¶ A learned commendation of the politic laws of England: wherein by most pithy reasons & evident demonstrations they are plainly proved far to excel aswell the Civil laws of the empire, as also all other laws of the world, with a large discourse of the difference between the ii governments of kingdoms: whereof the one is only regal, and the other consisteth of regal and polityque administration conjoined.  
Written in latin above an hundred years past, by the learned and right honourable master Fortescue knight, lord Chancellor of England in the time of King Henrye the vi And newly translated into English by Robert Mulcaster.   

Pio lectori.  
IStius non minus pij, quá eruditi opusculi exemplar, nactus: quum antiquitatem venerandam, una cum eruditione ac pietate coniunxcrim: Non potui optime lector, aut patrie tam ingratus, aut antiquitatis tam in officiosus cultor esse, ut te illius lectione diutius fraudarem. Continet enim in se (ut cetera taceam) politicarum et civilium nostre Anglie legum, quibus preclara et florentissima hec respublica sub illustrissimo et numquam satis laudato principe nostro Rege Henrico octavo, eiusque progenitoribus regibus Anglie hactenus felicissime fuerit erecta, instituta, & gubernata, doctissimum encomion. unde easdem nostras leges, non solum romanorum Cesarum, sed et omnium aliarum nationum constitutiones, multis parasangis, prudentia justitia & equitate precellere, facile prespici●s. Eme ergo, lege, et fruere, ac labores nostros boni consule.  
Vale.   

To the right worshipful John Walshe, Esquire, one of the Queen her learned justicers of her highness Court of comen pleas. Robert Mulcaster wisheth long life and health.  
IT happened me of late, (right worshipful sir) to light upon this little Treatise, which I incontinent desired to run over, because it seemed to discourse upon some points of the laws of our Country, whereof I myself then was & now am a Student. When I had over run it, my desire to read it, became nothing countervailable with the gladness that I had read it, for my desire to read it came upon hope, to find some profitable lessons for my study, but my gladness after reading sprung of the excellency of thargument, whereon I did not dream, neither to find so rich a Treasure in so simple an habit. And because I wished all men to have part of my delight, me thought it good to translate it into English forth of Latin, in which tongue it was first written. The author of the book was one master Fortescue knight sergeant at the law, and for his Skill and virtues preferred by king Henry the vi to be Chancellor of this realm. The entry of the book itself showeth where, and upon what occasion it was written. It was written in Berry in France, where Prince Edward son to Henry the vi. afterward slain at Tewksbury by Edward the four did then remain with his mother Queen Margaret in the house of Renate her father duke of Angeow and king of Cicile, during the time that Edward the fourth reigned in this Realm and Henry the vi was fled into Scotland. The occasion was this: The Chancellor being fled into France with the young Prince & perceiving his delight to be all bent to chivalry as a thing of greatest need considering he meant by force the restitution of his father, and thereby his own, to the kingdom of England, took occasion (for that his hope was to see the Prince reign hear) to move him to a division of his affairs, & as he armed himself against the enemy, so to adorn himself against his being king with skill of laws, which do preserve each state so in peace that it may if need be, war, and so guard it in war, that it may have peace in eye. th'rgument is this, that the skill of the Country laws is needful for the Prince, although not so deep as the purposed professors, yet so full as to their honour may & aught to fall in Princes. And for that the Prince should think the thing to be a Princely knowledge, he taketh occasion by comparing the government of this Realm with others, and the laws of this land with the Civil, with whom it is of all men lightly compared and the betterness of points wherein they both travail, and provisions by the one wiselier foreseen then by the other, to prove the singularity of this state which it behoved the Prince to learn seeing he was like to succeed his father, and to understand the laws, which maketh the state to be so singular. The particularies I refer to the book, whereof thus much I do and no less could well say. Why I did choose your worship to be protector of my labours, I shall not need tedyously to touch, it shallbe sufficient to say that in choice of many, I picked you alone, not doubting your liking in allowing seeing mine election in dedicating and so committing to thAlmighty the good preservation of your worship I humbly take my leave, this xii. of October  
Robert Mulcaster.   

The introduction into the matter.  

During the cruel rage of the late mortal warrez within the royalme of England, when the most virtuous and godly king Henry the sixth with Queen Margaret his wife the kingz daughter of Iherusalem and Scicile, & their only son Edward prince of Wales were forced to fly the land: & the king himself afterward in the same civil tumult falling into the bloody hands of his deadly enemies his own subiectz was of them committed to prison, where he a long time remained in strait captivity, the queen & the prince her son thus banished out of their country, making their abode in the duchy of Berry, a dominion of the foresaid king of jerus. The Prince shortly after growing to man's state, applied himself wholly to the feats of arms, much delighting to ride upon wild and unbroken horses, not sparing which spurs to break their fierceness. He practised also sometimes which the pike, sometimes with the sword, & other warlike weapons after the manner & guise of warriors according to the use of martial discipline, to assail & strike his companions, I mean the young men the attended upon his person. Which thing when a certain ancient knight, being chancellor to the foresaid king of England saw, who also in the miserable time did there remain in exile, he spoke thus to the prince.   

SEuiente dudum in regno Anglie nephandissima rabie illa, qua piissimus ibidem rex H. sextus, cum Margareta Regina consort sua, filia regis Iherusalem et Sicily, ac eorum unigenito Edwardo principe Wallie inde propulsi sunt, sub qua et demum rex ipse. H. a subditis suis deprehensus, carceris diutinun passus est horrorem, dum regina ipsa cum sobole, patria sic extorrens, in ducatu Berren̄ predicti Regis Iherusalem dnio morabantur. Princeps ille mox ut factus est adultus, militari totum se contulit disciplinae, et sepe ferocibus et quasi indomitis insedens caballis, eos calcaribus▪ urgens, quandoque lancea, quandoque mucrone, aliis quoque instrumentis bellicis, sodales suos iwenes, sibi seruientes, bellantium more invadere ferireque, juxta martis gimnasij. rudimenta, delectabatur. Quod cernens miles quidam grandaews, predicti regis Angliae Cancellarius, qui etiam ibidem sub hac clade exulabat: Principen sic affatur.    

¶ First he moveth the Prince to the knowledge of the law. Chap. 1,  

YOur singular towardness most gracious prince, maketh me right glad, when I behold how earnestly you do embrace martial feats. For it is convenient for your grace to be thus delighted, not only for that you are a soldier, but much rather for that you shallbe a king. For it is the office and duytie of a King to fight the battles of his people, and also rightly to judge them, as in the viii. chapter of the first book of Kings you are plainly taught. Wherefore I would wish your grace to be with as earnest zeal given to the study of the lawz as you are to the knowledge of arms, because that like as wars by force of chivalry are ended, even so judgements by the laws are determined. which thing justinian the Emperor well and wisely and advisedly pondering, in the beginning of the preface of his book saith thus. It behoveth the imperial majesty not only to be guarded with armez, but also to be armed with laws, to the end that he may be able rightly to execute the governemnt of both times, aswell of war as of peace. Howbeit for your more earnest endevoir to the study of the law, the exhortation of the chiefest lawmaker Moses, sometime capytaine of the synagogue ought to be of much more force with you, than the words of justinian, whereas in the xvii. chapter of the book of Deuteronomie he doth by the authority of god straitly charge the kings of Israel to be readers of the law all the days of their life saying thus. When the king shall sit upon the princely seat of his kingdom, he shall write him out this law in a book, taking the copy thereof of the priests the Levites: and he shall have it with him, and he shall read it all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the lord his god, & to keep his commandments and ordinances written in this law.  
And Helynandus expounding the same saith thus. A Prince therefore must not be ignorant of the law, neither is it tolerable that he under the pretence of warfare should be unskilful in the law. And a little after he is commanded, sayeth he, to receive the copy of the law of the priests the Levites, that is to say, of catholic and learned men. Thus much he: For the book of Deuteronomie is the book of the laws, wherewith the Kings of Israel were bound to rule and govern their Subjects. This book doth Moses command kings too read, that they may learn to fear God, and keep his commandments, which are written in the law.  
Behold the effect of the law is to fear God.  
Whereunto man cannot attain, unless he first know the will of God, which is written in the law. For the principal point of all service is to know the will and pleasure of the lord or master to whom service is due. Howbeit the lawmaker Moses first in this charge mentioneth the effect of the law, that is the fear of God: and next he allureth us to the keeping of the cause thereof, that is to say, of God's commandments. For in the mind and intent of the exhorter the effect goeth before the cause.  
But what fear is this which the laws do propoun to the obseruerz thereof? Surely it is not that fear, whereof it is written, that perfect charity or love expelleth fear. Yet this same fear, though it be bond & servile, oftentimes provoketh kings to the reading of the laws: but it proceedeth not out of the law. But that fear whereof Moses here speaketh, which also proceedeth out of the laws is the self same fear, that the prophet speaketh of saying. The fear of the lord is holy, & endureth for ever & ever. This is such a loving fear as natural children bear to their dear parents commonly termed the reverence of the child toward his parents, Whereunto there is no punishment due, as a thing wrought by love. For this fear proceedeth out of the laws, which teach to do the will of god, so that it deserveth no punishment. But the glory of the Lord is upon them that fear him, and he doth glorify them. Yea this fear is even that same fear, whereof job after that he had diversly searched for wisdom, sayeth thus. Behold the fear of the lord is perfect wisdom, and to forsake evil is understanding. That the forsaking of evil is the understanding of the fear of god, this do the laws teach, whereby it followeth that the same fear proceedeth out of them.   

Gaudeo vero se renissime Princeps super nobilissima indole tua: videns quanta aviditate militares tu amplecteris actus, convenit namque tibi taliter delectari, nedum quia miles es, sed amplius quia rex futurus es. Regis nempe officium pugnare est bella populi sui, et eos rectissime judicare, ut primo regum cap. viii. clarissime tu doceris. Quare ut armorum, utinam et legum studiis, simili zelo te deditum contemplarer Cum ut armis bella, ita legibus judicia peragantur que justinianus Augustus equissima librans mente in initio prohemii libri sui institutionum ait. Imperatoriam magestatem non solum armis decoratam, sed et legibus oportet esse armatam, ut utrumque tempus bellorum et pacis recte possit gubernari. Tum ut ad legum studia seruide tu anheles, Maximus legis lator ille Moyses olim synagogue dux multo forcius Cesare te invitat dum regibus Israel divina autoritate ipse precipiat, eorum leges legere omnibus diebus vite sue, sic dicens: Postquam sederit rex in solio regni sui describet sibi Deuteronomij Leges in volumine, accipiens exemplar a sacerdotibus Levitice tribus, & habebit secum legetque illud omnibus diebus vite sue, ut discat timere dnm deum suum, & custodire verba & ceremonias eius que in lege scripta sunt. Deutero. ca xvij. quod exponens Helynandus dicit. Princeps ergo non debet juris ignarus esse, nec pretextu militiae legem permittitur ignorare. Et post pauca, a sacerdotibus Levitice tribus, assumere iubetur exemplar legis, id est a viris catholicis et litteratis. Hec ille: Liber quip Deute. est liber legum, quibus Reges Israell subditum sibi populum regere tenebantur. Hunc librum legere, jubet Moyses Reges, ut discant timere deum & custodire mandata eius quae in lege scripta sunt.  
Ecce timere deum effectus est legis, quem non consequi valet homo, nisi prius sciat voluntatem dei, quae in lege scripta est. Nam principium omnis famulatus, est scire voluntatem dni cui seruitur. Legis tn̄ lator Moses, primô in hoc edicto effectum legis videlicet timorem Dei, commemorat. Deinde ad custodiam causae eius videlicet mandatorum dei ipse invitat.  
Nam effectus prior est quam causa, in animo exhortantis. Sed quis est timor iste, quem promittunt leges obseruatoribus suis? vere non est timor ille de quo scribitur: Quod perfecta caritas foras mittit timorem. Timor tamen ille licet seruilis, sepe ad legendum leges, reges concitat, sed non est ipse proles legis. Timor vero de quo hic loquitur Moses, quem et pariunt leges, est ille de quo dicit propheta: Timor domini sanctus permanet in seculum seculi. Hic filialis est et non novit penam, ut ille qui per charitatem expellitur. Nam iste a legibus proficiscitur, que docent facere voluntatem dei, quo ipse penam non meretur. Sed gloria dni est super metuentes eum, quos et ipse glorificat. Timor autem iste, timor ille est, de quo Iob postquam multifarie sapientiam investigat sic ait. Ecce timor domini ipsa est sapientia, & recedere a malo, intelligentia. job ca xxviij. Recedere a malo quôd intelligentia timoris dei est, leges docent quo & timorem hunc ipse parturiunt.    

¶ The Prince's reply to the Chancellor's motion, Chap. 2.  

THe Prince hearing this, and steadfastly be holding the old man, spoke thus to him. I know good chancellor that the book of deuteronomy whereof you speak is a book of holy scripture. The laws also and ordinances therein contained are holy, of the lords making, and published by Moses: Wherefore the reading of them is a pleasant act of holy contemplation. But that law, to the knowledge whereof you counsel me, is human, made by men, and entreating of worldly matters: Wherefore though Moses bind the Kings of Israel to the reading of god's law, yet that thereby he forceth all other Kings to do the like in their own laws, that standeth by no good reason, seeing that of both the readings the cause is not like.   

HEc ut audivit princeps, erecto in senem vultu sic locutus est. Scio Cancellarie quod liber Deut. quem tu commemoras, sacrae scripturae volumen est: leges quoque & cerimoniae in eo conscriptae, etiam sacrae sunt a dno editae: & per Moisen promulgatae: quare eas legere sanctae contemplacionis dulcedo est. Sed lex ad cuius scienciam me invitas, humana est ab hoimbus aedita, tractans & terrena: quo licet Moyses ad Deut. lecturam reges Israel astrinxerit, eum per hoc reges alios ad cōssīl’er faciendum in suis legibus concitasse onnen effugit rationem, cum utriusque lectur ’, non sit eadem causa.    

¶ Here the chancellor Fortifieth his assertion Cap. 3.  

I perceive (ꝙ the Chancellor) by your answer most worthy prince how earnestly you have considered & weighed the quality of my exhortation. So that hereby you do much encourage me both more plainly, more largely & also more deeply to discourse the same. Wherefore you shall understand that not only gods laws but also man's are holy, forsomuch as the law is defined by these words. The law is a holy sanction or decree, commanding things that be honest, and forbidding the contraries. Now the thing must needs be holy which by definition is determined to be holy. Right also by description is called the art of that which is good & straight so that in this cespect a man may well call us Sacerdotes, that is to say, geevers or teachers of holy things (for so by interpretation doth Sacerdos signify). forsomuch then as the laws are holy, it followeth that the ministers and setters forth of them may right well be called Sacerdotes, that is givers & teachers of holy things. Further more all laws published by men have also their authority from god. For as the apostle sayeth: All power is from the lord god. Wherefore the laws that are made by man which thereunto hath received power from the lord, are also ordained of god, as also appeareth by this saying of the author of all causes: Whatsoever the second cause doth, the same doth the first cause by a higher and more excellent mean. Wherefore josaphat the king of juda sayeth to his judges: The judgements which ye execute are the judgements of god in the ninetinth chapter of the second book of Chronicles. Whereby you are taught that to learn laws though they be man's laws, is toe learn holy laws and the ordinances of good: so that the study of them is not with out a pleasant sweetness of holy consolation. And yet such sweet pleasure was not the cause as you suppose, wherefore Moses commanded the kings of Israel to read the laws of Deuteronomie. For this cause moveth not kings no more to the reading of the book of Deuteronomie then of any of the other books of Moses in which aswell as in the book of Deuteronomie is plentiful store of godly lessons & holy instruccions. Wherein to be devoutly occupied is a holy thing. Wherefore that there was none other cause of this commandment, than for that the laws whereby the king of Israel is bound to rule his people, are more precisely contained in the book of deuteronomy, them in the other books of the old testament, the circumstances of the same commandment do manifestly inform us. For which cause you ought most worthy prince no less than the kings of Israel to be moved and provoked to be a diligent travailer in the study of those laws, whereby hereafter you shall rule your people. For that which was spoken to the king of Israel must be understand to be figuratively spoken to every king having dominion over godly people. And have I not then well and holsomelye propounded unto you the commandment given to the kings of Israel concerning the learning of their law? Forasmuch as not only his example, but also his like authority hath taught you and bound you to the like doing in the laws of the kingdom, which god willing you shall inherit.   

AT Cancellariꝰ. Scio (inquit) ꝑ hec q iam dicis, princeps clarissim, quanta aduntentia exhortationis mee, tu ponderas qualitat ’ quo me non infime concintas super inceptis, nedum clarius, sed et profundius quodamodo tecundisceptare. Scire igitur te volo, quod non solum Deutro. leges, sed et onnes leges human sacre sunt, quô lex sub his verbis diffinitur. Lex est sanctio sancta iubens honesta, et prohibens contraria sanctum etenim esse oportet, qd ’ esse sanctum diffinitum est. Ius etiam discribi perhibetur, quod illud est ars boni et equi cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes appellat. Sacerd ’ enim quasi sacra dans, vel sacra docens per ethimologiā dicitur, quia ut dicunt iura, leges sacrae sunt quô eas ministrantes et docentes sacerdotes appellantur. A deo etiam sunt omnes leges editae, quae ab homine ꝓmulgantur. Nam cum dicat Apostolus, quod omnis potestas a domino deo est, leges ab homine conditae, qui ad hoc a domino recipit potestatem, etiam a deo constituuntur, dicente auctore causarum: quic quid facit causa secunda, facit et causa prima, altiori et nobiliori modo. Quare Iosaphat rex juda, ait judicibus suis: judicia q vos profertis, judicia dei sunt, secundo Paralipo. nineteen. cap. Ex quibus erudiris quod leges licet humanas ad discere, est addiscere leges sacras et editiones dei, quo earum studium non vacat a dulcedine consolationis scae. Nec tamen ut tu coniicis, dulcedo hmodi causa fuit cur Moses reges Israel Deutero. legere pceꝑat. Nam causa hec, non plus reges quam plebeos, ad eius lecturan ꝓuocat, nec plus Deuter. librum quam alios Pētateucō libros legere, pulsat causa ista, cum non minus libri illi, quam Deutero. sacris abundent carismatibus, in quibus meditari ꝑsanctum est. quare non aliam fuisse causam mandati huius, quam quia in Deutronom̄ plus quam in aliis libris veteris testamenti legis inseruntur, quibus rex Israel ppl’m regere obnoxius est, eiusdem mandati circumstantiae manifest nos informant. Quo et te princeps eadem causa, non minus quam reges Israel exhortatur ut legum, quibus populum in futurum reges, tu sis solers indagator. Nam quod Regi Israel dictum est, omni Regi populi videntis deum, ticipè dictum fuisse intelligendum est, an tunc non convenienter utiliterque proposui tibi mandatum Regibus Israel latum de eorum lege addiscenda? Dum nedum eius exemplum, sed et eius auctoritas figuralis te erudivit et obligavit, ad consimiliter faciendum de legibus regni, quod annuente domino, hereditaturus es.    

¶ Here the chancellor proveth that a prince by the laws may be made happy and blessed. Cap. 4.  

NOt only to the intent you should fear god & so become wise, do the laws with the prophet call you saying: Come children hear me I will teach you the fear of the lord: but also that you may aspire unto felicity and blessedness (as far fourth as in this life they may be attained) do the laws will you most gracious prince to be studious of them For all the philosophers which have so diversly reasoned of felicity, have all agreed together in this one point, that felicity or blessedness is the end of all man's desire: and therefore they call it chief goodness. Howbeit the peripatetics placed it in virtue, the stoics in honesty, & the Epicures in pleasure. But seeing the stoics defined honesty to be that which is well & laudably done with virtue, and the Epicures held nothing to be pleasant witheoute virtue, therefore all those sects, as sayeth Leonarde Arretine in his Introduction to moral Philosophy agreed in this, that it is only virtue that causeth felicity. Wherefore Aristotle also in the seventh book of his politics defining felicity, saith that it is the perfect use of virtues. Thus much being now presupposed I would have you to consider these things also the follow Man's laws are nothing else but certain rules, whereby justice is perfectly taught. But that justice which the laws do show is not the same that is called Commutative or Distributive, or any other particular virtue, but it is a perfect virtue expressed by the name of justice legal. Which the foresaid Leonerd doth therefore affirm to be perfect, because it excludeth all vice, and teacheth all virtue. For which cause also it is worthily called by the name of all virtue. Whereof Homer sayeth, and likewise Aristotle in the fifth book of Moral philosophy, that it is the chiefest of all virtues, and that neither Lucyfer nor Hesperus are so bright & beaming as it is. Moreover this justice is the thing, whereupon all princely care dependeth and resteth: witheoute the which the king can neither rightly judge, nor yet duly fight. But this being once obtained and perfectly kept, than all the hole duty required in a king is justly performed. Now then seeing that the perfect use of virtues is felicity, and that justice used amongst men which can not be obtained unto nor learned but by the law, is not only the effect of virtues, but is all virtue itself, hereof it followeth, that the practiser of justice is by the law happy, and so thereby he is made blessed, forsomuch as blessedness or happiness and felicity are both one in this short and transitory life, of the which life through justice he enjoyeth the chief & principal goodness. And yet the law is not able to perform these things without the assistance of grace, witheoute the which also you can not learn nor covet either law or virtue. For as saith Pariss. in his book entitled Cur deus homo the inward virtue of man wherein his desiring is placed is so through original sin defaced and corrupt, that it esteemeth vicious works for pleasant, & virtuous works for unpleasant. Wherefore in that some men apply and endeavour themselves to the love and following of virtues, it proceedeth of the bountiful goodness of god and not of the power of man. Is there not then special cause why the laws, which being prevented and accompanied with grace do perform all the premises, should with all diligent travail be learned? seeing that whoso hath perfectly attained thereunto, the same shall enjoy felicity, the end & performance, as the Philosophers say, of man's desire by means whereof he shall in this life be blessed, in the he now possesseth the chief goodness thereof. Doubtless if these things move you not, which shall have the rule and government of a kingdom, yet the words of the prophet shall move you, yea & force you to the study of the law, which words be these: Be ye learned you that are judges of the earth. Here the prophet exhorteth not to the learning of a base art or a handicraft, for he saith not: Be ye learned you that are the inhabiters of the earth, neither doth he counsel to the learning of knowledge speculative, though it be not unnecessary for the inhabiters upon the earth. For he sayeth not generally: Be ye learned you that dwell upon the earth, but by these words, doth the prophet call kings only to the learning of the law, whereby judgements are executed, forsomuch as he specially saith Be ye learned you that are judges of the earth. And it followeth: lest the lord wax angry, and so you perish from the way of righteousness. Neither doth holy scripture (o kings son) command you only to be skilfully instruct in the laws, whereby you shall purchase and obtain the possession of justice but also in an other place it biddeth you unfeignedly to love justice, where it sayeth. O set your love & affection upon justice you that are judges of the earth, in the first chapter of the book of wisdom.   

NOn solum ut de ū timeas, quo et sapiens eris, princeps colendissime, vocant te leges, cum propheta dicente. Venite filii, audite me timorem dnidocebo vos: Sed etiam ut felicitatem, beatitudinemque,) ꝓ ut in hac vita nancisci poter ’ adipiscaris, ipsae leges ad earum disciplinatum te invitant. Philosophi namque onnes qui de felicita te tam variè disputabant, in hoc uno convenerunt: vz qd; felicitas sive beatitudo finis est onnis hummani appetitus: quare et ip̄am summum bon̄ appellant: Peripatetici tn̄ constituebant eam in virtute: Stoici in honesto: Et Epicurei in voluptate. Sed quia Stoici honestum diffiniebant esse qd ’ bene sit et laudabiliter ex virtute, et Epicur ’ asserebant nihil esse voluptuosum sine virtut ’: Omnes sectae illae, ut dicit Leonardus Arretinus Ysagogico moralis disciplinae, in hoc concordarunt, qd ’ sola virtus est, que felicitatem operatur Quo et Philosophus in seven. polit ’ (felicitatem difiniens) dicit, quod ipsa est ꝑfectus vsus virtutum. His iam pnsuppositis, considerare te volo etiam ea q sequentur. Leges human non aliud sunt quam regul ’ quibus ꝑfectè iustic̄ edocetur. justicia vero quam leges revelant, non est illa q commutativa vel distributativa vocat. feu alia quis ꝑticularis virtus, sed est virtus perfecta, q iustic̄ legal ’ nōine de signatur. Quam Leonardus pndc̄us ideo dicit esse ꝑfectam, q̄aōne vicium ipsa eliminat, et omne virtutem p̄a docet quo et omnis virtus ipa merito nuncupatur. De qua Homerus dicit, sinl’er et Philosophus v. ethicorum, Quod ipsa est pre clarissima virtutum et nec Lucifer nec Hesperus, ut illa est admirabilis. justicia vero hec, subiectum est omnis regalis curae, quô sine illa Rex just non judicat, nec recte pugnare potest. Illa vero adepta, ꝑfectêque seruata equissime peragitur onne officium Regis. unde cum ꝑfectus usus virtutum sit felicitas, et justicia humana, que non nisi per legem perfect nanciscitur, aut docetur, nedum sit virtutum effectus, sed et omnis virtus. Sequitur quod justitia fruens felix per legem est quó et per eam ipse fit beatus, cum idem sit beatitudo & felicitas in hac fugaci vita cuius et ꝑ justiciam ipse summum habet bonum tamen non nisi per gratiam lex poterit ista operari, neque legem aut virtutem sine gratia tu addiscere poteris, vel appetere. Cum ut dicit Parisi in libro suo de Cur deus hōo virtus homin̄ appetitiva interior, per peccatum originale ita viciata est ut sibi viciorum sua via et virtutum aspera opera sapiant. Quare qd ’ aliqui ad amorem sectacionemque virtut ’ se conferunt, diuinī bonitatis benefici um est, et non humanae virtutis. Num tunc leges, q p̄ueniente & comitant gratia, omnia p̄ missa operantur, toto conamine addiscendae sunt? dum felicitatem quae secundum Philosophos, est hic finis et complementum humani desiderij, earum apprehensor obtinebit, quó et beatus ille erit in hac vita, eius possidens summum bonum. Vere etsi non hec te moveant, qui regnum recturus es, movebunt te etarctabunt ad disciplinatum legis prophetaeverba dicētꝭ Erudimini qui iudicatis terram, non enim ad eruditionem artis factivae, aut mechanicae, hic movet propheta: Cum non dicat, Erudimini qui colitis terram, nec ad eruditionem scientiae tantum theoricae, quamuis oportuna fuerit incolis terrae, quia generaliter non dicit erudimini qui inhabitatis terram sed solum ad disciplinam legis, qua judicia redduntur reges invitat propheta in his verbis. Cum specialiter ipse dicat: Erudimini qui iudicatis terram. Et sequitur: Ne quando irascatur dominus, & pereatis de via justa. Nec solum legibus, quibus justitiam consequeris, fili regis imbui te jubet sacra scriptura, sed et ipsam justiciam diligere, tibi alibi precipit, cum dicat. Diligite justiciam qui iudicatis terram. Sapien Capitulo primo.    

¶ Ignorance of the law causeth the contempt there of. Cap. 5.  

But how can you love justice, unless you first have a sufficient knowledge in the laws, whereby the knowledge of it is won and had: For the Philosopher sayeth that nothing can be loved except it be known. And therefore Quintiliane the orator sayeth, that happy should arts be, if artificers only wear judges of them. As for that which is unknown it is wont not only not to be loved, but also to be despised. And therefore a certain poet thus saith.  
The ploughman doth desspise and scoff,  
the thing he is not skilful of.  
And this is the saying not of ploughmen alone but also of learned, and right skilful men. For if unto a natural Philosopher that never studied the mathematical sciences a supernatural Philosopher should say that this science considereth things severed from all matter and moving, according to their substantial being and reason: or the Mathematical man should say that this science considereth things joined to matter and moving after their substance but severed according to reason, both these though Philosophers, will the natural philosopher, which never understood things severed from mat & motion either in being or in reason, utterly despise, and their sciences though in deed more excellent then his, will he laugh to scorn, moved so to do by none other cause, but that he is altogether ignorant in their sciences. Likewise you most worthy prince would wonder at one skilful in the laws of England, if he should say that the brother shall not succeed his half brother in their father's inheritance, but rather his inheritance shall descend to the sister of the whole blood, or elz it shallbe entitled to the chief lord of the fee as his escheat: Herat you would much marvel, because you know not the cause of this law. howbeit the difficulty of this case nothing troubleth him that is learned in the laws of England. Wherefore it is a comen saying, that an art hath no foe but the ignorant person.  
But god forbidden O noble prince that you should be an enemy to the laws of that royalme, which you shall by succession inherit: or that you should despise them, seeing that the afore cited text of scripture instructeth you to the love of justice. Wherefore most sovereign Prince I do with most earnest affection require you to learn the laws of your father's kingdom, whom you shall succeed, not only to the intent you may the rather avoid these inconveniences, but also because man's mind which naturally desireth the thing that is good, and can desire nothing, but in respects that it is good, as soon as by learning it hath taken hold of that which is good, it becometh joyful, and loveth the same: & the more that it is afterward occupied in the remembrance of the same, so much it is more delighted therein. Whereby you are taught that if you once by learning attain to the understanding of the foresaid laws wherein you are now ignorant, seeing they be perfectly good, you must needs love them And the more that you record than in your mind, so much the more delight & pleasure shall you have in them.  
For what soever it is the is loved, the same draweth the lover of it into the nature thereof. So that as the Phisopher sayeth, use or exercise becometh an other nature. So a slip of a Pear tree being graffed into the stock of an appletree, after that it hath taken, it so draweth the appletree into the nature of the Peartree, the they both for ever after are rightly called a peartree, and do bring forth the fruit of a pearetree. In like sort continual use and practise of virtue causeth a full perfection thereof, in so much that the practiser of the same is afterward named thereby: as a man endued with modesty, of the use thereof is named modest. He that useth continency is called continent, and one garnished with wisdom is called wise. Wherefore you also most mighty prince, when you are pleasantly delighted in justice, and therewith endued, in respect of the perfection of the law you shall wortheli be called just. For which cause it shallbe said unto you: Thou hast loved justice & hated iniquity, and therefore the lord thy God hath anointed the with the oil of gladness above the kings of the earth thy companions.   

SEd quomon justiciam diligere poteris, sinon primo legum scientiam quibus ipsa cognoscatur, utcumque apprehenderis? Dicit namque Philosophus, quod nihil amatum nisi cognitum. Quare Fabius Orator ait, qd ’ felices essent artes si de illis soli artifices iudicarent. Ignotum vero non solum non amari, sed & sperni solet. quô poeta quidam sic ait: omnia que nescit, dicit spernē da colonus. Et non coloni solum vox hec est sed et doctorum peritissimorum quoque virorum Nam si ad Philosophum natural ’ qui in mathe. nunquam studuit, methaphisicus dicat qd ’ scientia sua considerat resseperatas ab omni materia et motu scd’m esse et secundum rationem: Vel mathemathecus dicat, quod sua scientia considerat res coniunctas materinae, et motui secundum esse sed seꝑatas secundum rationem. Ambos hos licet phōs, philosophus ille naturalis qui numquam novit res aliquas seꝑatas a materia & motu essentia vel ratione spernet eorumquè sciencias, licet sua scientia nobili ores ipse deridebit, non alia ductus causa, nisi quia eorum scientias ipse penitus ignorat. Sic et tu princeps legis Anglie ꝑitum miraberis, si dicat quod frater fratri sibi nequaquam uterino, non succedet in hereditate paterna, sed potius hereditas illa, soro ri integri sanguinis sui descendet. Aut capitali domino feodi accidet ut escaeta sua. Cum causam legis huíus tu ignores, in lege tamen Angliae doctum, huius casus difficultas nullatenus perturbat.  
Quare et vulgariterdicitur: quod ars non habet inimicum nisi ignorantem.  
Sed absit a te, fili Regis, ut inimiceris legibus regni quo tu successurus es, vel ut eas spernes cum justiciam diligere, predicta sapientiae lectio te erudiat Iterum igitur atque iterum, princeps inclitissime, te adiuro ut leges regni patris tui, cui successurus es addiscas.  
Ne dum ut inconuenientias has tu evites: Sed quia mens humana, quae naturaliter bonum appetit, et nihil potest appetere, nisi sub ratione boni, mox ut per doctrinam bonum apprehenderit, guadet et illud amat, ac quanto deinceps illud plus recordatur, tanto amplius delectatur in eodem. quo doceris quód si leges predictas quas iam ignoras intellexeris ꝑ doctrinam, cum optimae illae sint, amabis eas. Et quanto plus easdem mente pertractaveris, tanto eisdem delectabilius tu frueris.  
Nam omne quod amatur, usu trahit amatorem suum in naturani eius. unde ut dicit Philosophus usus altera fit natura, sic ramunculus piri, stipiti pomi insertus, postquam coaluerit, ita pomum trahit in naturam piri, ut ambae deinceps merito pirus appellentur, fructusque producant piri. Sic et usitata virtus habitum generat, ut utens ea deinde a virtute illa denominetur, quo modestiae preditus, usu modestus nominatur, continentiae, continens, et sapientiae sapiens. Quare et tu princeps, postquam justitia delectabiliter functus fueris, habitumque legis indutus fueris merito denominaberis justus, cuius gratia tibi dicetur: dilexisti justiciam, quo et odisti iniquitatem, propterea unxit te dominus deus tuus oleo letitiae pre consortibus tuis regibus terrae.    

