the divinity of our saviour Christ? Can it be said, The providence of God and the divinity of our saviour Christ manifest in the miraculous conversion of the world. that there was no such man, and that the story of him and his disciples was feigned? How then became the world to be Christian, the miraculous conversion whereof giveth manifest testimony of the truth in this matter? For let al histories be red, al antiquityes preached, and al monuments viewed and considered, they al concur to the confirmation of this most admirable conversion, wrought by no other means then these which I haue declared; And this being so, no man can with any show of reason or common sense, deny our saviours wonderful providence, infinite wisdom, ineffable goodness, and divine power, not only in working such incredible, and yet most manifest effects, by such impotent and weak means, What good God drew out of evil by our saviours passion. but also in drawing so much good, out of so great evil, as strength out of weakness, wisdom out of folly, felicity out of misery, merit out of malice, life out of death, and out of sin salvation; seeing he confounded the strong by the weak, he convinced the wise and learned by the simplo and ignorant, he made misery, as it were the ladder to mount to felicity, he turned the malice of the devil and wicked men, to the merit and glory of the good, he destroyed death by his death, and gave life to the dead; and finally by the sin of Iudas and of those that crucified him, he wrought the salvation of the world. 36. Thus then we see how the fall and sin of Adam, though it brought al misery to the world, yet is not only recompensed, but also made most beneficial to man, through the infinite mercy of our saviour, Mans nature more glorified now by the occasion of Adams sin then it should haue been if Adam had not sinned. Rom. ca. 6. in whom, and by whose merits, mans nature is now more glorified, then it should haue been if Adam had not sinned, nor our saviour suffered: which the Apostle signifieth, making a notable Antithesis betwixt our saviour Christ& Adam, and proving that the benefit which we haue by our saviour, far exceedeth the loss and damage which wee received by Adam, concluding that, ubi abundauit delictum superabundauit gratia; Where the sin and offence abounded, there grace is far more abundant. whereupon I conclude that it was more conform, to the wisdom, providence, and bountiful goodness of God, to permit man by the freedom of his will to fall into sin, and misery, with intention to give him such excellent remedies, then either not to give him free will, or having given it him, to hinder the operation therof, or not to suffer any evil at al to be; Thus much concetning Gods permission of sin and evil. OF THE AFFLICTIONS OF GOOD MEN in this life, and that the same is a notable argument, as well of Gods providence, bounty and iustice, as of his love to them; with much comfortable doctrine for the afflicted seruants of God. CHAP. 25. HAVING declared by some probable reasons, how it stood with the providence and infinite goodness of almighty God, to permit man to fall into sin and misery, I will now satisfy the other difficulties, concerning the affliction of good men, and the prosperity of wicked men, and show, that the same are the proper effects sometimes of his iustice, and sometimes of his mercy, and that with al they are manifest arguments, of his providence in human affairs. 2. Therfore, whereas tribulation seemeth to be, as it were, the proper patrimony and portion of good men, Psal. 33. Tribulation the patrimony of good men. for Multae sunt tribulationes servorum( saith the royal prophet) the afflictions of the just are many( as it may appear by the lives of al the best beloved seruants, and saints of God, yea and of our saviour himself) it is to be understood, that God hath of his infinite wisdom so ordained it, for many notable reasons, whereof I will here lay down diuers, aswell for the consolation of the afflicted, as for the proof of the matter in hand. 3. First whereas the frailty of mans nature is such that no man is so free from sin, 1. joan. 1. God purgeth the sins of good men with temporal affliction in this life. Chris. concione 4. ca. 16. ex Luca. Tom. 2. but that he offendeth almighty God sometimes more or less( for as S. john saith Si dixerimus &c. If we say we haue no sin, we seduce and deceive ourselves and there is no truth in us) God of his mercy purgeth the sins of his seruants with temporal afflictions in this life, to the end he may reward their good works with eternal glory in the next. For as S. chrysostom saith, justi afflicti hic purgantur,& in alia vita maiorem merentur gloriam; just men being afflicted in this life are purged, and deserve greater glory in the other life. For this cause, the holy King and prophet david paid the penalty of his homycide and addultry by the death of 3. of his children, and the rebellion of one of them, 2. Reg. ca. 11.12.13.15.16.17.18. to wit absalon; and by many other afflictions until Gods iustice was satisfied. 4. Secondly, good men are sometimes afflicted in this life, Good men are sometimes afflicted for their fathers offences. 2. Reg. ca. 12. joan. 9. for some offences of their fathers, or of some of their progenitors, as the innocent infant of K. david died in the cradle for his fathers sin, and for this cause, the Apostles asked our saviour whether the blind man whom he cured, was born blind for his fathers sins or no. And how it standeth with the iustice of God to punish one for the sins of an other, Chap. 17. nu. 24.25. &c. Chap. nu. 13.14. &c. as the father for the son, or the subject for the prince, I haue partly declared before, and will declare more amply after a while. 5. Thirdly, God suffereth good men sometimes to fall into diuers temptations and troubles to show them the imbecility of human nature, lest otherways they might forget themselves, by reason of the spiritual gifts and graces, Tribulation serveth to good men for an admonition of their natural infirmity. 2 Cor. 12. Chris. hom. 26. in 12. ca. 2. ep. ad. Cor. which he communicateth more largely to them, then to other men. For which cause the Apostle saith that God gave him the Angel of satan to beat him, which angel of satan S. chrysostom expoundeth to be the Iewes, and al the enemies of the gospel of Christ, who persecuted and afflicted S. Paul. 6. Fourthly if the seruants of God should always live in prosperity, many would think that they embraced virtue and served God for temporal reward, whereas being in adversity and misery, they make it manifest that they love and serve him for himself, The virtue of good men is made manifest to the world by their affliction. job. ca. 1. and for the discharge of their duties, as appeared by the example of job whom the devil did calumniat saying to almighty God; That job did not serve him for nothing, or in vain, seeing he did bless and protect him, his family and al his substance; but touch him( saith he) a little in his wealth and possessions, and thou shalt see he will curse thee; nevertheless when God had given the devil leave to afflict him, not only in his substance and children, but also in his own person, it then appeared that he had not served God for temporal respects, but for the duty that a creature oweth to his Creator. For he blessed& thanked him, as well for his losses and afflictions, as for his wealth and prosperity saying: Dominus dedit &c. Ibid. Our Lord gave it and our Lord hath taken it away, the name of our Lord be blessed. 7. Fiftly whereas almighty God doth for his own glory and the edification of others, How the miraculous works of many good men redound wholly to Gods glory by their afflictions. Good men are persecuted sometimes for the conversion or confusion of their persecutors. Mar. ca. 13. work many times great miracles by his seruants, he suffereth them to endure many temporal afflictions, to the end that the infirmity of human nature appearing thereby in them, the glory of their great graces, works, and miracles, may redound wholly to him. 8. sixthly God suffereth his seruants to be troubled and persecuted for the conversion or confusion of their persecutors his enemies, to the end, that if they will not be converted, the constancy and patience of his seruants may serve for a testimony against them, and therefore our saviour said to his disciples of their persecutors: You shal be beaten in their sinagogs, and shal stand before Presidents and kings for me; In testimonium illis, For a testimony against them. 9. eleventhly, God permitteth the tribulation of the best& justest men, for the example and consolation of the weaker, God permitteth the tribulation of the best men, for the example and consolation of the weaker that are afflicted. Tobiae ca. 2. who may be animated thereby to bear their tribulation with patience, yea and to hold it for a token of Gods love towards them, seeing he exerciseth and chastiseth his best beloved seruants, and dearest friends. 10. For this cause God suffered the good Tobias to be strooken blind. Vt posteris( saith the scripture) daretur exemplum patientiae eius, sicut& sancti job; That an example might be given to the posterity, as well of his patience, as of the patience of the holy job. Seneca li de provid. ca. 6. This also Seneca the paynim philosopher seemed to consider, saying: Why do good men suffer much adversity? Vt alios pati doceant nati sunt in exemplare; That they may teach others to suffer, for they are born and ordained to serve for patterns and examples to other men. 11. eightly; when evil men see good men suffer many calamities and miseries, How the affliction of good men, may move evil men to imitate their virtues. and thereby understand that they are of no more divine nature then themselves, but subject as well as they to al human infirmities, they may also perceive that it is not impossible for them to imitate their virtues, if they will use the same means that they do to attain thereto. 12. Ninthly; the patience, fortitude, charity, and other virtues of good men, are by their afflictions made known not only to the world( for Gods greater glory and their commendation) but also to themselves for their own spiritual comfort, as S. Augustin noteth very well; For until they were tried, Aug. li de civit dei ca. 9. Good men by tribulation, haue trial and experience of their own valor and virtue. Seneca de consola ad Marcian. li. 1. ca 6.& de providen. ca. 4. Sap. Cap. 3. Affliction is the furnace wherein good men are tried and purisyed. Sene li. de providen. ca. 3.& 4. neither the world nor yet themselves knew their valour. To which purpose Seneca faith that even as the good pilott and master can not show his art and skill when he hath a prosperous wind and calm sea, but in tempests and storms; even so the good man can not show his virtue nor yet haue any proof of himself in continual prosperity, but in the difficulties, traverses, and crosses of adversities. 13. For this cause tribulation is compared in the scripture to the furnace, wherein gold is tried, Tanquam aurum( faith the book of wisdom) In furnace probavit cos, God did try his seruants like gold in the furnace. And to the same purpose Seneca also saith: Ignis aurum probat, miseria forts viros: fire trieth gold, and misery men of valour. And speaking other where to the prosperous man that never passed this trial he saith. I judge thee to be miserable because thou didst never suffer misery; Senell. de providen. ca. 3.& 4. He is miserable which never suffered misery. hast thou past thy life with out contradiction? neither thus thyself nor any man else knows what thou art able to do, for to the end that a man may know himself, it is necessary that experience teach him his own ability. Thus far Seneca. 14. Thenthly we learn by the tribulation of good men, that there is an other life after this wherein virtue is rewarded and 'vice punished; The tribulation of good men, is an evident argument of the imortality of the soul. Cicero de finibus. for seeing that the best men, and greatest seruants of God haue commonly no rest nor repose, and consequently no reward of virtue in this life, it must needs follow that they shal be rewarded in the next: For otherwise virtue, which is most natural& proper to man( being as Cicero defineth it, Natura adsummum perducta; nature brought to her height or perfection) should be given to man by nature, not for his good, but for his hurt, seeing it consisteth in the contempt and restraint of al the commodities and pleasures of this life, not for a day or two, or for a few yeeres, but even until the hour of death; and therfore it followeth that the reward therof is reserved for the next life, Lact. li 7. ca. 9.& 10. The true and full reward of virtue reserved for the next life. which Lactantius infereth notably vpon the nature and office of virtue; If virtue( saith he) doth not evil, but well, in that, it contemneth 'vice and filthy pleasures, and feareth not, to endure any pain, bestow or death it must needs follow, that it shal attain to some greater good, then that which it contemeneth and rejecteth; but that good( saith he) can not be in this life, for that virtue endeth not but with death, yea, and many times prophesieth itself, in the contempt of death, and therfore the good which it deserveth and expecteth, must needs be after this life. Thus reasoneth Lactantius, proving thereby the immortality of the soul. 15. Seeing then virtue of her own nature depriveth men of the pleasures and commodities of this world, and that also virtuous men are many times by Gods special ordinance loaden with afflictions during their lives, even natural reason teacheth that there is an other life after this, wherein they are to receive the reward of their virtue; 2. Cor. ca. 15. In which respect the Apostle saith very well; that we christians were the most miserable men in the world, if it were not for the hope we haue of everlasting glory. 16. Furthermore God permitteth his seruants to be afflicted sometimes with many temporal losses, to the end to take from them the occasions and matter that engendereth or nourisheth 'vice and sin, as riches, honour, The afflictions of good men exempteth them from the occasions of sin. 1. Timo. ca. 6. and other worldly contentments, which make men forget both God and themselves; and therefore the Apostle saith, Qui volunt fieri divites, incidunt &c. Those which desire to become rich, do fall into temptation, and into the snare of the devil, and into many unprofitable and hurtful desires which cast men headlong into perdition. Thus saith the Apostle. 17. This also the very balsams saw and acknowledged, Hast thou lost( saith Seneca) thy substance and welth? In excerptis lib. Seneca. perhaps if thou hadst not lost it, it would haue destroued thee, where as now thou shalt be in less danger, and happy art thou if with thy welth, thou hast lost covetousness, covetousness fed and nourrished with riches. and yet though it doth remain with thee, thou art in better case then before, for that thou hast lost the matter where with so great an evil was fed and nourrished to thee. Thus far Seneca; Therfore when almighty God fore seeth that some seruant of his( for whom he ordaineth eternal glory) will abuse his riches, honour, health of body or any other worldly commodities, to the hurt of his own soul, he mercifully depriveth him therof, Sap. 4. yea sometimes also of his life. Ne malitia mutet intellectum( saith the scripture) Lest malice may change his understanding. 18. moreover although God giveth his seruants the light of grace whereby he doth illuminate their understanding, yet he doth not thereby exclude them from the ordinary means to attain to wisdom, Tribulation the ordinary and high way to wisdom. I say ca. 28. amongst the which none is either more ordinary or effectual then affliction, according to the saying of the prophet: Vexatio dabit intellectum; Tribulation will give understanding. 19. This I say for two causes; Tribulation tompereth the exorbitant humours of men. Surius in comment anno. 1535. Prosperous men commonly want wit. How affliction teacheth men moral philosophy. the one because affliction tempereth and settleth the exorbitant humours of men, which so abound commonly in continual prosperity that their iudgments are greatly blinded, and hindered thereby, in which respect the famous lady katherine queen of England, and daughter to Ferdinand K. of spain was wont wisely to say: That if she must needs make choice either of continual prosperity, or continual adversity, she would choose the latter; For in affliction( saith she) no good man can want consolation, where as in prosperity most men want calicut. To this purpose S. chrysostom saith very well, that affliction doth teach men moral philosophy; For( saith he) it overcometh, or qualifieth al the turbulent passions and affections of men, Chris. hom. 26. in 12. ca. 2. ep. ad corinth. as, envy, lust, covetousness and self-love, it beateth down pride and arrogancy, it quickeneth sloth, it induceth to patience, it discovereth the baseness of humane things, and cureth al the diseases of the mind. 20. The other why affliction maketh men wise, is, for that it greatly enricheth their experience, Affliction enricheth mens experience. Experience the mistress of fools. Few men wise by other mens experience. Seneca de providen. c. 4. which as the proverb saith, is Stultorum magistra, the misteresse of fools, that is to say, it makes fools wise, and for as much as few men will be the wiser, by other mens experience, until they be beaten with their own rod, it is convenient that men pass dangers& difficulties and suffer some affliction, thereby the better to know the vanity of the world, which no man knoweth so well as he that trieth it. For as Seneca saith, he that always hath been fortunate and never tasted adversity: Ignorat rerum naturae alteram partem, is ignorant of the one half of the nature of things, and can never truly understand how true it is, Ibid. that Accepimus peritura perituri, we that are to perish haue received things that also shal perish; by the due consideration whereof mans cogitation& desire may be elevated from things terrestrial, wherein true wisdom consisteth. Psal. 118. mutable and frail, to celestial and eternal, wherein consisteth true wisdom; In which respect the royal Prophet saith; Bonum est mihi quod humiliasti me vt discam iustificationes tuas; It is good for me( o Lord) that thou hast humbled me by affliction, to the end I may learn they justifications. 21. Therfore whereas this is the ordinary way, whereby men attain to true wisdom, God suffereth also his seruants to pass by the same, though he give them with al a greater light and measure of grace, then to other men, whereby he also confirmeth, How tribulation increaseth and perfecteth al virtue. fortifieth, and increaseth their virtues; For by tribulation, their charity& love to God is kindled, their faith strengthened, their hope redoubled, their patience not only proved, but also augmented, their wills made more pliable and conform to Gods will, their prayer more frequent and fervorous, and finally their inward consolation so much the greater, by how much more grievous their afflictions seem to be. wherefore the Psalmist saith; Psal. 93. Secundum multitudinem dolorum meorum in cord meo, consolationes tuae laetificauerunt animam meam; According to the multitude of the sorrows of my hart, thy consolations( o Lord) haue given ioy to my soul. Christ. in 2. cor. ●2. hom. 16. And S. chrysostom: Quemadmodum( saith he) abundant passions &c. even as our passions and suffringes do abound, so aboundeth also our consolation. 22. Lastly whereas it pleased our saviour Christ not otherways to enter into glory but by suffering a most bitter passion,( for as he said himself: Oportuit Christum pati,& ita intrare in gloriam suam; luke. 24. It was conucuient that Christ should suffer, and so enter into his glory; he hath also ordained that his seruants shal not otherwise arrive thereto, but by the same way; I mean, Good men by affliction are made conform to Christ their master and head. not otherwise participate of the joys of his kingdom, but by the participation of his cross and passion, and no marvel? For Christ being our head, and wee his members, how can it be convenient, that an afflicted and tormented head, should haue a pampered body and delicate members? or that the Lord and master should live in labour and pain, and the slave in ease and pleasure, and that we should get that for nothing, which our saviour bought& purchased so dear, seeing we cannot obtain any thing of great vallew in the world itself, but with much care, travel& toil? For difficilia( saith the proverb) quae pulchra; Those things that are fair are full of difficulties. 23. How then can we make account to attain to the heavenly kingdom and the inestimable joys therof, Whether the passion of Christ did free his seruants from suffering. Rom. 8. by living in ease and delights? mary( say some in these dayes) the account is easily made, and the reason ready at hand. Our saviour paid the price, and made the purchase for us that be faithful, whereby we became, Haeredes dei,& cohaeredes Christi: heirs of God& coheyres with Christ; And therfore( say they) being heirs, we shal in herite by the virtue of his suffering and purchase, though we suffer nothing ourselves, for he both suffered and satisfied for us; thus say they. 24. The full answer hereof, would require a longer discourse then this place will permit; we cannot reign with Christ except we suffer with him. Ibid. but to say somewhat briefly for the explication of the matter in hand, it is to be understood; that where the Apostle calleth us; heirs of God, and coheyres of Christ, He addeth immediately; Si tamen compatimur, vt& conglorificemur; signifying that we are coheyres with Christ vpon condition that we suffer with him, to the end we may be glorified with him; And therfore in our saviours suffering, it is to be considered, that he not only redeemed us from death thereby, and set us in the way of everlasting life, but also went before us, carrying his cross to give us both example and courage to follow him, which saint Peter plainly teacheth saying; 1. Pet. ca. 2. Christus passus est pro nobis &c. Christ hath suffered for us, leaving you an example that you may follow his footsteps; Thus saith the Prince of the Apostles. 25. wherein he giveth us to understand, that our saviour by his passion did not free and exempt us from suffering, but invited or rather obliged us there unto; which also our saviour himself teacheth more expressly; Math. c. 10. Christ to be●imitated in the hearing of his cross. Si quis( saith he) vult venire post me &c. If any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross and follow me; And hereto also tended al his doctrine consisting in the renunciation of the world, in the mortification of the flesh, in hatred of ourselves, and in the patient sufferings of the maledictions and persecutions of wicked men; which he taught to be the straight and narrow way, which leadeth to the kingdom of heaven; Al which( to omit other testimonies for brevities sake) the Apostle comprehended in these few words; Act. c. 14. Per multas tribulationes oportet nos intrare in regnum Dei; We must enter in to the kingdme of heaven by many tribulations; wherein nevertheless almighty God sheweth sufficiently his mercy and great compassion of our infirmity, 1. Cor. ca. 10. The mercy of God towards his afflicted and tempted seruants. seeing, as the same Apostle affirmeth; He suffereth us not to be afflicted or tempted more, then with the help of his grace we may be able to bear, yea and also; Dat cum tentatione prouentum; giveth us with tentation increase of grace; And as the royal prophet saith, he is not only always present with his seruants in tribulation, Psal. 90. but also in the end; Eripit eum,& glorificat cum, doth deliver him, and glorify him. 26. Seeing then I haue here proved that affliction is to good men the furnace wherein they are purged, purified, and refined in this life, a necessary testimony to themselves and others, of the infirmity of human nature, A brief sum of the benefits of affliction in good men. an assay( as it were) and trial of their own strength, a manifestation of their faith charity, hope, patience, fortitude and other virtues, an example, encouragement, and edification to others, a comfort to themselves, a confusion to the enemies of God and theirs, an evident argument of the soul, and of Gods iustice in rewarding the just in the next life, the hammer and hatchet of 'vice, the nurse of virtue, the mother of experience and wisdom, and( as I may term it) a magazine of merit, and finally the path that our saviour himself troad before us, to led us thereby to everlasting glory; who can deny that the tribulation of the good, is not only a manifest argument of Gods infinite wisdom, iustice, Affliction, an assured token& pledge of Gods love. tub. 12. mercy, and providence, but also an assured token and pledge of his love& favor towards them? and therfore the angel said to the good Tobias, Quia acceptus eras Deo, necesse fuit vt tentatio probaret te; Because thou wast acceptable to God, it was necessary that temptation should prove thee. And the Apostle saith; Our Lord chastrseth him whom he loveth, and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth: and a little after, what son( saith he) is these, Hevbrae. ca. 12. God chastiseth whom he loveth. whom his father doth not correct? for if you be out of discipline, whereof al the children of God are made partakers, it is it a token you are bastards and not lawful children; Thus saith the Apostle for the comfort of the afflicted seruants of God. 27. And this also the balsams themselves notably considered, as amongst others the famous Seneca, Seneca de providen ca. 1. Notable considerations of Seneca concerning the afflictions of good men. who giveth notable instructions to the same purpose; when thou seest( saith he) good men tossed and turmoiled, and evil men live in pleasure, and delight, remember that we are wont to restrain our children with severity of discipline, and to give more liberty to our slaves; and the like thou mayst think of almighty God, who suffereth not good men to live in ease and pleasures, but doth prove exercise and harden them, and thereby prepareth them for himself; And again afterwards: Idem. Ibid. ca. 4. God( saith he) doth lay vpon the best men, labours, sickness, sorrows, and other incomodities, much like to a captain in the war, who committeth the hardest and most dangerous exploits, to the best and most valiant soldiers; and even as the soldier chosen and asigned, for the execution of some heroycal and worthy enterprise, Affliction ought to be esteemed as an honour and favour at Gods hand. doth not murmur and grudge against his captain for the same, as though he had done him wrong, or bare him evil will, but rather holdeth himself to be honoured and beloved of him: even so we are to think, that God doth honour and love us when he thinks us worthy to combat with adversity. 28. Thus far Seneca, who also signifying in an other place, Seneca. Ibid ca. 5. with how prompt and ready a will we should receive any crosses or afflictions at Gods hands, saith in the person of an afflicted man; Resignation of mans will to Gods will in affliction taught and practised by the paynims. Hoc vnum( dij imortales) &c. O ye immortal Gods, for one thing only I may complain of you, to wit, that you did not sooner notify unto me your will in this behalf, for if I had known it, I would haue offered myself to suffer al that which now I willingly accept at your hands; will ye haue my children, or any part of my body, or my life? take al; for I am well content to return unto you al that which ye gave me, and therfore ye shal not need to take it from me by force, for nothing can bee taken from him who giveth al he hath with a good will. 29. Thus saith this paynim, which I haue alleged the rather, that wee Christians who haue received the light of grace, and of the Christian faith, may be a shamed of ourselves, when we murmur against God for every little cross or tribulation, seeing the balsams both taught and shewed such resignation of will to the will of God, A shane for Christians to be less resigned to Gods will then paynims. to suffer what soever he should lay vpon them, though they had neither any light nor help of his grace, nor yet any promise, and much less assurance of eternal reward, or any other motive, but only the consideration of the duty of a creature to his creator; whereas wee haue not only the same reason which they had, to move us thereto; but also the rules and precepts of our religion, the promise and assurance of ineffable and incomprehensible rewards, the examples of the most painful life and passion of our saviour himself, The example of Christ and al his Saints inviteth Christians to suffer affliction willingly. and of innumerable persecutions, afflictions, and torments, joyfully endured by his Apostles, and infinite other martyrs, besides the continual crosses which al the confessors and great Saints of Gods church haue either voluntary taken and born of themselves, for the love of God, or else willingly and thankfully received, from the hands of others. We ought to ioy and glory in affliction; and why. 30. Al which ought to move us to the patient, yea and joyful suffering of what tribulation soever it shal please God to inflict vpon us, and to say with the Apostle; Gloriamur in tribulationibus, We glory in afflictions. Seeing, that as he also saith in an other place, Rom. ca. 5. 2. Cor. ca. 4. The conclusion, inferring that the infliction of good men is a natoble argument of Gods providence. That tribulation of ours which for the present is short and light, doth work in us an eternal weight of glory above al measure; whereupon I conclude, that the affliction of good men being duly considered with the circumstances and reasons therof, is so far from being an argument against the providence, iustice and mercy of God, that it notably proveth and confirmeth the same; and thus much for this point. 31. Now then it resteth that I proceed to an other point, which I promised to treat of; to wit, why God suffereth evil men to prosper, and forbeareth many times to punish them in this life, at least so grievously and publicly as they seem to deserve, whereof many notable reasons may be given, not only out of Christian authors, but also out of paynims, Plutark. de sera numinis vindicta & namely Plutark who wrote a notable treatise of this matter against the epicureans, wherein he proved the providence of almighty God in the affairs of men, by his patience towards evil men, and their prosperity, as I shal haue occasion further to declare now and then in the next chapter. OF THE GREAT LONGANIMITY AND patience of almighty God, towards wicked men, and of the causes of their prosperity; By occasion whereof, their pitiful and miserable state is declared, with some good admonitions to them. CHAP. 26. AMONGST al the wonderful effects of Gods secret iudgments concerning man, there is none more admirable then the impunity and prosperity of wicked men; For, Nothing more admirable then the impunity& prosperity of wicked men. what may seem more wonderful and strange, then that almighty God, being of infinite majesty, power and iustice, should suffer such excess as we daily see of sins and offences, committed against himself, and not only forbear often times to punish the offenders, but sometimes also to bestow al temporal prosperity& felicity vpon them; the consideration whereof so much perplexed& troubled the Royal prophet, that he saith it made him stagger. For when I considered( saith he) the peace and prosperity of sinners; Penè moti, Psal. 72. sunt peeds mei, penè effusi sunt gressus mei; I almost lost my footinge, and was almost put out of my pace; and S. Aug: expounding these words of the psalm, Psal. 91. Thy cogitations( o Lord) are most profound; saith, that there is no sea so deep, as is the cogitation or iudgment of God, that wicked men flourish, and good men are afflicted, in which depth or profundity, Aug. in Psal. 91. saith he, Naufragat omnis infidelis, every unfaithful man makes shipwreck, that is to say, is drowned in the depth of atheism, doubting or denying the providence of God in mans affairs. 2. nevertheless so merciful is almighty God in this behalf, that he is content himself to serve for the pilot to deliver us from the danger of this golfe, having revealed unto us many notable causes& reasons of his admirable iudgments in this point, though al men haue not grace to see and consider them; and therfore I will endeavour to lay down some of them in this place, speaking first of his Longanimity& patience towards wicked men, and after of their prosperity. 3. First then it is to be considered, that such is the mercy of almighty God towards al sinners, God spareth wicked men to give them time to repent. Sap. 11. job. c. 24. and his desire of their repentance, that as the wiseman saith: Dissimulat peccata hominum propter panitentiam; he dissembleth, and seemeth not to see the sins of men, to the end they may haue time to repent. For which cause, he sometimes spareth the most wicked, as job, signifieth saying, Deus dedit ei locum penitentiae, at ille eo abutitur in superbiam. God gave the wicked man time and place of repentance, but he abuseth it to pride. 4. This consideration was not unknown to the Paynims, and therfore plutarch saith: Plut. de sera. vindicta. What the paynims observed in Gods patience towards sinners that as almighty God doth commonly exterminat and cut of such wicked men as he knoweth to be incorrigible( for that they are hurtful as well to others as to themselves) so also he spareth such as err rather of ignorance or frailty, then of malice; giuing them time to repent; and to the same purpose he allegeth examples of diuers that had been sometimes very wicked, and became afterwards men of notable virtue, whereof we see also daily experience. Idem. Ibid. The example of Gods patience towards sinners 〈◇〉 be ●mitated by men. 5. And here I can not omit an other notable consideration of his, concerning the great patience of God towards sinners, which he wisheth al men to propose as an example to themselves, thereby to moderate their exorbitant passions of anger and desire of reuenge; For if( saith he) wise men are cannon-shot oftentimes to call to mind, and imitate the patience and moderation of Architas, Plato, and other philosophers( who would never correct or punish their slaves in their anger) much more reason is it, that we haue always before our eyes and imitate, the patience and longanimity of almighty God( the true pattern of virtue& goodness) accustom ourselves by his example to moderation, clemency, and benignity, as to most perfect and divine virtues; Thus saith this paynim. 6. But if we extend the example of Gods patience a little further to the pardon and remission of injuries done unto us( as God pardoneth our injuries& offences done unto him) we shal make this consideration much more Christian and profitable to us, Gods patient to be imitated in remission of injuries Mat. ca. 18. especially seeing our own pardon dependeth vpon our imitation of almighty God in this point, as we may learn by our saviours parable of the master of the family, who having remitted al the debt of his seruant, grievously punished him afterwards, because he did not pardon his fellow, as he was pardonned himself. Therfore I conclude with S. Cyprian, Cyp. li de bone patient. that seeing almighty God( who is both our Lord and Father) is the author and true mircour of patience, it is fit that we imitate him therein, For seruants( saith S. Cyprian) ought to conform themselves to their Lord and master, and children should not degenerate from the virtues of their father. Thus much for the first point. 7. Secondly, God forbeareth sometimes to destroy wicked men for some good mens sake who live& dwell amongst them, God forbeareth wicked men sometimes for good mens sake. Exod ca. 32. either for that his wrath is pacified by their prayers( as when Moyses obtained pardon for the children of Israel whom God threatened to destroy for their Idolatry) or else when the punishment which the wicked deserve would bring such a general desolation to a whole country, that the good must needs participat therof; In which case almighty God forbeareth sometimes to execute the rigour of his iustice. 8. And this our saviour may seem to haue insinuated in the parable, wherein he signified that the cockle, Math. ca. 13. and darnel should be suffered to grow with the good corn until harvest, least if it were weeded out, the corn might be pulled up with al; and therfore when God determined to destroy sodom and Ghomorra, Abraham said confidently unto him, Non est tuum &c. Genes. ca. ●● It is not thy property or custom( o Lord) to destroy the just together with the unjust; whereto also almighty God answered, that if there were but ten just men in al the city of sodom he would spare it for their fakes; How much it may avail an evil man to be but in the company of a good man. whereby we may see how much it may avail an evil man to be but in the company of good men, or to haue one good man in his house, seing God would haue spared so great and populous a city if there had been but ten just men therein: which may also further appear by the example of those 276. men which sailed with S. paul towards Rome, Act. ca. 27. whom God delivered from drowning for S. Paules sake, as the Angel signified unto him saying, donavit tibi Deus, omnes qui nauigant tecum; God hath given thee al those that sail with thee; Of whom none perished, though the ship was cast a way. 9. Thirdly it falleth out many times that almighty God suspendeth and differreth his just punishment due to evil men, God diserreth sometimes the punishment of the wicked to punish them in time and place more convenient 4. Reg. c. 19. to inflict it vpon them in time and place more convenient for his glory, their greater confusion, and example of others; as the scriptures testify of the most wicked and blasphemous Sennacherib King of the assyrians when he besieged jerusalem and blasphemed almighty God most abominably; For although God destoried his whole army miraculously in the night, yet he deforred his personal punishment for a time, and therfore he said of him by his prophet: Reuertetur in terram suam &c. He shal retourn● into his own country, Ibid. and there I will destroy him with the sword; which was fulfilled shortly after in ninive, where he was slain in the temple of his false God Nesrac by two of his own sons, whom God used as his instruments to punish him more notoriously, as well for his Idolatry, as for his blasphemy. Plut. de sera numin. vit dicta. 10. This point Plutark exemplifieth in diuers wicked men, as to omit others in one Bessus, who had secretly killed his own father and was not discovered a long time, until at length being invited to dinner with diuers others, An example of Gods punishment diforred, recounted by Plutark. and arriving at the place where he should dine, he fel into a rage vpon a sudden against certain young swallows that cried in their nest, in so much that he pulled them down and trode them al under his feet: and being reprehended by others which were present; Why( saith he) did you not hear how they said that I killed my father; Which being marked, and notice given therof to the magistrates, he was examined, and confessing the murder was worthily executed for the same; whereby it appeareth that God suspended the punishment of this parricide to inflict it vpon him in a more strange and notorious manner for his own greater glory& the terror of others. 11. To which purpose Plutark discourseth notably of Gods great wisdom and iustice in punishing every offeder, Ibid. Notable considerations of Plutar why God deferreth the pument of evil men aleadging also for the same, the poet Pindarus, who said that it belongeth to almighty God only, as to the author of iustice to determine when, how, where, and how much every sinner is to be punished, and therfore( saith Plutark) even as those which haue no skill in physic can not with reason control a skilful physician or surgeon for that he deferreth the lancing of an imposthume, or because he draweth blood, or purgeth his patient rather to day then to morrow, so we who know not the secret iudgments of God, neither ought, nor can control his proceedings, when he punisheth sooner or later; God knoweth how& when to apply the due remedies to the malica of men. neither yet can we affirm or conceive any other thing therof, but only that he knoweth best how to apply the due remedy to the malice of men, by punishing every offence in due manner, measure, time, and season. 12. And herein also this same author hath other notable considerations, as that almighty God may securely delay the punishment of wicked men, because they can not escape his hands by flight, or by any other means, whereas we( respecting as well our own impotency, as the brevity of our lives) are forced many times to punish with speed, lest the offeder may otherwise scape unpunished; But God( saith he) who is omnipotent, Plutare. Ibid. and to whom in respect of his eternity, the whole life of a man is but like the dawning of the day; yea and less then an instant or moment, God looseth no time in the punishment of wicked men by delay. Wicked men unpunished compared to prisoners condemned to death and not executed. looseth no time by delay, having al wicked men as it were, in a continual prison and in fetters, from whence they can noe flee or deliver themselves, be they never so potent or subtle; and therfore although we see them many times live prosperously and pleasantly, we are to think( saith he) no otherwise of them, then of prisoners condemned to death, amongst whom there are many so careless, that they iest sport and play until the halter be about their necks. Thus saith this pagan phlilosopher of Gods sufferance and patience towards wicked men, and of their miserable estate, seeing that how wise or potent soever they seem to be, they haue no way or means, to escape the rigour of Gods iustice, but by repentance and amendment of their lives. And thus much for the third consideration. 13. Fourthly when almighty God doth foresee that some wicked men will do in time some good work, to his glory or to a public good, or that he shal haue good and virtuous children( as Plutark noteth) God doth tolerate and suffer him until he haue yielded his good fruit; Plut. de sera numin. vindicta. God spareth wicked men sometimes until they haue yielded some good fruit. much like( saith Plutark) as the laws ordain, that women condemned to death for some heinous offence, be nevertheless reprieved and spared if they be with child, until they be delivered, which being done, the law is executed vpon them: and even so( saith he) though almighty God determine to punish wicked men, yet he forbeareth to do it otherwhiles, in respect of the good fruit which they will produce in time. 14. This the prophet Michaeas signifieth of the people of the Iewes, The people of the Iewes spared until Christ was born of them. Mich. ca. 5. who for their wickedness deserved to be destroyed long before they were, but in respect that our saviour Christ was to be born of them, their destruction was differred until after his birth and passion; and therfore the prophet saith. Propter hoc &c. For this cause God will suffer them for a time; In quo parturiens pariet; until one, that is to say the Virgin Mary, shal haue brought forth herchilde. Put. Ibid de sera num. vind. The difference betwixt mans ignorance and Gods infinite wisdom notably observed, by Plutark. 15. Furthermore of this point Plutark discourseth notably, showing also herein the diference betwixt the iudgement of men, and the iudgement of God, or rather betwixt mans ignonorance, and Gods infinite wisdom; For even as( saith he) an ignorant man in husbandry, seeing a piece of ground overrun with brambles, shrubs, and bushes, and full of mire and dirt, holdeth it for barren and nothing worth, whereas the skilful husbandman doth thereby know the fertility of it; even so we( saith he) seeing some bad fruit of good& generous natures, do utterly condemn them, and think them unworthy to be permitted in human society; whereas almighty God who searcheth the minds and hartes of al, and knoweth that the bad fruit, which those good natures yeld, proceedeth rather of the fertility and generosity therof, then of sterrility or defect, suffereth the same, and expecteth until nature haue discharged her self of her superfluities, that so it may bring forth in time the good fruit, which by his wisdom, and prescience he forseeth: and therfore as sometimes he cutteth of wicked men in respect of some great mischiefs they would do, Why God cutteth of some wicked men& spareth some others. if they should live( foreseing that their future offences would be greater then their former, and their secret sins worse then their public) so also he spareth some for the good he knoweth will in time proceed from them. &c. Thus discourseth he, giuing also examples of many, who though they continued wicked al their lives, and were in the end punished exemplarly by almighty God, yet did some notable good acts before their death. 16. God forbeareth some evil men rather then others because they will do more good then others. And although the good which some tyrants and wicked men do, doth not perhaps countervail the hurt and damage which many particular men, or the whole commonwealth receiveth by their wickedness; yet it is to be considered, that for as much as they are in their very tyranny and iniquity the instruments and ministers of Gods iustice( as I will further declare nu. 23. hereafter) it is not unfit for the great mercy and bounty of almighty God, to spare them and to use the ministry of them, rather then of other wicked men, so much the longer, by how much the more he may expect with al some better fruit of them, then of others such as they. 17. For such is his bountiful goodness, God suffereth no good to be lost that his creatures may conveniently yield. luke. 13. that as he suffereth no evil in the world, but to the end that good may come therof; so he will suffer no good to be lost that any creature of his may conveniently yield; This our saviour himself giveth us to understand by the parable of the fig three, which having been in the vineyard three yeares, and yielded no fruit, the master of the vineyard was content to let stand one year longer, ordaining with al that it should be pruned, dressed, digged about and dunged, to the end it might fructify if it were possible, and that if it gave no fruit the fourth year, it should be then cut up. 18. Thus signified our saviour the longanimity and patience which God useth towards sinners, and his exceeding great care and desire to draw some good fruit from them, how barren or bad soever they be; and thus much for this point. 19. Fiftly almighty God not only spareth, God spareth and prospereth some wicked men for some good deeds they haue done. and forbeareth wicked men, but also doth give them temporal happiness here in this life, for some good deeds they haue done; To which purpose it is to be considered, that as no man is so free from sin, but that he committeth sometimes some frailties, which God of his iustice punisheth either in this life or the next, so also no man, or at the least very few, are altogether so voided of grace and goodness, but that they do, or haue done sometimes in their life some good work, which almighty God of his iustice, or liberality will reward; For as our saviour himself witnesseth. He which giveth but so much as a cup of could water in his name. Math. ca. 5. No good deed shalbe vnrewarded. Ca. 17. nu. 15. Non perdet mercedem suam; Shal not loose his reward. Yea and which is more, such is his mercy and liberality, that he recompenseth sometimes such as do him service unwittingly, as I haue declared Ezech. ca. 29. else where by the example of Nabuchodonosor King of babylon, to whom God gave the kingdom of egypt, for the service he had done him unwittingly, in the destruction of the people of Tyrus. 20. But now for as much as the whole course of wicked mens lives, is such, that they justly deserve eternal damnation, it is to be understood that almighty God, as well for the manifestation of his mercy, as for the satisfaction of his iustice, rewardeth their few good works temporally in this life, Many wicked men haue their heaven in this world. to the end he may give them in the other the full measure of punishment, which their wickedness deserveth; and for this cause no doubt, very many which shal be damned eternally for their wicked lives, job. 21. haue their heaven in this world, who as job saith. Dacunt in bonis dies suos& in puncto ad inferum discendunt; led their lives in pleasure, and in a moment descend to hel. 21. sixthly God forbeareth sometimes, and spareth wicked men, God forbeareth or prospereth evil men sometimes for the good deeds of their progenetours. 4. Reg. ca. 9.10.13.& 14. yea and giveth them temporal blessings( as riches honour and prosperity) for some good deeds of their parents or progenitors; So wee see in the scriptures, that God not only gave the kingdom of Israel to jehu, but also continued his children& posterity in the possession therof to the fourth generation( though they were al wicked schismatics and Idolaters) in reward of the good service which jehu had done him in destroving the house of ahab, Chap. 17. nu. 16. as I haue noted before, speaking of the causes, why God giveth kingdoms to evil men; Also God forbore to destroy King joas and the people of Israel, yea and gave them great victories against the Kings of Siria; 4. Reg. ca. 13. Propter pactum quod habebat cum Abraham, Isaac,& jacob; For the covenant he had made with Abraham, Isaac& jacob: Of whom they were descended. 22. seventhly God giveth many times, relief in affliction and prosperity to wicked men, to draw them to the love of him by temporal benefits; For this cause he delivered the Idolatrous king ahab and the Israelites his subiects from a cruel famine, 3. Reg. ca. 18.& 20. God giveth temporal benefits to wicked men, to draw them thereby to love him. Deuter. ca. 37. Ezech. ca. 3. wherewith they were afflicted, and after gave them two notable victories against the Syrians; and for the same cause God hath promised, and gave many miraculous victories, and much temporal felicity to the people of the Iewes, cherishing and tendering them, as Moyses said, Quasi pupillam oculi, Like the apple of his eye. Though they were always: Populus durae ceruicis, A stiffnecked people, Generatio praua& exasperans; A wicked and an exasperating genetation. And therfore in the end he did exterminat them utterly for their ingratitude. 23. eightly the prosperity of the wicked is sometimes necessary for the just punishment of others as wicked, God prospereth wicked men sometimes for the punishment of others. 4. Reg. c. 17& 25. or more wicked then they, in which case God maketh evil men the iustruments of his iustice, and prospereth their designments and attempts so far forth as is convenient for the chastisement of others; So God prospered the assyrians and babylonians, in the conquest of Samaria and Iuda, the Goths, Vandals, Alans, Huns and other barbarous people, in the subversion and direption of many Christian countries; the Turks and Moores, in the subduing of Grece and spain, and lastly the Saxons, Danes and Normans in the 3. several conquests of our country, as I haue ca. 20.& 21. ca. 17. nu. 14. declared already when I treated of Gods iustice in punishing the Spainards, Brittans and English; I haue also spoken particularly of this point in the causes why God giueueth kingdoms to evil men, where the reader shal see some other things concerning this matter worthy observation. 24. whereto I add, God casteth the rods of his wrath into the fire, when he hath worne them. that commonly when almighty God for the execution of his iustice vpon others, hath used the ministry of evil men, he also extendeth the severity of his iustice vpon them, casting the rods of his wrath into the fire, when he hath worn them unto the stumps, which was signified by the prophet Isay of the King of the assyrians, Isay. ca. 10. whose ministry God meant to use in the punishment of the Iewes, and therfore he called him the Rod of his wrath, Ibid. and his staff, adding that when he had fulfilled al that which he was to do in Sion and jerusalem, Visitabo( saith he) supper fructum magnifici cordis regis Assur. &c. I will visit( that is to say) I will punish the magnificent King of the assyrians for his proud hart; and the same we see verified commonly in al tyrants, who being no other but the instruments of Gods iustice, Plut. de sera num. vindie. and as plutarch calleth them, his hangmen, do feel in the end his heavy hand vpon themselves; As I will make most evident hereafter. And thus much for this point. God exalteth wicked men sometimes, for their punishment. Claudian. li. 1. in Ruffinum. 25. Ninthly God not only spareth, but also many times raiseth and exalteth wicked men for their punishment, that is to say, to confounded them the more by their fall. — tolluntur in altum ( saith the poet) vt lapsu grauiore ruant: They are lifted up on high, that they may haue the greater and fouler fall: which the prophet david signifieth to be a great and terrible effect of Gods wrath. For, speaking in the person of a repentant sinner fallen from prosperity to misery, Psal. 101. Potum meum( saith he) cum fletu miscebam &c I did mix my drink with tears before the face of thy wrath, and indignation, because thou didst elevate& lift me up, to cast me down to the ground. And the same he insinuateth in many places, where speaking of the destruction and overthrow of wicked men, he first maketh mention of their exaltation: The enemies of God( saith he) when they are honoured and exalted, Psal. 36. shal vanish away like smoke; and again, I saw the wicked man elevated and lifted up far higher then she Cedar trees of Libanus, Ibid. and I passed by& he was not, and I sought him and his place was not found. And job to the same purpose, job. 24. saith of evil men: Eleuati sunt ad modicum. &c. They are lifted up for a while, and shal not subsist, but shal be humbled 26. This also was observed by the Paynims, and therfore Caesar in his commentaries saith, Caesar. Coment. li. 6. that sometimes when almighty God determineth to punish men grievously for their wickedness, Concedit illis res secundiores& diuturniorem impunitatem, quo gravius ex rerum commutatione doleant; He granteth them the greater prosperity, and longer impunity, to the end that they may the more feel their affliction by change of their fortune. Thus saith he, acknowledging with the Christians the severity of Gods iustice, and his secret iudgments vpon wicked men, in that he exalteth them, to the end to humble them and lifteth them up, to throw them down, and seemeth to favour and cherish them, Prosperity to many wicked men, is but a preamble to their destruction when he meaneth to destroy them, giuing them many times their own harts desires, for a pleasant preparative to their bitter potion, which he ordaineth for them, even in this life; as the Royal prophet sheweth expressly in the children of Israel, when they offended almighty God most grievously, murmuring against him in the wilderness for lack of meate, and distrusting his providence and power to feed them, to whom nevertheless he gave such abundance that the scripture saith; It rained flesh vpon them like dust, Psal. 77. and featherd foul like the sand of the sea, and they did eat therof their bellies full, Et non fraudati sunt a desiderto suo; and were not deceived or skanted of their desire. But what followeth? Adhu●escae eorum erant in ore ipsorum &c. Behold, their meat was not yet out of their mouths, when the wrath of God fel vpon them, and killed the fattest amongst them &c. Thus saith the psalmist of the children of Israel, and so it falleth out many times with other wicked men who wallow in wealth and pleasure for a time, and are but as it were fatted like beasts for the slaughter, whereto they are by Gods just iudgment reserved. 27. And this they may fear so much the more, by how much more prosperous and happy they seem to themselves or others; The more posperous wic●ed men are, the more cause they haue to fear Cicero de fini●. li. 5. whereof we haue a notable example in polycrates the tyrant, who having had a most prosperous tyranny, and not so much as any check of fortune, or evil hap in al his life, so much suspected the issue therof in himself, that he sought purposely some occasion of grief, and to that end did voluntarily cast into the sea a dyamond which he was wont to wear of inestimable value; but so it chanced, that the dyamond was swallowed by a fish, and the fish shortly after taken by some fishermen his subiects, who finding so rich a jewel in the belly of the fish, and thinking it to be a fit present for their prince, brought him his diamond again; Not long after it was his fortune to be taken in the wars, and hanged up alive until he died, partly with famine, and partly with the parching heat of the sun. 28. To the same purpose it is written, that S. Ambrose bishop of Milan, hearing a wicked man, in whose house he was lodged, vaunt that he had never in his life had any misfortune, In the life of S. Ambrose. sickness, cross, or cause of grief, made great hast to get out of his house, least the wrath of God might fall vpon it whilst he was there, and that presently after his departure the ground opened and swallowed up the house with the master therof, and al his family. 29. nevertheless such men as these might perhaps seem either happy, or at least not vnfortunare, if they might purchase many yeres of prosperity and pleasure so good cheap, as with only a few dayes misery in the end, Wicked men purchase eternal misery with a few yeeres prosperity but so hard and miserable is their condition, that they are further to pay an eternal penalty of their sinful prosperity, as shal be shewed in the next consideration, and how miserable also their life is( though it seem never so happy) I will declare at large hereafter. 30. Therfore the tenth and last consideration shalbe, that many times God giveth to wicked men, not only impunity in this life, Continual impunity& prosperity of wicked men an assurance of their reprobation. Ca. 25. nu. 26. but also al temporal felicity for an assured token of their reprobation,& as it were an earnest-peny of their eternal damnation: for as there is no greater sign of Gods love to his children, and of their election, then that he keepeth them in discipline( as I haue amply declared in the last chapter) so there is no greater token of his wrath towards sinners, and of their reprobation, then if he never correct or chastise them; and therfore the psalmist saith. Psal. 9. Aug. in Psal. 9. God is vehemently angry with sinners when he doth not punish them. Exacerbauit dominum peccator secundum multitudinem irae suae non quaeret, the sense is( as S. Augustin expoundeth it) that a sinner doth sometimes exasperat so far our Lord, that he will not punish him in this life, for Multum irascitur( saith he) dum non exquirit &c. Our Lord is vehemently angry when he doth not puni●h mens sins, but seeme●h to forget and oversee them. For then he reserveth them for the horrible and everlasting torments of hel fire. 2. Macha. ca. 31. And therfore the scripture teacheth, that when Goddoth not suffer sinners to go long unpunished; Magni beneficij est indicium; It is to be taken fora great benefit. And that the longer he forbeareth them, the more like it is that he will punish them with al severity and rigour In the day of iudgment; In which respect job having recounted many particularities of the prosperity of wicked men in this life( as their security, impunity, health, pleasures, and happiness in their children and goods) concludeth thus; In diem perditionis servatur malus,& ad diem furoris ducetur; job. 22. The wicked reserved for the day of fury. The wicked man is reserved for the day of destruction, and shal be lead to the day of fury. Thus saith job, meaning by the day of fury, the day of iudgment, either particular( which every man passeth at his death) or universal at the end of the world; in both which the wicked shal receive the most dreadful sentence of everlasting damnation. 32. And this day of iudgment, is whorthely called in the scripture the day of fury and wrath: Why the day of iudgment is called the day of fury. For that almighty God will then power forth an unspeakable and everlasting vengeance vpon the wicked as it were in wrath and fury, leaving no further place nor time for mercy, which vengeance also shal be so much the greater, and the torments of the wicked so much the more grievous, by how much more prosperous, pleasant, and delicious their life hath been in this world: as S. john signifieth of them in the apocalypse under the name of babylon. Apoc. 18. Quantum glorificauit se,& in delitij fuit( saith the angel) tantum date ei tormentum; give torment to babylon, that is to say to the wicked, according to the measure of the glory and delights wherein they haue lived; The consideration whereof fully satisfied the scruple& doubt which the Royal prophet saith made him stagger, when he saw the the peace& prosperity of wicked men, wherein as he signifieth, Psal. 72. The end of wicked men principally to be considered. he could not be satisfied: Donec intrem( saith he) in sanctuarium Dei,& intelligam in nouissimis eorum; until I entred into the consideration of Gods secret iudgments, and of their last end, that is to say of their eternal damnation. 33. lo then how small cause wicked men haue to flatter themselves, or to glory over much in their prosperity, The felicity of evil men most vnfortunat;& why. Aug. ep. ad Marcelinum. when with al they are loaden with sin; for then they may well fear, that their sinful prosperity is nothing else but a punishment of sin: whereupon S. Augustin saith; Nihil est infalicius &c. Nothing, is more vnfortunat then the felicity of sinners, whereby their penal impunity is nourished, and their malice strengthened and increased; And a little after; When God suffereth sinners to prosper, then his indignation is the greater towards them and when he leaveth them unpunished, then he punisheth them most of al. Thus saith he: and the reason is, for that then God giveth them over to their own desires, and to the passions of their harts, whereby they daily increase their own damnation: which S. Grigory notably representeth to the consideration of al men, Ezech. ca. 3. in his exposition of these words of Ezechiel; If the just man fall from righteousness to iniquity, I will lay a stumbling block before him. The discourse of S. Gregory is some what prolix, and yet because it containeth notable doctrine, I think good to lay it down here with some little abridgement. Gregor. in c. 3. Ezech. The fearful state of wicked men notably represented by S. Gregory. Genes. ca. 15. 1. thessaly. 2. Wicked men spared sometimes until their iniquities are complete. Apoc. c. ultimo. Ezech. 3. 34. Hoc nobis( saith he) cum tremore considerandum est. &c. This is to be considered of us with trembling, that when the just and omnipotent God is angry with our sins and wickedness, he justly permitteth us to be so blinded, that we fall into greater and more grievous sins, in which respect Moyses said of the Amorrhaeans, that their wickedness was not yet complete, and the Apostle S. Paul speaking of the Iewes saith, that they persecuted Gods seruants, and hindered the preaching of the gospel, to fill up the heap and number of their sins; and S. john saith in the Apoc: He which hurteth let him hurt stil, and he which is filthy with sin, let him become more filthy: and in this place of Ezechiel almighty God saith that he will lay a stumbling block before him, who shal fall from iustice to iniquity, as who would say, that because the sinner will not by repentance, see where he now stumbleth, therfore God will justly forsake him that he may stumble worse other where. 35. And herein it is to be noted( saith S. Gregory) that whereas it is said that God doth lay a stumbling block in the way of a sinner It is not meant that he urgeth, or presseth him to sin, but that he will not deliver him from sin, as also it is written of pharaoh that God would harden his hart, How it is to be understood that God hardened the hart of pharaoh. because he would not mollify it by his grace; It is therfore to be understood, that when our merciful God doth give us time of repentance, and we turn it to the increase of our fault, he also of his just iudgment turneth the same to our greater damnation; Rom. ca. 2. The wicked man abuseth Gods patience and mercy to his own greater damnation. and therfore the Apostle saith, dost thou not know, that the benignity, and mercy of almighty God, doth move and led thee to repentance and thou by thy hard and impenitent hart, dost as it were hoard and lay up in store for thyself his wrath in the day of wrath, and of his just iudgment. Thus saith the Apostle, whereby we see,( saith S. Gregory) that a sinner doth heap vpon himself the wrath of God, when he emploieth the time in sin which God giveth him to repent, for then seeing him abuse his mercy, and patience, he justly permitteth that for as much as he would not forsake sin to live everlastingly, he may increase his sin to die eternally. 36. Thus saith S. Gregory in substance, Gods iustice always to be feared. which I would to God al men would well consider, and learn thereby not so far to presume of Gods mercy as to contemn his iustice, nor to say with the sinner in Ecclesiasticus, peccavi& quid accidit mihi trust? Eccli. ca. 5. I haue sinned, and what haue I fared the worse? But to remember that which followeth there, to wit; Altissimus est patience reddittor, God is slow but a sure paymaister. Valer. Maximus lib. 1. ca. 1. almighty God is a patient paymaister, that is to say he payeth or punisheth slowly, but surely; and as a certain Paynim said; Tarditatem supplicij, gravitate compensat, he recompenseth the delay of punishment, with the greeuiousnes therof. And therfore although God is so merciful that many times he expecteth the repentance of sinners, until their sins be grown unto a certain degree and measure( as before is noted of the Amorrhaeans whom he said he would spare until their iniquities were complete, Gen. c. 15. and as also he said by his prophet to the people of Iuda and Israel, Amos. 2. that he would bear with them for 3. sins but not for the 4.) yet for as much, as the degree and measure of sins, No man knoweth how long or little God will expect his repentance The danger of delay of repentance. and the time which he is content to expect before he punish, is known only to his divine majesty, no sinner can promise to himself either securi●y, or yet delay of his punishment one minute of an hour, but rather may fear that the oftener God hath called him, and the more he hath forborn him, the more likely it is, that he will never call him again, nor forbear him any longer, especially seeing he useth not one kind of proceeding with al men, nor extendeth his mercy to al men alike. 37. For as it falleth out with theeues and robbers in regard of the punishment of the laws( which some of them escape many yeeres, others fewer, God giveth not time of repentance to al sinners alike; and why. and some are taken and hanged for the very first robbery they commit) so also it fareth with other sinners and wicked men in regard of Gods iudgments towards them; For although he expect some of them to repentance many yeares, yea and useth many means to invite and draw them thereto( to show therein his infinite bounty and goodness) yet to others he giveth less time and means, and to some very little, cutting them of in the first grievous sin, that they are known to commit; for the example no doubt and terror of others, to the end that none shal haue cause to presume overmuch of his mercy, Philip. 