DE Laudibus Legum Angliae written by Sir JOHN FORTESCVE L. Ch. justice, and after L. Chancellor to K. Henry VI Hereto are joined the two Sums of Sir RALPH de HENGHAM L. Ch. justice to K. Edward I commonly called Hengham Magna, and Hengham parva. Never before published. Notes both on FORTESCVE and HENGHAM are added.  
LONDON For the Company of Stationer's M.DC.XVI.   

To the Reader.  
THis Author, Sir john Fortescue, was Chief justice to Hen: VI, as the Records of the later half of his Reign, every where show; and that he might Statum suum decentiùs manutenere, in Part. 1. Rot. Pat. 20. Hen. 6. membran. 10. an annuity of CLxxx marks is given him out of the Hamper, with Cxuj. s.xj.d. q. Percipiendum singulis annis ad Festum natalis Domini pro una roba & furrura pro eadem, erga idem festum, and Lxuj. s.uj.d. singulis annis ad festum Pentecostes pro una roba & linura pro eadem, erga idem festum. He is called his Chancellor also. In this book, his title, given by himself, is Cancellarius Angliae, and in his Declaration, or rather Retractation, of that he had written against the title of the house of York, himself putteth in the mouth of a friend of his expostulating with him, these words, Considering that ye were the Chief Chancellor to the said late King. It seems, being with Henry VI driven into Scotland, he was made his Chancellor, the memory whereof (as it could hardly be otherwise) wants in the Patent Rolls. His books which I have seen are three. This now newly published, his Difference between Dominium Regale and Dominium Politicum and regal, and that Declaration touching the title of the Crown. Neither of the two last were ever published, but they remain Mss. in divers hands. As touching his descent; by good testimony, he is made son to Henry Fortescue son of Sir john Fortescue knight (Captain of Meaux and Governor of Brie in France under Hen: V) who was second son of William Fortescue of Wimeston in Devonshire Esquire. Because he was englished by him that first published him, this, part of the title, and the Notes on him are in English. what he hath of the Commendations of the Law of England, must not be expected to be so copious, as if all, that might thereof have been said, had been hunted for by him to be here congested. He shows that he instructed the young Prince, and only in some such few occurrences of our trials and positions, as might be, without difficulty, apprehended by a mind so tender and strange to the Courts of judicial contention. Neither gives he enough to satisfy or the malice, or the ignorance of some foul mouthed declaimers against it, who for the most part (if they descend to particulars and make a case to find fault withal) either ridiculously compact things incompatible, just like the Sycophant in that Geography of his in Trinummus, Omnium primum in Pontum advecti ad Arabiam terramsumus and thence Ad Caput amnis quod de coelo exoritur sub solio iovis, or else, measuring an established and universal proceeding or position only by their own damage, never coming near apprehension of the true reason, rail at it, with like judgement, as the Parasit, in a lost Comedy of Plautus, doth at the certain course of sun dials, being thence only moved, because the shadow went not so fast as his stomach, which when he was a Child was the only Dial, and that 
— iste monebat esse, nisi quùm nihil erat.  
Nunc etiam quod est non est, nisi SOLI lubet  But no place is here for more of this, and nos hac à scabie tenemus ungues. To this edition, are added the Sums of Sir Ralph de Hengham Chief justice to Edward I never till now printed; in whom although most of the learning be touching Essoines, Defalts, and course of proceed in such actions which are in seldom use at this day, yet divers things occur both specially observable in what he hath touching those proceed (which a professor of the Law cannot but wish to know) as also he often otherwise gives light to the Customs or Law of his time, whence, as through an ancestor of the right line, we must deduct that of the present. Of him in the preface to the Reader, before him, enough is said, and of his Sums. Of his language, which with the rest of our Common Law Latin is accused of Barbarism, somewhat is there brought in excuse. That preface was thought fit to speak Latin, the author of the book himself being published only in that tongue. But the Notes are English. For what other readers than English are to be expected? Many an ignorant had been deterred by pure Latin, and to have used Barbarism in them would have turned the stomach of a polite Reader. Though divers Copies of Hengham were examined in preparing this, yet could not a perfect one be extracted from them all. As one helped another, choice was so made that this might be the best; which yet is not without many faulty passages. So faithfully it is published from the Mss. that even the false language, which by consent of old Copies appeared not to be the transcribers, but proceeded from the ages either negligence or ignorance, is religiously retained▪ so should the lost monuments of ancient writers be given to the public; so should we abstain from wronging their Manes. Some places, that the erring hands of such as anciently Copied him corrupted, are by way ('mongst other observations collected in the heat of the press) noted, and either by conjecture restored, explained, or, marked with asteriskes, left to better judgement. The varying of letter, in the print, is only to lead the Readers eye the sooner to what he may look after. Farewell from the Inner Temple, September XXIV. M.DC.XVI.   


In the preface before Hengham.  
F. 4. l. 9 read ambae velut agendi normulae   

In the Notes.  
Pag. 127. l. 16. Read as Litleton also notes. But by ancienter authority Carruca is not a plough, but a chariot, or such like. as Carrucâ cum iunctura Legatâ, mulae quoque legatae, which is found in jul. Paul. receipt. sentent. lib. 3. tit. 7. where the old Interpreter hath Carpentum for Carruca. In like sense is Carruca in Martial, Pliny, and others. And to pag. 143. touching being compelled to oath without warrant of the King see the case of T. 35. Ed. 1. recited in Titles of Honour pag. 263.    

He that first published Fortescue added the epistle and dedication following.   

Pio Lectori.  
IStius non minus pij, quam eruditi opusculi exemplar, nactus, quum antiquitatem venerandam, unà cum eruditione ac pietate coniunxerim: Non potui optime lector, aut patriae tam ingratus, aut antiquitatis tam inofficiosus cultor esse, ut te illius lectione diutius fraudarem. Continet enim in se (ut caetera taceam) politicarum & civilium nostrae Angliae legum, quibus praeclara & florentissima haec respublica sub illustrissimo & nunquam satis laudato principe nostro rege Henrico sexto, eiusque progenitoribus regibus Angliae hactenus felicissime fuerit erecta, instituta & gubernata, doctissimum encomion. unde easdem nostras leges non solum Romanorum Caesarum, sed & omnium aliarum nationum constitutiones, multis parasangis, prudentia, justitia, & equitate, praecellere, facile perspicias. Eme ergo, lege, & fruere, ac labores nostros boni consule.  
Vale.   