¶ Here the Chancellor briefly repeateth the effect of all his persuasion. Cap. 6.  

NOw most gracious prince is not all this enough to move your highness to the study of the law? Seeing that thereby you shall endue yourself with justice, which shall yield unto you the name of a just man. And shall also eschew the infamy of ignorance in the law. And further by the law you enjoying felicity, shall be blessed in this life. And finally being furnished with a loving fear, which is the wisdom of God, you shall obtain & possess Charity, which is a steadfast love to godward, and by the mean thereof cleaning to God, you shall by the apostles saying be made one Spirit with him.  
But forsomuch as the law without grace cannot accomplish these things it is necessary and requisite that above all things you make earnest intercession for it: and also that you become a studious searcher of god's law, & of the holy scripture.  
For scripture saith that all men are vain in whom is not the knowledge of god in the xiii. chapter of the book of wisdom.  
Wherefore most noble prince while you are yet young, & while your soul is as it were a smooth blank table, writ in it these things, lest hereafter you happen to take pleasure in writing lessons of less profit therein.  
For as a certain wise man sayeth, 
Whereof the vessel new, did first receive the taste:  
Therein when it is old, the scent will ever last.  What handycrastes man doth so negligently regard the profit of his child whom while he is young, he will not see brought up in such an occupation, as thereby he may afterward obtain to lead a merry life. So the carpenter teacheth his son to cut with an axe: the smith his to strike with an hammer: and whom he intendeth to make a spiritual minister, him he procureth to be trained up in learning. So likewise is it convenient that a kings son which shall govern the people after his father be in his youth instructed in the laws.  
Which order if the rulers of the world would observe, than the world should be governed with much more justice than now it is. Unto whom if you will follow mine exhortation, you shall minister no small example.   

NOnne tunc Princeps se renissime, hec te satis concitant, ad legis rudimenta: cum per ea, justitiam induere valeas: quo et appellaberis justus, ignorantiae quoque legis evitare poteris ignominiam: ac per legem felicitate fruens, beatus esse poteris in hac vita, et demum filiali timore indutus, qui dei sapientia est, charitatem quae amor in deum est imperturbatus consequeris, qua deo adherens, per Apostoli sententiam, fies unus spiritus cum eo.  
Sed quia ista, sine gratia lex operari nequit, tibi illam super omnia implorare necesse est, legis quoque divinae et sanctarum scripturarum indagare scientiam. Cum dicat scriptura sacra: quod vani sunt omnes in quibus non subest scientia dei. Sapienciae cap. xiii. His igitur princeps, dum adolescens es, et anima tua velut tabula rasa, depinge eam, ne in futurum, ipsa figuris minoris frugi delectabilius depingatur.  
Quia etiam (ut sapiens quidam ait) quod nova testa capit, inveterata sapit. Quis artifex tam negligens profectus suae prolis est, ut non eam dum pubescit artibus instruat, quibus postea vitae solatia nanciscatur? Sic lignarius faber secare dolabro, ferrarius ferire malleo, filium instruit: et quem in spiritualibus ministrar ’ cupit, literis imbui facit. Sic et principi filium suum qui post eum populum regulabit, legibus instrui dum minor est convenit, qualiter si fecerint rectores orbis, mundus iste ampliori quam iam est justitia regeretur, quibus si tu ut iam hortor facias, exemplum non minimum ministrabis.    

¶ Now the Prince yieldeth himself to the study of the laws, though he be yet disquieted with certain doubts. Ca 7.  

THus when the Chancellor had said, he held his peace, to whom the Prince began on this wise to speak. You have overcome me welbe loved Chancellor with your most pleasant talk, wherewith you have inflamed my mind with a fervent desire toward the knowledge of the law. Howbee it two. things there be that do toss my mind to and fro, and so disquiet it, that like a ship in the raging waves, it knoweth not which way to incline for ease. The one is, while it considereth how many years the students of the lawez bestow therein before they can attain to sufficient knowledge of the same. Which causeth my mind also to dread least that I should likewise spend the years of my youth.  
The other is whether I shall apply myself to the study of the laws of England, or of the Civil laws, which through out the whole world are chiefly esteemed: For people may not be governed but by right good laws, and as the philosopher saith, nature coveteth that which is best. Wherefore I would gladly hear your council in this behalf. To whom the Chancellor made this answer. These matters, O Kings son, are not hid under so deep and dark mysteries, that they require any great deliberation, or advisement.  
And therefore what I think best herein I will not hide.   

SIlente extunc Cancellario, Princeps ipse sic exorsus est. Vicisti me, vir egregie, suavissima oratione tua, qua et animum meum, ardore non minimo legis fecisti sitire documenta. Sed tamen duobus, me huc illucque, agitantibus, animus ipse affligitur: ut tanquam in turbido mari cimba, nesciat quorsum dirigere proras. unum est dum recolit quot annorum curriculis leges ad discentes, earum studio se conferunt, antequam sufficientem earundem peritiam nanciscantur: quô timet animus ipse, ne consimiliter ego preteream animos iwentutis meae. Alterum est, an Angliae Legum vel Civilium quae per orbem percelebres sunt, studio operam dabo.  
Nam non nisi optimis legibus populum regere licet, etiam ut dicit Philosophus, natura deprecatur optima, quare libenter super his, quid tu consulis ascultaremus.  
Cui Cancellarius Non sunt hec, fili Regis, tantis celata misteriis, ut deliberatione ege ant ingenti, quare quid in his mihi visum est prodere non differemus.    

¶ So much knowledge of the law as is necessary for a Prince, is soon had. Cham 8.  

ARistotle in the first book of his natural Philosophy saith, the then we suppose ourselves to have the knowledge of every thing, when we know the causes and beginnings thereof even to the principles, upon the which text the comentatour saith that the philosopher by beginnings or principles did understand the causes efficient, by the term Causes he understood causes final, & by Elements matter and form. But in the law there are no matter and form, as in things natural, and compound.  
Howbeit there be in them certain Elements, out of the which they proceed as out of matter & form. These are custons, statutes & the law of nature: of the which all the ●awes of the royalme have their beginning, even as all natural things have of matter & form, and as all things that are written and read do consist of letters, which also are called elements. But Principles, or beeginninges, which are as the commentary saith, causes efficient, they are certain universal propositions, which they that be learned in the laws of England and likewise the Mathematicals do term Maxims: the Rethoricians do call the same Paradoxes: and the civilians term them rules of the law. These in deed cannot be proved by force of arguments, or by demonstrations logical, but as it is said in the second book of Posterior, they are known by induction by the way of sense and memory. Wherefore in the first book of his natural philosophy Aristotle saith that principles are not made of others, nor one of them of an other, but all other be made of them. And according thereunto in the first book of his Topikes he writeth, that every principle is a sufficient proof of itself.  
And therefore the Philosopher saith that such as deny them ought not to be disputed or reasoned withal: because that as he writeth in the sixth book of his moral Philosophy, there is no reason to be given for principlez Wherefore whosoever they be that covet to profit in the knowledge of any faculties, they must nedez first be furnished with principles. For by them are opened the causes final, unto the which by the direction of reason through the knowledge of the principles we do attain.  
wherefore these iii. vz principles, causes, and elemntzes being unknown, the science whereof they are is altogether unknown And the same iii being known, the science also whereof they are is thought to be known, not determinately or precisely, but suꝑficially after a confuse & universal sort.  
Thus we think ourselves to have the knowledge of gods laws, when we understand ourselves to know faith charity, and hope, and also the Sacraments of the church, and the commandments of God, leaving to the prelate's of the Church the other mysteries of theology.  
Wherefore the lord saith unto his disciples: To you it is given to know the mystery of the kingdom of God, but to other in Parables, that seeing they may not see. And the Apostle sayeth: Not to be wiser than it behoveth.  
And in another place.  
Not being high in wisdom. In like manner O most worthy Prince, it shall not be needful for you with long study to search out the secret mysteries of the law of England. It shall suffice for you as you have profited in grammar, so also to profit in law.  
Unto the perfection of grammar springing out of Etymology, Orthography, prosody, & Construction as out of four fountains, you have not exactly attained, and yet you are so sufficiently grounded in grammar that you may well be called a Gramarrien. Likewise shall you be well worthy to be called a lawyer, if you search out the principlz & causes of the laws even to the elementzes after the manner of a scholar or a learner. For it shall not be needful or expedient for you by the travel of your own wit to study out the hid mysteries of the law. But let the gear be left to your judges & men of law, which in the royalme of England are called Seriauntz at law and to other professors of the law commonly called apprentices. For you shall better execute judgements by other, then by yourself. Neither hath it been semee that any king of england hath pronounced judgement with his own mouth. And yet nevertheless all the judgements of the royalme are his, though by other they be uttered and pronounced. Like as also king josaphat affirmed the sentences of all the judges to be the judgements of god. Wherefore most gracious prince you shall in short time with little labour be sufficiently learned in the laws of England, so that you do apply your mind to the obtaining thereof For Seneca in an epistle to Lucillus sayeth: There is nothing which earnest travail and diligent care atchieveth not And so well do I know the prompt towardness of your nature, that I dare be bold to say, that in those laws (though the exact knowledge of them such as is required in judges can scant be gotten in the space of xx. years) you shall sufficiently in one year attain to so much understanding, as is convenient for a prince Neither in the mean time shall you neglect and omit the study of martial discipline, whereunto you are so fervently given, but during all the same year in stead of recreation you shall use the practice thereof of at your pleasure.   

Philosophus in primo Phisicorum dicit, quod tunc unumquodque scire arbitramur, cum causas et principia eius cognoscamus usque ad elementa. Super quem textum commentator dicit qd ’ Aristotus ꝑ principia intellexit causas efficientes, ꝑ causas intellexit causas finales, et per elementa materiam et formam. In legibus vero non sunt materia et forma, ut in Phisicis et compositis. Sed tamen sunt in eis elementa quaedam, unde ipsae ꝓfluunt, ut ex materia et forma, quae sunt consuetudines, statuta, et ius naturae, ex quibus sunt omnia iura regni, ut ex materia et forma sunt quaeque naturalia: et ut ex litteris, quae etiam elementa appellantur, sunt omnia quae leguntur.  
Principia autem, quae commentator dicit esse causas efficientes, sunt quaedam universalia, quae in legibus Angliae docti, similiter et Mathematici, maximas vocant: Rethorici, paradoxas: & Civilistae, regulas juris denominant: ipsa revera non argumentorum vi, aut demonstrationibus logicis dinoscuntur. Sed, ut secundo posteriorum docetur inductione, via sensus, et memoriae adipiscuntur, quare et primo phisicorum philosophus dicit: qd ’ principia non fiunt ex aliis, neque ex alterutris, sed ex illis alia fiunt; quô primo topicorum scribitur, quod ununquodque principiorum est sibi ipsi fides. unde, cum negantibus ea, dicit philosophus non est disputandum: quia, ut scribitur vi. Ethicorum. ad Principia non est ratio.  
Igitur principiis imbuendi sunt, quiqui gliscunt aliquas intelligere facultates. Ex eis etenim, revelantur causae finales, ad quas rationis ductu, per principiorum agnitionem pervenitur, unde his tribus, videlicet principijs, causis, et elementis ignoratis scientia de qua ipsa sunt, penitus ignoratur. Et his cognitis, etiam scientiam illam cognitam esse, non determinatè, sed inconfusô et universaliter arbintratur.  
Sic Legem divinam nos nosse in dicamus, dum fidem, charitatem et spem, sacramenta quoque ecclesiae, ac dei mandata nos intelligere sentiamus, cetera theologiae misteria ecclesiae presidentibus relinquentes. Quare dominus discipulis suis ait. Vobis datum est nosse misterium regni dei, ceteris autem in parabolis, ut videntes non videant etc. Et Apostolus dixit, non plus sapere quam oportet sapere, & alibi non alta sapientes. Sic et tibi princeps necesse non erit 〈◊〉 misteria legis angliae longo disciplinatu rimare, sufficient tibi ut in gramatica tu profecisti, etiam & in legibus proficias. Gramaticae vero perfectionem que ex Ethimologia, Ortographia, Prosodia, et Syntaxi, quasi ex quatuor fontibus profluit, non specie tenus induisti, et tamen gramatica sufficienter eruditus es, ita ut merito gramaticus denominoris. Consimiliter quoque denominari legista mereberis, si legum principia, et causas, usq ad ●limenta, discipuli more indagaveris Non enim expediet tibi propria sensus indagine legis sacramenta rimar● sed relinquantur illa judicibus tuis et advocatis, qui in regno Angliae, seruientes ad legem appellantur, similiter et aliis juris ꝑitis, quos apprentincios vulgus denominat, Melius enim per alios, quam per te ipsum iuditia reddes, quó proprio ore nullus regum Angliae judicium proferre visus est, et tamen sua sunt onnia judicia regni licet per alios ipsa reddantur, sicut et judicum omni sententias Iosaphat asseruit esse iuditia dei.  
Quare tu princeps serenissime parvo tempore, parva industria, sufficienter eris in legibus regni Angliae eruditus, dummodo ad eius apprehentionem tu conferas animum tuum. Dicit namque Seneca in epistola ad Lucillum. Nil est quod pertinax opera et diligens cura non expugnat. Nosco namque ingenii tui ꝑspicacitatem, quo audact ’ ꝓnuncio, qd. in legibus illis licet earum peritia qualis, judicibus necessaria est, vix viginti annorum lugubris adquiratur, tu doctrinam principi congruam in anno uno sufficienter nancisceris, nec interim militarem disciplinam ad quam tam ardent ’ anhelas negliges, sed ea recreationis loco, etiam anno illo tu ad libitum perfrueris.    

A King whose government is politic eam not change the laws of hís royalme.  

THe second point, most worthy prince, whereof you stand in fear shall in like manner, and as easily as the other be confuted. For you stand in doubt whether it be bet for you to give your mind to the study of the laws of England, or of the Civil laws, because they through out the whole world are advanced in glory and renown above all other man's laws. Let not this scruple of mind trouble you, O most noble prince. For the king of England can not alter nor change the laws of his royalme at his pleasure. For why he governeth his people by power not only royal but also politic. If his power over them were royal only than he might change the laws of his royalme, & charge his subiectz with tallag. & other burdenz without their consent. And such is the dominion that the civil laws purport when they say: The princess pleasure hath the force of a law. But from this much differeth the power of a king, whose government over his people is politic. For he can neither change laws with out the consent of his subjects, nor yet charge them with strange impositions against their wills Wherefore his people do frankly & freely enjoy and occupy their own goodz being ruled by such laws as they themselves desire. Neither are they pilled either of their own king or of any other. Lyk pleasure also & freedom have the subjects of a King ruling only by power royal so long as he falleth not in to tyranny Of such a king speaketh Aristotle in the third book of his Civil philosophy, saying that it is better for a City to be governed by a good king then by a good law. But forsomuch as a king is not ever such a man, therefore Saint Thomas in the book which he wrote to the king of Cyprus of the governance of princess wisheth the state of a royalme to be such, that it may not be in the kings power too oppress his people with tyranny. Which thing is performed only while the power royal is restrained by power politic. Rejoice therefore O sovereign prince, and be glad, that the law of your royalme, wherein you sha●l succeed, is such For it shall exhibit and minister to you and your people no small security and comfort. with such laws as saith the same Saint Thomas should all mankind have been governed, if in paradise they had not transgressed gods commandment, with such laws also was the Synnagoge ruled, while it served under god only as king, who adopted the same to him for a peculiar kingdom. But at the last when at their request they had a man king set over them, they were then under royal laws only brought very low. And yet under the same laws while good kings were their rulers, they lived wealthily & when wilful and tyrannous kings had the government of them, then they continued in great discomfort and misery, as the book of kings doth more plainly declare. But forsomuch as I suppose I have sufficiently debated this matter in my work, which at your request I compiled of the nature of the law of Nature, therefore at this time I surcease to speak thereof any more   

SEcundum vero Princeps qd▪ tu formidas conconsimili nec maiori opera elidetur. Dubitas nempe an Anglorum legum, vel civilium studio te conferas dum Civiles supra humanas cunctas leges alias fana per orbem extollat gloriosa. Non te conturbet fili regis, hec mentis evagatio. Nam non potest rex Angliae, ad libitum suum leges mutare regni sui. Principatu nam que nedum regali sed et politico ipse suo populo dominatur. Si regali tantum ipse pesset eis, Leges regni sui mutar ’ ille posset, tallagia quoque et cetera onera eis imponere ipsis inconsultis, quale dominium denotant leges civiles, cum dicant, quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem. Sed long aliter potest rex politicè imperans gèti suae, quia nec leges ipse sine subditorum assensu mutare poterit, nec subiectum populum renitentem, onerare impositionibus peregrinis, quare populun eius liberê fruitur bonꝭ suis legibus quas cupit regulatus, nec per regem suum aut quemuis alium depilatur, consimiliter tamen plaudit populus, sub rege regaliter tantum principante, dummodo ipse in tyrannidem non labatur de quali rege dicit philosophus. iii politicorum, qd. melius est Civitatem regi viro optimo quam lege optima. Sed quia non semper contingit pnsidentem populo huiusmodi esse virum, sanctus Thomas in libro qeum Regi Cipri scripsit de regimine principum, optar ’ censetur, regnum sic institui, ut rex non libere valeat populum tirannide gubernare, qd. solum fit, dum potest ’ Regia lege politica cohibetur. Gaude igitur princeps optime, talem esse legem regni in quē●u successurus es, quia et tibi, et populo, ipsa securitatem prestabit non minimam et solamen. Tali lege ut dicit idem sanctus, regulatum fuisset totum genus humanum, si in paradiso dei mandatum non preterisset, tali etiam lege rege bat ’ sinagoga, dum sub solo deo rege qui eam in regnum peculiare adoptabat. illa militabat sed demum eius petitione, Rege homine sibi constituto, sub lege tantum regali ipsa de inceps humiliata est. Sub qua tamen dum optimi reges sibi prefuerunt, ipsa plausit, et cum discoli ei preessebant, ipsa in consolabiliter lugebat, ut regum liber hec destinctius manifestavit. Tamen qa de materia ista in opusculo qd tui contemplacione de natura legis naturae exaravi sufficienter puto me diceptasse, plus inde loqui iam de sisto.    

Here the prince demandeth a question. Cap. 10.  

Immediately the prince thus said. How cometh this to pass good Chancellor, that one king may govern his people by power royal only, and the an other king can have no such power, seeing both this kings are in dignity equal I cannot choose but much muse and marvel why in power they should thus differ.   

TVnc princeps illico sic ait. unde hoc cancellarie, qd Rex unus plebem svam regaliter tantum regere valeat, et regi alteri potestas huiusmodi denegatur. equalis fastigii cum sint reges ambo, Cur in potestate sint ipsi dispares, nequeo non admirari,    

The answer to this question is here omitted for that in another work it is handled at large. Cap. 11.  

I have sufficiently, qd the chancellor, declared in my foresaid work, that the King whose government is politic, is of no less power than he that royally ruelethe his people after his own pleasure howbeit they differ in authority over their subiets, as in the same work I have showed, & say I still. Of which difference I will open unto you the cause as I can.   

CAncellarius. Non minoris, esse potestatis, regem politicê imperantem, quam qui ut vult regaliter regit populum suum, in supradicto opusculo sufficienter est ostensum. Diversae tamen autoritatis eos in subditos suos ibidem ut iam nulla tenus denegavi, cuius diunsitatis causam ut potero tibi pādam    

how kingdoms ruled by royal government only, first began. Cap. 12.  

Men in times passed excelling in power, greedy of dignity & glory did many times by plain force subdue unto them their neighbours the nations adjoining: and compelled them to do them service and to obey their commandments, which commaundementzes afterward they decreed too be unto those people very laws And by long sufferance of the same the people so subdued, being by their subduers defended from the injuries of other agreed & consented to live under the dominion of the same their subduers thinking it better for than to be under the empiere of one man which might be able to defend them against other than to be in danger to be oppressed of all such as would violentli offer them any wrong. And thus certain kingedones were begun. And those subduers thus ruling the people unto them subdued, took upon them of ruelinge to be called Rulers, which our language termeth kings And their rule or dominion was named only royal or kingly. So Nembroth was the first that got unto himself a kingedone And yet in the holy scriptures he is not called a king, but a stout or mighty hunter before the lord For like as a hunter subdueth wild beasts living at their liberty, so did he bring men under his obedient. So did Belus subdue the Assyrians, & Ninus the most part of Asia. So also did the Romans usurp the empire of the whole world. And thus almost were the kingdones of all nations begun Wherefore the lord being displeased with the children of Israel requiring to have a King as then all other nations had commanded the law regal to be declared unto them by the prophet Which law regal was no other thing, but the pleasure of the king their governor: as in the first book of the kings more fully it is contained. Now you understand as I suppose most noble prince, the form and fashion of the beginning of those kingdoms that be regally possessed and ruled. Wherefore now I will assay to make plain unto you how & by what means the government of the kingdom politic took his first entrance & begining to the end and intent the when you know the beginnings of them both it may be right easy for you thereby too discern the cause of the diversity which in your question is contained.   

HOmines quon dam potentia praepollentes, avidi dignitatis et gloriae vicinas sepe gentes sibi viribus subiugarunt: ac ipsis servire, obtem perare quoque iussionibus suis, compulerunt, quas iussiones, extunc leges hominibus illis esse ipsi sanctierunt Quarum ꝑpetione diutina, subiectus sic populus, dum ꝑ subitientes a ceterorum iniuriis defendebatur, in subicientium dominium consentierunt: Oportunius esse arbitrantes, se unius subdi Iꝑio, quo erga alios defender ’ quam omnium eos īfestar ’ volentium oppressionibus exponi. Sicque regna quaedá inchoata sunt, et subicientes illi dum subiectum populum sic rexerunt a regendo sibi nomen regis usurpa runt, eorum quoque dominatus, tantum regalis dictus est. Sic Nēbrogh primus sibi regnum comparavit, tamen non rex ipse sed Robustus venator coram domino sacris litteris appellatus est Quia ut venator feras libertat ’ fruentes, ipse homines sibi compescuit obedire. Sic Belus assirios: et Ninus quam magnam Asiae ꝑtem, ditioni suae subegerunt, Sic et Ronani orbis iperium vsurpar ’ qualit ’ ferè in omnibus gentibus regna inchoata sunt. Quare dum filii Israel regem postu●abāt sicut tunc habuerunt omnes gentes dominus inde offensus, legem regalem eis per prophetam explanari mandavit. Quae non aliud fuit, quam placitum regis eis preessentis, ut in primo Regum libro plenius edocetur. Habes nunc (ni fallor) princeps clarissim, formam exordii regnorum, regaliter possessorum. Quare quomodo regnum politicè regulatum, p̄mitꝰ erupit etiam iam propalare conabor, ut cognitis amborum regnorum initiis, causam diversitatis quam tu queris, inde elicer● tibi facillimum sit.    

How kingdoms of politic governance were first begun. Cap. 13.  

SAint Austen in the xxiii. chapter of his nineteen. book De civitate dei saith the a People is a multitude of men associated by the consent of law, and communion of wealth. And yet such a people being headless that is to say without a head, is not worthy to be called a body. For as in things natural when the head is cut of the residue is not called a body, but a truncheon, so likewise in things politic a commonalty without a head is in no wise corporate. Wherefore Aristotle in the first book of his civil philosophy saith the whensoever one is made of many, among the same one shallbe the ruler, and the other shallbe ruled. wherefore a people that will raise themselves into a kingdom, or into any other body politic must ever appoint one to be chief ruler of the whole body which in kingdones is called a king After this kind of order, as out of the embryo rieseth a body natural ruled by one head, even so of a multitude of people arieseth a kyngedone which is a body mystical gounned by one man as by an head. And like as in a natural body, as saith the Philosopher, the heart is the first the liveth, having within it blood, which it distributeth among all the other members, whereby they are quickened & do live: semblably in a body politic the intent of the people is the first lively thing, having within it blood, that is to say, politic provision for the utility & wealth of the same people, which it dealeth forth & imparteth aswell to the head as to all the members of the same body whereby the body is nourished & maintained. Furthermore the law under the which a multitude of men is made a people, representeth the semblance of sinews in the body natural Because that like as by sinews the joining of the body is made sound so by the law which taketh the name a ligando that is to wit of binding such a mystical body is knit and preserved together. And the members & bones of the same body whereby is represented the soundness of the wealth whereby that body is sustained, do by the laws as the natural body by sinews retain everyone their proper functions And as the head of a body natural can not change his sinews, nor can not deny or withhold from his inferior members their peculiar powers, & several nourishmntzes of blood, no more can a king which is the head of a body politic change the laws of the body nor withdraw from the same people their proper substance against their wills and consents in that behalf. Now you understand most noble prince the form of institution of a kingdom politic, whereby you may measure the power, which the king thereof may exercise over the law and subjects of the same. For such a king is made and ordained for the defence of the law of his subjects and of their bodies and goods, whereunto he receiveth power of his people, so that he can not govern his people by any other power. Wherefore to satisfy your request in that you desire to be certified how it cometh to pass that in the powers of kings there is so great diversity, surely in mine opinion the diversity of the institutionz or first ordinances of those dignities which I have now declared, is the only cause of this foresaid difference, as of the premises by the discourse of reason you may easily gather. For thus the kingdom of England out of Brutus' retinue of the Troyans' which he brought out of the coasts of Italy and Greece, first grew to a politic & regal dominion. Thus also Scotland which sometime was subject to England as a Dukedom thereof was advanced to a politic and royal kingdom. Many other kingdons also had thus their first beginning not only of regal but also of politic government Wherefore Diodorus Siculus in his second book of old histories thus writeth of the Egyptians. The Egiptien kings lived first not after the licentious manner of other rulers, whose will & pleasure is in steed of law, but they kept themselves as private persons in subjection of the laws And this did they willingly, being persuaded that by obeying the laws they should be blessed. For of such rulers as followed their own lusts they supposed many things to be done, whereby they were brought in danger of divers harms and perils And in his fourth book thus he writeth. The Ethiopian king as soon as he is created, he ordereth his life according to the laws and doth all things after the manner and custom of his country, assigning neither reward nor punishment to any man otherthen the law made by his predecessors appointeth He reporteth likewise of the king of Saba in Arabia the happy, and of certain other kings, which in old time honourably reigned.   

SAnctus Augustinus in libro nineteen de civitate dei capitulo xxiii. dicit: Quod populus encetus hominum juris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus. Nec tamen populus huiusmodi dum Acephelus (id est) sine capite est, corpus vocare meretur. Quia ut in naturalibus, capite detruncato, residuum non corpus, sed truncum appellamus: sicet in politicis sine capite communitas nullatenus corporatur. Quo p̄mo politic̄ dicit philosophus, quôd quamdocunque ex pluribus constituitur unum: inter illa, unum erit regens, et alia erunt recta. Quare populum se in regnum, aliudue corpus politic̄ erigere volentem, semper oport ’ unum pficere totius corporis illius regitiwm, quem regem nōin̄ solit ’ est. Hoc ordin̄ sicut ex embrione corpus surgit phisi cum, uno capite regulatum, sic ex populo erumpit regnum, qd. corpus extat misticum uno hoīe ut capite gubernatum. Et sicut in naturali corpore, ut dicit philosophus, cor est primum vivens, habens in se sanguinem, quem emittit in oina eius membra, unde illa vegetant ’ et viwnt: sic in corpore politico, intentio populi primum vividun est, habens in se sanguinem, vz ꝓuisionem politicam utilit ’ populi illius, quam in caput, et in oina membra eiusdem corporis, ipsa transmittit, quo corpus illud alitur & vegetatur. Lex vero sub qua cetus hominum, populus efficitur, neruorum corporis phisici tenet ration̄: qa sicut ꝑ neruos compago corporis solidatur, sic per legem quae a ligando dicitur, corpus huiusmodi misticum ligatur et servatur in unum, et eius dem corporis membra ac ossa, quae veritatis qua communitas illa sustentatur soliditatem denotant, per legem, ut corpus naturale per neruos, propria retinent iura Et ut non potest caput corporis phisici, neruos suos commutare neque membris suis ꝓpas vires et ꝓpa sanguinis alimnta denegare, nec rex qui caput corpor ’ politici est, mutar ’ potest leges corpor ’ illius nec eiusdem populi substantias ꝓprias subtrahere, reclamantibus eye aut invitis. Hens ex hoc iam princeps, institutionis politici Regni formam, ex qua metiri poteris, potesta ten quam rex eius in leges ipsius, aut subditos valeat exercer ’ Ad tutelam namque legis subditorum, ac eorum corpum et bonorum, rex hmodi erectus est et ad hanc potestatem a populo effluxam ipse hent, quô ei non licet potestate alia, suo populo dnari. Quare ut postulationi tuae, quacntiorari cupis, unde hoc ꝓuenit, qd potestates regum tam diunsimo dè variantur succinctius satisfac. firm coniector, qd ’ diūsitates institution̄, dignitatum illarum quas ꝓpalavi, pre dcam discrepantiam solummodo operantur, ꝓ ut rationis discursu, tu ex pmmissis poteris exhaurire. Sic namque regnum Angliae quod ex Bruti comitiva Troianorum quam ex Italiae et grecorum finibus ꝑduxit, in dominium politicum, et regal ꝓrupit. Sic et Scotia quod ei quondam ut ducatus obedivit, in regnum crevit politicum et regal. Alia quoque plurima regna, nedum regaliter sed et politice regula●i, tali origine ius sortit ’ sunt unde Diodorus Siculus in secundo libro historiarum prīscarū de Egiptiis sic scribit. Suam primum Egiptij reges vitam non aliorum regnantium quibus voluntas pro lege est, traducebant licentia, sed veluti privati tenebantur legibus, neque id egrè ferebant, existimantes parendo legibus, se beatos fore. Nam ab his, qui suis indulgerent cupiditatibus, multa censebant fieri quibus dampna periculaque subirent. Et in quarto libro sic scribit. Assumptꝰ in Regem Ethiopum, vitam ducit statutam legibus, omniaque agit juxta patrios mores, neque pmmio neque pena afficiens quem quam preter per traditam a superioribus legem. Consimiliter loquit ’ de rege Saba in felici Arabia, et alijs quibusdam regibus. qui priscis temporibus feliciter regnabant.    