2. Math. 24. luke. 12. Death like to a thief that stealeth vpon a man at vnwares. Eccl. 5. but that every one may as the Apostle adviseth; work his salvation with fear and trembling: in which respect our saviour himself also admonisheth us: To watch continually, and to stand as it were vpon our guard, because we know not, at what hour the theeefe( that is to say our death) will steal vpon us; and therfore also the holy Ghost saith in Ecclesiasticus; Ne differas de die in diem &c. Differe not thy repentance from day to day, least the wrath of God suddenly fall vpon thee, and destroy thee in the day of reuenge. Thus much concerning the prosperity of wicked men. OF THE VARIABLE AND uncertain events, which are common to good and evil men, in this life; as why the good and bad do many times prosper, or are afflicted alike, Also why some are punished in this life, and others not; and why one man is punished for the faults of an other; and finally why almighty God doth manifest his iudgments to man in some things, and concealeth them from him in some other; and that in al this, the providence of God cleary appeareth. CHAP. 27. HAVING yielded some probable reasons in the former chapters of Gods permission of evil and of the affliction of good men, and prosperity of the wicked, I will now labour to satisfy some other difficulties and doubts, that move some curious and unsettled spirits to call in question the providence of God; Other arguments of the Atheists. who reason thus. If only evil men( say they) who shal haue eternal pain in the other life, were prosperous in this; and good men only afflicted here, for whom eternal felicity is ordained other where, there might seem to be some more reason of a divine providence therein; but seeing al temporal good and evil is indifferent, and common to good and bad men, and that the good are many times punished together with the bad, and that some offences are punished here and others not; of what other cause( say they) may al this seem to proceed then of mere chance? which as they suppose guideth the affairs of men. 2. To answer to al this, and first concerning the variable events which chance indifferently to good and evil men, Touching the variable events of this life common to good and evil men. Eccle. c. 8. I say that the same hath been sufficiently considered heretofore, of such as haue nevertheless acknowledged and taught the particular providence of God over men, as namely the Preacher who saith in Ecclesiasticus: that amongst many vanities of uncertain events which he observed in the world; the worst is, that many times there happeneth to the just, that which the wicked deserve, Eccle. c 9. and that the desert of the wicked falleth vpon the just. And again afterwards; Al things( saith he) chance a like to the just,& to the wicked, to the good& bad, to the clean and unclean, wherupon the harts of the children of men, are replenished with malice and contempt. 3. Thus saith he, The Preacher impugneth the opinion of Atheists grounded vpon the indifferency of good and evil accidents to good and evil men. Ibid. Hier. in ca. 8. Eccles. wherein he denieth not Gods just iudgment and providence over men( which he plainly teacheth in the same place saying, that the works of just and wise men are in the hands of God) but signifieth that the wicked take occasion by the variable and uncertain events of things, to think( as S. jerome saith vpon this place) that the providence of God doth not govern this world, seing there seemeth to be so much confusion therein: which opinion or conceit of the wicked, the Preacher notably impugneth thee and confuteth in the same place, teaching two things; the one, the inscrutability of Gods iudgments in the disposition of human affairs, The inscrutability of Gods iudgments noted by the Preacher. Eccles. c. 8. The variable events of this life proceed from the providence of God. whereupon he saith that having applied his mind to understand the reasons of the variety which is to be seen in the course of worldly matters; Intellexi( saith he) quod omnium operum Dei &c. I understood that no man can find the reason of the works of God which are done under the sun, and that how much more any man shal labour to know it, so much less he shal understand it. Thus far the Preacher, wherein we may see that although he affirm it to be impossible to understand the true reason and causes of the variable events in the world; yet he teacheth that they proceed from Gods providence and iudgments, in that he calleth them his works. S. Hieroms exposition of the place of the Preacher. Hier. Comment. in Eccl. c. 8. 4. Therefore S. jerome expounding those words of the Preacher saith, that he which seeketh the causes and reasons why this, or that is done, and the world governed with diuers events, as why one man is blind, another lame, one sound, another sick, one poor another rich, one noble another ignoble, he shal but break his brain, and vex his mind to no purpose, and understand nothing in the end, and yet( saith S. jerome) the Preacher giveth us to understand with al that there are causes, and the same most just, why every thing falleth out as we see, though( as he also saith in the same place) Seruantor incerta in futurum; The cause of many things are kept secret and uncertain until the day of iudgment. They are kept secret and uncertain for the time to come, that is to say for the next life, Quia tunc erit judicium nunc certamen; For then shal be the time of iudgment, whereas now is the time only of our conflict: and therefore who soever is here afflicted, he knoweth not whether his affliction proceed of Gods love toward him, as it did to job, or of his hatred, as it doth to evil men whom he punisheth for their wickedness; Thus saith S. jerome of the inscrutability of Gods iudgment, according to the doctrine of the Preacher whom he interpreteth. The Preacher observeth the vanity and misery of this world by occasion of the variable& uncertain events therof. Eccles. c. 1. 5. The other thing which the Preacher laboured to teach and prove by the variable and uncertain events of this world, is the vanity and misery therof; and how necessary it is for man to contemn the same, and to seek to attain to true stability and felicity in the next life; which( he saith) Is to be obtained only by the fear of God, and the keeping of his commandements; Therfore he not only beginneth his notable treatise with this sentence; Vanitas, vanitatum omnia vanitas; Vanity of vanities al things are vanity; but also doth every where inculcate the same, and concludeth therwith adding these memorable words; Ibid. ca. 12. The strict iudgment of God observed by the Preacher. Finem loquendi &c. Let us al hear the end of al speech, fear God and keep his commandements, for this is every man( that is to say, for this end was every man ordained and created) and God shal bring al things that are done in this world into iudgment, yea and every hidden and secret thing what soever, be it good or bad. 6. Thus saith the Preacher, whereby we may see that although he well weighed and considered that good and bad men are subject a like to the variable and uncertain events of this world; yet he was so far from denying the providence of God therfore, that he representeth the same unto us by the occasion therof, admiring the inscrutability of his iudgments, and signifying the vanity and misery of the world, with the way and means to attain to true felicity, to wit; by the fear of Gods iustice, and the observation of his commandements. 7. S. Augustins doctrine concerning the variable and uncertain events of this life. Aug. li. 20. de civit. dei. ca. 2. The same doctrine also S. Augustine draweth out of the same difficulty, explicating it notably with some other points appartaining to this matter, saying, that although we understand not the iudgments of God in his variable disposition and distribution of good and evil things, to good and bad men; yet we learn thereby to contemn those goods and evils, which are common to both, and to thirst after those goods only which are only proper to good men, and to eschew the evils which are only proper to evil men; Aug. de civit. dei. li. 1. ca. 8. & this S. Augustine explaineth further in an other place in these words: Placuit divinae prouidentiae. &c. It hath pleased the divine providence to ordain and prepare eternal goods for the just, which the unjust shal not enjoy, and everlasting evils for the unjust, from which the just shal be free; and therfore he would haue these transitory goods and evils to be common to both in this life; The reason why the goods and evils of this world are common to good and evil men. to the end that we may neither to much seek or desire those goods which evil men may haue, as well as wee; nor yet basely or shamefully flee those evils, which may fall to good men, as well as to evil men without prejudice of their virtue and goodness. Thus far S. Augustine, who also prosecuting this matter further, giveth further reason therof, and sheweth notably Gods infinite wisdom& providence, in that he diversly disposeth of mens affairs, giuing prosperity to some, and not to others, and manifestly punishing or rewarding some here, and some hence. 8. August. Ibid. God sheweth( saith he) his own operation in the variable distribution of good and evil things. For if he should not liberaly grant temporal goods to some which seek and ask them of him, men would say, that the same are not at his disposition: and if he should grant them to al that do or would ask them, men would suppose that he were to be served for no other rewards, Why God giveth temporal goods to some that crave them and not to others Why some sins are punished in this life and not others. and would rather become covetous and avaricious in his service then godly and virtuous; In like manner if he should manifestly punish every sin in this life, men would think there were no other life nor iudgment or punishment hereafter: and if he should punish no sin manifestly here in this world, men would imagine that he had no care or providence of their affairs. Thus saith S. Augustine of the cause why God bestoweth the temporal goods of this world vpon some, and not vpon al; and why he punisheth some here, and some hence. Why the good and bad are punished many times together. 9. But now( say you) why doth he punish the good together with the bad, as we see many times he doth with some general plague or sickness, famine or war, whereof as well the good, as the bad, bear the burden and feel the scourge? whereunto I answer, that as God of his mercy doth sometimes forbear the bad in respect of the good( as I haue signified ca. 26. nu. 2. before) so also sometimes he justly punisheth the good with the bad, yet in such sort, that therein he always extendeth his mercy abundantly towards them: Aug. de civit dei ca. 9. How good men participat of the faults of evil men. to which purpose S. Augustine saith that good men deserve sometimes to be punished with evil men because they do otherwhiles participate of their faults, by reason of some connivence with them( I mean some negligence in not correcting, reprehending or counseling them when they might do it) for which cause the psalmist prayeth to almighty God: Ab ocultis meis munda me, Psal. 18. & ab alienis parce servo tuo; Make me clean o Lord from my hidden faults& do not punish me for the faults of other men. besides that as S. Augustin also saith, they are justly punished with evil men; Aug. de civit. dei li. 1. c. 9. Non quia simul agunt vitam malam; said quia simul amant vitam temporalem; Not because they do live an evil life with them, but because they love this temporal life over much with them. And finally( saith he) because they do sometimes commit some sins ( vel rara vel tanto crebriora quanto minora; Either seldom, or so much the ofter by how much less they are) of which sins they justly bare the penalty. How good and evil men are distinguished in the sight of God though they be punished together. 10. Herein nevertheless the mercy of God towards them is evident, in that the same punishment serveth for their purgation in this life to purify& prepare them for everlasting glory, whereas to the wicked which are punished with them, it serveth for no other, then as I may term it, an antepast to their everlasting damnation, Aug. Ibid. & this S. Augustine notably teacheth in these words; When we see( saith he) good men afflicted together with evil men, we are not to think that they are not therfore distinguished from them in the sight of God, for it is to be considered that the punishment& affliction may be al one, The Affliction may be al one, and the afflicted of different nature and desert. and yet the punished or afflicted be of different nature and consideration: for as gold is purified and straw consumed by one and the self same fire, so one and the self same affliction purgeth and purifieth good men, whereas to evil men it is but a beginning of their hel and eternal torments, and therfore we see also evidently different effects in them both; For wicked men in their affliction detest& blaspheme almighty God, whereas good men in their sufferings do pray and praise him; so much it importeth to consider, not what the affliction is that is suffered, but what and who they are which suffer the same; Thus saith the famous and holy Father, declaring notably how it standeth with Gods just and merciful providence to punish sometimes the good with the bad. 11. Al which I will conclude with S. chrysostom, The doctrine of S. Chrisost. concerning the punishment of sin. Chrisost. in luke. ca. 16. concion● 3. Tom. 2. who yeeldeth also the like notable reasons, why God punisheth some, and spareth others in this world, clearing with al some other difficulties. If al men( saith he) should be punished here according to their deserts, wee should al perish, for wee al deserve it; again, if no man should be punished here, many would become careless, yea and say, that there is no providence of God in the affairs of men; For seeing that now when the hand of God is manifestly seen vpon many men, there want not some which power forth such blasphemies, Ibid. Why some are cut of by iustice of God and others not. what would they do if there were here no punishment at al? But perhaps some will( saith S. chrysostom) that those which are cut of by the iustice of God for their sins, do many times break forth into blasphemies and die in despair by occasion of their punishment, and so increase their own sin and damnation; whereas otherways they might perhappps in time amend; whereto he answereth, that if God did not foresee that they would not amend, he would not cut them of in sin, but would give them time to repent, and that therfore foreseing their impenitence, he executeth his iustice vpon them, aswell to give them their due desert, as also to terrify others by their example. Thus saith S. chrysostom in substance. Why al are not punished alike in this life, who sin alike. Ibid. 12. But why then( say you) are not al punished a like who sin a like( for many times we see that of those which are partakers of one fault, some are severely punished in this life, and others not at al? whereto S. chrysostom answereth, that he which payeth the whole penalty of his sin here, payeth none in the other life, and he which payeth part here payeth less there,& he which is not punished here with his fellowes, either amendeth by their example, or if he do not he draweth vpon himself a great reuenge which will surely fall vpon him in the end. And this saint chrysostom confirmeth with the answer of our saviour to the Iewes who complained to him of the cruelty of Pilat when he mixed the sacrifices of the Galileans with their blood. Ibid. Some punished for the example of others. luke. 13. do you think( saith our saviour) that those Galileans were greater sinners then the rest, because they were so afflicted? nay I say unto you that except you do pennance, you shal al perish; and th●nke you that those 18. men vpon whom the tower fel in Siloe, and killed them, deserved it more then al the inhabitants of jerusalem? nay I say unto you, that except you repent you ●hal al perish alike. Thus said our saviour, to signify as well that God will infallibly puni●h al wicked men sooner or later, as also that he punisheth some for the example of others; according as wee see many times( saith S. chrysostom) that a master of a family beateth some of his slaves, to the end their correction may serve for a warning to the rest of their fellowes. How it standeth with Gods iustice to punish one for an others faults. 2. Reg. 12. 13. But yet there resteth no small difficulty to be cleared, to wit how it standeth with the iustice of God, to punish one for the offences of an other, especially infants for the sins of their parents? as the innocent child of david who died in the cradle for his fathers sin; and in like manner we see in general afflictions of commonwealths, that not only good, and holly men, but also innocent children( who do no way participat of the offences of the princes or the people) are afflicted, or do corporally perish with the rest; and herein the doubt may seem to be the greater for that the Prophet Ezechiel saith, Ezechiel. 18. that the son shal not bear the iniquity of the father, nor the father the iniquity of the son, but that the righteousness of the just man shal be vpon him, and the iniquity of the wicked man shal fall vpon himself. To which purpose it may also be observed, that whereas almighty God threatened in Exodus to punish the sins of Parents in the children to the 3. Exod. 20. How Gods threats of punishment until the 4. generation are to be understood. Chrisost. ho. in psal. 84. To. 2. Hieron. in Isay li. 18. ca. 65. Aug. li. contra. Adimant. c. 7. Greg. in 21. ca. job. ca. 31. and 4. generation; the ancient Fathers understand the same of wicked children, who imitat their parents in their wickedness, for so S. chrysostom, S. jerome, S. Augustin, and S. Gregory do interpret it; of whom S. Gregory( to omit the other for brevities sake) saith vpon the same place. Quisquis patris iniquitatem non imitatur, nequaquam illius delicto grauatur. Who soever doth not imitat his fathers iniquity, is not punished for his sin. And further adding the reason why God threateneth to punish to the 4. generation, he saith, that because wicked children may see the evil life of their wicked parents to the third& fourth generation,& be induced by their example to offend God, Greg. Ibid. therfore usque ad eos extenditur ultio, qui viderunt quod male sequerentur. The punishment is extended to those who haue seen the evil example which they haue followed. Thus saith S Gregory, whereby it may appear, that only wicked men, and not innocent children, or good men are to suffer for the offences, either of their parents, or of any other. 14. For the clearing of this difficulty it is to be considered, Ezech. 18. The difficulties cleared and the place of Ezechiel interpnted. that whereas the prophet saith, that the son shal not be punished for the father, nor the father for the son; It is to be understood of spiritual punishment, and eternal damnation of the soul, and not of temporal punishment in body, goods, or other temporal things, so that the sense is; that no man shal be punished in his soul, or damned eternally for the only fault of his parents, when he hath not deserved it himself; Hieron. li. 6. in Ezech. c. 18. Chrisost. 5. in spal. 8. Aug. li. 6. trac. julian 25.& in Encherid c. 4.6. for so the ancient Fathers vnde●stand the words of the prophet, not denying but that good men or innocent children may justly be punished in their persons or goods, for their fathers sins; for such reasons as I will declare after a while. 15. Neither doth the ancient Fathers exposition of the place of Exodus before mentioned contradict the same, Exod. 20. The objection out of Exodus answered. Greg. in 21. ca. job. ca. 31. for although they seem to understand it only of wicked children( who imitating the wickedness of their parents shal be punished to the 4 generation) yet S. Gregory in the same place exemplifieth his own interpretation not only in evil men, but also in innocent children, who he saith are sometimes possessed and vexed by devils for the only sins of their parents; whereby it appeareth that he understandeth the punishment threatened in Exodus partly of corporal or temporal punishment, in goods, honour, and such like( in which sense the good and innocent are included as well as the wicked) and partly of spiritual or eternal punishment, as well as corporal, which is to be understood only of wicked men, who imitating the bad example of their wicked parents make their offences their own, and therfore may justly be punished for the same al manner ways, to wit, corporally and spiritually, temporally and eternally. Infants punished corporally for their parents sins,& why. 16. But now to speak more particularly of the temporal punishment of infants or good men for the sins of their parents; I say, that although almighty God doth never punish them eternally, or spiritually, for the faults of their progenitors, yet it is most agreeable to his iustice, that they pay sometimes a corporal and temporal penalty for the same, as well in respect of their participation, of one, and the self same nature, as also because they are D. Tho. 1.2. q. 87. art. 8. c. Children are part of their parents goods. The good deeds of parents rewarded in their children, and why. Tertul adverse. martion. li. 2. Plutark. de sera num. vindic. The difference betwixt that which is made by art, and that which is engendered. part of their parents goods; in which respect, God doth as justly punish a father in his children, as in his house, lands, cattle or the rest of his substance. And seeing also the merits or good deeds of parents are temporally rewarded in their children( who enherit their honours, dignities, and other commodities, no less then their lands, by reason of their natural discent, and dependence of them) it is also most just by the same reason, as Tertulian affirmeth, that they temporrally participate of their disgraces, harms, and incommodities; whereof Plutarck yeeldeth the reason, observing notably the difference betwixt that which is naturally engendered, and that which is made by art: For, saith he, artificial things are made by workmen, but not of them; that is to say they are not made of their substance or nature, and therfore being seperat from their authors, they haue no further communication with them, but children are engendered of the very substance and nature of their parents, which remaineth in them, and descendeth also by generation, Idem. Ibid. The natural properties and corporal marks of parents descend to their children. from them to their posterity. 17. And for the confirmation hereof, he observeth also that the resemblance, and natural properties, or corporal marks of some parents, are continued in their families for many descents, yea and sometimes not appearing in the second or third generation, do nevertheless show themselves in the 4. or 5. or others ensuing some ages after; whereof he bringeth an example of one in his time called python, who being descended of the founders of Thebes, and the last of that race, was born with the figure of a lance vpon his body, which had been in former ages a natural mark of those of that family, and discontinued in them for many yeres; whereby, saith he, it may appear that one, and the self same nature of parents doth propagat, and extend itself to their children, and posterity, and that therefore it may justly be punished or reward in them. 18. Idem. Ibid. human iustice punisheth whole communities though every one therein hath not offended; and why. This also the same author confirmeth by the custom and practise of human laws, which do justly reward or punsih whole cities, colleges, or corporations, though every particular man, or woman, therein haue not deserved it, by means whereof such as come afterwards to be members of the same communities, do also participat of the same rewards or penalties, only by reason of their communion in that pollitical body; which nevertheless, saith Plutark, Ibid. seemth not to haue so great reason of iustice, as the punishment or reward of a whole race, or progeny for the offence or good desert of their progenitor, whose nature stil liveth in them. Thus reasoneth this painime most excellently defending the iustice, and providence of God against the Atheists of his time, whereby we may also gather how convenient and just it is, that some good and holly men, yea and innocent children, Why innocent children perish with wicked men in the general punishments of commonwelths. nu. 24.25.26.27. who are no way partakers of the common offences of the people, do nevertheless temporally suffer with the rest in some general punishment of a whole commonwealth, by reason of the natural sympathy, and union of the members of political bodies, no less then of bodies natural; as I haue also noted before, in the 17. chapter, where I treated of Gods iustice in punishing the subiects for the sins of the Princes. 19. And this will be yet more clear if we consider the course of Gods providence in this point, How God tempereth his iustice with mercy in the affliction of men. and how he tempereth his iustice with mercy in the afflictions, and punishments of men. To which purpose it is to be understood, that every one who is afflicted, is not punished, and this I say for diuers causes, first, for that sometimes afflictions fall vpon men not for any offence, The difference betwixt affliction and punishment. Al afflictions are punishments of sin in infidels, but not in the baptized, and why. Aug. li. 13. de Trinit. ca. 16.& li. 2 de pec. mer. ca. 33. The reasons why the baptized are not exempt from miseries, after the remission of original sin. The miseries of this life are not punishments in Christians, but only when they are some offence. but either naturally, or casually, only through the course of human infirmity, in which case, how soever al kind of afflictions may be truly called punishments in infidels, who are not regenerat by baptism and cleansed from original sin( whereof human miseries are some part of the penalty) yet to Christians( to whom both original sin and the pain due thereto is remitted) they are as S. Augustin teacheth, left after baptism, by the special providence of God, not as punishment, but for their exercise and to serve them for matter of greater merit, to make them like to Christ their head, whose members they are, to the end that suffering with him, the may reign with him; and lastly, to draw them from the love of worldly vanities, and of this ttansitory life, to the due consideration and desire of heavenly joys, and life everlasting. Therefore I say, that whereas al kind of miseries are now since the fall of Adam, and his loss of original iustice, incident to the life and state as well of man, as of other living creatures, the same are not punishments in the regenerat, but only when they are inflicted vpon them, either by divine or human iustice for some offence; for otherwise when they fall vpon them, either by course of nature, or by mere accident, though they are afflictions, yet they neither are, nor can properly be termed punishments. Certain cases wherein afflictions are not punishments. job. 1. Tobiae. 12. joan. 9. 20. Further more I haue declared amply in the 25. Chapter that men are sometimes afflicted, not for sins but for their probation and greater merit, as job and Tobias were, and sometimes only for the manifestation of Gods glory, as the man was of whom the Gospel speaketh, who was born blind, to the end that our saviour might be glorified by his cure. Otherwhiles also God suffereth his seruants to be afflicted for their preservation from sin: ●. Cor. 12. as S paul was molested by the Angel of satan, lest otherwise he might be proud of the grace and gifts which God had given him; for which cause also God depriveth good men otherwhiles not only of their temporal and corporal commodities( lest they may be seduced and corrupted thereby) but also of their lives, Sap. 4. nu 5.& 17. ne malitia mutet intellectum, lest malice may change their understanding, as I haue signified more amply in 25. Insants perish corporally sometimes to the salvation of their souls. Chap. 25. chapter. And in like manner it may be said of infants, and innocent children, that they may through Gods merciful providence perish corporally, in some general affliction to the salvation of their souls, which if they lived might be damned eternally. In al which cases and diuers other( whereof I haue also spoken before) it is to be understood, that innocent men may be afflicted,& yet not punished, though nevertheless others may be justly punished in them. And the reason is for that the calamity of one person may haue many different considerations, according to the difference of Gods judgements vpon him that is afflicted, How the affliction of one man which is no punishment to him may be a punishment to others. The different considerations which may be had in the affliction of some one man. Aug. li. 6. quaest. sup. Iosue. c. 8. and vpon others whom his affliction may some way concern. As for example; the sudden death of some one( whether it hap by Gods special ordinance for the salvation of his soul, or only by natural or casual means) may by the secret disposition, and providence of God, serve for a due punishment to his parents, for temporal reward( due also by Gods iustice) to his enemies, for an example, and admonition to some, for an edification to others, and finnally for the glory of God; and this S. Augustine insinuateth notably, saying. For as much as the visible afflictions or deaths of men may be either profitable, or hurtful to those vpon whom they are inflicted, our Lord knoweth in his secret providence how to dispose the same justly to every one; Etiam cum aliorum peccata in aliis vlcisci videtur; even then when he seemeth to punish the sins of some in others. Thus saith S. Augustine. 21. Now then of these premises I gather three conclusions. The first is, The first conclusion gathered of the premises. that one man may justly bear the temporal penalty of an other mans faults, either in respect of some interest or propriety which one may haue in an other, or of some coniunction, or communion in nature( for both which respects children are punished for the sins of their parents) or else by reason of a natural sympathy in a politic body( as when whole commonwealths are afflicted for the offences of some members thereof) in which cases there is a just participation of merit and demerit, and consequently of reward and punishment. 22. The second conclusion, The second conclusion. is that in the afflictions as well of whole communities, as of particular men, for the sins of others, God disposeth, and distributeth the same to every one in such weight, measure, and manner, as to his infinite wisdom seemeth convenient for the punishment of some,& benefit of others,& his own glory, reserving the reasons,& causes therof, as it were, locked up in the secret cabinet of his inscrutable judgements for such respect as shal be declared after a while. nu. 23.& 24. The third conclusion. The reasons of Gods judgements in particular are secret and vnknown. Many evident reasons may be given of Gods judgements in general. 23. The third conclusion resulting of the satisfaction of this last difficulty, and of al the former, is that although the reasons of Gods judgements in particular( I mean concerning particular men) are secret and for the most part unknown either to themselves, or to any other in this life, yet many evident, and manifest reasons may be given of his judgements in general, as why one man is punished for an other, why the wicked are prosperous, and the just afflicted, why some sinners are chastised in this world, and others not, why good and wicked men are sometimes punished together,& finally why al temporal good and evil is common to them both. Why God manifesteth his judgements in some things, and concealeth them in other. 24. And herein also it is to be considered, that God sheweth his mercy and providence towards man, as well in concealing the one from him, as in revealing unto him the other, for as by the light and knowledge which we haue of his judgements in general, we are moved the more to admire his infinite wisdom, to aclowledge his providence, and to honour and love him: so by not knowing his judgements concerning ourselves in particular, we are admonished of our own infirmity& ignorance, and of our absolute dependence vpon his will, Not fit for the slave to know the councils of his Lord and master. joan. ca. 15. as his creatures, seruants, and slaves, to whom it doth not appertain to know the councells of their Lord and master, further then it pleaseth him to manifest the same unto them; For as our saviour himself saith. servus nescit quod faciat dominus eius; the slave knoweth not what his Lord or master doth: By the consideration whereof we are moved also to serve him with so much more fear, by how much we less know his will and pleasure concerning us and our affairs. 25. This S. Gregory doth notably signify, who expounding the history of job saith, that almighty God speaking unto him, did admonish him to suffer his affliction with so much more patience, by how much less he understood for what cause he suffered the same; and to the same purpose S. Gregory discourseth amply in the same place of the variable and diuers events, which fall out daily in the different estates and conditions of men, and concludeth that it is most necessary, that we should not know and understand the secret iudgments of God therein; Necessary for man not to know the seacret iudgments of God. Greg. li. 29. ca. 18. in 38. ca. job. To the end( saith he) we may the better know ourselves, and growing ourselves may fear and be humbled, and being humbled, may not presume any thing of our own strength, but crave and seek the help of our creator, by the which we may attain to everlasting life, chambermaids by trust and confidence in ourselves we may perish for ever; Thus saith S. Gregory, whereby we may see how true it is which S. chrysostom saith; Chris. in Psal. 142. The iudgments of God are hidden from us for our good. Iudicia Dei abscondita sunt a nobis, pro nobis; The judgements of God are hidden from us, for us, that is to say, for our own good. So that the great wisdom, providence, and mercy of God towards us, appeareth no less in that he concealeth his iudgments from us in many things, then that in many other he manifesteth the same unto vs. 26. And hereby, as also by al the precedenr discourse, it is evident that the reasons which Atheists use against the providence of God, are notable arguments to prove the same, The conclusion of this chapter, inserring the evidence of Gods providence and the blindness of Atheists. and do convince them as well of extreme ingratitude towards their most merciful, provident, and loving father; as also of intolerable presumption and inexcusable ignorance and blindness; I say presumption and blindness, in that they think themselves able to measure the infinite wisdom of their Creator by the inch( as I may term it) of their short and sillye capacity, whiles in the mean time they are so blind that they see not the clear light of his providence, which shineth and manifesteth itself in the admirable disposition and government of al his creatures. Attingens( saith the book of wisdom) a fine usque ad finem fortiter,& disponens omnia suaviter; That is to say, Sap. ca. ●. Reaching and extending itself powerfully from one end to the other, and disposinge al things sweetly; And this shal suffiice at this time for this matter. IT IS INFERRED VPON THE premises that no sinful policy can be truly accounted wise or political; And by occasion therof it is declared, whence true wisdom is, what it is, and wherein it consisteth. Also the diference betwixt wisdom, prudence, and policy; and lastly the necessity of grace to the perfection of policy is signified: with a consideration of the difficulties and dangers incydent to matters of state. CHAP. 28. IN the former discourse( good reader) I haue proved especially two things, the one is the weakness of mans wit, policy, and power; and by consequence his insufficiency for the government of commonwealth with out some supernatural assistance; The other is, the dependence of al states, empires, and kingdoms, vpon the providence, absolute will, and disposition of almighty God; whereupon, though many notable conclusions may be inferred, yet I will for this time, only infer one, to wit, that no policy which is sinful, No sinful policy can be truly wise or political and why; and offenciue to God, can be truly wise and political; For if al kingdoms& states, depend wholly vpon Gods will and disposition, it is manifest that nothing which offendeth God can be good for state, nor by consequence political. And although I mean to treat this point specially in the second part of this Treatise, where I will prove that there is no true utility in sin and wickedness; yet I haue thought good to lay down some grounds therof in this chapter. 2. And to the end, the discourse hereof may be the more clear, Policy a branch of wisdom. I will first declare what is wisdom, and wherein it consisteth: For seeing policy is but as it were a branch therof, it shal be convenient first to consider the nature of the roote or three, that we may thereby know the property and nature of the branch; And to this end it is to be considered, first whence wisdom is, and afterwards what it is, whereby it shal appear that true wisdom, and consequently true policy, can no way stand with wickedness. 3. For the first; it is evident, wisdom the special gif●e of God according to Plato. by the doctrine as well of the best philosophers, as of our holy scriptures, that wisdom is the special gift of God, which Plato taught not only concerning absolute wisdom( consisting in the speculation and knowledge of divine things) but also of civil or political wisdom and prudence, which he saith is neither given to man by nature, Plato 4. de legib.& in Minoe. wisdom not given by nature, nor taught by Philosophy, nor got by industry. nor taught by philosophy, nor got by industry or experience; and therfore in his book of political laws, he craveth it of almighty God as his especial gift, acknowledging that no human wit, can with out his particular inspiration, and assistance, ordain sufficient laws, for the government of commonwealth, as I haue ca. 7. nu. 8. already signified here. 4. This also our scriptures teach abundantly, Eccli. ca. 1. God the only author and giver of wisdom according to the Scriptures. Ibid. ca. 15. Eccli. ca. 1. deriving al wisdom from almighty God, as from the true fountain therof saying, Omnis sapientia a domino Deo est; Al wisdom is from our Lord God; Et à deo profecta est sapientia &c. wisdom came from God, and it shal abound in the mouth of the faithful man, and the governor or Lord of al w●l give it him; And again, Fons sapientiae verbum Dei in excelsis; The fountain of wisdom is the word of God on high, That is to say the son of God, who is therfore called; Sapientia patris. The wisdom of God the father. 5. For this cause S. james adviseth us, Ep. jac. ca. 1. Si quis vestrum( saith he) indiget sapientia, postulet à Deo& dabitur ei; If any of you need wisdom let him ask it of God, and it shal be given him; 3. Reg. ca. 3. Salomon and Iesus the son of mirach obtained wisdom of God by prayer. Eccli. ca. 51. and Salomon craved it of almighty God, and obtained it, and Iesus the son of mirach saith of himself. Cum adhuc junior sum &c. When I was yet but young I craved wisdom expressly in my prayers, and before it was yet time to use it I required it, and profited much in it, and therfore I will give glory to him who gave it me. Thus saith the Preacher, whereto I might add infinite places of scriptures to the same purpose, if it were needful. 6. Seeing then true wisdom is, according to the opinion both of philosophers and divines, an especial gift of almighty God, it must needs follow that it can haue no communication with sin and wickedness, or with any thing offenciue to Gods and therfore Plato with al his followers doth teach, Plato in The age.& in ep. ad Syracusan. What wisdom is according to Plato. that for as much as true wisdom is nothing else, but as it were the light of the chief and true good( that is to say of almighty God) reflected vpon the souls of men, no soul defiled with sin, is any whit more capable of this light of true wisdom, then the air being overcast with clouds is capable of the sun. And this doctrine of Plato agreeth notably with our holy scriptures which teach, Sap. 1. A soul desiled with sin, not capable of wisdom. Eccli. 43. that In maleuolam animam &c. wisdom will not enter into a soul possessed with malice, nor dwell in a body subject to sin. And therfore the Preacher saith, that God giveth wisdom; Homini bono; To the good man.& pie agentibus, and to those which do well and godly. 7 This will be more evident by the consideration of what wisdom is, What wisdom is, wherein it consisteth according to our holy scriptures. job. ca. 28. and wherein it principally consisteth. Therfore first to speak of the doctrine of our holy scriptures, and after of the opinion of Philosophers; job having asked this question; where is wisdom to be found, and what is the place of understanding? answereth himself saying; Ecce timor domini ipsa est sapientia& recedere a malo intelligentia; behold the fear of God is wisdom itself, and to forsake evil is understanding. Eccli. ca. 19. Thus saith job: which the Preacher confirmeth saying. Omnis sapientia timor Dei,& in omni sapientia dispositio legis; Al wisdom is the fear of God, and in al wisdom is the disposition of the law, That is to say( as we red in the greek text) Factio& operatio legis, True wisdom consisteth in the fear of God and the execution of his law. The doing and quibbling of the draw, signifying that al wisdom consisteth in the fear of God, and in the execution of his law, which is as much to say, as in keeping his commandements; whereof three reasons may be given. 8. The first, because he which feareth God and fulfilleth his commandements, hath the ground and principal part of wisdom, The principal part of wisdom, to respect in al things the glory of God, and our eternal good. Matth. 16. Eccli. c. 37. for in al his actions he principally respecteth two things, the one, the glory of God( for the which man and al other creatures were chiefly ordained) and the other, the eternal good of his soul which most importeth him; For as our saviour saith. What doth a man gain though he get the whole world, if he loose his soul? And therfore the Peacher saith very well; Sapiens est ainae suae sapiens: He which is wise, is wise for his soul. 9. The second reason is, for that he which feareth God and keepeth his commandements, doth therein work wisely, He which truly feareth God is wise for his temporal good and why. not only for his eternal good( as I said before) but also for his temporal and worldly good: seeing thereby he conserveth himself in the protection and favor of him who is the author and giver as well of the one, as of the other, and hath a special and particular care of such as fear and serve him, for as the Psalmist saith. Oculi domini supper metuentes eum. Psal. 32. Psal. 33. The eyes of our Lord are vpon them that fear him. Et aures eius in preces eorum; and his ears are attentive to their prayers: and such is his love towards them& the regard he hath of them, that as our saviour saith; Math. ca. 10. Psal. 33. He numbereth the very hairs of their heads: Et custodit( saith the psalmist) omnia ossa eorum, and preserveth al their bones, to the end that there shal not any one of them perish. 10. Therfore as no man either is or can be counted wise or happy, who by contempt of almighty God, No man is wise in exposing himself to Gods indignation. and breach of his commandements, exposeth himself to his indignation( whereby both he, and his may utterly perish) so also he which by the fear of God and the observation of his law procureth his continual favor and protection, is not only truly wise, but also truly happy: which Aristotle himself acknowledged, Arist. li. 10. ethi. ca 7. He which procureth the favor of God, is both wise and happy according to Aristotle Idem. Ibid. ca 8. The law of God is the rule of al prudent actions. The difference betwixt wisdom and prudence. The object of wisdom. The definition of wisdom. Cicero office li. 2. Aug. li. 14. de trinit. ca. 1. The office of prudence. who tecahing that true wisdom and felicity do chiefly consyst in the contemplation of God& heavenly things, affirmeth the wisest man to be the happiest of al others: because he is most grateful to God, and best beloved of him, and protected and benefytted by him. 11. The third reason why the fear of God and the keeping of his commandments is true wisdom, is, because the law of God is the true rule, and squire, by the which al prudent actions are to be measured, for it comprehendeth in itself& teacheth al true virtue and goodness, without the which there can be no true prudence: as shal appear by the circumstances due, and requisite thereto, according to the doctrine of Philosophers; wherein in by the way it is to be noted, that although wisdom, and prudence in common speech are commonly confounded, yet there is betwixt them this difference; that wisdom hath for her object, not only human, but also divine things, and therefore is defined both by Philosophers and diuins to be; fciencia divinarum humanarumque rerum& eorumquae illarum rerum sunt causae, The knowledge of things divine, and human, and of their causes, Basil in princip. proverb. Arist. Motal. Ni come li. 7. ca. 5.& ethi. li. 6. D. Tho. 2.2. q 27.2. Cicero de nat. dear. li. 3. Aug. li. 83 quaest. 31. Basil in princip. proverb. The definition of prudence. whereas the office of prudence is duly to consider, and well to direct human affairs, and is called by S. Thomas. Sapientia in humanis rebus, wisdom in human things, consisting, as both Cicero and S. Augustin teach, in the knowledge, of things good, bad, and indifferent; and is defined, verum expetendarum fugiendarumque scientia, the knowledge of things to be desired, or fled, or as S. Basil saith eorum quae agenda& non agenda sunt cognitio. The knowledge of those things which are to be donne or not to be donne, Whereto 3. circumstances are principally required. 12. The 1. is, that the end of every action be truly good, which Aristotle teacheth to be the first and principal circumstance requisite to prudence, Arist li. 6. ethic. ca. 4. Idem. ca. 12. The end of every action truly prudent must needs be good. The means and circumstances of every prudent action are good and just. Arist. in ethi. and therfore he affirmeth that who soever applieth his wit and iudgments to work for an evil end, although he haue never so good success therein, yet he can not be called truly wise or prudent, but crafty or subtle. 13. The 2. circumstance is, not only that the end of every action be good( as I haue said) but also that the means to attain to that end, be correspondent thereto, that is to say, that they be also good and just, yea and well and justly done; To which purpose Aristotle prescribeth circumstances of due time, place, and manner, to be considered in every virtuous and prudent action, teaching with al that who soever faileth in any of the said circumstances, Idem li. 6. is not virtuous, nor by consequent prudent, Ethic. e. 12. Macrob. in somno scrip. li. 1. virtue and prudence so joined that they cannot be separated. Basil in princip. proverb. for that prudence and virtue are so joined, that the one can nor possible be with out the other; and therfore Macrobius assigning our of Plato six partes of prudence, accounteth circumspection for one, which he saith consisteth in the consideration of the circumstances of every action, that the same be lawful, good, and just; whereupon S. Basil saith. Quisquis prudentiam recte sectatus fuerit &c. who soever followeth the rule of prudence truly, he shal never swarue from virtue, nor fall into 'vice. 14. The 3. circumstance to be considered in eu●ry prudent action is, that whereas there are certain degrees of goodness in things, some being good, other better, and one the best of al,( wh●rto al other things are to be referred, which is therefore called by the philosophers: Sumun bonum; The chief good, and also, Finis bonorum, Cicero de finibus li. 1 2.3.4.& 5.& office. li. 3. The end of al good things) it is( I say) specially required to prudence, to make a true estimate of the value and wrath of every thing, Prudence prefereth the greater good before the less, and the chief good before al other. Plutarc. de amore frater. Arist. 6. Ethic. D. Tho. 2.2. q. 27. ar. 2. and not only to reject things absolutely evil, or of evils to choose the least( as the Lacedemonian said merrily he had done, when he had married a very little wife but also of good things to choose the best, preferring those things which are absolutely good, before al other goods what soever, and making the chief good, the scope and end of al his actions. 15. Now then seeing these three circumstances are requisite to true prudence, to wit to choose a good end, to use and practise good and virtuous means; and to esteem every good thing in the degree that it deserveth; How he that feareth God practiseth the 3. chief points of prudence. it is evident that he who feareth God and keepeth his commandements, most exactly, p rformeth al those three things not only in every par●iculer action but also throughout the whole course of his life, tending in al things to goodness and virtue, using al just and virtuous means, and esteeming every thing according to the true worth and value therof; For he prefereth the soul before the body, eternal things before temporal. the goods of the body before the goods of fortune, the goods of the mind before them both: and finnally he referreth and directeth al his actions and the whole course of his life to the service and glory of God, Apoc. 1. Arist. Metaph. li. 1. Trimegist. in paeman. c. 3. whom both divines and Philosophers teach, to be the beginning and end of al creatures, as I haue partly shewed already, and will do more amply in the second part of this treatise when I shal speak of religion. In the preface. 16. But here perhaps some will say, that there are necessary required to prudence certain partes which I haue not yet mentioned, as sagacity of wit, a good memory,& a sound iudgment, A difficulty proposed concerning other parts of prudence. Arist. ethic. li. 6. c. 9.& 10. whereby wise men do prudently consider, judge, counsel, ordain, and execute; and that these partes( as Aristotle teacheth) proceed partly of a natural ability, and partly of long experience. In which respect he most approveth the iudgment and counsel of old men; whereupon it followeth that it sufficeth not to prudence to fear God and keep his commandements, except a man haue with al the other partes above mentioned, which many good and holy men want, either in respect of some natural defect of wit, memory, and iudgment, or for lack of experience. The satisfaction of the difficulty proposed. 17. For the better satisfaction hereof, one thing is to be considered, which I haue before amply treated and proved, to wit the natural imbecility of mans wit, which I haue shewed to be such in the wisest worldly man that liveth, that he knoweth not what is convenient for himself, No man is so wise that he always knoweth what is convenient for himself. Chap. 2.& 3. &c. The light of Gods grace necessary for the perfection of prudence. and much less for others; whereby he desireth and seeketh many times that which turneth to his utter ruin: whereof I alleged many reasons and examples; by the which it is manifest, that the most necessary part for the consummation and perfection of human prudence, is some supernatural and divine light, to illuminat the understanding of men,& to move and incline their wils to make choice of that which may be most convenient for them and others, without which light the wisest worldly men( I mean such as haue most excellent talents,& parts of nature and are wicked withal) are but like to blind men, and go as it were groping in the dark; Eccli. ca. 11. The wisest thirdly men, are as it were blindsold. Prou. ca. 4. wherefore the Preacher saith. Error& tenebrae peccatoribus concreatae sunt; Error& darkness are created together with sinners, that is to say ignorance and blindness are connatural to wicked men. And again Salomon saith: Via peccatorum tenebrosa &c. The way of the wicked is dark and obscure, and they know not where they shal fall; whereas on the contrary side he saith of the just: servorum semita quasi lux splendens; Ibid. The path or way of the just( that is to say of those that fear God and keep his commandements) is as it were a resplendent light which stil increaseth until it be clear day. And for this cause also the psalmist saith of the law of God, that it is, clear and bright, Psal. 18. The good abilities of nature are increased& perfected by grace. and that it giveth light unto the eyes: that is to say, the light of grace, whereby the good abilities natural of Gods seruants are increased and perfected,& their actions prospered so far forth as almighty God thinketh it necessary for their good, his glory, and the execution of his will. 18. whereto I add that also the defects of nature may be and many times are, The defects of nature may be, and often are supplied by the light of grace. supplied by the light& help of grace, in such sort that the seruants of God may, and many times do exactly perform al the parts of prudence, though they haue no natural ability for the same: such being the force and effects of grace, that it perfecteth human nature, which though it aspire and tend to perfection, yet can not possibly attain thereto in many things, without some supernatural help; as I will evidently prove in the second parte of this Treatise, when I shal treat of Religion:& now in the mean time for the better proof of the matter in hand, I will only lay down some examples of the seruants of God, Examples of diuers in whom grace supplied natural defects. who not withstanding either their natural defects and imperfections, or their want of experience, haue by the conduct of grace most prudently and wisely behaved themselves in most important matters. 19. Daniel being but a child of 12 years old judged the cause of Susanna. Dan. ca. 13. Theodor. in 1. ca. Ezech. Ignatius Martit. ep. ad magnets. Suspicius sever. li. 2. Sacrae. histo. Aug. serm. 242. Dan. c. 1. Ananias, Misael and Azarias. judith. ca. 7.8.9.10.11.12.13. judith heroycaly and perfitly performed a glorious enterprise. For who seemed more unfit to undertake the iudgment of great causes then Daniel whiles he was a child of 12. yeres old,( as Theodoretus testifieth) or as other grave and ancient Fathers affirm, not much elder( and therfore no less unripe in experience then in yeares) and yet nevertheless being assisted by the spirit of God he confounded the addulterous iudges in the cause of Susanna, which he most prudently determined; besides that the scripture witnesseth that God gave such profound knowledge and wisdom not only to him, but also to Ananias, Misael and Azarias whiles they were al children, that they far surpassed al the wise and learned Chaldeans. 20. And was there ever any glorious enterprise, more wisely contrived, more courageously attempted, or more heroically performed, then the overthrow of Holofernes, slain by a holy woman, no less timorous of nature, then weak of iudgment and voided of experience through the infirmity of her sex? 21. again, what sufficiency was there in Moyses for the performance of so great a charged as almighty God laid vpon him; Exod. c. 3. first in his ambassage to pharaoh, and afterward in the government and conduct of his people through so many dangers and difficulties? This was acknowledged by Moyses himself, Moyses acknowledged his insufficiency for the conduct of Gods people. Exod. Ibid. who confessed his own insufficiency& weakness, saying to almighty God; Quis sum ego &c: Who am I o Lord? that is to say what is there me that I shal go to pharaoh; and conduct the children of Israel out of egypt? And again afterwards being utterly discouraged with the consideration of his want of eloquence and vtterrance, and of his other infirmities, he desired to be excused saying. Ibid. ca. 4. Glossa interlin. How God supplied the defects of Moyses. Obsecro domine mitte quem missurus es, I beeseche thee o Lords sand whom else it please thee; whereupon God did not only promise him his own continual assistance, but also appointed Aaron to help him, and to speak for him to the people in al occasions, promising with al to be in the mouths of them both. Exod. c. 18. 22. Besides that, lethro cousin to Moyses did also afterwards by Gods great providence, teach him a notable point of policy for the government of the people; wherein it may be noted by the way, God concurreth with his seruants sometimes immediately, and sometimes by means of others how sweetly almighty God directeth and guideth his servants concurring with them, and moving them sometimes immediately by secret inspiration, and sometimes by the help and means of others, whereby Moyses being as it seementh altogether unskilful, and unexpert in matters of state, did nevertheless many yeres most prudently and happily govern the people of God, as well in warlike, as in other civil affairs. 1 Reg. ca. 16. 2. Reg. c. 2.& 5. 23. In like manner if we consider either the yeres or education of david( when being very young he was called from the sheep cote to the court, and shortly after anioynted king) and if we weigh with al his wise, david directed and guided in al his government by almighty God 2. Reg. c. 7. victorious, and glorious government for 40. yeeres together, we must needs confess that the same proceeded of Gods assistance, and not of his own sufficiency, whereof almighty God admonished him by Nathan the prophet saying; Ego tuli te &c. I took thee from the pastures wh●n thou followedst thy flocks, and made thee king of my people of Israel, and I was with thee, and assisted thee in al things where soever thou didst go. I killed al thy enemies before thy face, and haue magnified thy name amongst the great ones of the earth; Thus said the prophet david in the person of almighty God, and this also david himself( who best knew himself, and the favours which God had done him) gratefully aknowledged, david gratfully acknowledged Gods assistance Psal. 17.& 143. Psal. 17.16.15.24.133. calling almighty God his Protector, his stay, his refuge, his buckler or shield, his strength, his hope, his glory, and humbly beseeching him in al his occasions, to illuminat him, to protect and defend him, to direct his course, and to guide his steps. 24. Furthermore to omit the most admirable conversion of of the Christian world to the faith of Christ by poor and ignorant fi●hermen( whereof I haue spoken before) and to say some what of later examples; Chap. 24. nu. 23.& 24. S Antony the hermit most prudent& learned without human learning or experience. S. Athan. in. v●●a S. Antonij. Who can sufficiently admire the wisdom and prudence of S. Antony the hermit, who withdrawing himself from the world to the wilderness, in his young and tender yeares, became nevertheless so judicious, wise, and learned, that the famous S. Athanasius( who wrote his life) saith of him thus; He was very wise, and this was wonderful i● him, that having had no last at al of human learning, yet he was; Ingeniosissimus,& prudentissimus; Most ingenious and prudent; For example whereof S. Athanasius recounteth certain disputations which passed betwixt him, and some famous pagan Philosophers, whom he convinced with arguments no less subtle then sound and learned. The admirable learning of S. katherine of Alexandria. Metaphastes. Baron. Anno. 307.& alij. 25. The like also is testified by grave authors of S. Katherine of Alexandria in Greece, who being but 18. yeres of age, defended the Christian faith against the learnedst Philosophers of her time, whom shee confuted and converted. 26. And to her I may add an other S. katherine of Siena, who being brought up from hir infancy in religion, F. Raimundus Capuen. in vita S. Kater. Senen. The learning& wisdom of S. katherine of Se●na. Anno. 1375. with out any experience or practise of worldly affairs, was nevertheless so prudent and of such notable judgement, that the Florentines having war with Pope Gregory the 11. entreated her to go to Auignion in France where he resided, to crave and treat peace for them, which shee did with such wonderful wisdom, and efficacy, that the Pope was content to remit the conditions to to her, though afterwards it took no effect, by reason of new troubles raised in Florence by some seditious persons, who were opposite to the peace; besides that, whilst shee remained in Auignion, shee filled the whole Court with the admiration, aswell of her learning, as of her prudence, resoluinge and satisfying great doubts and difficulties propounded unto her, by three of the most learnedst prelates of that age, who of curiosity meant to try her ability in matters of learning. The infused learning and wisdom of S. Bernard. Guild. abbess. Claraual. in vita Bernar. li. 2. ca. 2.& li 4. c. 3. Carol. Sigon. de reg. hall. an. 11.30.& 1134. S. Franciscus de Paula, voided of human experience, yet admirably wise. 27. Also how admirable was the learning, wisdom, and prudence of S. Bernard, who retiring himself from the world to a monastery at two and twenty yeres of age, became not only so learned, as appeareth by his notable works; but also so wise and prudent, that he was diuers times called from his cloister into Italy and other parts, to compound great quarrels, and controversies, which he did with great satisfaction, and admiration of al men. 28. Finally who ever knew or understood less of worldly matters then Robert le Roy, otherwise called now Franciscus de Paula, sounder of the religious order of the minims; who forsook the world and went to the desert being but a boy, and ever after lived a monastical life, and nevertheless was of such wisdom and prudence, Philip. come. ca. 130. that Philip de Comines a most grave and wise counsellor of Lewis the 11. King of France, saith that he heard him diuers times discourse in the presence as well of King Lewis, as of King Charles his son, so prudently of great and difficult matters, that it seemed he was inspired by almighty God, and that the holy Ghost speak by his mouth, for otherwise( saith this author) he could not haue spoken of such matters as he did. 29. I omit diuers other examples for breuityes sake, seeing by these it sufficiently appeareth how true it is which the Psalmist saith. Psal. 18. How the law of God giveth wisdom. Lex domini sapientiam praestat paruulis; The lawe of God giveth wisdom to children; That is to say, to simplo and ignorant men; and the reason is, for that the law of God containeth the precepts, and rules of al true wisdom and prudence, teaching us what is our duty to God, to our neighbour, to our superiors, inferiors, and equals; how, and what to love; how, and what to hate; how to command, how to obey, to what end to direct our intentions and actions; how to live, how to die, and lastly how to arrive after the storms and tempests of this life, at the secure port of eternal felicity, whereto true wisdom directeth and addresseth her whole course. 30. And this is not only to be understood of the written law of God, The written law of God full of al wisdom. that is to say the holy scriptures of the old and new testament( in the which as S. chrysostom saith; Non est sillaba vel apiculus. &c. There is not a syllable, nor so much as a tittle, wherein there is not hidden some great treasure) but much more it is to be understood of the law of God unwritten, The infused law of God. Hieremiae ca. 13. infused in to the hartes of Gods seruants; whereof almighty God said by the prophet; Dabo legem meam &c. I will give them my law in their bowels, and I will write it in their hearts. Which unwritten or infused law is, as S. Augustin saith nothing else but: Aug. li. de spir.& littera ca. 21. Ipsa presentia Spiritus Sancti &c. The very presence of the holy Ghost, &c. by whom charity is spread and printed in our harts, which charity is the consummation of the law, and end of the commandement 31. Thus saith S. Augustin of the infused law of God, which doth not only teach men true wisdom( as doth the written law) but doth also give it them, The infused law both teacheth and giveth true wisdom. making them the temples of God, and habitacles of the holy Ghost; by whose grace the good natural talents of many seruants of God are increased and perfected, their defects supplied, their infirmites cured, the eyes of their understandings illuminated, and their iudgments guided and directed; by means whereof they are replenished with heavenly wisdom, and enabled to perform al the partes of true prudence, to wit, to deliberate maturely, to judge soundly, to council securely, to ordain and command exactly, and to execute effectually; and so they work in al things, no less prudently then happily, being moved and lead by the only author of wisdom and happiness, in whose hand are the harts of al men, and vpon whose will dependeth 〈◇〉 success of al actions whatsoever. 32. Therefore I will infer hereupon certain conclusions; The first conclusion. Eccli. ca. 1. The fear of God is the beginning and perfection of wisdom; and why. The first, that, as the Preacher saith, the fear of God is not only; Initium& radix, The begininge and roote, but also; plenitudo sapientiae: The consummation or perfection of wisdom; For those which sincerely fear God, haue consequently the light& help of his grace, whereby they may, and many times do arrive to the perfection of wisdom and prudence, whereas otherwise there is no possibility to attain thereto; al human wisdom, being of itself( as I may term it) lame, and unperfect, Al human wisdom is of itself lame and unperfect. uncertain and subject to infinite errors( as hath been amply proved through out this whole discourse) so that wicked men although they haue never so good partes of wit and iudgement naturally, and may by the force and means therof do many things prudently and wisely, The wisest worldly man is a fool in that which most imports him. yet for as much as they always play the fools notably in that which importeth them most( to wit, in things pertaining to their eternal good or evil( and do also err very blindly and absurdly many times in temporal affairs, they nether haue any perfection of wisdom, nor can be truly counted wise. 33. whereas on the other side the seruants of God who haue good parts natural, and the light and help of grace with al, How the seruants of God are wise. do not only work most prudently always in matters that concern their eternal good or evil, but also deal in al things whatsoever with far more light, certaintye, and security, then wicked men of like good partes and talents natural. And although the seruants of God haue sometimes some natural defect of wit and iudgement, Why the simplest seruant of God is writer then the wisest wicked man. yet for as much as such also do always discharge the partes of true prudence in matters which import them most, and may haue also, and many times haue, with the help of grace, such a supplement of their natural imperfections, that al of them may, and many of them do, perform the office of prudent and wise men in al affairs( which wicked men neither do nor possibly can do) I conclude, The perfection of human wisdom consisteth in Gods grace. that the perfection of human wisdom consisteth in Gods grace, and that the simplest seruant of God may more truly be accounted wise, then the wisest, I mean the subtlest and craftiest wicked man whosoever. 34. This the royal prophet acknowledged in himself, comparing the prudence and wisdom which God had given him by the observation of his commandements, with the wisdom and prudence of his enemies& of the wisest worldlings, saying; supper inimicos meos &c. Psal. 11.8. Thou hast made me( o Lord) wiser then my enemies, with thy commandements or law, and I haue understood more then al they which taught me, and I haue been writer then old men, because I haue sought to keep thy commandements. The 2. conclusion. 35. The second conclusion is, that( as the book of Eeclesiasticus signifieth) Non est sapientia nequitiae disciplina,& non est cogitatus peccatorum prudentia. Eccli. ca. 19. Nothing that is offensive to God, can stand with true wisdom or prudence. Supra nu. 7.