To the right Worshipful john Walshe, Esquire, one of the Queen her learned justicers of her highness Court of common Pleas, Robert Mulcaster, wisheth life and health.  
IT happened me of late (Right Worshipful sir) to light upon this little Treatise, which I incontinent desired to run over, because it seemed to discourse upon some points of the Laws of our Country, whereof I myself then was and am now a Student. When I had overrun it, my desire to read it, became nothing countervailable with the gladness that I had read it, for my desire to read it came upon hope, to find some profitable lessons for my study, but my gladness after reading sprung of the excellency of the argument, whereon I did not dream, neither to find so rich a treasure in so simple an habit. And because I wished all men to have part of my delight, me thought it good to translate it into English forth of Latin, in which tongue it was first written. The author of the book was one master Fortescue Knight, Sergeant at the Law, and for his skill and virtues preferred by king Henry the sixth, to be Chancellor of this Realm. The entry of the book itself showeth, where, and upon what occasion, it was written. It was written in Berrie in France, where Prince Edward, son to Henry the sixth, afterward slain at Tewkesburie by Edward the fourth, did then remain with his mother Queen Margaret in the house of Renate her father Duke of Angew & king of Cicile, during the time that Edward the fourth reigned in the Realm, and Henry the sixth was fled into Scotland. The occasion was this: The Chancellor being fled into France with the young prince, and perceiving his delight to be all bent to Chivalry as a thing of greatest need, considering he meant by force the restitution of his father, and thereby his own, to the kingdom of England, took occasion (for that his hope was to see the Prince reign here) to move him to a division of his affairs, and as he armed himself against the enemy, so to adorn himself against his being king, with skill of Laws, which do preserve each state so in peace, that it may, if need be, war; and so guard it in war, that it may have peace in it. The argument is this, that the skill of the Country laws is needful for the Prince, although not so deep as for purposed professors, yet so full as to their honour may and aught to fall in Princes. And for that the Prince should think the thing to be a princely knowledge, he taketh occasion (by comparing the government of this realm with others, & the laws of this land with the Civil, with whom it is of all men lightly compared, and the betterness of points wherein they both travel, and provisions by the one wiselier foreseen then by the other) to prove the singularity of this state which it behoved the Prince to learn, seeing he was like to succeed his father, and to understand the Laws, which maketh the state to be singular. The particulars I refer to the book, whereof thus much I do and no less could well say, Why I did choose your worship to be protector of my labours, I shall not need tediously to touch, it shall be sufficient to say that in choice of many, I picked you alone, not doubting your liking in allowing, seeing mine election in dedicating: And so committing to the Almighty the good preservation of your worship, I humbly take my leave,  
Robert Mulcaster.   

The introduction into the matter.  

DUring the cruel rage of the late mortal wars within the realm of England, when the most virtuous and godly King Henry the sixth with Queen Margaret his wife, the King's daughter of jerusalem and Scicile, & their only son Edward Prince of Wales, were forced to fly the land: and the king himself afterward in the same civil tumult falling into the bloody hands of his deadly enemies his own subjects, was of them committed to prison, where he a long time remained in straight captivity, the Queen & the prince her son thus banished out of their country, making their abode in the Duchy of Berrie, a dominion of the foresaid king of jerusalem.  
The Prince shortly after growing to man's state, applied himself wholly to the feats of arms, much delighting to ride upon wild & unbroken horses, not sparing with spurs to break their fierceness. He practised also sometimes with the pike, sometimes with the sword, & other warlike weapons after the manner and guise of warriors according to the use of martial discipline, to assail and strike his companions, I mean the young men that attended upon his person. Which thing when a certain ancient knight, being Chancellor to the foresaid king of England saw, who also in the miserable time did there remain in exile he spoke thus to the Prince.   

SEuiente dudum in regno Angliae nefandissima rabie illa, qua pijssimus ibidem Rex Henricus sextus, cum Margareta Regina consort sua, filia Regis jerusalem & Sciciliae, ac eorum unigenito Edwardo principe Walliae, inde propulsi sunt sub qua & demum Rex ipse Henric' a subditis suis deprehensus, carceris diutinum passus est horrorem, dum Regina ipsa cum sobole, patria sic extorris, in Ducatu Berren̄ praedicti regis jerusalem dominio, morabantur.  
Princeps ille, mox ut factus est adultus, militari totum se contulit disciplinae, & saepe ferocibus & quasi indomitis insedens caballis, eos calcaribus urgens, quandoquelancea, quandoque mucrone, alijs quoque instrumentis bellicis, sodales suos, iwenes sibi seruientes, bellantium more invadere ferireque, juxta martis gimnasij rudimenta delectabatur. Quod cernens miles quidam grandae●us, praedicti regis Angliae Cancellarius, qui etiam ibidem sub hac clade exulabat: principem sic affatur,    

First he moveth the prince to the knowledge of the law. Chap. 1.  