¶ Here the prince compendiously abridgeth all that the chancellor afore hath discoursed at large. ca 14  

TO whom the prince thus answered. You have good Chauncelloure with the clear light of your declaration quite driven away the cloudy mist, wherewith the brightness of my mind was darkened: so that I do most evidently see that no nation did ever of their own voluntary mind in corporat themselves into a kingdom for any other intent, but only to the end that thereby they might with more safety then before maintain themselves and enjoy their goods from such misfortunes & losses as they stood in fear of. And of this intent should such a nation be utterly defrauded, if then their king might spoil them of their goods, which before was lawful for no man to do. And yet should such a people be much more injured, if they should afterward be governed buy foreign and strange laws, yea and such as they peradventure deadly hated & abhorred. And most of all if by those laws their substance should be diminished, for the safeguard whereof, as also for the defence of their own bodies they of their own free will submitted themselves to the governance of a king No such power surely could have proceeded from them. And yet if they had not been, such a king could have had no power over them. Now on the other side I perceive it to stand much otherwise with a kingdom which only by the authority of a king is incorporate, For such a nation is no otherwise subject unto him, but that the same nation, which by his pleasure is made his kingdom, should obey his laws, and be ruled by the same being nothing else but his like pleasure. Neither have I yet good Chancellor forgotten that, which in your treatise of the nature of the law of nature you have with pithy reasons clerkly proved, concerning that the power of these two kings is equal. Howbeit the power of the one, whereby he is at liberty to deal wrongfully is not by such liberty augmented and increased. As to be of ability to decay and die is no ability, but in respect of the privation and feebleness in the thing it is rather to be called a disability. Because that as Boetius saith: ability and power is not but to good. So y● to be of ability or power to do evil (as is the king that regaly doth rule, & that with much more liberty, than the king that hath a politic dominion over his people) is rather a diminution then an increase of power For the holy spirits which are now established in glory and can not sin do in power far excel and pass us, which have a delight and pleasure to run headlong into all kind of wickedness. Now therefore I have but this one only question to demand of you, whether the law of England to the study whereof you exhort me, be as good and effectual for the government of that kingdom, as the Civil law, whereby the holy empire is governed, is thought sufficient for the government of the whole world? If with sound reasons, and apparent demonstrations you resolve me in this point, I will straight yield me to the study of the law, without further troubling you with my questions in this matter.   

CVi princeps. Effugasti Cācell●rie, declarationis tuae lumine tenebras quibus obducra erat acies mentis meae, quo clarissime iam conspicio, quod non aliopacto gens aliqua proprio arbitrio unquam se in regnum corporavit, nisi ut per hoc, se et sua quorum dispendia for midabant, tutius quam antea possiderent, quasi proposito gens huiusmodi frauderet ’, si ex inde facultates eorum eripere possit rex suus, quod antea facere ulli hominum non licebat. Et ad huc gravius multo populus talis lederetur, si deinde peregrinis legibus etiam ipsis forsan exosis, regerentur.  
Et maxime si legibus illis eorum minoraretur substantia, pro cuius vitanda iactura, ut pro suorum tutela corporum, ipsi se regis imperio, arbitrio proprio submiserunt. Non potuit revera potestas hmodi ab ipsis erupisse, et tamen si non ab ipsis, rex huiusmodi super ipsos nullam optineret potestatem, e regione aliter esse concipio, de regno quod regis solum auctoritate et potentia incorporatum est, quia non alio pacto gens talis ei subiecta est nisi ut eius legibus, q sunt illius placita, gens ipa q eodem placito regnum eius effecta est, obtemperaret et regenet ’. Neque Cancellarie, a mea huc usque memoria elapsum est, qd ’ alias in tractatu de natura legis naturae, horum duorum regum equalem esse potentiam, doctis rationibus ostendisti, dum potestas qua eorum alter ꝑperā agere liber est, libertate huiusmodi non augetur, ut posse lauguescere, moriue potentia non est sed propter privationes in adiecto, impotentia potius denominandum. Quia ut dicit Boetius potentia non est nisi ad bonum, qd▪ posse male agere, ut potest rex regaliter regnans, liberius quam rex politicè dominans populosuo, potius eius potestatem minuit, quam augmentat. Nam sancti spiritus iam confirmati in gloria, qui peccare nequeunt potentiores nobis sunt, qui ad omne facinus liberis gaudemus habenis. Solum igitur mihi iam superest a te sciscitandum, si lex Angliae ad cuius disciplinatum me provocas, bona et efficax est ad regimen regni illius ut lex civilis, qua sacrum regulatur imperium, sufficiens arbitrat ’ ad orbis regimen universi. Si me in hoc demonstrationibus congruis indubium reddideris, ad studium legis illius illico me conferam, nec te postulationibus meis super his, aplius fatigabo.    

¶ That all laws are the law of nature, customs or statutes. Cap. 15.  

THe chancellor answered saying. You have well committed to memory most worthy prince all that I have hitherto declared unto you. Wherefore you are well worthy to have this doubt opened whereupon now you have moved your question. You shall therefore understand that all human laws are either the law of nature, or customs, or else statutes, which are also called constitutions. But customs & the sentences of the law of nature after that they were once put in writing, & by the sufficient authority of the prince published and commanded to be kept, were changed into the nature of constitutions, or statutes, and did after that more penally, then before bind the subjects of the prince to the keeping of them by the severity of his commandment. Of this sort are the most part of the Civil laws, which of the Roman princes are digested in great volumes & by their authority commanded to be observed. And not they only are called by the name of the Civil law, but also all the other statutes of emperors. Now than if that among these three wellsprings of all law I prove the pre-eminence of the law of England to excel above the rest I shall therewith prove the same law to be good and effectual for the government of the kingdom. And further if I do show it to be as commodious for the wealth of that Royalme as the Civil laws are for the wealth of the empire, then shall I make evident and plain not only that this law is of much excellency, but also that it is an elect and chosen law, aswell as the Civil laws are: which is the thing that you require Wherefore to the proof and declaration of these two points thus I proceed.   

CAncellarius memoriae tuae princeps optime commendasti quae tibi hucusque suggessi, quare et quae iam interrogas, meritus es ut pandam.  
Scire te igitur volo, qd; oina iura humana aut sunt lex naturae, consuetudin vel statuta q et constitutiones appellantur. Sed consuetudines et legis naturae sententiae postquam in scripturam redactae et sufficienti auctoritate principis promulgatae fuerint, ac custodiri iubeantur in constitutionum sive statutorum naturam mutantur, et deinde penalius quam antea, subditos principis ad earum custodiam constrin gunt, severitate mandati illius, qualis est legum civilium pars non modica, q̄ a Romanorun principibus in magnis voluminibus redigitur, et eor ’ auctoritate observari mandatur. unde legis Civilis ut cetera Imperatorum statuta iam pars illa nomen sortita est. Si igitur in his tribus quasi onnis juris fontibus legis Angliae prestantiam probauerim prefulgere, legem illam bonam esse et efficacem ad regni illius regimen etiam comꝓbavi. Deinde si eam ad eiusdem regni utilitatem, ut leges civiles ad imperij bonum accomodam esse lucidè ostenderim, nedum tunc legem illam prestantem, sed et ut leges civiles electam (ut tu optas) etiam patefeci. Igitur hec duo tibi ostendere satagens, sic progredior.    

¶ The law of nature in all countries is all one. Cap. 16  

The laws of England in those things which they by force of the law of nature do ratify & establish are neither better nor worse in their judgements than the laws of all other nations are in the like cases. For as Aristotle in the fifth book of his moral philosophy saith. The law of nature is that which among all people hath like strength & power Wherefore hereof to reason any longer it shall not avail. But now henceforth we will search out what manner of customs & statutzes these of England are And first the quality of those customs we will consider.   

LEges Angliae, in his q̄ ipae sanctiunt legis naturae ratione, non meliores peioresue sunt in judiciis suis, quam in consimilibus sunt onnes leges ceterarum nationum. Quia ut dicit Phūs. v. Ethicorum. Ius naturale est quod apud omnes homines eandem hent potentiam, quare de ea amplius disceptare non expeditur. Sed quales sunt Angliae consuetudines sl’er et statuta est amodo perscrutandun et primo consuetudinun illarum visitab●mus qualitates.    

¶ The customs of England are of most ancient antiquity, practised and received of v. several nations from one to an other by succession. Cap. 17  

THe royalme of England was first inhabited of the Britons. Next after them the Romans had the rule of the land. And then again the Britons possessed it. After whom the Saxons invaded it, who changing the name thereof did for Britain call it England. After them for a certain time the Danes had the dominion of the royalme, & then Saxons again. But last of all the Normans subdued it, whose descent continueth in the government of the kingdom at this present. And in all the times of these several nations & of their kings this royalme was still ruled with the self same customs that it is now governed witheall. Which if they had not been right good, some of those kings moved either with justice or with reason, or affection would have changed them, or else altogether abolished them: and specially the Romans who did judge all the rest of the world by their own laws. Likewise would other of the foresaid kings have done which buy the sword only possessing the royalme of England might by the like power and authority have extinguished the laws thereof. And touching the antyquitie of the same neither are the Roman Civil laws by so long continuance of ancient times confirmed nor yet the laws of the venetians, which above all other are reported to be of most antiquity: forsomuch as their Island in the beginning of the britons was not then inhabited, as Room then also unbuilded: neither the laws of any patnime nation of the world are of so old and ancient years. Wherefore the contrary is not to be said nor thought, but that the english customs are very good, yea of all other the very best.   

Regnum Angliae primo per Britones inhabitatum est, deinde per Romanos regulatum iterunque per britons, ac deinde ꝑ saxons possessum, qui nomen eius ex Britannia in Angliam mutaverunt: ex tunc per Danos idem regnum parum ꝑ dnatum est, et iterum ꝑ saxons, sed finaliter per Normannos quorum propago regnum illud optinet in presenti, Et in omnibus nationum harum et regum earum temporibus, regnum illud eisdem quibus iam regitur consuetudinibus, continue regulatum est. Quae si optimae non extitissent, aliqui regum illorum justitia, ratione, vel affectione concitati, eas mutassent aut onnino delevissent, et maxīme Romani: qui legibus suis quasi totum orbis reliquum iudicabant. Similiter et alij regum predictorum, qui, solum gladio regnum Angliae possiderunt, quo et potentia simili ipsi leges eius exinanisse valuerunt. Neque vero tantorum temporum curriculis, leges Civiles in quantum Romanorum inveteratae sunt, neque venetorum leges quae super alias antiquitate diwlgantur quoruntum insula in initio Britonum inhabitata non fuit, sicut nec Roma condita, nec ullorum mundi regnorum deicolarum leges tanto aevo inolitae sunt, quare non bonas, immo non optimas esse anglorum consuetudines, sicut non dicere, ita nec suspicari fas est.    

¶ Here he showeth with what gravity statutes are made in England. Cap. 18.  

NOw whether the statutes of England be good or not, that only remaineth to be discussed. For they proceed not only from the prince's pleasure as do the laws of those kingdoms that are ruled only by regal government, where sometimes the statutes do so procure the singular commodity of the maker, that they redound to the hindrance and damage of his subjects. Sometimes also by the negligence, and oversight of such princes, & their slight regard, respecting only their own commodities they are so unadvisedly made, that they are more worthy to have the name of disorders, then of well ordered laws. But statutes cannot thus pass in England, forsomuch as they are made not only by the Prince's pleasure, but also by the assent of the whole royalme: so that of necessity they must procure the wealth of the people, and in no wise tend to their hindrance. And it cannot otherwise be thought, but that they are replenished with much wit and wisdom, seeing they are ordained not by the devise of one man alone, or of a hundreth wise counsellors only, but of more than three hundredth chosen men, much agreeing with the number of the ancient senators of Room: as they that know the fashion of the Parliament of England, and the order and manner of calling the same together are able more distinctly to declare. And if it fortune these statutes being devised with such great solemnity and wit, not to fall out so effectually as the intent of the makers did wish, they may be quickly reformed, but not without the assent of the commons and states of the realm, by whose authority they were first devised. Thus most worthy Prince you do plainly understand all the kinds of the laws of England.  
And touching their qualities, as whether they be good or not, you shallbe able to measure that aswell by your own wit, as by comparing them with other laws. And when ye shall find none in the whole world of like excellency, you must of force grant them to be not only good, but also on your behalf most to be embraced.   

STatuta tunc Anglorum, bona sint nec ne solum restat explorandum. Non enim emanant illa a principis solum voluntate ut leges in regnis quae tantum regaliter gubernantur, ubi quandoque statuta ita constituentis ꝓcurāt commodum singulare, qd ’ in eius subditorum ipa redundant dispendium et iacturam Quamdoque etiam in advertentia principum huiusmodi, et sibi consulentium inertia, ipsa tam inconsultè eduntur quod corruptelarum nomina potius quam legum, illa merentur. Sed non sic Angliae statuta oriri possunt, dum nedum principis voluntate, sed et totius regni assensu ipsa conduntur, quo populi le suram illa efficere nequeunt, vel non eorum comodum procurare. Prudentia etiam & sapientia, necessario ipsa esse referta putandum est, dūnon unius, aut centum solum consultorum virorum prudentia, sed plusquam trecentorum electorum hominum quali numero olim senatus Romano rum regebatur, ipsa edita sunt, ut hij qui parliamenti Angliae formam, convocationis quoque eius ordinem, & modum noverunt hec distinctius referre norunt. Et si statuta hec, tanta solennitate & prudentia edita, efficaciae tantae quantae conditorum cupiebat intentio, non esse contingant: concito reformari ipsa possunt, et non sine communitatis & procerum regni illius assensu; quali ipsa primitus emanarunt. patent igitur iam tibi princeps, legum anglorum species oens, earum quoque qualitates, ut si bonae ipsae sint, metiri tupoteris prudentia tua, comparatione etiam aliarum legum, & cum nullam tantae prestantiae in orb reperies, eas nedum bonas, sed tibi optabilissimas fore necessario confiteberis.    

¶ Hear he deviseth a mean how to know the diversity between the Civil laws and the laws of England. Chap. 19  

ONe only doubt wherewith your mind is troubled, remaineth now behind undiscussed. And that is this. Whether as that civil lawz, so likewise the lawz of England be fruitful and effectual, these for the royalme of England as the other for the empire, and whether they may worthily be judged fit and meet. Comparisons, most noble prince (as I remember I hard you once say) are counted odious. Wherefore I am loath to meddle with them. But whether they be both of like worthiness, or that the one deserveth an higher commendation than the other hereof you may gather a pythier argument out of those points, wherein their sentences do differ then by my declaration. For where both the lawezes do agree, the praise of them is equal.  
But in cases where they disagree, the worthier law is most prayse-woorthye. Wherefore we will now propound some such cases, to the intent you may indifferently ponder and weigh whether of these doth most justly and better define the same. And first we will put forth examples of cases of much weight.   

SOlum iam unum de his quibus agitatur animus tu us restat explanandum, vz an ut Civiles, ita et ang. leges frugi sint et efficaces, isti Angliae regno, ut illae imperio, etiam et accomode judicari me reantur. Comparationes vero princeps, ut te aliquan do dixisse recolo odiosae reputantur, quo eas aggredi non delector, tu an equalis sint ambae leges meriti, vnaue altera celsius preconium mereatur, non ex meo iuditio, sed ex his in quibus earum differunt sententiae, efficatius carpere poteris argumentum. Nam ubi conveniunt Leges ambae, aequalis laudis ipsae sunt, sed in casibus ubi ipsae dissentiunt, prestantioris legis preconia digna pensatione refulgent. Quare casus huiusmodi aliquos iam in medium proferemus ut quae legum illarum eos iustius meliusque diffiniat, equa lance valeas ponderare, et primo ex casibus maximi ponderis exempla preponamus.    

¶ The first case wherein the Civil laws, and the laws of England do differ. Ca 20  

IF they that have a matter of controversy depending before a judge come to the contestation of the suit upon the matter of the deed which the lawyers of England call the issue of the plea: the truth of such an issue by the civil laws must be tried by the deposition of witnesses, wherein ii allowable witnesses are sufficient. But by the laws of England the truth of the matter cannot appier evident to the judge without the oaths of xii. men neighbours to the place where such a deed is supposed to be done. Now therefore the question is whether of these two, so divers procedings ought to be esteemed more reasonable & effectual for the opening of the truth, which thus is sought for. For the law that can more certainly & better show the truth, is in this behalf of more excellency than the other that is of less efficacy & force. wherefore in the search of this matter thus we proceed.   

SIcoram judice contendentes, ad litis ꝑueniant contestationem super materia facti, quam legis Angliae periti exitum pl’iti appell ’. Exitus hm̄oi veritas ꝑ leges Civiles testium depositionem ꝓbari debet, in qua duo testes idonei sufficiunt, Sed per leges Angliae, veritas illa non nisi twelve hominum de vicineto ubi factum huiusmodi suponitur sacramento, judici constari poterit. Queritur igitur, quis horum duorum ꝓcessuum tam diuersorum rationabilior censeri debeat & efficatior, ad veritatem quae sic queriturreuelādā. Quia lex q eam certius meliusque ostendere potest, prestantior in hoc est lege altera quae non tantae efficatiae est et virtutis, quare in huius rei indagine sic ꝓcedimus.    

¶ Here are set ●urth the inconveniences proceeding of the law, which no otherwise then by witnesses admitteth trials. Cap. 21.  

BY the Civil laws the party which in the issue holdeth the affirmative must bring forth witnessez which he himself at his own pleasure shall name But the negative cannot be proved directli, though indirectly it may: For the ability of him is thought to be very small & weak, and his wit much less, which among all the men that he knoweth is not able to find two. so void of conscience & truth, which for dread, love or profit will not be ready to gainsay all truth.  
Such than may he produce for witnesses on his side.  
And if the other party would object any thing against them, or their sayings, it chanceth not ever that they & their conditions & doings are known to the contrary party: so that by reason of their foul lives & vicious behaviour such witnesses might be reproved. And while their sayings contain the affirmative, it shallbe very hard to reprove them by circumstances or any other indirect meanz. who then shallbe able to live in surety of his goods or of himself under such a law, the ministereth such aid to every busy body that lusteth to trouble another? And what two. wicked men are so unwary & uncircumspect, which touching the deed whereof they shallbe examined in judgement, will not before they are called forth for witnesses secretly imagine and devise a form & fashion thereof, & frame thereunto all circumstances even such as must needs have been so, if the thing had been true in deed? For the children of this world (saith the lord) are wiser than the children of light. So the most wicked jesabel brought forth two. witnesses of the children of belial in judgement against Nabot, whereby he lost his life, & king Achab her husband obtained the possession of the vineyard. So the most chaste matron Susamna should have died for adultery by the witness of two old dotards being judges, if the lord had not marvelously delivered her by a wonderful feat of prudence, which of nature the young child had not being yet under age. And though the same child by their altering & doubling in their depositions did convict them to be false wretches, yet who (save only the lord) could have known that in their sayings they would thus have disagreed? seeing there was no law the did move them to have in remembrance what kind of tree it was, whereunder the fact was supposed to be done. For the witnesses of every wicked deed are not thought to consider all circumstances appertaining to the same, being such as do nothing help to the aggravation & detection of the fault. But while those wicked judges willingly swearing did alter touching the kinds of the trees, their own words proved them to be false varlets. Wherefore they worthily suffered the same punishment themselves. You also most gracious prince do know how that lately master I. Fring after that he had continued three years in the order of pristehoode was compelled by the deposition of two wicked persons which witnessed that he had before he was made priest betrothed himself to a certain young woman, to forsake the holy order of priesthood, and to marry the same woman. with whom when he had lived fourteen years, and had beegotten vii▪ children of her, at the last being convicted of treason conspired against your highness, he confessed before all the people even at the very point of death that those witnesses were hired, and that their depositions were false. And thus many times are iudgementzes perverted by the mean of false witnesses, yea & that under the very best judges as unto you it is not unheard, nor to the world unknown, while this wickedness (the more is the pity) is often committed.   

PEr leges civiles pars, quae in litis contestatione affirmativam dicit, testes ꝓducere debet, quos ipsemet ad libitum suum nominabit. Negativa autem ꝓbari non potest, vz directè, licet possit ꝑ obliquum. Exilis quip credit ’ esse potentiae minoris quoque industriae, qui de omnibus quos noscit hominibus, duos repire nequit ita conscientia & veritate vacuos, ut timore, amore, vel comod ’ omni velint contrair verit ’. Hos potest tunc ipse in testim ꝓ ducere in causa sua et 〈◊〉 contra eos pars altera dicere velit, vel contra eorum dicta, non semper continget, eos eorum quoque mores aut facta, apud contradicere volentem agnosci, ut ex eorum feditate et viciis testes illi possint reꝓbari. Et dum eorum dicta affirmativam contineant, non facile poterunt illa, ꝑ circumstantias aut obliqua alia im ꝓbari. Quis tunc poterit svorum aut sui ipsius, sub lege tali vivere securus, dum cuilibet sibi inimicari volenti lex tale prestat subsidium? Et qui iniqui duo tam incauti sunt, qd ’ facti de quo ipsi examinabunt ’ in judicio non antequam in testes ꝓducantur, occult fingant imaginem et figuram, componant quoque eidem omnes circumstantias, quales sibi affuissent, si illud in veritate constitisset Prudentiores namque ut dicit dominus sunt filii huius mundi, quam filii lucis Sic Iesabel scelera tissima, testes duos filios belial, contra Nabot in iuditio produxit, quô ipse vitam perdidit, et Achab rex eius vineam possidebat. Sic duorum senun etiam judicum testimonio, mortua fuisset pro adulte riouxor castissima Susanna, si non eam miraculose liberasset dns inexcogitabili prudentia, quam a natura non habuit puer junior nondum etate ꝓuectus. Et si ipsos deposition̄ sua varia convicerat puer ille esse falsarios, quis nisi solum dns novisse poterat eos in dictis suis taliter variaturos? dum non de arboris natura sub qua imputatum facinus fie bat, lex aliqua eos artabat reminisci. Quia testes sceleris cuiusque, considerare non putant ’ oina umbracula & cetera vicina illi facto, q ad aggravati onem vel detection̄ criminis illius minime operantur, Sed dum de arborum speciebus, judices illi nequam ultro deponentes variabant▪ eorum dicta ipsos veritatis fuisse prevaricatores demonstrabant, quô et talionis penam merito incurrerunt. Nosti et tu princeps divine qualiteriam tarde, magister johannes Fringe, qui postquam annis tribus sacerdotali functus est officio, duobus iniquorum depositione, qui eum antea iuuenculam quandam affidasse testati sunt, sacrum presbiteratus ordinem relinqre compulsus est, et matrimonium cum femina illa consumare. Cum qua, postquam annis xiiij moratus sobolem septimam suscitaverat, demum de crimine laese maiestatis in tuam celsitudinem coniurato convictus, subornatos fuisse testes illos, et falsum dixisse testimonium, in mortis suae articulo coram omni populo fassus est. Qualiter et sepe perverti judicia, falsorum testium medio, etiam sub optimis judicibus, non est tibi inauditum nec incognitum mundo, dum scelus illud (prohdolor) creberime committatur.    

¶ Of the cruelty of rackings. Cap. 22  

THerefore the law of France in offences criminal whereupon death dependeth is not content to convict the party accused by witnesses, lest by the testimony of false persons innocent blood should be condemned. But that law chooseth rather to torment such offenders which racking, until they themselves confess their own fault, rather than by the deposition of witnesses, which many times through wicked affections, & sometimes by the subornation of evil men, are moved to perjury. Upon this & such like cautels & respects offenders & suspect persons are in that royalme which so many kinds of rackings tormented that my pen abhorreth to put them in writing.  
For some are stretched our upon a horse in such wise that their sinews break, and their veins gousheout with streams of blood. Again other some have divers great weightez hanged at their feet: whereby their limbs and joints are dissolved and unloosed.  
Some also have their mouths so long gagged open, till such abundance of water be powered in that their holly swelleth like a hill or a ton, to the intent that then the belly being pierced with some boring instrument, the water may issue and spout out thereat and at the mouth stream wise, not much unlike a whale which when he hath supped up and swallowed down a great quantity of sea water, with herrings and other small fishez, gusheth out the same water again as high as the top of any pineapple tree. My pen is both weary & ashamed to rehearse the outrageousness of torments devised in this behalf. For the number of them is so great, that it can scant well be noted in a whole skin of parchment. More over the Civil laws for want of witnesses do fetch out the truth by such rackings. And so do divers other Countries too. But who is so hard hearted, which being once released out of so cruel a Rack, though he be innocent and faultless, would not yet rather accuse himself of all kinds of offences, than again to commit himself to the intolerable cruelty of the torment once proved: and had not rather die at ones (seeing death is the end of all miseries) then so often to be killed, and to sustain so many hellish furies, painfuller than death itself?  
And did not you moste worthy prince know a certain offender which in such torments accused a worshipful, yea a right good and faithful knight of treason, wherein, as he said they two had conspired together, which treason he himself being released from the rack, afterward attempted and accomplished, thereby to acquit himself from coming to the torture again. But at the last by mean of those torments being so meamed in his body, that thereby he was brought in despair of his life and thereupon receiving his housel, he then swore by the same body of the lord, &, by the death which he believed that he should forthwith die, that the said knight was innocent and guiltless in all things whereof he had accused him, howbeit the pains wherein he was at the time of that his accusation he said were so extreme, that rather than he would feel the same again, he would no stick to accuse the said knight again, yea & his own father to. This he said being then at the very point of death, which he believed he could not then escape. No nor he escaped not the death which he then feared. But afterward being hanged, at the time of his death he cleared the said knight of all crimes whereof before he had defamed him. Thus (o pitiful case) do many other wretcheiss not for the truths sake, but forced thereunto by the extremity of torments, And what certainty then can arise of the confessions of miserable tormented persons. But if some innocent body having his mind fixed upon eternal salvation, would in such a babylonical furnace with the three children bless & magnify the lord, and not lie to the damnation of his own soul, in the the judge pronounceth him unguilty, doth not that judge by the self same judgement judge himself guilty of all the cruelty & pains wherewith he hath tormented the innocent. O how cruel is such a law which in that it can not condemn the syelie innocent, condemneth the judge. surely such a custom is not to be accounted a law, but rather the hieghe way to the devil O judge, in what school hast thou learned to be present, while the offender is tormented? For the execution of judgements upon offenders ought to be done by men of base degree: the doers whereof do purchase to themselves present infamy by the deed doing, in somuch that ever after they are disabled from the pferment of a judge. Neither doth the lord god execute his judgements pronounced against the dampened by angels, but by devils. Yea and in Purgatory the souls there remaining, though they be predestinate too glory, yet are they not tormented of good angels, but of evil. Those also are evil and wicked men by whom the lord in this world doth minister to wretched sinners deserved punishemnt For when god said in the xxii. chapter of the third book of Kings: Who shall deceive Achab. it was an evil spirit that answered: I will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets. For it becomed not a good spirit to take upon him the execution of such things though this judgement proceeded from the lord that Achab should be deceived by a lie. But the judge peradventure will say: I with mine own hands did nothing in these torments But what differth it whether one be a doer with his own hands, or else be present at the doing, and the thing that is done to exasperate hit by his commandment. It is only the master of the ship that bringeth it to the haven, though by his commandment an other be the stiresman I believe that the wound wherewith the mind of the judge thus tourmentinge any man is plagued, will never be healed again specially while he remembreth the extremity of the pains sustained by the poor wretch in those miserable torments   

NOn igitur contenta est lex Francie, in criminalibus ubi mor● imminet, reum testibus convincere, ne falsidicorum testimonio sanguis in nocens condennotur. Sed mawlt lex illa reos tales torturis cruciari, quousque ipsi eorum reatum confiteantur, quam testium depositione, qui sepe passionibus iniquis, & quandoque subornatione malorum ad ꝑiuria stimulant ’. Quali cautione & astutia, criminosi etiam & de criminibus suspectitot torturarum in regno illo generibus affliguntur, quod fastidet calamus ea literis designare. Quidam vero in equuleis extenduntur, quô eorum rumpuntur nerui, et venae in sanguinis fluenta prorumpunt. Quorundam vero, diversorum ponderum pendulis dissoluuntur compagines et iuncturae, et quorundam gaggantur ora, usque dum ꝑ illa, tot aquarum infundantur fluenta, ut ipsorum venter montis tumescat more, quo tunc venter ille fossorio vel simili percussus instrumento, per os aquam illam evomet ad instar Balenae que cum halecibus et aliis pisciculis mare absorbuit, aquam despumat, ad altitudinem arboris pini. Piget (proh pudor) iam penna exquesitorum ad hec cruciatuum enarrare immania. Nam eorum variatus numerus vix notari poterit magna in membrana. Leges etiam ipsae Civiles deficiente testium copia, in criminalibus, veritatem consimilibus extorquent tormentis, qualiter et faciunt etiam quam plurima regna. Sed quis tanduri animi est, qui semel ab atroci tanto torculari laxatus non potius innocens ille omnia fateretur scelerum genera, quam acerbitatem sic experti iterum subire tormenti, et non semel mori mallet, dum mors sit ultimum terribilium, quam tociens occidi, et tot idem gehennales furias morte amariores sustinere? Et nonne princeps tu novisti criminosum quendam, qui inter tormenta huiusmodi, militem nobilem, probum, et fidelem, de proditione quadam super qua, ut asseruit ipsi duo insimul coniurarunt, accusant, quod et constanter postmodum ipse fecit a torturis illis relaxatus, ne iterum eadem tormenta ipsa ipse subiret. Sed demum cum expenis illis lesus usque ad mortis articulum infirmaretur, ultimum quo que viaticum, christi videlicet corpus sumpsisset: juravit tunc super corpus illud, et per mortem quam tunc protinus credidit se passurum, militem illum innocentem fuisse et īmunē de omnibus in q̄bꝰ eum accusavit, tamen ait penas in q̄bꝰ ipse tempore delation̄ suae fuerat, ita atroce● extitisse qd priusquam eas iterum experiretur, etiam eundem militem ille iterum accusaret, similiter et patrem ꝓprium, licet tunc in mortis limine quam non credidit se posse evadere, fuerit constitutus. Nec vero ipse mortem quam tunc metuit, evasit Sed demum suspensus, tempore mortis suae ipsum militem purgavit ab omni crimine de quo dudum defaanuit Taliter proh dolor et quam plures alii miseri faciunt, non ver itatis causa, sed solum vrgentibus torturis artati, qnd tunc certitudinis resultat, ex confessionibus taliter compressorum? Cererum si innocens aliquis non immemor salutis etern● in huiusmodi babilonis fornace, cum tribus pueris benedicat dnm, nec mentiri velit in ꝑniciē ainae suae. quo judex eum ꝓnunciat innocentem, nonne eodem judicio judex ille, seip̄m reum judicat, onnis sevicioe et penarum quibus innocentem afflixit? O quam crudelis est lex talis, q dum innocentem dampnare nequit judicem ipa condempnat? Vere non lex ritus talis esse phibetur sed potius semita ipse est ad iehēnā. O judex quibus ibus in scholis didicisti, te pnsentem exhibere, dum penas luit reus executiones quip iudiciorum in criminosos, per ignobiles fieri convenit Nam earum actores infames solent esse ipso facto, quo et ipsi deinde ad iudicialem apicem redduntur indigni, non enim per angelos, sed per demones exequi facit dns judicia sua reddita indampnatos. Nec reuer ’ in purgatorio cruciant animas quamuis predestinatas ad gloriam angeli boni, sed mali. Maligni etiam homines sunt, ꝑ quos dominus in hoc mundo, miseris tribuit malum penae. Nam dum dixerat deus three Regum. xxii. Quis decipiet michi Achab? malus erat spiritus ille qui respondit. Ego ero spiritus mendax in ore omnium prophetarum eius Non enim decuit spiritum bonum exequi talia, licet a domino prodiit judicium quod Achab mendacio deciperet ’ Sed dicit judex forsan. Ego nihil egi manibus meis in cruciatibus istis. Sed quid refert propriis facere manibus, an presentem esse et quod factum est mandato suo iterum atque iterum aggravare: solum magister navis est q eam ducit ad portum, licet eius mandato alii agitent proram, Credo qd, vulnus quo sautiatur animus judicis penas huiusmodi infligentis nunquam in cicatricem veniet, maxime dum recolit acerbitatem penarum miseri sic afflicti.    

Here he showeth that the Civil law oft faileth ín doing of justice. Cap. 23.  

Moreover if by reason of bargaining, or by suffering of injuries, or by title of inheritance right do accrue to aman to plead in judgement, if there be no witnesseiss or if such as were witnesseiss be dead, the plaintiff must needs let his action fall, except he be able to prove his right by inevitable conjectures, which is seldom seen. Wherefore concerning lordships and other possessions ruled by the civil law and in all actions falling under the same law the actions of the plaintiffs for want of witnesses many times are choked, so that scant the half part of them attaineth to the desired end. What manner of law than is this which to them the sustain wrong thus faileth in yielding justice? I doubt whether it deserve too be called a just law, because in the same law it is written, that justice rendereth too every man that which is his own. But this cannot such a law do.   