& sequent. The discipline of lewdness is not wisdom, nor the cogitations or plots of sinners are not prudence. For seeing true wisdom consisteth in the fear of God and in the observation of his commandements( as I haue sufficiently proved) nothing that is offenciue to God, or contrary to his law, can stand with true wisdom. And again seeing prudence and moral virtue are so connected, that they can not be separated, yea and that not only the end of every prudent action, but also the means must necessary be good and virtuous( as I haue amply declared) it must needs follow that whatsoever is vicious, Supra. nu. 13. impious, or wicked, is excluded from true prudence. In which respect prudence is called in the scriptures, Prou. ca. 9. Prudence called in the scripture the knowledge of holy men. The 3. conclusion. Scientia Sanctorum. And therfore Salomon saith; Principium sapientiae timor Domini,& scientia sanctorum prudentia; The fear of God is the beginning of wisdom, and the knowledge of holy men is prudence. 36. Hereupon also follow two other conclusions, concerning policy; The one that no true policy can admit any impiety, No true policy admitteth any impiety. wickedness or offence of God. The other that al human policy with out the light and help of Gods grace is uncertain and defectuous; And for the better understanding hereof, it is to be considered, that as prudence is a part of wisdom, Policy a part of prudence. so policy is a part of prudence, and that prudence is also divided into three partes. The first personal; the second economical; and the third political Personal prudence consisteth in the speculation and practise of such things, as belong only to particular men: Prudence divided into 3 parts. economical prudence respecteth al things belonging to household; What is political prudence or policy. and political prudence is that which considereth matters pertaining to commonwealth; and this kind of prudence is properly called policy. 37. Therfore as prudence being a branch of wisdom, can not disagree from the nature therof( no more then the branch from the nature of the three) so also policy being a part of prudence, Policy can not disagree from prudence. must needs be conform and agreeable thereto( in which respect every political act must needs be prudent, and every prudent act concerning commonwealth, must needs be political) whereupon it followeth that seeing true prudence excludeth al wickedness and impiety, true policy doth also exclude the same. 38. The 4. conclusion. And again seeing true wisdom& prudence are the special gifts of God( as I haue shewed) and that without the light and help of Gods grace, Al human policy is unperfect and defectuous without the light of grace. al human wisdom is full of imperfection and obscurity; uncertainty and error; it followeth also by the like consequence, that the like iudgment is to be given of al human policy, to wit, that it is of itself imperfect, uncertain, obscure, and erroneous, and to be perfected, assured, rectified and guided by the light of grace; which is the point that I haue specially laboured to prove throughout this whole Treatise. 39. The imprudence of those who presume to deal in matters of state, without any regard of Gods assistance. Therfore to conclude this chapter and to draw also to the conclusion of this first parte of the whole treatise, I can not but lament and wonder at the imprudence of two sorts of men. The one is of those who make no doubt to deal in matters of policy and state, without any care or regard of Gods help and assistance, yea with offence of God; whereby they expose not only the matters which they manage to dangerous errors, and to al evil success: but also the princes whom they council, and the commonwealths where they govern, to Gods indignation, and consequently to utter ruin, as I haue partly proved already in diuers parts of this Treatise, and will prove more amply in the second part therof. The imprudence of those that presume to meddle in the greatest matters of state without experience. 40. The other sort of imprudent men, in my fancy are those, who are so far transported either with a conceit of their own wits and sufficiency, or with a desire to deal in great matters, that they aspire to nothing more, then to meddle in matters of state, yea and boldly embark themselves in the greatest that do occur, before they haue any experience or practise therof in the world, or haue so much as reflected vpon the natural imbecility of mans wit, and the weakness of human policy; or of the insuperable difficulties and dangers incident to matters of state, which are such as do many times overthrow and disgrace the most wise and expert negociators. 41. And therfore it happeneth very often to those who so greedily and advisedly seek such employments, What happeneth to those which unadvisedly seek great employments. as it doth to a man, which in faire weather putteth himself to sea in a little boat or fregot for his recreation, when vpon the sudden there riseth a storm that carrieth him into the main sea, and so tosseth him to and fro, that he not only looseth al the pleasure which he expected, but also scapeth hardly with his life, and therfore with many a sigh and heavy groan he looketh back to the land from whence he came, but nevertheless is forced to go whether the winds and tempests carry him, and perhaps perisheth in the end by the violence of the storm: and even so( I say) it fareth many times with those which embark themselves unadvisedly in matters of state; for with in a while they find themselves so perplexed, that they desire to return to their former repose and quietness, but yet they are forced to go whether the course and current of their affairs doth carry them, yea and sometimes perish amid the manifold dangers which commonly do accompany state-matters, whereof the practise may well be compared to the practise of physic. The practise of matters of state li●e the practise of Phisi●e. 42. For although some physicians exercise their science with more iudgment and better success then others, yet none is so skilful and fortunate that he can always warrant the cure of his patient; and young beginners many times kill three, before they save one; And even so Statists, how expert soever they be, can never warrant the good success of their plots and designments, and for the most part at the first do mar many matters, Young Statists mar many matters before they make one. before they make one; in so much that I account him no less happy then wise, who can be the wiser not only by other mens errors, but also by his own: and as I hold him for the wisest man which erreth the least; so I take him for the happiest and best at ease, who meddleth the least, He the wisest that erreth the least, but the hapiest he that meddleth the least in matters of state. or not at al in matters of state, seeing there was never any that dealt in many, but he erred in some: and sometimes we see that the least error worketh both his overthrow who committed it, and also the ruin of whole kingdoms and commonwealths. wherefore I conclude with the spanish proverb; A quell es Rey, queen nunça ʋio Rey; He is a King that never saw king. That is to say, he is a happy man who never had to deal with the affairs of princes, or state-matters. 43. I say not this to dehort, or dissuade al men from dealing with matters of state( which is a thing so necessary for the service of God, and princes, and for the good of commonwealth, that it is both honourable, yea and meritorious when it is done with circumstances convenient and requisite thereunto) but my meaning is to signify with what great consideration and circumspection al men ought to undertake such negotiations, especially young men, Dangerous for very young men to deal in matters of state. Plutark in his treatise whether an old man should deal in matters of state. who haue not had any experience or practise thereof, and therfore can not haue the mature and ripe iudgment which is necessary thereto; For which cause the Athenians did ordain that no man under 50. yeeres of age should be called to give aduise in the affairs of their commonwealth. And although a man may be( as very many are no doubt) sooner ripe and able to manage any matter whatsoever; yet reason and experience teach, that the younger a man is, and the less practise he hath, the more he is like to err. wherefore I crave thy patience( good Reader) while I set down here a few general rules for young beginers, aswell for their instruction, as also for the discovery of the difficulties which occur in the government of commonwealth. certain GENERAL RVLES OR advices no less pious then political, for the instruction of such as desire to manage matters of state, and haue no experience thereof; to the end they may deal therein with less danger and difficulty. CHAP. 29. FIRST, he that meaneth to apply himself to matters of state, must see that his intention be clear and pure, A pure and good intention, most necessary in a Statist. that is to say, that he be not moved thereto by vain glory, ambition, covetousness, or any vicious or unlawful desire; for that the same are too weak foundations to uphold weighty affairs, being accompanied not only with the offence of God, but also with passion, whereby mans iudgment is blinded, and many times drawn to error; And therfore the chief and principal intention of a Statist ought to be, What the intention of a Statist ought to be. the service of God and his Prince, and the public good of his country, whereto every man ought principally to direct and unveil al his actions, which otherwise can not be truly virtuous and wise, nor conform to the duty of a good Christian man nor yet haue the assistance and blessing of almighty God, which for the good success of al mens affairs is most requisite. For as the royal prophet saith. Psal. 126. Nisi Dominus aedificauerit domum, in vanum laborauerunt qui edificant eam. Except our Lord do build the house, they labour in vain which build the same. 2. This foundation being laid, any negotiation be it never so weighty and important may be built thereupon, The commodities of a good intention in undertaking matters of state. for four reasons. First, for that a mans reason and iudgment b●ing free from passion and self love, he shal more clearly and soundly both deliberate and work in al occasions. Secondly for that it is most likely that almighty God seeing his good and holy intention, will concur& cooperate with him in al his negotiations. Thirdly though it would not please almighty God( for his secret iudgments) to bless and prosper his actions, yet he will assuredly give him the reward of his good intention; And lastly, for that in case he fall into the great difficulties and dangers, that are incident to dealing in matters of state, yet he shal haue the comfort and consolation of a good and clear conscience, Horat. li. 1. ep. ad Mecaenat. A clear conscien●e a brazen walle. Li. 4. de benefici. ca. 21. which as the poet saith is: Murus ahaeneus a brazen wall; and the most assured anchor in al the storms& tempests of this life; Quae etiam obruta delectat( saith Seneca) which even when it is oppressed, or overwhelmed doth delight. Thus much for the first rule. 3. Secondly; it shal be convenient for a young Statist, well to weigh and foresee the difficulties and dangers which he may by al likelihood incur by dealing in matters of state, The difficulties and dangers, to be considered in matters of state. either through the nature and condition of the matters which he is to handle; or through the treachery and pe●fidiousnes of those with whom he is to deal; or through the malice and emulations either public or secret, which in courts never want; or else through the jealousy of Princes who( as Comineus well noteth) do easily suspect and distrust their best seruants in matters concerning their state; or lastly, Phil. come. cron. lodovic. Il. ca. 26. through the uncertainty of the success of business, which is in no mans hand to warrant, as hath been sufficiently proved. Chap. 13. By al which means we see many times most important matters miscarry, to the great grief, disgrace, yea and utter overthrow of the negociators, The benefit of foresight and providence in Statists. especially when they haue not foreseen the same; whereas by consideration and foresight, they might perhaps haue prevented inconvenience, or at least haue been better armed to bear their misfortune which patience. 4. Plutark in his treatise of instructions for Statists. Therefore plutarch worthily compareth improvident and unadvised negociators, to one that should fall before he were ware into a coal pit or mine, where though perhaps he escape with life yet he commonly receiveth some hurt; or at least is wonderfully astonished and amazed, not only with the fall, but also with the obscurity and horror of the place, which to those that go in of purpose, and with resolution to endure it, is nothing so noisome or loathsome. 5. Thirdly he ought to observe always three things, which I haue largely proved throughout this whole discourse; 3. things to be considered of Statists. the first is the imbecility and weakness of mans wit; the second the uncertainty of the success of al mens actions:& the third the providence of God in the disposition of al human affairs. These three things, I say, every Statist should haue continually before his eyes, to the end, that seeing his own infirmity, and the uncertainty of the success of al his designments, he may consider his danger, as well of error in his determinations, as of evil hap in his actions, and consequently haue recourse to the remedies ordained for the same by the providence and mercy of God: The council of Tobias to his son. Tobiae. ca. 4. according to the aduise which old Tobias gave to his son for the direction of the whole course of his life, to whom amongst many other notable precepts he gave this. ask counsel always of a wiseman( saith he) and continually bless and praise God, and beseech him to direct al thy course, and let al thy purposes and pretences be fixed and settled in him. Two things to be practised of al Statists. Thus said Tobias, or rather the holy Ghost by his mouth advising notably two things, necessary to be practised of al men, for the remedy of their natural imbecility; to wit, to take council of wise men, and to crave the assistance of God, for that we are neither so absolute of ourselves, but that we need in al things Gods help and assistance( as I haue sufficiently proved) neither yet so governed and guided by almighty God, Chap. 2. that we ought to contemn the help of man; such being the course of his divine providence in human affairs, that he doth his will not only in men, but also by them, and with their cooperation; in which respect S. paul did not stick to call himself and the other Apostles Adiutores Dei. The helpers of God in the conversion of the gentiles. 1. Cor. 3. extreme folly in men to trust wholly in human wisdom and power. Exod. ca. 18. A tempting of God to contemn human help and council; 6. Therfore as it were great folly, pride, and presumption in man, so to trust in himself, or in human wisdom& power as to neglect the providence and assistance of God, so were it one the other side extreme neglicence, yea and a tempting of God, so to rely vpon him, as to contemn al human help and council: which we may learn by the example of Moyses, who though he was instructed, inspired, and conducted by almighty God himself, yet refused not the good council of jethro for the manner of his government, which almighty God also allowed in him: 1. Reg. 20. 2. Reg 19.& 16. 1. Reg. c. 21. 22. 24. as also one the other side king david, though he took the counsel of his friends, councillors, and seruants( as of jonathas, Achitophel, joab and others) and used also his own prudence, as well in the deliberation, as in the execution of his affairs, yet he never omitted to consult with almighty God, by his prophets and priests when he conveniently might do it; yea and( as I haue signified other where) continually craved the assistance, illumination, Chap. 28. nu. 25. and direction of almighty God in al his actions. 7. And this concurrence of divine help with human diligence, is notably expressed in the scripture, judic. 7. Concurrence of human diligence with divine help necessary. where it is signified that Gedeon gave order to his soldiers to cry in their conflict with the Madianits, Domino,& Gedeoni; To our Lord God, and to Gedeon,& gladius Domini,& Gedeonis, the sword of God, and Gedeon; And again in the relation of the great victory which Asa King of Iuda had against the Aethiopians the scripture saith that Cadente Domino contriti sunt,& exercitu illius praeliante. Paralip. ca. 14. They were utterly ouerthrowne, our Lord killing them, and the army of Asa fighting, which is as much to say, as man doing his endeavour, and God giving the good success. This also the very paynims knew, and observed so well that Plutark noteth it seriously in the battle betwixt Perseus King of Macedony, and Paulus Aemilius the Roman. Plut. in P. AEmil. For where as Perseus when he should haue fought, with drew himself from the field under colour to Sacrifice to Hercules, he saith, that God doth not use to favor such idle fellowes, as presume of his help, and will do nothing themselves; For God( saith he) hath so ordained, that he which will hit the mark, must shoot, and he which will win the goal must run,& he which will haue the victory, must fight; and therfore God favoured and helped Paulus Aemilius who craved force and victory with his arms in his hands; A dios rogando( as the spanish proverb saith) y con la maça dando: praying to God and laying on load with his club: 8. The benefit and necessity of prayer for the good success of matters of State. But to say some what here particularly of a special means to procure the help and assistance of God; nothing behoveth a Statist more then daily to recommend his actions to his divine majesty by fervent and devout prayer, the force and benefit whereof is unspeakable, no less in al kind of temporal matters then in spiritual, Matth. 6.& 7. Marc. 11. luke. 11. Exod. c. 17. for the which we haue not only our saviours doctrine and warrant, but also infinite examples of holy and wise men in divine and human histories. whiles Iosue fought with the Amalecits Moyses prayed vpon the mountain and obtained the victory. Examples of the great force of devout prayer. The two Annae being barren, were by prayer made mothers, the 1. Reg. c. 1. one of the prophet Samuel, and the S. joan Damascen orat de nativit. B. Virgi. other of the virgin Mary, 3. Reg. c. 3. 4 Salomon by prayer obtained wisdom: King R. c. 19 Ezechias recovered health, and had victory against the assyrians; The three Dan. 3. children were delivered from fire, And to speak of later times, Aug. de civit. dei li. 5. c. 26 Theodosius the emperour surnamed the great, as S. Augustin witnesseth, prevailed against Eugenius the Tyrant more by prayer then by force; and the like is also testified by grave writers, of Procop. de bello gothico. Narses the Eunuch, lieutenant to justinus the emperour, whose great victories were attributed to his prayers and great devotion towards the blessed Virgin Mary, who as evagrius li. 4. ca. 23. evagrius affirmeth appeared to him many times before his battailes, and gave him directions for the same. Paul. Diacon. li. 18 Cedren. Theophan. Naucler. Baron. an. 621. 622. 623. Gulies. Malmesb. de gest. reg. Angl. li. 2 ca. 3. Roger de Houeden Annal. par. 1. an. 871. Baron. an. eodem. 9. In like manner the famous overthrows which Heraclius the emperour gave to Cosroes King of Persia( of whom he recovered jerusalem, and al the east parts) are ascribed by the best historiographers that writ thereof, to the great devotion and prayers which he partly used, and partly procured for the good success of that war, where in diuers miraculous accidents happened, which I omit for brevities sake. We red also in our English histories that King Ethelred( elder brother to the famous Alfred, or allured, founder of the university of Oxford) being encamped against the Daynes, and advertised by his captains at such time as he was going to mass, that the enemy assailed his camp, bad them attend to the defence therof, for that he would hear mass before he would go out of his tent, as he was daily accustomend to do; In the mean time his brother Alfred with the rest of his captaines, who had joined battle with the enemy, were in great danger to bee overthrown, where King Ethelred having heard mass, came himself in person, and finding his soldiers already flying away, he recalled them to the battle, thrusting himself into the midst thereof, Cuius virtute saith the history, & Dei miraculo; Guliel Malmes ubi supra. by whose vallor, and the miraculous help of God, the Daynes were put to flight, and their King slain, with diuers of their nobility, and many thousands of the soldiers. 10. Also in the Spanish histories, we haue a notable example of the wonderful force and effect of prayer in a noble man of Castile called Hernandes Antolino, Vassae. chron. an. 941. in the time of Garsias Hernandes Count of Castile, who had great warres with the Moores. This Antolino being no less devout then valiant, was wont to spend many houres every day in prayer, and going one day to pray before a battle which the Count of Castile was to give to the Moores, he was so absorbed, and ravished with devotion, that he forgot himself and continued therein during al the time of the battle, wherein nevertheless it pleased God to show visibly, that his prayers profited, and prevailed more, then his presence could haue donne; For one in his shape and armor and vpon his horse, made such slaughter amongst the enemies that they were forced to flee; In so much that the count and al the army being fully persuaded, that they had won the battle by the means of Antolino sought for him to give him the thanks and praise, which they thought his great valour deserved, and although they found him not in the field, but in his tent, much ashamed of his absence, yet assuring themselves that they saw both his horse, and armor in the battle they caused them to be produced, and then it appeared as well by the wounds and weariness of his horse, as by the signs of the bloues vpon his armor, that some angel had used them in his steede, and that God had given them victory through the merit of his prayers. 11. To this purpose also may serve those examples of the famous victories of Edward the 3. King of England against the French at Crecy in Picardy; and of the Christians against the turk at Lepanto in our dayes; as also of many other miraculous victories, whereof I haue made ample relation Chap. 15. Chrisost. de nat. dei, hom. 5. The testimony of S. Chrisostom concerning the force of prayer. heretofore out of approved authors, and therfore I remit the reader thereto, and end concerning prayer with this sentence of S. Chrisostom; Vis orationis,( saith he) vim ignis extinxit &c. The force of prayer hath extinguished the force of fire, shut up the mouth of lions, given victories in war, appeased storms, and tempests, expelled divels, opened the gates of heaven, broken the bands of death, cured diseases, reconciled enemies, delivered cities from earthquakes, and defended them as well from the punishment of God, as from the treasons, and attempts of men; Finally it hath overcome al sorts of evil. Thus saith S. chrysostom of the wonderful efficacy of prayer when it is accompanied with such circumstances as are requisite to make the same acceptable to almighty God, whereof I omit to speak here, because it properly belongeth to those that writ expressly of spiritual matters. Thus much concerning prayer and divine help. The necessity of human council. Eccli. ca. 32. 12. And now to say yet a word or two more, concerning human counsel, the holly Ghost giveth a notable aduise, saying, Fili sine consilio nihil facias,& post factum non penitebis. My son do nothing without council and thou shalt not afterwards repent thee. And again; Pro. 15. Qui agunt omnia cum consilio reguntur sapientia. Those which do al things with council are governed with wisdom. And this point I hold to be absolutely necessary, not only for young men, or others of small experience, but also for the eldest and most expert; For Nemo omnibus horis sapit; No man is wise at al howres. And as the proverb saith; Two eyes see more then one; And therfore the famous Scipio Africanus did ever consult al his affairs with Caius Laelius; and Cicero confesseth that in his consulship, Plutark in his treatise entitled whether an old man should deal with matters of state. Pro. 15. Many councellors necessary for princes. he did nothing without the aduise of the philosopher Publius Nigidius; and for this cause princes haue diuers councillors, to the end that matters being pondered by diuers, al circumstances may be duly examined and considered: for as Salomon saith: ubi sunt plures consiliarij confirmatur cogitationes; plots and designments are confirmed or established, where there are many councillors; for some find out one inconvenience, some an other, some one remedy, and some an other, whereof I shal haue occasion to say more hereafter. 13. Therfore I conclude for the present that a young Statist following the rule and counsel of Tobias, The conclusion concerning the concurence of devout prayer and human council. Matth. 10. that is to say fixing his hart and his hopes vpon almighty God, adding the continual use of devout and fervent prayer, to human counsel and diligence, and joining thereby the wisdom of the serpent with the simplicity of the dove, piety with policy, gifts of grace with habillity of nature, and finally the wisdom of God with the prudence of man, shal deliberate and work in al occasions, no less happily then wisely; and this shal suffice for the third rule. 14. Fourthly it importeth greatly that after mature consultation of any matter of state, time not to be lost. and serious recommendation therof to almighty God, no time of action be not fore-slowed with needles delays after the matter be determined; for time may so alter the state of any affair, be it never so well and wisely resolved, that the opportunity of execution may bee utterly lost and the business with al; and therfore the common proverb adviseth. To strske while the iron is hot; for as the poet saith: Lucan li. 1. The danger of needles delay. Nocuit differre paratis. Delay is always hurtful to those who are readdy to execute; and especially in matters wherein there is any competence of enemies, who ever watch diligently to take al opportunities and do often prevail themselves greatly, of the negligences and delays of their aduersaries. 15. Speedy execution most necessary in matters of war. And although this aduise is necessary in al matters of state, yet it is most behoveful, and requisite in warlike affairs; wherein we see many times, that speed and diligence is more important then great force; for speed being commonly accompanied with sudden terror and fear, The force of sudden fear. doth open the way to small force, and enable the same to work great effects; And therfore Agathocles one of the tyrants of Sicily, having but a few soldiers, and exhorting them to the speedy and sudden invasion of Chartage said; justin. li. 42. In repentino metu non modicum victoriae momentum; Sudden fear will be of no small moment and importance for the obtaining of the victory; Which was proved to be true by the event, and is daily seen by the experience of surprises, camisadas, and al other sudden enterprises of war. 16. To conclude this aduise, one general rule is to be held, In what cases delay is necessary. that to temporize or delay time is never good but in three cases. The first when matters are not maturely consulted and well digested( wherein nevertheless al due diligence is to be used, lest time and opportunity of action, be spent and lost in consultation) The second case is, when there is some just and important impediment of the execution. The thrid is in cases of extremity which pass a mans power and wisdom to help, for then the only remedy is to temporize and win time, which produceth many accidents that could never be foreseen& imagined, and discovereth sovereign remedies for the most desperat cases; and therfore Pericles was wont to say, Plutark. in Pericle. time the wisest counsellor that is. A mans own ability well to be weighed. That time is the wisest councelour that is: Thus much for the fourth aduise. 17. Fiftly let every young Statist consider and measure his own ability, to the end he do not undertake any matter above his reach or capacity; for no man how excellent soever he be, is so perfect that he excelleth in al things, and therfore the Poëts feigned that the Gods themselves had not al gifts alike, but that some excelled in one, and some in an other; and the Apostle saith that God distributeth his gifts unto men diversly; Diuidens singulis prout vult; 1. Cor. ca. 12. dividing them unto every one as it pleaseth him; to the end we may haue need one of an other. And this also common experience teacheth; for some excel in depth of iudgment, others in sharpness of wit, others in eloquence, others in memory, others in science and learning, and of them some in one kind and some in an other. A Statist ought to measure the matters he undertaketh with his ability. 18. Now then, it is convenient for every one well to weigh his own talents, and how they sort with the business in which he is to be employed; as if he be to persuade, whether he haue the gift of utterance and eloquence; if he be to pass covenants and conventions of leagues or marriages, whether he be a lawyer; and if he be to treat of matters of war whether he be a soldier, and so in like cases; for otherwise he shal prove, Asinus ad liram, An ass at a harp, as the proverb saith, and not only disgrace himself and them that sent him, but also loose his labour and his business. Who they are commonly that vnderta e greater matters then they can perform. 19. They that err in this point are those commonly which either haue such an inordinate desire to be meddling in great matters, that they care not what they undertake so they be doing; or else haue an extraordinary conceit of their own wits and sufficiency: and therfore as it shal be good for every one to moderate in himself the first, to wit, the desire of dealing; so for the remedy of the later, A young Statist should not ma●e himself judge of his own sufficiency. it shal be secure for any man( in my fancy) not to rely wholly vpon his own opinion concerning his sufficiency but partly vpon the iudgment of others, receiving rather employment from his prince or other superiors, then offering or intruding himself thereto, until he haue made some good trial of himself; for by that means if the business speed well he shal haue the thankes and honour of it, and if it succeed otherwise, he shal avoid great part of the blame. Better for a Statist to acknowledge his own defect then to accept a charge which he can not perform. 20. But if he find that his superiors know him not, so well as he knoweth himself,& that they would employ him in matters wherein he hath neither experience nor ability; it shal be less shane for him to confess his defect, and either to refuse the commission, or to crave an associate furnished with the parts that he wanteth, then to accept the charge, and to fail in the performance; Moyses being commanded, Exod. c. 3. by almighty God to go in ambassage to pharaoh King of egypt, for the delivery of the children of Israel, humbly excused himself as unfit for such a weighty charge, by reason of the impediment in his speech; for the remedy whereof God gave him an assistant, to wit, his brother Aâron, who being very eloquent might speak for them both. whereby not only subiects, which are to be employed, may learn to consider and aclowledge their own deffects; but also princes may learn so to employ their subiects, that one may haue the parts that an other wanteth, and supply each one the deffects of an other. 21. sixthly, A young Statist ought to begin his practise with small matters. it shal not be amiss in my opinion for a young beginner, to enter into his first practise with matters of small importance, and to proceed to greater by degrees, as his experience and ability, shal grow and increase; like unto the wise physician, who when he beginneth to practise taketh in hand easy cures, and meddleth not with inueterat and dangerous diseases, until he hath got both experience and credit; A young Statist like to a physician. And so I would wish a young beginner in matters of state, to fly business of great weight and difficulty and rather to procure at the first, some honourable commission or ambassage of congratulation, or condoling, including some overture of an important treaty, rather then to deal in the treaty itself, which requireth great practise, experience, and wisdom. 22. And if he be employed in any such treaty, I would wish him to be contented rather to be a second, or an assistant then chief in commission, A young Statist compared to the iuy three. The assistance of wise and sincere friends most necessary in great employments. The practise of the Lacedemonians in employing ambassadors. Aristot politi● li. 2. c. 7. and so to grove for a while like the vine or iuy, by the support of an other three. Or if his dignity be such as can not admit a second place, to procure, as much as may be, to haue such assistants, as are not only men of sound iudgment and wisdom, but also his sincere friends, such being commonly the emulation and ambition in courts, that he may otherwise make account that his own associates will curiously observe every little error of his, and take advantage therof for their own better credits. 23. To which purpose it is to be considered that the Lacedemonians used to choose such to sand on their embassages as were either public, or at least secret enemies; to the end that one of them might serve for a spy over the others actions; and the like may stil be used, Philip. come. Cron. du Roy Louis. c. 26. The practise of K. Lewis the 11. of France when he employed a great ambassador. and is no doubt many times. And Philip de Comines noteth of Lewis the 11. King of France, that he was wont sometimes when he sent a great ambassador, to give secret commissions a part to some meaner man in his company, using the other for a show and for matters of compliment, or perhaps to the end he might bear the greatest parte of the charges of the ambassage( as commonly great men do) rather then for the dispatch of important affairs; and the like of both these examples may well be practised by princes when they sand great ambassadors, and especially when he that is chief in commission is raw and unexpert, and therfore it shal be convenient for such a one to consider the same, to the end he may the better look to his own carriage, and procure( as I said before) to haue about him wise and assured friends to aduise him, The danger of associates in commission when they are not sincere friends. lest otherwise his own assistants may let him commit some gross errors, and so handle the matter, that al the negotiation shal turn to their honour by the discovery of his imbecility. 24. And this he may fear not only in his associates and fellowes in commission, but also in his followers and seruants; amongst whom some one of more spirit and talent then the rest, may seek to make his advantage of his maisters weakness; The treachery of seruants to be feared in employments. as it chanced to an ambassador whom I knew, whose Secretary noting in him some negligence in the dispatch of advises, when occasion required, prevented commonly his maisters letters with his own; Besides that, being employed by his master to procure advises& intelligences, he concealed the most important matters from him, and wrote them himself to some principal counsellors, whose good grace he gained so far thereby, that they procured his aduancement at his return, whereas the ambassador was held unworthy of further preferment and lived ever after in disgrace. 25. seventhly I would aduise a young beginner not to charge himself with many matters at once, Many matters not to be undertaken at once of a young Statist. as some do who can not endure to see any man emploid but themselves, whereof it followeth that some one or two businesses succeeding il( as commonly amongst many some do) they receive more disgrace thereby, then reputation or thankes for al the rest, though they succeed never so well: Therfore it is wisdom for any man( especially for such as be novices in affairs of state) to take in hand but few matters and to dispatch them well; like to a man that hath but a weak stomach, who is to take heed, A young Statist like to a man of a archbishopric stomach. that he neither whereby it with the quantity, nor yet pester it with diversity of meats, for that one will hinder the digestion of another. 26. And this I wish to be considered especially of such, as are the favourits of princes, An advertisement to the favourits of princes. who many times desiring to haue al in their own hands, do not stick to charge themselves with much more then they can attend to dispatch in due manner and season, to the exceeding great detriment, as well of particular men, as of the state in general: whereby they expose not only themselves but also their princes to such hatred of the nobility and people, that there follow therof many times commotions and rebellions, The dangers that the favourits of princes incur by hatred of the people. in so much that their princes are either forced to abandon them to their enemies, or else to perish with them; as to omit foreign examples, wee haue seen by experience in England in the time of King Edward the second and King Richard the second, against whom the nobility and commons did take arms for the hatred they bore to their favourits, peers Gaueston, the two Spensers, Robert dela vere earl of Oxford,& others their adherents, vpon whose persons they discharged their fury, Polidorus virgil. in Hist. Angl. exercising vpon them al kind of cruelty, except vpon the earl of Oxford, who saved his life by flight into Holland, and ended his daies in banishment; and hereto may also partly be ascribed the the unfortunate ends of both those kings, who were afterwards deposed and cruelly murdered. 27. eightly; nothing is more necessary in handling matters of state then secrecy, Secrecy in matters of state most necessary. I mean matters intended or consulted before they come to execution, for they are like to a mine, which having any vent, is wholly frustrat, and of no effect; therefore Peter King of arragon being demanded from Pope Martin the fourth, what he meant to do with the great fleet, wherewith he afterwards recovered Sicily from the french men, answered that if he thought his shirt did know it he would burn it. 28. ca. 30. nu. 17. But because I am to speak of this point of secrecy hereafter, I will give here only one general rule, to be held and practised of young Statists, A general rule to be held concerning secrecy. which is not to communicat any important matter of state to any man whatsoever, except he be to be employed, or his counsel to be used therein; and whosoever faileth in this point, is not fit to handle any matter of importance, nor shal ever haue credit with princes, who esteem nothing more in their seruants then secrecy; Princes esteem nothing more in their seruants then secrecy. In so much that a prince in these our dayes( whom for some respects I forbear to name) caused a faithful seruant of his( whom he also loved dearly) to be killed, for fear he should reveal a secret which by chance he came to know; Dangerous to be partaker of princes secrets. Plutark in his treatise of talking to much. whereby we may see how dangerous a thing it is, to be partakers of the secrets of princes; and therfore Philippides the commendian being willed by king lysimachus to ask some favor of him, beseeched him to do him what favor it might please him, so that he imparted unto him none of his secrets; And thus much for this point. Vnlawful employment to be avoyded. 29. Ninthly, a young Statist is to haue special care to avoid al kind of unlawful employments; as to be instrument of any wickedness for his princes service; for besides the offence to God,( who will assuredly punish the same sooner or later) he may well think that his prince also will never trust him after, how soever he be satisfied with the service for the present; for princes many times are contented to take the benefit of a service done by evil means, and yet ever after hold suspected, and hate the malicious nature and disposition of him that did it, whom they use no otherwise then poison only to serve their turn though they detest the malignity of it: Plutark in his apotheg. of King and Captaines. Princes love the treason, and hate the traitor. and therfore Augustus Caesar was wont to say, I love the treason, but I hate the traitor; and al wise princes hold it for a rule, that where there is no bridle of conscience and fear of God, there is no fidelity towards man to be expected. 30. We read that Constantius Caesar, father to the emperour Constantine the great, having commanded that al such Christians as would not adore his Gods, should depart from his service, banished nevertheless al those who denied their faith, and retained the others in his service and favor, He that is false to God, will not be true to man. whereof he gave this reason, that those which had so little conscience to be false to their God could not be true to him. And Henry the 5. King of England, presently after his fathers death, banished from the court, Polid. virgil. i● Henr. 5. al such as had been councellous, instruments, or companions of his riots before, persuading himself that they were not to be trusted about his person; and so it commonly falleth out when princes are wise, and enter into the due consideration of themselves, and their consciences. 31. But such other princes as give themselves over to 'vice& sin, and make no conscience of any thing, Princes sometimes disauow their commis●ions after the fact. do not only commonly disavow their own commissions( after that some wicked act is committed by their order) but also use to pick quarrels or to take very small occasions to make away the instruments of their own wickedness, either to rid themselves of the suspicion, and infamy therof, or for the jealousy they haue of the malign natures of their instruments, or for fear they may discover their practices if they live, or some times for other respects; God so disposing( by his just iudgments) to make them the executours of his iustice, Gods iustice vpon evil instruments. vpon those who preferred their service before his. 32. justin. li. 11. So did Alexander the great at his fathers obsequies command public iustice to be done vpon those whom he had himself secretly employed to kill him. So did Tiberius emperour disavow his commission given to a soldier to kill Agrippa, Tacit. li. 1. Annal. telling him that he should answer the matter before the senate; as he did also put to death sejanus his great favourite, and instrument of much mischief. And in like sort dealt Caesar Borgia with a favourite of his; And Henry the 8. Sander. li. 8. de schism. Angl. joan. Stow in Henr. 8. et ali● King of England with some councillors and seruants of his; and so also haue some others in these our dayes been by sundry devises made away in diuers courts and countries, when they had served the appetites of some great personages, whom for just respects I forbear to name: which may serve for an advertisement and warning to al men, to take heed how they suffer themselves to be employed by any man in matters unlawful and offensive to God; Et faelix quem faciunt, Happy is he that taketh heed by other mens harms. aliena pericula cautum; Happy is he who can take heed by other mens harms. 33. The tenth aduise which I give to a young Statist, is, that if his prince do him the honour to make him of his council, he consider well what is the duty of a counsellor; to which purpose I will set down some rules, wherein nevertheless I mean not to frame an exact counsellor as Cicero did an orator, and Xenophon a prince, and Castiglione a courtier, neither yet do I take vpon me to aduise old councillors, whose experience must needs surpass mine, but only to give some aduertisments, to such as haue not any great experience or practise in matters of state; and for as much as it requireth some larger discourse, then were convenient to prosecute in this chapter, it shal serve for the subject of the next. OTHER GENERAL RVLES FOR A young Statist, advanced by his princes favor to be of his council; as what he is to consider in himself; in his prince; and in the matters that are to be consulted. And first concerning the counsellor himself. CHAP. 30. The points that are to be considered of a young counsellor reduced to 3. heads. THE points that are in my fancy to be principally considered of a young counsellor, though they may be divided into many members, yet may be reduced to three heads; The first concerning himself; the second concerning his prince; and the third touching the matters that are to be consulted; Of al which I will say some what, with the perspicuity, 8. points to be considered in the counsellor himself. A counsellor ought to be truly virtuous and religious. God doth assist and illuminat good men in matters of council. 〈◇〉 3. 4. 5. 7. 8. &c. and brevity that I conveniently may. 2. As for that which toucheth himself; he is to regard chiefly eight points. The first is, that he procure by al means, not only to haue the reputation of virtue and religion, but also to be indeed truly virtuous and religious, for two causes: The first to obtain thereby the assistance of Gods grace, which how necessary it is for the illumination of mans understanding in al matters of council, appeareth throughout this whole discourse, and especially in the 28. chapter, where I haue proved that true wisdom prudence and policy, are the special gifts of almighty God, and not otherways to be obtained but by the observation of his commandements. 3. The other cause why it behoveth a counsellor, to be truly religious and virtuous, is, for that such is the force of virtue, that it giveth credit to the possessors therof, and maketh them more easily believed and their council better accepted; virtue giveth reputation to the possessors of it. and therfore we see that al men of discretion and iudgment do demand council rather of those who are reputed wise and virtuous, then of wicked men who haue only reputation of wisdom; for as S. Ambrose saith. Ambro. de offi●. li. 2. c. 10. Where virtue and wisdom concur al good council is to be expected. Where wisdom and virtue are conjoined. Magna erit consiliorum salubritas; There is al good and wholesome council to be had, and al men( sath he) are willing to hear the wise and virtuous man, as well for the admiration of his wisdom, as for the love of his virtue; In which respect he also saith, that men address themselves commonly for council to those who are more virtuous then themselves; For no man( saith he) hath reason to think him, Ambr. Ibid. who is inferior to himself in manners. to be his superior in wisdom and council. 4. Furthermore such is the dignity and authority of virtue, The dignity of virtue is such that evil men bear respect thereto. that evil men bear a reverend respect thereto, and stand, as it were, in awe of good men; whereof we haue an example in Herod, who although he held S. john Baptist in prison, and would not follow his council in the matter of his divorce; yet for the reverence he bore to his virtue, he consulted many other things with him, and followed his aduise therein; and as the scripture also saith metuebat eum, he feared him; Marc. c. 6. and no doubt but wise and virtuous princes, much more esteem and respect the council of wise men that are virtuous, then of others of equal wit and iudgement, that are vicious and wicked, Pro. c. 12. The council of evil men commonly fraudulent. A counsellor ought to haue great regard to the government of his family& private affairs. knowing that as Salomon saith. Consilia impiorum fraudulenta; The councells of the wicked are fraudulent,& that he who hath no care of his conscience& duty towards God, will haue less care of his duty towards men. 5. The second point is that he also give satisfaction to the world of his wisdom, by the good and wise government of his family; For no wise prince can think him a fit man to council him, or to govern under him, that can not govern himself and his own family, and therfore Basilius the emperour advised his son to choose those for his councillors, who had given proof and experience of their wisdom in the good conduct and direction of their own private affairs; whereupon also S. Ambrose saith. Ambro. li 2. de office. c. 112. No man fit to council an other that cannot council himself. An idoneum putabo, qui mihi debt consilium, qui non dat sibi? Can I think him fit to council me, who can not council himself? For he that is a fool in his own business can never be wise in the business of other men. And therfore S. paul declaring the duty of a bishop, requireth that he be such a one, as governeth well his own family; For Si quis, saith he, domui suae praesse nescit, Timo. 3. quomodo eclesia Dei diligentiam habebit? If a man can not govern his own house, how shal he gouuerne the church of God? A counsellor ought to avoid al flattery. Terentius in Andr. 6. The third point is, that in al his speeches and conference with his prince, he use al sincerity, truth& plainness, with out flattery; For although the common proverb say; Obsequium amicos, veritas odium parit, Flattery gaineth friends, and truth hatred; Yet as there is nothing more pernicious to princes then flattery, so by consequent there is nothing more unfit to be used of councillors, whose office is, and special care should be, to vndeceaue their prince in al things, wherein they are any way deceived, and to labour therein so much the more, by how much less other men do it, seeing one of the greatest infelicities of princes is, Princes that haue al; want one to tel them truth. Seneca de beneficijs li. 6. ca. 30. that al or most men flatter and sooth them in al things, and few or none deal sincerely or plainly with them. In which respect Seneca saith; Quid omnia possidentibus dost? Ille qui verum dicat; What commandments he who hath al? Mary one to tel him truth; Which therfore the faithful counsellor should do, for otherwise the prince should live in continual error& ignorance of his own estate, Flattery the ruin of princes state. Quint. Curtius li. ●. and especially of his imperfections, yea and in great peril of ruin; for as Curtius saith; Regum opes &c. The states of princes are oftener ouerthrowne by flattery then by force. 7. nevertheless if the counsellor haue occasion to admonish his prince, of any error or fault of his, he ought to do it with great discretion, How a counsellor ought to admonish his prince of his error. Plutark in his treatise of fla●ery. and moderation, using( as Parisatis mother to cyrus was wont to say) words of silk, and lancing the so●e like a good surgeon with such dexterity that he may cure it, and not exasperat his prince and make him less capable of his good council; Those that offend in this kind are commonly such as presume over much either of their own wits, and power, or of their princes weakness, or of his over great favor and familiarity, or of the need that he hath of them, Who they are that commonly overshoot themselves in admonishing or contradicting their princes Arran li. 8. de rebus Allexand. unseasonable liberty of speech, odious to princes or else perhaps are of nature severe, insolent, or passionat, for such sometimes do forget themselves, yea& take a pride in contradicting or admonishing their princes with less duty and respect then were convenient. 8. Such a one was Calisthenes, of whom Arrianus writeth that he made himself odious to Alexander the great; Tum ob intempestiuam liberatem, tum ob superbam stultitiam; Both for his unseasonable liberty of speech, and also for his proud folly. Such a one also was a Philosopher that lived in the court of Dionysius the elder, tyrant of Sicily; Plutarc. for whereas the tyrant being delighted with his own poems was wont to impart them publicly to certain Philosophers which lived in his court, to haue their opinions, A pleasant example of a rude philosopher. there was one amongst the rest who could not flatter nor endure the vanity of the tyrants humour, but told him plainly that his verses were nothing worth, and that it was a shane to hear them; wherewith the tyrant was so offended, that he commanded his gard to take him presently& to carry him to the mynes to work there amongst condemned persons: afterwards, the same Philosopher being released, and returned to the court at the suit of his friends, it chanced, that the tyrant caused a certain poem of his own to be red in the presence of him and of al the other Philosophers, commanding them to speak their opinions therof; al the rest extolled the work to the skies, some praising the invention, and others the vain and grace of the verse, every one striving who should commend them most, until it came to the turn of this Philosopher, who in stead of giving his censure, called suddenly to the guards of the tyrant, saying, come maisters carry me away to the mynes, for I can not endure this extreme folly; and the tyrant being, as it chanced, in a good humour took it not ill, but was content to turn it to a iest and laughed well at it. 9. But this Philosopher seeking to avoid Silla, fel into Charibdis; for fleeing base flattery he fel into an other extremity, The discreet modesty of Haephestion counsellor to Allexander. Q. Cutius de reb. gestis Alexand. to wit, impudent insolency, which is no less unfit and absurd for councillors; who are to imitate the discreet and prudent modesty of Haephestion counsellor to Alexander the great; For although he always admonished Alexander discreetly& freely as occasion served, yet he ever did it in such sort, that it feemed rather to be Alexanders will and pleasure he should so do, then that he challenged any such right to himself. The like style ought a counsellor to use in contradicting or admonishing his Prince, observing exactly his disposition and humour, for that no man is always disposed alike to receive contradiction or to hear of his faults, especially in the presence of others; and therfore fit time and place is always to be chosen for that purpose, and some plausible preamble to be used of the princes praises for some of his good partes, which in such case is no flattery, but a spur to virtue, and may serve for a preparative to the pill of admonition which he meaneth to give him; so that he give it in so good terms and with such dutiful respect, Al speech proceeding of passion insolency or contempt, odious to princes. Prou. ca. 27. A wound at a friends hand, better then the kiss of an enemy How a counsellor ought to speak to his prince, and of his prince. counsellors by connivency are partakers of their princes faults. that the Prince may perceive it proceedeth not of passion, or of a spirit of contradiction, or of audacious insolency, or of contempt( al which are to princes most odious) but of entire love& affection to him, for so will he( if he be wise) take the admonition in good part,& say with Salomon, that a wound at a friends hand is better then the kiss of an enemy. 10. To conclude, a counsellor may hold this rule, to speak always in this manner freely to the prince himself, though it be of his errors; but never to others of him, otherways then in his honour and commendation, and though the prince be never a whit the better for the admonition, yet it may suffice his counsellor to haue done his duty, and not to be partaker of his princes faults, as otherwise he should be, if he should not in al dutiful manner aduise and admonish him, as occasion should require: and therfore though he should fear to incur his displeasure for his plainness, yet he ought to discharge his conscience, Plu in Themisto. and to say as Themistocles said to Euribiades( who took up a staff to strike him for his free speech) strike me so that you hear me after. Finally, a counsellor should not expect that his prince should always follow his aduise nor afflict himself much if he do not: For though princes give to their councelloures great liberty to say what they will, yet they reserve a greater to themselves, that is to say, to do what they list; and thus much for the third part. 11. The 4. point that a counsellor is to consider in him self, is, A ouncellour ought to be constant in his opinion. Inconstancy an evident sign of folly. Seneca in prouerbijs. Ibid. Arist. 6. Ethic. that it behoveth him to be grave and constant in his opinions; For levity and inconstancy is a most evident sign of folly. And to this end it shal be necessary for him maturely to deliberate and fully to consider the matter propounded, before he give his opinion; for as Seneca saith: Sunt dvo contraria consilio, festinatio& ira; Two things are contrary to counsel, hast, and anger; and again; Deliberandum est diu( saith he) quod statuendum est semel; The thing that is once to be determined, is to be deliberated by leisure; and to the same purpose Aristotle saith, that a wise man ought to council slowly and to execute speedily. Why very young men are not fit to give council. Why ancient men resolve slowly and maturely. 12. Therfore he excludeth very young men from counsel in matters of state, for that( saith he) their natural hear maketh them over hasty and headlong in giuing their opinions, besides that by reason of their want of experience, there doth not occur unto them many reasons, or difficulties to be considered, in which respect they resolve easily and speedily, and with less iudgement; whereas ancient men both by reason of their colder humour, and also of their greater experience( which ministereth unto them more matter of discourse, and more doubts to be resolved) determine slowly and with far more iudgment; so that speedy resolutions, are arguments of weakness of wit or want of iudgement, and therfore to be fled of councillors, as more proper to women, whose counsel men commonly say, is never to be taken but vpon a sudden, whereof I will declare the reason hereafter. nu. 24. 13. The 5. Obstinacy in opinion unfit for councillors. point is to avoid the other extremity opposite to levity, to wit obstinacy and wilfullnes, which is no less unfit for a wise counsellor then the other; For obstinacy is ever accompanied with contempt of other mens opinions and contention; and is therfore an enemy to resolution, which can never be taken where obstinat and contentious men meet in a council. From whence obstinacy in opinion proceedeth. Chap. 1 nu. 3. 4.& 5. &c. Folly for a wise man not to change hi● opinion when there is cause. This defect proceedeth commonly either of pride and presumption of a mans own wit( whereof I haue spoken sufficiently in the beginning of this discourse) or of a false conceit that many men haue, that it is a shane for a wise man to change his opinion, which is far otherwise: for although a wise man ought not to do it lightly, and with out great reason, yet when there is sufficient cause, it were great shane and folly not to do it and therfore Seneca the stoic( who according to the opinion of those of his sect, Seneca li. 4. de benefi. ca. 34. A necessary exception to be understood in the opinion of a wise man. Idem. Ibid. held that a wise man never changeth his opinions) expoundeth it in such sort that he includeth in the opinion of a wise man a necessary exception, to wit, if nothing hap that may alter the case, and therfore he also saith that; It is the property of fools to ●ssure themselves over much of the event of their councils and determinations; and that a wise man knoweth what sway error beareth in the affairs of men, how uncertain al human things are, and how many accidents hinder good and wise designments; whereupon he concludeth; that it is no shane for wise men to alter their opinions when occasion requireth. plate de Rep li. 10 A wise man compared to a good gamester, by Plato. And Plato compareth a wise man to a good gamester, who doth accommodate his play to the chances of the dice; and so saith he should a wise man accommodate his counsels and course of life to the occasions, which changing and varying with the time, do often require new deliberation. 14. nevertheless it is herein to be considered, that this change with the occasions, In what case a wise man may change his opinion. is convenient only when the occasions change the fundamental and chief reason of the first resolution; For whereas in al matters of council many reasons may concur to one end, whereof some may be more important then other, and some one perhaps the ground and foundation of the rest, it falleth out otherwhiles that change of times and variety of occasions, Whiles the chief and foundamental reasons of the desygnment stand good, the council is not to be changed. do alter some considerations, and circumstances, and not the grounds and fundamental reasons of the matter; In which case the resolution is not to be changed, for otherways men should be like weather-cokces, which change with every wind, seeing time produceth always some new difficulties, and changeth some part of the reasons in al matters that require any long time for the execution; whereupon may follow some alteration of circumstances in the designment, though the resolution may stand good for the principal. 15. wherefore it were great temerity and levity in any man, to condemn others mens counsels, A counsel not so be condemned because some of the motives haue failed. plate. in Timol●on& in photion. because some of the motives that induced them thereto haue failed, or because the success hath not in the beginning answered their expectations, as may appear by the example of the wise photion of Athens, who having dissuaded the Athenians from a certain enterprise which succeeded well, being reproached therwith by some of his aduersaries, said, that he was right glad of the good success; and yet nothing repented him of his opinion; and this he said partly because he foresaw a bad sequel of their good begininge( as after it fel out) and partly because a wise man dischargeth his part and duty, A good beginning hath many times a bad sequel. if his counsel be well grounded vpon good and sound reasons, though the success be not so good as he expected, seeing the event of al mens counsels is only in the hands of God, and cannot be assuredly foreseen, and much less warrantted by the wisdom of any man, Chap. 11. 12.& 13. as I haue sufficiently declared other where. 16. To conclude this point, a wise man ought always so to ground his opinions and counsels vpon reason, conscience, counsels grounded vpon conscience and iustice never to be repented. Plut. in Timoleon. and iustice, that what soever succeedeth he shal haue no just cause to repent or retract the same; and therfore Aristides having said to Dionysius the tyrant( who demanded one of his daughters in marriage) that he had rather see her burned then married to a tyrant, would never retract or recall his words, though it did cost him the life of his son; For when the tyrant had slain his son, and asked him whether he was stil of the same mind concerning the marriage of his daughter, he answered that although he was sorry for that which had happened to his son, yet he repented not that which he had said; which constancy of Aristides Plutark greatly commendeth, as proceeding( saith he) of a notable and complete virtue; And thus much for the 5. point. 17. The 6. point necessary in a counsellor is secrecy whereof I haue said somewhat before, Secrecy most requisite in a counsellor. Plut. in Alexandro. and here add that counsellors must understand that their mouths are sealed up by their princes, as Haephesions mouth was by Alexander the great, who having shewed him a secret letter said nothing to him, but took of his sealing ring and put it to his lips; This I say a young counsellor must understand to pass betwixt his Prince and him, Secrecy the best and surest bound of matters of state. Valer. li. 2. ca. 2. The persians honoured silence for a God. Aminian. Marcellin. li. 21. when his Prince doth him the honour to make him of his counsel, or to treat with him of matters of state, whereof secrecy is as Valerius saith; Optimum& tutissimum vinculum; The best and surest bond. And therfore it was so much esteemed amongst the Persians, that they honoured Silence for a God; and such was the care and respect that the Romans had thereto that when King Eumenes came into the senat to demand assistance against King Perseus it was never understood, livius li. 42. The admirable secrecy of the roman Senat. as livy witnesseth either what he said, or what any answered, until the war which the Romans made at his request was ended; such being the secrecy of the Roman senators( though very many in number) that as Valerius saith, it seemed that, Valer. li. 2. c. 2. Not so much as one man heard that which was committed to the ears of so many. 18. nevertheless great discretion is to be used herein; for a man may as well be over secret in some cases, Some men are over seacret and some to open. as to open. I haue noted sometimes that some great princes and councillors for fear of discovering their designments, haue either forborn to take sufficient information,& instruction, of such as could best inform them, The danger of taking information by obscure questions. and might haue been trusted( whereby they haue gone blindly to work) or else they haue sought to inform themselves in clouds, by such dark& obscure questions, that they haue been falsely& ill informed; for the parties with whom they conferred, making a false conjecture of their drift, and answerring them according to their own sense( far otherways then- they would haue done, if they had known their meaning) haue abused them against their wils. Some intending to be seacret, discover their secrets. 19. again, some there are, who intending to be very secret, play as a man may say, willy-beguile themselves. I knew a counsellor, who being commanded by his prince to give him his opinion in a matter of exceeding great importance and secrecy, thought to inform himself of some circumstances so cunningly, that his meaning should not be so much as guessed at: but the party with whom he treated being of an excellent iudgment, presently understood it, and though he answered him to his great satisfaction, yet not thinking himself any way bound to secrecy for that the counsellor neither had taken his oath, nor his word, nor had shewed any confidence in him for that matter) he wrote it to a great parsonage, with whom he had correspondence, by which means it was with in a month after so public that it came into the gazetta of Rome, and from thence was published throughout christendom, as the counsellor himself hath since told me; so that in seeking information by riddels, and obscure questions, two inconveniences may be feared, the one to receive a false information, and the other to discover the designment against a mans will. 20. Therfore to prevent these inconveniences, How informations are to be taken in important matters. my opinion is, that when information must needs be taken( as in some cases it is absolutely necessary, especially for enterprises to be made in foreign countries, unknown to him who would lay the plot) it shal be convenient, if a sufficient enformer may be found, who is known to be of a good& sincere conscience, to deal plainly with him, and to show confidence in him, taking nevertheless his oath of secrecy to bind him the more, and to use other means of courtesy and benefits to oblige him, and to do this with the liking and leave of the prince, for the councillors better discharge; But when such a confident& sincere informer can nor be had, my opinion is, that although it shal be good to use al possible means& diligence to learn what may be learned with out discovery of the intention, yet nevertheless no great foundation is to be made of an information taken by such means, except it be of a matter of fact, wherein no man that knoweth the truth, can falsely inform, An information little to be esteemed when the informer doth not fully understand the drift of the propounder. A councillor ought to be free from passion& particular affection. except he will wilfully lie, for of matters of discourse, depending vpon the iudgement of the informer be he never so wise, small reckoning is to be made, when he doth not fully understand the drift and intention of the propounder. Thus much concerning the sixth point. 