YOur singular towardness, most gracious Prince, maketh me right glad, when I behold how earnestly you do embrace martial feats: For it is convenient for your grace to be thus delighted, not only for that you are a soldier, but much rather for that you shall be a King. For it is the office & duty of a King to fight the battles of his people, & also rightly to judge them, as in the viii. chapter of the first book of kings you are plainly taught. Wherhfore I would wish your grace to be with as earnest zeal given to the study of the laws, as you are to the knowledge of arms, because that like as wars by force of chivalry are ended, even so judgements by the Laws are determined. Which thing justinian the Emperor well & wisely & advisedly pondering, in the beginning of the preface of his book saith thus: It behoveth the imperial majesty not only to be guarded with arms, but also to be armed with laws, to the end that he may be able rightly to execute the government of both times aswell of war as of peace. Howbeit for your most earnest endeavour to the study of the Law, the exhortation of the chiefest lawmaker Moses, sometime captain of the Synagogue, aught to be of much more force with you, than the words of justinian whereas in the xvii. Chapter of the book of Deuteronomie he doth by the authority of God straightly charge the Kings of Israel to be readers of the law all the days of their life saying thus: When the King shall sit upon the princely seat of his kingdom, he shall writ him out this law in a book, taking the copy thereof of the priests the Levites: and he shall have it with him, and he shall read it all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, and to keep his Commandments and ordinances written in this Law, And Helynandus expounding the same saith thus: A Prince therefore must not be ignorant of the law, neither is it tolerable that he under the pretence of warfare should be unskilful in the Law. And a little after he is commanded, saith he, to receive the copy of the law of the priests the Levites, that is to say, of catholic and learned men, Thus much he: For the book of Deuteronomie is the book of the laws, wherewith the kings of Israel were bound to rule and govern their subjects. This book doth Moses' command kings to read, that they may learn to fear GOD, and keep his Commandments, which are written in the Law.  
Behold the effect of the law is to fear God, whereunto man cannot attain, unless he first know the will of God, which is written in the Law. For the principal point of all service is to know the will and pleasure of the▪ lord or master to whom service is due. Howbeit the lawmaker Moses first in this charge mentioneth the effect of the Law, that is the fear of God, and next he allureth us to the keeping of the cause thereof, that is to say, of God's commandments. For in the mind and intent of the exhorter, the effect goeth before the cause. But what fear is this, which the Laws do propone to the observers thereof? Surely it is not that fear whereof it is written: that perfect charity or love expelleth fear. Yet this same fear, though it be bond and servile, oftentimes provoketh kings to the reading of the laws: but it proceedeth not out of the law. But that fear whereof Moses here speaketh, which also proceedeth out of the Laws, is the self same fear, that the prophet speaketh of, saying: The fear of the Lord is holy, and endureth for ever and ever. This is such a loving fear as naturally children bear to their dear parents, commonly termed the reverence of the child towards his parents. Whereunto there is no punishment due as a thing wrought by love. For this fear proceedeth out of the Laws, which teach to do the will of God, so that it deserveth no punishment. But the glory of the Lord is upon them that fear him, and he doth glorify them. Yea this fear, is even that same, fear whereof job, after that he had diversly searched for wisdom, saith thus: Behold the fear of the Lord is perfect wisdom, and to forsake evil is understanding. That the forsaking of evil is the understanding of the fear of God, this do the Laws teach, whereby it followeth that the same fear proceedeth out of them.   

GAudeo verò, serenissime princeps, super nobilissima indole tua: videns quanta aviditate militares tu amplecteris actus, convenit namque tibi taliter delectari, nedum quia miles es, sed amplius quia Rex futurus es. Regis nempe officium pugnare est bella populi sui, & eos rectissime judicare, ut primo regum capitul cviij clarissimè tu doceris. Quare ut armorum, utinam & legum studiis, simili zelo te deditum contemplarer, cum ut armis bella, ita legibus judicia peragantur. Quod justinianus Augustus, aequissima librans ment, in initio prohem●j libri sui institutionum, ait: Imperatoriam Maiestatem non solum armis decoratam, sed & legibus oportet esse armatam, ut utrumque tempus bellorum & pacis recte possit gubernare. Tamen ut ad legum studia feruide tu anheles, maximus legislator ille Moses, olim Synagogae dux, multo fortius Caesare te invitat, dum regibus Israel divina auctoritate ipse praecipiat, eorum leges legere omnibus diebus vitae suae, sic dicens: Postquam sederit Rex in solio regni sui describet sibi Deuteronomij Leges in volumine, accipiens exemplar à sacerdotibus Leviticae tribus & habebit secum, leget▪ que illud omnibus diebus vitae suae, ut discat timere Dominum Deum suum, & custodire verba & ceremonias eius quae in lege scripta sunt, Deuteron. capit. decimo septimo, qd exponens Helynandus dicit: Princeps ergo non debet juris ignarus esse, nec praetextu militiae legem permittitur ignorare. Et post pauca, a sacerdotibus Leviticae tribus assumere iubetur exemplar legis, id est a viris Catholicis & literatis, Haec ille: Liber quip Deuteron. est liber legum, quibus Reges Israel subditum sibi populum regere tenebantur. Hunc librum. legere, jubet Moyses Reges, ut discant timere Deum, & custodire mandata eius, quae lege scripta sunt.  
Ecce timere Deum effectus est legis, quem non consequi valet homo, nisi prius sciat voluntatem Dei, quae in lege scripta est. Nam principium omnis famulatus, est scire voluntatem domini cui seruitur. Legis tamen lator Moses, primo in hoc edicto effectum legis videlicet timorem Dei commemorat: deinde ad custodiam causae eius, videlicet, mandatorum dei ipse inuitar. Nam effectus prior est quam causa, in animo exhortantis. Sed quis est timor iste, quem ꝓmittunt leges obseruatoribus suis? Veré non est timor ille, de quo scribitur: Quod perfecta charitas foras mittit timorem. Timor tamen ille, licet seru●lis, saepe ad legendum leges, reges concitat. sed non est ipse proles legis. Timor vero, de quo hic loquitur Moses, quem & pariunt leges, est ille de quo dicit propheta: Timor Domini sanctus▪ permanet in seculum seculi. Hic filialis est & non novit paenam, ut ille qui per charitatem expellitur. Nam iste à legibus proficiscitur, quae docent facere voluntatem Dei, quo ipse paenam non meretur. Sed gloria do mini est super metuentes eum, quos & ipse glorificat. Timor autem iste, timor ille est, de quo job, postquam multifarie sapientiam investigat, sic ait: Ecce timor domini, ipsa est sapientia, & recedere a malo intelligentia. job ca 28. Recedere à malo, qd intelligentia timoris dei est, leges docent, quo & timorem hanc ipsae parturiunt.    

¶ The Prince's reply to the Chancellors motion. Chap. 2.  

HAEc ut audivit princeps, erecto in senem vultu, sic locutus est. Scio, Cancellarie, quòd liber deut. quem ●u commemoras, sacrae scripturae volumen est; leges quoque & ceremoniae in eo conscriptae, etiam sacrae sunt, à domino edi●ae, & ꝑ Moysen promulgatae: quare eas legere sanctae contemplationis dulcedo est. Sed lex, ad cuius scientiam me invitas, humana est, ab hominibus aedita, & tractans terrena: quo, licet Moyses ad Deuter lecturam Reges Israel astrinxerit, eum per hoc reges alios, ad consimiliter faciendum in suis legibus, concitasse, omnem effugit rationem, cum utriusque lecturae non sit eadem causa.   