PReterea, si ex contractibus, illatisue iniuriis, vel hereditatis titulo, ius accreverit homini agendi in judicio: si testes non fuerint, vel si qui fuerint moriantur, succumbet ipse agens in causa sua, nisi ius suum ꝓbare valeat ineuitabilibus coniecturis, quod facere crebro non contingit. Quare de dominiis et aliis possessionibus iure civili regulatis, similiter et in omnibus actionibus cadentibus sub eodem iure, actiones agentium ꝓ defectu testium quam pluries suffocantur, ita qd. earum vix ꝑs media optatum finem sortiatur ’ qualis tunc est lex huiusmodi, q iniuriatis taliter deficit in justicia reddenda? dubito an justa vocari mereatur, quia in eadem lege scribitur, quod justicia unicuique tribuit quod suum est, qd non faciat lex talis    

Here he declareth how counties are divided, and shieri●ffs chosen.  

Now that we have opened after what manner the Civil laws do inform a judge of the truth of a matter brought into judgement, it is consequent to declare by what means the laws of England do bolt out the truth of such a matter. For the orders of both the lawez being laid together, the qualities of them both will more plainly appear: forsomuch as the philosopher sayeth that contraries placed one by an other will show themselves more evidently. But herein after the manner of orators in stead of a proheme, it shall not be amiss that we open certain things before, the knowledge whereof shall give light too things which hereafter shall come in talk wherefore thus we do proceed. The royalme of England is divided into counties, as the royalme of France is into Baylywyks, so that in England there is no place that is not with in the body of some county. Counties also are divided into hundreds which sun where are called wapentages. And hundreds are divided into villages under which appellation are contained boroughs and Cities. For the bounds of villages are not contained within the circuit of walls, buildings, or streets, but within the compass of fields, great territories, certain hamlets, and many other, as of waters, woods & waste grounds, which it is not needful now to set forth by their names: because that in England there is scant any place, which is not contained within the compass of villageiss, though certain privileged places within villageiss are supposed to be no parcel of the same villages, More over in every county there is one certain officer called the kings shierief, which among other duties belonging to his office, putteth in execution all the commandments, and judgements of the kings court, that are to be executed within his county His office endureth but for one year, so that after the expiration of that year, he may not minister in that office. Neither shall he within two. years next ensueing be admitted to the office again. This officer is thus chosen. Every year the morrow after All soullen day all the kings counsellors meet together in the kings exchequer, aswell the lords spiritual and temporal as all other justices, all the barons of the exchequer, the master of the rolls, and certain other officers, where all these with one comen assent do name of every county three knights or esquires, whom among other of the same county they take to be of good disposition and fame, and best disposed to the office of the shiereif of that county. Of the which iii. the king chooseth one, whom by his letters patents he appointeth sherief of the county that he is chosen of for the year then following. But he before he receive his patent shall swear upon the holy gospel among other articles, that he shall well and faithfully and indifferently exercise and do his office all that year, and that he shall receive or take nothing of any other man then the King, by colour or mean of his office.  
These things being thus now presupposed, let us proceed too the search of those things, that we seek for.   

Exposita iam forma qua leges Civiles de veritate facti in judicio deducti judicem erudiunt, superest ut modum quô leges Angliae huiusmodi facti eliciunt veritatem etiam do ceamus, Nam ambarum legum formulis contigué positis, qualitates earundem lucidius eminebunt cum dicat Philosophus, quod opposita juxta se posita magis apparent: Sed in hoc oratorum more (prohemii loco) quedam pnnarrare congruet, quorum agnitione, deinde tractando clarius patere queant, quare sic procedimus. Regnum Angliae per comitatus, ut regnum Fraunciae per ballivatus distinguitur, ita ut non sit locus in Anglia, quae non sit īfr ’ corpus alicuius comitatus. Comitatus quoque dividuntur in Hundreda, que alicubi Wapen tagia nuncupantur. Hundreda vero dividuntur per villas, subquarum appellatione continentur et Burgi atque Civitates. Villarum etenim metae, non muris, edificiis, aut stratis terminan tur, sed agrorum ambitubus, territoriis magnis, hamiletis quibusdam, et multis aliis, sicut aquarum, boscorum, et vastorum terminis, quae iam non expedit nominibus designare, qa vix in anglia est locus aliquis, qui non infra villarum ambitus contineatur, licet privilegiati loci quidam infravillas, de eisdem villis pars esse non censentur. Preterea in quolibet comitatu est officiarius quidam unus regis vicecomes appellatus, qui inter cetera sui officii ministeria, omnia mandata et judicia curiarum regis in comitatu suo exequenda, exequitur, Cuius officium annale est, quo ei post annum in eodem ministrare non licet, nec duobus tunc sequentibus amnis ad idem of ficium reassumetur Officiarius iste sic eligitur. Quolibet anno in crastino animarum, conveniunt in scaccario regis omnes consiliarii eius, tam dnispunales, ettēporales quam alii onnes iusticiarii, omnes barones de scaccario, clericus rotulorum, & quidam alii officiarii ubi hii omnes communi assensu, nominant de quolibet comitatu tres milites vel armigeros, quos inter ceteros eiusdem comitatus ipsi opinantur melioris esse dispositionis et famae, et ad officium vice comitis comitatus illius melius dispositos: ex quibus rex unum tantum eliget, quem per litteras suas patentes constituet vicecomitem comitatus de quo eligit ’ ꝓ anno tunc sequent: sed ipse antequam lr ’ illas recīpiat, iurabit suꝓ santa dei evangelia, inter articulos alio● qd bene, fideliter et indifferenter exercebit et faciet officium suum toto anno illo neque aliq̄d recipiet colore aut causa officii sui ab aliquo alio quam a rege. His iam sic pnsuppositis, ad eorum q querimus indaginem ꝓcedamus.    

How jurors must be chosen and sworn  

AS oft as suitors in the courts of the king of England are come to the issue of their plea upon the matter of the fact, forthwith the justices by virtue of the kings writ directed unto the shirief of the county, wherein the deed is supposed to be done, will him to cause to come before the same justiceis at a certain day by them limited xii good and lawful men neighbours to the place where the fact is supposed to be done: the same to be such as be of no kin to either of the pleaders, to the end that by their oaths it may certainly be known, whether the deed were done as the one party affirmeth, or else as the other party denieth. Upon the day aforesaid the shieref shall return the said writ before the same justices, together with the panel of their names, which he hereunto hath summoned. When they are come either party may refuse them, alleging that the shierief hath made that panel favourably for the other party of persons not in different. Which exception if it be found true by the oath of two men of the same panel chosen thereunto by the justyceis, that panel shall immediately be quassed And then the justices shall write to the coroners of the same county that they shall make a new painell. Which when they have done if it be likewise found faulty, it shall also be quassed. And then the justices shall elect and choose two of the clerks of the same court, or other of the same county, which in the presence of the court upon their oaths shall make an indifferent panel, which by neither of the parties shallbe challenged. Howbeit when the men so empaneled are come into the court, either of the parties may make exceptions against the person of any of them, as he may also do in all cases & at all times when any man by any meanez empaneled shall appear to be sworn in the court upon the truth of such an issue: saying that the person impanelled is cosein or allied to the other party or by any kind of amity so knit unto him, that he is not indifferent to declare the truth between them. And of these exceptions there are so many kinds and sorts, that they can not be in few words rehearsed. Whereof if any one be found true, then shall not he be sworn against whom the exception is purposed, but his name shallbe canceled in the panel. So also shallbe done of all the names of the persons impanelled, until xii of them so indifferent be sworn, that neither party can have against them any matter of exception or challenge. Also of these. xii.iiii. at the least shallbe of the hundred where the village standeth wherein the fact where upon the suit riesethe is supposed to be done. And every such jurer shall have lands or revenues for term of life at the lest to the yearly value of xl. s. And this order is observed & kept in all actions & causes criminal real, and personal, saving where the damages or debt in actions personal exceedeth not the sum of xl marks of English money For thenne it is not requisite that jurors in such actions shall be able to dispend so much.  
Yet they shall have land or rents to a competent value after the discretion of the justices. Otherwise they shall not be sworn, least for need and poverty such jurors might easily be corrupt and suborned.  
And if by such exceptions so many jurors names be canceled in the panel that there remaineth not a sufficient number to make thereof a jury, then the sheriffs by the kings write shallbe commanded to adjoin more jurors. Which thing may oft be done, so that for lack of jurors the inquisition of the truth upon such a plea shall not ●emain And this is the form how jurors and such inquisitors of truth ought to be choose in the king's court. and likewise to be sworn. Wherefore how they must be charged and informed of the uttering of the same truth, this now resteth to be discussed.   

QVociescunque contendentes in curiis regis Angliae, ad exitum placiti super materia facti devenerint, concito justiciarii ꝑ breve regis scribunt vic. come in quo factum illud fieri supponitur, quod ipse venire faciat coram eisdem justiciariis, ad certum diem ꝑ eos limitatum, duodecim probos et legales homines, de vicineto, ubi illud factum supponitur, q neutri partium sic placitantium ulla affinitate attingunt. Ad recognoscendum super eorum sacramenta, si factum illud factum fuerit, sicut una earundem partium dicit, vel non sicut altera pars negat. Quo adveniente die, vicecomes returnabit breve predictum coram eisdem iustitiariis una cum pan ello nominum eorum quos ipse ad hoc summonivit, quos) si venerit) utraque pars recusare poterit, dicendo qd vicecōes panellum illud favorabiliter fecit ꝓ part altera videlicet de personis minus indifferentibus. Que exceptio, si comperta fuerit vera per sacramemtum duorum hominum de eodem panello, ad hoc ꝑ justiciarios electorum, mox pamnellun illud quassabit ’ et iusticiar ’ tunc scribent Coronatoribus eiusdem comitatus, qd ipsi nowm faciant panellum. Quod cum fecerint si & illud consimiliter reꝑtum fuerit viciatum, etiam et illud quassabitur: et tunc iusticiarii eligent duos de clericis curiae illius, vel alios de eodem comitatu qui in posentia curiae ꝑ eorum sacramenta facient in differens panellum qd deinde ꝑ nullam partium illarum calumpniabitur. sed cum venerint sic impanellati in Curiam qlibet partium exciper ’ potest contr ’ ꝑsonam cuiuscumque eorum, sicut et pot ’ in omni casu et omni tempor ’ quo aliq̄s qualitercumque cumque impanellatus comparuerit incuria super veritate exitus hmodi iuraturus, dicendo qd ’ impanellatus ille est consanguineus vel affinis parti alteri, vel amicitia quacumque tali sibi coniunctus, qd ’ indifferens ipse non est ostendere inter eos veritatem: qualium exceptionun tot sunt genera et species, quod non licet eas brevi explicare sermone. Quarun si aliqua reꝑta fuerit vera non tunc iurabitur ille contra quem exceptio illa ꝓponitur, sed cancellabitur nomen eius in panello. Sic quoque fiet de omnibus nominibus impanellatorum, quousque duodecim eorum iurent ’ ita indifferentes, qd ’ versus eos neutra partium heat aliquam materiam calumpniae. Horum autem xii. ad minus quatuor erunt de hundredo ubi villa in qua factum de quo contenditur fieri supponitur, sita est et qlibet jurat ’ hmodi, habebit terras vel redditus ꝓ termino vitae suae, ad minus ad valorem annuum xl. s. Et hic ordo observat ’ in omnibus accionibus et causis criminalibus, realibus et ꝑson●libus, pnterq ubi damna vel debitum in ꝑsonalibus non excedunt xl. marcas mon●te anglicanae qa tunc non reqrit ’ qd ’ iu●●●ores in actionibus hmodi tantum exp●d●r● possint ● labebunt tn̄ terram vel reddit ’, ad valorem competentem, juxta discretiōē iusticiariorum, alioquin ip̄iminīe iurabunt ’, ne (ꝑ inediam et pauꝑtatem iuratorꝭ hmodi de facili valeant corrumpi aut subornari. Et si ꝑ tales exceptiones, tot iuratorū●o●a in pannello cancelent ’, qd ’ non remaneat numerus sufficiens ad faciendum inde iuratam, tunc mandabitur vic' ꝑ breve regis, qd ’ ipse appon̄ plures iurator. qd ’ et sepius fieri potest ita qd ’ inqnsitio veritat. super exitu placiti, non remanebit ob defectum iuratorum. Et hec est forma qualiter iuratores et veritat ’ hmodi īq̄sitor ’ eligi debent in curia regis similiter et iurari, quare quo modo ipsi de veritate illa dicenda onerari debent et informari, iam restat ut queramus.    

¶ How jurors ought to be informed by evidences and witnesses. Cap. 26.  

Twelve good & lawful men being at the last sworn in form aforesaid, having besides their movables, sufficient possessions as afore is declared, whereby they may be able to maintain their own states, & being to neither party suspected or hated, but neighbours to them both, then shallbe red before them in English by the court all the record & process of the plea depending beetwene the parties, with a plain declaration of the issue of the plea, touching the truth whereof those sworn men shall certify the court. Which things being done either party by himself or his counsellors in the presence of the court shall utter and open to the said sworn men all and singular matters and evidences whereby he thinketh he may best inform them of the truth of the issue so impleaded. And then may either party bring before the same justices and sworn men all and singular such witnesses on his behalf as he will produce. Who by the justices being charged upon the holy gospel of god, shall testify all things proving the truth of the fact, whereupon the parties contend And if need so require, those witnesses shallbe severed and divided till they have deposed all that they will, so that the saying of one shall not move or provoke an other to testify the like. The premises being done, then after that those jurors have had talk at their pleasure upon the truth of that issue with asmuch deliberation as themselves shall require, in the keeping of the ministers of the court within a place to them for the same purpose assigned, to the intent that no man in the mean time may corrupt them, they shall return into the court, and certify the justices upon the decitie of the issue so joined in the presence of both the parties (if they willbe there) and specially of the plainetyfe The report of which jurors by the laws of England is called a verdycte: by the which word is mente, a true report, or a report of the truth. And then according to the quality of that veredicte the justices shall frame and form their judgement. Notwithestanding if the other party, against whom the verdycte is given complain that he is thereby unjustly grieved, than the same party may sue a writ of attyncte against those juries, and against the party that hath prevailed. By force of which writ if it shallbe found by the oath of xxiiij men in form aforesaid returned elect and sworn, which shallbe men of much greater livings than the first jurors were that the same first jurors have made a false oath, than the bodies of the same first jurors shallbe committed to the kings prison, their goods shallbe confiscate, and all their possessions shallbe seized into the kings hands. their houses also & buildings shallbe razed and thrown down, there woods felled, and their meadow grounds ploughed And also the same f●rst jurors shall for ever after be noted for infamed people, and shall in no place be received to testify the truth And the party which in the former plea had the overthrow, shallbe restored to all things which by occasion thereof he hath lost. Who then, though he regard not his soul's health, yet for fear of so great punishment, and for shame of so great infamy would not upon his oath declare the truth And if one man peraventure have so little respect to his honour or estimation, yet some of so many jurors will not neglect their own good fame, nor will not thorough their own default suffer themselves thus to be spoiled of their goods and possessions. Is not this order now for the bolting out of the truth better and more effectual, than the process which the Civil laws do procure? Here no cause nor no man's right quailethe through death, or for want of witnesses Here are not brought f●rthe unknown witnesses, hired persons, poor men, vagabonds, unconstant people or such whose conditions and naughtiness is unknown. These witnesses are neygheboures able to live of their own, of good name and fame of honest report, not brought into the court by the party, but by a worshipful and indifferent officer chosen, and so compelled to come before the judge. These know all that the witnesses are able to depose, ●id they know also the constancy and unconstauncye of the witnesses, and what report goeth upon them. And what will ye have more. Doubtless there is nothing that may disclose the truth of any doubt falling in contention, which can in any wise be hid from such jurors, so that it be possible for the same to come to man's knowledge.   

IVratis demum in forma pndicta duodecim ꝓbis et legalibus hominibus habentibus ultra mobilia sua possessiones ut pndicitur sufficientes, unde eorum statum ipsi continere poterunt, et nulli partium suspectis nec invisis, sed eisdem vicinis, legetur in anglico coram eye ꝑ curiam, totum recordum et ꝓcessus placiti qd ’ pendet inter partes: ac delucidè exponetur eis exitus placiti de cuius veritate iurati● illi curiam certificabunt: quibus ꝑactis, utraque partium ꝑ se vel consiliarios suos in presentia curiae, referet et manifestabit eisdem iuratis, onnes et singulas materias et evidentias, quibus eos docerese posse credit veritatem exitus taliter placitati. Et tunc adducere potest utraque pars coram eisdem iusticiarijs et iuratis, oens et singulos testes, quos ꝓ part sua, ipa producere velit, qui super sancta dei evangelia ꝑ iusticiarios onerati, testificabunt ’ o●a q cognoscunt ꝓbantia veritatem facti, de quo partes contendunt. Et si necessitas exegerit, dividentur testes huiusmodi, donec ipsi deposuerint quicquid velint, ita qd ’ dictum unius, non docebit aut concitabit eorum alium ad consimiliter testificandum. Quibus consummatis, postquam iuratores illi deinde ad eorum libitum super veritate exitus hmodi, de liberatione quam tam ipsei optabunt, colloquium habuerint: in custodia ministrorum curiae in loco eye ad hoc assignato, neīterī eos aliq subornare valeant, revenient illi in curiam, et certificabunt iustitiarios super veritate exitus sic iuncti, in presentia partium (si interesse velint) et maxime petentis. Quorum iuratorum dictum, per leges Angliae veredictum nuncupatur, et tunc secundum hmodi veredicti qualitatem iustitiarij reddent et formabunt iudic suum. Tamen si pars altera contra quam veredictum hmodi prolatum est, conqueratur se ꝑ illud injust esse gravatum, ꝓfequi tunc potest pars illa versus iuratores illos, et versus partem q optinuit breve de attineta. Virtute cuius, si compertum fuerit per sacramentum viginti quatuor hominum, in forma p̄no●ata retornatorum, electorum, et iura ●orum, qui multo maiora habebunt patrimonia quam iuratores primi, quod ijdem primi iuratores falsum fecerunt sacramentum, corpora eorundem primorum iuratorum prisonae regis committentur bona eorum confiscabuntur, ac oens possessiones eorundem in manus regis capientur. domus quoque eorum et edificia prosternentur, bosci succidentur, et prata arabuntur, ipsi etiam iuratores primi extunc infames erunt, nec alicubi recipientur in testimonium veritatis, et pars q succubuit in priori placito, restituetur ad omnia que ipse per didit occasione eius Quis tunc (etsi immemor saluti● animae suae fuerit,) non formidine tantae penae, et verecundia tantae infamiae, veritatem non diceret, sic iuratus et si unus forsan tantus sui honoris ꝓdigus esse non peꝑcerit aliqui tamen iuratorum tantorum famam svam non necligent, neque bona et possessiones suas taliter distrahi pacientur, propria culpa sua. Nonne iam hic ordo revelandi veritatem, potior et efficacior est, quam est processus qualem pariunt civiles leges? Non hic periunt causae aut ius alicuius per mortem aut ob defectum testium, non hic producuntur testes ignoti, conducticij, pauperes, vagi, inconstantes, aut quo rum conditiones vel maliciae ignorantur. Vicini sunt testes isti, de propriis vivere potentes famae integrae, et opinionis illesae, non per partem incuriam ducti, sed ꝑ officiarium nobilem et indifferentem electi, et coram judice venire compulsi. Isti omnia sciunt q testes deponere norunt et isti testium productorum agnoscunt constantias, inconstantiasque et famam. Quid ultra? vere nihil est quod veritatem dubij de quo contendi poterit, detegere valebit, qd ’ iura toribus talibus latere quomodolibet potest aut ignorari, dummodo possibile sit, illud venire posse in agnitionem humanam.    

¶ Here he showeth how causes criminal are determined in England. Cap. 27.  

But it is also necessary to discuss how in matters criminal the laws of England do fetch out the truth that perfectly understanding the form of both the laws, we may the more certainly perceive & know whether of them both doth more effectually discover the hid truth.  
If any man accused of felony or treason in England do at his arreignement before the judges deny the offence, furthwithe the sheriff of the county where the deed was done shall cause to come before the same judges xxiv. good and lawful men dwelling nigh toe the village where the fact was done, such men as to the party accused be no thing allied: and such as every of them hath. C.s. of land and revenues, to certify the judges upon the truth of the crime. Which at their appearance the party accused may challenge in like sort as in actions real may be done, as afore is described. And moreover the same party in favour of his life may challenge five and thirty men such as he most feareth: which upon his challenge shallbe canceled in the panel, or shallbe noted with such marks, that they shall not pass upon him: though he be not able to show any cause of his exception and challenge. Who then can unjust lie die in England for any criminal offence, saying he may have so many helps for the favour of his life, and that none may condemn him but his neighbours, good and lawful men against whom he hath no matter of exception. In deed I would rather wish twenty evil doers to escape death thorough pity, thenne one man to be unjustly condemned. And yet it is not to be suspected, that any offendor can under this form escape the punishment of his offence, forasmuch as his life and conversation shallbe afterward a terror to them that have thus cleared him of the crime. In this kind of proceeding there is no cruelty or extremity used. Neither can the innocent and unguiltye person be hurt in his body or limbs. Wherefore he shall not stand in fear of the slander of his enemies, because he shall not be racked or tormented at their will and pleasure.  
Thus under this law a man may pass his life with quietness and safety. judge you therefore most noble prince whether of these laws ye had rather chose, if you should live a private life.   

SEd quomodo in criminalibus leges Angliae scrutantur veritatem etiā●imare per necessarium est, ut et in eis plenariè agnita ambarum legum forma, quae earum efficacius latentem revelat veritatem certius agnoscamus. Si reus quispi am de felonia aut proditione in Anglia rettatus crimen suum coram judicibus dedicat mox vicecomes comitatus ubi facinus illud commissum est, venire faciet coram eisdem judicibus, viginti quatuor probos et legales hoens de viceneto villae ubi illud factum est, q retato illi nulla affinitate attingunt, et quorum quilibet centum solidatus heat terrae et redditus, ad certificādum judices illos super crimin illius veritate. Quibus comparentibus, rettatus ille eos calumpniare potest eadem forma qua in actionibus realibus fieri debere suꝑius discribit ’. Et īsup reus ipse in favorem vitae suae calumpniare potest triginta quinque homines, quos ipse maxime formidat, q ad eius calūpniam cancellabunt ’ in panello, aut sign̄ talibus notabunt ’ qd ’ (ut verbꝭ legis utar) illi super eum non transibunt licet ipse nullam causam assignare sciat exceptionis seu calumpniae suae. Quis tunc mori posset in iquè in Anglia pro crimine? cum tot iwamina habere ille poterit ob favorem vitae suae? et non nisi vicini eius, ꝓbi et fideles homines, versus quos ipse nullam hent materiam exceptionis eum condennare poterunt? mallem revera viginti facino rosos mortem pietate evadere, quam justum unum injust condempari. Nec tamen reum quempiam sub hac forma, reatus sui penam evadere posse suspicandum est, dum eius vita et mores timori de●ceps erunt eis qui eum sic purgarunt a crimine. In hoc equidem processu nihil est crudele, nihil inhumanum, nec ledi poterit innocens in corpore aut membris suis quare nec formidabit ille calumpniam inimicorum eius quia non torquebit ’ iste ad arbitrium ipsorum. Sub hac igitur lege vivere quietum et securum est. judica ergo, princeps optime, q̄ legum harum tibi electissima foret, si tu privatam spirares vitam.    

¶ The prince granteth the laws of England to be more commodious for the subjects, than the Civil laws in the case now disputed. Cap. 28.  

WHereunto the prince answered and said. I see no hard or strange matter, good chancellor that should make me doubtful or dangerous in the election and choice of the thing that ye ask. For who would not rather choose to live under that law, where-under he might live in security, then under that law, which would set him naked and succourless against the cruelty of his enemies. Verily no man can be safe in body or goods, whom his adversary may convince in every cause with two unknown witnesses of his own choosing & bringing fourth.  
And though a man be not compelled by their sayings to die, yet is he little relieved that hath escaped death, being shrunk in all his synnews and limbs, & cast into a perpetual impotency of his body. And truly into such danger may the craft of a spiteful person bring any man that liveth under the law, which herewhile you spoke of. But such mischief and inconvenience cannot be wrought by witnesses that make their depositions in the presence of twelve credible men neighbours to the deed that is presently in question, and to the circumstances of the same: which also know the manners and conditions of the same witnesses, specially if they be nigh dwellers and know also whether they be men worthy to be credited or no. And further all those xii. cannot be ignorant in those things that were done by & among their neighbours. For I know more certainly the things that are done hear in Barro where I am now remaining, than those things that are done in England. Neither do I think that things can be kept from the knowledge of a good & honest man being done nigh to his house, and almost under his nose, be they never so secretly done.  
But yet I marvel much why the foresaid law of England, which is so good and commodious, is not comen to all the whole world.   

CVi princeps. Arduum ambigu ūue Cancellarie, non conspicio, qd ’ morosum me tutubantemue redderet in electione rei quam interrogas. Nam quis non sub lege quasecuram ducere posset vitam vivere potius eligeret, quam sub lege tali, sub qua inermem indefensumque se semper redderet seviciae omnium inimicorum eius? Vere tutus quisquam esse non poterit in corpore aut in bonis, quem inimicus eius (in omni causa) convincere poterit testibus duobus etiam ignotis, per ipsummet electis et ꝓductis. Et licet quis mortem per dicta eorum subire non cogatur, parum tamen relevatur ipse qui mortem evasit, contractione neruorum & membrorum suorum, atque corporis eius languore ꝑpetuo. Tali revera discrimini impellere potest inimici astutia omne hominem qui sub lege degit, quam tu iam dudum explicasti. Sed tale malum operari nequerunt testes qui depositiones suas faciunt, in presentia duo decim fide dignorum vicinor ’ facto de quo agit ’ & circumstantiis eius, qui et noscunt eorundem testium mores, maxime si vicini ipsi fuerint, noscunt etiam et si ipsi sint credulirate digni. Omnes etiam duo decim ●ales latere omnino non poterit, quicquid actum est per, aut inter vicinos eorum.  
Nosco namque ego certius quae iam aguntur hic in Barro ubi sum modo conversatus, quam quae in Anglia fiunt. Nec effugere posse pu●o noticiam probi viri ea quae aguntur, licet quo dammo occultè, prope domicilium eius.  
Sed tum cur predicta lex Angliae, quae tam frugi et optabilis est, non est toti mundo communis, vehementer admiror.    

¶ Why inquests are not made by juries of xii men in other roialmes aswell as in England. Cap. 29  

YOur highness came very young out of England (quoth the chancellor,) so that the disposition and quality of that land is unknown unto you.  
Which if ye know, and should compare therewith the commodities and qualities of other countries, you would nothing marvel at these things, which now do trouble your mind. In deed England is so fertile and fruitful, that comparing quantity to quantity, it surmounteth all other lands in fruitfulness. Yea it bringeth forth fruit of itself scant provoked by man's industry and labour.  
For there the lands the fields, the groves and the woods do so abundantly springe, that the same untilled do commonly yield to their owners more profit then tilled, though else they be most fruitful of corn and grain. There also are fields of pasture enclosed with hedges and ditches, with trees planted and growing upon the same, which are a defence to their herds of sheep and cattle, aswell against storms, as also against the heat of the son. And the pastures are commonly watered, so that cattle shut and closed therein have no need of keeping neither by day, nor by night. For there be no wolves, nor bears, nor Lions. Wherefore their sheep lie night by night in the fields unkept within their folds, wherewith their land is manured. By the mean whereof the men of that country are scant troubled with any painful labour. Wherefore they live more spiritually, as did the ancient fathers which did rather choose to keep and feed cattle than to disturb the quietness of the mind with the care of husbandry. And hereof it cometh that men of this country are more apt and fit to discern in doubtful causes of great examination and trial, then are men wholly given to moiling in the ground: in whom that rural exercise engendereth rudeness of wit and mind. More over the same country is so filled and replenished with landed men, that therein so small a thorpe can not be found wherein dwelleth not a knight, an esquire, or such a householder as is there commonly called a franklayne, enriched with great possessions: And also other freeholders, and many yeomen able for their livelihoods to make a jury in form aforementioned. For there be in that land divers yomennes which are able to dispend by the year above a hundredth pounds Wherefore the juries afore declared are there very oft made, specially in great matters of knights, esquires, and others whose possessions in the whole amounteth yearly above the sum of five hundredth marks.  
Wherefore it cannot be thought that such men can be suborned, or that they will be perjured, not only for that they have before their eyes the fear of God, but also, for that they have a careful regard too the preservation of their honours, and to the eschueing of reproach, and damage thereupon ensuing, and also that their heirs be not impeached through their infamy. After this manner, O mighty Prince are none other royalmes of the world disposed and inhabited.  
For though there be in them men of great power, of great riches, and possessions, yet they dwell not one nigh to an another as such great men do in England. Neither so many inherytoures and possessors of land are elsewhere as in England. For in a whole town of an other Country it is hard to find one man which for his livelihood is able to be received into a jury. For there, except it be in Cities and walled towns, very few there be, beside noble men that have any possessions of lands or other immovables.  
The noble men also have there small store of pasture. And to labour in vineyards, or to put their hands to the plough that is unfit for their estate and degree.  
And yet in vineyards and eareable ground consisteth the substance of their possessions, saving only a few fields next adjoining to great rivers, and saving also certain woodz the pastures whereof are comen to their tenants and neighbours.  
How then can a jury be made in such countries of xii. substaunciall men nigh adjoining to the place of any deed brought in judgement, seeing they can not be called neighbours that dwell so far asunder. Truly xii. sworn men there must needs be far distant from the place of the deed, when the defendant in those Countries hath challenged xxxv. men of the next dwellers without showing any cause why. Wherefore in those lands a jury must be made either of such as dwell far of from the place of the deed that is in controversy, and therefore cannot attain to the knowledge of the truth thereof, or else it must be made of poor men that be not ashamed of infamy, neither do fear the loss of their goods which they have not.  
They also blinded with rustical and brute rudeness are not able to behold the clear brightness of the truth.  
Marvel not therefore, mo● worthy Prince, if the law whereby the truth is sifted out in England be not frequented and used in other nations.  
For they are not able to make sufficient and like juries as be made in England.   

CAncellarius. juvenis recessisti (princeps) ab Anglia, quô tibi ignota est dispositio et qualitas terrae illius, quas si agnoveris, et cete●arū regionum emolumenta qualitatesque eisdem compararaveris, non admirareres ea quibus iam agitatur animus tuus.  
Anglia sane tam fertilis est, qd ’ quantitate ad quantita ten comparata, ipsa ceteras oens quasi regiones exsuꝑat ubertate fructuum etiam suum ultro ipsa ꝓfert vix industria hominis concitata. Nam agri eius, campi, saltus, et nemora, tanta fecunditate germina ebulliunt, ut inculta illa, sepe plus comodi afferant possessoribus suis quam arata, licet fertilissima ipsa sint segetum, & bladorun. Includunt ’ quoque interra illa pasturar ’ arua, fossatis, et sepibus, desuper arboribus plantatis, quibus muniunt ’ a procellis et estu ●ol● eorum greges et armenta, ipsaeque pasturae ut plurimum irriguae sunt, quo infra earum claustra reclusa animalia, custodia non egent ꝑ diem nec ꝑ noctem. Nam ibi lupi non sunt, ursi nec leones, quare de nocte oves eorum incustoditae in campis recumbunt, in caulis, et ovilibus quibus impugnantur terrae eorum. unde homines patriae illius vix operis sudore gravantur, quare spiritu ipsi magis viwnt, ut fecerunt patres antiqui, qui pascere mallebant greges, quam animi quietem agriculturae solicitudine turbare.  
Ex quibus homines regionis istius apti magis redduntur et dispositi, ad discernendum in causis quae magni sunt examinis, quam sunt viri qui telluris operibus inhabitantes, ex ruris familiaritate mentis contrahunt ruditatem. Regio etiam illa ita respersa, refertaque est possessoribus terrarum et agrorum, qd ’ in ea villula tam parva reperire non poterit, in qua non est miles, armiger, vel pater familias, qualis ibidem frākelain vulgariter nuncupater, magnis ditatus possessionibus, nec non libere tenentes alii, et valecti plurimi, suis patrimoniis sufficientes, ad faciendum iuratam in forma prenotata. Sunt namque valecti diversi in regione illa, qui plus quam sexcenta scuta ꝑ annum expendere possunt, quô iuratae suꝑius descriptae, sepissime in regione illa fiunt: presertim in ingentibus causis, de militibus, armigeris, et aliis quorum possessiones in universo excedunt duo milia scutorum per annum, Quare cogitari nequit tales subornarì posse, vel ꝑiurari velle, nedum ob timor ’ dei, sed & ob honorem suum conseruandum, et vituperium damnum quoque inde consecutiwm euitā dum, etiam ne eorum heredes ipsorum ledantur infamia. Taliter, fili regis, disposita inhabitataque non sunt aliqua alia mundi regna.  
Nam licet in eis sint viri magnae potentiae, magnorum opum et possessionum, non tamen eorum unus prope moratur ad alterum, ut in Anglia tanti morantur viri, nec tanta ut ibi hereditatorum est copia et poss●●ētiū terras: vix enim in villata una regionum aliarum reperiri poterit vir unus, patrimonio sufficiens, ut in iuratis ipse ponatur. Nam raro ibidem, aliqui preter nobiles reperiuntur possessores agrorum, aliorūue immobilium, extra civitates & muratas villas. Nobiles quoque ibidem pasturarum copiam non habent, & vineas colere, aut aratro manus apponere, statui eorum non convenit, tn̄ in vineis et terris arabilibus consistit substantia possessionum eorum, exceptis solum pratis quibusdam, adiacentibus magnis ripariis, et exceptis boscis, quorum pasturae communes sunt tenentibus et vicinis suis. Quomodo tunc in regionibus talibus iurata fieri poterit ex duodecim probis hominibus de vicineto ubi factum aliquod in judicio deducitur cum vicini dici non poterunt qui tanta distantia disiun guntur? Vere remotos multum a facto duodecim iuratos ibidem esse oportebit, postquam reus in regionibus illis triginta quinque (sine assignata causa) de propinquioribus calumpniaunit: quare aut de multum remotis a facto de quo contenditur, qui veritatem facti non agnoscunt, in regnis illis oportebit facere iuratam, aut de pauperibus, quibus non est verecundia infamiae, nec timor iacturae bonorum suorum, cum ipsa non sint ipsi etiam rusticitatis ruditate obcecati, veritatis claritatem nequeunt intueri.  
Non igitur mireris princeps silex qua in Anglia veritas inquiritur, alias non ꝑuaget ’ nationes, ipsae nanque ut Anglia facere nequeunt sufficientes consimilesque iuratas.    