21. The 7. point which a counsellor should consider in himself is, that in the deliberation of al matters whatsoever, he be clear and free from al passion, and particular affection, that is to say from al respects, either of love, hatred, or envy to any; and this( I say) for that wise princes are wont exactly to observe the humours and dispositions of their councellors, and to make small account of the aduise or persons of such, as they find to be subject to any of the foresaid imperfections; and with great reason; For as sallust saith: Non facile animus &c. The mind doth not easily see the truth, where passion and affection beareth swaye; sallust. in Catolin. Passion and affection blind the iudgment. Besides that, passion not only blindeth the understanding of man, but also doth so corrupt his will, that although he see the truth, yet he will not embrace it; which justin observed very well in King Antiochus and his councillors; For when hannibal had counseled him to invade Italy, his council( saith justin) was rejected, justin. hist. li. 3●. partly because the chief councillors,& favourits of Antiochus, feared that if it were admitted, hannibal might grow in more credit and favor with Antiochus then they, and partly because Antiochus himself doubted left his own glory might be in some part obscured if he should be thought to do any thing by Hanibals aduise; Envy maketh a man sometimes enemy of his own good. Plutark. in his Apophtheg. of K. and Princes. so pestilent is the passion of envy and emulation, that it maketh a man sometimes enemy of his own good, no less then of the public. 22. Therfore Aristides of Athens being sent ambassador with Themistocles who was his enemy, willed him at their departure out of the town, that they might leave al their emulations and quarrels behind them at the gate, Councelors should leave their quarrels at the council chamber door least their private passions might hinder the public good of the commonwealth; and so in like manner al councellors, that haue any particular quarrels, or disgusts amongst themselves, should leave them at the councel-chamber door, when they enter therein. And the like may also be said of the respects of private friendship or of other mens greatness and favor with the prince; Respects of other mens greatness pernicious in councils. which respects are many times no less hurtful in councils then envy or hatred, for that they make men conceal their own judgements, because they will not disgust some friend or some great man, that holdeth a contrary opinion; in so much that it falleth out many times, that some favourite of the prince, having once uttered his conceit, though none of the wisest, carrieth after him al the rest with out contradiction, and so the best opinions are either concealed, or not so well debated, as were convenient. 23. For the prevention and remedy of this inconvenience, the wise Cosmo de Medices Duke of Florence, A prudent practise of the wise Cosmo de Medices& of Philip the 2. King of spain. and Philip the 2. last King of spain used to propound their most important matters, to their councillors, first by writing, commanding them to set down their opinions also in writing, with their reasons, and not to communicate the same with any other,& afterwards if they thought it needful, they assembled them in their presence, to hear them debate and defend their own opinions, which proceeding was very prudent in my fancy, for so every counsellor gave his opinion freely with out passion or respect to any other, and for his own honour and reputation defended it so far as reason would bear him, whereby matters were thoroughly debated and well discussed. 24. To conclude this point, councillors must say of al particular respects as Popilius the Roman; being sent ambassador to King Anttochus his old friend, said unto him of their former amity; Facessat priuata amicitia &c. justin. li. 34. private friendship not to be respected when public matters are handled. What Counsellors ought always to haue before their eyes. The dangers that coun●ellors incur by giuing evil council to their princes. evil councellors hateful sometimes to their princes. Polid. Virg& jo. Sto. in Henr. 5. Fare well private friendship when public matters are in hand; this I say should councillors, when they come to the council table, both say and practise, laying a side al private and particular respects either to one another, or to themselves, as having nothing else before their eyes in al their deliberations, but the public good, to wit, the service of God, their prince, and their country. 25. The 8. and last point which I would wish a young counsellor to consider concerning himself, is the danger of punishment both human and divine, which he shal incur, if he corrupt or seduce his prince by evil council, for that his prince himself if ever he haue the grace to see his own error, can not but hate and detest the author and counsellor therof; As did King Henry the 5. who repenting the riotous course of his youth, banished from the court al those which had misled and seduced him, as I haue noted Chap. 29 nu 28. evil councillors hateful to the people and punished by them. Ibid. nu. 24. Stow in henry. 8. before. And though he escape the disgrace or punishment of his prince, yet he may justly fear the hatred of the people and his own destruction to enswe therof; as I haue also signified before vpon an other occasion, in peers Gauerston, the Spensers,& other councillors of Edward the 2. and Richard the 2. to whom I may ad Emson and Dudley, put to death by King Henry the 8. in the beginning of his reign, to satisfy the importunity of the people, who demanded iustice against them, for the evil council they had given to King Henry the 7. in matters of exactions, impositions, and pecuniary penalties. 26. Plutarc. in his treatise that philosophers should converse with princes. The wicked councellors of diuers tyrants notably punished A wi●ked counsellor, like to one that poysneth a public fountain. And plutarch also noteth that the councillors and favourits of Apollodorus, Phalaris, Dionysius, Nero, and other tyrants, were racked, stead, burnt, and otherwise most cruelly tormented by the people, and justly( saith he) for that he which corrupteth, or seduceth a prince, deserveth no less to be abhorred of al men, then one that should poison a public fountain knowledge al men should drink; Seeing that vpon the princes example& authority, dependeth the good or evil estate of al his subiects; and therfore he which misleadeth the prince, doth notable injury to the commonwealth, and oweth the penalty therof, as well to the people as to the prince himself. In which respect plutarch also noteth of Tigellinus, a wicked counsellor and corrupter of Nero, Plut. in Otho. The punishment of a wicked counselor is a debt due to the commonwelth. that the people after Nero his death made continual instance for his punishment, as for a public debt due to the commonwealth, which at length they obtained of Otho successor to Galba. 27. But though neither the prince nor the people do exact this debt of a wicked counsellor, yet he shal be sure to pay it eternally to almighty God, The danger of eternal damnation to a wicked coun●ellour. Rom. ca. 1. if he repent not and satisfy his iustice otherwise. For if not only those which do evil are worthy death( as the Apostle saith) but also those: Qui consentiunt facientibus, which consent thereto; much more guilty are the councillors of evil, who are either the principal authors therof, if they invent it, or abetters and associates in the highest degree, if they approve and ratify it; And therfore how hateful such are to almighty God, it appeareth by the examples of Achitophel and Amon, the one counsellor to absalon, 2. Reg. ca. 17. Hester ca. 7. Amon and Achitophel punished by almighty God in this life for their wicked council. and the other to Assuerus, whose wicked councells God did not only frustrate and infatuate( as the scripture speaketh) but also punish most exemplarly in this life, making the one of them his instrument to execute iustice vpon himself, and turning the wicked council of the other to his own destruction. As also the like may be observed in Gods just punishment vpon Cardinal Wolsey,& some other councillors of King Henry the 8. Sand. lib. 1. de schism. Angl. of whom I shal haue occasion to speak more at large in the second part of this treatise. And Philip de Comines seriously noteth, Phil. come. cron. du Roy Louis ca. 28. What Comineus noteth of a councillor of the duke of Burgundy how a counsellor of the Duke of Burgundy called monsieur Contay having given a cruel counsel to the Duke( to put to death c●rtaine hostages of Liege) lived not long after, which some who were present and heard him, did in a manner pronosticat, saying that they would warrant him he would not live a year to an end: which, saith he, fel out to be true, for he died with in a while; Thus then it appeareth how true the latin proverb is: Consilium malum consultori pessimum; evil counsel is worst to the counsellor. Hesiodus. evil council thirst ●o the counsellor. This shal suffice for those points which a young counsellor ought to consider in himself. WHAT A COVNSELLOVR OVGHT TO CONsider in his prince; as namely his consicence, his commodity, and his reputation. CHAP. 31. A COVNCELLOVR is to consider in his prince principally three things. His conscience, A counsellor is to consider in his prince, hs conscience, commodity and reputation. his commodity, and his reputation; of which 3. I place commodity in the midst, for that it is to be balanced& weighed with both the other, seeing nothing can be truly commodious which is not agreeable to both,& no temporal commodity can recompense the loss of either of them. And first to speak of conscience; The word Conscience, What the woord conscience signifieth. D. Tho. 2. d. 24. q. 2 at. 4. c. is diversly understood, and commonly taken for an act consisting in the application of our knowledge to our actions( for that Conscientia is Scientia cum alio, Knowledge with an other thing. In which sense, conscience may err, when we err in knowledge, or apply our true knowledge erroneously to our actions) therfore I will not treat of conscience here in this sense, but only as it is the Idem 1. p. q. 79. ar. ●3 in cor. The definition of Conscience. Remorse of conscience. Origen li. 2. in ep ad Rom. c. 2. first natural habit in the soul of man, which never erreth, and so Conscience is the purest, and highest part of reason whereby we do naturally discern betwixt good and evil, rejecting the evil and approving the good; whereupon groweth remorse and repentance in our souls after an evil act, and contentment after a good: in which respect Origen saith that conscience is. Rector& paedagogus ainae &c. The governor and pedagogue of the soul, where by it is deuerted from evil, moved to good, admonished, reproved, and chastised; S. Basil, S. Basil apud D. Thom. 1. p. q. 79. ar 13. ca. Aug. li. 2. de libero. arbit. c. 10. as S. Thomas noteth, called it naturale iudicatorium, the natural faculty of Iudgement; where of S. Augustin speaketh when he saith that there are in the soul of man, certain infallible rules, true and incommutable lights of virtue whereby every one conceiveth and iudgeth truly of the general principles of the office and duty of man S. chrysostom speaking of conscience, saith, Chrisost. To. 2. concio. 4. de de Lazaro. that almighty God hath placed it in the soul of man, Conscience placed in the soul of man as a judge of his actions. as a judge which is ever vigilant, and attentive to his actions, incorruptible, in favourable, inflexible, and searching into his very cogitations and intentions, where vpon it followeth that after any sin or offence committed, a mans own conscience justly iudgeth and condemneth him, with out any other accuser or witness then himself. D. Tho. quod li. 3. ar. 6. 1. Conscience is a natural law always agreeable to the law ●f God Rom. 2. Lastly S. Thomas calleth it Lex naturalis; A natural law or the law of nature, by the light whereof the very balsams know those things which are commanded by the law of God, as the Apostle testifieth, saying; The gentiles who haue not the law( that is to say the written law of God) do naturally perform those things which are of the law, and not having the law, are to themselves a law, and show that they haue the work of the law written in their harts, their own consciences giving testimony unto them, and their secret cogitations accusing or defending them in the day of Iudgement; Thus saith the Apostle. Whereby it appeareth that those which live according to the rule of reason, Who doth according to conscience or against conscience. the law of nature, and the law of God( which are always conform one to the other) do according to conscience; and on the other side, those which decline and serve from any of them, do against conscience. Nothing truly commodious that is against conscience. Math. ca. 5. 2. Now then for as much as our eternal felicity dependeth vpon the integrity and purity of conscience( in which respect our saviour saith: Beati mundo cord &c. Happy are the clean in hart, for they shal see God) It followeth that nothing can be truly commodious which is contrary to conscience, for what soever hindereth our greatest good and commodity, that is to say our salvation, and draweth us also to the greatest misery that can be, to wit, to eternal damnation, the same is not good and profitable but mischievous and pernicious, for( as I noted other where out of our saviours words) what doth it profit a man to gain the whole wo●ld if he loose his soul? Matth. 16. And therfore S. Augustine saith very well, that he which counseleth a man contrary to his salvation hath pallium consulentis& venenum perimentis; Aug. in Psal. 119. The cloak of a council, lor, and the poison of a killer. Whereupon it followeth that the first and principal thing that every counsellor ought to regard is, The principal thing that a Counc●llour ought to regard that his council be so grounded vpon conscience, that God be not offended, nor his princes conscience wounded there with: which latter were of itself no small infelicity though God, should not otherwise punish the evil act; For as on the one side, There can be no greater happiness in the life of man, No greater happiness in this life then tranquillity of conscience. Aug. de civit. dei li 21. funeral. No greater misery then a torm●nted conscience. The worme of conscience biteth at one time or o her. Chris in 16. luke. concio. 4. Why the sting of conscience is frequent& not continual. Greg. in job. 21. sin shuts the eyes, and punishment openeth them. job. 21. then the tranquillity and quietness of conscience( as S. Augustin saith) so on the otherside there can be no greater misery or torment then. Nocte, dieque suum gestare in pectore testem. To carry day and night the testimony of a mans wickedne● in his own breast. 3. And although princes do not always at the first feel the prick of conscience, whiles the pleasure or commodity of wicked counsel is yet fresh, nevertheless afterwards they are stoung and vexed therwith at one time or other; such being the nature of the worm of conscience, that though sometimes it seem to sleep, yet otherwhiles it gnaweth and biteth bitt●rly; God having of his infinite wisdom and m●rcy so ordained( as S. chrysostom witnesseth) L●st if it were continual, it ●hould not be supportable, and if it were not frequent, it might quickly be forgotten or contemned: but howsoever it may seem to sleep in prosp●rity, it never faileth to prick and sting in adversity, giuing testimony to wicked men of Gods just iudgment vpon th●m; For as S. Gregory saith. Culpa claudit o●ulos,& pena aperit; Offence, or sin shuts the eyes, and punishment openeth them. To which purpose also job saith of the wicked man; Cum reddiderit( Deus) tunc sciet, When God shal punish him, according to his deserts, then he will know, that he hath sinned. The Children of jacob being taken for spies and detained in egypt, fel presently into account of their sin in selling their brother joseph, saying: Merito haec patimur &c. We suffer this worthely; Gen. 42. And Mauritius the emperour seeing his children killed before his face,& himself also designed for the slaughter, acknowledged Gods iustice saying; justus es domine &c. Thou art just o Lord, Nicephor. li. 18. ca. 40. Guicc. li. 1. ca. 22. nu. 6. 7. 8. and thy iudgement is right, and full of equity. The like may be noted in Alphonsus King of Naples of whom I haue spoken before, and infinite others whom I omit for brevities sake; And this al wicked councillors ought well to consider and fear; in respect of the hurt that may ensue thereof, as well to themselves, Remorse of conscience breedeth hatred of the evil council and o● the counsellor. Guliel. Malsmesb. li. 2. c. 6. as to their princes, for that the worm of conscience breedeth not only remorse, and repentance of the evil act, but also hatred both of the counsel, and the counsellor; As it did in King Adelstan the first monarch of England after the entry of the Saxons, who being seduced by the bad council, and and false suggestions of one of his favourits, Matth. westmonast. an. 934. banished his brother Edwin unjustly, commanding him to be set to sea, with only one seruant, in a boat without sail, wherein he perished; which when King Adelstan understood, he fel into the account of his own offence, and so much repented it, that he not only took vpon him 7. yeres pennance, but also grew by little and little to detest and abhor his favourite, who had counseled him thereto; in so much that in the end he cut of his head, taking occasion vpon certain words of his, who being his cup-bearer,& coming one day to give him drink in a solemn and public feast, and chancing to stumble with one foot and to recover himself with the other, said, So one brother helps an other. Whereupon the King remembring the loss of his brother, was so moved there with, that he caused him presently to be taken and executed. 4. Furthermore a counsellor is to consider that counseling his prince against conscience, he endangereth not only his princes soul( as I haue signified before) but also his temporal state, How a wicked councillor endangereth the state of his prince. exposing him and it to the just wrath& punishment of almighty God, vpon whose will depend the states of al princes, as I haue largely proved already. besides that no man knoweth for how small an offence in the sight of man, No man knoweth for how small an offence God will punish a prince in his person or state. Nume ca. 20. Deut. c. 1. 1. Reg. ca. 15. Example of Moyses, david, Saule, and Ezechias 2. Reg c 24. 4. Reg. ca. 20. 2. pa c. 32. Isa. c. 38. God may punish a prince in his person or state. Moyses for a little distrust in the promise of God, dyed before he entred into the land of promise. King Saul was rejected of almighty God, and disposessed of his kingdom, for reserving some part of the spoil of Amalec at the request of the people, contrary to the commandement of the prophet. david was punished with the loss and destruction of 70000 of his subiects, for numbering them. And Ezechias for his vain glory in showing his treasure to the ambassadors of the King of babylon, was threatened by the prophet with the spoil of his palace, and captivity of his posterity, which after was fulfilled. 5. But of al other acts against conscience; for the which God punisheth princes and their states, No wicked council more pernicious to state, then that which is given for the benefit of state, and why. none are more pernicious to state, then such as are committed with intention and hope to benefit the state; for how little soever some of them may seem to be in their own nature, yet they haue one circumstance which doth greatly aggravate them, and maketh them very heinous in the sight of God, seeing that wicked pollicyes do commonly proceed of distrust or lack of belief in the providence of God; For no man who sincerely believeth that al states depend vpon Gods will and providence, can with any reason persuade himself, that any thing which is offensive to God, may be good for state; God doth justly turn macheuillian policies to the ouerthrow of the contrivers. proverb. 10. and therfore no marvel if almighty God( who of his iustice punisheth sinners many times, by the same means whereby they offend him) doth often turn the wicked policies of Macheuillians to their own overthrow, ordaining that( as Salomon saith) Quod timet impius veniat supper eum. That which the wicked man feareth may fall vpon him. 6. An example of pharaoh. Exod. 1. So it fel out to pharaoh who fearing least the children of Israel might multiply overmuch to the danger of his state, oppressed them wrongfully,& commanded that their male children should be cast into the river, as soon as they were born; nevertheless the more they were oppressed, the more they increased& multiplied. And through the special providence of God, Moyses was saved from drowninge,& nowrished by Pharaos own daughter, and by his ministry the children of Israel were delivered, egypt, spoyled, and pharaoh himself with al his army drowned. Ibid. ca. 12. 14. So it also fel out to the Iewes, who fearing lest Christ, An example of the Iewes. joan. 11. if he should live any time, would draw so many to beleeue in him, that the Romans might easily destroy their temple& nation( for want of people to defend the same) resolved to kill him, and so drew vpon themselves, and their temple, the destruction which they sought to prevent; God so disposing for punishment of their wickedness, that the Romans did afterwards utterly destroy their temple and country, as I haue amply declared in the 19. chapter; and hereupon S. Augustin notably saith; Aug. Tract. 4●. in joan. That whiles for fear of losing their temporal state, they contemned the eternal; they justly lost both. 7. justin. li. 1. An example of King. astyages. Also the like iustice and iudgement of almighty God may be noted in King astyages, who fearing that his daughters issue might deprive him of his kingdom, thought to prevent it by the murder of her son Cyrus, commanding Harpagus to destroy him as soon as he was born; but God so disposed that the child was saved contrary to the expectation of them both, and that afterwards he dispossessed astyages of his kingdom, with the assistance of Harpagus, whom astyages had made the instrument of his wickedness. So also it happened to Amulius who thinking to assure his own state by the murder of his two nephews, Idem. li. 4. 3. Plutarc. in Romulo. An example of K. Amulius. Romulus and Remus caused them to be laid forth in the woods, when they were new born, to the end they might be devoured of wild beasts, or perish otherways, whom nevertheless it pleased God to preserve, and by the means of Romulus to disposses Amulius of his kingdom. 8. But to speak of Christians. In the time of the emperour Valentinian the third, Paul. Diac. li. 15. Attila the scythian and King of the huns( who called himself Flagellum Dei the scourge of God) invaded the Roman empire with an army of eleven hundreth thousand men, and having already possessed himself of al Pannonia( called Hungary ever since) passed through Germany into France, using al kind of cruelty vpon al sorts of Christian people, threatening utter ruin as well to Christian religion, as to the Roman empire; whereupon the famous captain Aetius being assisted with Theodoricus King of the Goths, and diuers other princes, presented him battle in France not far from Orleans, in which battle there were slain a hundreth& four score thousand on both sides, and Attila overthrown in such sort, that he had no means to save his own person, but by retiring himself into his camp, where he fortified himself, and nevertheless might easily haue been either killed or taken, and Christiandome thereby delivered of a most potent and dreadful enemy, The famous captain Aetius preferring reason of State before conscience destroyed himself and endangered the Roman empire. if Aetius would haue donne his endeavour thereto; who preferring reason of state, before true Christian zeal, and Gods service, spared him, fearing lest if he were utterly overthrown, the goths( who had already conqu●red al spain, and a great part of France, would be far more dangerous to the Roman empire, being free from the fear of Attilla, who was common enemy to both, for which respect, he suffered him to escape away with the relics of his army into Hungary; which by the just iudgement of almighty God turned as well to the destruction of Aetius, as to the great danger of the empire; For Aetius being returned most triumphant to Rome, fel shortly after into the disgrace of the emperour, who suspected, that he had spared Attilla to the end to make himself emperour by his assistance, where vpon he slay Aetius with his own hand, and Attilla having with in a while repaired his army was more terrible and noisome to the Roman empire then before, for he came into Italy putting al to fire and sword, he razed Aquileia to the ground, took Pauia, sacked and destroyed Milan, and marched towards Rome to beseege it, which he had donne, if he had not been diverted from it by Pope lo the great, who going himself in person to him, persuaded him to desist from the enterprise, and to retire himself into Hungary, which he did presently; And being demanded of some of his nobility, why he changed his resolution so suddenly, he answered that he durst not do otherwaise, Blondus decade. 1. li. 2. Sabellic. Enncad. 8 li. 1. Baron. an. 452. for that two grave old men apparelled like priests, stood by Pope lo al the time of their conference, with swords in their hands, and threatened to kill him if he did not satisfy him. But to return to Aetius; we see herein the bad success of his policy, and how it turned to his destruction, when he preferred reason of state before conscience and the service of God. 9. Hereto I may add some others of later time, of whom I haue also spoken before vpon other occasions, as Caesar Borgia Caesar Borgia. ( the mirror of Machiauels prince) who determining to poison Cardinal Cornetti, poisoned his own father and himself. Chap. 13. nu. 4.& 5. Guicciar. li. 6. hist. In like manner the queen of Hungary thinking to maintain herself and her son in the unjust possession of that kingdom, The queen of Hungary. Surius in commen. an. 1541. against Ferdinand then king of Romans, and after emperour, craved aid of soliman the great Turk, by whom both she and her son were deprived thereof. And lastly I may conclude with a most manifest example of Gods exemplar iustice in this kind, extended a few yeares past, vpon Henry the 3. king of France, who rejecting conscience in the breach of his oath, Henry the 3. K. of France rejecting conscience ouerthrew his estate. overthrew both himself and his state, by the same means whereby he thought to preserve both; to wit by the slaughter of the Cardinal and Duke of Guise, after his reconciliation with them, confirmed on his part by solemn oaths, with many imprecations, and maledictions against himself( giving himself to the devil, body and soul) in case he ment, or should attempt any thing against them, receiving also the blessed Sacrament publicly for their further assurance; The death of the Duke of Guise, and of the Cardinal his brother. which promise and oath he was bound in conscience to perform, not withstanding any former act or desert of theirs; yet nevertheless he caused the Duke to be killed in his own presence, and the Cardinal the next day after, whereby he thought he had so assured his estate, that he vaunted with great joy and triumph, as well to the queen his mother as to his favourits, that he was then king( meaning that during the Dukes life, he had been King only in name, and not in deed) whereas it fel out through Gods just iudgement, that the Dukes death, was the means to deprive him both of his kingdom and life; For, not only al the principal tounes in France revolted presently from him( for the horror and hatred of the fact) but also he himself, with in 8. monthes after, having levied 50. thousand men for the siege of Paris, Henry the 3. K. of France slain in the midst of hi● army. Clement was the watchword of them who killed the Duke, and the name of him who slew the King. job. 5. was miserable slain, in the midst of his army, by a poor simplo friar called Clement: whose name I note, for that S. Clement was ordained by the King, to serve for the watchwoord to those, who slay the Duke; and not with out mystery, through Gods special providence, fignifying, as it were prophetically the name of him, whose hand should reuenge it. Whereby it may appear how dangerous, and pernicious al counsels, or attempts against conscience, are to state, in respect of the offence of him on whose will depend al states, and who, as job saith. Apprehendit sapientes in astutia eorum &c. Ouerreacheth the wise men of the world in their own craft, and subtlety, and dissipateth the councils, and plots of wicked men. Therfore it may truly be said of machiavillian princes, and their wicked councillors, as the prophet said of the King and councillors of egypt Stulti principes &c. Isay. ca. 16. The princes are fools and their wise counsellors haue given foolish council, our Lord hath cast amongst them the spirit of giddiness, and hath made them stagger and err in al their works, like a reeling and vommiting drunken man. Thus much touching the respect which councell●rs ought to haue to conscience, whereof I shal haue occasion also to say more in the last chapter. The reputation of the prince greatly to be regarded of a c●uncelour& why. Thom 22. 9 73. ar. 2& 3 proverb. ca. 22. 10. As for reputation( which is also called Honour, estimation, famed, good name, or credit) no small regard is to be had thereto, when there is any question of the princes commodity, seeing that of al external goods it is the principal,& most precious, and( as S. Thomas affirmeth) most like to the goods of the mind, whereupon Salomon saith. Melius est bonum nomen quam divitiae multae. Good name is better then great riches; Which is evident in matter of state, for that reputation conserveth the states of princes many times, no less or rather more then wealth and force. In which respect Tiberius Caesar was wont to say, as Tacitus noteth; Tacit. li. 4. annal. That although the deliberations of al other men, do commonly consist in the consideration of utility and profit; yet the state of a prince is such, that he ought principally to respect famed and reputation; And the reason is, The danger of the loss of a princes reputation. for that the loss of reputation, is not only the sign and( as I may say) the preamble of a princes fall, but also the occasion therof many times, because therwith decayeth& falleth commonly the affection of friends and the respect, fear, and obedience of subiects; whereupon followeth the subversion of states. 11. Now then, wherein the reputation of a prince consisteth. whereas the reputation of princes consisteth especially in 4. things, to wit, wisdom, valour, virtue, and power; al council tending to commodity is to be weighed with the estimation therof, for nothing that may impair the honour of the prince in any of these, can be accounted truly commodious for him; Philip. de come. ca. 57. Therfore Philip de Comines adviseth touching the princes wisdom, that if he be not very wise, and of good partes, great care be had that strangers be not admitted to his presence, The care to be had of the reputation of wisdom in the prince. especially to treat with him, lest the discovery of his imperfection in that behalf, may blemish his reputation, and animate his enemies to contemn him; And the french historiographers affirm, that the opinion which men had of the wisdom of Charles the 5. King of France called the wise, availed him more against the English, then his force; Du Haillan in charles le sage. in so much that the dispatches which he made in his chamber, were more feared( say they) then his armies in the field 12. The reputation of valour. The like also is to be said of the opinion of valour in a prince, which maketh him no less redoubtable to his enemies, then beloved of his friends and subiects; whereas the opinion of his effeminacy or baseness of mind maketh him contemptible to al men, and often causeth the deposition, and destruction of princes, as it did to Sardanapalus the great assyrian King; justin. li. 1. Paulus AEmilius in Chilper. Naucler. chron. 1400. Arist. li. 5. Polit. The reputation of virtue and religion. to Chilperic King of France, to Wenceslaus the emperour, and to many others. 13. And as for virtue( where in I include also religion) Aristotle teacheth that the only reputation, and opinion therof, is a notable stay, and prop to a princes state, in respect that al men commonly conceive that a virtuous, and religious prince is in the favour, and protection of almighty God; And therfore Achior chief captain of the Amonits counseled Holofernes when he made war vpon the children of Israel, to inform himself whether they had committed any great offences towards their God, where by they might loose his favour, assuring him that otherwaise it would be in vain to assail them, for that their God would defend them. And the like conceit it seemeth that Loelin prince of wales had of Henry the 3. Matheus Paris in Hen. 3. King of England, for when certain bishops who were sent by the King to treat with him to reduce him to obedience, threatened him with the Kings great power, and forces; he answered that he feared more his alms, then his armies, meaning that he doubted lest in respect of his great charity and piety, God would protect and assist him, and that otherwaise he would little esteem his force,& power. So much it importeth a prince to haue the reputation of virtue, and religion, which serveth for a bridle to his enemies both domestical, and foreign, to withhold them from al attempts against him; besides that it causeth that his faults, and errors are either not believed, or more easily excused, or the blame therof laid vpon his councillors. Macchi. in princ. macchiavel adviseth his prince to seek to haue the reputation of religion and virtue. The absurdity of Macchiauels doctrine impugning itself. Terent. in Eunuch. Cicero. de offi. Nothing that is dissembled can last long. Math. c. 8. 14. And for these causes macchiavel also counseleth his prince, to procure by al means to haue the reputation of a religious, just, and virtuous prince, though he teach him withal to be a most wicked tyrant; wherein I can not omit by the way to note the absurdity of his doctrine, notably impugning& contradicting itself, seeing he will haue his prince to seem a lamb, and be a wolf, and to make show of a Saint, and be indeed a devil; which is no more possible then as the commical poet saith. Cum ratione insanire, to be mad with reason; For al feigned things( saith Cicero) fade and fall away like flowers, and nothing that is dissembled can long last, which our saviour himself confirmeth saying expressly of hipocricy; Attendite &c. Take heed of the leaven of the pharisees that is to say hypocrisy, for nothing is secret that shal not be revealed nor any thing hide that shal not be known. 15. And this is more evident in disembling and hypocritical tyrants, tyranny cannot be hide. then in any other sort of men; for that so violent is the flamme of tyranny, that it breaketh out through the weak and cloven walls of hypocrisy, and discovereth itself to the world; such being the state of public persons, and especially of princes ( whose actions are subject to the eyes and censures of al men) that their least faults cannot pass either unknown or vncontrold of the people; as Plutark affirmeth, The least deffects of princes are commonly noted and known to their subiects. Plut. in his instructions for those that manage matters of state. notably advising princes to haue a special regard to al their actions, for that their least defects, or imperfections are noted; which he confirmeth with examples of diuers princes, as of Pompey the great, noted of singularity for scratching his head with one finger; Lucullus censured to be over delicate in his diet; The famous Scipio blamed for sleeping much; And Caesar for going il girded: What then shal we say of tyrannycal acts, No hypocrisy can suffice to coue● a tyranny. such as Machiauel commendeth in his prince, I mean murders, breach of promises and oaths, fraudes and deceit, and al kind of injustice? Can any man with reason think that the same can be sufficiently covered with any cloak of hypocrisy; or can a people be so simplo, or senseless as not to know, and see a tyranny when they see the manifest effects, and feel to heavy weight therof in themselves? Therfore what else can follow of hypocrisy in a tyrant but that his subiects shal hate him much more, and the sooner conspire his overthrow, hypocrisy encreseth the hatred of God and man against a tyrant job. 20. as of one no less odious to God then to man? whereby the scripture shalbe fulfilled, which, saith that The heauens shal reveal the iniquity of the hypocrite, and the earth shal rise against him. 16. But because I am to speak purposely, and much more amply of this matter in the 2. part of this treatise, it shal suffice to haue said thus much here by the way, The reputation of true and not of feigned virtue requisite in a prince. What true virtue in the prince worketh in the subiects. What are the effects of 'vice in a prince. and withal to infer thereupon, that the reputation of virtue which is necessary for the conservation of a prince, must be grounded vpon true virtue, and not vpon vain shows and hypocritical dissimulations; for, as true religion, iustice, and virtue, joined with princely power, engender in the subiects admiration, respect, reverence, and love towards their prince: so impiety injustice, and intemperance in him, breed in the subiects either hatred, or else contempt of person. For of the crimes of impiety, and injustice( as perjury, deceit,& cruelty) proceedeth hatred; and of the vices that grow of imtemperance( as lasciviousness, drunkenness, and such like) is engendered contempt, as I would declare here more at large, but that I reserve the further discourse therof to the 2. part of this treatise, where I determine to speak of the princes virtues more particularly, and amply, in respect that al perfection of virtue proceedeth from Gods grace, and true religion, whereof I am to treat there. 17. nevertheless I think good to say some what more in this place, Concerning truth and fidelity in the prince. concerning one special virtue very requisite in a prince for his reputation, to wit, truth, fidelity, and constancy, in the exact observation of his oaths, promises, and word; whereof I am the more willing to treat for that macchiavel alloweth, and commendeth al manner of falsehood, deceit, treachery and perjury in a prince, when he may hope to gain, or to benefit his state thereby. But how impious and absurd his doctrine is in that behalf, yea and how pernicious to princes and their states, it will the more evidently appear if we consider how dangerous and damageable al falsehood, and deceit is to commonwealth; for the conservation whereof, nothing is more necessary then truth, and fidelity, as well in the prince, as in the people. 18. Therfore Cicero teacheth that Fides, which we may call fidelity( consisting as he saith, Cicero. li. 1. de office. wherein fidelity consisteth. Idem. pro sixth. Ros. in the verity,& constant performance of words, promises,& covenants) is fundamentum justitiae, the foundation of iustice which is the special prop& stay of state, in which respect he calleth it commune omnium praesidium. The common defence, or refuge of al men; Idem. li. 2. de office. Valer. li. 6. ca. 6. & also saith, that nulla res vehementius rempublicam continet quam fides. Nothing doth more firmly unite and hold together the commonwealth then fidelity; and Valerius calleth it; venerabile numen& certissimum humana salutis pignus. A venerable and divine power, and the most sure pledge of human security; Dionis Halicar. li. 2 Li●i. li.& 2. and the Romans so much esteemed it that they builded, and dedicated a Temple to it, as to a Goddesse, in which temple al leagues, truces, covenants, and important bargains, were publicly made& sworn, which were so religiously observed, that who soever broken them, was held for a cursed, and damned creature, and unworthy to live in human society. And with great reason, for if falsehood and fraud were permitted to haue course in commonwealths, If falsehood and fraud were permitted amongst men no commonwelth could stand. what traffic or commerce with strangers or friends? what assurance in leagues with foreign princes, in contracts and marriages, in promises, and bargains, in buying or selling? what love? what society? what commonwealth? which consisteth in the communication of commodities one with an other,& flourisheth so much the more, by how much every one tendereth, and desireth the public good more then his own, in which respect it is called R spub●ica, that is to say, 〈◇〉 e public. And therfore if trusty and faithful dealing ●●ould fail amongst men, there would be no more ●iuil ●●ciety amongst them then amongst tigers, and bears, foxes, and wo●lues, cats, and doggs; which the Apostle insinuateth notably when he exhorteth the Ephesians, and in them al other Christians to use al sincerity, and truth one with an other, because we are al combined in one mystical body; Propter quod( saith he) deponentes mendacium &c. Ephes 4. Therfore laying aside al lies, let every one of you speak the truth to his neighbour; Quoniam sumus invicem membra. Because we are al members one of another. 29. Hereupon it followeth, that fidelity is not only most necessary in the subiects, but also in the prince, Fidelity most necessary in the prince for the conservation of the commonwelth. for the conservation of the commonwealth; for seeing nothing is more requisite for the maintenance of the political body then the union of the head with the members therof, that is to say of the prince with the people, and nothing again more necessary thereto, then their trust and confidence one in an other( which can not be where there is no fidelity) it followeth, that nothing is more requisite for the conservation of both the prince, and the people, then fidelity in both; without the which neither the subiects can assure themselves of their princes protection, nor the prince be satisfied of the loyalty of his subiects. 20. And to speak here particularly of the prince; it is to be considered, that the want of fidelity and sincerity in him, The force of the princes good or bad example in the commonwelth. is most dangerous not only to the common wealth, but also to himself, as it willbe evident if we weigh the force& effect of the good or bad example of the prince,& how potent a motive it is to induce his subiects to virtue or vice, seeing as Salomon saith, and experience teacheth that; Qualis est rector civitatis, tales sunt habitantes in ea. Eccli. 10. Such as is the governor of the city, such are the inhabitants therof. therefore I say that as the example of the princes fidelity doth redound both to the good of the common wealth, How the fidelity of the prince redoundeth to his own good. & also to his own security( for that the people doth learn thereby to be not only faithful one to an other, but also dutiful,& loyal towards him) so also the example of perfidious& double dealing in him, doth work the contrary effect, A perfidious prince teacheth his subiects to be traitorous to himself. and teacheth his subictes to be no less faithless, and traitorous towards him, then fraudulent, and treacherous one towards an other, which may turn as well to his destruction, as to the hurt of the commonwealth. 21. But perhaps some Macchiauillian will say, that although the prince for his own commodity do use sometimes to violat his faith, yet he may so severely punish it in his subiects, that no inconvenience shal follow of his example, either to the commonwealth or to himself. 22. whereto I answer, that the prince can not with reason, expect that the severity of laws, The princes bad example ouerweyeth good laws. Claudian. or other polityk means, shal repress in his commonwealth any 'vice which shal be authorized by the example of his own practise; for as the poet saith. — Totus componitur orbis Regis ad exemplum nec sic inflectere sensus Humanos edicta valent, vt vita reg ntis That is to say, al the world is framed after the model of the king and no laws or edicts can so move the minds of men, as doth the life of the governor; Plutar. de doctrina principium. which Plutark confirmeth notably, saying. That even as a squire, or rule, must be strait in itself before it can make other things strait; so the prince( who is, as it were, the rule of his subiects) ought first to rectify himself, The prince is the rule of his subiects. before he go about by laws or other means to rectify his commonwealth: for he that is falling( saith Plutark) is not fit to uphold others; nor he that is ignorant, to teach; nor he that is incorrigible, to correct; nor he that is himself disordered, to put others in order. Thus saith he, giving to understand that a vicious prince who seeketh to make his subiects virtuous by rigour of laws, laboureth in vain, like unto one that buildeth with one hand, and puleth down with the other, A bad prince who maketh good laws buildeth with one hand& putteth down with the other. chap. 4. nu. 28. &c. and so destroyeth more in one day, then he can build in many: for so doth the bad example of the prince, corrupt more in a day, then his laws can correct or amend in a year; as is evident enough by that which I haue largely discoursed else where of the procliuity of man to 'vice, with the facility, and many means found in every commonwealth to escape the penalties of laws. 23. This the ancient Romans so well considered that their magistrates, The Roman magistrates and Senat most exact in the observation of oaths. and Senat were most exact, and punctual in the observation of oaths, and promises even to their very enemies, for the regard they had not only to iustice, and to their own reputation, but also to the consequence of their good example in the commonwealth; to which purpose I alleged before vpon another occasion the example of the worthy consul Marcus Attilius Regulus, who being taken prisoner by the Carthaginians, Chap. 5. nu. 5. Cicero. li. 3. de office. and dismissed vpon his oath( promising either to procure the delivery of certain prisoners, or to return himself to Carthage) was sent back by the Senat with his own consent, because the Senat did neither think it convenient to deliver the prisoners, n●r to recover and retain their consul contrary to his oath. And the like I haue also noted before in the same place of T. Veturius, and Spurius Posthumus consuls, Chap. 5. nu. 4. Cicero li. 3. de offi. and of T. Mutius and Q. Aemilius tribunes of the people, who were delivered prisoners to the samnites, because the Senat would not ratify the peace which the said consul and Tribunes had made with them; To whom I may ad L. Minictius. C. Manlius. Q. Fabius and C. Apronius men of great dignity, Valer. li. 6. ca. 6. delivered also by order of the Senat to the ambassadors of Carthage, and of the city of Appollonia, for some abuses which they committed against the said ambassadors contrary to the law of nations. 24. The like notable examples of particular men amongst the balsams may also be alleged, whereof I will relate only one or two for brevities sake. Sextus Pompeius, son to Pompey the great, having warres with Antonicus the Triumuir, Sextus Pompeyus would not break his oath to be emperour of the world. Plutar. in Anton. and meeting with him at the sea side vpon a treaty of peace, invited him to supper in his galley, giving him his oath for his assurance, and being demanded secretly by Metrodorus the Pyrat, whiles they were at table, whether he would haue him way anchor, and set sail, and so make himself lord of the world, he answered, that it was not his custom or condition to forswear himself, esteeming it neither honourable, nor profitable for him, to gain the empire of the world by perjury. 25. The care which Li urgus had of fidelity. Plutar. in Licur. No less care of fidelity had Licurgus brother to Polidectes King of Lacedemonia; for, having taken vpon him the government of the kingdom after his brothers death, at the instance of the people until his brothers wife, who was great with child, should be brought to bed, and the child of yeres to govern, and being solicited by her, to mary with her, vpon her promise to kill the child in her woomb, thereby to assure his state, he not only refused it, but also proclaimed her son King, as soon as he was born taking only the tuition of him until he came to age, nu. 1. as I haue declared more at large in the 8. chapter. 26. I need not to add hereto any examples of Christian princes whose religion both teacheth and bindeth them to be more exact and precise then paynims in like cases; nevertheless, I I cannot forbear to speak of a notabl● act in this kind of the most Christian and virtuous prince Ferdinand brother to Henry the 3. Ferdinand brother to Henry K. of Castile. of that name King of Castile, which Ferdinand being le t by his brothers testament tutor to his son King John the 2.( an infant of 8. luke. Marin. Siculus de reb. Hisp. li. 11. months old) and being urged greatly by the three sta●es of Castile to take the crown to himself, would by no means consent thereto, saying that he would never be false, either to his brother dead, or to his nephew living, to whom he had promised fidelity; for the which God rewarded him, as it seemeth with in six yeres after with the kingdom of arragon, whereto he was chosen by the free election of the nobility, and commons of the realm. Lo then how great respect not only this Christian Prince, but also the paynims before name, had to sincerity and fidelity, as well for the causes before mentioned, as also for the very detestation, and hatred of perfidiousness, being a 'vice of itself most odious, and unworthy of princely dignity. 27. For where as al other vices and sins for the most part, are or may be attributed either to frailty, or error( whereby they seem many times more worthy of pardon) perfidiousness is ever presumed to proceed from a treacherous, perfidiousness is a sign of a base and vile nature. malign, vile, and base nature, and therfore not excusable in princes, whose proceedings ought to be in al things real, generous, noble and heroycal; in which respect one false, and treacherous act may suffice to eclipse, and obscure the glory of many great virtues in a prince, Plut. in Alexander. as Plutark noteth in Alexander the great, who causing certain Indian soldiers to be killed after they had rendered themselves unto him vpon his word, spotted and stained( saith he) the renown of al his glorious conquests and royal virtues with the ignominy of that one act; and the reason is, for that so ●elicat is mans credit, Once false, ever suspected. and reputation in matter of trust, and confidence, that it is like to a glass, which being once broken is not reparable; and therfore he that is once known for a liar, is not believed when he saith true, and he that is once reputed to be false, is ever suspected, and according to the general rule of the law. Semper presumitur malus in eodem genere mali. Li. si cvi ff. de accusat. Bart. in li. Cassius de Sena. The dangers which accompany persidiousnes in a prince. Is ever presumed to be wicked in the same kind of lewdness; Whereupon it followeth that a faythles prince, is hated of his subiects, suspected of his best friends, irreconcilable with his enemies, beloved and trusted of none, and betrayed or forsaken of al men in his greatest necessities, and that worthily; seeing he himself giveth the evil example which other men follow to his overthrow. 28. But here the politic, or Macchiauillian will say, that a wise prince hath sufficient remedies against these inconveniences, to wit, strong guards, garrisons, and fortresses, besides his own policy, assisted with the prudence of faithful and vigillant councillors, whereby he may securely make his commodity in al occasions, without fear of any damage that may ensue therof to his person, or estate. The insufficiency of Macchiauillian remedies. Thus saith the Macchiauillian most absurdly, as it will appear if we consider whence groweth the danger that the prince incurreth by perfidious and deceitful dealing, which being most hateful not only to man, but also to God, doth draw vpon him both divine, and human punishment, against the which neither these, falsehood hateful to God, and man. nor any other Macchiauillian remedies can warrant him. 29. And first to speak of the offence of God and divine punishment ensuring therof. We find in holly scriptures, that nothing is more detestable to almighty God then a deceitful, or d●oble dealing man, and therfore the Holly Ghost saith in the parables. as bilingue detestor; I do detest a double tongued mouth. And again in the same place. Abominatio Domini est omnis illusor. proverb. 8. Ibid. ca. 3. every deceiver is abominable before God. And the royal Prophet coupling the deceiver with the blood-sucker, saith of them both. Virum sanguinum& dolosum abominatur dominus: God do h abhor the bloody, Psal. 51. and deceitful man; And speaking of the guylful tongue of Doeg he thretneth the vengeance of God to him, and al such; saying. Lingua dolosa; propterea &c. A deceitful tongue; God will therfore destroy thee eternally he will pull thee up, and remove thee from thy tabernacle, Psal 11. God exacteth nothing more of man then truth. and roote thee out of the land of the living. lo then how odious al fraudulent, and double dealing is to almighty God, who being, Ipsa veritas, truth itself, exacteth nothing more of man created to his image, A prince is the Image of God in two respects. then verity and truth, and much more of a prince then of any private person, for that the prince is his image, not only by reason of the natural gifts of his soul( as al other men are) but also in respect of his office, whereby he representeth his person, as his lieutenant, in the administration of Iustice, whereof fidelity and truth is the foundation, nu. 48. as I haue declared before. 30. Wherein nevertheless it is to be understood that although al real plain and true dealing be most requisite in a prince, yet he is to use great discretion, great prudence to be used of princes in playnnes. and prudence therein, for that infinite occasions occur, wherein princes ought to conceal and cover their intentions, with more care and cirumspection then al other men, especially in matters to be executed: wherefore great difference is to be noted betwixt telling a lie, great difference to be noted betwixt telling a lye and concealing the truth. The difference betwixt fixion and discreet dissimulation. discreet dissimulation commendable in princes. and concealing the truth, which the latins do signify in two proper words, to wit simulatio, and dissimulatio, whereof the first( which we may term simulation, or fiction) is ever unlawful,& therfore never to be used; and the later,( which we may call discreet dissimulation) is both lawful and commendable, yea and some times so necessary in princes, that it may well and truly be said; Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare. He which knoweth not how to dissemble, that is to say discreetly to cover and cloak his intentions when occasion requireth, knoweth not how to reign. The which how and in what cases it may be donne and practised without offence, I will declare particularly and amply in the second part of this treatise, where I mean to resolve many doubtful cases of state, according to the rule of conscience, for the instruction of young statists; and in the mean time I say here with Salomon( who was himself a most wise& potent prince) that; proverb. ca 17. A lye most unseemly in the mouth of a prince. Ibid. ca. 30. Ibid. ca. 10. Aug. cont. Crescon. li. 3. ca 9. A liar the child of the devil. joan. 8. Non decet principem labium mentiens. A lying lip or mouth doth not beseem a prince; In which respect he also prayeth to almighty God; verba mendacia long fac a me; O lord preserve and keep me far from lying woords; And again in an other parable he saith. Qui nititur mendacijs pascit ventus; He which trusts to lies feeds the wynds; that is to say, as S. Augustin expoundeth it, fit esca spiritibus malis; he becomes the meate, or pray of wicked spirits, or of the devil, whose, imitatour, or rather whose child he maketh himself. For as our saviour saith the devil is; Mendax& pater eius; A liar and the father of lies, and is therfore called Diabolus which signifieth a deceiver. 31. Macchiauels prince perfidious and perjured. What then shal we say of such a prince as macchiavel frameth, to wit a most treacherous, perfidious, and perjured person; can he deserve to be called the Image, lieutenant, or minister of God, whose similitude, and likeness, he defaceth in himself, whose commission he abuseth, and whose holly name he shamefully profaneth? what else can he expect at the hands of God, but severe punishment, not only in the world to come, but also in this life if he repent not? This may appear by manifest examples whereof I will allege some out of approved authors, both ancient, and modern, to show the impious absurdity of Macchiauels doctrine, allowing perfidiousness and perjury in a prince, as necessary sometimes for the benefit of his state. 32. And first to speak of our holly Scriptures, we red in Genesis, that Simeon, and levi the children of jacob, Genes. 49. were cursed by their father at his death, for that they had violated their league made with Sichem, and Hemor, Ibidem. 34. Simeon and levi cursed by their father jacob, for violating their league v●ith Sichem. and Hemor. whom they destroyed with al their city, contrary to their promise, and covenant. Maledictus( saith jacob) furor eorum quia pertinax &c. Cursed be their fury because it was obstinat; and prophesing further of the temporal punishment, which God would inflict vpon their posterity for the same, he added. Diuidameos in jacob,& dispergam in Israel; I will divide them in jacob, and disperse them amongst the children of Israel. Which was fulfilled afterwards, as S. jerome witnesseth, Hieron. in tradition. hebraicis in Genesim. for that their tribes had not their habitation apart as the others had, for the tribe of levi was distributed in diuers cities amongst the other tribes, to be their levites, and priests, and the tribe of Simeon, had their dwelling with the tribe of Iuda, and as the hebrewes affirm, served for schoolmasters in al the other tribes, Pererius in Ganes. ca. 49. and got their living by teaching children. 33. In like manner the punishment of God was notable vpon King Sauls posterity, 2. Reg. ca. 21. Iosue. 9. Sauls posterity punished for his breach of league with the Gabaonits. for his breach of league which Iosue made with the Gabaonits; where in it is to be noted, that although the Gabaonits craftily circumvented Iosue,& induced him by fraud and deceit to make league with them, putting on their old shoes, and torn clothes, and affirming that they were a people dwelling in a far country, and that being moved with the famed of his victories, they were come so many daies journey to meet him that they had worn out their shoes and clothes in their voyage( whereas they dwelled not far of, and in the very land of promise which God had given to the children of Israel) nevertheless when Iosue discovered their deceit, The great regard which Iosue had o his oath and league with the Gabaonits. Ibid. he had such regard to his oath that he would by no means violate it, but answered to the children of Israel when they murmured against him; Iurauimus eis( saith he) We haue sworne unto them in the name of the lord God of Israel, and therfore we may not touch them lest the wrath of God fall vpon us if we break our oath. The obligation of lawful leagues. Thus saith Iosue whereby we may learn how great is the obligation of al just, and lawful leagues, or other covenants passed by oath; and how dangerous is the breach therof, in respect of Gods just and severe judgements vpon the offenders in that behalf, whereof the experience was seen above 300. yeres after Iosues time in the breach of that league by Saule, for the which the children of Israel were afflicted with three yeres famine in Dauids time, 2. Reg. 21. and 7. of Saules children, and family were delivered into the hands of the Gabaonits, and cru●ified by them in punishment of Sauls offence. 2. Mach. ca. 4. Andronicus punished for his treachery towards Onias. 34, furthermore we red in the book of maccabees that Andronicus, a favourite of King Antiochus, was by the just iudgement of God, and the commandment of Antiochus himself, shamefully put to death in the same place, where he had killed Onias the heigh priest, who had rendered himself unto him, vpon his promise of s●curity. How the paynims observed Gods judgements vpon perfidious persons. Poliaen li. 2. Also the examples hereof are very notable amongst the ethnics who observed diligently the judgements of God vpon traitorous and perfidious persons; And therfore when Tissaphernes the Perssian made war against the Grecians, and broken a truce which he had made with them for 3. months. Agesilaus rejoiced greatly saying. We are beholding to Tissaphernes for making th● Gods his enemies, and our friends, wherefore let us boldly give him battle, And so he did, and gave him a great overthrow. Plutar in Apoph. Lacedem. Gods notable iudgement vpon Cleomenes for his perjury. 35. Plutark also recounteth a notable history of Cleomenes king of Lacedemonia, who having made truce with the Argiens for 7. daies set vpon their camp in the night, and taking them unprovided by reason of the truce, made great slaughter of them, and b●ing reproached with the breach of his promise,& oath, he jested at it, saying that he swore truce for the daies, and not for the nights; but so it fel out, saith Plutark, in punishment of his falsehood and perjury, that it served him to no purpose; for whereas he assailed the city presently, hoping to take it with al facility, he had a shameful repulese by the women which dwelled therein, and after falling furiously mad, he took a knife and ripp●d up his own body from his very heel to his hart, and so died laughing. 36. The same author also signifieth, Plutarc. in Dion● Cali●pus punished by almighty God for pe●●ury. that one Calippus being justly charged with a conspiracy against Dion of Sicily, and having denied it with many solemn oaths in the Temple of Ceres, was by Gods just iudgement slain with the same dagger wherewith Dion was killed before by his consent. I omit diuers other examples, which might be all●adged out of profane historiographers to add a few out of Christian, and more modern authors. 37. The severe judgements of God vpon men for the sin of perjury, haue been alwaise so evident amongst Christians, Matters in controversy decided by oaths at the tombs of martyres in the primitive church. Aug. ep. 137. that the custom was in the primitive church to decide matters in controversy by oaths at certain holly places, and the tombs of martyrs, where almighty God did ordinarily extend his iustice vpon perjured persons; which custom as S. Augustin witnesseth, was in ure in his time at Millan, whereof he saith; Nos novimus Mediolani &c. I myself haue known, that in Milan at the memory of Saints( where divels do miraculously and terribly confess the truth) a certain thief who went thither with intention to deceive by perjury, What Saint Augustin affirmeth of his own knowledge and practise. Idem. Ibid. was compelled to confess his theft, and to restore that which he had stolen. Thus saith S. Augustin, signifying with al that he had sent a priest of his called Bonifacius, and another who had accused him of certain crimes, to the body of S. Felix at Nola in Italy( where he saith great miracles were then wrought) to the end that the bad conscience of one of them, might be discovered there, either by fear, or by divine punishment; And further debating in the same place, why God, who is every where, and to be adored in spirit and truth doth show his power and judgements miraculously in some places, and not in some other, he concludeth, that it is to be left to the inscrutable judgements of God; For, Ide● Ibid. faith he, as he giveth his graces, and gifts diversly unto his seruants, to one the grace to heal and cure diseases, and ●o another to discern spirits, and not al gifts to al alike: so also he will not that these kind of miracles be donne in al places alike. Thus saith S. Augustin in substance. Grego. Homil. 32. in evangel. 38. But to proceed. S. Gregory testifieth, that the same custom of trial of truth by oaths in holly places, was also used in his time, perjury miraculously punished at Rome in the time of S. Gregory. namely in Rome at the bodies of S. Processus, and S. Martinianus, whereof he saith. Periuri veniunt,& a daemonibus vexantur, demoniaci veniunt& liberantur. perjured persons come thither, and are vexed with divels, and such as are possessed with devils are delivered. And the like is also witnessed by Gregory of Tours of the body of S. Pancratius in Rome, Greg. Turon. de gloria mat. ca. 39. whom he therfore calleth. Valde in periuris vltorem; A notable punisher of perjury; And saith that assoon as the party, who came thither for his purgation, did forswear himself, he was either presently possessed by the devil, or else fel down dead vpon the ground; Idem. Ibid. ca. 103. And he affirmeth the like of the body of S. Polieuctus in Constantinople. A notable example of a noble man of England miraculously punished for perjury. 39. But of this matter we haue a most famous, and authentical example in our own histories. Elfred a noble man of England in the time of King Adelstan, conspired against him with certain others, and being accused therof, stood vpon the denial, and because the proves were not sufficient to convince him, he was sent to Rome( as the custom was then) to make his purgation by oath at the body of S. Peter, where he swore contrary to his own conscience, and presently fel down before the altar, and died with in three daies after; Vpon the advertisement whereof king Adelstan( to show his gratitude and devotion towards S. Peter) gave al the lands of Elfred unto the church of S. Peter in the Abbey of Malmesbury with letters patents, Guliel Malmesb. de gest. Reg. Angl. li. 2. ca. 6. wherein after the grant of the said lands, he declared the whole matter as it passed in these words. 40. Scient sapientes &c. Be it known to al wise men of this our country, The letters patents of King Adelstan testifying the history above mentioned. that we haue not taken unjustly the foresaid lands, neither haue given to God an unlawful spoil, but that we haue had them by the iudgement, as well of al the nobility of England, as also of John the Apostolical Pope of the Roman church by the death of Elfred, who was the enemy of our life, and felicity, and consented to the wickedness of other our enemies, which conspired to put out our eyes at the town of winchester, after our fathers death; from the which God of his great mercy delivered us; where vpon their conspiracy being discovered, and Elfred sent to the Roman church to purge himself before John t●e Apostolical bishop, he took his oath at the Altar of S. Peter, and presently fel down to the ground, and was carried away by his seruants to the This school of the English was not where the English ho●pital is now( as Polidore verg●l erroneously conceiveth) but where the hospital of S. Spirito is near to S Peters. school of the engli●hmen, where he died the third night after, and then the Apostolical Bishop sent unto us, to know what we would haue to be donne with the body, and whether it should be butted in christian mans burial, which at the earnest, and humble suit of his kinsfolks, and other of our nobility, we were content to grant, and so we signified unto the Pope, by whose consent he was butted amongst other Christians( though unworthy therof) and so al his possessions little and great were adiudged to us, which we haue thought good to signify by these letters to the end that so long as Christianity shal reign, it may be known how we got the foresaid possessions, which we haue now given to God& S. Peter, it seeming to us most just, to give the same to them who overthrew our enemy in the sight of al men and gave us the prosperous reign and kingdom which we enjoy. Thus far the letters Patents of King Adelstan, Guliel. Mal. Idid. which William of Malmesbury who lived in William the conquerors time, citeth out of the original that then was extant in the Abbey, where he wrote the history. 