THe Prince hearing this, and steadfastly beholding the old man, spoke thus to him. I know good Chancellor that the book of deuteronomy, whereof you speak, is a book of holy Scripture: The laws also and ordinances therein contained are holy, of the Lords making, and published by Moses: Wherhfore the reading of them is a pleasant act of holy contemplation. But that Law, to the knowledge whereof you counsel me, is human, made by men, and entreating of worldly matters: wherefore though Moses bind the Kings of Israel to the reading of God's Law, yet that thereby he forceth all other King's 〈◊〉 do the like in their own laws, that standeth by no good reason, seeing that of both the readings the cause is not like.    

Here the chancellor fortifieth his assertion. Chap. 3.  

I Perceive (qd the Chancellor) by your answer, most worthy prince, how earnestly you have considered & weighed the quality of my exhortation: So that hereby you do much encourage me, both more plainly, more largely, and also more deeply to discourse the same. Wherhfore you shall understand, that not only God's Laws, but also man's, are holy, for so much as the Law is defined by these words: The law is a holy sanction or decree, commanding things that be honest, and forbidding the contraries: Now the thing must needs be holy, which by definition is determined to be holy. Right also, by description is called the Art of that which is good & straight, so that in this respect a man may well call us Sacerdotes, that is to say, givers or teachers of holy things (for so by interpretation doth sacerdos signify.) Forsomuch then as the laws are holy, it followeth that the ministers and setters forth of them may right well be called Sacerdotes, that is givers & teachers of holy things. Furthermore all laws published by men have also their authority from God. For as the Apostle saith: All power is from the Lord God. Wherhfore the laws, that are made by man, which thereunto hath received power from the Lord, are also ordained of God, as also appeareth by this saying of the Author of all causes: What soever the second cause doth the same doth the first cause by a higher and more excellent mean. Wherhfore josaphat the king of juda saith to his judges: The judgements, which ye execute, are the judgements of God, in the ninetéenth Chapter of the second Book of Chronicles. Whereby you are taught, that to learn Laws, though they be Man's laws, is to learn holy laws and the ordinances of God: so that the study of them is not with out a pleasant sweetness of holy consolation. And yet such sweet pleasure was not the cause, as you suppose, wherefore Moses commanded the kings of Israel to read the laws of Deut. For this cause moveth not kings no more than the common sort to the reading of it, nor to the Book of Deuter. more than of any of the other books of Moses, in which, aswell as in the book of Deuteronomy, is plentiful store of godly lessons & holy instructions, wherein to be devoutly occupied is a holy thing. Wherefore that there was none other cause of this commandment, than for that the laws, whereby the king of Israel is bound to rule his people, are more precisely contained in the Book of deuteronomy then in the other books of the old testament, the circumstances of the same commandment do manifestly inform us. For which cause you aught, most worthy Prince, no less than the kings of Israel to be moved and provoked, to be a diligent travailer in the study of those laws, where by hereafter you shall rule your people. For that which was spoken to the king of Israel, must be understood to be figuratively spoken to every king having dominion over godly people. And have I not then well & handsomely propounded unto you the commandment given to the kings of Israel, concerning the learning of their law?  
Forasmuch as not only his example, but also his like Authority, hath taught you, and bound you to the like doing in the Laws of the Kingdom, which God-willing you shall inherit.   

AT Cancellarius. Scio (inquit) per haec quae iam dicis, princeps clarissime, quanta advertentia, ex hortationis meae tu ponderas qualitatem, quo me non infime concitas super inceptis ne dum clarius, sed & profundius quodammodo ●ecum disceptare: Scire igitur te volo, quod non solum Deut. leges, sed & omnes leges humanae sacrae sunt, quo lex sub his verbis definitur: Lex est sanctio sancta, iubens honesta, & prohibens contraria: sanctum etenim esse oportet, quod esse sanctum definitum est. Ius etiam describi perhibetur, quod illud est ars boni & aequi, cuius merito quis nos Sacerdotes appellat. Sacerdos enim, quasi sacra dans, vel sacra docens, per etimologiam dicitur, quia ut dicunt, iura, leges sacrae sunt quo eas ministrantes & docentes, Sacerdotes appellantur. A deo etiam sunt omnes leges editae, quae ab homine promulgantur. Nam cum dicat Apostolus, quod omnis potestas a Domino Deo est, leges ab homine conditae, qui ad hoc a Domino recipit potestatem, etiam a Deo constituuntur, dicente Auctore causarum: Quicquid facit causa secunda, facit & causa prima, altiori & nobiliori modo. Quare Iosaphat Rex juda, ait judicibus suis: judicia, quae vos profertis, judicia Dei sunt, secundo Paralipo. nineteen. Capitul. Ex quibus erudiris, quod leges, licet humanas, addiscere, est addiscere leges sacras & editiones dei, quo earum studium non vacat a dulcedine consolationis sanctae. Nec tamen, ut tu conjicis, dulcedo hmodi cau sa fuit, cur Moses reges Israel Deut. legere praeceperat. Nam causa haec, non plus reges quam plebeios, ad eius lecturam provocat, nec plus Deut. librum, quam alios Pentateuchi libros legere, pulsat causa ista, cum non minus libri illi, quam Deut. sacris abundant carismatibus, in quibus meditari ꝑsanctum est. Quare non aliam fuisle causam mandati huius, quam quia in Deut. plus quam in alijs libris veteris testamenti, leges inferuntur, quibus rex Israel populum regere obnoxius est, eiusdem mandati circumstantiae manifest nos informant. Quo, & te, princeps, eadem causa, non minus, quam reges Israel exhortatur, ut legum, quibus populum in futurum reges, tu sis solers indagator. Nam, quod regi Israel dictum est, omni Regi populi videntis deum, typice dictum fuisse intelligendum est. An tunc non convenienter utiliterque proposui tibi mandatum Regibus Israel latum, de eorum lege addiscenda?  
Dum nedum eius exemplum, sed & eius auctoritas figuralis, te erudivit & obligavit, ad consimiliter faciendum de legibus regni, quod annuente Domino haereditaturus es.    

¶ Here the Chancellor proveth that a Prince by the laws may be made happy and blessed. Ca 4.  