¶ Hear the prince commendeth the laws of England of their proceeding by juries. Cap. 30  

THough we have said, (ꝙ the prince, that comparisons are odious, yet the Civil law in the comparison by you made hath cleared itself from all blame. For though you have proved the law of England to be of more excellency than it, yet it deserveth not thereby to be odious, forso much as you have blamed neither it nor the makers thereof.  
But have showed the country where it ruleth to be the only cause why it doth not in matters of doubt try out the truth with so commendable a kind of proceeding, as the law of England doth. But as touching that the law of England in the case by you now discussed is more fit and meet for that royalme then the Civil law, hereof we may not doubt. Wherefore we are not desirous to change it for the Civil law. Howbeit this pre-eminence of the law of England proceedeth not of the fault of the other. For it is only the fertility of England that hath caused it to be such as it is.   

TVnc princeps Comparationes odiosas esse licet dixerimus, lex tamen Civilis in comparatione per te facta omni se purgavit a crimine: quia licet ei Legem Angliae tu p●etuleris, odium inde ipsa non meretur, dum neque eam, neque conditores eius increpasti. sed solum patriam ubi illa regit causam esse demonstrasti quod non tam optabili processu ut lex Angliae, ipsa in dubiis elicit veritatem. Legem vero Angliae in casu iam per te disputato, accomodatiorem esse regno illi quam est lex civilis, ambigere non sinimur, quo eam pro civili commutare non appetimus, sed tamen hec legis Angliae preeminentia, ab alterius crimine non evenit, solum enim eam Angliae fertilitas sic causavit.    

¶ The Prince doubteth whether this proceeding by a jury be repugnant to gods law or not. Chap. 31.  

But though we be greatly delighted in the form which the laws of England use in sifting out the truth in matters of contention, yet whether the same law be contrary to holy scripture or not, that is to us somewhat doubtful.  
For our Lord sayeth to the Pharasies in the seven. Chapter of Saint johnz Gospel: In your law it is written that the testimony of two men is true. And the lord confirming the same saith. I am one that bear witness of myself, and the father that sent me beareth witness of me.  
Now sir the Pharasies were jews, so that it was all one to say. It is written in your law and it is written in Moses' law, which God gave to the children of Israel by Moses.  
Wherefore to gaynesaie this law is too deny gods law. Whereby it followeth that if the law of England serve from this law, it swerveth also from Gods law, which in no wise may be contraried.  
It is written also in the eyghteenthe Chapter of Saint Mathues gospel: Where the lord speaking of brotherly admonition, among other things sayeth thus: But if thy brother here she not then take yet with thee one or twooe, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every matter may be established.  
If the Lord have appointed every matter to be stablished in the mouth of two or three witnesses, than it is in vain for to seek for the verdict of many men in matters of doubt. For no man is able to lay any other or better foundation than the Lord hath laid.  
These are the doubts good chancellor which touching the proceeding of the law of England in the trial of matters do sonewhat trouble me. Wherefore what answer may here unto be made I would gladly learn of you   

SEd licet non in fimè Canceltarie, nos delectet forma, qua leges Angliae in contentionibus revelant veritatem, tamen an modus ille sacrae repugnet scripturae vel non, paululum agitamur. Ait namque dominus phariseis. joh. viii. In lege vestra scriptum est, quia duorum hominum testimonium verum est, et huic applaudens dominus inquit, ego sum qui testimonium perhibeo de me ipso, et testimonium perhibet de me qui misit me pater.  
Pharisei quip iudei erant, unde idem erat dicere in Lege vestra scriptum est, et in Lege Mosay●● (quae a domino ꝑ Moysen filiis Israell prolata fuit) scriptum est.  
Quare huic legi contrair, legi est diuin̄ refragari, quô sequit ’, qd ’ lex Angliae si ab hac lege discedat, a lege divina, cui reluctari non licet, ipsa discedít. Scribitur etiam Math. xviij Quod dominus (loquens de correctione fraterna) inter alia sic ait. Si autem non te audierit frater tuus, adhibe tecum adhuc unum aut duos, ut in ore duorum vel trium, stet omne verbum. Si in ore duorum vel trium dominus omne verbum statuerit, frustra plurimum hominum queritur in dubiis veredictum. Nemo enim potest melius aut aliud fundamentum ponere, quam posuit dominus.  
Hec sunt Cancellarie quae me de legis angliae processu in probationibus aliquantulum conturbant. Quare qnd his respondendum est a te doceri deposco    

Here is showed that the proceeding by a jury is not repugnant to the law of god. Cap. 32.  

THe laws of England, quoth the Cauncellour are nothing at all repugnant to these things that trouble you, most worthy prince, though they in matters of doubt do somewhat otherwise bolt out the truth. The law of the general council, wherein it is provided that Cardinals shall not be convicted of criminal offences otherwise then by the deposition of xii witnesses, is it any hindrance to the testimony of two. men If? the testimony of two men be true, of more force must the testimony of xii men be judged true, according to a rule of the law that sayeth: The more ever containeth in it that which is less. The inholder was promised to be rewarded with an overplus, if he bestowed upon the cure of the wounded man more than the two. pennies which he received. A man that laboureth to prove that he was absent at the time of the offence wherewith he is charged, shall it not be needful for him to bring forth more than two or iii, witnesses, when his adversary hath proved, or is ready to prove the same by two. or three witnesses. And so he that travaylethe to convince witnesses of perjury, must of necessity bring forth many more than they were so that the testimony of two. or three men shall not ever be judged true. But that law must thus be understanded, that by a lesser number of witnesses then two. the truth in matters doubtful ought not to be searched for, as appeareth by Bernard assigning divers cases wherein by the laws more than three witnesses must needs be produced. As in some of them v, and in and in some seven. Nor yet the laws of England be not against it, but that the truth may be proved by two. witnesses, when it can no otherwise be tried For if things be done upon the sea without the body of any county of that royalme, which afterward be brought in plea before the lord admiral, the same things by the decrees of the laws of england must be proved by witnesses. In like manner it hath been accustomed to be done before the Constable & Marshal of England touching a fact that was done in an other royalme, so that the hearing thereof appertaineth to the Constable's court. Moreover in the courts of certain liberties in England where matters proceed by law merchant contracts or bargains made among merchauntzes in an other royalme are proved by witnesses.  
And this cometh to pass because that in these cases there be no neighbours found by whose oaths juries of xii men may be made, as in contracts and other cases ariesing within the royalme of England is accustomed to be done Likewise if a deed wherein witnesses are named be brought into the kings court, than process shallbe made against those witnesses: and they together with xii. jurors shall by their oaths recognize whether the same be his deed or no whose it is supposed to be. Wherefore the law of England reproveth not that law which by witnesses trieth out the truth, specially when necessity so requireth. For so do the laws of England too, not only in the cases now mentioned, but also in certain other cases, whereof here to make rehearsal it shall not be material. Howbeit this law never determineth a controversy by witnesses only that may be determined by a jury of xii. men: forsomuch as this way is much more avaleable and effectual for the trial of the truth than is the form of any other laws of the world and further from the danger of corruption and subornation. Nor this form of proceeding cannot in any cause fail for want of witnesses: nor the testimonies of witnesses, (if any be) can not choose but come to their due end and effect Neither can such xii. men be forsworn, but that for their offence they must suffer most sharp punishment, and nevertheless the party by their depositions grieved shall obteie due remedy And these things shall not be done by the will & sayings of strange or unknown men but by the oaths of good, of worshipful, and of credible men neighbours to the parties, in whom the same parties have no cause of challenge or mistrust touching their verdict. O how horrible and detestable dangers happen many times through the form of proceeding by witnesses. If a man make a privy contract of matrimony, & afterward before witnesses do betrouthe or assure himself to another woman, shall he not in the contentious court be compelled to mary her, & also after that in the penitenciall court be judged to lie with the first, if he be duly required, and to do penance as oft as by his own motion and procurement he lieth with the second, though in both courts the judge be one and the self same man. In this case, as it is written in job, are not the sinews of Leviathan perplexed and intricat. Fie for shame, they are intricate in deed For this man can carnally company with neither of these two. women, nor with any other without punishment either by the contentious court, or by the penitenciall court. Such a mischief, inconvenience, or danger can never happen in any case by the way of proceeding by the law of England, no not though Leviathan himself would labour to procure the same. Do ye not now see, most noble prince, that the more you object against the laws of England, the more worthy they appear.   

CAncellarius. non his quibus turbaris princeps, contrariantur leges Angliae licet a liter quodamodo ipsae in dubiis eliciant veritatem. Quid duorum hominum testimonio obest lex illa generalis consilii, qua cavetur, ut non nisi duodecem testium depositione cardinales de criminibus convincantur? Si verum est duorum testimonium, a fortiori testimonium duodecim verum judicari debet, dicente juris regula. Plus semper in se continet quod est minus. Super erogationis meritum promittebatur stabulario, si plus quam duos quos recepit denarios, ipse in vulnrati cura ero gasset. Nonne plusquam duos aut tres testes producere oportebit quēpiam qui absen●ē se fuisse probare nititur, tempore criminis sibi impositi, quod ꝑ duos aut tres testes adunsarius eius ꝓbavit vel probare paratus est? Sic et qui testes de ꝑiurio convincere satagit, multo illis plures ꝓducere necesse habet, quo non semper duorum vel trium ho●m testimonium verum esse iudicabitur, sed intelligenda est lex illa, qd minore testium numero, quam duorum, veritas in dubiis non debet exquiri, ut patet per Bernardum ex tra. de testi. ca licet in glosa ordinaria, ubi ipse assignat diunsos casus in q̄bꝰ ꝑ leges plures quamtres oportet ꝓducere testes. Videlicet in aliq̄bꝰ eorum quinque et in aliquibus septem, per duos etiam testes veritatem ꝓbari posse, cum non aliter ipa pateret utique leges Angliae affirmant. Nam si quae supra altum mare extra corpus cuiuslibet comitatus regni illius fiant, quae postmodum in placito coram admirallo Angliae deducantur, ꝑ testes illa juxta legum Angliae sanctiones probari debent. Consimiliter quoque coram constabulario et mariscallo Angliae fieri solitum est de facto qd in regno alio actum est dummodo adiurisdiction̄ curiae constabulariae cognitio eius pertineat, etiam et in curiis quarundam libertatum in Anglia ubi ꝑ legem mercatoriam proceditur, ꝓbant per testes contractus inter mercatores extra regnum factos.  
Quia in casibus his non reperiuntur vicini, ꝑ quorum sacramenta iuratae ex duodecim hominibus fieri possunt, prout de contractibus et aliis casibus infraregnun Anglioe emergentibus, est fieri consuetum. Si militer si carta in qua testes nominantur, deducatur in curia regis, processus tunc fiet erga testes illos, ipsi quoque recognoscent simul cum duodecim iuratoribus per eorum sacramenta, utrum carta illa sit factum eius cuius supponitur an non. Quare legem qua testibus veritas extorquetur, lex Angliae non condempnat, maxime cum necessit ’ id deposcat, quia et sic faciunt ipsae leges Anglioe, nedum in casibus iam notatis, sed etiam in quibusdam casibus aliis quos non expedit hic notar ’ Sed ꝑ testes solum, lex ipsa numquam litem dirimit, q ꝑ iura tam duodecem hominum discidi poterit cum sit modus iste ad veritatem eliciendam multo potior et efficatior quam est forma abquarum aliarum legum orbis, et remotior a corruptionis et subornationis periculo. Nec pot ’ hec ꝓdecendi forma in causa aliqua, ob defectum testium deperire, neque testium (si qui fuerint) attestationes, effectum debitum non sortiri, nec ꝑiurari possunt duodecim homines huiusmodi, quin ꝓ eorum crimine ipsi acerbissimè puniantur, et nihilominus ꝑs ꝑ eorum depositionem gravata, remedium debitum consequetur, ac non fient hec per extraneorum aut igno torum hominum arbitrium aut dictamen, sed ꝑ proborum, nobilium, et fide dignorum vicinorum ꝑtibus sacramenta, q̄bꝰ partes illae nullam habent causam calumpniae aut diffidēcioe de eorum dicto. O quam horrendum et detestabile discrimen sepe accidit, ex forma ꝑ depositionem testium ꝓcedendi. Nonne si quis clandestinun contrahat matrimonium, et postea coram testibus mulierem aliam ipse affidauerit, cum cadem consummare matrimonium artabitur in foro contemcioso, et postea in penitenciali foro iudicabitur ipse concumbere cum prima, si debitè reqratur, et penitere debet quotiens ex actione propria concubuerit cum secunda, licet in utroque foro judex fuerit homo unus et idem. Nonne in hoc casu ut in job. scribitur ꝑplexi sunt testiculi leviathan? Proh pudor, verè perplexi sunt, nam cum neutra mulierum harum, neque cum alia, contrahens iste ex tunc concu mbet sine animaduertione in foro contendentium aut penitentium, quale malum inconueniens aut discrimen, per modum et formam processus legis Anglioe impossibile est in casu aliquo evenire, etiam si leuiathan ipse ea generare nitatur. Nonne vides iam princeps clarissime, leges Anglioe tanto magis clarescere, quanto eisdem tu Turrian plius reluctaris?    

Wherefore certain Kings of England have had ●o delight in their own laws. Cap. 33.  

I see plainly, quoth the prince, that in the case wherein you have now travailed they have the pre-eminence above all other laws of the world Yet we have heard that some of my progenitors kings of England have not be pleased with their own laws, and have therefore gone about to bring in the Civil laws to the government of England, and to abolish their own country laws For what purpose and intent they so did I much marvel.   

PRinceps. Video inquit, et eas inter tocius orbis iura (in casu quo tu iam sudasti) prefulgere considero, tamen progenitorum meorum Angliae regum quosdam audivimus in legibus suis minime delectatos, satagentes proinde, leges civiles ad Anglioe regimen inducere, et patri as leges repudiare fuisse conatos, horum revera consilium vehementer ad miror.    

Here the Chancellor openeth the cause which the prince demandeth. Ca 34.  

You would nothing marvel here at, quoth the Chancellor, if you did deeply consider with yourself the cause of this intent. For you have hard afore how that among the Civil laws that maxim or rule is a sentence most notable, which thus singeth: The prince's pleasure standeth in force of a law: quite contrary to the decrees of the laws of England, whereby the king there of ruelethe his people not only by regal, but also by politic government. In so much that at the time of his coronation he is bound by an oath to the observance and keeping of his own law, which thing sun kings of England not well brooking as thinking that thereby they should not freely govern their subjects as other kings do, whose rule is only regal, governing their people by the Civil law, and chiefly by that foresaid maxim of the same law whereby they at their pleasure change laws make new laws, execute punishments, burden their subjects with chargeiss: and also when they lust, do determine controversies of sueters, as pleaseth them. Wherefore these your progenitors went about to cast of the yoke politic, that ●hey also might likewise ●uele or rather rage's over ●he people their subjects ●n regal wise only: not ●onsyderynge that the power of both kings is squall, as in the foresaid treatise of the law of the ●awe of nature is declared: and that to rule the people by government politic is no yoke, but liberty, and great security not only to the subjects, but also to the king king himself: & further no small lightening or easement of his charge. And that this may appear more evident unto you, ponder and weigh the experience of both regiments And begin with the king of France, perusing after what sort he ruelethe his subjects by regal government alone. And then come to the effect of the joint governance regal and politic, examining by experience how and after what manner the king of England governeth his subjects.   

CAncellarius. Non admireris princeps, si causam huius conaminis ment solicita pertractares Audisti namque superiu●, quomodo inter leges Civiles precipua sententia est, maxima sive regula, illa q sic cavit, qd principi placuit legis habet vigor●m, qualiter non sanctiunt leges Angliae, dum nedum regaliter, sed et politice rex eiusdem dominatur in populum suum, quó ipse in coronatione sua ad legis suae obseruanciam astringitur sacramento, quod reges quidam Angliae egrè ferentes putantes proinde se non libere dominari in subditos, ut faciunt reges regaliter tantum principantes, q lege civili, et po●issimè predicta legis illius maxima, regulant plebem suam, quó ipsi ad eorum libitum iura mutant, nova condunt, penas in fligunt, et onera imponunt subditis suis, ꝓpriis quoque arbitriis contendent ium cum velint dirimunt lites. Quare moliti sunt ipsi prog●nitores tui hoc jugum politicum abiicer ’ ut consimiliter et ipsi in subiectum populum regaliter tantum dominari sed potius debachari queant: non attendentes quod equalis est utriusque regis potencia, ut in predicto tractatu de natura legis naturoe docetur, et qd non jugum sed libertas est politicê regere populum, securitas quoque maxima nedum plebi, sed et ipsi regi alleviacio etiam non minima solicitudinis suae, quae ut tibi apertius pateant, utriusque regiminis experientiam per cunctare, & a regimine tantum regali qualiter rex Franciae principatur in subditos suos exordium sumerrito deinde a regalis ●t politicae regiminis effectu, qualiter rex Angliae dominatur in sibi subiectos populos, experientiam quere.    

The inconveniences that happen in the royalme ●f France through regal government alone. Cap. 35.  

CAll to remembrance, most worthy prince after what sort you saw the wealthy villages and towns (as touching ●●ore of corn) in the royalme of France, while you were there a so iourner, pestered with the kings men at arms & their horses, so that scant in any of the great towns there you could get any lodging. Where of the inhabiters you learned that those men, though they continue in one village a month or two, do not nor will pay any thing at all either for their own charges, or for the charges of their horses. But, which is worse, they compelled the inhabitz of the villages and town dwellers whether they came, to provide of their own proper costs out of the villages adjoining wine & flesh for them, and other things that they needed at dearer prices than they might have bought the same at home. And if any refused thus to do, they were anon by plain stafford law forced to do it. And when they had spent all the victualies, fuel, and horse meat in one town, than those men went to an other town wasting the same in like manner, not paying one penny for any necessaries either for themselves, or else for their concubines and harlots, whereof they ever carried carried about with them great abundance, nor for hosen or shows, and other like even to the least point or lace, but they compelled the townsmen, where they carried to bear all their expenses. And thus were all the villages and unwalled towns of that land used, so that there is not the least village there free from this miserable calamity, but that it is once or twice every year beggared by this kind of pilling. Furthermore the king suffereth no man to eat salt within his kingdom, except he buy it of the king at such price as pleaseth him to assess.  
And if any poor man had rather eat his meat fresh, then to buy salt so excessively dear, he is imimmediatly compelled to buy so much of the kings salt at the king's price as shall suffice so many persons as he keepeth in his house. Moreover all the inhabiters of that royalme give yearly to the king the fowerthe part of all the wines that their grounds beareth: and every vintner the fourth penny of the price of the wine that he selleth. And besides all this every village and borroughe payeth yearly to the king great sums of money assessed upon them for the wages of men at arms, so that the charges of the king's army, which is ever very great, is maintained by the poor people of the villages, boroughs, & towns of the royalme. And yet moreover every village findeth continually two Crossbows at the least, and some more with all furniture and habyliments requisite for the kings service in his wars as oft as it pleaseth him to muster them which he doth very oft. And these things not considered, other exceeding great talleges are yearly assessed upon every village of the same royalme to the kings use, whereof they are no year released. The people being with these and divers other calamities plagued and oppressed, do live in great misery, drinking water daily. Neither do the inferior sort taste any other liquor saving only at solemn feasts Their shamewes are made of hemp, much like to sack cloth. Woollen cloth they wear none, except it be very course, and that only in their coats under their said upper garments. Neither use they any hosen, butt from the knee upward: the residue of their legs go naked. Their women go barefoot saving on holy days. Neither men nor women eat any flesh there, but only lard of bacon, with a small quantity whereof they fatten their pottage and broths. As for roasted or sodden meat of flesh they taste none, except it be of the inwards sometimes & heads of beasts the be killed for gentlemen & merchantzes But the men at arms they devour and consume all their pullein so, the they have scant the eggs left to eat for special deintiez And if they fortune at any time to grow somewhat wealthy in substance, so that any of them be counted rich, he is by & by charged to the kings subsidy more deeply than any of his neighbours, so that within short time he is made equal in poverty with the rest of his beggarly neighbours. And this as I suppose, is the state of the common and rascal people of that nation. But gentlemen and nobles are not so oppressed, and overcharched with exactions. Butte if any of them chance to be accused of any crime, though it be by his enemies, he is not ever wont to be cited or called before an ordinary judge. But many times it hath been seen that he hath in that behalf been talked with in the kings chamber, or elsewhere in some private place, and sometimes only buy a poursevaunte or messenger. And immediately as soon as the prince's conscience hath through the report of others, judged him guilty, he is without any fashion of judgement put in a sack and in the night season by the Marshals servants hurled into a river, & so drowned. After which sort you have hard of many more put to death, than that have been by ordinary process of the law condemned.  
How be it the prince's pleasure, as say the Civil laws, hath the force of a law. Also while you wear abiding in France, and nigh to the same kingdom, you heard of other great enormities like unto these, and some much worse than these detestable & damnable done no otherwise but under the colour of that law: which here to rehearse would continue our talk too long a time. Now therefore let us see what the effect of the law politic and regal, which some of your progenitors would have changed into this Civil hath wrought in the royalme of England: that you being instructed with the experience of both laws, may the better by their effects judge whether of them ye ought rather to choose. Seeing the philosopher, as afore is rehearsed, doth say, the contraries laid together do more perfectly appear.   

REminiscer ’ (princeps divine) qualiter villas et opida regni Francioe frugum opulentissima dum ibidem peregrinabaris conspexisti, Regis terroe illius hominibus ad arma et eorum equis ita onust●, ut vix in eorum aliquibus quam magnis opidis tu hospitari valebas. Vbi ab incolis didicisti, homines illos licet in villa una per mensem aut duos perhend inaverint, nihil prorsus prosuis aut equorum svorum expensis soluisse aut solvere velle, sed quod peius est, artabant incolas villarum et opidorum in q descenderat sibi devinis, carnibus et aliis q̄bꝰ indigebant, etiam carioribus necessariis quam ibi reperiebantur, a circumuicinis villatis, suis ꝓpriis sum tibus ꝓuidere. Et si qui sic facere renuebant, concito fustibus cesi, propere hoc agere compellebantur, ac demum consumptis in villa una victualibus focalibus et equorum pmbendis, ad villam ali Turrian homines illi properabant, eam consimiliter devastando, nec denarium unum ꝓ aliquibus necessariis suis etiam aut concubi●●rum svarum qua●●n magna copia secum semper vehebant vel pro sotularibus, caligis et aliis hmodi, usque ad minimam earum ligulam soluerunt, sed singulassuas qualescunque expensas, hītator ’ villarum ubi moras fecerunt solvere coegerunt Sicque et factum est in omnibus villis et opidis non muratis totius region̄illiꝰ ut non sit ibi villula una exꝑs de calamitate ista, q non semel aut bis in anno hac nephanda pnssura depilet ’. Pretere a non patit ’ Rex q̄n quam regnnsui salem edere, quem non emat ab ipso Rege, pcio eius solum arbitrio assesso. Et si insulsum pauper quis mawlt edere quam salem excessivo precio comparare, mox compellitur ille tantum de sale regis ad eius pcium emere, quantum congruet tot personis, quot ipse in domo sua fovet. Insuper onnes regni illius incolae, dant omni anno regi suo quartan partem omnium vinorum q sibi accrescunt et omnis caupo quartum denarium pcij vinorum q ipse vendit et ultra hec, onens villae et burgi soluunt Regi amnuatim ingentes summas sup eos assessas, ꝓ stipendijs hominum ad arma, sic qd ’ armata regis, q quam magna semper est pascat ’ ānuatim de stipendijs suis ꝑ pauperes villarum, burgorum, et civitatum regni. Et ultra hec quel’t villa semper sustinet sagittarios duos ad minus. et aliq̄ plures, in omni apparatu & abilimentis sufficientibus ad seruiendum regi in guerris suis, quotiens sibi libet eos sūmonire, qd ’ et crebro facit, ac hijs non ponderatis maxima tallagia alia sunt omni áno assessa ad opus regis super quamlibet villam eiusdem regni, de quibus non uno anno ipsi alleviantur. Hijs et nonnullis alijs calamitatibus, plebs illa lacessita, in miseria non minima vivit aquamco tidie bibit, nec alium nisi in solemnimbus festis plebei gustant liquorem· Froccis sive collobitis de canabo ad modum pamni saccorum teguntur. Pamno de lana preterquamde vilissima et hoc solum in tunicis suis subtus froccas illas non utuntur, neque caligis nisi ad genua, discooperto residuo tibiarum. Mulieres eorum nudipedes sunt exceptis diebus festis, carnes non comedunt mares aut feminae ibidem, preter lardum baconis, quo īpinguāt pulmentaria sua in minima quantitate. Carnes assatas coctasue alias ipsi non gustant, preterquam interdum de intestinis et capitibus animalium pro nobilibus et mercatoribus occisorum, sed gentes ad arma comedunt alitilia sua, ita ut vix ova eorum ipsis relinquantur pro summis vescenda delicijs. Et si quid in opibus eye aliquando accreverit, quolocuples eorum aliquis reputetur, concito ipse ad regis subsidium plus vicinis suis ceterisoneratur, quo extunc convicinis ceteris ipse equabitur paupertate. Hec ni fallor forma est status gentis plebanae regionis illius. Nobiles tamen non sic exactionibus opprimuntur. Sed si eorum aliquis calumpniatus fuerit de crimine, licet ꝑ inimicos suos, non semper coram judice ordinario ipse convocari solet Sed quam sepe in regis camera, et alibi in privato loco, quandoque vero solum per internuntios, ipse inde aloqui visus est, et mox ut criminosum eum principis conscientia relatu aliorum iudicaverit in sacco positus, absque figura judicij, perprepositi maris calorum ministros noctanter in flumine proiectus submergitur, qualiter et mori audivisti maiorem multo numerum hominum, quam q legittimo ꝓcessu juris convicti extiterunt. Sed tam quod principi placuit (juxta leges civiles) legis hent vigorem. Etiam et alia enormia hijs similia ac quedam hijsde teriora, dum in Francia et ꝓpe regnum illud conuersatus es audisti, non alioquam legis illius colore detestabiliter damna biliterque ꝑpetrata q hic inserere nostrum nimium dialogum protelaret: quare quid effectus legis politicae et regalis, quam quidam progenitorum tuorum pro lege hac civili commutare nisi sùt, operatus est in regno Angliae, amodo visitemus, ut utraque legum experiencia doctus, q earum tibi eligibilior sit ex earum effectibus elicere valeas, cum (ut sup̄ memoratur) dicat philosophus, quod opposita juxta se posita magis apparent    

¶ The commodities that proceed of the joint government politic and regal in the royalme of England. Cap. 36,  

WIthein the royalme of England no man sojourneth in an other man's house without the love & the leave of the good man of the same house: saving in comen inns, where before his deꝑture thence he shall fully sattsfie & pay for all his charges there. Neither shall he escape unpunished whosoever he be that taketh another man's goods wytheoute the good will of the owner thereof. Neither is it unlawful for any man in that royalme to provide and store himself of salt and other merchandises or wares at his own will and pleasure of any man that selleth the same. howbeit it the king, though the owners would say nay may by his officers take necessaries for his house at a reasonable price to be assessed by the discretions of the constables of the towns. Nevertheless he is bound by his laws to pay therefore either presently in hand, or else at a day to be limited and set by the higher officers of his house. For by his laws he may take away none of his subjects goods, witheoute due satisfaction for the same. Neither doth the king there either by himself or by his servants and officers levy upon his subjects tallages, subsidies, or any other burdens, or alter their laws, or make new laws without the express consent and agreement of his whole royalme in his parliament. Wherefore every inhabiter of that royalme useth & enjoyeth at his pleasure all the fruits that his land or cattle beareth, with all the profits & commodities, which by his own travail, or by the labour of others he gaineth by land or by water: not hindered by the injury or wrong deteinement of any man but that he shallbe allowed a reasonable recompense. And hereby it cometh to pass that the men of that land are rich, having abundance of gold and silver and other things necessary for the maintenance of man's life they drink no water, whiles it be so that some for devotion, and upon a zeal of penance do abstain from other drinks. They eat plentifully of all kinds of flesh and fish. They wear fine woollen cloth in all their apparel. they have also abundance of bed coverings in their houses, and of all other woollen stuff. They have great store of all hustlements and implements of household. They are plentifully furnished with all instruments of husbandry, & all other things that are requisite to the accomplisment of a quiet and wealthy life according to their estates & degrees. Neither are they sued in the law, but only before ordinary judges, whereby the laws of the land they are justly entreated. Neither are they arrested or impleaded for their movables or possessions, or arraigned of any offence criminal be it neun so great & outrageous but after the laws of the land, and before the judges aforesaid. And this are the fruits which government politic and regal conjoined doth bear and bring fourth Whereof now appear evidently unto you the experiences of the effects of the law, which some of your progenitors travailed to abolish. Before also you saw plainly the effects of the other law, which they with such earnest endeavour laboured to advance and place in stead of this law. So that by the fruits of them both you may know what they are And did not ambition, riot, and wanton lust, which your said progenitors esteemed above the wealth of the realm move them to this alteration? Consider therefore most worthy prince, and that earnestly this that followeth.   