41. Regino Chron. Aymoyn li. 5. ca. 21. Sigon. de reg. Ital. an 869 Naucler. Chron. an 867. Baron. an. 868. Also some yeres after in the same age Lotharius King of Austrasia( which contained al Lorraine, and Flanders and some part of Germany Burgundy and France) came to Rome accompanied with al his nobility in the time of Adrian the second to be absolved from the excommunication which he had incurred in the time of Pope Nicolas the first, for his divorce from his lawful wife Theutperga and his marriage with Waldrada his concubine; and wher●as he had been also further accused to the sea apostolic of diuers crimes concerning the same matter he was content for his purgation therof, to receive the blessed Sacrament at the hands of Pope Adrian together with his nobility; which he did, protesting for his part, that he was clear of those things whereof he had been accused, which also his nobility confirmed, though it was most false; as afterwards it evidently appeared by the exemplar punishment of God vpon th●m al; For whereas they d●parted ●hortly after from Rome homeward, there fel amongst them such a strange disease, that Lotharius having seen the death of most of his noble men before he came to Luca, fel sick there himself, and with in a few daies after, died at Placencia, and of al those who received the blessed Sacrament with him, ubi supra. there lived not any one to the yeres end, as testifieth Regino, Aymoinus, Sigonius, Nauclerus and diuers others. Henry Huntend. hist. li. 6 Ingulphus hist. Angli an. 153. Polidor hist. Angli. perjury notably punished in earl Godwin father to K. Harold. 42. And now to return to our own country. earl Godwin father to King Harrold having procured the untimely death of Alfred brother to King Edward the Confessor, denied it continually with solemn oaths, and especially once, when he dined with the king, at what time occasion being offered to speak of that matter, he took a piece of bread and prayed to God that the same might be his last, if he were any way consenting, or privy thereto, and so eating the bread was choked therwith, and died there in the Kings presence. 43. It is also observed and testified by the most of the old historiographers of our country, that the overthrow of K. Harold by William the conqueror, was a just punishment of God vpon him for his perjury; King Harold slain by William the conqueror in punishment of his perjury. The story is briefly thus. Harold being in Normandy with duke William in the time of King Edward the Confessor promised to assist him after the death of the king in his pretence to the crown of England, which he also confirmed by solemn oath, whereupon Duke William fianced his daughter unto him, and for that she was not then of yeres to be married, he took Harolds oath to perform the marriage with in a ceraine time after. But when the time appointed for the marriage was expired, and Harold shewed no care to perform any part of his promises, the Duke sent messengers unto him to request of him the accomplishment therof, but he in steede of giving satisfaction to the Duke, derided and abused his messengers, causing some of their horse tails to be cut of, and others to be lame, and afterwards when King Edward died, he practised not only to exclude the Duke from the crown, but also procured it for himself, pretending that his promise to the Duke was made for fear, and that therfore it could not bind him. And when the duke was entred into England with his army, and solicited him by messengers to haue care of his conscience, representing unto him the severe judgements of God vpon perjured persons, offering to come to some reasonable composition with him, he made no account therof, neither yet of the admonition of his own brother called Gurth, who advised him seriously before the battle to retire himself, and to leave the conduct of the army unto him, and others who were not bound to the duke by any oath or promise, lest other waise God might suffer them al to be overthrown for his cause; whereto he answered, that he would put it in venture and that God should be judge therof,& so giving battle was slain himself,& al his army overthrown, whereupon also followed the conquest of the country. And although the said conquest might seem to be a punishment of God vpon the whole realm for the sins of the people( as I haue amply declared before) yet the particular disgrace which happened to King Harrolds person may well be thought to haue proceeded of Gods just iudgement for his perjury, and so the English croniclers which wroote in that age, Chap. 21. nu. 22.22.& 23. or near that time do signify, as Ingulphus, William of Malmesbury, Ingulphus hist. Angl. Hen. Huno. Hist li. 6 Guliel. Malmesh. li. 3. roger. hoved. Annal. par. 1. Henry Huntindon, Matthew of westminster, Matthew Paris and Roger Houedon, which last speaking of that victory, saith; Vere& absque dubio Dei judicio ascribenda est, qui puniendo scelus periurij, ostendit se Deum nolentem iniquitatem; Truly and without doubt it is to be ascribed to the iudgement of God, who punishing the crime of perjury, showed that he is a God which doth not allow of iniquity. 44. Philip. de Comines. Chron. du Roy Louis ca. 83.& 91. Charles Duke of Bur●undy subtilely betrayed. But to come nearer to our time Philip de Comines noteth the manifest Iustice of God in the disgraceful death of Charles last duke of Burgundy, through the treason of Campobachio an Italian, shortly after that the said Charles had betrayed the count S. paul sent him prisoner to Lewis the 11. King of France, not with standing that he had given him safe conduct to come into his country. 45. Caesar Borgia punished for his perfidious treachery. furthermore I cannot omit Caesar Borgia though I haue spoken of him before diuers times. For as macchiavel worthily maketh him a mirror for his tyrant in respect of his many fold vices, so he may worthily be proposed for an example of Gods iustice, in respect of the manifold judgements of God diversly extended vpon him, and particularly in the punishment of his perfidiousness and perjury, where by he had deceived and ruined diuers principal personages, as Liuerotto, Vittellozzo, Guicciardin li. ● Pagolo Vrsino, and the duke o● Grauina, whom he caused to bee strangled after they had rendered themselves unto him vpon composition, and employed themselves faithfully in his service; Liuerotto having traitorously murdered his uncle, was also traitorously murdered himself. Idem. Ibid. wherein Gods iustice may be noted by the way in Liuerotto who a little before, had cruelly and traitorously murdered his own uncle, and diuers other principal citizens of Fermo, having invited them to a banquet in his own house, which perfidious treachery of his, God punished as it seemed, by the treachery,& perfidiousness of Caesar Borgia, who also received the like measure himself of others, with in a while after; For whereas he had taken the oaths of 40. principal personnages to assist him after his fathers death, he was forsaken of them al, and afterwards putting himself in to the hands of Hernando Gonsales governor of Naples, vpon his safe conduit he was also betrayed by him, and sent prisoner into spain, as I haue signified else where. Chap. 3. nu. 4. 46. The like Iustice of God may be noted also in Christiern K. of Denmark, Surius anno. 1517. An other example of Christiern King of Denmark. and Norway, who married a sister of the Emperour Charles the 5. in the time of Henry the 8. king of England. This Christiern besieging Stockholme in Suecia took it by composition, binding himself to certain conditions, not only by oath, but also by receiving the blessed Sacrament, which conditions he observed for some dayes, till he had the Castle,& al the strongest places of the town in his own hands, Olaus Mag. li. 8. ca. 39. & that he had furnished them with men,& munition,& then inviting al the noble men, and magistrates to a banquet, to the number of 94 he imprisoned them, and after killed them, with a great number of the citizens,& finding that very many escaped by hiding themselves, he promised by proclamation, life and liberty to al those which were left alive, where vpon they al shewed themselves and were al of them miserable slain. And with in a while after he was driven out of his kingdom by his own subiects, and when he had wandered from country, to country, in al poverty and misery, for the space of 10. yeres, he was received again by some of the chiefest of his nobility, who though they promised him obedience and assistance under their hands and seals, nevertheless they took him prisoner vpon his entrance, and with in a while poisoned him in prison; and so his perfidious falsehood was justly repaid with the like; after whose deposition, and death his uncle Frederick a worthy prince, Munster Geograph li. 4. was chosen King of denmark, of whom our most gracious, and renowned queen is lineally descended. 47. Martin du belie anno 1527. The Duke of bourbon slain at the siege of Rome in punishment of his perjury. About the same time also the Duke of bourbon being fled from Francis the first King of France, to the service of the Emperour Charles the 5. and made by him governor of Millan, so exasperated the people by his exactions and cruelty that they rose against him, in so much that to pacify them he bound himself by oath to certain conditions, praying withal to almighty God, that in case he did not exactly, perform them, he might be killed with a bullet in the first occasion of war which should be offered; nevertheless he fel afterwards again to his former course, without regard of his oath, and being with in a while after made general of an army of the Emperours in Italy, he was tumultuously carried by the soldiers against his will to the siege of Rome, where he was presently slain with a piece of Artillery of his own, negligently discharged by his soldiers, Paulus divinus de expug. urbis Romae. and so he payed the penalty of his perjury, according to the Iudgement and sentence which he had( as it were prophetically) given against himself. To conclude; The notable Iudgement of God vpon Henry the 3. K. of France, Supra nu. 9. to these may be added Henry the 3 last King of France on whom almighty God extentended his iustice in this kind most notoriously a few yeres past, as I haue particularly declared in this chapter vpon an other occasion, and therfore shal not need to repeat it here. 48. Now then; I wish al Macchiauillians to consider here three things, which are evident by these examples: The first; 3. Things to be considered and noted of Macchiauellians in the premises. how detestable al perfidiousness and perjury is in the sight of God; The second; how dangerous it is to princes in respect of Gods wrath, which may be like to fall vpon them and their states for the same through the severity of Gods iustice, against the which no humane wit, or power is able to defend them; The third is, a necessary consequent of these two, to wit, The insufficiency and vanity of Macchiauillian policy for the defence of a wicked prince. that al Macchiauillian remedies( consisting as is before said partly in human prudence, and diligence, and partly in force, and strength of guards, garrisons, fortresses, and such like) are most frivolous and vain when God is offended, and will punish for sin; where vpon it followeth also that the foresaid remedies are in like manner insufficient to protect a perfidious prince from the danger of human punishment, which is commonly but a sequel and effect of the just iudgments of God, in whose hand are the hartes and wills of al men, and who useth the same as his instruments to execute his iustice vpon princes when they deserve it, Chap. 7. nu. 7. as I haue signified before, and mean to declare more amply here after in the 35. chapter. 49. besides that it is evident enough in true reason of state, that although there were no danger at al of Gods wrath, yet these and such other Macchiauillian policies, are not only insufficient to prevent or remedy the inconveniences which wicked princes incur by the hatred of men, but also do many times increase their dangers, and help to praecipitat them to their utter destruction, whereof I forbear to treat more particularly here, partly because it would require a longer discourse then for this place is convenient,& partly because I shal haue sufficient occasion, to speak therfore amply in the 34. chapter, where I will examine certain principles of Macchiauels doctrine, and show the vanity thereof for the better instruction of a young Statist. And in the mean time this shal suffice for as much as concerneth the virtue of fidelity in ●he prince; with this conclusion, that because the danger which groweth to princes by fraud and deceit, proceedeth principally from the just judgements of God, as I haue amply declared, therefore the young Statist and counsellor whom I inform, Al reputation of virtue ought to be grounded vpon sincerity and truth. ought to understand concerning this, as well as al other virtues, that the reputation therof which he is to desire and procure in his prince, is to be grounded, not vpon vain shows, and appearances of counterfeit virtue( which God of his Iustice will discover, and punish sooner or later) but vpon the solid foundation of sincerity, and truth, which is the surest pillar, and stay of al human actions, and most grateful both to God and man; and therfore the wise man saith. Qui ambulat simpliciter, proverb. ●●. 20. ambulat confidentur. He which walks simply, and plainly, walketh bold●y and surely; Ibidem. Et qui deprauat vias suas manifestus erit; And he which runneth an vndirect course shal be made manifest. The reputation of the princes power and greatness. 50. It resteth now that I say somewhat though very briefly, of the reputation of a princes power and greatness, the loss and decay whereof emboldeneth his enemies, discourageth his friends, and layeth open his person to the contempt of al men, any his state to infinite dangers. For as the reputation of a princes greatness, wealth, and power, striketh a terror and fear into the harts as well of his subiects, as of strangers, and with holdeth them from conspiring against him: Opinion of the prin●es wea nes is the mother of conspiracies. so also the opinion of his weakness, worketh the contrary effect, and is the very mother, and nurse of rebellions, conspiracies, and al hostile attempts, and no man knoweth how small an attempt may overthrow the greatest state in the world. seeing it dependeth only vpon the success, which no man can warrant,& many times is such that it deceiveth al mens expectation; and therfore the surest and wisest way is, to use al preventions, that nothing be attempted against the state. 51. To which purpose the reputation of a princes power, force, and greatness is greatly available, Augustus Caesar laboured greatly to conserve the reputation of his greatness. Tacit. li. 1. annal. justin. li. 3. The great Xerxes ruined by the loss of reputation. Al benefit of the prince to be wayed with his reputation and conscience, but not in like degree. Reputation, though it be the chief external good, is inferior to conscience& why. Ambrose li. 1. de office. c. 12. The benefits that redound to the prince of the purity of conscien●● the which Augustus Caesar knew so well, that having lost an army in Germany of 40000. men, yet he continued the war for no other necessity or reason as Tacitus noteth, then to maintain the opinion and reputation of his power, lest otherwise he might grow to be contemned as the great Xerxes was; who having terrified al Greece with his huge army of a million of men, was vpon his overthrow and return into Persia so despised, that he was killed by one of his own subiects. So dangerous it is and damageable to a prince, to loose reputation how great soever he be. whereupon I conclude that it importeth a wise counsellor to measure and weigh al the commodity and benefit of his prince, as well with his reputation, as with his conscience; though not in like degree. 52. For although reputation be the chief external good of man( as I haue signified before) yet it is inferior to the internal( that is to say to the goods of the mind, whereof a pure conscience is the principal, seeing therein consisteth the chief felicity of man in this life as S. Ambrose saith; Besides that, the benefit which redoundeth to princes of purity of conscience is the favor and protection of almighty God to them and their states, here in this world, and eternal reward and salvation of their souls in the next; and the damage that ensueth of a corrupt and sinful conscience, is Gods indignation in this life) whereby the greatest monarchs and their monarchies haue perished) and everlasting damnation in the world to come; The damage that ●nsueth to the prince of a bad conscience. How far the gain or loss of reputation may hurt or avail. Rom. 8. whereas on the other side, al the benefit or damage, that the gain or loss of reputation can yield( being considered in itself) extendeth no further then to the favor or disfauor of men, who can neither uphold whom God overthroweth, nor overthrow whom God protecteth; For as the Apostle saith. Si Deus pro nobis &c. If God be with us, what matter makes it who is against vs. 53. whereupon it followeth that whether we regard, the dignity and benefit of conscience& reputation, or else the damage that ensueth of the blemish of either of them; The loss of reputation is chiefly to be seared when conscience is stained. the respect of conscience is far to be preferred before the other, and that the loss of reputation is then principally to be feared, when conscience is also stained; For then the prince lying open to the contempt and hatred as well of God as man, hath no deffence but may well fear and expect punishment from both, and the rather for that the loss and want of reputation, is one special means whereby God useth to execute his just iudgment on wicked princes; it being most consonant to iustice and reason that those who contemn and disobey their sovereign Lord, King, and Creator, should be ruined by the contempt hatred, and disobedience of their own subiects; and this danger( I say) is justly to be feared, when both reputation and conscience are stained. The loss of reputation is nothing so dangerous when conscience is clear. 54. But when conscience is pure and entire, the loss of reputation is noth ng so dangerous; For although the justest and best men, are sometimes so calunniated, that they incur infamy and disgrace through the practise of the wicked; yet for as much as the same hath no ground at al, it vani●heth away like smoke, and is ever through Gods iustice discovered and cleared in the end to their greater reputation and honour, and in the mean time they haue the comfort, not only of God prot●ction, as I haue said, but also of their own consciences; the good testimony whereof giveth in such cases inestimable consolation, 2. Cor. c. 1. Th● comfort of a good conscience against calumniations. A good desynm●nt is not to be lest of for fear of false rumours and therfore the Apostle saith. Gloria nostra haec est testimonium conscientiae nostrae. The testimony of our conscience is our glory. In which respect wise and virtuous princes, though they haue ever due care of their reputation, yet do not so much regard false rumours when their conscience is clear, as to forbear the execution of any good and necessary designment for the fear therof, but follow the example of the wise and valiant consul Fabius Maximus; Qui non ponebat rumores ante salutem: Plut. in Fabio. Cicero. li. 1. Officio. Who preferred not rumours before the good of the commonwealth. For although his delays against Hannibal were through the malice of his enemies much calunniated and generally condemned, by the common people( as proceeding of cowardice) yet he was nothing moved therwith, holding it, as he said, for greater cowardice to leave a good purpose for fear of mens tongues, then to leave the field for fear of an enemy. In which respect he continued his course, until he had thereby wasted and consumed the forces of Hannibal, with security to the Roman state, for the which, Ennius apud Ciceron. li. 1. de office. he was afterwards highly commended, because( as Ennius saith) Cunctando restituit rem. He repaired and restored the state of the Romans by delays. 55. nevertheless in such cases also, al diligence is to be used by princes and their councillors, Good famed not to be contemned vpon confidence of a good conscience. Aug Ser. 49. c. 1.& de bono vi. duitatis c. 21. The preservation of a mans good name is necessary for his neighbour. Aug. Ibid. to take away the scandal that may grow of the erroneous conceit of their actions, though their consciences be never so clear; whereupon S. Augustin saith. That he which trusting to his conscience neglecteth his famed or good name, is cruel; And therof he yeeldeth this reason, Because( saith he) he killeth the souls of others; for although he do not the evil that is supposed, yet the very supposition therof serveth for a stumbling block to overthrow such as are weak and il disposed; and therfore S. Augustin also saith, That conscience and famed being two things, the one of them is necessary for us, and the other for our neighbour, and that he, which keepeth his conscience clear, doth good to himself, but he which preserveth his famed doth good to others. 56. Plut. ep. ad Dionisyum. 2. Why a man should seek to leave behind him an everlasting famed. In what case an unjust blemish of reputation is to be tolerated. For this cause also Plato requireth in every good and virtuous man, that he haue special care to leave behind him an eternal reputation and famed of his virtues, to the end, to stir up not only men of his time, but also al posterity to the imitation therof; the which is most necessary in public persons, and especially in princes; for that their example inciteth to virtue or 'vice much more then the example of private men; and therfore not only reason of state, but also conscience bindeth them to be most careful of their reputation and good name, and not to permit the lest blemish therof( though it be never so unjust, if it may be conveniently remedied, but when it can not be helped without some greater detriment to themselves or to the commonwealth, then it is to be tolerated and born with patience; for both reason and conscience require, that the public and common good be preferred before any mans particular benefit, and that of two inconveniences the less be chosen, whereof also conscience is to be judge. 57. Therfore I conclude that whereas commodity, conscience, and reputation, are to be respected in al deliberations concerning princes affairs, Conscience is the touchstone of al reputation and commodity Cicero. de office. li. 1. A counsellor should hold for a ground that nothing is profitable that is not honest. conscience ought ever to predominate, and to serve for the touchstone and rule, as well of reputation as of al temporal commodities; and therein a counsellor shal well discharge his duty, if in al his consultations he hold the known axiom of Cicero for his ground, to wit, that. Nihil est utile quod non sit honestum. Nothing is profitable which is not honest; Which point Cicero discourseth and teacheth notably in his offices, and I mean to prove at large in the second part of this treatise, where I shal haue occasion to treat of true utility. And thus much touching what a counsellor is to consider in his prince. WHAT A COVNCELLOVR IS TO CONSIder in the matters which are to be consulted. CHAP. 32. Concerning matters to be consulted. AND now to come to the last point of my division that is to say, what a counsellor is to regard in the matter itself that is to be consulted; it is to be understood, that although the affairs of state are infinite, and therfore can not be sufficiently reduced to particular rules; yet some things are generally to be considered in al matters what soever, whereof I will here touch some such as occur to me at this present. 2. First for a necessary preamble, or preparative to al deliberations in matters of state, it is to be considered, that in respect of the connexion which particular affairs of state, Necessary for a councelour to know the state of foreign princes. either haue or may haue, with the general state of foreign princes, it is convenient& necessary for a counsellor to haue been a trauiller, or otherwise to procure by al means to haue an exact knowledge and understanding, not only of his own princes state and affairs, but also of the estates& affairs of other princes, especially of such as are his princes neighbours; enemies, or confederates. 3. To his end two things are requisite, A counsellor should be affable& courteous to strangers and why. that he be affable and courteous towards al men, and willing to hear them, and to confer with them, especially strangers, for that he may learn by them many things, more then otherwise he can come to know, of the state of foreign princes and countries. For as the Spanish proverb saith; Mas sabe el necio en su casa, queen el cuerdo en la agena; A fool knoweth more in his own house, then a wise man doth in another mans. And although a counsellor may perhaps by this facility be many times troubled whith impertinent matters; yet he shal withal understand many things, which may import him to know, and there is no man so wise, but he may sometimes hear of a simplo man, somewhat that may serve him to very good purpose; and therfore the trouble in this case is to be born with patience, in respect of the benefit that he may reap thereby. 4. A councelour ought to procure frequent intelligence out of foreign cuntryes and of what matters. The other thing necessary for a councillors better information, is to procure frequent advises, and intelligence by lettres from al partes, of the state, humours, and dispositions of foreign princes; of al changes and innovations in their courts and countries; of the marriages and alliances of them, their children, and their most powerful subiects; of embassages to and fro, and their treaties, of provisions and preparations for war, by sea and land, and their intentions therein; of al taxes and impositions laid vpon the people, or other levies of money, of the divisions that fall out amongst the nobility, or common people, of their discontentments; and finally of al matters that may tend, either to the establishment& strengthening, or to the weakening or innovation of other princes states. For although a counsellor shal by this means hear many untruths: yet he shal very oft receive aduise of important matters, What benefit a counsellor shal reap by frequent intelligence. whereof he may make good use and benefit, and being a man of iudgment, and having intelligence with many he may easily discern truths from falshoods, by conferring their advises together, especially if he take order that his intelligencers do not know one of an others employment. Finally, he shal by this means, not only judge better, and more clearly of al matters occurring for his princes service; but shal also make himself much more grateful to his prince, by his diligence, and more intrinsical with him by the occasion of his frequent advises of foreign news, which princes are always most desirous to hear: And thus much for the first point. S. Tho. 22. q. 51. Arist. li. 6. Ethic. 3. things to be especially respected in every matter. 5. Secondly a counsellor is to consider that in al matters of council, three things are specially to be respected;( as S. Thomas noteth following Aristotle) the first a due end; the second convenient means, and the third fit time and season; that is to say, that the end and means be not only lawful, just, and honourable in themselves, and in their own natures; but also convenient, and proportionable as well one to another, as also to the person, state, and power of the prince: for if ther be any inconvenience, or disproportion in any of these, I mean if the means be not convenient for the obtaining of the end, or if the end or means be impossible, or above the might and power of the prince, or base, or any way unfit for his state and person, or if the council be given out of due time and season, especially to late, it looseth al grace, and cannot be accounted either good or prudent. Plato. in Phedro. Necessary to know the state of the matter with al the circumstances. One little circumstance vn●nowne may cause great error in the resolution. Why wise men do not always judge with like prudence. What is particularly to be considered in every matter. 6. To this purpose I say, that according to Platoes rule, he, who is to give his opinion of any matter whatsoever, ought first to understand& know fully the state therof with al the circumstances. For mans iudgement is grounded vpon his knowledge and guided thereby, and some one little circumstance unknown, may wholly alter the case, and cause great error in the resolution, in so much that a simplo man who knoweth more of a matter, may judge more wisely therof then a far wiser man that knoweth less; And the reason why wise men do not always judge with like wisdom and prudence in al causes, is commonly, because they do not understand them alike. 7. But to proceed; the state and circumstances of the matter being once fully known to the counsellor, he his then to pass to the consideration of the inconveniencies, difficulties, dangers, discommodityes and commodities therof, which may minister different arguments, pro et contra, in the discussion and decission whereof the prudence of a counsellor is specially seen. 8. And here I note by the way( though perhaps, I may seem somewhat to digress from the matter) that some men which haue great vivacity and sharpness of wit to find out inconveniences, to foresee dangers, and to propound objections, doubts, The difference that may be noted in the ability of councillors. and difficulties, haue not maturity of iudgement to clear and decide them, or to find out remedies; and that some other who are more mature and sound in iudgement, are less sharp of wit:& again that some who are of good capacity, haue so little courage, that they are dismayed with every difficulty, and therfore cannot easily resolve vpon any thing; whereas some others of less capacity,& more courage resolve far more easily and better in any occasion, so that we may say with the poet; Non omnia possumus omnes; We cannot al do al things. Phil. come. Cron du Roy. Louis ca. 27. Why it is convenient for princes to haue many counsellors. And therfore Philip de Comines observeth very well, that it is convenient for princes to haue many councillors, to the end that one of them may supply the defects of another; For the wisest( saith he) err oft times, either through passion, or through hate, or affection, or through the indisposition of their persons, especially after dinner, and if any( saith he) think that such ought not to be made counsellors, Al councillors err at one time or other. it may be answered that we are al men, and that whosoever will haue none to bee of a princes council, that err at any time in speech or opinion, or are otherwhiles moved and lead with passion, or affection, he must seek them in heaven, for in earth none such are to be found. Thus saith he, who was himself a grave and wise counsellor; which I note here by the way to the end that young councillors may learn, neither to assure themselves overmuch of their own opinions, nor rashly to condemn others of their follow-counsellers, if they err and be deceived sometimes. 9. And to prosecute this digression yet a little further, A princes council ought to be composed of men of different humours. The melancholic iudgment most sound. I also add that it is necessary for a prince to haue his council composed like mans body, that is to say, of men of different complexions and humours, to the end that the choleric heat and hasty fervour of some, may be tempered with the flegmatick coldness and slow resolution of some other; and that the vivacity of some mens sanguine spirits, and elevated wits, may be some what depressed and counterpoysed with the maturity of some others melancholic iudgments( which Aristotle holdeth to be foundest in matters of state) whereby the whole body of the council may be reduced to a perfect temperature, Aristot. problem. Sect. 30. quest. 1. so that the predominant quality therein be sound iudgment in most, or in some at least, which may help to correct the peccant and offensive humours of the rest, restrain the superfluity of ouer-flowing conceits, clear doubts and difficulties, and satisfy objections which proceed many times from them who are not able to resolve them, and serve to great purpose in councells, to whet the wits and open the understanding of men of iudgment. This I haue thought good to touch by the way that the young counsellor whom I aduise, may understand some what as well of the nature of a council, as of the office and duty of a counsellor. 10. But now to return to the consideration of matters to be consulted, it is requisite that a counsellor do prudently waygh, and compare the discommodities with the commodities, and inconveniences with the remedies, the difficulties, and dangers with the possibility, and probability to overcome them; and not to reject a very commodious and honourable desynment because it is costly, or some way discommodious or difficult and hard, or some way dangerous; for as the proverb saith. There is no commodity without a discommodity, No commodity without a discommodity. nor any thing honourable which is not difficult; And therfore it is to be foreseen, and provided that the commodities ouerwaigh the damages, that the gain quiter the cost, that every inconvenience haue a due remedy, that every difficulty be some way facilitated, What is to be foreseen& provided for in every matter. that every important danger may be probably prevented or escaped; that of commodities which cannot be had together, the greater be chosen, and of inconveniences, when al cannot be avoyded, the least be admitted; al which being foreseen and probably provided for, any important action whatsoever my be determined, counseled, and undertaken, notwithstanding that some difficulties, and dangers may be incident thereto. For he that will not take pains to crack the nut, He that will hazard nothing shal everichone nothing. cannot eat the kernel, and he that will hazard nothing, shal win nothing; For nought venture( saith the proverb) nought haue. 11. Yet this is to be vnderstoood, that the danger be not over great; which may partly be provided for, if it be foreseen, What is to be considered concerning danger and the prevention therof. Better one bide in the hand then two in the bush Tacit. Annal. Resolutions are to be grounded vpon probable reasons& sufficient means. that the greatest danger rather concern some circumstance of the matter, then the principal parte, or the whole body of the plot, that the benefit expected, do far exceed the loss or detriment which may be feared; that no certain thing of moment be left or adventured for a thing uncertain( for better one bide in the hand then two in the bush) that of matters doubtful which can not fully be resolved, the less doubtful or more assured be preferred; and finally that the hope of benefit be grounded vpon probable reason, and sufficient means to achieve the same, and not vpon chance, which is so uncertain that no man may safely build any important matter thereon. And therefore Tiberius Caesar held it for a ground of state, as Tacitus witnesseth. Non omittere caput rerum, neque se in casum dare; Nothing of importance is to be left to chance. Not to let slip the first opportunities, nor to adventure himself or his affairs vpon chance, that is to say, not to hazard himself or his estate in any enterprise, when he had not sufficient probability of good success. 12. For although the event of al plots that are put in execution, is casual, depending vpon the will of God( as I haue amply declared) yet it is a wise mans part to do that which lieth in him, to assure it by al probable and convenient means, and then to leave the rest to Gods disposition; for otherwise he should tempt God and offend him by his negligence, as I haue signified ca. 29. nu. 6. before; and therefore without this probability of assurance, no matter of importance ought to be attempted by a wise man, except in desperat cases, In extremities a man must trust to God and his good fortune. when the necessity and exigent is so great and so sudden( as sometimes it falleth out to be) that there is no time or place for discourse; For then there is no remedy but to trust only to God and a mans good fortune, which falleth out many times better then by human discourse can be expected or imagined; As it did to Iulius Caesar, who finding himself unable to give battle to Pompey, because his forces were not arrived, Of Iulius Caesar and his fortune. Plut. in julio. caesar. and being in the mean time constrained to disguise himself, and go to sea in a little fregot, in such stormy weather and rough seas, that the Pilot would not pass forth, discovered himself unto him, and bad him set sail and go forward in any case, for that he carried Caesar and his fortune, which succeeded well, for thereby he escaped at that time, and after overthrew Pompey, and became Emperour of the world; But this he did because he had no other remedy, thinking it better to put himself to the mercy of the sea, then of his enemy. 13. And in such desperate and sudden exigents when there is no time and place for wisdom or discourse, In extremities the council of a simplo man may be good and why. Arist de bona fortuna. the council of some woman or simplo Idiot may be better then of the wisest man; For that( as Aristotle saith) some such being by the gift of God born fortunate, and following the impulse and motion of nature, may aduise or execute more happily then men of great wisdom, who pondering al things in the balance of reason and discourse, do not follow many times a fortunat motion in themselves, or happy council of others, because they see not some good and reasonable ground for the same, whereby they foregoe and loose their good fortune, and this is the reason why the common proverb saith, Why a tyrants council is never good but vpon a sudden. That a womans council is never good but vpon a sudden; For when women council according to their first motion, they may council fortunately, either by chance, or by some natural impulse or motion; whereas falling to discourse of reason or to deliberation, they seldom or never council wisely, through the infirmity and weakness of their iudgement. Ibid. And to this purpose Aristotle allegeth the old proverb; Fortuna fauet fatuis; Fortune favoureth fools, as I haue signified ca. 12. nu. 2. before, where I haue spoken somewhat of this point. Nothing to be left to chance but in case of necessity. 14. Hereupon I conclude two things; the one that except in case of necessity, a wise man ought to leave nothing to chance that may be any way assured by reasonable means, in respect of the danger there may ensue therof; For although dangerous councells grounded vpon hope of good fortune, speed well sometimes by mere chance, yet they prove most commonly pernicious, Eccli. ca. 3. He which loues danger shal perish in it. and therfore the wise man saith wisely. Qui amat periculum peribit in illo; He which loues danger shal perish in it. 15. The other conclusion is, that seeing men are many times put to such sudden extremities, that they haue no time or opportunity to aduise themselves, The necessity of the daily recommendation of our actions to God. or sufficiently to consult with others, it is most necessary that they arm and provide themselves against the same by frequent prayer and by daily recomendation of al their actions to almighty God, the author and giver of al good success, to the end that he may in such cases, guide, protect and prosper them as I haue sufficiently declared before and can not repeat too oft, Chap. 29. nu. ●. for that I hold it to be the soundest aduise that any counsellor can give unto his prince. Thus much for the second consideration. 68. The third shal be to ponder and examine diligently not only the present state of the matter, and the immediate or next sequels therof, but also what may be like to succeed from time to time, and especially what may be the conclusion or( as I may term it) the upshot of the whole; For many times it falleth out that designments prosper and succeed well for a while, and overthrow the authors and attempers in the end, The over sight of some councillors. not so much by fortune or chance, as by oversight of the counsellor or contriver therof, who being deceived with the appearance or hope of some present or near commodity, forseeth not, or else neglecteth some future and final disgrace: Some improvident councillors compared to sick men. much like to the sick man, who following his own appetite, eateth or drinketh some thing which refresheth and contenteth him for the present, and augmenteth his disease or killeth him in the end. In this point al wicked and machiavellian councells fail for the most part, which do often succeed well for a time through Gods permission( for secret causes known to his divine wisdom) but in the end do destroy princes and their states, wherein al wicked or machiavillian councils fail for the most part. partly through the iustice of almighty God, and partly by error of the councillors in true reason of state, as I hope to prove substantially and amply in the 34. and 35. chapter. 6. In the mean time I add for the present a fourth consideration to the same purpose, to wit, Commodity to be wayed with stability and security. that a wise counsellor ought to weigh the commodity of every thing with the stability and security therof, and not to aduise his prince with a few yeres, present pleasure, or benefit, to purchase many yeres future pain or discommodity; but rather to endure some disadvantage or damage for a time, when thereby he may attain to some stable and permanent good afterwards; which he may learn by the course that nature holdeth in human and worldly affairs, ordaining motion for rest, buisnes for repose, The course of nature to be followed in the deliberation of matters of state. labour for ease, and pain for pleasure. In which respect a wise man laboureth when he is young to rest in his old age,& taketh a loathsome potion, or bitter pill to recover health, and willingly endureth al temporal misery to attain in the end to eternal felicity. This I say not only nature, but also true wisdom( which always followeth the course& steps therof) doth teach us no less in matters of state, then in al other human affairs. 17. Therfore by the same reason a counsellor ought also to prefer a certain and durable commodity; Plutark in his treatise whether a prince ought to be learned. though it be less, before a greater that is short and uncertain; To which purpose Theopompus King of Lacedemony answered the queen his wife very well, when shee lamented to him that he would leave his royal authority less to his children, then he had received it of his father( because he had ordained certain controllers of the Kings called Ephori): The greatness of princely authority to be measured by the stability therof. No( saith he) I shal leave it them greater because, it shal be more firm and sure; Thus said he, wisely measuring the benefit of princely authority not so much by greatness, as by surety and stability, whereto al the councils and endeavours of wise councillors and statists ought chiefly to tend; what is chiefly to be considered concerning stability. yet with this considerarion, that although of worldly things some are more stable and permanent then others, yet there is no true stability in any of them,& that therfore al wise mens councells are specially directed to the attaining of heavenly things, in the which is true stability and eternity, whereof I shal speak more in the last chapter. True stability is in eternity. Thus much for considerations to be had in general concerning matters to be consulted. Sufficient rules cannot be given in particular concerning matters of state. 18 And for as much as sufficient rules cannot be given in particular concerning the same, in respect that the affairs of state are infinite and variable, by reason of the infinite occasions and accidents that fall out daily to be considered( al which may require different considerations, according to the different nature and quality of the matters, and the sundry circumstances of times, places, and persons) I haue therfore thought good for example sake and the instruction of young Statists, to handle and debate here, some one matter of state by way of discourse. And because occasion is offered often times to deliberat about the maintenance of a civil war in a foreign country, I will set down my opinion what aduise a young Statist may safely give concerning the same. FOR THE BETTER AND MORE PERTICVlar instruction of a young counsellor concerning matters to be consulted; A matter of state is debated, to wit, what is to be considered in a deliberation, touching the maintenance of a civil war in a foreign country. CHAP. 33. WHo soever shal give aduise concerning the maintenance of a civil war in a foreign country, Concerning the maintenance of a civil war in a foreign country. it shal be convenient for him in my fancy, to consider principally these points following. 2. First, the equity and iustice of the cause, as well of his princes parte( to wit, The equity of the Cause to be considered. whether it may be just and lawful for him to give the assistance demanded) as also whether their quarrel which demand the same, be lawful and just or no. For if iustice and equity want in either of both, no commodity that a prince can receive or expect, can countervail the dishonour, danger, and damage, Psal. 75. which he shal assuredly incur by the offence of almighty God. Qui aufert spiritum principum,& terribilis est apud reges terrae. Who takes away the life of princes and is terrible to the kings of the earth; And will assurdly exact the penalty therof of him, The highest point of state. or perhaps of his estate, or of both, sooner or later, which is the chief and highest point of state to be considered in al deliberations of princes seeing the destruction and utter ruin of them and their estates, proceedeth principally of the offence of God, as I haue partly made evident Chap. 16.17.18.19.20.21. et 22. already, when I treated of the iustice of God, and will make more manifest Chap. 35. hereafter. 3. just motives on the princes part to give succour. It is also to be considered what good and just motives his prince may haue on his own part to give the succours demanded, which may be reduced to four cases. The first when he may do thereby some notable service to God, Some notable service to God. which is always in it ●elfe not only honourable, but also profitable, as it were, money put to interest in respect of the reward, that he shal receive assuredly at Gods hands for the same, howsoever it succeed for the present. Obligation of oath, promise, or gratitude. 4. The second case is, when he is bound by oath, promise, or gratitude, to succour the party that craveth his aid: for in such case the omission therof, when it may justly and conveniently be done, were both offensive to God, and also dishonourable, yea and dangerous to a prince, as well in respect of Gods punishment for his perjury( whereof I haue spoken amply in the 31. nu. 17.18. &c. chapter) as also for the bad example& just occasion he should give to others, his allies, and confederates, yea and to his own subiects to forsake him in his necessity. A just pretence to a foreign crown or state. 5. The third case is when the prince of whom the succour is demanded hath a just pretence to a foreign crown or state, for the obtaining whereof he may hope to haue a party by maintaining a just quarrel in the same state or country; wherein respect is to be had, that the princes own forces be sufficient for the execution of his enterprise, A foreign war not to be principally grounded vpon hope of a party. that he shal no need to rely further vpon his party, then only to facilitate the same, for if his hope of good success, either in obtaining his pretence, or in conserving or maintaining of it afterwards, do chiefly depend vpon the good will, fidelity, and strength of such a party, he builds( as a man may say) vpon the sand, and puts in adventure his labour, charges, and reputation. A lamentable example of Sebastian K. of Portugal. Hieron. Conestagio deal unio de li. reg. di Portugallo li. 2. 6. Hereof we haue had a lamentable example a few yeres past in Sebastian King of Portugal, who hoped to make himself King of Marroco under colour to restore thereunto Muley Mahomet, whereof he made so sure account that he carried a crown with him to crown himself king there, not considering that his adversary Muley Moluco,( who was then in possession of that kingdom) was not only most valiant for his person, but also able to put into the field for his defence above 100000. horse and foot, against whom nevertheless king Sebastian undertook the enterprise with an army of 3000. soldiers or thereabout, the most parte of them vntrayned, besides that neither he himself, nor any that did command the army under him had ever born arms before, in so much that he trusted as it seemed to the conduct and forces of Muley Mahomet his confederat, who when he came to trial was not able to bring to the field 2000. men; so that adventuring with so few to fight with above 40000. horse,& 10000. foot(& as some say a far greater number) his army was presently enclosed on al sides,& so oppressed with multitude, that he lost both the battle& his life So perilous a thing it is for a prince to ground any desygnment of a foreign war vpon conceit either of the weakness of an enemy, or of the strength of a confederat, and not vpon sufficient forces of his own. But to proceed. 7. The fourth case is, A foreign war to be mantayned to avoid a domestical. when to avoid some imminent danger of invasion or war at home, or other great vexation, a prince is forced to hold his enemy occupied in his own country by supporting there a just quarrel against him: wherein though he may spend largely without fear of loss,( in respect of the present security which he purchaseth, Good council of Alcibiades concerning the maintenance of a foreign war. and exemption from greater expenses and danger at home) nevertheless it shalbe wisdom for him in my fancy to practise the council which Alcibiades the Athenian gave to Tistaefernes, in like case, to wit, not to give greater succour then may suffice to keep the war stil on foot as well to gain time( which often remedieth the greatest inconveniences) as also to extenuat and weary both parties, in such sort, that whether the war end by victory or composition, they may haue no ability to assail him, which he may well fear, though the party which he assisteth should prevail. 8. For this purpose it is to be considered, civil warrs end often to the cost of the foreigner that mantayned them. that civil dissensions end many times to the cost of the foreign prince who mantayned the same, whether they end by victory of his enemy, or of his confederat, or else by their composition; For his enemy if he overcome, remaineth more irritated, and more obliged to seek reuenge then before; and his confederat if he vanquish the other, and succeed him in his state, is more like to prove an enemy then a friend, especially if the quarrel of the other was not personal( that is to say proceeding of some particular injury done to his person) but a quarrel of state, as commonly it is, for in that case whosoever shal be governor of the same state will be his enemy notwithstanding any benefit received; Respect of gratitude encountered with reason of state little availeth. Guichiard. nel● auisi polit. For experience teacheth that respect of gratitude for benefits past, little availeth when it is any way encountre●●ith reason of state which( as Guicciardin saith) vince ogni partito; doth with princes ouerwaigh al other considerations, and is so variable according to the variety of occasions and success of affairs that it changeth daily, Reason of state very variable. and of a friend this day maketh an enemy to morrow, in which respect the leagues and amity of princes is commonly very unsure, be the obligation never so great K. Henry the 7. Polid virgil hist. Angl li. 26. 9. Henry the 7. King of England became an enemy to Charles the 8. King of France in defence of the Duke of Britany for reason of state, though the said Charles did lately before assist him with men and money against King Richard the third, and helped to make him King of England. Elizabeth Q. of England. Sand. li. 2. de Schism. Angl. And what greater benefit could one prince receive of an other, then the late queen of England received of the catholic King Philip the 2. King of spain, who when he was King of England, and married to her sister, saved her life, which otherwise shee had lost for conspiracy against her said sister, yet nevertheless shee became the greatest enemy he had, and so continued during his life. 10. moreover it commonly falleth out, that the party whom a foreign prince helpeth to advance, Money lent to maintain a foreign war in danger to be lost. remaineth his debtor for the charges bestowed in his succour; whereupon it followeth many times, that the creditor looseth both his friend and his money. For if he trust to bare promises of repayment, he is in danger to be served as was Edward the black prince, Edward the black Prince. who going in person with a great army into spain to succour Peter the King of Castile vpon his promise to repay him al his expenses, Polid virg. hist. Angl. li. 19. was after the victory so delayed and deluded by him, that he was fain to return without any satisfaction; by the means whereof he was constrained to lay such impositions vpon his own subiects in Aquitany for the payment of his soldiers that they rebelled, and he lost the greatest part of that country. Places or capitains given in pawn for money ma e enemies of friends. 11. And put the case he haue any places, or towns delivered him in consideration of his expenses, or for his better security( which any prince that shal give succours to foreigners hath reason to seek) then his friend many times for reason of state becomes his enemy to recover the places, which he gave him before: And so also it falleth out commonly whensoever civil wars and dissensions come to end by composition of the parties divided, who for them part willingly agree and join against the foreigner, that maintained their division, especially if he haue any hold or footing in their country, though it were at the first with their own consent, whereof I will allege a few examples, as well ancient as modern. 12. In the Barons wars in England in the time of King John, The barons warrs in England. Polidor Virgil. hist. Angliae li. 15. Paul. Aemil in Philip 2. Lewis the 8. then son to Philip the 2. King of France assisted the Barons against their King and being called by them into England and proclaimed King therof, was shortly after by common consent, as well of them as of al other english, driven out again. 13. Also Philip Duke of Burgundy Philip duke of Burgundy. to be revenged of the Duke of orleans and of Charles the 7. whiles he was yet but Dolphin, called Henry the 5. King of England into France, and assisted him first to make him Regent and after to crown, Pol. Virg. in Henr. 5.& 6. not only him but also Henry the 6. his son king of France in Paris, yet in the end he made his peace with king Charles aforesaid, and helped him to deprive the English of al that which either they had got by his means, or else held before by title of inheritance. 14. In like manner Charles the 8. Charles the 8. K. of France. King of France was most earnestly solicited to the conquest of Naples by the Neapolitans themselves, Philip coming. in Carol. 8. c. 2.& 39. who nevertheless shortly after helped to expel the guarisons and forces which he left there, not with standing they had received great benefits of him. 15. Elizabeth Q. of England. In this age also the late queen of England supported the Protestants in the first troubles of France against their king to her great charges, and when they made their peace in the year of our Lord 1562. they al joined with the catholics against her to recover of her Haure de Grace, which they had before given her for the assurance of the money, which she had lent them. 16. Philip the 2. K. of spain. And now lastly not with standing the chargeable and costly succours of men and money that the french catholics received of the catholic King of glorious memory, yet they forsook him al most al in the end, and joined with his and their adverse party, and made war against him to recover of him some few towns in the frontiers of Flanders which they had given him before for his and their security. 17. Therfore although these things do not always succeed in this manner; yet for as much as most commonly they do, and that nothing is more uncertain then that which dependeth vpon the will, affection or gratitude of other men, or vpon reason of state( which, Nothing more uncertain then that which dependeth on the will of men or reason of state. as I haue said, doth vary and change daily according to the variety of occasions) I hold it for a special point of prudence in a prince to take the surest way, to wit, not to engage himself to far, nor to adventure more then he careth not to loose, in the maintenance of a civil war in a foreign country, except when either the service of God, some just obligation, or the conservation of his own state, doth necessary require it. Thus much concerning such points as are to be weighed on the behalf of the prince that is to give the succour. Considerations concerning those which demand succour. 18. Furthermore great consideration is also to be had of the state and condition of the parties which demand it, as whether they be able to overcome their aduersaries, or at least to stand and maintain their quarrel, with the assistance which they crave or may be given them, for otherways it were great imprudence in any prince to undertake their maintenance, but rather to endeavour by way of treaty betwixt them and their adversary to compound the quarrel, and thereby to make himself grateful to both parties. 19. And for as much as it many times falleth out, that the ability and power of the party, which craveth assistance, consisteth not in the strength of some one potent& absolute prince, but in the force of many princes, Concerning towns or states confederated. towns, or states confederated and leagued together, it is in such case specially to be considered, how, or vpon what reasons the said party is united. 20. To this purpose it is to be noted, that in al confederacies and leagues wherein many unite themselves, The motives or ends of leagues to be considered. the confederates are moved thereto, either with one motive or end( as in the Cantons of the swissers, or in the league which the Pope, the king of the Romans, Philip de come. Cron du Roy. Charles ca. 23. the king of spain, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan made against Charles the 8. king of France, for the deffence of Italy, wherein al of them were interested) or else they are moved thereto, The common end of the french league. The particular ends of many in the french league. with diuers and sundry motives, some with one, and some with an other; as for example in the late French league or union, some entred only for the conservation of the catholic religion( which was the common and pretended end of al that party) others entred for particular respects, as either for passion, or for ambition, or for the friendship of some man on the one side, or hatred of some on the other, or for hope of future gain, or for present profit and commodity, or such like. 21. Now then those that are lead by particular respects, diversity of ends causeth the dissolution of leagues. do not for the most part remain any longer in any league, then they may hope to obtain their desires, and when they are persuaded that they may sooner obtain the same by adhering to the adverse party, they are easily induced thereto; and hereupon followeth commonly the dissolution of such leagues and confederacies; For which cause the strength and power of any league, is not to be measured so much by the multitude of confederates( be they never so great and potent) as by their concurrence and agreement in one and the self same end: A few under o●● head str●nger then many under different heads Philip. Commin. Cron. du roy Louis c. 26. for as a few men under one head, are stronger then many under many and different heads( as Philipus Comminaeus noteth very well) so a few principal persons or towns united to gather for one and the self same cause, are to be reputed far stronger, and more like to stand, then very many, though much more potent, if they haue many and different ends. 22. Necessario for a Prince to di●couer the ends of the principal confederates. Therfore it much importeth a prince which shal support a foreign league to discover as much as he may, what end or motive induced the heads and principal confederates to enter therein, whereby he shal the better discern, what their force and strength may be, and how they may be like to stand and maintain their quarrel, for if they haue al one end, they may be reputed the stronger, but if their ends be diuers they can not long stand, as we haue seen by experience of late in the french league, which not with standing the great succours both of men and money given them by the catholic King, dissolved rather of itself then by any forces of enemy, The dissolution of the French league through the diversity of ends. by reason that very many of the gouernours of towns and chief pillars therof, concurred not in one end with the whole league, and therfore when they received satisfaction of their particular desires, or saw themselves out of hope therof, they easily changed their party. 23. To such leagues I say united only in exterior show, In what case a prince may support a foreign league not united in one end. and not in one common end, I hold it not secure or convenient for a prince to give succour, except he be moved thereto by some imminent danger of invasion or other great damage, which he may fear to receive from the enemy occupied( as I haue signified before) whiles he neither prepare for his better deffence at home, nu. 7. or at least may win time, which in al extremities is to be sought, and often remedieth the greatest inconveniences. 24. moreover for as much as the succours demanded, or given, consist commonly either in money, men, or in both, and that it may import a prince for the furtherance of some just pretence, or obligation of his ow●e, or for some public good to employ not only his forces but also his money largely, to maintain and support a foreign league, I will add somewhat concerning the same, to the end that a young Statist may the better understand, both what to aduise, and also how to deal therein. 25. Therfore, first concerning the bestowing of money, I say that although it can not be denied but that money may do very much in al business of this quality( for Quid non mortalia pectora cogit auri sacra fames? How money is to be bestowd in the mantaynance of a foreign league. what effect money may work. What doth not the detestable hunger of gold compel men to do? yet ordinarily the effect that money can work is but to dispose the wills and minds of men to the desired end, which disposition nevertheless in some that receive the money, is none at al, in others very little, and in most very doubtful, and to be suspected; For, those to whom thou givest thy money either are thy enemies, or thy friends, or else neutral: if they be thy enemies, commonly they take thy money, to impoverish thee, to enrich themselves, and to employ thy own money against thee when they shal see time: if they be thy friends, thy money worketh little, for that their own good will and friendship, bindeth them unto thee more then thy money; if they be neutral and become thy friends for the profit thy haue by thee, their friendship will last no longer then the profit continueth, and when they may think to get more by thy enemy then by thee, they will be his friends for the same reason that they were thine; and although they shal haue never so great benefit by thee, they will persuade themselves that thou seekest thy own commodity and not theirs, and that thou art beholding unto them, for that they do voutchsafe to take any thing of thee. The desire of money increaseth with the use and possession therof. Cicero. office li. 2. 26. And for as much as the hunger and desire of money doth increase with the possession and use therof, the more thou givest them, the more they will desire, for as Cicero saith. Fit deterior qui accipit,& ad idem semper expectandum paratior; He which taketh or receiveth money is made worse thereby, and always the more ready to expect the like. So that if thou do not ever give them, when, and how much they shal expect, or demand of thee, they will hate thee more for that which thou dost not give them, then they haue loved thee for that which they haue received already; For as Seneca Seneca. saith. Vetus& nota ingratitudo est, dati immemores meminisse negati, ideoque rarae& tepentes gratiae feruidae& frequentes quaerelae; A benefit received soon forgotten, a benefit denied, remembered ever. It is an old and notorious ingratitude to forget a benefit received, and stil to remember a benefit denied, whereupon it followeth, that thanks are rare and told, and complaints fervent and frequent. 27. I say not this for that I think it not convenient to negociate with money to gain& entertain the affections of men, but to signify that it is to be done with great consideration; for as Pliny saith. Inconsideratae largitionis comes paenitentia est; Plin. li. 7. ep. Money to be bestowed with great consideration. Liberality to be used towards true friends and who they are. Repentance ever accompanieth the inconsiderat employment of money. Therfore to say somewhat of this point, my opinion is, that it is convenient for any man, that doth negociate with money in a strange country, to haue his purse always open, for such as are true friends to him, and the league, as well to gratify them, and to recompense their good wils, and good offices, as also to help their necessities and to enable them to uphold their party. 28. And those may be accounted true friends, whose end is either the common end of the whole league, How money is to be bestowed vpon suspected persons. or so dependent therof, that it can not be otherwise obtained, but by the good success of the league; and to such, money may be ever securely given, when their necessities, or the public good of the league shal require it: but to others, little or nothing is to be given, in my fancy, except it be to buy of them some important places, or to recompense intelligences, or services already done, and therfore it shal be convenient to use al diligence( as before I signified) to discover the true motives that induced every one, to whom money is to be given, to enter into the league. 