NOn solum ut deum timeas, quo & sapiens eris, princeps colendissime, vocant te leges, cum propheta dicente, Venite filij, audite me, timorem domini docebo vos: Sed etiam ut felicitatem, beatitudinemque (prout in hac vita nancisci poteris) adipiscaris, ipsae leges ad earum disciplinatum te invitant. Philosophi namque omnes, qui de felicitatetā vary disputabant, in hoc uno conuenerunt, vz▪ qd felicitas sive beatitudo finis est, omnis humani appetitus, quare & ip̄am summum bonum appellant, peripatetici ●n̄ constituebant eam in vir tute: Stoici in honesto: et Epicuri in voluptate. Sed quia Stoici honestum definiebant esse qd bene fit & laudabilit ex virtute, & Epicuri as serebant nihil esse vo luptuosū sine virtute, Oens sectae illae, ut dicit Leonardus Aretin ' Ysagogico moralis disciplinae, in hoc concordaverunt, qd sola virtus est, quae felicitat operatur. Quo & Philosophus definiens) dicit, quod ipsa est perfectus usus virtutum. His ●ā p̄sup positis, considerare te volo etiam ea quae sequentur. Leges humanae non aliud sunt quam regulae, quibus perfect justicia edocetur. justitia vero, quam leges revelant, non est illa, quae commutativa vel distributativa vocatur, seu alia quaevis particularis virtus sed est vir tus perfecta, quae justiciae legalis nomine designatur. Quam Leonardus praedictus ideo dicit esse ꝑfectam, quia omne vicium ipsa eliminat, & omnem virtutem ipsa docet: quo & omnis virtus ipsa merito nuncupatur. De qua Homerus dicit, similiter & philosophus quinto Ethicorum, Quod ipsa est praeclarissima virtutum, &, nec Lucifer, nec Hesperus, ut illa, est admirabilis. justicia vero haec, subiectum est omnis regalis curae, quo sine illa Rex just non judicat, nec recte pugnare potest. Illa vero adepta, perfectéque seruata, aequissimè peragitur omne officium Regis. unde cum perfectus usus virtutum sit foelicitas, & justicia humana, quae non nisi per legem perfect nanciscitur, aut docetur, nedum sit virtutum effectus, sed & omnis virtus: Sequitur, quòd justitia fruens, foelix per legem est, quo & per eam ipse fit beatus, cum idem sit beatitudo & foelicitas in hac fugaci vita, ●uius & per justitiam ipse summum habet bonum. Tamen non nisi per gratiam lex poteritista operari, neque legem aut virtutem sine gratia tu addiscere poteris, vel appetere. Cum, ut dicit Pariss. in libro suo de Cur Deus homo, virtus hominis appetetiva interior, per peccatum originale ita viciata est, ut sibi viciorum sua●ia, & virtutum aspera opera sapiant. Quare, quod aliqui ad amorem sectationémque virtutis se conferunt, divinae bonitatis beneficium est, & non humanae virtutis. Num tune leges, quae, praeveniente & comitant gratia, omnia prae●nissa operantur, toto conamine addiscendae sunt? dum faelicitatem, quae secundum Philosophos, est hic finis & complementum humani desiderij, earum apprehensor, obtinebit, quo & beatus ille erit in hac vita, eius possidens summum bonum. Verè, etsi non haec te moveant, qui regnum recturus es, movebunt te & arctabunt ad disciplinatum legis Prophetae verba dicentis: Erudimini, qui iudicatis terram: non enim ad eruditionem artis factivae, aut mechanicae, hic movet Propheta: Cum non dicat, Erudimini, qui colitis terram, nec ad eruditionem scientiae tantum theoricae, quamuis oportuna fuerit incolis terrae, quia generaliter non dicit, erudimini qui inhabitatis terram, sed solùm ad disciplinam legis, qua judicia redduntur, Reges invitat Propheta in his verbis, Cum specialiter ipse dicat: Erudimini, qui iudicatis terram. Et sequitur: Ne quando irascatur Dominus, & pereatis de via justa. Nec solúm legibus, quibus justitiam consequeris, (fili Regis) imbui te jubet sacra Scriptura, sed & ipsam justitiam diligere, tibi alibi praecipit, cum dicat: Diligite justitiam, qui iudicatis terram, Sapientiae capitulo primo.   

NOt only to the intent you should fear God and so become wise, do the Laws with the Prophet call you saying, Come Children, hear me, I will teach you the fear of the Lord: but also that you may aspire unto felicity and blessedness (as far forth as in this life they may be attained) do the Laws will you, most gracious Prince, to be studious of them. For all the Philosophers, which have so diversly reasoned of felicity, have all agreed together in this one point, that felicity or blessedness is the end of all man's desire, and therefore they call it chief goodness. How be it the peripatetics placed it in Virtue, the stoics in Honesty, and the Epicures in Pleasure. But seeing the stoics defined Honesty to be that, which is well and laudably done with virtue, and the Epicures held nothing to be pleasant without virtue, therefore all those sects, as saith Leonard Aretine in his Introduction to Moral Philosophy, agreed in this, that it is only virtue that causeth felicity. Wherhfore Aristotle also in the 7. book of his politicss defining Felicity saith, that it is the perfect use of virtues. Thus much being now presupposed, I would have you to consider these things also that follow. Man's laws are nothing else but certain rules, whereby justice is perfectly taught. But that justice, which the Laws do show, is not the same that is called Commutative or distributive, or any other particular virtue, but it is a perfect virtue expressed by the name of justice legal. Which the foresaid Leonard doth therefore affirm to be perfect, because it excludeth all vice▪ & teacheth all virtue: For which cause also it is worthily called by the name of all virtue. Whereof Homer saith, and likewise Aristotle in the fifth Book of Moral Philosophy, that it is the chiefest of all virtues, and that neither Lucifer nor Hesperus are so bright and beaming as it is. Moreover this justice is the thing whereupon all Princely care dependeth and resteth, without the which the King can neither rightly judge, nor yet duly fight. But this being once obtained & perfectly kept, than all the whole duty required in a king is justly performed. Now then seeing that the perfect use of virtues is felicity, and that justice used amongst men, which cannot be obtained unto nor learned but by the Law, is not only the effect of virtues, but is all virtue itself: hereof it followeth, that the practiser of justice is by the Law happy, and so thereby he is made blessed, forsomuch as blessedness or happiness and felicity are both one in this short and transitory life, of the which▪ life through justice he enjoyeth the chief & principal goodness. And yet the law is not able to perform these things without the assistance of grace, without the which also you cannot learn nor covet either Law or virtue. For, as saith Pariss. in his book entitled Cur deus homo, the inward virtue of man, wherein his desiring is placed, is so through original sin defaced & corrupt, that it esteemeth vicious works for pleasant, & virtuous works for unpleasant. Wherhfore, in that some men apply and endeavour themselves to the love & following of virtues, it proceedeth of the bountiful goodness of God, & not of the power of man. Is there not then special cause why the laws, which being prevented, & accompanied with grace, do perform all the promises, should with all diligent travel be learned? Seeing that who so hath perfectly attained thereunto, the same shall enjoy felicity, the end & performance, as the Philosophers say, of man's desire, by means whereof he shall in this life be blessed, in the he now possesseth the chief goodness thereof. Doubties if these things move you not, which shall have the rule and government of a kingdom, yet the words of the Prophet shall move you, yea and force you to the study of the Law, which words be these: Be ye learned you that are judges of the Earth: Hear the Prophet exhorteth not to the learning of a base art or a handicraft, for he saith not: Be ye learned you that are th'inhabiters of the earth, neither doth he counsel to the learning of knowledge speculative, though it be not unnecessary for the inhabiters upon the earth, For he sayeth not generally: Be ye learned you that dwell upon the earth, but by these words doth the Prophet call Kings only to the learning of the law, whereby judgements are executed, forsomuch as he specially saith, be ye learned you that are judges of the earth. And it followeth: lest the Lord ware angry, & so you perish from the way of righteousness. Neither doth holy scripture (O kings son) command you only to be skilfully instruct in the Laws, whereby you shall purchase and obtain the possession of justice, but also in an other place it biddeth you unfeignedly to love justice, where it saith: O set your love & affection upon justice, you that are judges of the Earth, in the first chapter of the book of Wisdom.    