IN regno Angliae nullus perhendinat in alterius domo invito domino, si non in hospiciis publicis, ubi tunc pro omnibus quae ibidem expendit ipse plenariê soluet ante eius abinde recessum: nec impunê quisque bona alterius capit, sine voluntate proprietarij eorundem, neque in regno illo prepeditur aliquis sibi de sale, aut quibuscunque mercimoniis aliis ad proprium arbitrium, et de quocunque venditore providere. Rex tn̄ necessaria domus suae per rationabile precium juxta constabulariorum villarum discretiones assidendum, invitis possessoribus ꝑ officiarios suos capere potest: sed nihillominus ipse precium illud in manibus, vel ad diem ꝑ maiores officiarios domus suae limitādū, solvere ꝑ leges suas obnoxius est: quia nullius subditorum suorum bona, juxta leges illas ipse deripere potest, sine satisfactione debita ꝓ eisdem Neque rex ibidem ꝑ se aut ministros suos tallagia, subsidia, aut quis onera alia imponit legijs suis, aut leges eorum mutat, vel novas condit, sine concessione vel assensu tocius regni sui, in parliamento suo expnsso. Quare incola onnis regni illius fructubus quos sibi parit terra sua, et quos gignit pecus eius, emolumentis quoque onimbus: q industria ꝓria vel aliena ipse terra marique lucratur, ad libitum ꝓprium utitur nullius pmpeditus iniuria vel rapina, quin ad minus inde debitas conseqntur emendas: unde inhabitantes terram illam locupletes sunt, abundantes auro, et argento, etcunctis necessarijs vitae. Aquam ipsei non bibunt, nisi q ob devotionis et penitenciae zelun aliquam do ab alijs potubus se abstinent. Omni genere carnium et piscium ipsei in copia vescuntur, qmbus patria illa non modicè est referta, pannis de lanis bonis ipsi induuntur in omnibus operimentis suis, etiam abundant in lectisterniis et quo libet suppellectili cui lana congruit in omnibus domibus suis, nec non opulenti ipsi sunt in omnibus hustilimentis domus necessariis culturae, et omnibus q ad quietam, et felicem vitam exiguntur, secundum status suos. Nec in placitum ipsi ducuntur nisi coram judicibus ordinariis, ubi illi per leges terrae just tractantur. Nec allocuti sive implacitati sunt de mobilibus aut possessionibus suis, vel arrettati de crimine aliquo qualiter cumque magno et enormi, nisi secundum leges terrae illius, et coram judicibus antedictis. Et hij sunt fructus quos parit regimen politicum et regal, ex quibus tibi iam apparent experienciae effectus legis, quam quidam progenitorum tuorum abicere conati sunt. Superius quoque tibi apparent effectus legis alterius, quam tanto zelo loco legis istius, ipsi nisi sunt inducere, ut ex fructubus earum tu agnoscas eas, et nonne ambicio, luxus, et libido, quos predicti ꝓgenitores tui regni bono preferebant, eos ad hoc commercium concitabant? Considera igitur princeps optime et iam alia que sequentur.    

A comparison of the worthiness of both the regiments Cap. 37.  

Saint Thomas in his book which he wrote to the king of Cyprus of the regiment of princes, saith that the king is given for the kingdom, & not the kingdom for the king. Whereupon it followeth that all kingelye power must be applied to the wealth of his kingdom. Which thing in effect consisteth in the defence thereof from foreign invasions, and in the maintenance of his subjects, and their goods from the injuries and extortions of the inhabitants of the same. Wherefore that king which is not able to perform these things, must of necessity be judged impotent and weak. But if he be so overcome of his own affections and lustzes or so oppressed with poverty, that he can not wytheholde his hands from the pilling of his subjects, whereby himself impoverisheth them and suffereth them not to live, and to be sustained upon their own substances, how much more weak or feeble is he in this respect to be judged, then if he wear not able to defend them against the injuries of others. truly such a king may well be called not only feeble, but even very feebleness itself: nor is not to be judged free, being tied with so many bands of feebleness. On the other side that king is free and of might, that is able to defend his subjects aswell against strangers as against his own people: and also their goods and possessions not only from the violente and unlawful invasionz of their own countrymen and neighbours, butt also from his own oppression and extortion, though such wilful lusts and necessities do move him to the contrary. For who can be more mighty or more free than he that is able to conquer and subdue not only others but also himself?  
Which thing a king whose governance is politic can do and ever doth. Thus most worthy prince it appeareth unto you by the effect of experience, that your progenitors, which were thus minded to renounce their politic government, could not thereby not only not obtain the might and power, which they wished: that is to say, increase thereof, but rather they should have endangered and greatly hazarded the wealth aswell of themselves, as also of their kingdom. notwithstanding these things now practised, which as touching th'effect of experience do seem to blemish the power of a king ruling all alone regally, never proceeded of the default of their law, but of the careless demeanour, and negligent lousenes of such a ruler.  
Wherefore that dignity is not hereby in power embased under the dignity of a politic governor, which both in my foresaid treatise of the nature of the law of nature I have plainly proved to be in power equal.  
But the premises do most evidently declare it to be a matter of much more difficulty for a king whose rule is only regal to exercise his power, and that both he and his people stand in much less security. And therefore it were not to be wished of a wise king to change a politic regiment into that government which is only regal. And according to this the foresaid Saint Thomas wisheth that all the kingdoms of the world were ruled by politic governance.   

Sanctus Thomas in libro quem Regi Cipri de regimine principum scripsit dicit: qd ’ rex datur ꝓpter regnum, etnon regnum ꝓpter regem quon onnis potestas regia referri debet ad bonum regni sui, quod effectiuè consistit in defencione eiusdem ab exterorum incursibus, et in tuicione regnicolarum, et bonorum suorum ab indigenarum iniurijs et rapinis. Quare rex quihec peragere nequit, impotens est necessario iudicandus. Sed si ipse passionibus proprijs aut penuria ita oppressus est, quod manus suas cohibere nequit a depilatione subditorum svorum quô ipsemet eos depauperat, nec vivere sinit et sustentari proprijs substantijs suis: quanto tunc impotencior ille iudicandus est, quam si eos defendere ipse non sufficerent erga aliorum iniurias? Revera rex talis nedum impotens, sed et ipsa impotentia dicendus est, et non liber judicari potest tantis impotentiae nexubus vinculatus. E regione rex liber et potens est, qui incolas suos erga exteros et indigenas, eorum quo que bona et facultates nedum erga vicinorum et concivium rapinas defendere sufficit, sed erga proprium oppressionem, et rapinam licet sibi passiones necessitatesque huiusmodi reluctentur. Quis enim potentior liberiorue esse potest, quam qui non, solum alios, sed et se ipsum sufficit debellare? quod potest et semper facit rex politicê regens populum suum, quare experientiae effectu tibi constat princeps, progenitores tuos qui sic politicum regimen abicere satagerunt, non solum in hoc non potuisse nancisci potentiam quam optabant, videlicet ampliorem, sed et sui bonum, similiter et bonum Regni sui, per hoc ipsi discrimini exposuissent et periculo grandiori Tamen hec quae iam de experienciae effectu practicata, potentiam regis regaliter tantum presidentis exprobrare videntur, non ex legis suae defectu ꝓcesserunt, sed ex incuria negligentiaque taliter principantis, quare ipsa dignitatem illam potentia non minuunt, a dignitate regis politicè regulant ’ quos paris esse potentiae in predicto tractatu de natura legis naturae luculenter ostendi. Sed potenciam regis regaliter tantum principantis difficilioris esse ex cercijs, ac minoris securitatis sibi & populo suo, illa clarissimè iam demonstrant, quô optabile non foret regi prudenti, regimen politicum pro tantûm regali commutare.  
unde et sanctus Thomas supradictus, optare censetur, ut omnium mundi regna politice regerentur.    

¶ The Prince breaketh the Chancellor of his tale. Cham 38  

Bear with me I beseech you good Chancellor quoth the Prince, in that with my questions I have drawn you so far from your purpose. For the things which by this occasion you have discussed are to me right profitable, though they have soomewhate stayed you, and pulled you back from the end of your intent. Whereunto I pray you now make haste: and first as you promised, and as you have begun, open unto me some other cases wherein the sentences of the laws of England and of the Civil laws do disagree.   

TVnc princeps Parce obsecro Cancellarie, quod te ad tantam a proposito tuo digressionem compuli questionibus meis, michi nanque perutilia sunt quae hac occasion exarasti, licet te parumper retardaverint a meta intentionis tuae, ad quam ut tu iam celerius properes flagito, et primo ut aliquos alios casus, in quibus legum Angliae et Civilium discrepant sentenciae, ut promisisti et cepisti, mihi enarres.    

¶ The second case, wherein the Civil laws, and the laws of England disagree in their judgements. Chap. 39  

ACcording to your request most noble prince (quod the Chancellor) I will open unto you certain other cases wherein the said laws disagree. Howbeit whether of the same laws in their judgments excelleth the other, that will I leave to your own determination. The Civil law doth legitimate the child borne before matrimony aswell as that which is borne after: and giveth unto it succession in the parents inheritance. But to the child borne out of matrimony the law of England alloweth no succession, affirming it to be natural only and not lawful. The civilians in this case advance their law-alleginge that by mean thereof the sacrament or state of matrimony coming in place, extinguisheth the former sin, whereby eyes the souls of two persons should have perished. And it is to be presumed, say they that they were at their first copulation both so minded as the sacrament ensuing afterward declareth. The church also accepteth such children for legitimate. These I trow are the three strongest reasons, whereby they maintain and defend their law. Which are thus answered by the lawyers of England. first they say that the sin of the first carnal action in the case propounded is not purged by the matrimony ensuing, though by the worthiness thereof the sinners punishment is somewhat abated. They say also that they which thus do sin are so much the less repentant therefore, in asmuch as they perceive the laws to favour and bear with such transgressors. And upon this consideration they are made the readier to commit the sin: thereby breaking the commandment both of god and of the church. Wherefore this law doth not only participate which the offence of sinners, but also swerveth from the nature of a good law. Forasmuch as a law is a holy stablishement, commanding things honest, and forbidding the contrary. Which this law doth not, but rather allureth the minds of sinners to dishonesty. Neither can it be any defence to this law, that the church accepteth such children for legitimate. For that loving mother dispenseth in many things, which she licenseth to be done And it was by way of dispensation that the Apostle set virgins at liberty, whereunto he would not counsel them, rather wishing all to continue virgins like himself. And god forbid that so great a mother should in this case withdraw her tender love from her children, which by the enticement of this law do many times fall into sin.  
And by the matrimony ensuing the church is informed that the parties so marrying are penitent & sorry for the offence passed, and are willing in time to come through matrimony to live continent. But the law of England in this case worketh a much contrary effect.  
For it provoketh not to sin, nor cherisheth or maintaineth sinners, but putteth them in fear, & to keep them from sin threateneth punishment. For the wantonness of the flesh hath no need of allurement, but rather of discouragement: because the lusts of the flesh are wanton, and almost untamable. And forasmuch as it is impossible for man to live ever in himself, he naturally coveteth to live ever in his like, because every living thing, desireth to be like the first and chief cause, which is perpetual & everlasting. And hereof it cometh that man hath more delight and pleasure in the sense of feeling, whereby his kind is preserved, than in the sense of taste, which preserveth only the particular man. Wherefore No executing vengeance upon his son which uncovered his privities, did curse his nephew the offenders child, that thereby the offendor might be more grieved then with his own mishap. Wherefore the law that punisheth the offenders issue doth more penally prohibit sin. then that which plagueth but the offender alone. Whereby it may easily be considered with what zeal the law of England abhorreth unlawful conjunctions, which doth not only judge the child so gotten to be illegitimate but also prohibiteth it to succeed in the parent's inheritance. Is not this law then chaste and pure? And doth it not more forcibly and more earnestly suppress sin, than the foresaid Civil law, which winketh at the sin of lechery, and leaveth it unpunished?   

CAncellarius. Quosdan casus alios in quibus dissentiunt leges predictae, ut petis princeps, detegere conabor. Sed tamen quae legum earum prestantior sit in judiciis suis, non meo sed arbitratui tuo relinquam. Prolem ante matrimonium natam, ita ut post legittimum, lex civilis, et succedere facit in hereditate parentum sed prolem quam matrimonium non parit succedere non smit lex anglorum, naturalem tantum eam esse & non legittimam proclamans. Civilistae in casu hoc legem eorum extollunt, quia incitamentum eam esse dicunt, quo matrimonij sacramento cesset peccatum, ꝑ qd ’ alias duo rum animae interirent, presumendum quoque esse dicunt, tales fuisse cōtrahen tius animos in primo eorum concubitu quales esse demonstrat subsequens sacramentum. Ecclesia etiam fetus hmôi habet pro legittimis: hec ni fallor tria fulcimenta sunt maiora, quibus ipsi appodiāt defenduntque legem suam. Ad quae sic respondent leges Angliae periti. primo dicunt quod peccatum primi concubitus in casu proposito non purgatur per subsequens matrimonium, licet eius merito delinquentium quodamodo minuatur pena. Dicunt etiam quod peccati illius conscii, tanto minus inde penitent, quo leges trangressoribus illis favere considerant. quali etiam consideratione, procliviores ipsi redduntur ad cōmittēdū peccatum, per quod nedum dei sed & ecclesiae precepta necligunt. unde lex illa nedum delinquentium ꝑticipat culpam, sed et legis bon̄ naturam ipsa declinat. cum lex sit sanctio sancta iubens honesta & ꝓphibens contrar ’, qualia ipsa non prohibet, sed potius ad inhonesta animos labentium invitat. Nec vallari potest lex ista per hoc, quod ecclesia fetus huiusmodi pro legittimis habet. Pia nanque mater illa, in quamplurimis dinspensat, quae fieri ipsa non concedit, dispensativa enim laxavit apostolus virginitatis frena, qd ’ consulere noluit, cum oens ipse volverit ut se virgines permansisse Et absit ut mater tanta a filiis suis in casu isto pietatem svam cohiberet, dum sepe ipsi etiam legis huius civilis fomento concitati, incidunt in peccatum. peccatum. Et per matrimonium subsequens docetur ecclesia, contrahentes penitere de preterito, et de futuro per matrimonium se velle cohibere. Sed long alium in hoc casu lex angliae effectum operatur, dum ipsa non concitat ad peccatum, neque peccantes fovet, sed terret eos, et ne peccent minatur penas, carnis etenim illecebrae fomento non egent, egent vero frenis, quia irritamenta carnis lasciva & quasi infatigabilia sunt. Et homo quum individuo ꝑpetuari nequit, ꝑpetuari naturaliter appetit in specie sua, quia omne quod vivit assimilari cupit causae primae, quae perpetua est et eterna. unde fit quod plus delectatur homo in sensu tactus, quo servatur species eius, quam in sensu gustus, quo conseruatur individuum Quare Noe ulciscens in filium qui eius pudenda revelavit, nepoti suo, filio delinquentis maledixit, ut inde plus cruciaretur reus quam ꝓprio possit incomodo, quare lex quae vindicat in ꝓ geniem delinquentis, penalius prohibet peccatum, quam quae solum delinquentem flagellat. Ex quibus considerare licet, quanto zelo lex Angliae illicitos prosequitur concubitus, dum ex eye editam prolem ipsa nedum judicat non esse legittimam, sed et succedere prohibet in patrimonio parentum. Nunquid tunc lex ista casta non est, et non fortius firmiusque repellit peccatum, quam facit lex predicta civilis, quae cito et quasi inultum luxuriae crimen remittit.    

¶ Special causes why base borne children are not legitimate in England by matrimony ensuing. Chap. 40.  

MOre over the Civil laws say that your natural or bastard son is the son of the people. Whereof a certain metrician writeth in this wise.  To whom the people father is, to him is father none & all. To whom the people father is, well fatherless we may him call. 
And while such a child had no father at the time of his birth, surely nature knoweth not how he could afterward come by a father. For if one woman should bear two children of two fornicators, and the one of them should afterward marry her: Whether of these twooe children should by this marriage be legittimat? Opinion may somewhat persuade, but reason cannot find: seeing the time was once when both those children being judged the children of the people, did not know their fathers It were therefore unreasonable that a child afterward borne in the same wedlock, whose generation cannot be unknown should be disherited, and that a child which knoweth no father should be heir to the father & mother of the other, specially in the royalme of England where the eldest son only enjoyeth the father's inheritance. And an indifferent judge would think it no less unreasonable, that a base borne child should be equally matched with a lawful begotten child in the inheritance which by the Civil laws can be divided but only among male children. For saint Augustine in the xvi. book de Civitate dei writeth thus. Abraham gave all his substance to his son Isaac: and to the sons of his concubines he gave gifts. Whereupon seemeth to be meant, that to bastard children there is no inheritance due, but only a necessary living. Thus saith he And under the name of a bastard child saint Austen understandeth all unlawful issues: & so doth holy scripture also in divers places, calling none by the name of a bastard. Lo, Saint Austen thinketh no small difference to be, & so thinketh Abraham to, between the succession of a bastard, and of a son lawfully begotten. Yea holy scripture reprehendeth all unlawful children under this metaphor, saying Bastard slips shall take no deep root nor lay any fast foundation, in the iiii. chapter of the book of wisdom. The church also reproveth the same in that it admitteth them not to holy orders. And if it so be that the church do dispense with such a one, yet it permitteth not him to have any dignity or pre-eminence in the church Wherefore it is convenient that man's law in the benefit of succession should cut them short, whom the Church judgeth unworthy to be received into holy orders, and rejecteth from all prelacy: yea whom holy scripture judgeth, as touching their birth, much inferior to them that be lawfully begotten. We read that Gedeon the puissant begat lxx. sons in wedlock, and but one only out of wedlock. Yet this misbegotten child wickedly slew all those lawfully beegotten children one only excepted. judges ix Whereby it is perceived that there was more wickedness in one bastard child, then in lxix lawful sons. For it is a comen saying: If a bastard be good, that cometh to him by chance, that is to wit, by special grace, but if he be evil that cometh to him by nature. For it is thought that the base child draweth a certain corruption and stain from the sin of his parents, without his own fault, as all we have received of the sin of our first parents much infection, though not so much. Howbeit the blemish which bastards by their generation do receive much differeth from that werein lawful children are borne. For their conception is wrought by the mutual sinful lust of both parents, which in the lawful & chaste copulations of married couples taketh no place. The sin of such fornicators is committed by the mutual consent of them both. Wherefore it is likened to the first sin, & cleaveth more cruelly to the child, than the sin of such as do otherwise offend alone: so that the child so begotten deserveth to be called the child of sin, rather than the child of sinners. wherefore the book of wisdom making a difference between these two. genations of the lawful genation it sayeth thus. O how fair is a chaste generation with virtue. The memorial thereof is immortal: for it is known with god & with men. But the other is not known with men so that the children there of borne are called the children of the people. Of which base generation the same book thus speaketh: All the children that are borne of wicked parents are witnesses of wickedness against their parents when they be asked. For being demanded of their parents, they open their sin, even as the wicked son of Noah uncovered his father's privities. It is therefore believed touching the blind borne of whom the pharasiez in the ix chapter of Saint john's gospel said: Thou art altogether borne in sin: that he was a bastard, who wholly is borne of sin. And where it followeth: dost not thou teach us. It seemeth that thereby may be understanded, that a bastard hath no like natural disposition to knowledge and learning as a lawful child hath. Wherefore that law maketh no good division which in the father's inheritance maketh equal bastard children and lawful children, whom the church in gods inheritance maketh unequal. Between whom also scripture putteth a difference in form above mentioned: & whom nature in her gifts severeth, marking the natural or bastard children as it were with a certain prive mark in their souls Whether therefore of the two. laws English or civil do you now embrace most noble prince, & judge to have the pre-eminence in this case.   

PReterea Leges civiles dicunt filium naturalem tuum esse filium populi, de quo metricus quidam sic ait.  
Cui pater est populus, pater est sibi nullus et omnis. Cui pat ’ est populus non habet ipse patrem. Et dum ꝓles talis patrem non habuit tenꝑe nativitat ’ suae, quo modo ex post facto ipse patrem nancisci poterit natura novit, quo si ex fornicatoribus duobus, mulier una filios peperit duos, quam postea unus ex concubinariis illis ducat in uxorem, quis ex filiis hiis duobus ꝑ matrimonium illud legittimatur? oppinio suader ’ potest sed ratio reperire nequit, dum ambo filii illi populi fetus iudicati, semel parentes ignorabant Incōsonū propterea videret ’, qd ’ in matrimonio illo extunc ab eadem muliere natus, cuius generatio ignorari non poterit, exꝑs esset hereditatis, et filius nescius genitoris sui, succederet patri et matrim eius, maxime infra regnum Angliae, ubi filius senior solus succedit in hereditate paterna, et non minus incongruum esse sentiret arbiter equus, si filius ex stupro, equaliter ꝑticiparet cum filio ex legittim thoro, hereditatem quae iure Civili inter masculos dividenda est. Nam sanctus Augustinus xvi. li. de Civi. dei sic scribit. Abraham omne censum suum dedit Isaac filio suo, filiis autem concubinarum dedit dationes, ex quo videtur innui qd ’ spuriis non debetur hereditas, sed victus necessitas. hec ille. Sub nomine vero spurii denotat Augustinus omnem fetum illegittimun, qualiter et sepius facit scriptura sacra quae neminem vocat bastar dum. Ecce differentiam non minimam sentit Augustinus, sentit et Abraham inter successionem spurij et filii ex legittimo concubitu. Ceterum omnes filios illegittimos reprehendit scriptura sacra, sub methaphora hec dicens. spuria vitulamina non dabunt radices altas nec stabile fundamentum collocabunt Sapientiae iiii. Reprehendit & ecclesia quae eos a sacris repellit ordinibus, et si cum tali dispensaverit, non eum tn̄ ꝑmittit dignita te preesse in ecclesia dei, congruit idcirco legi hominum in successionis bnficio minuere, quos ecclesia indignos judicat sacro ordin, et quos ipsa repellit ab omni prelatia, ipsos etiam quos scriptura sacra in natalibus minoratos judicat a legittime procreatis. Gedeon autem virorum fortissimus, lxx. filios in matrimonio legitur procreasse, & non nisi unum solum habu isse ex concubina, filius tn̄ ipse concubinae, oens filios illos legittimos nequit ’ peremit, excepto uno solo. judicum. ix. quô in notho uno plus maliciae fuisse deprehendit ’ quam in filiis legittimis, lxix. Tritum etenim ꝓuerbium est si bonus est bastardus hoc ei venit a casu, videlicet gracia speciali, si autem malus ipse fuerit hoc sibi accidit a natura Corruptionem namque et maculam quandam censetur illegittimus partus contrahere a peccato genitorum svorum sine culpa eius ut maximam nos contraximus ones a crimine primorum parentum, licet non tantam aliam tn̄ nothi quam legittimi contrahunt maculam ex genitura sua, eorum namque generationem mutua utriusque parentis libido culpa bilis operatur, qua liter in legittimis castisque amplexibus coniugatorum, ipsa non solet debacchari, mutuum sane et commune est peccatum taliter fornicantium, quo primo similatum peccato magis sevit in fetum, quam peccatum aliter solitariêque peccantium, ut ex indenatus, potius peccati filius dici mereatur quam filius peccatorum. Quare sapientiae liber generationes has duas distinguens, de generatione legittima sic affatur. O quam pulchra est casta genacio cum claritate? immortalis est enim memoria illius, qm apud deum not ’ est et apud homines. Altera vero non est nota apud homines quo filii ex eanati, filii populim nominantur De generatione utique illa atlera liber ille sic dicit: ex iniquis onnes filii qui nascuntur, testes sunt nequitiae adversus parentes suos in interrogatione sua. Sapientioe eodem, iiii. capi, interrogati etenim de parentibus suis, eorum ipsi revelant peccatum, ut filius Noah nequam revelavit pudenda pr’is sui. Creditur idcirco, cecum illum natum de quo Pharisei. Ioh. ix dixerunt, tu in peccatis natus es totus, fuisse bastardum q nascit ’ totaliter ex peccato et dum subditur et tu doces nos, videtur eos intellexisse bastardum non ut legitimum in naturalibus esse dispositum ad scientiam et doctrinam. Non igitur bene dividit lex illa q bastardoes a nativitate, et legittimos parificat in hereditate paterna, cum eos dispares judicet ecclesia in hereditate dei, similiter et distinguat sacra scriptura in forma pnnotata, dividatque natura in donis suis signans naturales tantum nevo quasi naturali quodam licet latente, in animis suis. Quam igitur legum istarum Anglicarun, videlicet et Civilium, in casu hoc tu princeps illustrissime, āplec●eris et iudicas preferendā    

The prince alloweth the law which doth not legittimat children borne before matrimony. Cap. 41.  

Surely even to that law do I give the preferment, quoth the prince, which is of more force to abandon sin out of the royalme, and to advance virtue. Those also in the benefits of man's law do I suppose abject and base, whom the law of god considereth unworthy, and whom the church in her benefits rejecteth and nature also judgeth more prone unto sin. I think you do not judge amiss, quoth the Chancellor. wherefore I will rehearse yet other cases, wherein the said laws disagree.   

PRinceps, Revera eam que fortius a regno peccatum eliminat, et firmius in eo virtutem conseruat. Arbitror etiam illos in legis humanoe bnficiis minorandos, quos lex divina indigniores considerat, et quos postponit ecclesia in beneficiis suis natura quoque ꝓcliviores judicat ad peccandum. Cancellarius, Recte estimo te sentire quare et casus alios memorabor, in quibus discrepant hec leges duae.    

The third case wherein the laws aforesaid disagree. Cap. 42.  

The Civil laws decree that the issue ever followeth the womb, that is to say, the mother. As for example, if a bond woman be married to a freeman, their issue shallbe bond. And contrariwise if a bond man marry a free woman, he begetteth none but free children But the law of England never judgeth the issue to follow the mother's condition, but alway the fathers. So that a free man begetteth free children aswell of a bond woman as of a free woman: and a bond man in wedlock can beget none other but bond children. Whether of these laws is better think you in theier sentences. It is a cruel law which without offence subdueth the free man's child to bondage. And no less cruelty is to be thought in the law, which without any desert oppresseth the free woman's child with bondage. Yet the civilians say that the Civil laws in these their judgements do excel. For an evil tree say they can not bring forth good fruits, nor a good tree bear evil fruits. And by the consent of all laws it is agreed that every plant yieldeth to the nature of the ground wherein it is planted the child also hath much more certain & sure knowledge of the mother than of the father, Whereunto the lawyers of England answer on this wise: That a child lawfully begotten hath no more certain and sure knowledge of the mother then of the father For both these laws thus disagreeing, agree yet in this point, that he is the father, whom wedlock declareth. And is it not then more convenient that the condition of the child should have relation rather to the father's condition, then to the mothers. saying that Adam speaking of married couples, said▪ They shallbe two. in one flesh. which our lord expounding in the gospel sayeth: Now are they not two. but one flesh And forsomuch as the mal ’ as more worthy containeth the female, than the whole flesh so united must have relation to the male as to the worthier. wherefore the lord called Adam & Eve not by the name of Eve, but because they were both one flesh, he called them both in the name of Adam the man, as it appeareth in the fifth chapter of genesis. The Civil laws also hold that women do ever glister with the shyening beams of their husbands Wherefore in the title beginning with these words: Qui se prosessione excusant, in the ninth book L. fi. the text sayeth thus. we advance women which the honour of their husbands, and with the kindred of their husbands we worship them: in the court we decree matters to pass in the name of their husbands, & into the house and surname of their husbands do we translate them. But if afterward a woman marry with a man of base degree, them loseth she her former dignity, and followeth the condition of her latter husband And forsomuch as all children, specially male children bear the father's name, & not the mothers, whereof then should it come, that the son by reason of the mother should lose the honour, or change the condition of the father whose name nevertheless he shall still keep. Specially seeing the mother herself receiveth of the same father honour, worship, & dignity. which honour, worship, and dignity of the husband can never be distained or impeached through the fault of the wife. Truly that law may well be deemed cruel, which with out any cause committeth to bondage the free man's son, and which disheriting the innocent son of the innocent free father adjudgeth his land to an unworthy stranger: which also with the base state of bondage in the son defaceth the name of the free father. Cruel also of necessity must that law be counted, which augmenteth thraldom, and diminisheth liberty or freedom. For liberty is the thing that man's nature ever coveteth. For by man & for sin did bondage first enter. But freedom is graffed in man's nature of god. whereof if men be deprived, he is ever disierous to recover the same again, like as all other things do that are spoiled of their natural liberty. wherefore wicked and cruel is he to be deemed that favoureth not liberty. which things the laws of England duly considering, do in all respects show favour to liberty. And though the same laws judge him thrall, whom a boundeman in wedlock begetteth of a free woman, yet here by can not these laws be reputed severe and cruel For a woman which by marriage hath submitted herself to a boundeman, is made one flesh with him. wherefore, as the foresaid laws determine, she followeth the state of his condition, and of her own free will hath made herself a bond woman, not forced thereto by the law much like to such as in kings courts become bondmen, or sell themselves into bondage without any compulsion at all. And how then can the law determine that child to be free, whom such a mother hath thus borne. For the husband can never be in so much subjection to his wife, though she be a right great lady, as this woman is subject to the bondman, whom she hath made her lord: insomuch as the lord sayeth to all wives Thou shalt be under the power of thy husband, & he shall have dominion over thee. And what is it that these civilians say of the fruit of a good or evil tree. Is not every wife of a fire or thrall condition according to the state of her husband And in whose ground hath that husband planted, while his wife is one flesh which him. Not in his own? And what then if he have graffed a slip of a sweet nature in a stock of a sour tree: So that the tree be his own, shall not the fruits, though they eum saver of the stock, be his own fruits? So the child which the wife bareth is the husbands issue, whether the wife be free or thrall. Howbeit the laws of England decree that if a bond woman without the consent of her lord be married to a free man, though they can not be divorced, because the gospel saith, whom god hath conjoined let not man separate, yet shall her lord recover against the same free man all the damages that he hath sustained by reason of the loss of his vassal or bond woman. This now as I suppose is the some and form of the law of England in the case now declared, What therefore is your opinion most excellent prince in the same case?  
And whether of these two laws do you esteem to be of more worthiness & excellency.   

Leges civiles sactiunt, qd ꝑtus semper sequitur ventrem, ut si mulier seruilis condicionis nubat viro condicionis liberae, Proles eorum servus erit, et econunso, servus maritatus liberae, non nisi liberos gignit. Sed lex Anglioe nunquam matris, sed semper patris condicionem imitari partum judicat. Vt ex libera etiam ex nativa non nisi liberum liber generet, et non nisi servum in matrimonio ꝓ creare potest servus, Que putas legum harum melior est in sententiis suis? crudelis est lex, q liberi prolem sine culpa subdit seruituti. Nec minus crudelis censetur, quae liberae sobolem sine merito redigit in servitutem. Legistae vero dincunt, leges Civiles pualere in his judiciis suis. Nam dicunt: qd non potest arbor malafructus bonos facere. Neque arbor bona fructus malos facere. Ac ōni● legis sententia est, qd plantatio qlibet cedit solo quo inseritur. Certior quoque multo est ꝑtus, q eum fuderunt viscer ’ quam quis eum pater procreavit Ad hec legis Angliae consulti dicunt: qd, ꝑtus ex legittimo thoro non certius noscit matrem quam genitorem suum Nam am bae leges q iam contendunt, uniformiter dicunt qd ipse est pater, quem nuptiae demonstrant. Nunquid tunc magis est conveniens, ut filii conditio ad patris potius quam ad matris conditionem referatur, cum de coniugatis dixerat Adam? erunt ipsi duo in carne una. qd dominus exponens in evangelio ait: jam non sunt duo sed una caro, et cum masculinum concipiat femininum, ad masculinum qd dignius est referri debet tota caro sic facta una Quare Adam et Euam vocavit dominus, non evan, sed quia caro una ipsi erant, ambos eos vocavit ipse nomine viri, vide licet, Adam: ut patet Genesis quinto capit ’. Ipsae quoque civiles leges dicunt: qd mulieres semper coruscant, radiis maritorum suorum. unde. C qui professione se excusant. libro no no l fi. textus sic loquitur: Mulieres honore maritorum erigimus, et genere nobilitamus, et forum ex eorum persona statuimus, et domicilium mutamus Sin autem minoris ordinis virum postea sortitae, priore dignitate privatae, posterioris mariti consequantur conditionem et domicilium. et cum nomen patris et non matris gerat ꝓles onnis, et maximè masculin̄. unde tunc ꝓuenir ’ poterit, qd filius ratione matris amitteret honorem, condicionemue patris sui mutaret, cuius tamen nomen ipse retinebit, p̄sertim dum honor ’ patris eiusdem ac conditione resplendeat mater eius et dum viri honor vel conditio nunquam ꝑ uxoris vitium denigratur. Crudelis nempe censeretur lex que sine causa filium liberi seruituti committit, et terram ꝓ qua liber ille innocens a crimine innocentis filii sui titulo, non sudanti tradet extraneo possidēdā, ac patris nomen etiam filii servitutis nota commaculat. Crudelis etiam necessario iudicabitur lex q servitutem augmentat, et minuit libertatem, Nam pro ea natura semper implorat humana. Quia ab hōine et ꝓ vicio introduct ’ est servitus. Sed libertas a deo hominis est indita naturae, Quare ipsa ab homine sublata, semper redire gliscit, ut facit onne qd libertate naturali privatur. Quo impius et crudelis iudicandus est qui libertati non favet Hec considerantia Angliae iura, in omni casu libertati dant favorem. Et licet iura illa iudicent eum servum, quem servus in coniugio ex libera procreavit, non per hoc iura illa rigida, crudeliaue sentire poterunt. Nam mulier q coniugio servo se subiecit, facta ei caro una, quo ipsa ut dicunt leges suprascriptae, eius conseqntur conditionem, et ꝓprio arbitrio se fecit ancillam, sed potius seruam, nullatenus a lege coacta, qualiter et faciunt q se servos reddunt in curiis regum, vel in servitutem se vendunt nullatenus ad hoc compulsi Quomodo tunc liberum sancire possunt leges filium illum, quem mater talis, taliter est enixa? numquam enim sic subiectus est vir uxori, licet maxima domina ipsa fuerit, ut subiecta est libera hec servo, quem ipsa fecit dominum eius, dicente domino uxori omni. Eris sub potestate viri, et ipse dominabitur tuin. Et quid est qd dicunt legistoe illi, de fructu arboris bonae vel maloe. nonne conditionis liberoe vel seruilis est uxor omnis, qualis est maritus eius? et in cuius solo plantavit maritus, dum uxor eius est sibi caro una? Nonne in ꝓprio? quid si surculum dulcis naturae inseruerit ipse stipiti arboris acerbae: Dummodo arbor illa eius est. nonne fructus (licet ex stipite redolent) semper sint fructus eius Sic ex muliere genita ꝓles, mariti est progenies, fuerit mater libera vel ancilla. Sanctiunt tn̄ leges Angliae, qd dominus nativae a libero in matrimon̄ sumptae ipso inconsulto cum eam repudiare nequeat dicente evangelio: quos deus coniunxit, homo non seperet: re cuperabit versus liberum illum, omne damnum quod ipse sustinuit ratione deperditi seruicij, et amissoe ancillae suae. Hec iam ut estimo, est summa et forma legis Angliae, in casu iam enarrato. Quid igitur iam tibi videtur princeps in casu isto? et quae legum predictarum pnstantior aut eligibiliora te judicatur?    