29. And in case it may seem needful, to adventure somewhat to entertain some few principal men, though neutrals, or suspected( to divert them ●rom compounding with the enemy) it shal be convenient in my fancy to give them largely, and more then the enemy is like to give them, The danger of breach of promise. and precisely to accomplish what else shal be promised, for otherwise they will aclowledge no obligation, and when the enemy shal give them more, they will follow him, and if promise be not kept with them, they will esteem themselves to be mocked,& for very disdain will pass to the enemy; and of al this, I saw daily experience in time of the league in France, where the catholic King bestowed many millions, in pensions, in entertainments which many received, and after became his open enemies; some of them because they were not punctually paid their entertainments; others because( as they pretended) promise was not kept with them in other things; and some others again, either because they could not haue what soever they demanded, or because others had more then they. 29. But how much soever shal be bestowed vpon one or other, Money and forces concurring work great effects. there is no security, or assurance, in negociating with money alone, except the same be either accompanied, or shortly seconded with sufficient forces, which concurring therwith may work great effect, and therfore the Oracle said to Philip of Macedony; Hastis pugna, argentatis& omnia vinces. Fight with silvered spears, and thou shalt overcome al; advising him thereby, to employ money and forces together, for as for negotiation with money alone, the longer it continueth, the more danger there is to loose both the money and the business, for no trust is to be had in affection bought with money, and not grounded on reason and virtue. No t●ust in affection bought with money. Cicero. office. li. 2. In which respect Philip King of Macedony, said very well to Alexander his son, who sought to gain from him the good wills of the Maccedonians with gifts and bribes; What a mischief( saith he) perswadeth thee to think that those will be faithful unto thee, whom thou hast corrupted with money. 30. Thus much for this matter, whereof much more might be said if the question were reduced to particular persons and countries which might minister other important considerations of difficulties according to the nature strength or weakness of the places, A man corrupted with money will be faithful to no man. and the conditions, and abilities of the persons who were to be succorred or impugned, which I forbear to prosecut any further to pass to an other matter; meaning to debate, whether the remedies which politykes teach against the dangers and inconveniences growing of wickedness, be sufficient in reason and true policy to assure the state of a wicked prince, by the occasion whereof I will examine diuers principles of Macchiauellian doctrine, and show the absurdity therof, to the end that the young Statist whom I inform, may understand, as well what to avoid, as what to embrace in matter of policy, and that a princes state, can not be assured by wickedness. ANOTHER question IS DEBATED FOR the further instruction of a young Statist, to wit, whether a princes state can be assured by wicked policy; by the occasion knowledge many principles of macchiavel and of the politics his followers, are examined, and confuted, by reason of state, without the consideration of Gods iustice. CHAP. 34. NO man that is endued with reason will deny, that wickedness in a prince, maketh him hateful to his subiects and consequently endangereth his estate, which al Macchiauellians and politics, know so well, Wherein consisteth the greatest part of Macchiauels policies. that the greatest part of their policy consisteth in devising remedies against the same, to the end that their prince may be securely wicked, that is to say, that he may purchase and enjoy al worldly pleasures, and commodities, per fas& nefas; by right or wrong, without danger of any reuenge of man, not fearing the wrath,& iustice of God, because they beleeue not, that there is a God, or at least that he meddleth with the affairs of men. 2. Now then, for as much, as I haue already sufficiently proved through out this whole treatise, that God disposeth of princes, and their states, and punisheth them for sin when they deserve it( where vpon it also followeth that al Macchiauillian, and wicked policies, tending to the conservation of wicked princes, are not only frivolous and vain, but also noisome, and pernicious to their estates) therfore I will here in this chapter, lay aside the consideration, of Gods providence and iustice, and examine the sufficiency of Macchiauellian policies only according to reason of state; to show thereby the absurdity of politics; who think themselves able to warrant and defend a prince in wickedness, plunging him first into needles dangers, and then endeavouring to apply some remedies: Politykes do first draw princes into dangers, and then see●e to remedy them. Folly to admit an inconvenience in hope of an uncertain remedy. as if a man should poison his friend, making full account to cure him afterwards, whereas it is the part of a wise and politic man, rather to prevent the danger and inconvenience, then to admit it vpon confidence of remedies, whereof no man living can warrant the success. This I say, for that Macchiauillians do most absurdly endanger their princes by their wicked counsel, in hope to deliver them afterwards by their policies, where of the success is not in their hands, but so uncertain and subject to chance and hazard, that no wit or power of man, can assure it, as I haue most amply proved in the 11.12. and 13. Chapters. 3. But let us see some of their remedies. One of the principal( according to the doctrine of their master macchiavel) is, extremity of al mischief and wickedness, Macchia. de princi. Macchiauels principal remedy consisteth in extremity of lewdness. macchiavel would haue a prince to be either a Saint or a devil. which macchiavel teacheth to be far more secure for a prince, then mediocrity betwixt virtue, and 'vice, therefore he would haue his prince to be either the best man living, or the worst, that is to say, either to be a Saint, or a level; whereof his reason must needs be( if he haue any at al) that he which holdeth the middle way betwixt virtue, and 'vice,& doth sometimes well, and sometimes il, must needs incur the offence and hatred of some men whereby he shalbe endangered; wherefore he thinketh it convenient for such a one to practise the common proverb, to wit; Qui semel verecundiae fines transierit &c. He that hath once past the bounds of shane, must be notably impudent; That is to say, he that is once over the shoes in sin, and iniquity, must for his saufty, go over head and ears; as though the way to remedy a disease were to nourish& increase the cause therof, Macchiauels absurdity in seeking to remedy a disease b● increasing the cause thererof. excessive lewdness exposeth a prince to excessive hatred. Cicero office. 2. as to cure a dropsy, with continual drinking, or a burning fever with hot wines, and spice; or to cast oil into the fire to the end to quench it; for so do Macchiauillians, who to remedy the danger that groweth to a wicked prince by hatred, do make him more hateful, and by the extremity and excess of wickedness, expose him to the extreme and excessive hatred of al men, and consequently to ruin and perdition. 4. For as Cicero saith; Multorum odijs nullae opes nullae vires poterunt resistere. No force, power, No force or power can sufficiently resist the hatred of many. Politi●es seek absurdly to remedy hatred by fear. fear concurring with hate, makes it more dangerous to him unchurch is hated and why. or welth can suffice to resist the hatred of many; and much less of al men; yes say they; Oderint dum metuant. Let them hate him( be they never so many) so that they fear him; For fear shal so repress their hatred, that they shal not dare to attempt or execute any thing to his prejudice. Thus say they but most absurdly, For, fear, in a mind possessed with hate, is nothing else, but, as it were; Vnguis in vlcere; A mans nail, or a scratch in an vlcere or botch which is exasperated thereby, and the pain of the patient greatly agrauated; And although fear do in some sort delay and repress the fury of hatred, yet it makes it much more secure for the hater, and more dangerous to him that is hated. 5. For, those who hate without fear, do many times attempt unadvisedly to their own destruction, but those which both hate and fear, do deliberat, and execute with much more maturity, and consideration, The prince adding fear to the hatred of his subject, redoobleth his own fear and danger. Senca Treaged. & consequently with less danger to themselves, and more to their enemy; so that when the prince doth add fear to the hate of his subiects, he redoobleth both his own fear, and also his own peril. whereupon the tragical poet saith. — Qui sceptra duro saews imperio regit, Timet timentes, metus in autorem redit. That is to say, he which gouuerneth by severity, and cruelty feareth those which fear him, and the fear turneth vpon the author, fear turneth vpon the author. or cause therof. And as Seneca the stoic saith. Necesse est vt multos timeat, quem multi timent. He must need be in fear of many, whom many fear. Cicero office. li. 2. Also Cicero following Ennius the poet saith notably thus; Quem metuunt oderunt &c. Men hate him whom they fear, and every one desireth the destruction of him whom he hateth, and no force or power of Empire be it never so great can long stand if it be prest with continual fear of the subiects. Thus saith Cicero, declaring the danger that groweth to a prince by hatred and fear, which are the most forcible and urgent motives that may be, to move a people to conspiracies, Hatred and so are the Causes of conspiracies. as well amongst themselves, as wi●h foreigners, both to deliver themselves of their fear, as also to discharge their hatred and ire vpon their prince. wherefore Aristotle doth reckon hatred, and fear amongst the principal causes of the destruction of monarchyes, Aristot li. 5. Poli●. and tyrannys. 6. But here say the Macchiauillians; for this cause hath the prince his guards, Macchiauillian remedies against conspiracies. armies, and fortresses to defend himself from al attempts both foreign and domestical, besides the vigilancy, and policy which he useth for the prevention of conspiracies, disarming and empouerishing his subiects, forbidding their assemblies, and public conventions, and al other means which may breed love, trust, and confidence amongst them, terrifiing them also often times with the frequent show of his guards, and garrisons to make them servile, and base minded, suffering them to be vicious, and dissolute of life to make them effeminate, not permitting them the use of schools, or other means, whereby they may become learned, wise, and politic, employing his spies every where for the discovery of every mans intention, nourrishing division amongst the greatest to counterpoise one with an other, suspecting al men, be they never so much bound to him, and finnally cutting of by one means or other, al those whose power, courage, or wit, he may think to be dangerous to his state; whereby he shal be secure and free from the danger which may grow unto his person or state by the hate of his subiects. macchiavel was not the imuentor of his policies. 7. Thus say they; whereto I answer, that if macchiavel or some other politics, in these our dayes, had ben the first inventors of these policies,& that they had never ben yet tried, and put in practise, it might with more reason be supposed, that there were or might be some assurance, and security therein for a wicked prince, but seeing al this, or whatsoever else macchiavel, or any politic doth teach for the conservation of a tyrant, Macchiauillian policies knowen and practised in al ages by wicked princes to their ruin. hath ben practised in al times and ages, by tyrants and wicked princes( who nevertheless haue al, or the most part of them perished, and been ruined by the hatred of men) who seeth not the insufficiency therof, for the assurance of a prince in wickedness. Arist. lib. 5. polit. c. 11. Macchiauillian policies rejected by Aristotle above 2000. yeres ago. 8. Can macchiavel, or any other politic teach more to this purpose, then we find written above 2000. yeres ago by Aristole in his politics, who showing the means whereby tyrants seek to preserve themselves, and their states, ministereth to macchiavel and his followers al the matter, and substance of their wicked policies; which nevertheless were not approved by Aristotle as sufficient for the conservation of tyranny, but reproved and utterly rejected by him; in which respect he declareth how unsure tyranny is, The speedy fall of tyrannical states noted by Aristotle. Aristot Ibid. c. 12. and exemplyfyeth the same in al the tyrannical states, which had been before, or in his time, showing how speedily they al perished, excepting only four, whereof the first continued a hundreth yeres, the second 73. and six monthes, the third 33. and the fourth 22. yeres. And the cause of the long continuance of the first,& second, he ascribeth to the moderat and just government of the tyrants, who though they got their states tirannically, and held them by usurpation, and force( in respect whereof they were called tyrants) yet they governed with such moderation, and iustice, that they were greatly beloved of their subiects. 9. Aristot ibid. ca. 11. To which purpose Aristotle also observeth that the state of a tyrant is so much the more sure, by how much more moderat it is, and nearer to the just gouuernment of a king; wherein the Macchiauillians may note, both by the doctrine and experience of Aristotle, that the extremity of wickedness and tyranny, Macchiauillian policy contrary to Aristotles doctrine and experience. is the high way to carry a prince head-long to his destruction, notwithstanding al their preventions aforesaid, whereof some part are most necessary for the conservation of any princes state, as guards, garrisons, fortresses, vigilance of consellours, diligence of spies,& intelligencers, as also such other part of those policies, What is to be rejected and what alowed in the Macchiauillian remedies above mentioned. as is conform to reason, iustice, and conscience; but the rest, I mean those points of hindering love, and confidence amongst the subiects, immoderat pilling and polling them, making them effeminat, ignorant,& base minded, nourishing debate amongst great personages, and cutting of such as are more eminent in credit, power, courage and wit then the rest, these I say, and al such as are against charity, iustice, and conscience, are against al true policy, and so far from helping to conserve a tyrant, that they help to ruin him; as here in this chapter it shal appear concerning some of these points in particular, and some in general, so far as I shal think it necessary for this time, leaving the examination of the rest to the second part of this treatise, whereto they more properly belong. 10. And now to speak of some of them, Macchiauels doctrine concerning division confuted. what can be more contrary to true reason of state, then to hinder trust, confidence,& love amongst the people, without the which there can be no commonwealth? For without love, and confidence there can be no fidelity, and without fidelity, no iustice, and without iustice, no commonwealth; num. 18. as I haue declared sufficiently in the 31. Chapter, where I treated of the necessity of fidelity in the prince. Why public feasts and plays were first instituted. 11. For this cause al ancient law-makers, and founders of commonwealths, haue ordained in al countries and cities, public feasts, plays, and assemblies, where the people may meet together, not only for their recreations, but also to make them known one to an other, to the end that of their acquaintance and conversation may grow love, The benefit of love and friendship in Common welths. Arist. li. 2. polit. c. 2. and friendship, and the same redound to a general unity for the conservation of peace in the whole commonwealth; And therfore Aristotle saith that friendship is; Maximum bonum ciuitatibus. The greatest good that can be to commonwelths, for saith he; By the means therof they shal be free from sedition. Also Solon esteemed this amity, and union of minds, to be so necessary for the conservation of human Society, Plutar. that being demanded what commonwealth was best, and most like to continue; What common welth Solon liked best. Plutar. in Solon. Such a one saith he, wherein every man doth take the injury which is donne to an other, to be donne to himself; and to the same purpose he made a law in Athens, giving leave to every one to take vpon him the just quarrel of any other, and to demand reparation of the wrong, as if the matter concerned himself, which constitution of Solon, The love and union of members of the political body most necessary for the conservation thereof, Plutark commendeth greatly; As a means saith he, to accustom the people to feel and redress the grieves and injuries one of an other, as being all members of one body; whereby we may understand that the union and love of the members of the political body( that is to say the commonwealth) is no less necessary, then the combination of the parts in the body natural; which Seneca teacheth notably in these words. Vt omnia inter se membra &c. As al the members and parts of mans body, Seneca li. 2. de Ira. ca. 31. do agree together, for the conservation of the whole, which also redoundeth to the good of every part in particular, so all men ought to agree to the benefit one of an other, for that we are born to live in society, which cannot be conserved but by the agreement and love of the parts thereof. Thus saith Seneca. Why Macchiauillians think that factions amongst subiects ar good for their princes. 12. How then can it stand with true policy, or reason of state, to hinder this union, and love of the people, or to sow and nourrish factions amongst them, and especially amongst great personages, whereby seditions, tumults and garboils may grow in the commonwealth; mary, say the Macchiauillians, it standeth notably well with the reason of our princes state, who seeketh not the general good of the commonwealth, but his own particular benefit, and therfore for as much as the union and friendship of his subiects may animat and enable them the rather to conspire against him, A mac●hiauillian proverb, and prin●iple confuted. it is good policy and reason of state for him, to maintain factions amongst them, according to the old saying; Si vis regnare divide; If thou wilt reign, make division. 13. Thus say they; of whom I would gladly learn, The good and ill of the common welth and of the prince are conjoined Factions in the common welth dangerous to the prince. plutarch in his instructions for such as deal in matters of state. how they can in this case separat the peril of the commonwealth, from the peril of the prince, to make this good policy for him; can the body be in danger without the danger of the head? hath it not been seen many times, that some private quarrel grown at first betwixt mean personages, hath after passed further to a multitude, and from them come to be general to the ruin of a whole state? and therfore Plutark wisely compareth sedition to a little spark of fire, which falling into straw, or other dry matter, in some corner of a house, setteth the same on fire, whereby in the end a whole town is burnt; in which respect he counteth it for one of the most special points of political science to take away al occasion of sedition, and when it groweth to appease it quickly. 14. Aristotle also teacheth the same very seriously, Arist. Polit. li. 5. ca. 2 3.& 4. Sedition a principal cause of the subversion of Sta●es. affirming that sedition is the chief cause of the mutation, and subversion of commonwealths, showing how many wayse it may a rise, and how it may be remedied, and that it is alwaise dangerous, but then most pernicious, when it groweth amongst great personages, and therfore he adviseth to remedy the same if it be possible in the very beginning, for that; Idem Ibid. c. 4. Principium dicitur esse dimidium totius; The biginning is said to be the one half of the whole; And little seditions at the first, Factions amongst great men most dangerous. grow after to be great especially amongst great men, whose discord, saith he, draweth the whole commonwealth after them; whereof he allegeth diuers examples, which I omit because I haue treated this matter already in the 7. Chapter vpon the occasion of a law of Solon, nu. 14. where I haue shewed how dangerous,& pernicious some seditions haue been which haue sprung but amongst women and boyes, num. 19.20.& 21. and I haue also further declared the danger of nourrishing division amongst great personages by a domestical example of the utter overthrow of King Henry the 6. Ibid. nu. 17. and al the house of Lancaster, whereof the first ground and occasion was, that the queen his wife maintained the division betwixt the Duke of Somerset, and the earl of Warwick; And to the same purpose I haue also alleged other examples out of Philip de Comines with his opinion and aduise to al princes to labour with al speed to compound the quarrels, Ibid nu. 16.& 18. Philip. come. de reb. gest. Lodou. c. 138. that fall out amongst their nobility, and not to nourrish them by any means, lest they should kindle a fire in their own house, which after they shal not be able to quench. Whereby it may appear how dangerous& absurd is the council which Macchiauillians give to their princes, to nourish factions in their commonwealth, and especially amongst the greatest personages, Princes may make factions, and can not afterwards hinder the bad effects thereof. as though, princes were omnipotent, and had the harts, and wils of al men in their hands, to move, and sway, incense, or temper, in such manner,& measure, as it shal please them, which is only in Gods hand& power to do. So that it is evident in this case, that the Macchiauillians expose their prince to manifest danger without any assurance, num. 11.& 12. or sufficient probability of remedy, which in matter of state is most absurd, as I haue declared in the 32. Chapter. Macchiauillian po●licies make princes odious, to their subiects. 15. The like may also be said of their other pestilent policies before mentioned, consisting in al kind of cruelty, injustice& wickedness, whereby they make their princes most odious to al men, and by consequent, draw them into manifest danger, from the which they are not able to warrant or defend them by al their policy: as it may appear by the experience of al ages, and former times until this wherein we live, The hatred of subiects most dangerous to princes by the experience of al ages. seeing al histories do testify that the more wicked and tiranical princes haue been, and themore they haue incurred the hatred of men, the sooner they haue been ruined; some by open rebellions of their subiects; some others by their general defection in favor of strangers, others by secret conspiracies of a few, and others also by some desperat attempt of some one man, not withstanding al their policies, power, or force of guards, armies, fortresses, or other human means. Cicero office. li. 2. 16. This point Cicero proveth by the examples of Phalaris a most cruel tyrant( whom al the people of the Agrigentius oppressed in a general tumult)& of Alexander the tyrant of Phaerae, The danger of hatred exemplified by. Cicero. Diuers of the first kings of Rome ruynated by hatred. killed by his own wife;& of Demetrius K. of Maccedony forsaken of al his subiects in favor of K. Pirrhus; To whom we may add Romulus the first founder of the Roman Empire, who having made himself hateful to his senators, was murdered by them, in the very Senat house. As also L. tarqvinius Priscus his 3. successor being become odious to the people for his injustice& fraud towards the children, of Ancus Marcius( whom he deprived of their kingdom, though he was left their tutor by their father) was slain by two shepherds. In like manner tarqvinius superbus( the 7. and last king of the Romans) who used al the tyrannical policies above mentioned, violating al laws human& divine, T. livius. Dec. 1. li. 1. for the conservation of his estate, was nevertheless driven out of his kingdom by his subiects,& the name of king& kingly authority abolished amongst the Romans in hatred of him, for the space of 500. yeres. 17. Examples in the empire of Rome and Constantinople. And if we look into the Roman Empire after Iulius Caesar we shal find that neither policy, nor power, could defend many emperours of Rome, and Constantinople, against the hatred of men, as( to omit others who perished vpon other occasions) it may appear by Sueton Tranqui. Iulius Caesar himself, Caius Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Domitian, Aelius lamprid. Commodus, Spartian. Didius julianus d Caracalla, jul. Capitolin. Opilius Macrinus and his son Diadumenus, Lamprid. Heliogabalus, Alexander severus, Iulius Maximinus, Trebellius pollio Galienus, Sextus Aurel. victor. Philipus, flavius Vopiscus. Aurelianus, Pomponius laetus. Constans the first joan. Baptista Egnatius. Zonaras Nicetas Choniates. Gratian; valentinian the third, Basilicus, Zeno, Mauritius, Phocas; Heracleona with his mother Martina, Constans the second, justinian the second, Phillipicus, Constantinus the sixth Nicephorus Stauracius, lo Armenius, Michael the son of Theophilus, Nicephorus surnamed Phocas, joannes Zemisces, Michael Calaphates, Stratioticus, Michael Parapinaceus, Andronicus Comnenus and diuers others who having incurred, the hatred either of their subiects in general, or of some particular persons, were some of them poisoned, and others violently slain, either by the fury of the people, or by their nobility, or by their own guards,& soldiers, or by their wives, concubines, or seruants, or by other particular men: besides that some others of them were deposed, and either confined into monasteries, or deprived as well of their eyes and noses, as of their empire; and one amongst the rest, to wit Zeno( a most cruel and crafty tyrant) was put into his sepulchre alive, by the consent of his wife, whiles he was drounk, Cedren. in Conp. Zonaras Annal. To 3. joan. Baptista Egnat. in Zonone. or as some writ, taken with a fit of the falling sickness, being also so hated of his own seruants, and guards, that when he came to himself and cried for help out of the Sepulchre, no man assisted or pitied him, and so he died raging, and tearing, his own flesh with his teeth, as it appeared afterwards when the tomb was opened. 18. And although every one of these was not so subtle, nor so politic, nor yet so wicked as macchiavel would haue his prince to be, yet it is evident in them al, that the hatred of subiects is most pernicious to princes, and in some of them it appeareth manifestly, that no human power, or wicked policy, can warrant, and assure, the state of a prince generally hated, seeing that diuers of the above name, Epito. joan. Bap. Egnatij. excelled not only in imperial power, but also in subtlety, craft, perfidiousness, perjury, deep dissimulation, cruelty, and al such wickedness, as macchiavel requireth in his prince. As( to omit others for brevities sake) the last whom I name of the Emperous of Constantinople, to wit Andronicus Comnenus, was so eminent and egregious in al tiranical policy, that Egnatius worthily calleth him. Nicetas Choniaces in Andronico Comneno. li. 1. Callidissimum mortalium; The most crafty of al mortal men, of whose manner of government, I will say somewhat briefly, to the end it may appear how little security a prince may haue by wicked policy against the hatred of men. 19. This Andronicus having with great art and subtlety, obtained to be tutor to the young Emperour Alexius son to Emanuel, Andronicus Comnenus emperour of Constantinople, an egregious politic. made himself shortly after, his companion in the Empire, procuring the death of the Empresse mother to Alexius and of diuers others, whose lives he thought to be prejudicial to his pretence, and with in a while also caused the young Emperour himself to be murdered, notwithstanding his former oath of fidelity solemnly confirmed with receiving the blessed Sacrament. And being then Emperour alone, and finding himself to be hateful to his people, he practised al the tiranical polic●, which could be d●uised for his own conservation; He guarded his palace, Idem. li. 2. His guards of barbarous strangers, and his great dog. and person, with strong guards of barbarous strangers, and the most desperate fellowes that could be found, who could neither speak nor understand the language of the country; and he had besides every night at his chamber door a- huge mastiff dog, Idem li. 1.& 2. His wicked instruments. so fierce that he durst fight hand to hand with a lion, or with an armed man on horse back; He was also provided of wicked instruments for the execution of his will in al cases, as spies, promoters, and false witnesses, whereby many noble men were killed, imprisoned, or banished, for no other cause, but for that he feared, that either their credit with the people, or their power, or their wealth, or their wit, might prove in time dangerous to his state; 20. Yet nevertheless knowing right well, Idem li. 2. His care of the administration of iustice in all things which did not touch his particular benefit or pleasure. that the more his empire flourished in iustice, the more it would be to his honour, benefit, and security; he shewed such special care thereof, that he excelled many notable princes therein, not only providing for the election of just and wise officers, but also severely punishing those, who either did, or permitted, any wrong to be donne to the meanest or poorest subject he had. besides that he ordained, and gave most liberal allowance to al magistrates for their maintenance, to the end, Idem Ibid. that they should not haue any need, or pretence to take bribes, and such as were proved to be corrupt, he punished so exemplarly, that with in a while no magistrat durst take so much as a present of any man, though it was never so voluntarily offered; he shewed himself affable, and courteous to the poor, and seemed full of pitty and compassion when he heard their complaints, and did them exact iustice, and further took such order for the relief of the necessities of the common people, that al kind of vittails were most plentiful and cheap, the ground well tilled, and manured; the countries well inhabited, villages and cities much augmented, and the commonwealth greatly enriched. 21. Such was the care he seemed to haue of iustice, He furnished his commonwelth with good magistrates and his court with wicked counsellors and iudges. and of the public good, which nevertheless he respected no further then it might turn to his own particular benefit or pleasure, whereof he preferred the consideration, before al things what soever, as al tyrants do. For as he provided the commonwealth of notable magistrates, so he furnished his court and council with wicked counsellors and Iudges, voided of al conscience, who executed his will vpon al such as incurred his dislike, or suspicion, banishing some, spoiling others of their goods, depriving others of their eyes, drowning and murdering diuers secretly, and condemning many publicly vpon false pretences, of whom nevertheless he himself would seem to haue great compassion. Idem. li. 1. He suspected& made away his most faithful seruants. As for example; understanding that one Isacius a noble man had taken arms against him in the island of Ciprus, he picked a quarrel against two of his own trustiest seruants and favourits, because they were great friends of the other, and caused them to be accused of treason, condemned,& executed, and when suit was made unto him after their deaths, that their bodies, which were hanged up, might be taken down and butted, he seemed so much to pitty their case, His deep dissimulation, and feigned piety. that he shed abundance of tears, lamenting that the sentence of the Iudges& the severity,& authority of the laws, must needs overweigh his desire,& the affection that he bear them. Idem. li. 2. And when any were touched with matter of sedition, not only they themselves, but also al their whole kindred, His horrible cruelty craftily covered. and familes were condemned and ruined, to the end that none should be left of their race to reuenge it. The which nevertheless he seemed rather to permit, and suffer to be donne, then himself to ordain it; For he caused his Iudges and magistrates to give those sentences by public Edict, with plausible preambles, showing their care of the saufty of the Emperours person, and referring it not to his commandement, but to the divine inspiration, as a thing necessary for the service of God, and the good of the commonwealth. Andronicus had the quintessence of Macchiauels policy. 22. Here now I appeal to any Macchiauillian, whether Andronicus had not the quintessence of Macchiauels policy before macchiavel was born, and whether he wanted either desire, wit, or wickedness, to conserve his estate against the hatred of men, if it had been possible to haue donne it by wicked means. Therefore let us see the end, which was such, that it may serve for an exemplar warning to al Macchiauillian politics. 23. Whiles Andronicus governed in this manner, his cruelty and injustice did purchase him more hatred, then the good which he did for the public could recompense, which filled him every day with new fears, Idem. Ibid. His fears and suspicions. suspicions, and jealousies, especially after that he was pressed with warres by William King of Sicely; who having overthrown some of his armies, and taken Thessalonica, and other towns of importance, marched towards Constantinople, wherewith the people began to take courage, and to discover their hatred towards Andronicus daily more and more, which put him in such fear of conspiracies, His sorceryes& witchcrafts. that he consulted with sorcerers, and witches, and especially with one Sethus a magician, who deuined by a basin of water; And one day when Andronicus desired to know the name of his successor, Sethus shewed him in the water the two letters. I. and. S. whereby he and his councillors conjectured that it should be Isacius( who was rebelled against him in the island of Ciprus, as I haue declared) nevertheless, How he was ouerreached in his sorceryes. for as much as there was another Isacius surnamed Angelus at the same time in the court, a man of so quiet a spirit, and so small courage, that Andronicus himself( as suspicious as he was) did no way suspect him, one of his special counsellors, suggested to him, that it were good to command the said Isacius Angelus to be taken and put in prison to prevent the worst, lest, saith he, we may seek the viper abroad in the field, when perhaps we haue him in our bosom; And though Andronicus seemed at first to contemn Isacius, as a man no way to be feared, yet at last it was resolved by him and his council that he should be taken, and for that purpose, Stephanus( one of his chief councillors and worst instruments) went himself with certain of his catchpoles to the house of Isacius, How his lewdness turned to his ouerthrow. who defending himself, killed Stephanus, and ran presently with his sword bloody in his hand through the market place, to take Sainctuary in the chief church of the town, imploring as he went, the aid of the people; and declaring what he had donne, and why; The people flocked after him to the church, pitying greatly his case, and commending his act; and at length their courage increasing with their multitude, they began to embolden one an other first to defend Isacius, Isacius fearing to loose his life was suddenly made Emperour. and after to make him- Emperour, which being propounded to the whole assembly, was accepted and allowed of them al, though he himself neither desired it, nor so much as dreamed of it, but thought himself well apaied if he could save his life. 24. This resolution being taken amongst them they proclaimed him emperour, first in the church, and after in the streets, Andronicus forsaken of al his subiects. which was approved with general consent of the nobility and people of the city, who came al to yield him obedience and to assist him; Andronicus seeing himself forsaken of al his subiects durst not trust to the strength neither of his palace, nor of his guards, nor of his great dog, but fled away in a boat, and was shortly after taken, The reward& miserable end of his tyranny. and brought back laden with iron chains, scorned, and reviled by the people, his hair of his head and beard pulled away, his teeth strooken out, his right hand cut of, and a few daies after, one of his eyes being pulled out of his head, he was set vpon a scabbed camel, apparelled ridiculously, and carried through the streets to be shewed to the people; who cast vpon him al kind of ordure, and filth, every one contending who should deride him, or abuse him most; and at last, he was hanged up by the heels, his apparel torn from him, and his naked body wounded by who soever would stricke him, as many did in diuers manners, some for sport, some for reuenge of injuries, some to try their swords, and some their strength, till at length he was hacked and hewed in pieces. lo here the fruit of Macchiauillian policy, The fruit of Macchiauillian policy. the lamentable issue of wickedness and tyranny, and the small assurance that tyrants haue against the hatred of their subiects, either by usurped power, or impious policy; whereto I might add a special observation of Gods just judgements, but that I haue determined not to urge the same in this chapter. Thus much concerning the Roman and greek Emperours. Examples out of our histories. Polidor virgil. i● 7. 25. I may also produce many other notable examples of this matter out of the histories as well of our own country as of al others. For what caused the destruction of Edmond Ironside who was murdered vpon a privy, Idem. lib. or the continual rebellions in the time of king John; Idem. lib. or the untimely death of Edward the 2. broached with a Spit; Idem. lib. or of Richard the 2. first deposed,& after slain in prison; or yet of Richard the 3. forsaken of his nobility, and commons and killed at Bosworth field? sir Thomas More in King Richards life. what else, I say, was the cause thereof, but the hatred of their subiects? And as for the last of these, I mean Richard the third, if we consider his malignant and treacherous nature, his cruelty, his deep dissimulation, his devilish devices& inventions( as well to get the crown, as after to conserve it) his murders and mischiefs, and his other horrible impiety, wee shal not find him imferiour to the most famous tyrants of former times for al impious and wicked policy, which nevertheless could not free him from the danger of destruction, which the hatred of his subiects drew vpon him. 26. An Example of Caesar Borgia. But what need I allege other examples seeing the mirror of Machiauels own prince,( to wit Caesar Borgia) may serve for a witness of this matter? For though he so far surpassed al former tyrants in wickedness and tirrannical policy, that macchiavel made special choice of him, to frame his wicked prince by the model of his tyranny, yet could not he uphold, Guicciat. li. 6. and conserve his state against the hatred of men, but being abandoned by his subiects, and friends, became a notable example not only of human imbecility, but also of the woeful end of such as trust to wicked policy, as I haue declared before vpon other occasions, Chap. 3. nu. 4.& chap. 13. nu 4.& 5. 27. And though al former examples should fail us, yet one or two of the last age stil fresh in memory, might suffice for a warning to princes, Christiern k. of Denmark. Surius in Comment. an 1517. Olaus mag. li. 8. c. 39. Henry the 3. k. of france. how they incur the general hatred of their subiects, I mean the lamentable end of Christiern king of Denmark, first driven out of his kingdom by his own people for his tyrannical cruelty, and after also taken, imprisoned, and poisoned by them:( as I haue signified before) and of Henry the 3. last king of France, who though he be not to be numbered amongst the wicked tyrants before mentioned, yet may serve for an example of the small assurance that a prince may haue against the hatred of his people, seing that an army of 40000. men, could not defend his person against the resolution of a simplo man, who slay him in the midst of them al; No power or policy can defend a prince from the resolution of some one man. whereby wee may see how true it is which Seneca saith. Qui suam vitam contemnit, tuae dominus erit; he which contemns his own life, shal be master of thine. 28. Hereupon therefore it followeth that no princes power or policy can sufficiently warrant, and assure his estate against the universal hatred of men, The little security that wicked princes haue of their guards or armies. num. 11. especially considering the little security, that wicked princes, when they grow to be hated, haue, of their own guards, or armies; which though they are the special means of their defence, yet serve many times for no other end, then to butcher and slaughther them, as I haue declared before in the 13. chapter, Sueton. where I haue alleged the examples of Caligula, Spartian. Caracalla, Lamprid. Heliogabalus, Philip, Trebellius pollio. Gallien, Machrinus, Flau. Vopiscus. Aurelianus, Iulius Capitol. Maximinus, and others slain partly by their soldiers& partly by their guards, not with standing the great liberality which many of these Emperours used to buy their affections and fidelity; As it may be well observed( to omit dyvers others) in Maximinus, Iulius Capitol. in Maximin. of whom Iulius Capitolinus saith. Ea astutia fuit, vt milites non solum virtute regeret, said etiam praemijs et lucris sui amantissimos redderet. He was so crafty, that he did not only govern his soldiers by virtue, but also won their affections by gifts and rewards: and yet nevertheless they conspired diuers times against him, and at length when he was denounced public enemy by the Senat, and some what distressed in his march towards Rome for lack of victuals, they killed him, and his son in their tents, and sent their heads to Rome. 29 And herein I wish two things to be noted; the one, the fruit of cruelty; The fruit of cruelty. for this Maximinus being made Emperour tyrannically by his soldiers against the will of the Senat, followed the principles which macchiavel teacheth his prince, persuading him himself, Idem. Ibidem. as Iulius Capitolinus testifieth; Nisi crudelitate imperium non teneri; That he could not hold the Empire but by cruelty, wherein he so exceeded; that some called him, Cyclops, some Busiris, some Scyron, some Typhon, and some Phalaris, and therefore in the end he received the just reward thereof, at the hands of his own soldiers, to whom notwithstanding his great donatives he became no less odious then to other men. The other thing which I wish to be observed, num. 12.& 13. The infelicity of such princes as seek rather to be feared then to be beloved. is that, which I haue also touched in the 13. chapter, concerning the great infelicity of such princes, as seek rather to be feared then to be beloved, for though they are forced for their own safety, to become slaves to those, by whom they keep others in slavery, yet they are not secure thereby, being stil in danger not only of others, but also of them who should defend them, whose mercenary minds, are so inconstant, and subject to corruption, that the lives of the princes whom they gard, are ever saleable, and therefore never warrantable by any human policy, or power; for let the prince give them never so much, to bind them to his service, yet he that shal give, yea or promise more, may win them from him, as it hath fallen out diuers times to the Roman Emperours, who haue ben sold by their soldiers, and guards, not for ready money, but for the promise of greater sums, then could be expected at their hands, as Plutark noteth in the guards and soldiers of Nero, Plutar. in Galba. corrupted by Nimphidius in favour of Galba, vpon promise of a greater donative then could afterwards be performed, which saith he caused the destruction both of Nero and Galba; for the soldiers forsook Nero in hope of the payment promised;& killed Galba because he could not pay it; so tickle is the trust that princes repose in mercenary men, and so unsure the state that is to be upholden by such unsure, and weak propps, which many times fail, when there is most need of them. 30. An inuitable danger which a prince generally hated must needs incur. furthermore an other especial and inevitable danger is to be noted, which any prince generally hated must needs incur, to wit, the defection of his subiects in al occasions of invasion from foreign countries, for although he be never so strong at home in guards, garrisons, and fortresses, and his subiects also so poor and weak that they neither dare, nor can rise against him, yet if foreign princes do invade him, either vpon a quarrel of state( which amongst princes that are neighbours never wanteth) or vpon ambition to enlarge their dominions, what remedy hath he against the general hatred of his people, who haue then sufficient opportunity, and means to be revenged of him, and to free themselves from the yoke of his tyranny, by taking part with the foreigner, whereof the experience hath been seen often times. 31. justin. li. 39. Demetrius king of Siria. We red in justin that the subiects of Demetrius king of Siria abandoned him for the hatred which they bore him, and took part with a known counterfeit, cauling himself Alexander, pretending to be of the royal race( as did Perkin Warbeck in England) which Alexander they accepted for their king, being so incensed against Demetrius, that they were content( saith justin) to admit any who soever, to be rid of him. Also the last kings of Naples, no less rich& potent then wickedly politic, Guicciard. li. 6. Philip. coming. in Carolo 8. Alfonso and Ferdinand kings of Naples, being most hateful to their subiects for their tyrannical government, were forsaken of them al,& betrayed to the french, to whom they yielded themselves with out any resistance; as I haue signified so amply in the 22. chapter that I shal not need to speak further thereof in this place. 32. Also lodovic Sforza Duke of Milan lodovic Sforza duke of Milan. may serve for a notable example of this matter. For when Lewis the 12. King of France, made war against him, and had already taken diuers principal towns, Guicciardin. li. 4. and forts in the state of Milan, Duke lodovic knowing himself to be very odious to his subiects for his great exactions, and impositions, and fearing lest they would abandon him, assembled the people of Milan to recover their good wills, and not only remitted diuers taxes which he had imposed vpon them, but also gave them many reasons and excuses of his former proceedings; nevertheless such was the hatred which they had conceived against him, that within a few dayes after, they took arms, killed Antonio Landriano his treasurer, forced him to flee, cauled in the french,& yielded the town and themselves to their obedience. Polidor. vergil. in joan. King john of England. Haue we not seen also the like effect of hatred in England, in the time of king John when the Barons and nobility of the realm cauled in Lewis the 8. king of france whiles he was Dolphin, and proclaimed him king, choosing rather to live under the ancient enemies of the English nation, then to obey king John their natural king, who as Matthew of westminster writeth. Matth. westmon. anno. 1216. Exosum se praebuit &c. Made himself hateful unto them, as well for the murder of his nephew Arthur, as for his adulteries his tyranny, his exactions, the continual servitude wherein he kept England, and lastly for the war which his deserts procured, in respect knowledge. vix alicuius meruit lamentatione deplorari, he deserved not to be lamented scarcely of any man. Thus saith he. I forbear to allege many other notable histories to the same purpose, for that I hold it needless in a matter so evident as this. 33. What then shal we say of Macchiauels pestilent precepts for the preservation of a prince already infected, macchiavel seeking to expel and remedy one poison with an other poisoneth his prince double. and poisoned with wickedness? Can we say ought else, but that whiles he seeketh by one poison to expel or remedy an other, he poisoneth him double, and killeth him out right? For a wicked prince adding, as macchiavel adviseth, wickedness to wickedness, and cruelty to cruelty, doth accumulat vpon himself hatred vpon hatred, which as I haue declared, will break out sooner or later to his overthrow. The danger which tyrants incur by the ordinary errors proceeding of humane imbecility 34. Neither can the Macchiauillian help his maisters cause, by saying that such wicked princes, as haue perished by the hatred of men, haue committed some error or other, which they should or might haue foreseen, and avoided; for, I haue made it manifest throughout this whole discourse, that the imbecility of mans wit and power is such, that no man living is able to foresee and prevent al the dangers and accidents which may occur in the affairs of men to the overthrow of their designments which I haue evidently proved by examples of the absurd errors as well of the wisest demonstrates and councils, Chap. 3. 4.& 5. as of most politic men. Where vpon it followeth that the prince who exposeth himself to the general hatred of men incurreth notable danger. 35. For even as tounes of war, or fortresses which haue no enemy near, do, or may commit many errors in matters pertaining to their defence, with out any danger, but being besieged by their enemies, are sometimes surprised by the occasion of their least oversight or negligence; so it fareth with princes, who, so long as they are generally beloved, every little error of a prince generally hated is very dangerous. are little or nothing prejudiced by many errors which fall out in their government, but being once, as I may term it, besieged with the hatred of their subiects, and neighbours, they are ruined some times with the least error which they or their magistrates commit; For the hatred of men when it is general, may be compared to a swelling sea, which environing a ship on every side, doth otherwhiles overwhelm it with the impetuosity of waves and sometimes again entereth in at every little leak, or rift, and sinketh it. even so also the general hatred of men, doth not only overthrow a princes state, by potent, and powerful attempts, but also by taking advantage of every little error, or accident which may help to ruin it. And therfore, No prince generally hated can long live in security,& why. for as much as the weakness of mans wit, and the variety of times, and occasions produce alwaise some dangerous accidents in the states of princes, either by their errors, or otherways( where vpon their industrious, and watchful enemies, especially at home, may take advantage) it followeth that no prince generally hated can live long in security be he never so diligent, vigilant, or suspicious of al men, as macchiavel would haue his prince to be. 36. Who could use greater vigilancy, Cicero de offi● li. 2. No vigilancy sufficeth against the general hatred of men. or diligence for his own conservation, or be more suspicious then Alexander the tiran of Phaeres, who though he loved his wife Thebes very dearly, yet never came to her chamber, but he caused both her coffers, and herself to be preached, to see whether she had any weapon hide in hir garments, and nevertheless was killed by her in the end? Could any man be more provident for his own safety then was Claudius the Emperour, Sueto. in Claudio. who would never go to any banquet, but where his own guards and soldiers served the table, and never visited any sick man, whose chamber was not preached before by some of his guards, even to the very beds and bedstraw? and yet he was poisoned at last by his own taster, whom he never suspected; Idem in Domitiano. What should I say of Domitian the Emperour who was so fearful and suspicious of al men, that he made the walls of his galleries, where he used to walk, to be set full of a kind of bright and clear ston called Phengites, wherein he might see what soever was donne behind him? and nevertheless he was murdered by his own chamberlins. 37. Many such other examples might be alleged of princes, who besides their great guards, and armies for the defence of their persons used also al human diligence, being jealous and suspicious of al men, and yet nevertheless were overreached, some times by those whom they most feared, and sometimes by those whom they least suspected, or best trusted. Whereto I ad( as I haue also noted else where and can not repeat too oft) that some times the most provident, Most provident and politic princes ouerthrown some times by their own pollicyes. and politic princes, are through the imbecility of human wit, overthrown by their own policies, that is to say by the same means, whereby they seek either to benefit themselves, or to hurt and destroy others; as hath sufficiently appeared by the examples of Caesar Borgia himself, Chap. 3. 4.& 13. the Admiral Chastillon in France, Henry the third last King of France, and diuers others of whom I haue spoken before in sundry parts of this treatise. A neither danger proceeding of human infirmity. 38. But what security can a wicked prince haue by guards or other human providence, and diligence, seeing we see sometimes that the wisest and best guarded being advertised of some imminent danger, either haue not the hap to understand it, or the wit to beleeue it; Plutar. in julio Caesar. So it happened to Iulius Caesar, Iulius Caesar. who as he was going to the Senat, received a memorial, wherein the conspiracy against him was discovered, and being willed to red it presently, for that it imported him greatly, was so troubled with the press and importunity of suitors, that he could not attend unto it, and so was killed the same day in the Senat house. Also Archias a tyrant in Thebes being invited to a supper, Idem. in pelopida. Archias a tyrant of Thebes. where his death was conspired, received a letter from a friend of his containing an advice of the conspiracy, and being desired by him that brought it, to red it out of hand, for that it concerned matters of great importance, he answered that it was no time then to negociat, and so laying it a side, Philip. come. in Lodouico 11. c. 83.& 91. Charles duke of Burgundy. was slain with in two houres after. In like manner Charles the last duke of Burgundy, who as I haue declared before, was killed at Nancy by the treason of Campobachio an Italian, was advertised and forewarned thereof by Lewis the 11. king of France; nevertheless persuading himself that his advertisement proceeded either of malice to Champobachio or of a desire to deprive him of his most necessary, and trusty seruant, would not beleeue it, but loved him the better for it; besides that, one who was privy to the conspiracy being condemned to die for an other matter, and determining to reveal it to the duke, thereby to obtain his pardon, made suit unto him to speak with him, promising to advertise him of some things which it imported him greatly to know; but the duke would not be entreated so much as to hear him, and so the man was executed, and the duke slain with in a few daies after. 39. Now then I would gladly know of macchiavel, and his followers, How many ways a wicked prince is endangered. what security they can promise their prince in extremity of wickedness, seeing it is evident by the reasons and examples alleged, that the extreme hatred which extreme wickedness draweth vpon them, doth, not with standing al their power and policy, work their overthrow by so many means, as I haue declared, to wit, by open rebellions, or the general insurrection of a whole people, by the enterprise of a few, by the attempt of some one man, by the disloyalty, and treachery of feigned friends, favourits, soldiers, and guards, by the defection of subiects in favor of some enemy foreign or domestical, by the neligence of officers, and ministers, by the casualty of al human affairs, and designments, and lastly by the errors whereto al human wit and policy is subject( which to princes that are generally beloved are nothing so dangerous) by al which means, the strongest, mightiest, and most politic tyrants haue been overthrown at one time or other, 40. So that the absurdity of macchiavel, is most manifest in true reason of state, macchiavel exposeth his prince to an assured danger, and giveth him not so much as aprobable remedy. Plutare in his treatise, how to know, whether a man haue profited in virtue. The surder a prince proceedeth in macchiauels policies the more he endangereth himself. seeing that in counseling princes to wickedness and tyranny, vpon confidence of human force and policy, he exposeth them to an assured danger, and doth not give them any assured or probable remedy, but rather heapeth danger vpon danger, by increase of cruelty and of al tirrannical impiety; In so much that it may be said to Macchiauels prince, as Diogenes said to a disciple of his, whom he had forbidden the tavern; for seeing him one day running from the tavern door, where he stood, into the tavern to hid himself from him, he cauled unto him saying, come back thou fool for the further thou goest forward, the more thou art in the tavern: and so may we say to Macchiauels prince, that the further he proceedeth in his dangerous course of wicked policy, the more he endangereth himself, and as the poet saith. Incidit in scillam cupiens vitare charibdim, that is to say, Seeking to avoid scilla he fauleth into charribdis, or as our English proverb saith, he leapeth out of the frying pan, into the fire. 41. But put the case that a Macchiauillian, or wicked prince could by Macchiauels policies assure his estate from al foreign and domestical danger, yet he should infallibly pay such a grievous penalty of his wickedness even in this world, The torment of conscience which tyrants endure. that he should reap neither pleasure nor profit thereby; For such excess of impiety( as macchiavel requireth in his prince) is ever accompanied not only with hatred of men, and infamy, but also with grief and anguish of mind, infinite suspicions, and fears, weary dayes, restless nights, dreadful dreams, and continual torment, and horror of conscience, yea and many times with distraction madness, and despair, as I haue signified in the 16. Chapter where I haue already handled this point, ●u. 2. 3. 4. 5.& 6. and therfore will be the briefer here, meaning only to add some 2. or 3. examples, which there I thought good to omit. 42. The elder Denis tyrant of Sicily though he reigned 38. yeres in great wealth, Cicero Tuscul. quaest. lib. 5. Denis tyrant of Sicily. and magnificence, yet lived in such continual fear, ielously, and suspicion of al men, that he durst never trust any barber to dress him, but taught his own daughters to shave whiles they were very young, and when they came to be of any yeres, he would not suffer them to use the razor, but made them burn a way the hairs of his beard with walnut-shels, made read hote, and having two wives, he alwaise caused them to be preached, before he would come to them, and when he had occasion to treat any thing with the people, he spoken unto them from the top of a high tower; And how miserable also his whole life and state was, he himself declared sufficiently, when Damocles one of his flatterers admiring his great wealth, dominion, magnifycence, and majesty said that he thought no man living more happy then he. whereupon Denis asked him whether he would try how happy he was,& take a taste of his felicity; Idem. Ibidem. & when Damocles was content there with, he caused him to be set vpon a sumptuous bed( as the use was then) richly covered, and cubbards of plate to be furnished with silver and golden vessel, tables replenished with al kind of delicate meats, and most beautiful boyes attending thereon; besides that, there was no want of precious ointments, and sweet perfumes, excellent music, How Denys represented to Damocles the miserable state of a tyrant. and whatsoever else might delight the sences, in so much that Damocles thought himself to be a happy man. But at length, casting up his eyes, he was ware of a bright, and sharp sword hanging over his head by a hair, with the point dounward( for so had Denis ordained) which when he saw, he had no more pleasure in beholding his fair boyes, or his rich furniture, or to eat of his dainties, or to hear his music, but desired the tyrant to give him leave to be gone, for that he would be no longer happy; Thus did Denis well express the infelicity and misery of wicked tyrants, how pompious, potent, or magnificent soever they may seem to be. 43. I omit to speak of the Emperours Nero, Chap. 16. nu. 5. Claudius and Domitian, and of King Alfonsus of Naples, of whom I haue spoken before, Sir Tho. More in the story of k. Richard the 3. The tormented conscience of k. Richard the 3. after he had killed his neuews. & I will only touch the wretched state of K. Richard the third, after he had murdr●d his nephews, as sir Thomas Moore describeth it in the story of his life in these words. I haue heard( saith he) by credible report of such as were secret with his chamberers, that after this abominable deed donne, he never had quiet in his mind, he never thought himself sure; when he went a broad, his eyen whirled about, his body was privily fenced, his hand ever on his dagger, his countenance and manner, like one alway ready to strik; he took no rest a nights, lay long waking, and musing, sore weried with care, and wretch, rather slumbered then slept, troobled with fearful dreams, suddenly sometimes started up, leaped out of his bed, and ran about the chamber; so was his restless hart tossed, and tumbled with the tedious impression, and stormy remembrance of his abominable deed. Thus saith Sir Thomas Moore. Plutark that lewdness sufficeth to make a man miserable. Ibidem. 44. Whereby we may see that Plutark had great reason to say, that wickedness is of itself sufficient to make a man miserable,& that wicked men the longer they live the more miserable they are, and that the doleful& tragical ends which most tyrants haue, can not be so properly counted the temporal punishment due to their lewdness in this life, as the consummation and end thereof. Therefore I conclude, that though there were no other punishment divine, nor human to be feared for wickedness, nor any danger to follow thereof to a princes state, neither any hel or heaven after this life, yet this continual torment and anguish of mind, this hel and horror of conscience, might suffice to make al princes detest& abhor the abominable precepts of macchiavel, who would persuade princes to conserve their states by wickedness. 45. But perhaps the Macchiauillians will say here in defence of their maisters doctrine, An objection in favour of macchiauillians. that although it should not be amiss for those who come justly, and lawfully to souuerainty( as by succession, or election) to procure the love and good will of al men by their virtuous, and just gouuernment, yet a prince who cometh to his state by intrusion and injustice, as by murders and mischiefs to the prejudice of the right heires, or owners thereof, can not hope to conserve and maintain himself therein by virtue and iustice, or by the love of the people( whose hatred he hath already incurred) but by force and fear, and by continuance of wickedness& tyranny, which Cicero may seem to haue insinuated in Denis the tyrant of Sicily, Cicero Tuscul. quest. lib. 5. of whom he saith that. Saluus esse non posset, si sanus esse caepisset. He could not haue been safe, if he had begun to be sound, that is to say, he could not haue ben secure, if he had become just and virtuous. The which also Solon the wise Athenian may seem to haue signified of al tyrants, Plutar. in Solon. for when he was m●ued by his friends to make himself tyrant of Athens, with intention to govern well and justly afterwards, he refused it saying, that tyranny is like to a labyrinth which hath no issue. Meaning as it may seem, tyranny like a labyrinth which hath no issue. that a tyrant can not with his security return from wickedness to virtue, but that he must proceed, and go on in impiety, and tyranny, having, as it were, a wolf by the ears, whom if he let go, he sets vpon himself. Thus say the Macchiauillians, or at least may say, for I am content to pled their cause for them. 46. For the satisfaction hereof, it is to be considered, The malign nature, and miserable estate of tyrants signified by Cicero and Solon. that Cicero& Solon said this above mentioned, not because they thought that the way and passage from 'vice to virtue is not open as well for tyrants, as for other men, but to signify the malignity of their natures, and their miserable state, for that tyrants are commonly of so vile, malign, and beastly natures, that it is seldom seen that any of them come to embrace virtue, in which respect Cicero thought tyrants to be most miserable; besides that Solon being most wise, Honour changeth manners. and prudent was not ignorant that honours as the proverb saith changeth manners, and therefore he greatly feared that if he should once give way to ambition,& violate Iustice by the oppression of the common wealth, he should hardly repair the wrack of his own conscience ever after. For who soever shal loose, as I may term it, the anchor of integrity, and suffer himself to be so far carried away with the wind of ambition, that he run the ship of conscience, against the rocks of tyranny, let him not marvel if he make an irreparable shipwreck, A tyrant converting his tyranny to a royal and just government, shal be much more secure then by continuance of tyranny. of al Iustice, and virtue. nevertheless if a prince that hath got a crown or state unjustly, do hold such a virtuous course, that he convert his tyranny into a regal and just government, it is evident, both by reason and experience, that though he hold not his il gotten state lawfully, yet he shal possess it with far less danger, and much more security. 47. And this is conform not only to the opinion, and doctrine of Aristotle, as I haue declared before in this chapter, num. 8.& 9. Plutar. in Dio●. but also of Plato, who counseled the two tyrants of Sicily called Denis( the father and the son) to change their tirrannical course into a just manner of government, assuring them that they could not otherwaise long conserve and assure their estates: the truth whereof appeared sufficiently, as well by the miserable life of the father( of whom I haue spoken lately before) as also by the ignominious banishment and vnfortunat end of the son, num. 4.2. whom Dion with very small forces cast out of his kingdom, Plutar. in Dio●. by reason that he was hated& forsaken of al his subiects, whereas diuers other tyrants, as well of Sicily as of other cuntryes, changing their course of tyranny, to a just and virtuous government, lived and reigned no less gloriously then securely. Anaxilaus. justin. lib. 4. Examples of tyrants which assured their estate, by iustice and virtue. 48. Such a one was Anaxilaus tyrant of Sicily of whom justin writeth thus. Ex tyrannorum numero Anaxilaus &c. Anaxilaus who was one of the tyrants, did strive to surpass the cruelty, and impiety of others, with his iustice and virtue, which wrought a moil effect, for when he died, and left his children very young in the tuition of Nicithus a slave of his, whom loved dearly for his fidelity, such was the love that al his subiects boar unto the memory of him, that they choose rather to obey his slave, then to forsake his children, and al his nobility forgetting their dignity and the majesty of their kingdom, did offer themselves to be governed by a slave. Thus saith justin. Plutark also testifieth that Hieron and Gelon tyrants of Sicily, Plutat. de sera. num. vindict. Hieron. Gelon. Pisistratus. and Pisistratus the son of Hippocrates having most wickdly possessed themselves of their states, did nevertheless govern afterwards with such moderation, Iustice, and equity, that they became very popular princes; As also that Lidiades Lidiades. the tyrant restored unto his subiects, their old laws, and privileges, and afterwards died gloriously in the field in defence of his country. Dion in Augusto. Augustus Caesar. 