¶ Ignorance of the Law causeth the contempt thereof. Cap. 3.  

SEd quomodo justitiam diligere poteris, si non primó legum scientiam, quibus ipsa cognoscatur, utcunque apprehenderis? Dicit namque Philosophus, quod nihil amatum nisi cognitum. Quare Fabius Orator ait, Quod felices essent artes, si de illis soli artifices iudicarent. Ignotum vero non solum non amari, sed & sperni solet. Quo poeta quidam sic ait. Omnia quae nescit, dicit spernenda colonus. Etnon coloni solum vox haec est, sed & doctorum peritissimo rum quoque virorum. Nam si ad Philosophum naturalem qui in Mathemat. nunquam studit, metaphisicus dicat, qd scientia sua considerat res separatas ab omni materia & motu secundum esse et secundum rationem: Velure Mathematicus dicat, ꝙ sua scientia considerat res coniunctas materiae, & motui, secundum esse, sed separatas secundum rationem: ambos hos, licet philosophos, philosophus ille naturalis qui nunquam noui● res aliquas separatas a materia & motu, essentia vel ratione, spernet, eorumque scientias, licet sua scientia nobiliores, ipse deridebit, non alia ductus causa, nisi quia eorum scientias ipse penitus ignorat. Sic & tu, Princeps, legis Angliae peritum miraberis, si dicat, quod frater fratri sibi nequaquam uterino, non succedet in haereditate paterna, sed potius haereditas illa, sorori integri sanguinis sui descendet, aut capitali dno feodi accidet ut escaeta sua: Cum causam legis huius tu ignores, in lege tamen Angliae doctum, huius casus difficultas nullatenus perturbat. Quare & vulgariter dicitur: quod ars non habet inimicum nisi ignoranten●.  
Sed absit a te, fili Regis, ut inimiceris legibus Regni, quo tu successurus es, vel ut eas spernas, quum justitiam diligere, praedicta sapientiae lectio te erudiat. Iterum igitur atque iterum, Princeps inclitissime, te adiuro, ut leges Regni patris tui, cui successurus es, addiscas. Ne dum ut inconuenientias has tu evites: Sed quia mens humana, quae naturaliter bonum appetit, & nihil potest appetere, nisi sub ratione boni, mox ut per doctrinam bonum apprehenderit, gaudet & illud amat, ac quanto deinceps illud plus recordatur, tanto amplius delectatur in eodem, quo doceris, quod si leges praedictas quas iam ignoras, intellexeris per doctrinam, cum optimae illae sint, amabis eos. Et quanto plus easdem ment pertractaveris, delectabilius tu frueris.  
Nam omne, quod amatur, usu trahit amatorem suum in naturam eius. unde, ut dieit Philosophus, usus altera fit natura: sic ramunculus pyri, stipiti pomi insertus, postquam coaluerit, ita pomum trahit in naturam pyri, ut ambae deinceps, merito pyrus appellentur, fructusque producant pyri, Sic & usitata virtus habitum generat, ut utens ea deinde a virtute illa denominetur, quo modestia praeditus, usu modestus nominatur, continentiae continens, & sapientiae sapiens. Quare & tu princeps, postquam justitia delectabiliter functus fueris, habitumque legis indutus fueris, merito denominaberis justus, cuius gratia tibi dicetur, Dilexisti justitiam, quo & odisti iniquitatem, propterea unxit te dominus Deus tuus oleo letitiae prae consortibus tuis regibus terrae.   