The prince approveth the law whereby the issue followeth not the womb. Cap. 43.  

Reason suffereth us not to doubt, quod the prince but that in this case the law of England surmounteth the Roman law. And that law is to me more alloweable, which unto children showeth favour rather than rigour. For I remember a rule of the law that sayeth. It is behovable that cruel hate be repressed, and favour advanced. And good reason, quod the Chancellor. Yy will I express unto you an other case wherein thes laws are repugnant. And shortly after I will make an end, lest it be tedious to you to be troubled with so many disagreings & lest you hap to be wearied with my over long talk.   

PRinceps. Anglorum legem in hoc casu, Roma norum lege prestare dubitar ’ nos racio non permittit. Et optior mihi sen per est lex, quae favorem, potius quam rigorem, partibus ad ministrat. Recolo namque illius juris regulam, que sic dicit: Odia pestringi et favores convenit ampliari. Cancellarius. Et bene qndem. Alium adhuc casum tibi referam, princeps, in quo, concertant leges istae, et non multum postea, tunc desistamne onerosum tibi sittantis soliciter scisma tibus, etiam ne infas tidium tibi veniat desceptacio mea diutius protelata.    

¶ The fourth case wherein the said laws vary Cap. 44.  

THe Civil laws commit the tuition of orphans to the next of their blood, whether the kindred grow on the father's side or on the mother's side, that is to say, to every man according to the degree and order, wherein his turn is next to succeed the pupil in his inhertiaunce. And the reason of this law is that: that no man will behave himself more tenderly or more favourably in the careful education of the infant, thenne he that is next of his blood. Nevertheless the laws of England touching the custody of orphans do determine much otherwise For there if an inheritance being holden in sorage descend to an orphan from any of the kindred of his father's side, the same orphan shall not be under the keeping of any of that kindred, but he shall be governed by his cousins or kynesfolke of his mother's side. And if the inheritance come to him from any kinsman of his mother's side, than the pupil with his inheritance shall be in the custody till he come to lawful age of him that is next of his kin of his father's side and not of any kynesman of the mother's side. For our laws say, that to commit the tuition of an infant to him that shall next succeed him, is like as if one should betake a lamb unto a wolf to be devoured. Butte if the inheritance be not holden in socage, but by knights service, then by the laws of the same land the child with his inheritance shall be in the keeping of none of his kindred of neither side, but in the custody of the lord of the fee until he come to the age of one and twenty years. And think you that any man can or will better instruct and train up the child in feats of arms, which buy reason of his tenure he is bound to yield to the lord of his fee, then the lord himself, to whom such service is by him due? Which is also to be judged of more power, and honour thenne the friends and kynesfolkes of his tenant. For he to the intent he may in time to come be the better served of his tenant will use the more diligence toward him. And it is to be presumed that he is more expert and skilful to trade him in this things, than his other friends rude peradventure and unpractised in martial feats specially if his patrimony be but small. And what can be more profitable for the child, which by reason of his tenure shall in the service of his lord endanger his life, and all that he hath in the acts of chivalry, them in his nonage to be brought up in the discipline and practice of the same, seeing that in his ripe age he shall not be able to avoid the adventure thereof? And to say the truth it shall be no small commodity for the royalme, that the inhabiters of the same be well expert in the knowledge of arms. For as saith the philosopher, every man doth the thing boldly, wherein he assureth himself to be skilful. And do you not then most noble prince allow this law and commend it above the other now described.   

LEges Civiles impuberum tum telas, proximis de eorum sanguine committunt, agnati fuerint seu cognati, unicuique videlicet secundum gradum et ordinem quo in hereditate pupilli successurus est. Et racio legis huius est quia nullus teneriûs fauorabilibûsue infantem alere sataget, quam proximus de sanguine eius. Tamen long aliter de impuberum custodia statuunt leges Angliae. Nam ibidem, si hereditas quae tenetur in Socagio, descendat impuberi ab aliquo agnatorum suorum, non-erit impubes ille sub custodia alicuius agnatorum eius. Sed per ipsius cognatos, videlicet consanguineos ex part matris, ipse regetur. Et si ex part cognatorum hereditas sibi descenderit, pupillus ille cum hereditate sua ꝑ proximum agnatum et non cognatum eius custodiet ’. Quousque ipse fuerit adultus.  
Nam leges illae dicunt qd ’ committere tutelam infantis illi q est enim proximè successurus, est quasi agnum committere lupo ad deuorādum. Sed si hereditas illa non in socagio, sed teneatur ꝑ seruicium milita ’, tunc ꝑ leges terrae illius, infans ipse et hereditas eius, non ꝑ agnatos neque cognatos, sed per dnm feodi illius custodientur, quousque ipse fuerit etatis viginti et unius ānorum. Quis putas infantem talem in actibus bellicis quos facere ratione tenurae suae ipse astringitur dno feodi sui, melius instruere poterit, aut velit quam dns ille, eui ab eo seruicium tale debetur? et qui maioris potentiae et honoris estimatur. q sunt alij amici et ꝓpinq̄ tenentis sui? Ipse namque, ut sibi ab eodem tenente melius seruiatur, diligentem curam adhibebit, et melius in his eum erudire expertus esse censetur, quam reliqui amici juvenis, rudes forsan et armorum inexperti, maxime si non magnum fuerit patrimonium eius. Et quid utilius est infanti qui vitam et omnia sua periculis bellicis exponet in seruicio domini sui ratione tenurae suae, quam in militia actubusque bellicis imbui, dumminor est, cum actus huiusmodi ipse in etate matura declinare non poterit. Et revera non minime erit regno accomodum, ut incolae eius in armis sint experti. Nam ut dicit Philo. audacter quilibet facit, qd ’ se scire ipse non defidit. Nunquid tunc legem hanc tu approbas fili regis, et collaudas super legem alteram iam descriptam.    

¶ Here the prince commendeth the education of noble men's children being orphans. Cap. 45.  

YEs good chancellor, quod the prince, this law I do allow much more than the other. For in the first part of it which you noted, it provideth much more warily for the security and safeguard of the pupil, than the Civil law doth. Howbeit in the second part of the same I do take more delight. For thereof it cometh to pass that in England noble men's children can not easily degenerate, butt rather pass and surmount their ancestors in virtue, in courage, and in honest conditions, forsomuch as they are brought up & instructed in an higher & an honourabler court, then in the houses of their parents, though their parents wear peradventure brought up in the like places. For their parent's house was never yet like the lords house, whom aswell the parents, as also the children served. The princes also of the royalme being ruled buy this law, and likewise other lords holding their land immediately of the king, can not lightly fall to wantonness and unseemelynes, seeing that in their childhood, while they be orphans they are brought up in the kings house. Wherefore I must needs highly praise & cōmē●● the riches, and high port of the kings court, in that it is the chiefest school within the royalme for the nobility of the land. It is also the schoolhouse of manhood, of virtue, and of good manners, whereby the royalm is honoured and flourisheth and is preserved against invasions: so that it is dreaded both of friends and foes. And to be plain this great commodity could not have happened to the royalme, if noble men's children being orphans and pupils had been nourished and brought up by the poor friends of their parents. Neither can this be prejudicial or hurtful to the wealth of the royalme, that the children of burgesses, and of other freeholders, which hold their tenements in socage, and are not thereby bound to warfare, are brought up in the houses of their like friends, as to him that shall thoroughly weigh the matter it may evidently appear.   

PRinceps. Immo Cancellarie legem hanc, plusquam alteram, ego laudo. Nam in eius part prima, quam tu notasti, cautè magis quam civilis ipsa providet securitati pupilli. Sed tamen in eius part secunda, multo magis ego delector. Nam ab ea est quod in Anglia, nobilium progenies de facili degenerari nonpotest, sed probitate potius, strenuitate, et morum honestate antecessores suos ipsa transcendet, dum in altiori, nobiliorique curia, quam in domo parentum illa sit imbuta, licet indomo consimili forsan parentes eius educati erant: Quia consimilis adhuc non erat, domus parentum illorum domui dominorum, quibus ipsei parentes et ipsi infante● seruierunt.  
Principes quoque regni sub hac lege regulati, similiter et domini alii a rege immediate tenentes, non possunt delevi in lasciviam ruditat en●ie l●bi, cum in pueritiadum orphani fuerint ipsi, in domo regia nutriuntur. Quare non innmo domus regiae opulentiam magnitudinemque collaudo, dum in ea ginpnasium supremum, sit nobilitatꝭ regn̄ Scholaquo que strenuitatis, ꝓbitatis et morum quibus regnum honoratur, et florebit, ac contra irruentes securatur, etiam formido ipsa erit inimicis et amicis regni. Hoc revera bonum accidisse non potuisset regno illi, si nobilium filii, orphani et pupilli, per pauperes amicos parentum suorum nutrirentur. Nec regni bono officere potest, licet burgentium filii et aliorum libere tenentium q in socagio tenent tenementa sua, quo ipsei ad militiam non astringuntur, in domo consimilium amicorum svorum educantur ut ꝑspicuè consideranti lucidè apparere potest.    

¶ Yet he rehearseth other case● wherein the foresaid laws differ. Cap. 46  

THere be yet divers other cases, quoth the chancellor, wherein the laws aforesaid do vary. As in that the Civil laws do judge open theft to be satisfied by the recompense of four fold, & privy theft by the recompense of double. Butte the laws of England suffer neither of those offences to be more favourably punished then with the offenders death, so that the value of the thing stolen be above the value of twelve pennies. Also a libertine that is to say, a free man that sometime was bond, if he become unkind or churlish, the Civil laws reduce him into his former state of servitude again. But by the laws of England he that is once made free, be he grate or ingrate, is aiudged to enjoy his freedom still. There be other like cases also not a few, which at this time for brevities sake I overpass. Neither in these two cases do I dispute the excellency of the foresaid laws, seeing the qualities of them require no great search. And I doubt not but the quickness of your wit is such, that it can sufficiently discuss the same.   

TVnc Cancellariꝰ. Sunt et alij casus nonnulli in quibus differunt leges antedictae, Vt quia legis Civiles judicant furtum manifestum ꝑ reddiciōē quadrupli, et furtum non manifestum, ꝑ dupli recompensationem expiari. Sed leges Angliae, neutrum facinorum illorum mitius quam committentis morte puniri permittunt dummodo ablati valor duodecim denariorum valorem excedat. Iten libertinum ingratum leges civiles in pristinam redigunt servitutem: sed leges Angliae semel manumissum, semper liberum judicant gratum et ingratum. Alij quoque sunt casus huiusce modi non pauci, quos iam studio brevitatis pretereo Et neque in hijs duobus casibus predictarum legum prestancias ego iam describo, cum non magum sit indaginis eorum qualitates nec diffido ingenij tui solerciam eas sufficienter posse rimari.    

¶ The prince regardeth not the cases now rehearsed. Cap. 47.  

NO nor it booteth not good chancellor herein much to tarry, quoth the prince. For though in England aswell open as privy thieves are commonly put to death, yet cease they not there from stealing, as though they had no fear of so great a punishment. How much less than would they withhold their hands from theft if they foresaw once that the punishment were mitigated? And god forbidden that he which once hath escaped miserable servitude should ever after tremble and quake at the threatenings of bondage, specially under the colour of ingratitude or unkindness seeing the kinds of ingratitude are so many that they can scant well be numbered: and man's nature in the cause of liberty or freedom more than in other causes requireth favour. Wherefore at this time, good Chancellor I beseech you heartily meddle no more with the examination of any such cases. But now explain & open unto me why the laws of England being so good so fruitful, and so commodious, are not taught in the universities, as the Civil and Cannon laws are, and why in the same none are commenced bachelors and doctors as in other faculties and sciences it is accustomed.   

PRinceps. Nec expedit Cancellarie in hijs multum suadere quia licet in Anglia, fures clandestini et manifesti passim morti plectantur, non cessant ipsi ibidem omnino pndari ac si penam tantam illiminime formidarent. Quamto tunc minus se abstinerent a crimine si penam previderent mitiorem? Et absit a servitute semel evasum, semper deinde sub minis tremere servitutis, maxime ingratitudinis colore, cum ingratitudinum species, vix poterint pre multitudine numerari et humana natura in libertatis causa, favorem semper magis quam in causis alijs deprecetur. Sed iam Cancellarie, obnixè te imploro, ut amodo amissó plurium casuum huiusmodi examine, michi edicas, quare leges Angliae tam bonae, frugi, et optabiles in universitatibus non docentur, ut Civiles similiter et canonum leges: et quare in eisdem non dantur baccalariatus et doctoratus gradus ut in alijs facultatibus et scientijs est dari consuetum.    

¶ Here the chancellor showeth why the laws of England are not taught in the universities. Cap. 48.  

In the universities of England, quoth the Chancellor, sciences are not taught butt in the latin tongue. And the laws of that land are to be learned in three several tongues, to wit, in the English tongue, the french tongue, & the latin tongue. In the English tongue, because that law is most used, and longest continued amongst the English men. In the French tongue, because that after the French men under William the conqueror of England had obtained the land, they suffered not their men of law to plead their causes, but in the tongue which they knew, and so do all the men of law in France yea in the course of parliament there. Likewise the frenchmen after their coming into England received not the accounts of their revenues, but in their own language, lest they should be deceived therein Neither had they delight to hunt, & to excercise other sports & pastimes, as diceplaye, and the hand ball, but in their own proper tongue. Wherefore the English men by much using of their company, grew in such a ꝑfectnes of the same language, the at this day in such plays & accounts they use the French tongue. And they wear wont to plead in French, till by force of a certain statute that manner was much restrained. But it could never hither to be wholly abolished, aswell by reason of certain terms, which pleaders do more properly express in French, then in English, as also for that declarations upon original writs can not be pronounced so agreeably to the nature of those writs as in French. And under the same speech the forms of such declarations are learned. Moreover all pleas, arguings, and judgements passed in the king's courts and entered into books for the instruction of them that shall come after, are ever more reported in the French tongue. Many statutes also of that royalme are written in French. Whereof it happeneth that the comen speech now used in France agreeth not, nor is not like the French used among the lawyers of England, butt is by a certain rudeness of the common people corrupt.  
Which corruption of speech chanceth not in the French that is used in England, for so much as that speech is there oftener written then spoken. Now in the third of the said three tongues, which is the latin tongue are written all writs original and judicial: and likewise all the records of pleas in the kings courts, with certain statutes also.  
Wherefore while the laws of England are learned in these three tongues, they cannot conveniently be taught or studied in the universities, where only the latin tongue is exercised. notwithstanding the same laws are taught & learned in a certain place of public or comen study more convenient & apt for attaining to the knowledge of them, than any other university.  
For this place of study is situate nigh to the kingez courts where the same laws are pleaded and argued, & judgements by the same given by judges men of gravity, ancient in years, perfect and graduate in the same laws. Wherefore every day in court the students in those laws resort by great numbers unto those courts, wherein the same laws are red & taught as it were in common schools.  
This place of study is set between the place of the said courtz & the City of London, which of all things necessary is the plentifullest of all the cities & towns of the realm So that the said place of study is not situate within the city, where the confluence of people might disturb the quietness of the students but somewhat several in the suburbs of the same City, and nigher to the said courts, that the students may daily at their pleasure have access and recourse thither without weariness.   

Cancellarius. In universitatibus Angliae non docentur scientiae nisi in latina lingua: et leges terrae illius in triplici lingua, addiscuntur, videlicet Anglica, Gallica, et Latina. Anglica, quia inter Anglos lex illa maxime inolevit. Gallica, quia postquam galli, duce Wilhelmo Angliae conquestore terram illam optinuerunt, non ꝑmiserunt ipsi eorum advocatos placitare causas suas, nisi in lingua quam ipsi noverunt, qualiter et faciunt onens advocati in Francia etiam in curia parliamenti ibidem. Consimiliter gallici post eorum adventum in Anglian, ratiocinia de eorum proventibus non receperunt, nisi in proprio idiomate ne ipsi inde deciperent ’. Venari etiam, et inocos alios excercere, ut talorum et pilarum ludos, non nim si in propria lingua delectabant ’. Quo et Anglici ex frequenti eorum in talibus comitiva, habitum talem ’ contraxerunt, qd ’ hucusque ipsi in ludis hmodi et compotis, linquam loquuntur gallicanam et placitare in eadem lingua soliti fuerunt quousque mos ille, vigore cuiusdam statutī quam plurimum restrictus est, t●̄ in toto hucusque aboler●nō potuit tum ꝓpter terminos quosdam, quos plus ꝓprie placitantes in gallico, quam in Anglico exprimunt, tunc qa declarationes super breviae originalia, tam convenient ’ ad naturam brevium illorum ꝓnunciari nequnt ut in gallic sub quali sermone declarationum huiusmodi formulae addiscuntur. Reportantur etiam ea q in curijs regijs placitantur, disputantur, et iudicantur ac in libros ad futurorū●ruditionē rediguntur, in sermone semper gallico. Quam plurima etiam statuta regni illius in gallico conscribuntur. unde accidit qd ’ lingua iam in Francia vulgaris, non concordat aut consimilis est gallico inter legis peritos Angliae usitato, sed vulgari quadam ruditate corrupta. Quod fieri non accidit in sermone gallico infra Angliam usitato, cum sit sermo ille ibidem sepius scriptus quam locutus. Sub tertia vero linguarum predictarum, vz sub latina, oina brevia originalia & iudicialia, similiter et oina recorda placitorum in curiis regum, etiam et q̄dam statuta scribunt ’. Quare dum leges Angliae in his tribus addifcunt ’ linguis, ipsae in vniuersitatibus ubi solum latina excercet ’ lingua, cōuen●ēter erudiri non poterunt aut studeri. Leges tn̄ illae, in quodam studio publico ꝓ illarum apprehensione (omni vniūsitate convenientiore et ꝓniore) docent ’ et ad discunt ’  
Studium namque istud, situm est prope curiam regis, ubi leges illae placitant ’ disputantur, et judicia ꝑ easdem redduntur, ꝑ judices, viros graves, senes, in legibus illis peritos et graduatos. quô in cur ’ illis ad quas omni die placitabili confluunt studentes in legibus illis, qua si in scolis publicis leges illae leguntur et docent ’. situate ’ etiam studium illud inter locum Curiarum illarum, et civitatem London, q de omnibus necessariis opulentissim est, oinun ciuitatum et opidorum regni illius. Nec in civitate illa ubi confluentium turba, studentium quietem perturbare possit situm est studium istud, sed seorsum parumper, in civitatis illius suburbio, et proprius Curiis predictis, ut ad eas sine fagiagionis in commodo, studentes indies ad libitum accedere valeant.    

¶ Here he declareth the disposition of the general study of the laws of England, and that the same in number of students passeth certain universities. Cham 49.  

But to the intent most excellent prince ye may conceive a form & an image of this study, as I am able I will describe it unto you. For there be in it ten lesser housez or inns, & sometimes more, which are called inns of the Chancery. And to every one of them belongeth a C. students at the least, & to some of them a much greater number, though they be not ever all together in the same. These students, for the most part of them, are youngmen, learning or studying the originals, & as it were the elements of the law. who profiting therein, as they grow to ripeness, so are they admitted into the greater inns of the same study, called inns of court. Of the which greater inns there are four in number. And to the lest of them belongeth in form above mentioned twooe hundreth Students or theareaboutes.  
For in these greater ynnez there can no student be maintained for less expenses by the year then xx. marks. And if he have a servant to wait upon him, as most of them have then so much the greater will his charges be. Now be reason of this charges the children only of noble men do study the laws in those inns.  
For the poor and comen sort of the people are not able to bear so great charges for the exhibition of their children And merchant men can seeledoome find in their hearts to hinder their merchandise with so great yearly expenses. And thus it falleth out that there is scant any man found within the royalme skilful and cunning in the laws, except he be a gentleman borne, and come of a noble stock.  
Wherefore they more than any other kind of men have a special regard to their nobility, and too the preservation of their honour & fame And to speak uprightly there is in these greater inns, yea and in the lesser too, beside the study of the laws, as it were an university or school of all commendable qualities requisite for noble men. There they learn to sing, and to exercise themselves in all kind of armony. There also they practise dancing, and other noble men's pastimes, as they use to do which are brought up in the kings house.  
On the woorkyedayes the most part of them apply themselves to the study of the law. And on the holyedayes to the study of holy scripture: and out of the time of divine service to the reading of chronicles. For there in deed are virtues studied, and all vices exiled. So that for the endowment of virtue, and abandoning of vice Knights and Barons, with other states and noble men of the roialme place their children in those inns, though they desire not to have them learned in the laws, nor to live by the practice thereof, but only upon their father's allowance.  
Scant at any time is there hard among them any sedition, chiding or grudging. And yet the offenders are punished with none other pain, but only to be amoved from the company of their fellowship. Which punishment they do more fear, than other criminal offenders do fear imprisonment and irons.  
For he that is ones expelled from any of those fellowships is never received to be a fellow in any of the other fellowships And so by this means there is continual peace: & their demeanour is like the behaviour of such as are coupled together in perfect amity. But after what manner & sort the laws are learned in those inns, thereof here too make rehearsal, it is not needful, forsomuch as it is not for your estate most noble Prince to put the same in ure. Yet know ye this, that it is pleasant and delectable, and in any wise expedient for the learning of the law, and worthy with all affection to be embraced. But one thing there is that I would have you to know, that neither at orleans, where aswell the Canon as the civil laws are taught, and whether out of many countries scholars do repair, nor at Angeo, or at Cane, or any university of France (Paris only excepted) are found so many students past chyldhoode, as in this place of study, notwithstanding that all the students there are English borne.   

SEd ut tibi constet, princeps huius studii forma & ymago, illam ut valeo iam discribā. Sunt namque in eo decem hos pic̄ minor ’ et quandoque vero plura, quae nominantur hospitia Cancellar ’ ad quorum quodlibet pertinent centum studentes ad minus et ad aliqua eorum maior in multo numerus, licet non oens semper in eis simul conveniant. studentes etenim isti ꝓ eorum part maiori, iwenes sunt, originalia et quasi legis elementa addiscentes, qui in illis ꝓficientes, ut ipsi maturescunt, ad maiora hospitia studij illius quae hospitia curiae appellantur, assumuntur. Quorum ma iorum quatuor sunt in numero, & adminimum eorum, pertinent in forma pre notata, ducenti studentes aut prope▪  
In his enim maioribus hospiciis, nequaquam potest studens aliquis sustentari minoribus expensis in anno, quam octoginta scutorum et si seruientem sibi ipse ibidem habuerit, ut eorum habet pluralitas, tanto tunc maiores ipse sustinebit expensas. Occasione vero sumptuum huiusmodi tm ipsi nobilium filii in hospitiis illis leges addiscunt. Cum pauperes et vulgares, pro filiorum svorum exhibitione tantos sumptus neqant sufferre. Et mercatores raro cupiant tantis omnibus annuis, attenuare mercandisas suas.  
Quo fit, ut vix doctus in legibus illis reperiatur in regno, qui non sit nobilis et de nobilium genere egressus. unde magis aliis consimilis status hominibus, ipsi nobilitatem curant et conseruationem honoris & famae suae. In his revera hospiciis maioribus, etiam et minoribus ultra studium legum, est quasi gimnasium omnium morum qui nobiles decent. Ibi cantare ipsi addiscunt, similiter et se excercent in omni genere harmoniae. Ibi etiam tripudiare ac iocos singulos nobilibus convenientes, qualiter in domo regia excercere solent enutriti, in ferialibus diebus eorum pars maior legalis disciplinae studio, et in festivalibus sacrae scripturae, et cronicarum lectioni post divina obsequia se confert Ibi quip disciplina virtutum est, et viciorum omni relegatio Ita ut ꝓpter virtutis adquisitionem vicij etiam fugam milites, barones, alii quoque magnates et nobiles regni, in hospiciis illis ponunt filios suos, quamuis non gliscant eos legunimbui disciplina, nec eius exercitio vivere, sed solum ex patrociniis suis. Ibi vix unquam seditio, iurgium, aut murmur resonat, et tamen delinquentes non alia pena, quam solum a communione societatis suae amoci one plectuntur, quia penam hanc ipsi plus formidant quam criminosi alibi carcerem timent aut vincula, nam semel ab una societatum illarum expulsus, numquam ab aliqua ceterar ’ societatum earundem recipit ’ in socium quo ibi pax est continua et quasi amicitia coniunctorum est eorum omnium conversatio. Formam vero qua leges illae in his discuntur hospiciis, hic exprimere non expedit, cum tibi princeps eam experiri non liceat. Scito tamen quod delectabilis ipsa est, et omni modo expediens legis illius disciplinae, omni quoque affectione digna. unum tamen te scire desidero, quod neque durelianis ubi tam Canones addiscuntur, quam Civiles leges, et quô a quam pluribus regionibus confluunt scolares, neque An daganis, aut in Cadamo, aliaue universitate Franciae, preterquam solum Parisiis, reperiunt ’ tot studentes infantiam evasi: sicut in hoc studio licet ibi addiscentes oens solum ab Anglia sint oriundi.    

¶ Of the estate and degree of a Sergeant at law, & how he is ereated, Cap. 50.  

But forsomuch as you desire to know, most gracious Prince, for what cause the degrees of bachelars and doctors are not given in the laws of England, as they are accustomably given in both laws within universities, your majesty shall understand that though these degrees are not given in the laws of England, yet there is given in them not a degree only, but also a state no less worshipful and solemn than the degree of doctors: which is called the degree of a Sergeant at law. And it is given under the manner & form following. The lord chief justice of the comen bench by the counsel and assent of all the justices useth as oft as he thinketh good to choose seven. or viii of the discreetest persons, that in the foresaid general study have most profited in the laws, and which to the same justicez are thought to be of best disposition, and their names he presenteth to the lord Chancellor of England in writing. Who incontinent by virtue of the kings write shall charge every of the persons elect to be before the king at a day by him assigned, too take upon him the state and degree of a serieaunt at law, under a great penalty in every of the said writs limited. On the which day every one of them appearing shallbe sworn upon the holy gospel of God to be ready at the day & place then to be appointed to receive the state and degree aforesaid, and that he the same day shall give gold according to the custom in that behalf used.  
How be it how and after what sort every of the said chosen persons shall that day demean himself, and also the form and manner how that state & degree shallbe given & received, forsomuch as the same can not so briefly be written as to the shortness of this work is requisite, therefore at this time, I will leave these points untouched. And yet I have declared the same to you ere now by way of talk. But this you must understand, that when the day appointed is come, those elect persons among other solemnities must keep a great dinner, like to the feast of a kings coronation, which shall continue & last by the space of seven days. And none of those elect persons shall defray the charges growing to him about the costs of this solemnity with less expenses than the sum of four hundredth marks So that the expenses which viii. men so elect shall then beestowe will surmount the sum of three thousand and two hundredth ma●ks. Of the which expenses one parcel shall be this. Every of them shall give rings of gold to the value of xl. pounds sterling at the least. And your Chancellor well remembereth that at what time he received this state and degree, the ringez which he then gave stood him in fifty pounds.  
For every such sergeant at the time of his creation useth to give unto every Prince, Duke, and archbishop being present at that solemnity, and to the lord Chancellor and Lord Treaseroure of England a ring of the valu of xxvi shillings viii. d. And to every earl and bishop being likewise present, and also to the Lord privy seal, to both the lords chief justices, & to the Lord chief baron of the kings exchequer a ring of the value of xx. s. And to every lord baron of the parliament & to every abbott, & notable prelate, & worshipful knight being then present, & also to the master of the rolls, & to every justice a ring of the value of a mark And likewise to every baron of the exchequer, to the chaumberlaines, and to all the officers, and notable men serving in the kings courts, rings of a smaller price, but agreeable to their estates to whom they are given. Insomuch that there shall not be a clerk, specially in the court of the comen bench, but he shall receive a ring convenient for his degree. And besides these they give divers rings too other of their friends. They give also liveries of cloth of one suit or colour in great abundance not only to their household meinie, but also to their other friends and acquaintance, which during the time of the foresaid solemnity shall attend and wait upon them.  
Wherefore though in the Universities they that are promoted too the degree of Doctors do sustain no small charges at the time of their commencement, as in giving of bonnetes and other rich gifts, yet they give no gold: nor do bestow any other gifts or costs like unto these expenses. Neither in any country of the world is there any special degree given in the laws of the same land, but only in the royalme of England. Neither is there any man o● law through out the universal world, which by reason of his office or profession gaineth somuch as one of these servants. No man also be he never so cunning & skilful in the laws of the royalme shallbe exalted to the office and dignity of a justice in the court of pleas before the king or in the court of the comen bench, which are the chief ordinary courts of the same royalme, whiles he be first promoted to the state and degree of a sergeant at law. Neither shall any man but only such a sergeant plead in the court of that comen bench, where all real actions are pleaded. Wherefore to this state and degree hath no man been hitherto admitted, except he have first continued by the space of xvi years in the said general study of the law. And in token or sign that all justices are thus graduate every of them always while he sitteth in the kings courts, weareth a white quoyfe of silk: which is the principal and chief in signemet of habit where with sergeants at law in their creation are decked. And neither the justice, nor yet the sergeant shall ever put of the quoyfe no not in the kings presence, though he be in talk with his majesties highness. wherefore, most noble prince, you can not hereafter doubt, but that these laws, which so singularli above the Civil laws, yea and above the laws of all other royalmes are honoured, and with so solemn a state of such as are learned therein, and do profess the same are worshipped must needs be precious, noble and hieghe, and of great excellency, and of special knowledge and virtue.   