49. In like manner Augustus Caesar after he had oppressed his commonwealth by force of arms, and used such cruelty for many yeres together, that he was hated of al men( in so much that he could neither eat, drink, nor sleep in queit for fear of conspyracies) changed his course by the council of his friends, and gave himself wholly to the exercise of virtue, piety, and iustice, whereby he was at length exceedingly beloved of al his subiects, and esteemed to be Pater Patriae, the father of his country. And passed the rest of his life in no less security, then honour and felicity. Whereas very many of his successors, trusting partly to the strength of their guards, garrisons, and armies, and partly to their policies lost their honour, empire,& lives by the continuance of cruelty, and wickedness; whereby it appeareth that it is better according to the Latin proverb. To be late wise, then never, and that it is not only easy, Better late wyse then never. but also most secure for a tyrannical prince to pass from cruelty to clemency, from 'vice to virtue, and from tyranny to iustice and piety. Another objection of Macchiauillians. 50. But do you( saith the Macchiauellian) count it wisdom for a prince, so to confided in iustice, and virtue, that he trust those whom he hath once injured, or that he think himself sure from them so long as they live, seeing that as the Italian proverb saith. Chi offend non perdona may, He which offendeth, that is to say, he which doth thee injury, never pardoneth, and much less he which receiveth it? 51. Hereto I answer, that I grant to the Macchiauillian, The anwer to the objection. that his tyrant shal never repose so great confidence in any reconciled enemy, Chap. 3. nu. 10. that he shal put his life or state into his hands( to which purpose I haue shewed in the beginning of this treatise how the wisdom of the serpent, Matth. 10. is to be conjoined with the simplicity of the dove, in pardoning yea, and loving our enemies, and yet in being wary and circumspectly how we trust them) but that which I require of a tyrant for his security is, that and cease to heap coals vpon his own head, by continuance& increase of injustice, How a tyrant may make himself generally beloved. cruelty, and tyranny, and that he labour by al convenient means to pacify the exasperated minds of those whom he hath offended, not only with words, but also with deeds, recompensing injuries with benefits, and disgraces with favours, cruelty, and severity with clemency, benignity and affability, doing iustice to al men, and showing himself to haue a particular care of the commonwealth, to prefer the public good before his own private pleasure, or commodity, to be the patron, and protector of virtue, the punisher of 'vice, a refuge to the poor and afflicted, and finally a common father to al, whereby he shal purchase to himself the general and universal love of al, and either extinguish he hatred of those whom he had wronged, and offended, or at least so temper and mittigat the same, that it shal be much less dangerous unto him, when al men generally honour and love him; 52. moreover I allow not only to a reformed tyrant, Wherein the greatest security unchurch can be had by human means consisteth. but also to the most lawful and best prince living; al lawful means of defence, as strong guards, garrisons, armies, fortresses, the vigillance of counsellors and magistrates, the diligence of spies and al other lawful policies; al which concuring with the virtuous, and just government of a prince, and being fortified with the general love of his geople( which virtue and iustice engendereth) shal yield him the greatest assurance,& security that can be had by any human means. A Reply of the macchiauillians, inferring the necessity of murders sometimes for a princes security. 53. But perhaps the Macchiauillians will yet reply, and say, that for al this I make not the reformed tyrant, no nor any other lawful prince secure; For although he shal be never so well beloved generally, yet, as I haue already proved some one man offended, may not with standing al his force and lawful policies, be revenged of his person, and therfore the only remedy for the prince( say they) in that case, should be to cut off by some means or other, al such as he may think likely to seek reuenge, or to be any way dangerous to his estate; For as Theodosius said to Ptolomeus King of egypt( when he counseled him to kill Pompey) Mortui non mordent; Plutar. in Pompeio. A macchiauillian proverb& principle confuted. num. 41.42.43.& 44. Dead men bite not. Thus say they. 54. But what need the dead to bite him, when not only his own conscience shal bite and sting him( as I haue signified a little before) but also there shal be men enough left alive to seek the reuenge, as their children( if they haue any) or their kinsfolks, seruants or friends; as for example. Frotho king of Denmark the 5. of that name, caused his own brother to be murdered and after killed the murderer, lest he might reveal it, for the which he was smothred with smoke by his brothers children. Olaus mag. li. 8. ca. 36. saxon gram. li. 7. Paul Diacon. lib. 15. Cassiodor. Chron. an. 454. c.& 455. Euagri. li. 2. 7. Paul. divinus in Amutate. Valentinian the third emperour of that name, having vngratfully killed the famous captain Aetius with his own hand, was killed by two soldiers of Aetius in reuenge thereof. Also Amurates Emperour of the Turkes, the first of that name, was slain with a dagger by a seruant of Lascarus, the Despota, or Lord of Seruia for reuenge of his Lord and maisters death, not with standing that Amurates was one of the most crafty and vigillant princes that the Turkes ever had, as Paulus divinus reporteth. Idem. Ibidem. 55. But amongst al those who haue sought to assure their estate by murders, none ever exceeded Andronicus Comnenus Emperour of Constantinople, who, as I haue declared before, used to condemn and extirpat whole families for the suspicion which he had sometimes of some one man, Nicetas Choniat. in Andronico Comneno. lib. 2. thereby to free himself from al fear of reuenge; which nevertheless was revenged in him most notoriously, not only by the friends and wel-willers of the dead, but also by al the people; such being the horror of injustice, and cruelty, that it doth not only offend those which are injured, but also al other men, and therefore it hath been often seen, that subiects haue, attempted against the state or person of a prince, for the hatred of some murder, justin li. 37. Seleucus king of Siria forsaken of his subiects for a murder. or some one cruel act. justin writeth, that when Seleucus king of Siria began his government with the murder of Berenice his stepmother, and of her son his own brother, al the cities which were subject to him in Asia, Exemplo crudelitatis territae, Being frighted with this example of cruelty, suddenly revolted from him, and yielded themselves to the obedience of Ptolomaeus king of egypt; Tantum illi odium, saith justin, paricidiale scelus attulerat, so great was the hatred, which his wicked and parricidial act, caused in his subiects towards him. But what need I allege old examples for this matter, seeing we haue one yet fresh in memory, whereof I haue had occasion to speak diuers times, to wit the lamentable ruin of Henry the 3. last King of France, who persuading himself, Henry the 3. k. of france. that dead men bite not, thought it most secure for him to kill the Cardinal, and Duke of guise, which was revenged( as I haue signified before) not only in his state, by the greatest part of his subiects( who presently vpon the news thereof took arms against him) but also in his person, by one, who was not any way dependent of the Guyses, Dangers not remedied but increased by cruelty. nor ever had received any injury of him in his life; So unsure and dangerous is the remedy of dangers by murder and cruelty, that the danger is many times increased and redoobled thereby. 56. But now, the politic may ask me here, Whether any princes state can be assured by iustice and moral virtue. whether I( who inculcat so oft the danger of wicked policy) can assure a princes state by virtue and iustice, in such sort that the same shal not be subject to any danger or inconvenience. Whereto I answer, that although such is the natural infirmity of mans state, and condition, and so infinite the hazards and inconveniences whereto he is subject, and such also the malice of evil men, that no human force or policy can warrant the best prince living from al perils incident to his person or state; Al the security which a prince can haue by human means is to be attained principally by virtue. yet the assurance and security which any prince may possibly haue of the one or the other, by human means, is to be attained principally by virtue, Iustice, and such policies as are grounded there on,& not by injustice impiety& wicked policy; for whereas the justest prince may haue some one, or a few enemies, who may endanger him, the wicked must needs haue many, and the more wicked and cruel he is, the more enemies he shal haue, and consequently the greater shal be his danger; for if a prince can not be secure from one enemy or a few, he shal be much less secure from many, and least of al from the general hatred of al men, which infallibly groweth of such excessive cruelty and wickedness as macchiavel requireth in his prince. 57. Therefore, for as much as it is the part of al wise men, especially in matters of state, to choose the least of al dangers or inconveniences, which can not be remedied, and to seek to prevent and avoid the worst( as I haue sufficiently declared in my rules for young Statists) Chap. 32. num. 10.11.12. it is evident that as nothing is more dangerous to princes and their states then injustice and wickedness( which maketh them odious to al men) so nothing is more to be eschewed, and avoided of them, then the same; and that the contrary means of iustice and virtue is to be embraced and practised, The greatest security of princes consisteth in the love of their subiects, which virtue procureth. whereby they may purchase the general love of their subiects, in the which consisteth the greatest security of princes, such being the force and effect of love, that it causeth in the louers as great a care of the beloved, as of themselves, in which respect Seneca saith. Vnum est inexpugnabile munimentum amor civium. The only inexpugnable fortress of princes is the love of their people. 58. And this is so manifest that macchiavel himself acknowledgeth it sufficiently, teaching that excellent virtue may conserve a princes state, though he absurdly attribute the like force and effect to wickedness, which truly may be wondered at, if we consider that he being well red in histories( as it may seem) could not but see, macchiavel might haue noted the miserable end of tyrants, in al histories if he were not wilfully blind, that al such tyrants as haue been noted to be excessive in cruelty and wickedness, haue perished miserable one way or other, which hath been observed in al ages, and therfore Cicero speaking of the violent death of a tyrant saith. Haud fear quisquam eorum similem interitum effugit. There is scantly any one tyrant to be found, that escapeth the like destruction, and thereupon also the tragical poet saith. Seneca. — Quota pars moritur tempore fati? Quos felices cinthia vidit? Vidit miseros abitura dies, Rarum est felix idemque senex. The sense is, that few of them live out the course of nature, and that it is a rare thing to see any of them old and happy, whereof also an other poet saith thus. Ad generum cereris, sinecade& sanguine, pauci Descendunt reges,& sicca morte tiranni. That is to say, few tyrants die their natural death, or without blood; Which macchiavel might haue noted, if not in other histories, yet at least in Titus livius, vpon the which he made certain discourses, for of 7. kings of Rome from Romulus to tarqvinius Superbus, Tit. livius. Dec. 1. li. 1. 4. who got their estates, or at least governed them tirrannically, were 3. of thē killed,& the fourth banished, as I haue observed before in Romulus, Lucius tarqvinius, Seruius Tullius, Supra. nu. 26. and tarqvinius superbus, whereas the other 3. to wit Numa Pompilius, Tullius Hostilius, and Ancus Martius who were lawfully elected by the Senat and governed justly, and virtuously, lived in security, and died beloved, and lamented of the people. And the like might be observed in the Romā Emperours after Iulius Caesar, if it were needful. 59. macchiavel might haue noted the miserable end of tyrants in Caesar Borgia. But that which seemeth to me most strange in macchiavel is, that he could not see the experience thereof, at least in Caesar Borgia, whom as I haue often signified before, he proposeth to his prince for a mirror of tyrannical policy, not with standing that the success thereof, was such in him, that all princes may learn thereby to detest it, Guicciard. li. 6. seeing he who in Macchiauels opinion was most exact in the speculation and practise thereof, was utterly ouerthowne thereby, The miserable end of tyrants can not be attributed to chance and why. as well as al other tyrants of former times; which can not be attributed to chance, as the politics would haue it, but either to the just iudgement of God vpon wicked men( which is in deed the principal cause therof, as I will declare in the next chapter) or at least to the next and immediat cause which for the most part is the hatred of men. The miserable end of yr●●ts is very frequent& hath a knowe● caus●, and therefore is not casu●l. And therfore seeing the miserable end of wicked tyrants, not onely hath notorious and known causes, but also is so frequent, and common, that it hath been alwaise held for a matter of common experience, it can not be referred to chance or fortune, which are understood to be in such things only, as are rare, num. 6.& 7. It may be ref●rred to chan●e, if any notab e tirat come to a good end. and haue no known, and ordinary cause( as I haue declared in the 11. chapter) So that it may rather be counted casual, or a matter of chance, if any notable tyrant do come to a good end, for that the same hath been seldom seen, and the cause therof secret, or at least uncertain. macchiavel either grossly ignorant, or extremely malicious. 60. Therefore I conclude that macchiavel cannot be excused either of gross ignorance, if he knew not that which common experience teacheth( to wit that wicked tyrants do commonly perish miserable,) or of extreme malice if he knew it, and yet laboured to induce princes to wickedness, and tyranny. The later whereof is now sufficiently acknowledged by some Florentines of no mean iudgement his own cuntrymen, How Macchiauels friends excuse him at this day. and friends, who in their ordinary discourses concerning his policies, do not stick to confess that he himself knew them to be contrary to true reason of state, Macchiauels doctrine acknowledged by his friends to be pernicious to princes. and pernicious to princes,& that nevertheless desiring to overthrow those of the house of the Medices which oppressed the commonwealth of Florence in his time, he published his pestilent doctrine, hoping that they would embrace it& ruin theymselues by the practise therof, whereby the state of Florence might return to the old Democracy or popular government wherein it had continued many yeres before. Macchiauels malicious impiety. Thus say his friends; but how they befrend him therein excusing him of folly,& excusing him of mallicious impietye, I leave it to the iudgement of the discreet reader. And this shall suffice for the examination of Macchiauillian pollicyes by only reason of state, whereto I will now ad the consideration of gods providence and iustice, and show thereby that not only such extremity of wickedness as macchiavel admitteth in his prince, but also all sinful policy whatsoever, is against reason of state; and further that all Macchiauillian wisdom is more folly, wherewith I will conclude this first part of my treatise, reserving the more ample confutation of Macchiauels doctrine to the second part, where I shall also haue occasion to lay down many political precepts for the further instruction of young statists, and the better accomplishment of my promise in that behalf. THE argument OF THE LAST CHAPTER IS prosecuted, with the consideration of Gods iustice in punishing wicked princes, by the ministry of al his creatures. Also somewhat is said of the enormity of murders, and of Gods severe punishment therof. CHAP 35. IN the last chapter I haue shewed the absurdity of Macchiauillian policies, What the authors intention is in this chapter. by onely reason of state,& now for the further manifestation therof, I will add in this, the consideration of Gods providence in the disposition of kingdoms, and of his iustice in punishing wickedness in al men, Chap. 17. per totum. and particularly in princes, whereof I haue laid the foundation before, having clearly proved that al states, and kingdoms, are very particularly directed, governed, and disposed by the providence of God, which I haue made manifest, not only by the accomplisment of Daniels prophesies, Ibid. num. 4.5.6.& 7. Dan. 2. concerning the translation of the empire of the world, from one nation to an other, but also by notorious examples of Gods Iustice in punishing whole common wealths, kingdoms, and states, for the sins, Chap. 18. 19. 20. 21.& 22. sometimes of the people, some times of the princes, and sometimes of both; Chap. 28. And finally I haue declared, as well by reason, and by the authority of the best learned, and most famous Philosophers, as also by Ibid. num. 19 20.21. &c.& num. 35.& 36. Ibid. num. 17. examples, that al true wisdom and policy is of God, and that the wisest worldlings, and most politic gouernours, do without the same commit infinite errors,& go, as it were groping in the dark, in matters concerning as well their private, as public affairs. 2. Al this, I say, I haue shewed at large, Ibidem. Why Macchiauillian policies. and therfore shall not need to repeat it here, but do draw there vpon this infallible conclusion, mentioned also sometimes heretofore, that al Macchiauillian or wicked policies, are against true reason of state, ar against true reason of state. and most pernicious to princes, and their states; For if all states depend vpon the providence of God, and are at his disposition, if they be given, conserved, increased, punished, translated or destroyed, by his ordinance( as I haue clearly proved they are) and lastly if al true wisdom, and policy be of God, it must needs follow, that no act can be truly wise and political which is offensive to God, neither yet any thing good for state, or conform to true reason of state, which may provoke the wrath and punishment of God, on whose will al states depend; whereupon it also followeth, that not so much as a venial sin( I mean the least that may be committed) and much less such horrible crimes as macchiavel alloweth in his prince, can be according to true reason of state although they may some way benefit the state by Gods permission, Chap. 36. nu. 26.& 27. whereof I will say somewhat after a while. 3. in the mean time I will here prosecute the former argument a little further, with the consideration of Gods iustice, whereby it willbe more clear then the sun, that wicked policy can not assure, but utterly destroy the states of princes, and for as much as I treated of this point in the last chapter, examining Macchiauels doctrine by onely reason of state, where I ascribed the overthrow of wicked princes to the hate of men, for the most part( for that the same is in deed one of the most ordinary causes thereof): therfore I wish it here to be understood that neither hatred, nor contempt, nor ambition, nor any passion of man, nor any other human means whatsoever( whereby wicked princes may be overthrown) are any other then secondary, Gods iustice is the first and principal cause of the ouerthrow of wicked princes. and inferior causes therof, for that the first and principal cause is the Iustice of God; who for the punishment of the sins of men, doth serve himself, not only of men, but also of Angels, and spirits, good, and bad, of all living and sensible creatures, and of the elements and al elemental things, as it is signified in Ecclesiasticus where we red that, Eccle. c. 39. Ibid. Sunt spiritus ad vindictam creati There are spirits created for reuenge, or punishment of sin, All creatures are instruments of Gods justi e for the punishment of sin. and again. Ignis, grando, fames &c. Fire, hail, famine, and death, al these things are created for mans punishment, the teeth of beasts, and scorpions, and serpents, and the revenging sword prepared for the utter extermination of the wicked. Thus far the preacher concerning the ministry of al creatures in the punishment of the wicked, whereof also the wise man saith. Creatura tibi factori deseruiens &c. Sap. 16. Thy creatures, O Lord, serving thee their Creator, are kindled with fury for the torment of the unjust. 4. This is so evident by the experience of al ages, that it shalbe needless for me to lay down any particular examples therof, and therfore I omit to speak of the general deluge in the time of Noe, of the burning of Sodoma, Genes. 7. and Ghomorra with fire from heaven, of the plagues of egypt by frogs flees, and locusts, Exod. 7.8.9. ●t 10. and of infinite inundations, exustions, tempests, pestilences, famins, and earth quakes, whereby whole cities provinces, and countries haue ben destroyed for sin, God using the ministry of his creatures of al sorts for the punishment therof, al which I say I omit as needless, and will declare how diversely God useth the ministry of man for the punishment of sin, whereof I will first speak in general, and afterwards exemplify it particularly in wicked princes. 5. The ordinary ministers of Gods iustice, vpon evil men, Princes the ordinary ministers of Gods iustice. Rom. 13. are kings and princes, or such others as punish malefactors by their authority, in which respect the Apostle saith, that the prince. Non sine causa gladium portat. Doth not carry his sword in vain, or without cause, Dei enim minister est vindex in iram ei qui malum agit. For he is the minister of God to punish in wrath him that doth evil; How priuatemen are the ministers of Gods iustice. Nume. 25. nevertheless private men are sometimes also the ministers of Gods iustice upon other men, either moved thereto with the zeal of Gods glory,( as Phinees who killed the Israelit which committed fornication with the Madianit) or else by more accident, and chance, as it appeareth in Exodus, where the law of God ordained, Erod. 21. Some men ar the ministers of Gods iustice by chance, or against their wils. that he who should commit wilful murder, should be punished with death, but he that should by chance, or against his will kill a man( whom God of his secret judgements should give into his hands, for so doth the scripture give to understand) such a one, I say, should haue a sanctuary for his refuge; whereby we may see that God maketh some the ministers of his iustice casually, Men execute Gods iustice sometimes vnwittingly. Num. 7. Isay. 10. and against their wills; As sometimes also some are his instruments unwittingly in doing their own business, or following their own affairs, not meaning to do God any service therein, as I haue noted in the the 17. chapter of Sennacherib king of the assyrians, whom God cauled in the Prophet, the rod of his wrath, and compared him to an axe, or a saw, which men use for their service, because he meant to punish the Iewes by him, though he had no imagination therof, as I haue also noted the like, in the same place of Nabuchodonosor King of babylon, Ezechiel. ca. 29. who executed Gods iustice vpon the people of Tyrus, when he took and destroyed their city, either for reuenge of some injury, or to increase his dominions. The secret operation of God in moving men to the execution of his iustice. Isay. 7. 6. Wherein it is to be noted by the way, that God doth not ordinarily use to stir and move princes or other men to execute his iustice by revelations, manifest inspirations, or by the voice of some prophet, but by such a secret operation that it doth not appear to be his work; which is signified by Isayas who prophesying of the invasion of jerusalem by the kings of Assiria& egypt, saith, Sibilabit dominus musca &c. Our Lord will hiss, or whistle to the fly in the uttermost part of the riuers of egypt, and to the bee of Assiria, giving to understand, that he would secretly move the kings of those countries to make war against jerusalem. Therfore the like may be said of the inundations of barbarous people( as of the Goths, vandals, huns, and such like) which haue at diuers times overflowed christendom, who were no doubt the ministers of Gods iustice for the punishment of sin, in which respect Attila the hun, Baron. an. 451. Paul. Diac. li. 15. Naueler in Chron. anno. 1400. and the great Tamorlan were called, the one Flagellum Dei, The scourge of God, and the other Ira Dei, The wrath of God, though they had no other intention but to satisfy their own ambition; And so it may also be said of al the warres amongst princes whatsoever their quarrels are, whereby they execute Gods Iustice in punishing the sins of the people, How wicked men ar the ministers of Gods iustice. though they intend no such matter. And the wickedest man that is, when he spoileth, robeth, ransacketh,& murdreth others, is also the instrument, and minister of Gods iustice, whose infinite wisdom, and providence hath ordained, that whiles evil men seek to satisfy their unbridled appetites, and desires, they shal exact the penalty o● other mens sins, it being most consonant to equity, and iustice, that as one sin is many times the pain, and punishment of an other sin, How sinners execute Gods iustice vpon themselves. so one sinner shal punish an other, yea and that sinners shal also execute Iustice vpon themselves, some times willingly( as we see in such as wilfully make away themselves) and sometimes against their wills, either killing themselves by chance, or overthrowing themselves by their own devises, and policies, in al which Gods providence and Iustice notably appeareth, for, seeing that man, and al the parts of his body, and pours of his soul, were principally ordained for Gods service, therfore when he emploieth himself, God is glorified in the punishment of wicked men. his parts and abilities to the offence of God, it is most just that God employ him and them to his punishment, which turneth also to the service of God, who by that means is served,& glorified by his very enemies, though not in such manner as they should, yet alwayse in such sort, as to his divine wisdom seemeth convenient. 7. To which purpose I wish also to be observed, Wicked men the instruments of Gods iustice, but not when and how they will. Macch. in princ. that although wicked men, are the ministers and instruments of Gods Iustice vpon sinners, yet it is not either when, or where, or how they will, but in such time, place, manner, and measure, as it shal please God to permit them. Which I say the rather for that macchiavel seemeth to imagine, that if john Paul Baglione tyrant of Perugia had been, as he termeth it, magnanimamente Scelerato, Courragiously wicked, he would or might haue killed Pope Giulio the 2. when vpon composition betwixt them the said Pope put himself into his hands, and came to Perugia without any forces, or sufficient guards of his own, macchiavel impiously ignorant. wherein macchiavel showeth himself no less absurd, then impiously ignorant of the course, and power of Gods providence, and of the infirmity of man, Mans impossibility to execute his own desynments without Gods permission. or rather his impossibility to execute his own dessignments further, then God doth permit him, which it pleaseth almighty God to show sometimes most evidently, to the end we may aclowledge the same in al other occasions; And this may be noted not only in the holly Scriptures( in the delivery of Genes. 37. joseph from his brethren, of 1. Reg. 19& 20. david from Saule, of Hest. c 5.& 6. Mardocheus from Aman, of Daniel. 13. Susanna from the Iudges, of the Ibid. c. 3. 3. children from Nabuc●odonosor, and of Act. 12. S. Peter from Herod) but also in profane histories, as it shal appear by 2. or 3. examples. 8. Anastasius the Emperour. The Emperour Anastasius having discovered a conspiracy against his person, and state, not long before he died, caused diuers of the conspirators to be apprehended, amongst whom were two principal men, cauled justinus and justinian, and having commanded them with diuers others to be executed, there ●ppeared unto him in the night in his sleep a terrible old ●an commanding him to spare them both, ●onar. Annal. To. 3. for that they were ●●e day to do God service, whereupon he pardonned and released them, The emperour justine had ben a Swinheard. Idem. Ibidem. and after his death justinus was his next successor in the empire, chosen by the soldiers( though he was very basely born, and had been a drouier, or as some writ, a swineheard) and next after him succeeded justinian; So that it was evident, first by the apparition, and after by the effect, that God delivered them from the hands of Anastasius, because he had designed them to be Emperours. The strange escape of Michael Balbus. lo Armenius Emperour. 9. The like may be said of Michael Balbus emperour of Constantinople, who most strangely escaped the hands of the emperour lo Armenius, and succeeded him in the empire. The story is thus. Michael Balbus being of great authority in the time of lo conspired against him, and the conspiracy being detected, he was taken, examined, convicted, condemned to be burnt, the fire made, he led to his execution, and lo himself followed to see it performed, either because he trusted not his officers, or to satisfy his vindicative mind, Zonara. Annal. To. 3, in Michael Balbo. with the sight of the miserable end and torment of his enemy. But so it fel out that this being donne vpon Christmas eve, the empresse his wife came to him, as he was going, and chid him bitterly for having no more respect to the ●olemnity of the feast, requiring of him only suspension of the execution for one day, until the morrow after the feast, which he granted at length so much against his will, that he said unto her, he feared that she, and her children would repent it, his own hart foretelling him, as it seemed, the danger which hanged over him and the rather for that he had been long before advertised, either by some prophetical, or magical prediction, that he should be killed vpon a Christmas day. And therfore to make himself sure of Michael Balbus, whom he most feared, he would not commit him to any prison, but delivered him to one Papias, whom he best trusted, and caused him to be fettered with certain huge bolts of iron, locked with a key which he kept himself, and for more surety he went himself in person the same night to visit the house of Papias where Michael was lodged. 10. But see here the disposition of Gods providence for the delivery of Michael and the punishment of lo; This Papias, The moil disposition of Gods providence for the conservation of Michael Balbus and the punishment of lo. was on● of Michaels confederates in his conspiracy, and therfore haui●g now both of them this opportunity to consult together, they resolved to procure the Emperours death without further delay, and to that purpose, sent presently to the other cospiratours, who were not discovered, and threatened to discover them if they would not attempt to kill the emperour out of hand, representing unto them the facility to do it the next morning before day, when he should be in the church at matins, which they allowed and executed; And Michael was the very same day, proclaimed, and crwoned Emperour in the same church where lo was killed. 11. The wisest man living playeth the fool some way or other when he attempteth any thing against the will of god. But now will the Macchiauillians say that the emperour played the fool, in sparing him at his wives request, which I grant to bee true, and such a fool should macchiavel himself, or any man else haue been, if he had attempted to do any thing contrary to the will of God, as lo did in this case; which I say, not only because the strange effect shewed it, but also because it appeareth sufficiently otherwaise, that God had determined that Michael Balbus should be emperour. For many yeres before, when lo and he were both of them private men, and seruants to the Duke, or great captain Bardanes, it chanced that their Lord, Zonar. Annal. To. 3. in lo Armenio. & master aspiring to the empire went to a holy man( who was esteemed to haue the spirit of prophecy)& demanded of him whether he should not in time be emperour; the holly man told him, that if he attempted it he should loose both his labour& his eyes, and afterwards seeing lo,& Michael Balbus bring him his horse at his departure, he took him aside, and told him that God would not give him the empire, but that those two, who brought him his horse, should be emperours the one after the other. 12. Bardanes contemning his prediction, attempted to make himself emperour, and failing of his purpose, had his eyes put out, and was spoiled of al that he had, and some yeres after, Zonar. Ibid. lo being advanced to the service of the emperour Michael Rangabe, and general under him of a great part of his army against the Thracians, found means to make the emperour so hateful, and himself so greateful to the soldiers, that he easily made himself emperour with the help of Michael Balbus, who was a colonel at the same time under him,& in great credit with the soldiers, so that there wanted no more for the accomplishment of the prophecy, but that Michael Balbus should succeed lo, which he also did, as I haue declared. dyvers things to be noted in the example of Michael Balbus and lo The infirmity of mans wit. The Iustice of God in the punishment of tyranny. 13. Therfore in this example diuers notable things may be observed, besides that which I principally intended. The first is, the infirmity of mans wit, who when he thinketh many times to take the surest way, doth soonest overthrow himself, as lo did, in making choice of Papias to be the geoler of Michael Balbus, whereby he saved Michaels life, and lost his own. 14. The second is, the notable Iustice of God in the punishment of the tyranny of lo, who having unjustly, and tirannically got& governed the empire, lost it again with his life and al by the like means. The course of Gods providence in the execution of his judgements. 15. The third is the course of Gods providence in the execution of his just judgements, turning the endeavours of wicked men to his own service, and glory, and to their punishment, serving himself not only of their best friends( as he did here of the empresse, for the overthrow of her husband, though against her will) but also of themselves, and of their own wits, and policies. wherein Gods iustice notably appeareth, for as the Psalmist saith. Psal. 9. Cognoscetur Dominus iudicia faciens. Our Lord shal be known by doing his judgements, and then declaring how,& wherein he addeth In operibus mannum suarum conprehensus est peccator; The sinner is overtaken in the works of his own hands, giving to understand, that the iustice of God appeareth in nothing more, then in that he ouer-reacheth wicked men in their own works, and inventions, Chap. 3. num. 1.4.& 13.& Chap. 31. num. 5.6. &c. How vain it is to strive against the will of God. tripping them, as a man may say, and ouer-turning them in their own play, as I haue diuers times noted before. 16. Whereupon followeth also the fourth consideration, to wit, how vainly men strive against the will of God, which when they seek to hinder, they help many times to effectuat, as lo did; for whereas God had determined to give the empire to Michael Balbus, lo in labouring to prevent it by the death of Michael, not only furthered it, but also wrought his own destruction, and of this observation I shal haue occasion to say more in the next chapter. Chap. 36. num. 5.9.10.11. &c. 17. The fifth and last consideration shal be, that which I principally intended to show by this example, that is to say, No man hath absolute power over an other man. that no man hath such absolute power over any other man, that he can execute his desynments, and will vpon him at his own pleasure, but only when God giveth him leave, as it appeareth in lo, for who could be more in an other mans power, and less in his owns, then Michael Balbus when he was in the hands of lo, being condemned to be burnt, going to the fire, yea and lo following him to see the execution, replenished with anger and hatred against him, inexorable,& resolute to be revenged; when nevertheless God so disposed, that a few brawling words of his own wife, wrested from him so much respite for the prisoner, as sufficed to save his life, and gain him the Empire, and so it alwaise falleth out by one means or other, when God will frustrat the desynments of wicked men, or punish them. 18. And though these examples might suffice for this matter, yet I can not omit an other no less notable in our own country, to wit, The notable escape of Henry earl of Richmond from king Edward the fourth and Richard the third. Polidor. hist. Angliae. li. 24. of the delivery of Henry earl of Richmond( who was after king of England from the hands of King Edward the 4. and of Richard the tyrant; For whereas King Edward, after the death of King Henry the 6. and his son, had no fear of any, but of Henry earl of Richmond( who then lived a banished life in the court of Francis duke of Britany) he sent ambassadors to the duke, pretending to desire a marriage betwixt his eldest daughter, and Henry the earl, and for that purpose requested to ●ave him sent over unto him, which the ambassadors obtained by corruption of the dukes councillors, and conveyed him to the sea side to Saint Malo, where he was to be shipped presently for England, being sick for sorrow and fear; But in the mean time a noble man of Brittany, and a great friend of his, being absent from the dukes court, and hearing what had passed concerning him, presently repaired to the duke,& represented unto him, the fraud of King Edward in his pretence of the marriage, and consequently the earls danger, if he suffered him to be transported into England, whereupon the duke sent one of his council in al hast, to overtake the ambassadors of King Edward, and to find some good pretence to hinder the earls passage, which he did, entertaining them with some plausible matters, whiles the earl took sanctuary in a church, claiming the privilege of the holly place, which the duke would not suffer to be violated, and so the ambassadors returned without the earl, and he escaped the hands of King Edward. Idem li. 25. And again afterwards in the time of King Richard the tyrant, brother, and successor to Edward the fourth, the earl being also in Brittany was in no small danger by the practise of the tyrant with a counsellor of the dukes( who wholly governed him) of whom the tyrant had obtained for money, that the earl should be presently taken, and either sent over into England, or at least kept prisoner there, which practise was discovered to the earl before it could be executed, whereby he had time to save himself by flight; and with in a while after procured some small assistance of Charles King of France, and passing over into England, became the minister of Gods iustice vpon the tyrant, whom he slay at Boswoorth field, Idem li. 24. and succeeded him in the kingdom; which was prophesied many yeres before, by the holly King Henry the 6, who seeing him when he was but 10. yeres of age, said to some of his nobility, that he should be the man, who should in the end decide the quarrel, betwixt the houses of Lancaster, and York, and be king of England. 19. By al this it appeareth, that although wicked men may extend their malicious wills, and desires infinitely to al mischief, yet they haue no power, or possibility to execute any iote therof further then God doth give them leave for the accomplishment of his will, The wicked man like a mastif dog in a chain& why. in which respect the wickedest man in the world, be he never so potent, is but like a fierce mastiff dog tied in a chain; for though he bark at every stranger, and haue a will to bite him, yet he can come no nearer him, then the chain doth permit him; The malice of the devil and evil men like the bloody thirst of the horse leech and why. And therfore the malice not only of wicked men, but also of the devil himself, may be compared to the bloody thirst of the horse-leech, or blood-sucker, which the wise physician useth, to draw blood in such time, and quantity, as he thinketh convenient, for the cure of his patient, and so doth almighty God by his omnipotent wisdom, use the malice of the devil, and wicked men so far forth, as he seeth it necessary for the execution of his secret judgements, either in the exercise of his seruants for their greater merit, or in the punishment of sinners for his own glory. 20. For otherwaise if the devil, and his instruments might do what they would, they would quickly destroy al the good men in the world; And this is the true cause why the bad desinments of evil men do sometimes take effect, and are sometimes frustrat, yea and turn many times not only to their own destruction( as it appeareth by many examples, which I haue alleged in sundry partes of this discourse) but also to the greater benefit of those whom they seek to destroy, Chap. 3. 4.5.1●.& chap. 31. num. 5.6.7.*& Chap. 35. num. 15. nu. 18. Plutar. li. de utilitate capiend● ab inimicis. Genes. 37.& 41. as I haue declared in the 24. chapter, by the example of one who thinking to kill an other with his sword, lanced an inward imposthume in his body, which otherwaise would haue had no cure. And the like I also noted of Iosephs brethren who selling him for a slave procured his aduancement; whereto I may ad Andronicus Comnenus the emperour, Nicetas Choniat. hist de Andron. Comne. li. 2. Chap. 34. nu. 19.20.& sequen●. who meaning to kill Isacius Angelus for the assurance of his state, caused his election to the Imperial dignity which he never expected. The story is notable to this purpose, as it may bee seen in the last chapter, where I haue related it at large. Therfore I conclude that neither Macchiauels prince( be he never so courragiously wicked) can put in execution his desynments for the benefit of his state, neither yet private men can execute their malice against princes, further then God doth particularly permit. 21. This was well considered, as it seemeth, by Philip the 2. last King of spain, who being advised by some about him( by occasion of the slaughter of the last King of France) to go better guarded then he commonly did, answered notably, A notable Apophthegme of Philip the 2. k. of Spain. bien guardado esta, a quien Dios guarda, He is well guarded whom God guardeth, giving to understand that how potent and powerful soever any prince is in guards, and armies, his chief security consisteth in Gods protection; Gods merciful providence in the protection of the kings majesty our sovereign. Hope of future blessings by the union of the 3. crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland. whereof most notable experience hath been seen in this our age, not only in the King of France, who reigneth at this present, but also in our most dread sovereign, whom almighty God hath delivered from sundry dangerous conspiracies in such wonderful manner, that his divine protection, and mercy towards him hath been most manifest therein, and may give us his subiects great hope of those future blessings, which the first fruits of his happy reign( I mean the union of the 3. crowns of England Scotland and Ireland) do already promise us, to the everlasting honour, and benefit of al the three nations, and the eternising of his majesties glorious memory. 22. Now then to proceed; whereas almighty God serveth himself diversly of men, as well as of al other his creatures for the chastisement of al sorts of sinners, he useth greater severity in the punishment of tyrants, God punisheth wicked princes more severely then private men, and why. and wicked princes then of any other, for three reasons. The first is for that their offences are far greater then other mens, both because they commonly concern weighty, and public matters, and also for that they corrupt many with their bad example, as I haue signified else where. Chap. 31. nu. 22. The second reason is, because they are more vngratful to God then other men, for that they receive greater temporal benefits at his hands then any other, for the which they are bound to serve him with greater love, care and duty then other. The third reason is, for that they being above their own laws, and not subject to the penalties therof, Princes the Lieutenants and ministers of God. their faults do properly belong to the tribunal of almighty God, whose lieutenants& ministers they are, and to whom they are therfore to yield a straight, and exact account of their ministry. 23. This is expressly taught in the book of wisdom where almighty God saith to Kings& princes thus. Audite reges& intelligite &c. Sap. 6. hearken O Kings, and understand, learn you who are Iudges of the bounds of the earth, in respect that power is given unto you from above, and strength from the highest, who will examine your woorks, and search your thoughts, and because when you were ministers in his kingdom, you did not judge rightly, nor keep the law of iustice, nor walk in the way of God, he will appear unto you quickly, and horribly, for most rigorous Iudgement is donne unto them that govern; with the poor and mean man mercy is used, Mighty men shal suffer torments mightily. job. 12. but mighty men shal suffer torments mightily. Thus saith the wise man, which job confirmeth saying. That God looseth the girdle of Kings, and girdeth their reins with a rope, and powreth contempt vpon princes, and maketh them stagger like drunken men, And therfore the royal prophet saith, Psal. 75. that almighty God is, terribilis apud reges terrae, terrible to the Kings of the earth, which may appear by the strange, The exemplar punishment of wicked princes without the ministry of man. and exemplar punishment which God hath laid vpon wicked princes at diuers times, without the ministry of man, in so evident manner, that it could not be denied to proceed from his hand, whereof we haue notable examples, not only in the holly scriptures but also in profane histories. 24. Exod. 14. Dan. c. 4. pharaoh was drowned in the read sea pursuing Moyses and the children of Israel; Nabuchodonosor was cast down from his princely throne, and made companion with beasts. Paralip. ca. 26.& 21. Ozias and Ioram were strooken by almighty God, the first with a filthy leper, and the later with an incurable flux in his belly, whereby he voided his bowels by little and little,& died( as the scirpture saith) Infirmitate pessima, with a most vile disease; Also the wicked jesabel was eaten with doggs; Antiochus the tyrant rotte● alive, 4. Reg. ca. 9.2. Mach. c. ●. in such sort that worms issued abundantly out of his body,& neither he nor any man else could endure the stink of him. Herodes who killed saint james,& persecuted the rest of the Apostles was strooken by an angel, act. 12. and consumed with worms whiles he lived. 25. And to come to later histories, Isidor. Victor vticen● de whereout. uand. Carton Chron. par. 2. an mun. 4122. Polidor. li 1. Hist. prodigiosa. 1 p. c. 3. Zonar Annal. To. 3. Hunnericus King of the Vandals in Afrik, and an Arrian heretic, was also consumed with worms, wherewith his body became so rotten, that when he died it fel in pieces, and could not be butted whole; Mempricius king of Britany being most vicious, and tyrannical with al, was wurried with wolves; Popielus king of Polonia, and his wife were killed with rats, and mice, which issued out of the tombs of his children, and nephews whom he had caused to be murdered; The heretical and cruel Emperour Anastasius being admonished in a dream that 14. Bonifacius ep. ad Ethelbald apud Baron. an. 745. yeres of his life should be cut of for his heresy, was killed with a thunder boult. Celred one of the Saxon kings in England before the conquest, was for his wicked life possessed, and killed by the devil as he was banketing with his nobility. 26. Gunderik an Arrian king of the Vandals, died also possessed, Victor vticen. de persec. uand. Paul. diac. li. 23. Zonar Annal. To. 3. Egnatius, in Epi● and miserable vexed by the devil; lo the fourth Emperour of that name, having sacrilegiously taken a golden crown from the church, and altar of Saint Sophia in Constantinople, for the covetousness of a precious ston wherewith it was adorned, and having worn it on his head in triumphant manner through out the city, Baron an. 10. 79. ex longino. Dubrauius Histor. Bohemiae. li. 8. was strooken by almighty God with an imposthume in his head cauled a carbuncle, and so tormented therwith that he dyed. Boleslaus king of Polonia who killed the holy bishop Stanislaus with his own hand, was cast out of his kingdom by his own subiects, after fel mad, and ran up and down the woods, Idem hist. Bohem. li. 5. and was found in the end eaten with doggs. Drahomira wife to Vratislaus duke of Bohemia procured the death first of the holy woman Ludimilla her mother in law, and after of many priests, and as she passed in her coche over the place where the priests were murdered, shee was swallowed up by the earth, which opened, Ibidem. in respect whereof the place is held as accursed, and shunned by al such as pass that way to Praga as Dubrauius reporteth in history of Bohemia. Petrus Cluniacē. li. 2. mirac. c. 1. Finally Petrus Cluniacensis a most grave author affirmeth, that a count of Mascon in Burgundy having committed many sacrileges, and being one day at his own palace in Mascon, accompanied with many noble men, and soldiers, was forced by a stranger, who came to him on horse back, to light vpon a spare horse, which he had there ready for him, and so was carried away in the air, in the sight of al the city, and never seen, nor heard of after. 27. To these many more examples may be added of emperours kings and princes, which for their wickedness were notoriously punished by the hand of God, How God punisheth princes by the ministry of man. with out the ministry, or help of men, who nevertheless are the ordinary instruments of Gods Iustice, though many times they are principally moved ther to either by hatred, or by fear, or by ambition, or by some other passion, whereof almighty God serveth himself, for the execution of his secret judgements, as I haue already showed in the punishment of sinners in general, and will now show also particularly in wicked kings and princes 28. Sennacherib king of Assiria making war vpon the Iewes, and most contemptuously blaspheming the holy name of God, 4. Reg. 9. Iosephus Antiquiti. li. 10. was condemned by the divine Iustice to be killed at his return to Nintuc. Reuertetur, saith almighty God, in terram suam,& deijciam eum gladio in terra sua, He shal return into his own country, and I will ouerthrow him there with the sword, nevertheless this sentence of almighty God was executed by Sennacheribs children, who killed him in ninive, as he was sacrifysing in the temple of his God Nesrac; Daniel. ca. 5. Also balthasar king of babylon received sentence of death, and of the translation of his kingdom by the mouth of Daniel the prophet, because he profaned the holy vessels of jerusalem, and for his other impiety, for the execution of which sentence God used the ambition of cyrus, and Darius, who besieging babylon, 3. Reg. 15& ●6. took it and killed balthasar. The like also appeareth evidently in the scriptures in Nadab, Helam, and many other schismatical kings of Israel, on whom God executed his just judgements by the ministry of most wicked men, who killed them for the ambitious desire they had of their kingdoms. 29. I haue thought good to allege these examples out of the holy scriptures, where in it hath pleased God to discover the course of his providence in the execution of his secret judgements vpon these kings, to the end we may also observe the same in like occasions and aclowledge his Iustice in the miserable end of wicked princes, by what means soever the same happeneth unto them, to which purpose I will also allege an example, or two, out of later histories. 30. Mauritius the emperour Mauritius the Emperour. who was slain by Phocas dreamed a little before, that tan Image of Christ which was over the brazen gate of his palace, cauled him and charged him with his sins, and in the end demanded of him, whether he would receive the punishment therof in this life, or in the next, and that when he answered in the next, Zonaras Annal. To. 3. in Mauriin tio. Paul. diac. li. 16. in fine. Blondus De●. li. 8. Sabellic. ennead. 8. li. 5. an. 603. Cowards are cruel. the Image commanded that he should be given with his wife, and children into the hands of Phocas. whereupon Mauritius awaking in great fear, sent for Philippieus his son in law, and asked him whether he knew any soldier in the army cauled Phocas, who answered that there was a commissary so cauled, a young man, temerarious, but timorous, and cowardly, if he be a coward saith Mauritius, he is cruel, and bloody. And with in a while after, it so fel out, that Mauritius grew to be so hateful to his soldiers for his covetousness,& their bad payments, that they were easily corrupted by Phocas, and induced to proclaim him emperour, by whom Mauritius was taken as he fled with his wife, and 5. of his children, and his children killed first, and he himself afterwards, who considering his own deserts,& the Iustice of God, repeated oft these words. justus es Domine,& rectum judicium tuum, Thou art just o lord, Psal. 118. and thy Iudgement is right. Here in we may note, how the hatred of the soldiers,& the ambition of Phocas were the means whereby God did execute his Iustice vpon Mauritius. 31. The like may be also observed in the conquest of Naples by Charles the 8. The conquest of Naples. king of France, whereof I related the history before at large in the 22. chapter where I made it evident, that it proceeded of Gods just Iudgement for the punishment of the kings therof, Philip. Comi. Chron. du Roy Charles. 8. c. 17. which appeared not only by the strangeness of the success almost incredible for the speed in the conquest, and the small, or rather no resistance on the be half of the kings, and their subiects, but also by the tormented conscience of king Alphonso so terrified with the remembrance, and representation of his former tyranny, that al things seemed to him to denounce Gods just Iudgement against him, Guicciardin li. 1. and to cry France, France; besides the testimony of the soul of king Ferdinand his father newly deceased, who appearing to his physician, notifed unto him the sentence and decree of almighty God, the loss of their kingdom for their sins, which nevertheless was executed vpon them by the ordinary means whereby most states are overthrown, to wit by the ambition of some, and the hatred of others. 32. So that wee see how almighty God, who as I haue amply declared before, disposeth al things sweetly and would not suffer any evil in the world, but to the end to draw good therof,( who by the malice of the devil and the most execrable sin of Iudas, wrought the redemption of man,) we see, I say, how for the execution of his holly will, and Iustice vpon wicked princes, he serveth himself as well of the evil wills, God serveth himself of the evil wils of men for the execution of his holly will. and wicked desires of wicked men, as of al other causes, and effects what soever, be they natural, moral, or accidental, whereby it appeareth, that the miserable end of tyrants, whereof the world hath common experience, is principally to be attributed to the Iustice of God, as to the first, and principal cause therof, though the secondary, and inferior causes are, or may be as many, and diuers, as there are many and dyvers passions, or affections in men yea and creatures in the world; the ministry, and service whereof their omnipotent creator useth as it pleaseth him for the execution of his will. macchiavel held for the Archstatist of the world, did not see or observe common experience. 33. Therfore it may greatly be wondered how macchiavel( who would seem to be wiser then al other men, and is held by his followers for the Arch-statist of the world) either did not see the common experience which the world hath ever observed of Gods punishment of wicked princes for sin, or if he saw it, how he could imagine, that extremity of wickedness, yea or any sinful policy can assure a princes state. The miserable end of tyrants, observed diligen●ly by al historiographers and referred to Gods iustice. wherein he or his followers might be the more excused if this experience, whereof I speak, were only to be observed in the histories of our scriptures or ecclesiastical, and Christian writers, and were not also most manifest in profane authors, and pagan historiographers, al which( I mean those of any note) do inculcat nothing more, then the severity of Gods judgements vpon wicked men, and especially vpon wicked princes, and tyrants. 34. Let any man that list red the histories of Herodotus thucydides, dionysius, Valerius Maximus, Maximus, Plutark, Dion, livi, justin, or of any other ancient historiographer of the gentiles, and he shal see nothing more frequent, and ordinary in them, then the curious observation of the miserable end of wicked tyrants, and their own judgements often interposed by the way, referring the same to the Iustice of God. 35. To this purpose I will lay down what may be noted in this kind, only in one of the above name historiographers, to wit justin, the abridger of the general history of Trogus Pompeyus; In whom we may see the violent, or vnfortunat end of these tyrants following. justin. li. 1. astyages King of the Medians, Idem. Ibidem. cambyses, Ibidem. Oropastes and Idem li. 10. Ochus Kings of Persia, Idem li. 2. Hippias, and Idem. li. 5. 40. other tyrants of Athens, li. 5. Philip, and li. 12. Alexander the great his son, li. 14. Olimpias mother to Alexander, li. 16. Antipater the son of Cassander, li. 17. lysimachus, li. 24. Ptolomeus, and li. 33.& 34. Perseus, al Kings of Macedony li. 16. Clearchus tyrant of Heraclia, li. 18. Machaeus, and li. 21. Hanno of Carthage, li. 20. Dioniosius, and li. 22.& 25. Agathocles tyrants of Sicily, li. 31. Nabis a tyrant of greece, li. 26. Aristotimus tyrant of Epyrus, two Kings called li. 27.& 3●. Seleucus, li. 27. Antiochus; li. 35. Demetrius, Ibidem. Alexander, li. 36. and Tripho al Kings of Siria, lib. 37. Attalus a king in Assia, Ibidem. Laodice queen of Cappadocia, li. ●9. Cleopatra wife of ptolemy K. of egypt, li. 42. Mithridates son to Artabanus, and Ibidem. Horodes K. of Parthia,& lastly li 43. justin li. 1●. Amulius uncle to Romulus, and Remes& killed by them. 36. These and diuers others whom I omit for brevities sake are noted by justin, to haue either got their estates or governed them tirannically, by perjury, murders and cruelty, and to haue perished miserable, and in diuers of them he observeth seriously the just Iudgement of God; Of Cambyses King of Persia, who killed his own brother, and spoiled the temple of jupiter Hammon, Idem li. 2. he saith thus. Being grievously wounded in the thigh with his own sword which fel out of his scabbard of itself he died, and paid the penalty, as well of his parricid, as of his sacrilege. Of Hippias tyrant of Athens, Idem li. 24. he saith thus. In that battle Hippias the tyrant, the author, and mover of that war was slain, the Gods taking reuenge of him; Of ptolemy king of Macedony he saith; The lewdness of ptolemy was not long vupunished, for being spoiled of his kingdom by the Gaules, and after taken, he lost his life by the sword as he deserved, the Gods punishing so many perjuries, and bloody parricids of his. Idem li. 27. 37. Of Seleucus king of Siria, who killed both his brother, and his mother in law, he saith, Seleucus having prepared a great navy to make war vpon the cities which rebelled against him, lost the same by tempest, whereby the Gods punished his parricid; and a little after, speaking of him, and his brother Antiochus king of Asia( who being banished out of his kingdom was murdered by theeues) he saith, Seuleucus being at the same time also driven out of his kingdom, fel head long from his horse, Idem li. 27. and so died, so that the two brethren being both banished with like misfortune, after the loss of their kingdoms, received the punishment of their lewdness. Thus saith he, who observeth also the like Iustice, lib. 32. li. 18.& 28.& 35. li. 39. and punishment of God in the overthrow of the Messenians for the murder of Philopaemen, and in the vnfortunat ends of Machaeus the carthaginian, Alexander king of Siria, al the progeny of Cassander King of Macedony, li. 25. the children of Ptolomaeus, evergetes King of egypt, Brennus captain of the Gaules with al his sacrilegious army, and Milo of Epirus who was one of those that killed Laodomia, of whose murder, and Gods Iudgement vpon the murderers, Idem. li. 28. he saith thus. Quod facinus dij immortales &c. The which horrible act the immortal Gods did punish with the destruction of almost al the people, who were well nere wholly consumed with dearth, famine, and as well civil as external beware; And Milo who was the principal actor in the murder of Laodomia falling mad and tearing out his own bowels with his teeth, dyed with in hove dayes after her. 38. This I haue thought good to note out of the brief history of justin, to give to the reader some taste of the Iudgement of pagan historiographers, concerning the Iustice of God, in punishing the tyranny, and wickedness of princes, which as I said before, is so seriously, and religiously observed of al the best writers of al ages, and times( as well greekes, as latins, and pagans, as well as Christians) that no man who hath read them can bee ignorant what the opinion, iudgement, and experience of the world hath alwaise been concerning the same, and therfore it may well be said that macchiavel was either wilfully blind, macchiavel either wilfully blind, or more then mad. if he saw it not, or more then mad, if he saw it, and neglected it, presuming to teach a doctrine, not only repugnant to al laws, human, and divine, but also proved to be pernicious by the experience of the whole world. 39. But perhaps some politic, An objection of the politics. or Macchiauillian will say in defence of his maisters doctrine, that although very many tyrants, or perhaps the most, haue miserable perished, yet there hath been many others, who either got, or conserved their states by tyranny and wickedness,& nevertheless died their natural deaths; yea, and left flourishing Empires, kingdoms, or states unto their children, whereby any man may be encouraged to follow their example, with no small hope, of like good success; such were 3. Reg. 15.& 16. Baasa and 4. Reg. 15. Manahen Kings of Israel; the elder Cicero Tuscul. q. li. 5. Denis tyrant of Sicily, two justin. li. 38.& 41. Ptolomes. the one cauled Philopater and the other Idem li. 30. evergetes, the second king of egypt Idem. li. 38. Cassander, King of Macedony Idem. li. 15. Constantinus the 4. and Zonar. Annal. to 3. Haraclius Emperours of Constantinople, Idem. Mahomet the second Emperour of the turkes, Paul. divinus in comment. Edward the 4. King of England, Polidor. li. 24. Haldan King of Denmark, and saxon. li. 2. Naucler in chron. an. 140●. John Galliace Duke of Millan, al which having either attained to sovereignty, or laboured to conserve themselves therein, by murders of their parents, brethren, nephwes, or kinsfolks, or by other wicked, and tyrannical means, dyed according to the course of nature, and left their states, to their children and posterity. 40. To answer hereto, I say first, that though this be true yet it is great folly to draw any consequence therof, The answer to the objection precepts are to be deduced of things most frequent. or to ground thereon any doctrine, or precepts to teach others to follow their example; For precepts are to be deduced of things that are most frequent, and ordinary( which breed an experience) and not of things more rare or, seldom seen, which are commonly casual, and to be referred to chance, for what man that hath any wit would persuade his friend to go to sea in a storm, in some little old rotten boat, because he hath perhaps seen some escape, or sail prosperously, in like manner? and even so wee can not think to be wise, who contemning common experience( which teacheth the miserable end of tyrants) to persuade men to tyranny by the example of a few who haue escaped, or perhaps been prosperous by the secret disposition of Gods providence, for causes known to his divine majesty, as I haue partly signified already in the 26. chapter( where I treated of the prosperity of wicked men)& will declare further after a while. Cicero ad Atticum. 41. Therfore Caesar said, that for as much as he never knew any man but Silla, who could conserve his state long by cruelty he meant not to folly his example, One swallovv makes no summer. for as the proverb saith; One, swallow makes no summer, neither ought a few examples to overthrow a greater number, and much less common experience. In which respect, it may well be said to the Macchiauillians, as one said to a priest of Neptune, Cicero de natura dear. who showed him certain painted tables hanged up in Neptunes temple, containing the histories of some whom Neptune had, as they thought, delivered from drowning, but can you tel me( quoth he) how many haue been drowned, for these few which haue escaped? and so I say to the Macchiauillians, that for a few tyrants which haue lived, and died prosperously, through Gods secret judgements, they may find an infinite number of others, who haue been by his iustice, ruined, and destroyed. 42. But to satisfy this objection more fully, I am to desire thee, good reader, to caule to mind that which I haue treated before, Chap. 26. concerning the prosperity of wicked men in this life, wherein amongst many other things very considerable for this matter, Psal. 144. I haue declared that almighty God ( whose mercy is above al his works,) doth sometimes extend the same towards the most wicked, for such causes, as I haue there signified, yet in such sort, The children of tyrants punished for their fathers tyranny. Chap. 26. Per totum Chap. 27. num. 13.& sequent job. 21. that although he doth mercifully remit unto them the temporal punishment due to their wickedness, or some part therof, yet he justly exacteth it afterwards of their children and posterity, whereof I haue alleged many reasons, and examples needless to repeat in this place, because they may be seen at large in the 26. and 27. chapters; whereby it appeareth how true it is, which job. saith, Deus seruabit filijs impij dolorem patris. God will reserve the sorrow of the wicked father for his children, and that as the poet saith. — Crimina sepe luunt nati scelerata parentum. Eurprid. The children do oft pay the penalty of their fathers wickedness. And this being most evidently true in al sorts of wicked men may be most generally observed in such tyrants as possess themselves of states, or seek to conserve them by murders, as shal appear even in those who are mentioned in the objection, of whom I will treat in the same order that there they are set down. 43. Baasa got the kingdom of Israel, Baasa, king of Israel. by the murder of king Nadab, and though he himself dyed his natural death, yet his son Ela was killed by his seruant Zambri, 3. Reg. 15. who as the scripture saith, Percussit omnem domum Baasa &c. destroyed al the house of Baasa,& filii eius propter vniuersa peccata Baasa, and of his son Ela for al the sins of Baasa. 44. Manahen king of Israel. Manahen deprived Sellum as well of his life as of the kingdom of Israel, and died nevertheless in his bed. But Phaceia his son, was murdered by Phacee, and so payed the penalty of his fathers offences. 4. Reg. 15. 45. As for Denis the first tyrant of Sicily of that name, the historiographers do not agree concerning his death, Denis tyrant of Sicily. for although most do affirm that he reigned 38. yeres, and died naturally, leaving his kingdom to Denis his son, yet justin following Trogus Pompeyus whose history he abridgeth, saith that he was slain; justin li. 20. in fine. but howso ever it was, two things are evident in him greatly to be noted; the one, that his life was most miserable, by reason of the continual fears, suspicions, and torment of mind wherein he lived, as I haue declared at large in the last chapter; num. 42. and the other is, the punishment of God vpon his son, who was driven out of his kingdom by Dyon, and forced to live at Corinth in most base manner, and to get his living by teaching children. wherein Valerius Maximus a pagan writer, observeth notably the Iustice of God extended vpon him for his fathers tyranny, Valer. li. 2. c. 1. saying of his father, that although in his life time, he suffered not the punishment due to his wickedness, yet being dead he payed for it in the shameful calamity of his son; whereto Valerius also addeth this golden sentence. Lento enim gradu procedit diuina ira, Idem. Ibidem. tarditatemque suplicij gravitate compensat. The wrath of God proceedeth with a slow place to take reue nge of offences committed against him, and recompenseth the delay of the punsihment, with the greeueousnes therof. ptolemy Philopator king of egypt. 