BUt how can you love justice, unless you first have a sufficient knowledge in the laws, whereby the knowledge of it is won and had, for the Philosopher saith, that nothing can be loved except it be known. And therefore Quintilian the Orator saith, That happy should Arts be, if Artificers only were judges of them. As for that which is unknown, it is wont not only not to be loved, but also to be despised. And therefore a certain Poet thus saith: 
The ploughman doth despise and scoff,  
The thing he is not skilful of.  And this is the saying not of Plowmen alone, but also of learned and right skilful men. For if unto a natural Philosopher, that never st●ided the Mathematical sciences, a supernatural philosopher should say, that this Science considereth things severed from all matter and moving, according to their substantial being and reason: or the Mathematical man should say that this Science considereth things joined to matter, and moving, after their substance, but severed according to reason: both these, though Philosophers, will the natural Philosopher, which never understood things severed from matter and motion, either in being or in reason, utterly despise, and their sciences, though in deed more excellent than his, will he laugh to scorn, moved so to do by none other cause, but that he is altogether ignorant in their sciences. Likewise you, most worthy Prince, would wonder at one skilful in the Laws of England, if he should say, that the brother shall not succeed his half brother in their Father's inheritance, but rather his inheritance shall descend to the sister of the whole blood, or else it shall be entitled to the chief Lord of the fee as his escheat: Hereat you would much marvel, because you know not the cause of this law, howbeit the difficulty of this case nothing troubleth him that is learned in the laws of England. Wherefore it is a common saying, that an Art hath no foe but an ignorant person.  
But God forbidden, O noble Prince, that you should be an enemy to the Laws of that Realm, which you shall by succession inherit: or that you should despise them, seeing that the aforecited text of scriptu●e instructeth you to the love of justice. Wherhfore, most Sovereign Prince, I do with most earnest affection require you to learn the laws of your father's kingdom, whom you shall succeed, not only to the intent you may the rather avoid these inconveniences, but also because man's mind, which naturally desireth the thing that is good, & can desire nothing but in respect that it is good, as soon as by learning it hath taken hold of that which is good, it becometh joyful and loveth the same: & the more that it is afterward occupied in the remembrance of the same, so much it is more delighted therein: Whereby you are taught that if you once by learning attain to the understanding of the foresaid laws, wherein you are now ignorant, seeing they be perfectly good, you must needs love them. And the more that you record than in your mind, so much the more delight & pleasure shall you have in them. For whatsoever it is that is loved, the same draweth the lover of it into the nature thereof. So that as the Philosopher saith, use or exercise becometh an other nature: So a slip of a Pear tree being graffed into the stock of an Apple tree, after that it hath taken, it so draweth the apple tree into the nature of the pear tree, that they both for ever after are rightly called a pear tree, & do bring forth the fruit of a pear tree. In like sort, continual use and practise of virtue causeth a full perfection thereof, in so much that the practiser of the same is afterward named thereby: as a man endued with modesty, of the use thereof is named modest, He that useth continency is called continent, and one garnished with wisdom is called wise. Wherefore you also, most mighty prince, when you are pleasantly delighted in justice, and therewith endued, in respect of the perfection of the law you shall worthily be called Just, For which cause it shall be said unto you: Thou hast loved justice & hated iniquity, and therefore the Lord thy God hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above the Kings of the earth thy companions.    

¶ Hear the Chancellor briefly repeateth the effect of all his persuasion. Cap. 6.  

NOw, most gracious Prince, is not all this enough to move your Highness to the study of the Law? Seeing that thereby you shall endue yourself with justice, which shall yield unto you the name of a just man, And shall also eschew the infamy of ignorance in the Law, And further by the Law you enjoying felicity, shall be blessed in this life, And finally being furnished with a loving fear, which is the wisdom of God, you shall obtain and possess Charity, which is a steadfast love to Godward, and by the mean thereof cleaving to God, you shall by the Apostles saying, Be made one Spirit with him.  
But forasmuch as the Law without grace cannot accomplish these things, it is necessary and requisite, that above all things you make earnest intercession for it: and also that you become a studious searcher of God's law, and of the holy scripture. For Scripture saith, that all men are vain, in whom is not the knowledge of God, in the xiii. chapter of the book of Wisdom. Wherhfore, most noble Prince, while you are yet young, & while your soul is as it were a smooth blank table, writ in it these things, lest hereafter you happen to take pleasure in writing lessons of less profit therein.  
For as a certain wise man saith: 
Whereof the vessel new, did first receive the taste,  
Therein, when it is old, the scent will ever last.  What handicrafts man doth so negligently regard the profit of his child, whom whiles he is young, he will not see brought up in such an occupation, as thereby he may afterward obtain to lead a merry life? So the Carpenter teacheth his son to cut with an axe: the smith to strike with an hammer: & whom he intendeth to make a spiritual minister, him he procureth to be trained up in learning: So likewise is it convenient, that a King's son, which shall govern the people after his father, be in his youth instructed in the laws. Which order if the Rulers of the world would observe, than the world should be governed with much more▪ justice then now it is, Unto whom, if you will follow mine exhortation, you shall minister no small example▪   

NOnne tunc, Princeps serenissime, haec te satis concitant ad legis rudimenta? cum per ea justitiam induere valeas: quo & appellaberis justus, ignorantiae quoque legis evitare poteris ignominiam: ac per legem felicitate fruens, beatus esse poteris in hac vita, & demum filiali timore indutus, qui Dei sapientia est, charitatem, quae amor in deum est imperturbatus, consequeris, qua Deo adhaerens, per Apostoli sententiam, Fies unus spiritus cum eo.  
Sed quia ista, sine gratia lex operari nequit, tibi illam super omnia implorare necesse est, legis quoque divinae & sanctarum scripturarum indagare scientiam.  
Cum dicat scriptura sacra, quod vani sunt omnes, in quibus non subest scientia Dei, Sapientiae cap. xiii.  
His igitur, Princeps, dum adolescens es, & animatua velut tabula rasa, depinge eam, ne in futurum ipsa figuris minoris frugi delectabilius depingatur.  
Quia etiam (ut Sapiens quidam ait) 
Quod nova testa capit,  
Inueterata sapit.  Quis Artifex tam negligens profectus suae prolis est, ut non eam, dum pubescit, artibus instruat, quibus postea vitae solatia nansciscatur? Sic lignarius faber secare dolabro, ferrarius ferire malleo, filium instruit: & quem in spiritualibus ministrare cupit, literis imbui facit: Sic & principi, filium suum, qui post eum populum regulabit, legibus instrui, dum minor est convenit. Qualiter si fecerint Rectores orbis, mundus iste ampliori, quam iam est, institia regeretur, quibus, si tu, ut iam hortor, facias, exemplum non minimum ministrabis.    

¶ Now the Prince yieldeth himself to the study of the Laws, though he be yet disquieted with certain doubts. Cham 7.  

SIlente extunc Cancellario, Princeps ipse sic exorsus est. Vi●●sti me, vir egregie, suavissima oratione tua, qua & animum meum ardore non minimo, legis fecisti sitire documenta. Sed tamen duobus, me huc illucque agitantibus, animus ipse affligitur: ut tanquam in turbido mari Cimba, nesciat quorsum dirigere proras. unum est, dum recolit quot annorum curriculis leges addiscentes, earum studio se conferunt, antequam sufficientem earundem peritiam nanciscantur: quo timet animus ipse ne consimiliter ego praeteream annos iwentutis meae. Alterum est, an Angliae Legum vel Civilium, quae per orbem percelebres sunt, studio operam dabo. Nam non nisi optimis legibus populum regere licet, etiam ut dicit Philosophus, Natura deprecatur optima, Quare libenter super his, quod tu consulis, auscultaremus. Cui Cancellarius. Non sunt haec, fili Regis, tantis celata mysterijs, ut deliberatione egeant ingenti, quare, quid in his mihi visum est prodere, non differemus.   