SEd cum tu princeps, scire desideres, cur in legibus Angliae non dantur baculariatus et doctoratus gradus sicut in utroque iure in universitatibus est dare consuetum Scire te volo, qd ’ licet gradus hm̄oi in legibus Angliae minime conferantur datur tamen in illis nedum gradus, sed et status quidam, gradu doctoratus non minus celebris aut solennis, qui gradus seruientis ad legem appellatur. Et confertur sub hac q subsequitur forma.  
Capitalis justiciarius de coni banco, de consilio et assensu omni iusticiariorum, eligere solet quotiens sibi videtur oport●mū, septem vel octo de maturioribus personis qui in pndicto genali studio maius in legibus proficerunt, & qui eisdem iusticiar ’ optimae dispositionis esse videntur, et nomina eorum ille deliberare solet Cancellario angliae in scriptis, qui illico mandabit ꝑ brevia regis cuilꝪ electorum illorum, qd. sit coram rege ad diem ꝑ ipsum assignatum ad suscipiendum statum et gradum seruientis ad legem, sub ingenti pena in quolibet brevium predictorum limitata: ad quem diem quilibꝪ eorum comparens, iurabitur (super sancta dei evangelia) fore paratum, ad diem et locum tunc sibi statuendos, ad recipiendum statum & gradum predictos, et qd ’ ipse in die illo dabit aurum secundum consuetudinem regni in hoc casu vsitatam. Tn̄ qualiter ad diem illum quilibet elector ’ predictor ’ se habeb. nec non formam et mod ’ qualiter status & gradus hm̄oi conferent ’ et recipiuntur, hic inserere omitto: cum scripturam maiorem illa exigant, quam congruit operi tam succincto. Tibi tamen ore tenus ea alias explicavi.  
Scire tamen te cupio, qd ’ adveniente die sic statuto, electi illi inter alias solempnitates festum celebrant et conuivium, ad instar coronationis regis, quod et continuabitur ꝑ dies septem, necquisquam electorum illorum sumptus sibi contingentes circa solempnitatem creationis suae, minoribus expensis perficiet, quam mill et sex centorunscutorum quo expensae quas octo sic electi tunc refundent, excedent summam. 3200. marc. quarum expensarum ꝑs q̄dam inter cetera, hec erit. Quilibet eorum dabit anulos de auro ad valentiam in toto quadraginta librar ’ (ad minus) monetae Anglican̄ et bene recolit Cancellarius ipse, qd ’ dum ille statum & gradum hm̄oi receperat, ipse soluit ꝓ anulis quos tunc distribuit, quinquaginta libras, q sunt 300. scuta. Solet namque unusquisque seruientum hm̄oi tempore creaconis suae, dare cuilꝪ principi, duci, et archiepo in solennitate illa presenti, ac Cancellar ’ et Thesa. ang. anulum ad valorem 26. s. 8. denar ’, et cuilibet comiti et epo consimiliter presentibus, nec non custodi privati figilli, utrique capitali iusticiario et capitali baroni de scaccario regis amnulun ad valorem 20. s. et omni dno baroni ꝑliamenti, et omni abbati et notabili prelato ac magno militi, tunc pnsenti, custodi etiam rotul ’ cancellariae regis & cuilibet iusticiario anulum ad valenc̄ 1. marc̄. Similiter et omni bar ’ de scacc regis, camerariis, etiam omnibus offic̄ et notabilibus viris in cur ’ regis mīstrantibus, anulos minor ’ pcijs, convenientes tn̄ statibus eorum ib q donantur. Ita quod non erit clericus, maximè in curia communis banci, licet infimus, quin anulum ipse recipiet convenientem gradui suo. Et ultra hos ipsi dant anulos nonnullos, aliis amicis suis. Similiter et liberatam magnam pamni unius sectae, quam ipsi tunc distribuent in magna abundantia, nedum familiaribus suis, sed et amicis aliis et notis, qui eye attendent et ministrabunt tempore solemnitatis predictae. Quare licet in universitatibus in gradum doctorat ’ erecti, expensas non modicas faciant tenꝑe creacionis suae, ac birreta, alia quoque donaria quam bona errogent: non tamen aurum ipsi conferunt aut alia donaria sumptusue faciunt, his expensis similia. Neque in regno aliquo orbis terrarum datur gradus specialis in legibus regni illius, pnterquam solum in regno Angliae Nec est aduocatus in uniunso mundo, q̄ ratione officii sui tantum lucratur ut seruiens huiusmodi. Nullus eciam, licet in legibus regni illius scientissimus fuerit, assumetur ad officium et dignitatem iusticiarii in curiis placitorum coram ipso rege et comunis banci quae sunt supremae curiae eiusdem regni ordinariae, nisi ipse primitus statu et gradu seruientis ad legem fuerit insignitus. Nec quisquam preterquam seruiens talis in curia comunis banci, ubi omnia realia placita placitantur placitabit. Quare ad statum et gradum talem, nullus hucusque assumptus est, qui non in pndicto generali legis studio, sexdecim annos ad minus antea complevit et in signum qd onnes iusticiarii illi taliter extant graduati, qui libet eorum semp utitur dum in curiis regis sedet, birreto albo de serico. qd p̄mū et pcipuum est de īsign̄ habit ’ quo seruient ’ ad legem in eorum creacion̄ decorant ’. Nec birret ’ illud iusticiarius, sicut nec seruiens ad legem unquam deponet, quo caput suum in toto discoope riet, etiam in present ’ reg. lic cum celsitudinnsu a ipse loquat ’ Quare princeps pclarissim tu amodo hesi tar ’ non pot’is, quin leges istae q tam sigularit ’ supr ’ civiles leges leges etiam omnium aliorum regnorum honerant ’ et tam solempni statu eruditorum et ministrantium in eyes venerant ’ pciosae sit nobiles et sublimes, ac magn̄ pnstanciae, maximaeque-sciētiae et virtutis    

After what manner a justice is created, and of his habit and conversation. Cap. 51  

But to the intent the state of justices aswell as of sergeants at law may be known to your grace, as I can I will describe unto you their form and office. In the comen bench there are customable v. justices or vi. at the most. And in the kings bench four or v. And as oft as the place of any of them by death or otherwise is void, the king useth to choose one of the sergeants at law and him by his letters patents to ordain a justice in the place of the judge so ceasing. And then the lord Chancellor of England shall enter into the court where the justice is so lacking, bringing with him those letters patents, and sitting in the mids of the justices, causeth the seriaunt so elect to be brought in, to whom in the open court he notifieth the kings pleasure touching the office of the justice then void and causeth the foresaid letters to be openly read. Which done the master of the rolls shall read before the same elect person the oath that he shall take. Which when he hath sworn upon the holy gospel of god, the lord Chancellor shall deliver unto him the kings letters aforesaid. And the lord chief justice of that court shall assine unto him a place in the same, where he shall then place him: & that place shall he afterward keep. Yet you must know, most noble prince, that this justice shall then among other things swear, that he shall indifferently minister justice to all men aswell foes as friends, that shall have any suit or plea before him And this shall he not forbear to do though the king by his letters, or by express word of mouth would command the contrary. He shall also swear that from that time forward he shall not receive or take any fee or pension, or livery of any man, but of the king only nor any gift, reward or bribe of any man having suit or plea before him, saving meat and drink. which shallbe of no great value. You shall also know that a justice thus made shall not be at the charges of any dinner, or solemnity, or any other costs at the time when he taketh upon him his office & dignity, forsomuch as this is no degree in the faculty of the law, but an office only & a room of authority to continued during the kings pleasure Howbeit the habit of his raiment he shall from time to time forward in some points change, but not in all the ensignements thereof. For being a seriaunt at law he was clothed in a long rob priestlyke, with a furred cape about his shoulders, & thereupon a hood with two. labels such as doctors of the laws use to wear in certain universities, which the above described coif But being once made a justice, in stead of his hood he shall wear a cloak closed upon his right shoulder, all the other ornaments of a sergeant still remaining: saving that a justice shall wear no party coloured vesture as a sergeant may. And his cape is furred with none other than menever, whereas the sergeants cape is ever furred with white lamb. And this habit I would wish your grace to bring into hieghe estimation, when it shallbe in your power, for the worship of the state of the law, & the honour of your royalme Furthermore I would ye should know that the justices of England sit not in the kings courts above three hours in a day, that is to say, from viii. of the clock in the forenoon till xi. complete, For in the afternones those courts are not holden or kept. But the Suitors than resort to the perusing of their writings and elsewhere consulting with the sergeants at law and other their counsailoures Wherefore the justices after they have taken their refection, do pass and bestow all the residue of the day in the study of the laws, in reading of holy scripture, and using other kind of contemplation at their pleasure. So that their life may seem more contemplative than active. And thus do they lead a quiet life discharged of all worldly cares and troubles. And it hath never been known that any of them hath been corrupt with gifts or bribes. whereupon we have seen this kind of grace following, that scant any of them dieth without issue, which unto just men is a token of the great & peculiar blessing of god And in mine opinion it is to be judged for no small point of the bountiful goodness of god, that out of the generation of judges there have hitherto sprung up more states & pears of the royalme them out of any other state of men: which by their own wit & policy have aspired unto great wealth, nobility, & honour Yea though the state of merchants surmount the number of judges by many thousans being men of such singular wealth that among them commonly there be such, as one of them in riches passeth all the justiceis of the royalm For this cannot be ascribed unto fortune, which is nothing. But it is to be attributed (as I take it) only to the blessing of god. For so much as by his prophet he saith that the generation of righteous men shallbe blessed And the prophet in an other place speaking of just men, sayeth that their children shallbe in blessing. wherefore o most magnificent prince be you in love with justice, which thus enricheth, exalteth to honour and advanceth to perpetuite the children of them that have her in veneration. And be you a zealous lover of the law, the very welspringe of justice, that by you it may be said that is written of the righteous And their seed shall remain for ever.   

SEd ut justiciari ●orum (sicut et seruientum ad legem) status tibi innotescat, eorum formam officiumque (ut potero) iam discribā. Solent namque in comuni bancon quinque iusticiarii esse vel sex ad maius. Et in banco regis quatuor vel quinque ac quociens eorum aliquis per mortem vel aliter cessaverit, rex de advisamento consilii sui eligere solet unum de seruientibus ad legem, et eum ꝑ litteras suas patentes constituere in iusticiarium loco judicis sic cessantis et tunc cancellarius Angliae adibit curiam ubi iustitiarius sic deest, differens secum litteras illas, ac sedens in medio iusticiariorum introduci sacit seruientem sic electum, cui in plena curia ipse notificabit voluntatem regis de officio iudiciario sic vacant, et legi faciet in publico literas pndictas Quo facto, custos rotulorum cancelariae regis leget coram eodem electo iusiurandum qd ipse facturus est, qd et cum super sctae dei evangelia ipse iuraverit, cancellarius sibi tradet litteras regis predictas, et capitalis iusticiarius curiae illius assignabit sibi locum in eadem, ubi deinceps ille sedebit, et mox eum sedere faciet in eodem. Sciendum tamen tibi est Princeps qd Iusticiarius iste inter cetera tunc iurabit: se justitiam ministraturum indifferenter omnibus hominibus coram eo placitantibus, inimicis et amicis, nec sic facere differet, etiam si rex per litteras suas aut ore tenus contrarium iusserit. jurabit etiam quod extunc non recipiet ipsae ab aliquo preterquam a rege, feodum aut pencionem aliquam seu liberatam, neque donum capiet abhabente placitum coram eo, preterquam esculenta et poculenta, q non magni erunt precii Sciendum etiam tibi est, qd justiciarius sic creatus, convivinum solēpnitatēue aut sumptus aliquos non faciet, tempore susceptionis officii et dignitatis suae, cum non sint ill● gradus aliqui in facultate legis, sed officium solum illa sint & magistratus, ad regis nutum du●atura, habitum tn̄ indumenti sui (in q̄busd ’) ipse ex tunc mutabit, sed non in omnibus insigniis eius Nam seruiens ad legem ipse existens, roba x, ad instar sacerdotis, cum capicio penulato circa humeros eius et desure collobio, cum duobus labelulꝭ qualiter uti solent doctores legum in vniuersitatibus quibusdam, cum supra discripto birreto vestiebatur. Sed Iusticiarius factus, loco collobii clamide induetur, firmata super humerum eius dexterum, ceteris ornamentis seruientis, adhuc permanentibus, excepto qd stragulata vest, aut coloris depertiti ut potest seruiens iusticiarius non utetur et capicium eius non alio quam menevero penulatur. Capincium tn̄ seruientis pellibus agninis semper al bis implicatur, qualem habitum te plus ornare optarem, cum potestas tibi fuerit, ad decorem status legis et honorem regni tui. Scire te etiam cupio qd ’ iusticiarii angliae non sedentin curiis regis nisi pertres horas in die. s. ab hora viii. ante meridiem, usque horam xi. completam, quia post meridiem curiae illae non tenentur. Sed placitantes tunc se divertunt ad ꝑuisū et alibi, consulentes cum seruientibus ad legem et aliis cōsiliar ’ suis. Quare iusticiarij postquam se refecerint totum diei residuum ꝑtranseunt studendo in legibus, sacram legendo scripturam, et aliter ad eorum libitum contemplando, ut vita ipsorum plus contemplativa videatur quam activa. Sicque quietam illi vitam agunt, ab omni solicitudine et mundi turbinibus semotam: nec unquam conꝑtum est eorum aliquem, donis aut muneribus fuisse corrupt ’. unde et hoc genus gratiae vidimus subsecutum, qd vix eorum aliq sine exitu decedat, qd justis magn̄ et quasi apꝓpriatae benedictionis dei est, mihi quoque non minimi muneris divini censetur esse pensand, qd ex judicum sobole, plures de proceribus et magnatibus regni hucusque ꝓdierunt, quam dealiquo alio statu hoīm regni, qui se prudentia et industria propria opulentos, inclitos, nobilesque fecerunt Quamquam mercatorum status, quorum aliqui sunt, qui omnibus iusticiariis regni prestant in divitiis judicum numerum in milibus hoīm excedat. Nam fortunae q nihil est, istud ascribi non poterit: sed divinae solum benedictioni fore arbitror tribuēd. Cum ipse ꝑ ꝓphetam dicat: qd generatio rectorum benedicetur. Et alibi de justis loquens propheta ait: qd filii eorum in benedictione erunt. Dilige igitur, (fili regis) justiciam quae sic ditat, colit, et ꝑpetuat f●tus colentium eam. Et zelator esto legis que justitiam parit, ut a te dicatur qd a justis scribitur: et semen eorum ineternum manebit.    

The prince findeth fault with delays that are made in the kings courts. Cap. 52.  

THere remaineth now but one thing good Chancellor, quoth the prince to be declared, wherewith my mind sonewhat yet wavereth and is disquieted, wherein if you stay and satisfy me, I will trouble you with no more questions. The laws of England, as the report goeth suffer great delaes in their processes, more than the laws of other nations. which unto suitors is not only a hindrance of their right, but also many times an importable burden of charges, & chief in those actions, wherein damages are not allowed   

Princeps. unum iam solum super est Cancellarie declarandum: quo parumꝑ adhuc fluctuat, inqetat ’ quoque mens mea. In quo si eam solidaveris, non amplius te questionibus fatigabo. Dilationes ingentes, ut asseritur, patiuntur leges Angliae in ꝓcessibus suis plusquam leges aliarum nationum, qd petentibus, nedum juris sui ꝓgatio est, sed et sumptuum quamdoquidem importabile onus, et maxime in actionibus illis in quibus damna petentibus non redduntur.    

Delays that happen in the kings courts are neacessarie and reasonable. Ca 53.  

IN actions personal, quoth the Chancellor, out of Cities & towns of merchandise where the manner of proceeding is according to the customz and liberties of the same there the procedings are ordinary. And though they suffer great delays, yet they be not excessive. But in the same Cities and towns, chiefeli when any urgent cause so requireth, there is quick dispatch made, like as in other parts of the world and yet not with such hot haste as in some other places, that the party be there by endamaged. Again in actions real the proceedings are very slow almost, in all parts of the world. For within the royalme of France in the highest court there, which is called the court of parliament, there be certain processes that have hanged there above thirty. years. And I know that a cause of appeal, which in that court between Richard Heron an English merchant & other merchant men for a trasgression made hath been debated within the jurisdiction of that court, hath already hanged by the space of x. years. And it is not yet like that it can be decided within other x. years▪ while I was lately abiding in Paris mine host showed me his process in writing, which in the court of parliament there he had them followed full viii. years for iiii.s. rent, which in our money maketh not above viii. d. and yet he was in no hope to obtain judgement in viii years more. And I know other cases there like unto these So that the laws of England, as seemeth to me, cause not so gre●t delays as do the laws of that country. But to speak upprightly, it is necessary that delays be had in the processes of all actions so that the same be not to much excessive. For by reason thereof the parties and chiefly the party defendant, do often times provide themselves of good defences and also of counsels, which else they should lack. And in judgements there is never so great danger toward as when process goeth forward with over much haste. For I saw once in the City of Salisburi before a certain judge at a jail delivery there with the clerk of the assyfes, a woman attainted & burned for the death of her husband within a year a●ter he was slain. In the which case it was in the judges power to have reprieved or respected that woman's arraygnement till the end of that year. And about a year after that I saw one of the servants of the slain man convict before the same justice of the death of the same his master. Who then openly confessed, that he himself alone slew his master, and that his masters his wife which before was burned, was altogether innocent of his death. And he for the same was drawn and hanged And still even at the point of death he lamented the woman burned, as one clear from that offence. O what perplexity & remorse of conscience it is to be thought that this so hasty a justice had of this deed which might justly have stayed the process? He himself (alas) often confessed unto me that he should never during his life be able to clear his conscience of this fact. For many times in deliberations, judgements grow to riepenes, but in over hasty process never. Wherefore the laws of England admit essoin, and so do no other laws of all the world Are not vouchinges to warrant right profitable Are not the aids of them profitable, to whom the reversion of tenements brought in plea belongeth, and which have the evidences of the same.  
Are not also the aids of coperteners profitable which shall pay according to the rate of a tenement allotted to their coꝑtener by force of the law evicted from him. And yet all these are delays as you most noble prince by my talk at other times do well know. And the like delays to these do no other laws admit. Neither do the laws of England admit tryeflinge and unfruitful delays. And if any such fond delays should be used they may at every parliament be cut away Yea and other laws used in the same royalme, when in any point they beegynnne to haste they may at every parliament be reformed. Wherefore it may well be concluded, that all the laws of that royalme are right good either in deed, or in possibility. So that if they be not presently good, they may easily be reduced to the present perfection of goodness. To the performance whereof as oft as equity so requireth, every king there is bound by an oath solemnly taken at the time of his coronation.   

Cancellarius. In actionibus personalibus extra urbes & villas mercatores, ubi ꝓceditur secundum consuetudines et libertates earundem processus sunt ordinarii. Et quantas libet dilationes paciuntur, non tamen excessivas. In vrbibus vero et villis illis potissim cum urgens causa de poscat, celeris, ut in aliis mundi ꝑtibus fit ꝓcessus nec tamen (ut alibi) ipsi nimium aliquando festinant ’. quo subsequitur partis lesio Rursus in realibus actionibus, in omnibus fere mundi ꝑtibus morosi sunt ꝓcessus. Sed in Anglia quodamodo celeriores. Sunt quip in regno Franciae, in curia ibid. ’ sup̄ma, q̄ cur ’ ꝑliamenti vocitatur, ꝓcessus quidam, q in ea plus quam triginta amnis pependerunt. Et novi ego appellationis causam unam, q in curia illa, agitata fuit, iam ꝑ decem annos suspensan fuisse, et adhuc veri simile non est, eam ifra annos decem alios post discidi. ostendit et mihi dudum dum Parisiis morabar hospes meus ꝓcessum suum in scriptis, quem in curia pliamnti ibidem ipse tunc octo amnis ꝓ quatuor solidatis redditus, q de pecunia nostr ’ viii. d. non ex cedunt ꝓsecutus est, nec speravit se in octo annis aliis iuditium inde optēturū. Alios quoque nonnullos nouicasus ibidem, his similes, sic qd leg. Angliae non tantas, ut mihi visum est, dilationes sortiunt ’ ut faciunt leges regionis illius. Sed reuna ꝓne cessarium est dilation̄s fieri in ꝓcessibus omni actionum, dummodo nimium ipsae non fuerint excessivae. Nam sub illis, ꝑtes et maxim̄ ꝑs rea, quam sepe sibi ꝓuident de defensionibus vtilibus, similiter et consiliis quibus alias ipsi carerent. Nec unquam in judiciis tantum imminet periculum, quam tum parit ꝓcessus festinatus. Vidi nempe quondam apud civitatem Sarum, coram judice quodam ad gaolam ibidem de liberādā, cum clerico suo assignato mulierem de morte mariti sui infra annum ab interfectione eius attinctam similiter et cōbustam, in quo casu licuit judici illi usque post annum illum arrettamentum sive disration̄ mulier ’ illius respectuasse et post annum illum vidi unum de seruientibus int erfecti illius, coram eodem iusticiario de morte eiusdem magistri sui convictum, q tunc publice fatebatur ip̄mmet solum magistrum suum occidisse, et magistram svam uxorem eius tunc cōbustam innocentem onnino fuisse de morte eius: quare ipse tractus et suspensus fuit. Sed tn̄ onnino, etiam in ipso mortis articulo mulierem cōbustam īmunē a crimine illo fuisse ipse lugebat. O quale putandum est ex hoc facto conscientiae discrimen et remorsum evenis se iustic̄ illi tam pcipiti, q potuit ꝓcessum illum just retardasse? Sepius ꝓh dolor ipse michi fassus est, qd ’ numquam in vita sua animum eius de hoc facto ipse purgaret: crebro etenim in deliberationibus iudic maturescunt. Sed in accelerato processu numquam Quare leges Angliae essonium admittunt, qualia non faciunt leges aliae mundi universi. Nonne quam vtil ’ sunt vocationes ad warrantum? Auxilia de his ad quos spectat reuntio tenementorum q in placitum deducunt ’ et qui hēnt evidentias eorundem. Auxilia etiam de coꝑticipibꝰ q reddent ꝓ rata, si tenement ’ conꝑticipi allottatum evincatur et tamen hec, dilationes sunt: sicut tu princeps alias nosti ex doctrina m●a. Et dilationes his similes leges aliae non admittunt neque leges Angliae frivolas et infructuosas ꝑmittunt inducias. Et si q in regno illo dilationes in placitis minus accomodae fuerint usitatae in omni parliamento amputari illae possunt etiam et oens leges aliae in regno illo usitatae cum in aliquo claudicaverint, in omni parliamento poterunt reformari. Quôrectê concludi potest, qd ’ omnes leges regni illius optimae sunt, in actu vel potentia, quo faciliter in actum duci poterunt et in essentiam realem. Ad quod faciendum, quotiens equitas id poposcerit, singuli reges ibidem sacramento astringuntur so lempniter prestito tempore receptionis diadematis sui.    

¶ The laws of England are right good, the knowledge whereof is expedient for kings. Yet it shall suffice them to have but a superficial knowledge of the same Cap. 54.  

I Have well & evidently perceived, quod the prince, by the process of your talk good Chancellor, that those lawz are not only good, but also of most perfect & excellent goodness. And if any of them have need to be amended that may quickly be done as the forms and orders of the parliaments there do plainly prove Wherefore the royalme is ever really or potentially governed by most excellent and most worthy laws. And I doubt not but that your instructions in this our talk shallbe profitable for the kings of England which hereafter shall be: so that they have no pleasure in governing by unpleasant laws. For the unhandsomeness of the tool or instrument wearieth the workmanne: and a blunt pike or a dull sword maketh a cowardelye soldier But like as a soldier is encouraged to fight not only when he hath handsome and fit weapons in a readiness, but also much more when he is expert and skilful in warlike acts, according to the saying of Vegetius in his book of chivalry, the knowledge & cunning in martial feats ministereth boldness in fighting (for no man feareth to do that which he trusteth he hath well learned) in like manner every king hath a fervent zeal, & earnest desire to the maintenance of justice, not only knowing the laws, whereby the must be done, to be most just, but also being skilful in the form & nature of the same. Whereof it shall suffice the prince to have only an universal, a superficial, & a confuse knowledge, the discreet and determinate perfectness, & deep under standing of the same being left to his judges. So also ought all princes to be well seen in the holy scriptures of god, as sayeth vincentius Beluacensis in his book of the moral institution of princes Forasmuch as the scripture above mentioned sayeth that vain are all they in whom is not the knowledge of god and for that in the sixteen the chapter of the proverbs it is thus written. Let prophecy or the word of god be in the lips of the king, and then his mouth shall not go wrong in judgement. And yet is not a king bound to have profound knowledge, and determinate understanding in the holy scriptures, as it becometh a professoure of divinity. For it shallbe enough for him suꝑficially to taste the sentences thereof, as also of his laws. Thus did Charles the great, jews his son, and Robert sometime king of France who wrote this sequence.  
Sancti spiritus adsit nobis gratia: and divers other princes, as the foresaid Vincencius in the fiftenethe chapter of his book aforesaid plainly showeth. Wherefore the doctors of the laws do say, that an emperor beareth all his laws in the box of his breast: not for that he knoweth all the laws really & in deed, but for that he understandeth the principles of them, likewise their form, & their nature: in which respect he is judged to be skilful in all his laws. Which also he may alter, change, and repeal. So that in him are potentially all his laws, as Eve was in Adam before she was made. Butte now, good Chancellor seeing I perceive my self sufficiently persuaded to the study of the laws of England, which thing in the beginning of this work you promised to perform, I will no longer trouble you in this behalf. But thus I instantly desire you, that ye will instruct me in the principles of the law as you once began to do And that you will teach me to know and understand the form and nature thereof. For this law shall be evermore peculiar to me among all other laws of the world, among the which I see it shiene as lucifer among the stars. And forsomuch as I doubt not, but your intent, whereby you were moved to this conference is fully satisfiyd: both time and reason requireth, that we make an end of our talk, yielding therefore laudes and thanks to him, which began, furthered, and hath finished the same. Whom we call Alpha et O, who also be praised of every living creature. Amen.  
Finis.   

Princeps. Leges illas nedum bonas sed et optimas esse cancellarie, ex ꝓsecutiōe tua in hoc dialogo certissime dephendi. Et si q ex eye meliorari deposcant, id citissime fieri posse, parliamentorum ibi dem formulae nos erudiunt. Quo realiter potentialiterue, regnum illud semper prestantissimis legibus gubernatur, nec tuas in hac concionatione doctrinas futuris Angliae regibus inutiles fore conijtio, dum non dilectet regere legibus quae non delectant. Fastidet namque artificem ineptio instrumenti, et militem ignawm reddit debilitas lanciae et mucronis. Sed sicut ad pugnam animatur miles cum nedum sibi ꝓnasint arma, sed et magis cum in actibus bellicis ipse sit exꝑtus, dicente Vegetio de re militari: qd ’ sciencia rei bellicae dimicandi audaciam nutrit, Quia nemo facere metuit quod se bene di dicisse confidit. Sic et rex omnis ad justitiam animatur dum leges quibus ipsa fiet, nedum iustissimas esse agnoscit, sed et earum ille expertus sit formam et naturam, quas tantum in universali, inclusiuè, et inconfuso principi scire sufficiet, remanen te suis judicibus, earum discreta determinataque peritia et scientia altiori. Sic equidem et scripturarum divinarum peritiam, ut dicit Vincentius Beluacensis in libro de morali institutiōe principum: Omnis princeps habere deberet cum dicat scriptura superius memorata: qd ’ vanae sunt oens in quibus non est scientia dei, et ꝓuerbi xvi scribatur: Divinatio, id est divina sententia vel sermo divinus, sit in labiis regis: et tunc in iuditio non errabit os eius. Non tamen profundè, determinatèue intelligere tenetur Princeps scripturas sacras, ut decet sacrae theologiae professor sufficit namque ei earum in cōfusô degusta re sententias, qualiter et peritiam legis suae. Sic et fece●ūt Carolus Mag●us, lodovicus filius eius, et Robertus quondam rex Franciae, qui hanc scripsit seq̄ntiā: Sancti spiritus ad sit nobis gratia, et quam plures alij, ut in xu ca lib. pndicti Vincentius predictus luculenter docet. unde et doctores legum dicunt: qd ’ imperator gerit oina iura sua in scrinio pectoris sui, non qa onina iura ipse noscit realiter et in actu sed dum principia eorum ipse percepit, formam similiter et naturam, oina iura sua ipse intelliger ’ censetur q etiam transformare ille potest, mutare et cassare quo in eo potentialiter sunt onnia iura sua, ut in Adam erat eva antequam plasmaretur Sed quia Cancellarie, ad legum Angliae disciplinatum mihi iam conspicio suffici enter esse suasum, quod et in huius operis exordio facere ꝓmisisti: Non te amplius huius pntextu, solicitare conabor, sed obnixê de posco, ut in legis huius principijs, ut quondam incepisti, me erudias: docens quodamodo eius agnoscere formam et naturam, quia lex ista mihi semper peculiaris erit inter ceteras legis orbis, inter quas ipsam lucere conspicio, ut lucifer inter stellas. Et dum intentioni tuae qua ad collationem hanc concitatus es, iam satisfactum esse non ambigo, tempus postulat et ratio, ut nostris colloquiis terminum conferamus: reddentes ex eis laudes ei et gratias qui ea incepit, prosecutus est et finivit, Alpha et O quem dicimus, quem et laudet onnis spiritus Amen.    

¶ The table.  

AN Introduction to the matter. Fo. 3.  
The chancellor moveth the Prince to the knowledge of the law. Fo. 4.  
The Prince's reply to the motion. 7  
The Chancellor fortifieth his assertion. 8  
The Chancellor proveth that a Prince by the law may be made happy and blessed. 10  
Ignorance of the law causeth contempt thereof. 14  
The Chancellor briefly repeateth the effect of his persuasion. 17  
The Prince yeldoth himself to the study of the laws, though he be yet disquieted with certain doubts. 19  
So much knowledge as is necessary for a prince is soon had. 20  
A king whose government is politic cannot change his laws. 25  
The Prince demandeth a question. 27  
The answer is omitted, for that in an other work it is handled at large. 28  
How kingdoms ruled by roya●●●ouernement only, first began. 28  
How kingedones of politic governance were first begun. 30  
The Prince compendiously abridgeth all that the Chancellor before hath discoursed at large. 33  
All laws are the law of Nature, custons, or statutes. 36  
The law of Nature in all Countries is one. 37  
The customs of England are of most ancient antiquity practised and received of v. several Nations from one to another by success. 38  
With what gravity statutes are made in England. 39  
A mean to know the diversity between the Civil laws and the laws of England. 41  
The first case wherein the Civil laws & the laws of England differ. 42  
Inconveniences that cometh of that law, which, no otherwise than by witnesses admitteth trials. 43  
Of the cruelty of rackings. 46  
The Civil law oft faileth in doing of justice. 50  
How counties are divided and Sheriffs chosen. 51  
How jurors 〈…〉 chosen & sworn. 54  
How jurors 〈…〉 to be informed by evidences and witnesses. 57  
How causes criminal are determined in England. 61  
The Prince granteth the laws of England to be more commodious for the subjects then the Civil laws in the case disputed. 63  
Why inquests are not made by juries of xii men. in other realms aswell as in England. 65  
The Prince commendeth the laws of England of their proceeding by juries. 69  
The Prince doubteth whether this proceeding by juries be repugnant to God's law or not. 70  
That the proceeding by a jury 〈◊〉 not repugnant to the law of God. 72  
Why certain kings of England have had no delight in their own laws. 76  
The chancellor openeth the cause which the Prince demandeth. 77  
The commodities that proceed of the joint government politic & regal in the realm of England. 83  
A comparison of the worthiness of both the regiments. 86  
The prince breaketh th●●●●uncellour of his tale. 89  
The second case wherein the Civil laws and the laws of England disagree in theirs judgements. 89  
Special causes why base borne children are not legitimate in England by matrimony ensuing. 93  
The prince alloweth the law which doth not legitimate children borne before matrimony. 98  
The third case wherein the laws aforesaid disagree. 98  
The prince approveth the law whereby the issue followeth the womb. 102  
The fowerthe case wherein the said laws vary. 104  
The prince commendeth the education of noble men's children being orphans. 106  
Other cases wherein the foresaid laws differ. 108  
The prince regardeth not a case rehearsed. 109  
The chancellor showeth why the laws of England are not taught in the universities. 110  
The disposition 〈◊〉 general study of the laws of England 〈◊〉 that the same in number passeth certain universities. 113  
Of the state and degree of a sergeant at law and how he is created. 116  
After what manner a justice is created, and of his habit and conversation. 121  
The prince findeth fault with delays that are made in the kings court. 125  
That delays which happen in the kings courts are necessary and reasonable. 126  
That the laws of England are right good, the knowledge thereof expedient for kings, and that it shall suffice them to have but a superficial knowledge of the same. 129    

Imprinted at London in Fleetstreet within Temple Bar, at the sign of the hand and star, by Richard Tottill, 1567.