46. ptolemy who was cauled in mockery Philopater( that is to say a lover or friend of his father, because he killed both his father, and his mother,) died his natural death, leaving his kingdom to his son ptolemy Epiphanes, who also died peacibly for ought I find to the contrary, wherein I confess it pleased God to interrupt the ordinary course of his Iustice in punishing tyrannical murders with murder, or other violent death, either in the father, or in the son, which is to be attributed to some just though secret cause, known only to his infinite wisdom, whereof wee see the very like in the holly scriptures in jehu King of Israel, 4. Reg. 10.& 15. and his posterity, for although the ordinary course of Gods Iustice was not to permit the posterity of any of the schismatical Kings of Israel, to enjoy that kingdom further then the 2. generation,( so that their lines and razes were ever cut of, either in the father or in the son,) he exempted jehu, and his posterity from that punishment, granting them a particular privilege, to succeed one an other, until the 4. generation after jehu, for the notable service which jehu did him in destroying the house of ahab, as I haue declared in the 26. chapter, treating of the prosperity of wicked men. num. 21. 47. And if it may be lawful to conjecture the cause why God exempted ptolemy Philopator, and his son Epiphanes from the punishment of violent death due to the wickedness of Philopator, it may be probably said,( for of Gods secret judgements, I dare certainly affirm nothing,) that it may be ascribed to the mercy of God extended towards them, for the service which Ptolomeus Philadelphus grand father to Philopator did him, justin li. 39. as well in releasing the Iewes which were captives in egypt, to the number of a hundreth, Iosephus. de antiq. li. 12. ca. 2. and twenty thousand, as also in sending rich gifts and presents to the temple of jerusalem, besides that he caused the law of Moyses to be translated in to the greek tongue by 70. learned Iewes, commonly cauled the Septuaginta Interpreters, to the end that the same might be reserved in his liberary. In al which, it may be thought, he did such grateful service to almighty God, that the reward therof redounded to his posterity to the 4. generation, as it fel out in the posterity of jehu: and that therfore, nether Philopator who was grande-child to Philadelphus, nor Epiphanes son to Philopator, nor Philometor son to Epiphanes dyed violently, though the murders, as well of Philometor, who killed his own mother, as of Philopator( of whom I principally speak here) might haue deserved it. 48. And as the privilege granted to the posterity of jehu ceased in the 4. successor( for Zacharias who was the 4. 4 Reg 15. either left no children, or if he did, they succeeded not) so also the exemption from violent death, granted as it may be thought to the posterity of Philadelphus, ceased in the 4. descent; for Philometor, who was the 4. successor died his natural death, but his son was deprived, both of his kingdom, and his life, by his uncle evergetes, of whom I am to speak next; And this I haue thought good to note by the way, as not unprobable, justin. 38. not presuming to assure any thing concerning Gods secret judgements; But that which I take vpon me to affirm here is, that for as much as there is no rule so general, but that it hath an exception, therfore neither this example of Philopator, nor a few other such like, proceeding of Gods secret judgements( which are ever most just) can prejudice the generality of the rule observed in the ordinary course of his Iustice towards most men; Thus much concerning Philopator. 49. Now then to come to ptolemy evergetes the 2.( who was son to Epiphanes, ptolemy evergetes king of egypt. and brother to Philometor( he was a most barbarous, and cruel tyrant, for he killed not only his nephew, son to Philometor( as I haue said) but also a son of his own, which he had by Cleopatra his own sister; justin. li. 38. besides his horrible cruelty in murdering many principal Citizens of Alexandria which although it was not punished in him by violent death;( perhaps because he was also within the compass of the 4. generation, justin li. 39. being brother to Philometor aforesaid) yet it drew the vengeance of almighty God vpon his children; for his sin ptolemy Phiscon was expelled out of his kingdom by his own mother Cleopatra, and by Alexander his younger brother, which Alexander poisoned his mother,& having possessed himself of the kingdom, was driven out again by the people. And in like manner the two daughters of evergetes, Idem. Ibidem. Cleopatra& Griphina being married to two brethren Ciricenus, and Griphus( who contended for the kingdom of Siria) caused the destruction of one an other; for Griph●na procured Cleopatra to be murdered in the very Temple of the Gods where she had taken sainctuary, whose death was afterwards revenged by her husband Ciricenus, who having overthrown his brother Griphus, husband to Griphina, slay her in reuenge of his wives death. 50. Cassander King of Macedony Cassander king of Macedony, was not only consenting to the poisoning of Alexander the great, but also destroyed al his children, and family, and yet died no violent death; But his 3. sons Antipater, Alexander, and Philip, were slain,& his daughter eurydice was kept in continual prison; justin. li. 16. Atque ita, saith justin vniuersa Cassandri domus &c. and so al the family of Cassander paid for the murder, as well of Alexander, as of his children, partly with their deaths, and partly with their punishment. 51. Constantine the 4. Emperour of that name, first cut of the nose, and ears of his two brethren, and after killed them, and for as much as he became afterwards a good man, it seemeth that God translated the temporal punishment therof from him, to his son justinian the Emperour, whom Leoncius the tyrant deprived as well of his nose, and ears, as of his empire, banishing him into Pontus; and Leoncius being overthrown, and taken in a battle by Tiberius, Zonar Annal. To. 3. lost both his nose, and his liberty. Afterwards justinian recovering his empire took Tiberius prisoner, and having commanded both his nose, and his ears to be cut of, caused him and Leoncius whom he found in prison to be executed together, wherewith nevertheless the tragedy ended not, until at length both justinian, and his son Tiberius were slain by Philippicus, who succeeded him in the Empire. Heraclius the Emperour. 52. Heraclius the Emperour succeeding Phocas whom he slay, left two sons, Constantin the 5. and Heracleona, of which two, Constantine was poisoned by his stepmother Martina, to advance Heracleona her son to the Empire, Zonar. Annal. To 3. Paul. Diac. li. 18. who after while was deprived therof, and banished together with his mother, his nose being cut of, and her tongue. Mahomet the second Emperour of the turkes. Paul. divinus in come. rerum Turci●. 53. Mahomet the second Emperour of the Turkes of that name, who overthrew the Empires of Constantinople, and Trabisonda, succeeded his brother Amurates, and for the assurance of his Empire, presently caused his own brother to bee killed, the reuenge of whose blood, fel vpon his sons, Zizimus, and Baiazet the 2. of whom the first being forced by his brother to flee into Christiandome, was poisoned in Italy, and the other to wit Baiazet was expelled our of Constantinople, and poisoned by his own son Selim. 54. Edward the 4. King of England, Edward the 4. king of England. Polidor li. 24. caused not only king Henry the 6. and the prince his son, but also his own brother George duke of Clarence to be murdered, the penalty whereof was paid with the blood of both his sons Edward the 5. and his brother, murdered by their uncle king Richard in the tower. 55. Haldan k. of Denmark. Haldan king of Denm●rk got the kingdom by the murder of his two brethren row, and Scato, and was afterwards so cruel a tyrant al his life, that saxon Grammaticus( an ancient historiographer of Denmark) saith of him thus. saxon Gramma. Hist. Daniae. li. 2. His fortune was most admirable in one thing, to wit that although he never omitted any moment of time in the exercise of cruelty, yet; senectute vitam non ferro finiuit; He ended his life by old age, and not by sword. Thus saith saxon, noting the common experience of the bloody and violent deaths, of cruel, and bloody tyrants, in respect whereof he wondered at the natural, and quiet end of Haldan, which must be referred( as I haue noted of the rest) to the secret judgements of almighty God, transferring sometimes the fathers temporal punishment to the children, for just, though secret causes known only to his infinite wisdom, as it may also be observed in this case: for whereas king Haldan left two sons, row, and Helgo, the first, saxon. Ibidem. being invaded, and overthrown in three battailes by the king of Suethland, was also slain by him, and the other following his fathers steps, as well in cruelty, as al other wickedness, grew no less hateful to himself, then to al other men, and in the end killed himself with his own sword. 56. To conclude, John Galeas Viscont possessing the one half of the state of Millan, and his brother Barnaba the other, killed his brother to haue the whole, and having obtained the title of Duke of Wenceslaus the emperour, subdued al Lumbardy, John Galeas the first duke of Millan. Naucler. in chron. an. 1400. & left the same with the title of a duchy to his son John Maria Visconte, who was afterwards slain by his own subiects for his tyranny, and so received the punishment both of his fathers wickedness and his own. 57. To these might be added other children of bloody tyrants, who paid the penalty of their fathers wickedness with their blood, and yet if you compare them in number with those whom God hath manifestly punished in this life for their own tyranny, you shal find them to be few in respect of the other; But how soever it is, this I dare be bold to say, that there are very few, No notable tyrant unpunished in his person, state or posterity. or scantly any one notable tyrant to be found in al antiquity, whose person, state, or posterity, hath not received some notorious punishment, even in the very opinion and iudgement of the world, and most commonly by violent,& bloody death, it being most consonant, to the Iustice, and judgements of God, Blood ever repaid with blood. Matth ca. 26. Gen. 9. that the punishment be correspondent to the fault, that blood be repaid with blood, and that as our saviour saith, He which striketh with the sword, should perish with the sword. 58. Therfore almighty God said to Noe. Quicunque effuderit bumanum sanguinem, fundetur sanguis illius. whosoever shal spill mans blood, his blood shalbe spilled, which we see was verified for the example of others in Cain the protoparicid, Gen. 4. when he had killed his brother Abel, whose blood our lord said did cry to him for vengeance from the earth, and therfore he was accursed by almighty God, and afterwards killed by Lamech; And Adonibezec having cruelly cut of the hands, and feet of seventy Kings, and after killed them, Iud. 1. was taken by the tribe of Iuda, and handl●d in the same manner, acknowledging Gods Iustice in himself, saying. Sicut feci ita redidit mihi Dominus, As I haue donne to others so our lord hath rendered to me. 59. And in like manner when ahab had killed Naboth to the end to haue his vineyard, the prophet said unto him. In hoc loco in quo linxerunt canes sanguinem Naboth, 3. Reg. c. 22. lingent sanguinem tuum. even in this same place where the doggs haue licked the blood of Naboth, they shal lick thine, which was after fulfilled. And the like severity of Gods Iustice may be noted in david, and his children for the murder of Vrias, and not only in Amon son to Manasses; but also in al the people, and country of Iuda, which was miserable spoyled, and wasted by the incursions of the syrians, Moabits, 4. Reg. 24. abide. and Amonits, in the time of Ioachin grand-child to Manasses, Propter, sanguinem innoxium quem effudit, &c. For the innocent blood which Manasses shed; Et ob hanc rem noluit Deus propitiari, And for this cause God would not be merciful unto them. Thus saith the scripture; whereby we may see that, Psal. 5. as the royal prophet saith; Virum sanguinum& dolosum abominatur dominus; Our Lord abhorreth the bloody,& deceitful man. 60. To which purpose, Gods moil providence& Iustice in the strange discovery of murders. I cannot omit vpon this occasion to note here by the way the wonderful providence, and Iustice of almighty God, daily showed in the strange discovery of murders amongst private men, be they never so secretly committed. For whence can it proceed but from Gods special providence, and Iustice, that the wounds of the dead body of him that is murdered, do bleed a fresh if the murderer come where it is? The demigods of a dead body bleed if the murderer come where it is. which not only grave authors do testify, but also common experience proveth to be true, by the means whereof many murders haue been discou●red. And what is there more generally observed in the experience of men, then that murder can not be hidden, but that it is discovered, and punished sooner, or later? which hath been also an old observation, A strange story of the discovery of a murder. as it may appear by a strange story which Plutark reporteth of the murder of one Ibicus, though he tel it to an other purpose. The story is thus. 91. Ibicus being taken by certain enemies of his, Ibicus murdered. and carried to a secret place where they meant to kill him, persuaded them to desist from their enterprise, assuring them that his death would be discovered, and revenged by some means or other; Plutark in his treatise of much talking. and when they laughed at him, and asked him who should discover it, he showed them certain cranes, which flew over their heads, saying that although there should be no human testimony to convince them, yet those cranes should be witnesses against them, and help to reuenge his death; nevertheless they slay him, and when he had been missed some yeres, and great enquiry made for him by ●is friends, it chanced one day, that as the murderers sate together in the theatre, beholding a public spectacle, there flew over their heads certain cranes, which one of them seeing, showed them to his fellowes, and laughed saying, behold the witnesses and revengers of the death of Ibicus, this was ouer-heard by some that knew him, who signified it to the magistrates, whereupon they were taken, and examined, and confessing the murder were executed. 62. The same author recounteth an other notable history, An other strange story of a murder discovered. which I haue alleged before vpon an other occasion to wit, that one who had killed his own father, and was not discovered of many yeres, Plutark de sera numin. vindicta. bewrayed himself by pulling down a swallows nest, and stamping the young swallows under his feet in a great rage, telling them who asked him the cause, that the swallows said, he had killed his father; whereupon he was suspected, examined, and vpon his confession condemned, and executed, as I haue declared more at large in the 26. num. 10. Cedren apud Zonar. Annal. To. 3. in Constantino Pogonato. chapter. 63 To these I will ad only one other example out of Cedrenus. A thief having robbed,& killed a poor man who had a dog with him, left the dead body not far from the high way, and the dog lying by it; with in a while after a passenger seeing the dead body, butted it; which being donne, the dog fauned vpon him, and followed him home; This man was an innkeeper, A murdrer discovered by a dog. and whereas the dog did use to faun vpon al the guests that came to his house, it chanced one day, that he barked at one, who came to drink there, and set vpon him with such violence, that the innkeeper, and others, noting the same, were moved( saith the author) by divine instinct, to conceive that he was the man who had killed the doggs former master,& vpon suspicion therof, caused him to be apprehended, and examined, and so its fel out that he being the murderer, confessed it, and received the punishment which he deserved. 64. I forbear to allege modern examples of this matter, for that no man can be ignorant of the strange accidents which hap daily in one place or other, for the discovery, and punishment of murderers; and therfore I conclude, that the common observation therof, being derived from the experience as well of former ages, as of the present time, is a notable argument, not only of the enormity and horr●r of homicide, but also of Gods great providence, and severe iustice in punishing the same. 65. Seeing then almighty God hath ordained this miraculous discovery of murders, to the end no murderer amongst private men shal escape the punishment of human laws, it is no marvel, if he severely punish murder in princes, who ought to punish it in others, whereby it may also be judged what assurance, or benefit a prince may procure to his state by such horrible murders, as macchiavel seemeth to allow in his prince; whereby he shal expose himself not only to the hatred of men, but also to the wrath, and vengeance of almighty God, against whom he hath no defence. For be he never so strong, and potent, God will put( as the Prophet said of Sennacherib) Circulam in naribus eius &c. Isay. 37. 4. Reg. 1●. A ring in his nose, and a bridle in his mouth, where with he will wring him, wind him, and turn him which way he list, yea& perhaps make some little mouse, louse, or worm overthrow him, and triumph over al his power, pomp, and pride, as it may appear by the strange and miserable ends of dyvers kings and princes, of whom I haue spoken before in this chapter. num. 11.& 1●. IT IS FVRDER DEBATED WHETHER AL sinful policy be against reason of state, by occasion where of, some things are observed concerning the course of Gods providence, in the conservation, and destruction of states: and by the away some what is said of sorcery, and how dangerous the practise therof is to princes, and finally it is concluded that al wicked policy is pernicious to state, and that the wisdom of Politykes and Machiauillians is more folly. CHAP. 36 but now perhaps the politic will say, An objection of the politi●es. that although he should grant that the continuance of wickedness might make a prince hateful both to God, and man, and consequently procure his ruin, nevertheless it would not follow that every policy which may be sinful, Whether every sinful policy be against reason of state. and offensive to God, is against reason of state, seeing experience teacheth that such policies are many times beneficial, and profitable to state, and what soever doth benefit the state, the same may be justly said to be according to reason of state, and be practised of statists with out imputation of folly, especially in cases or extremity, when a prince seeth himself brought to such an exigent, that he hath no hope of help by any lawful means, and yet may persuade himself that some act, which may be counted a sin or offence to God, may procure him some remedy, as some fraudulent dealing, perjury, murder, or such like? For although, say the politics, that in cases where there is freedom of election of good or bad policies, it may perhaps be convenient to use the good, and eschew the evil, yet when the case seemeth to be desperat, and no choice left but either to practise some wicked policy, or to suffer the state to perish, then at least, say they, reason of state requireth that the state be conserved by what means soever. The answer to the objection. 2. For the satisfaction of this difficulty, it is to be considered that every thing which succeedeth well in matter of state, can not be said to be according to reason of state, or to be well and wisely donne, every thing which succeedeth well in matter of state is not according to reason of state and why. for that the success not only of very bad, but also of very foolish designments is many times very good, by chance, as we commonly say, or rather by the permission, or secret disposition of almighty God, who( as I haue often signified) disposeth of the affairs of men, not according to their wills or wishes but according to his own holly will, and secret judgements, drawing alwaise good out of evil, and turning the worst intentions, and actions of the wickedest men in the world, to the good of others, and his own glory one way or other. What a prince reduced to any extremity is to consider. 3. Therfore a prince who seeth himself reduced to any such extremity, that he may think it needful to use some wicked policy, is to consider that the calamity which he either suffereth, or feareth, can not hap unto him without Gods special providence, but rather by his just ordinance, either for his trial, and exercise, or for the just punishment of his sins, or of the sins of his parents or predecessors, Chap 17. nu. 24 25.& 26. or perhaps of the people, as I haue sufficiently proved before. 4. If it be only for his trial, that it is to say, to prove and try his faith,& hope in God, and to exercise his patience( for which causes God suffered job, job. 1.2.3.42. To. ●i. 12. and Tobias to be tempted, and permitteth his best beloved seruants to fall into difficulties) what other effect can wicked policy work, then that the affliction which God laid vpon him for his benefit and special good, shal turn by Gods just Iudgement to his utter ruin both of body& soul? 5. And if the affliction be a punishment of sin in any sort, he can not with any reason conceive that the same may be remedied by sinful, and wicked means, whereby the cause of his affliction shal be increased, and Gods indignation, and wrath further kindled against him and his state; and much less may he hope, either to force, or frustrat the will of God by policies, Extreme folly to see●e to force or frustrat the will of God. and devises, as we red that diuers wicked princes haue laboured to do, and gained nothing else in the end, but either a note of extreme folly and impiety, or else utter ruin to themselves and their states, and as the tragical poet saith. — Ad fatum venêre suum dum fata timent. Seneca in O●dip. They came to their fatal end, whiles they feared, or sought to avoid their fate; that is to say, themselves the instruments of Gods will and Iustice, to execute the same vpon themselves. 6. And although I haue proved this already by many examples of princes, who haue perished by their own wicked policies, yet I will ad here a few more examples, of such as having had some light, and understanding of Gods will concerning themselves or their states, haue sought by some impious policies to elude, or avert it. 7. To which purpose I wish it first to be noted by the way, God revealeth sometimes his secret judgements to wicked spirits, and how. joan. 11. Aug. de Genesi ad litteram. ca. 17. that almighty God doth sometimes( for secret causes known only to his infinite wisdom) reveal his own hidden and secret councils, not only to wicked men, as he did to Caiphas, but also to wicked spirits, by the ministry of his Angels, as S. Augustin witnesseth, by which means the devils did truly foretell to the paynims many things which depended only vpon the will of God, whereof there hath ben also and stil is, sufficient experience amongst Christians in the detestable practise of necromancy, and sorcery. 8. For although the devil( who is Mendax& pater eius; Alyer, joan. 8. and the father of lies,) doth commonly lie, and delude those that deal with him, yet he doth other whiles truly foretell things to come, either by chance, or by conjecture, What things the devil can foretell. or else such things as do proceed of natural causes,( whereof he hath an exact knowledge,) or again such other things as depend vpon his own power and will by the permission of God, or lastly such things, as it pleaseth almighty God to reveal unto him, for the execution of his secret judgements. 9. Therfore now to come to the examples which I promised, Alexander King of Epyrus having understood by an oracle of jupiter, Alexander king of Epirus. justin. li. 12. that he should die near to the river Acherusia, and the city Pandosia,( of which names there was a city and river in his own kingdom of Epyrus,) thought to avoyde t●e same by leaving his country, and making war abroad in Italy; where he was slain with in a while, near to a river and cit y so cauled, as before is mentioned. Idem. Ibid. Non prius, saith justin, fatalis lo●i cognito nomine quam occideret. Not knowing the name of that fat●l place before he dyed there. Chap. 25. nu 8. Anastasius the emperour. Zonar Annal. To. 3. ●edren. 10. Also the wicked Emperour Anastasius( of whom I haue spoken before in the last chapter,) being fore warned that he should be killed with a thunderbolt, built a maruel●us strong house cauled Tholotum, and besides many strange labyrinths, and places of retreat for his safety, he made a deep cistern in the bottom of al the house, whither he meant to retire himself when he should see cause; nevertheless he was killed shortly after with a thunderbolt, as he was running in a time of great thunder, from one chamber to an other to get down to his cistern; to whom it might haue ben said, as a poet saith of Enceladus the great giant, who flying away from jupiter was strooken with a thunderbolt as the Poëts feign, and cast under mount Aetna. — Quo fugis Encelade? quascunque accesseris oras Sub jove semper eris. wither fliest thou Encelade? what cost soever thou comest unto thou shalt ever be under jupiter, that is to say, under the hand of God: ●sal. 138. which the psalmist teacheth notably saying. Quo ibo a spiritu tuo. &c. wither shal I go, o lord, from thy spirit? or whither shal I fly from thy face? if I go up to heaven thou art there; if I go down to hel, thou art also there, yf I take wings early in the morning, and dwell in the furthest part of the sea, there also thy right hand will lay hold on me, Thus saith the psalmist, to show the vanity and folly of wicked men, which think to escape the hand of God. Valens the Emperour. 11. No less vain, and much more impious was the endeavour of the emperour Valens to euacuat the ordinance of God. For having consulted with necromancers concerning the name of his successor, and being told that it should begin with Theod. he caused very many to be made away, P●n. Di●c li. 12 of whom some were cauled Theodosius, and some Theodotus, and some Theodulus, and some Theodorus, and amongst the rest he most ungratefully murdered the valiant captain Theodosius when he had recovered Afrik from his enemies, and gave order also to kill Theodosius his son, Oros. li. 7. Ammian li. 29. Ambros in fin● oratio. in fun. Theodos. whom nevertheless almighty God delivered from that danger, and after made him Emperour, wherein the prediction was fulfilled. 12. Nicet choniat. Annal. li 3. de And●o come. Andronicus Comnenus emperour. Nu. 33& 34. In like manner the Emperour Andronicus Comnenus guessing by the letters I. S.( which were showed him by a necromancer in a basin of water) that his successors name should be Isacius, thought to kill Isacius Angelus, whom he made by that means Emperour, and wrought his own destruction, as I haue signified in the 34. chapter. 13. To these I will ad only one more out of our own country, Edward the 4. king of England. to wit Edward the 4. King of England, who having understood by some prophecy, as it is supposed, that one whose name should begin with a G. should procure the destruction of his children after his death, Polidor li. 24. caused his brother George Duke of Clarence to be murdered in the tower, not suspecting any thing of his brother the Duke of gloucester, who fulfilled the prophecy, if it was a prophecy, I mean if it was the prediction of any man inspired by the holy Ghost, and not some devise of the devil( which I think more likely) to induce King Edward to the murder of his brother, whereupon the destruction also of his own children( which he sought to prevent thereby) might very well follow through the severity of Gods judgements, who many times punisheth sinners by that which they most fear,& seek by wicked means to avoid, and therfore Salomon saith. proverb. ca. 10. Quod timet impius veniet supper eum. That which the wicked man feareth shal fall vpon him. 14. But leaving this to Gods secret judgements, Dangerous for a prince to be curious to know Gods secret councils. Sorcery most hateful to God and dangerous to princes. I wish it to be noted by the way in these examples, how dangerous a thing it is in a prince, to be curious to know Gods secret councils and decrees, concerning himself,& his state, whereby many princes haue been drawn to use the help of necromancers and sorcerers, to the great offence of God,& consequently to their own destruction, there being no sin, which God hateth, and punisheth more, as we may perceive, both by the express prohibition therof in many places of the holy scriptures, as also by the severe judgements of God vpon the babylonians, levit 19.& 20. Deuter. 18. Isay. 47. Aomrhaeans, Pherezeans, Chananaeans, Heuaeans, Iebusaeans& diuers other people in the land of promise, with their Kings to the number of 31. destroyed as the scripture testifieth principally for their witch-crafts, Deuter. ca. 18. enchantments and necromancy, and therfore Moyses warned the children of Israel before they came into the land of promise, that they should not imitat those infidels in those sins, concluding; Ibid. Omnia enim haec abominatur Dominus& propter istius modi scelera delebit eos in introitu tuo. For our Lord doth abhor al these, and for these kind of sins he will utterly destroy them at thy entrance. The collusion of the devil in sorcery. 15. And if it be also considered, what collusion the devil useth in sorcery, and how little truth may be known thereby, it will evidently appear how vain, and frivolous is the practise therof. For whereas he seemeth to be subject to the sorcerer, or magician, as either forced by enchantments, or bound by covenant, it is but more fraud, and deceit on his part; for that he can neither be forced by man, The devil can not be forced by man by any natural means. by any natural means( being of nature, and power, superior to the nature and power of man) neither be further bound by covenant then he himself listeth, which is never longer then he may hope to do man some notable mischief thereby; besides that neither do devils know such things as do merely depend vpon the will of God or man( as I haue already declared) neither will they for the malice& envy to man tel him the truth of such things as they know, Supra. nu. 8. but to the end to do him some hurt and mischief one way or other; which also God of his iustice permitteth many times, revealing unto them his own secret judgements, for the just punishment and greater confusion of those who confided in them, to whom they use to signify the same in such riddles, and with such ambiguitye, that although they denounce unto them, Gods sentence given against them for their destruction, yet they feed them with false hope of prosperous success, to make them run head-long to their own ruin; whereof many notable examples might be alleged out of the ancient histories of balsams, Examples of princes abused by sorcerers. which for brevities sake I omit, and content myself to relate 2. or 3. out of later histories. Ferrand Count of Flanders. 16. When Ferrand the Count of Flanders assisted by the emperour Otho the 4.( or as some caule him the 5. of that name) was to give battle to Phillip King of France cauled Augustus, he was greatly encouraged thereto by his mother vpon the prediction of certain magicians with whom she had consulted, who assured her that the king of France should be overthrown in the battle, trodden under the horse feet, and not butted, Gaguin. Annal France. lii. 6. and that the Count her son should be received by the Parisians with great joy; al which fel out to be true, though in other manner then she expected; For although the King of France was so prest by his enemies, that he was thrown down from his horse, and trodden under the horse feet, yet he was rescued by his soldiers, and after won the battle, and took the count of Flanders,& sent him prisoner to Paris, where at the Parisians rejoiced greatly, And so we see( saith the story) how the Count trusting to sorcerers, Idem. Ibid. instead of a crown which he expected, purchased a prison. 17. Wee red also of the like cozenage, and illusion of the devil in the assurance which a sorceress gave to Machabe king of Scotland, Machabe king of Scotland. to wit that no man born of a woman should be able to kill him, whereby he was animated to use al cruelty towards his subiects, and in the end was slain by Makdust earl of Fife, who was not born of his mother, but cut out of her belly. Hector Boethius li. 12. This is reported by Hector Boethius in his history of Scotland; out of whom I will also ad one other example of Gods just judgements vpon such as consult with sorcerers, and of the devils malicious subtlety in procuring their destruction. 18. Nathalocus K. of Scotland. Nathalocus king of Scotland sent a great favourite of his to inquire of a famous witch, what should be the success of a war which he had in hand, and other things concerning his person, and state, to whom shee answered, Hector Boethi. li. 6. that Nathalocus should not live long, and that he should be killed by some of his own seruants; and being further urged to tel by whom, shee said that the messenger himself should kill him, A crafty anwer of the devil to cause a murder. who though he departed from her with great disdain, and reviled her, protesting that he would suffer ten thousand deaths rather then he would do it, yet thinking better vpon the matter in his return, and ymagining by the devils suggestion that the King might come to know of the witches answer, by one means or other, and hold him ever after suspected, or perhaps make him away, resolved to kill him, which he presently after performed; wherein we may see the craft, and malice of the devil, who thirsting after mans blood and perdition, framed such an answer to this messenger, as he thought most likely to move him to the murder of Nathalocus who sent him, which also God of his Iustice permitted for the just punishment of the sinful, and wicked curiosity of Nathalocus, in seeking to know his secret judgements, by such unlawful means. 19 well then I conclude this point, with the council of the Preacher in the holly scripture, who saith. Altiora te ne quaesieris &c. ●ccli. 3. A good admonition of the preacher against curiosity in searching into Gods secrets. Search not after things higher then thyself, but alwaise think of those things which God hath commanded thee, neither bee thou curious in many of his woorks, for it is not necessary for thee to see those things which ar hide. Thus saith the Preacher, notably correcting the curiosity of men, in searching into the secrets of God,& this I haue thought good to touch here by the way, though briefly, because I would not digress to far from my principal matter, referring the further, and more substantial discourse of this point, as also the predictions of Astrologers, to the second part of this treatise, where I shal purposely speak of religion, whereto the consideration therof doth more properly belong. 20. But now to return to the matter which I had in hand, it appeareth sufficiently by this which I haue said, not only how dangerous it is for men to be curious to know Gods judgements by unlawful means, but also how vain, and frivolous ar mans inventions when he seeketh to cross, Gods will not superable by force, nor evitable by policy, but flexible to prayer. or frustrat the will of God, which is not superable by force, nor evitable by policy, but only favourable, and flexible to prayer and repentance, by which means Gods mercy hath been often, and no doubt is daily moved to reverse the rigorous sentences of his Iustice given against sinners: jonae. 3. whereof we haue examples in the Niniuits whom God determined to destroy, and yet spared for their repentance; and in ahab King of Israel, 3. Reg 21. who having received sentence of the dectruction of his whole family by the mouth of the prophet, obtained the dilation therof by humility and penance, in respect whereof God said to Elias. Quia humiliatus est mei causa &c. Because he hath humbled himself for my cause, Ibid. I will not inflict the punishment of his sin vpon his house in his daies, 4. Reg. 20. but in the daies of his son. Also Ezechias being sick, and admonished by the prophet from almighty God, that he should die of that disease, obtained by prayer and tears, not only present recovery, but also prolongation of life for 15. yeres, as I haue signified before in the 15. and 24 chapters, Nu. 2 6.7.10.13.14.23.25.& 28. nu. 8& 9. where I haue by many examples showed the admirable effects of prayer and spiritual means, for the remedy of al the necessities of princes; and therfore I forbear to speak further therof in this place. 21. Yea but saith the politic, An objection of the politics how many haue prayed when they haue ben brought to extremities, and haue had no help, when some others by some perjury, murder, or other mischief haue conserved their states? 22. whereto I answer, that the question is not here, as I haue insinuated before, of the event, The anwer and success of mens actions( which is only in the hand of God, and disposed by him according to his secret judgements) but of the likelihood, and probability of remedy in extremities, by the one means, or by the other; for I could also with much more reason demand, how many haue perished by wicked policies, whereas infinite others haue conserved themselves, and their states by recourse to God, and godly means; of both which sort I haue alleged many notable examples through out this whole discourse. 23. observations concerning the course of Gods providence in the conservation and destruction of states. Ierem. 15. 4. Reg. 10. But that which I wish to be observed for the better explication of this matter is, that God doth sometimes absolutely determine to destroy a prince or state( as when he said of the people of Iuda that although Moyses, and Samuel should pray for them he would not spare them); and sometimes again he absolutely determineth to conserve a state for a time; as when he promised to jehu that his posterity should sit in his seat until the 4. generation. In the first case although neither good, nor bad policy, What may be the effect of good, or bad policy, when God doth absolutely determine to destroy a state. nor yet prayer can conserve the state( I mean when God doth absolutely determine to destroy it) yet it is to be understood that wicked policy may through the severity of Gods iustice accelerat,& aggravate the calamity threatened, whereas good policy joined with confidence in God,& pure devotion may move his divine majesty to execute his judgements with much more mercy, and to turn al the temporal affliction of the prince to his eternal good, which in that case were the greatest benefit that could be desired, as I will declare further after while. Infra. nu. 31.32.& 33. How& when wicked policy may be a means to conserve a state. 24. In the second case( I mean when God doth absolutely determine to conserve a state) it is not to be doubted but that wicked policy may be a means therof by Gods permission, and for the execution of his secret judgements, though nevertheless the prince that should practise the same should commit notorious folly, for that he might in that case maintain his state by lawful, and good policy, with less danger, and much more benefit to himself. And this I say, because God useth many times the wicked policies of men for the conservation of states( when his absolute will is to maintain them) which nevertheless he would conserve by the means of their lawful and good policies, if the fault were not in themselves. To which purpose it is to be understood that almighty God, having given freedom of will to man( for such causes as I haue declared in the 24. Nu. 4.5.6.7. &c. chap;) doth not necessitat, or force mans will, but useth it such as it is,( as I haue diuers times signified) moving it alwayse to good, and yet serving himself of it be it good or bad, for his own glory, and the accomplishment of his will. God would conserve the state of a prince much rather by his good policy, then by his bad, if the prince himself would. 25. Therfore I say, that when soever he conserveth the states of princes by means of their evil wils, and wicked policies, he would much rather work the same effect by their good wills, and lawful endeavours( if they themselves would) yea and yield them with al, not only temporal but also eternal reward for the same; whereas on the other side though he suffer their wicked policies to haue good success for a time( so long I mean, as he meaneth to conserve their states, during which times they can not by any errors or folly of theirs overthrow them) yet he doth commonly punish them for it in the end, Though God suffer wicked policies to prosper, yet he punisheth the princes which practise them. Chap. 35. nu. 35.36.37. &c. not only eternally( if they repent not) but also temporally, either in their persons, or states, or at least in their children, and posterity, as it is evident in the wicked tyrants mentioned in the last chapter; who though they prospered for while, yet at length perished miserable through Gods Iustice, and those few of them which escaped temporal punishment in their own persons, left their children engaged to pay their debt in that behalf with their utter ruin. Ibid. nu. 42.43.& sequen. 26. Besides that it is to be considered, that a wicked policy may some way through Gods permission( as I haue said) benefit the state, and help to uphold it for a time, How wicked policy may both benefit and hurt the state at one time. Wic●ed policy like to unwholesome m●ats. An example of th● kingdom& kings of Israel. and yet draw Gods wrath, and vengeance vpon it some otherwaie, whereby it shal not only perish in the end, but also be miserable afflicted in the mean while: like as the use of unwholesome meats doth give the body strength, and nourish it for the time, and yet doth so corrupt it, that it perisheth much the sooner, and is in the mean time replenished with diseases. 27. This was manifest in the kingdom, and Kings of Israel. For whereas they al continued the wicked policy of jeroboam their first predecessor for the conservation of their state, to wit their Idolatry, 3. Reg. 12. and schism( which was first begun by jeroboam for reason of state) it is not to bee doubted, but that almighty God, having determined to maintain that kingdom for some time, permitted that wicked policy to haue the effect for the which it was devised( that is to say) to divert the people from going to the temple in jerusalem, Ibid. and consequently from returning to the obedience of the kings of Iuda) and yet nevertheless he punished the same severely sometimes in the princes, and sometimes in the state, as it is evident in the holy scriptures, where it appeareth that not only jeroboam himself was strooken by the hand of God, and al his children destroyed for the same, 2 Paral. ca. 13.3. Reg. 15. but also al the Kings his successors died violent deaths, either the father or the son, excepting the children, 4. Reg. 10.& 15. 4. Reg. 13.& 14. and posterity of jehu who were privileged( as before I haue said) for 4. descents; wherein it is also to be noted, that during the time of the privilege granted to their persons, their states were miserable afflicted for the continuance of that wicked policy, though not overthrown, in respect of the covenant which God had made with Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, for the which; Noluit( saith the scripture) disperdere eos, neque proijcere penitus usque in presens tempus. 4. Reg. 13. God would not destroy them, nor utterly cast them of as yet, though at length he gave the kings their successors, and al the people into the hands of the kings of Assiria, 4. Reg 24. & to perpetual captivity for the continual practise of the same sinful policy. 28. Thus then we see, how wicked policy may by Gods permission some way help to the conservation of state( so long as God hath ordained that the state shal stand) and yet may in the mean time through Gods Iustice procure the calamity of the prince, and state some other way, and the destruction of both in the end. Gods will to conserve or destroy states not alwaise absolute. 29. But now it is to be considered, that the will and determination of almighty God, to destroy, or conserve states, is not alwayse so absolute, but that he may be moved by the merits or demerits of men to uphold the state, which he meant to destroy, and to destroy that which he meant to uphold. He determined as I said before, jonae. 3. 3. Reg 21. to destroy the Niniuits, and al the family of ahab for their sins, and denounced his will unto them by his prophets, and yet he conserved the one, and differred the execution of the other for some time, in respect of their humility, and repentance. Psal. 131. On the other side, God promised to david that the kingdom of Iuda should remain for ever in his posterity, if they served him, 2 Reg. 7. 3. Reg. 11. Paral. 21. and kept his commandements; and although in respect of his promise, and for Dauids sake he conserved it in his line for many generations, 4. Reg. 20. and diuers times defended it from foreign enemies, yet at length he destroyed it utterly for the sins of the kings, and people therof. So that wee see in both these cases that good policy assisted with prayer, and spiritual help, may be especial means, to uphold and maintain the state, and wicked policy, as also al kind of sin, a principal or rather the only means to overthrow it. What princes show d do in dangers and extremities. 30. Therfore for as much as the judgements of God are secret, and not ordinarily known but by the effects( his infinite wisdom having so ordained, to the end we may the rather know thereby, and aclowledge our dependence on his will) it behoveth princes, An example of K david. 1. Reg. 15. yea,& al other men in al dangers, and extremities to imitate the holy,& prudent King david; For when his son absalon rose against him, and he himself, with those few that would follow him, was forced to fly out of jerusalem bare headed, bare footed, and weeping, he acknowledged it to be a just punishment of God for his sins, and as on the one side, he used al human diligence to defend himself, Ibid. and to discover and dissipat the desinments of his enemies, so also on the other, side, he sought to move almighty God to mercy by prayer, patience, Ibid. and resignation of his will to Gods will, saying to Sadoc the priest; If I find favour in the sight of God he will restore me, but if he say unto me, Ibid. thou dost not like, or content me; Praesto sum, faciat mihi quod bonum est coram se; I am ready to obey him, let him do with me what soever it shal please him; furthermore he not only avoided al unlawful policies that might offend God, but also forbore to take a just reuenge of the injury donne him by Semei, Ibid. ca. 16. whose reproachful speeches and maledictions he patiently suffered, as justly permitted by almighty God for his punishment, saying to Abisai who would haue killed Semei; let him rail vpon me, for perhaps our Lord may behold my affliction, and render me good this day for this malediction. Such was the religious humility, of the wise, and valiant King in this his great affliction, which was so grateful to almighty God, that he gave him a notable victory, and restored him to his former tranquillity, and dignity. 31. The like humility, patience, An other example of the humility and patience of king david. and resignation of will he showed also in other occasions, even when he found not the mercy and favour at Gods hands which he expected. When the prophet Nathan had signified unto him the will of God for the death of his child in the cradle, in punishment of his adultery and homicide, he never ceased to crave his mercy for the life of his son with continual prayer, tears, and fasting, 2. Reg. 1●. shut up in his chamber, and prostrat vpon the ground for some dayes after his son fel sick, not omitting any other lawful means for his recovery, until he understood by his seruants that he was dead, and then seeing by the effect what was the will of God, he most humbly contented himself there with, washed, and anointed himself, changed his apparel, went to the house of God to pray, refreshed himself with meate, and was so comfortable, that he comforted Bersabe his wife, and al his family, saying unto them, when they asked him why he was so sorrowful whiles the child was alive, and so comfortable when he was dead; I fasted, saith he, and wept whyles he lived, Ibidem. because I knew not whether God would grant me his life, or no, but now that he is dead, why should I afflict myself any longer;? as who would say, now that I see what is the will of God, what should I else do, but accomodat myself thereto, and rejoice in the accomplishment therof? 32. Thus said, and did, this holy King, and prophet, and so should al Kings and princes say, and do in like case, imploring the favour, and mercy of God whiles they may haue any hope,( yea and saying with job. Etiam si me occiderit sperabo in eo; Although he kill me I will hope in him) not omitting any lawful policy, job. 13. or diligenice which may be used to procure remedy, and contenting themselves with Gods will in the success, what soever it be, acknowledging his Iustice therein; whereof I haue alleged also before a notable example in Mauritius the Emperour, who having understood Gods will concerning the loss of his life, Chap. 25. nu. 30. and Empire, by the means of Phocas, for the punishment, and satisfaction of his sins in this life, laboured nevertheless by continual prayer, and al kind of devotion to pacify the wrath of God, using with al, Zonar. Annal To. 3. in Mauritius. al lawful diligence, and policy, to prevent the danger, and to defend himself against Phocas, and in the end when nothing could prevail, and that he saw himself in the hands of his enemy, and his children killed before his face, he humbly acknowledged the Iustice of God, often repeating these words of the psalm; Paul. diaco. li. 17. Psal. 118. justus es Domine,& rectum judicium tuum. Thou art just o lord, and thy judgements are right. 33. We red also the like of the holy, and pious, though most most vnfortunat King Henry the sixth, Henry the 6. king of England. who having joined al lawful policy with prayer, and other spiritual means for the conservation of his state, and finding no remedy thereby, attributed al his calamity, Polid. li. 23. as Polidore witnesseth to the just punishment of God for his sins, and the sins of his ancestors, though his own virtue, or rather innocency was such, that if God had not( as it may be presumed) irrevocably decreed, to lay the temporal penalty of some sins of his ancestors vpon him, it might haue obtained Gods favour towards him, as well temporally for the conservation of his state, as it did spiritually for his eternal glory, testified by so many notable miracles, that king Henry, Idem. Ibid. The notable effect of prayer and humility, when God doth absolutely determine to destroy a prince. the 7. demanded his canonization of Pope julio the 2. and had obtained it if he had lived: whereby it appeareth how admirable is the effect of prayer, humility, and resignation of will to the will of God, when he doth absolutely determine to destroy a prince, whose temporal loss of a transitory state subject to al misery, is thereby recompensed with an incomparable gain of eternal felicity; whereas by wicked policy he can neither conserve the one, nor gain the other, but shal pass from one misery to an other incomparably greater, that is to say, from a temporal calamity, to unspeakable and everlasting torments. 34. Now then, to draw to an end of this part of my treatise I will infer certain conclusions vpon al the precedent discourse. The first is, The first conclusion inferring that wicked policy cannot stand with reason of state. that seeing almighty God governeth al states by his providence, and disposeth of them, as it pleaseth him( which I haue amply proved) it must needs follow that although he do sometimes of his secret judgements( as I haue oft said) permit wicked policies to prosper, yet for as much as no man can with reason presume therof( considering the severity of his Iustice in punishing princes and their states for sin, yea and sometimes for very small sins in the opinion of men, as I haue showed in my rules for young statists) therfore I say, Chap. 13. nu. 4. no wicked policy can stand with true reason of state, No man can be truly counted wise who adventureth vpon Gods indignation. the danger of Gods indignation being so great, that no man can be truly counted wise, who will adventure thereon; no more then any one might be said to do wisely, who for his particular benefit should use to rob& steal in a well governed commonwealth, where he should incur the danger of the law as oft as he should do it, though perhaps he should escape the same many times; wherein nevertheless this difference is to be noted, that whereas men do sometimes avoid the penalties of laws, no man can escape the hand of God, if he offend him, but that he payeth the penalty of his sin some way or other, sooner, or later, and so much more grievously by how much longer it is diferred, and most of al, if the whole punishment therof be wholly reserved to the next life, which nevertheless is seldom seen in tyrants and wicked princes, as it may appear by the two last chapters. 35. The second conclusion shalbe, that seeing I haue also evidently proved through out this whole discourse, that man is of his own nature so infirm and weak of wit, and power, that he neither knoweth many times what is convenient for himself( and much less for others) neither yet can warrant the success of his own desinments, and wisest policies, The 2. conclusion inferring the necessity of Gods grace to perfection of policy. by reason of the infinite accidents, crosses, and traverses whereto mans life, and al human affairs are subject, besides that I haue also made it manifest by reason, and examples, not only that al political science, is of itself insufficient for the perfect gouernmen; t of state, but also that al true wisdom, and policy is of God? therfore it cannot be denied but that the assistance of Gods grace, and protection, is most necessary for the good government, The necessity of true religion in common welth and assurance of al princes states, whereupon also followeth the necessity of true religion for the conservation of state, seeing God doth by the means therof most amply communicat his grace and favour, as well to whole common wealths, as to particular men, whereof I leave the further discourse, and proof to the 2 part of this treatise, where I am purposely to handle that matter, and to show as well the dignity and necessity of true religion in common wealth, as also that the catholic religion, is most convenient for state. The 3. and last conclusion that al wisdom, or policy grounded on lewdness is mere folly. 36. The third, and last conclusion shalbe, that al wisdom or policy grounded on sin and wickedness, is mere folly, which may appear by that which I haue taught, and proved, as well concerning the punishment of God vpon princes and their states for sin, as also touching true wisdom and policy, whereof I haue particularly, and amply treated in the 28. chapter, and proved clearly that it consisteth principally in the fear, love, Chap. 28. nu. 7.8.9 10. &c. Ibid. nu. 17.18.19.20. &c. and service of God, and that no man can possibly attain to any perfection of wisdom, with out the light of Gods grace,( whereby mans natural abilities are increased, and perfited, and his defects supplied) and that according to the doctrine of the best philosophers, as well as our divines, true prudence and virtue cannot be separated, and that it is most requisite to every prudent action, not only that the end therof, and the means to achieve the end, Ibid. nu. 12.13.& 14. Ibid. nu. 15. be good and virtuous, but also that every good thing be esteemed in the degree it deserveth,& the chief good of al( which is God, and his service) preferred before al other things what soever. And finally that it is the special office of a wise man, most to esteem and seek that which most importeth him, to wit the salvation of his soul, and his eternal good, Ibid. nu. 32. The wise man is wise for his soul for that Sapiens( as the scripture saith) est anima suae sapiens, the wise man is wise for his soul; whereupon it followeth that he who prefereth things transitory, before things stable and permanent, and looseth, or ventureth his soul for any worldly commodity, or pleasure what soever, is no wiser then Esau, who sold his primogeniture, Genes ca. 15. Wicked men compared to Esops cock. or birth-right for a mess of pottage; or Esops cock that esteemed a barley corn, more then a precious ston; or the fool, who( as the proverb saith) will not give his babble for the tower of London; And therfore such as value honour, and riches, or other worldly commodities above virtue are worthily compared by Aristotle to children that esteem their babies and puppies more then gold, Seneca ep. 96. Wicked men more foolish then children. and Seneca accounteth them more foolish then children, for that children, saith he, play the fools in trifles, and matters of small moment, and no danger, whereas these other are seriously foolish, or rather mad in matters no less weighty then dangerous, as well to themselves, as to others, and therfore, saith he, Verius, carius queen insaniunt. Ibidem. They are more truly, and costly mad. Thus saith he, and most truly, for it costeth them many times their reputation, and honour, their states, their lives, bodies, and souls. 37. So that they may say as lysimachus said, Plutark in Apophtheg. r●gum& principum. when being besieged, and vexed with thirst, he yielded himself prisoner, and gave his kingdom for a draft of water, exclaiming when he had drunk, O for how small and short a pleasure haue I lost a kingdom. Thus may they say with more reason, Wicked men compared to lysimachus that gave his kingdom for adraught of water. for that they change not one frail, and earthly thing for an other as he did, but heavenly things for earthly, divine for human, eternal for transitory, which admit no comparison; besides that they show themselves to be no better, nor wiser then brute beasts which are led by only sense, and vehemently moved by present objects, without discourse and consideration of future things or of the end which is specially to be considered of men, Wicked men no wyser then brute beasts. to whom nature hath given reason to discourse and judge, not only of things present, or past, but also of things to come, and especially of the last end of al human actions wherein consisteth the eternal felicity, or misery of man, and therfore Moyses partly lamenting, The end of every thing is chiefly to be considered of men. and partly reprehending the absurd folly of such kind of men saith. Gens absque consilio est,& sine prudentia, vtinam saperent, ac intelligerent,& nouissima prouiderent. Deut. 3●. These are a people with out council, and prudence, I would to God they would be wise, and understand, and foresee or provide for their last end. 38. furthermore how can these be counted truly wise, whose wisdom consisteth in perverting the whole course and order of nature, and contradicting the principles, The wisdom of politics consisteth in perverting the course and orde● of nature, and in contradicting the principels of rea●on. and ground of reason; For what is more conform to nature, or more evident in reason, then that as the soul excelleth the body, and heaven the earth, so also the goods, and gifts of the mind, ought to be preferred before the gifts, and goods of the body, heavenly things before earthly, reason before sensuality, the public good before any mans particular, eternal felicity, before temporal pleasure or commodity, and the service, and glory of God before al things else what soever; Al which nature ordaineth, reason persuadeth, Philosophy, and al learning teacheth, the consent of the world confirmeth, and mans own conscience within himself proclaimeth it to be true. nevertheless the politics, and Ma●chiauillians haue found out a kind of wisdom, and policy( which they call reason of state) contradicting al this, preferring the body before the soul, earth before heaven, human things before divine, sensuality before reason, and the particular pleasure of the prince, before the general good of the commonwealth, temporal commodities before eternal felicity; and lastly whatsoever seemeth to their corrupt judgements, to be according to reason of state, the same they prefer before conscience, religion, and the service of God, as though there were either no God to caule them to account, or that he had nothing to do with them, or with the affairs of men. So that to make their wisdom true wisdom, their policy good policy, their reason of state good reason, To make politics wyse men we must haue a new nature and an other God, or no God. and them wise men, the whole course, and order of nature must be changed, and al things turned upside down, the soul must bee made subject to the body, heaven to earth, reason to sensuality, commonwealth to private wealth, and temporal goods must excel the eternal, yea and lastly we must haue a new nature, and either an other God, or no God, or at least such a one as shal haue no providence in the affairs of men 39. What marvel is it then that this kind of wisdom and policy overthroweth princes, subverteth their states, and filleth the world with misery and calamities? In which respect the scripture calleth it. 1. Cor. 1. Rom. 1. Psal. 52.& 91.& 93. Matth. 25. Stultam huius mundi sapientiam. The foolish wisdom of this world, and the profess●rs therof fools, as I haue sufficiently showed in the 23. chapter, where I convinced atheists of ignorance and folly, whereto I will ad here for the conclusion of this point, Chap. 23. nu. 19.& 20. and of this whole discourse, what the Holy Ghost testifieth in the book of wisdom, concerning as well the misery, as the folly of these kind of wise worldlings, as that, when they shal see at the day of Iudgement themselves condemned to eternal torments, and the seruants of God rewarded with everlasting glory, they shal say one to an other. 40. Nos insensati &c. We mad men( or men with out sense, Sap. 5. The folly of wicked men and their miserable state notably signified in the scriptures. and understanding) esteemed the life of these( that is to say of the just) to be madness, and their end without honour, and behold how they are now reckoned amongst the children of God, and their lot is amongst the saints. Therfore wee haue erred from the way of truth,& the light of his Iustice hath not shined unto us, neither hath the sun of understanding risen unto us, we haue wearied ourselves in the way of iniquity, and perdition, and haue walked difficult ways, and haue not known the way of our Lord; what hath our pride profited us? or what hath the ostentation of our riches benefited us? al which is now past away like a shadow, and like one that runneth post, or like a ship that saileth, or like a bide that flieth, or like an arrow shot at a mark, of the passage whereof there remaineth no sign; And even so we were born and presently ceased to be, and haue not left behind us any sign of virtue, but are comsumed, and spent in our own malignity and wickedness; Thus doth the Holy Ghost describe the miserable& lamentable state of the worldly wise, and al other wicked men at the day of Iudgement, which I wish every man would consider betime, lest he repent to late amongst those, who shal make this pitiful complaint without hope or possibility of remedy. 41. This shal suffice for the first part of my treatise concerning policy and religion, wherein if thou find any thing, good Reader, that may content thee, I beseech thee to give the praise, and honour therof to almighty God( from whom, jac. 2. Est omne donum optimum,& datum perfectum, is every good and perfect gift) and if ther be any thing therein, which may justly dislike thee, I am content to own it myself, and do desire thee to bear with it, and to let it pass for an example of the infirmity of mans wit, which I haue showed by so many other examples of the errors of very wise and learned men, that I can not presume to warrant my own doings or writings, from al error and oversight; Only this I will assure thee, that I haue not erred in any thing maliciously, but haue had through out this whol● discourse a charitable desire of thy good, and as I hope, a true zeal to Gods glory, which al men ought to make the principal scope, and end of their actions. yf I find that this be grateful unto thee, I will second it with the other part for thy further satisfaction, with such speed, as the regard of my decayed health, and my other affairs will permit. DEO Soli HONOR& Gloria. Deo soli honor& gloria. Th● C●rr●ctor to th● Reader. GENTLE Reader ●cra●e ●●y patienc● and courtesy to pardon some faults escaped in the prin●inge, the author himself being very far absent, with whom I could not consult vpon every dont, and many other impediments occuring to myself, the which are needless here to utter: those that are of most importance, and do alter the nature of any word, I haue, I hope, amended; the rest, which are sometimes in mistaking one letter for an other, presuming on thy patience I make bold to let pass. THE faults escaped are thus to be found. The letter. p. signifieth the page., the letter. n. the number. and the letter. l. the line. P. 8. n. 13. l. 6. for that su●ernatural, rea●● the supernatural. p. 18. n. 14. l. 7. for understanding, read understandings. p. 19. n. 17. l. 3. for, sustance, read sustenance. p. 43. n. 11. l. 15. for, by the way, r●●de by the way. p. 50● n. 2. l. 15. ●or, contended, read contented. p. 50. n. 3. l. ult. for, that ambition, read the ambition. p. 54. n. 13. l. 7. for, had, red& had. p. 59. n. 22. l. 4. for, and those, read are those. Cap. 8. n. 19. l. 18. for, as thing, read a● a thing: Cap. 8. n. 28. l. ult. for, laws Licinia, read laws of Licinia. p. 79. n. 11. l. 3. for, iaw, read law. p. 116, n. 18. l. 2. for, their, read the. p. 119. n. 5. l. 1. for, poofe, read, proof. Cap. 14. n. 14. l. 7. for he, read the. p. 130. n. 10. l. 4. these words, cap. 12. should be set in the marge. p. 1●●●1. 21. l. 19. these words, cap. 15. number 28. should also be set in the marge. p. 143. n. 2. 〈◇〉 7. for, Idolatours, read Idolatrous ● p. 147. n. 11. l. 10. for Cosaroes, read Cosdroes. p. 148. n. 13. l. 4. for, ouerslowe, read ouerflowe. p. 153. n. 26. l. 6. for there, read three p. 171. n. 18. l. 10. 〈◇〉 godnes read goodness. p. 182. n. 3. l. 3. for, hu●, red but. p. 195. n. 1. l. 2. for, ambassadors 〈…〉 of. p. 203. n. 4. l. 5. for, nor. read not. p. 206. n. 10. l 17 for, hat, read that. p. 207. n. 12. ●. 12. for, the the, read the. p. 212. n. 11. l. 11. for, Henery fir●t son, read Henery the first, son. p. 220. n. 9. l. 1. for tragilical, read● tragical. Ibid. l 3. for, were, read where. p. 226. n. 11. l 6. for, he, read the. p. 228. n. 16 l. 1. for, disant Roman● read di. S. Romano. p. 238. n. 14. l. 1. for, God, red good. p. 275. n. 3. l. 9. for, impu●● 〈◇〉 the ●●●nd, read impugneth and. p. 278. n. 9. l. ult. for, bare, read bear. p. 411. n. 59. l. ult. in the marge, these words are left out, tyrant come to a good end. p. 429: n. 30. l. 6. for, in the next, read in this. p. 434. n. 40. l. 1. for, think to be, read think them ●o b● p. Ibi● n. 41: l. 3. for, folly, read followe, p, 448, n, 14. l. 1. for, Aom●haeans, read● Amochhaeans. p. 457, n, 13, in the marge for, Cap, 13. read Cap, ●●. FINIS.