THus when the Chancellor had said, he held his peace, to whom the Prince began on this wise to speak. You have overcome me, well-beloved Chancellor, with your most pleasant talk, wherewith you have inflamed my mind with a fervent desire toward the knowledge of the Law. Howbeit two things there be, that do toss my mind too and fro, and so disquiet it, that like a Ship in the raging waves it knoweth not which way to incline for ease. The one is, while it considereth how many years the students of the laws bestow therein before they can attain to sufficient knowledge of the same: Which causeth my mind also to dread, lest that I should likewise spend the years of my youth. The other is, whether I shall apply myself to the study of the Laws of England, or of the Civil laws, which through out the whole World are chiefly esteemed: For people may not be governed but by right good Laws, and as the Philosopher saith, nature coveteth that which is best. Wherhfore I would gladly hear your council in this behalf. To whom the Chancellor made this answer. These matters, O Kings son, are not hid under so deep and dark mysteries, that they require any great deliberation, or advisement. And therefore what I think best herein I will not hide    

So much knowledge of the Law as is necessary for a Prince, is soon had. Chap. 8.  

ARistotle in the first Book of his natural Philosophy saith, that then we suppose ourselves to have the knowledge of every thing, when we know the causes and beginnings thereof even to the principles, upon the which text the Commentatour saith, that the Philosopher by beginnings or principles did understand the causes efficient, by the term Causes he understood causes final, and by Elements, matter and form. But in the Law there are not matter and form, as in things natural and compound. How be it there be in them certain Elements, out of the which they proceed as out of matter and form, these are customs, statutes, and the Law of nature, of the which all the laws of the realm have their beginning, even as all natural things have of matter & form, and as all things that are written and read do consist of letters, which also are called elements. But principles, or beginnings, which are as the Commentary saith, causes efficient, they are certain universal propositions, which they, that be learned in the Laws of England, & likewise the Mathematicals do term Maxims: the Rhethoricians do call the same Paradoxes: & the Civilians term them rules of the law. These in deed cannot be proved by force of arguments, or by demonstrations Logical: But as it is said in the second book of Posterioum, they are known by induction by the way of sense and memory. Wherhfore in the first book of his natural Philosophy, Aristotle saith, that principles are not made of others, nor one of them of another, but all other be made of them, And according thereunto in the first book of his Topikes he writeth, that every principle is a sufficient proof of itself. And therefore the Philosopher saith, that such as deny them, aught not to be disputed or reasoned withal: because that as he writeth in the sixth book of his Moral philosophy, there is no reason to be given for principles. Wherefore whatsoever they be that covet to profit in the knowledge of any faculties, they must needs first be furnished with principles. For by them are opened the causes final, unto the which by the direction of reason, through the knowledge of the principles, we do attain; wherefore these three, viz. Principles, Causes, and Elements, being unknown, the science, whereof they are, is altogether unknown. And the same three being known, the science also, whereof they are, is thought to be known, not determinately or precisely, but superficially after a confuse & universal sort.  
Thus we think ourselves to have the knowledge of God's Laws, when we understand ourselves to know saith, charity, and hope, and also the Sacraments of the Church, and the Commandments of GOD, leaving to the Prelates of the Church the other mysteries of theology. Wherhfore the LORD saith unto his Disciples: To you it is given to know the mystery of the kingdom of GOD, but to others in Parables, that seeing they may not see, etc. And the Apostle saith, Not to be wiser, than it behoveth. And in an other place, Not being high in wisdom. In like manner, O most worthy Prince, it shall not be needful for you with long study to search out the secret mysteries of the Law of England, It shall suffice for you, as you have profited in grammar, so also to profit in Law, Unto the perfection of Grammar, springing out of Etymology, Orthography, Prosodie, and Construction, as out of four fountains, you have not exactly attained▪ and yet you are so sufficiently grounded in grammar, that you may well be called a Grammarian. Likewise shall you be well worthy to be called a Lawyer, if you search out the principles and causes of the Laws, even to the elements, after the manner of a scholar or a learner. For it shall not be needful or expedient for you by the travel of your own wit, to study out the hid mysteries of the Law, But let that gear be left to your judges and men of law, which in the Realm of England are called sergeant at Law, and to other professors of the Law commonly called Apprentices: For you shall better execute judgements by other, then by yourself: Neither hath it been seen that any King of England hath pronounced judgement with his own mouth, And yet nevertheless the judgements of the Realm are his, though by other they be uttered and pronounced, Like as also King josaphat affirmed the sentences of all the judges to be the judgements of God. Wherefore, most gracious Prince, you shall in short time with little labour be sufficiently learned in the Laws of England, so that you do apply your mind to the optaining thereof. For Seneca in an Epistle to Lucillus, saith: There is nothing which earnest travel and diligent care atchiveth not. And so well do I know the prompt towardness of your nature, that I dare be bold to say, that in those Laws (though the exact knowledge of them such as is required in judges can scant be gotten in the space of xx. years) you shall sufficiently in one year attain to so much understanding as is convenient for a prince. Neither in the mean time shall you neglect and omit the study of martial discipline, whereunto you are so fervently given, but during all the same year in stead of recreation you shall use the practice thereof at you pleasure.   

PHilosophus in primo Phisicorum dicit, quod Tunc unumquodque scire arbitramur, cum causas & principia eius cognoscamus usque ad elementa. Super quem textum commentator dicit, quod Aristoteles per principia intellexit causas efficientes, per causas intellexit causas finales, & per Elementa materiam & formam. In Legibus vero non sunt materia & forma, ut in Phisicis & compositis. Sed tamen sunt in eis Elementa quaedam, unde ip sae profluunt▪ ut ex materia & forma, quae sunt consuetudines, statuta, & ius naturae, ex quibus sunt omnia iura regni, ut ex materia & forma sunt quaeque naturalia: & ut ex literis, quae etiam elementa appellantur, sunt omnia quae leguntur. Principia autem, quae Commentator dicit esse causas efficientes, sunt quaedam universalia, quae in legibus Angliae docti, similiter & Mathematici, Maximas vocant: Rethorici, Paradoxas: & Civilistae, Regulas juris denominant. Ipsa revera non arg●mentorum vi, aut demonstrationibus logicis dignoscuntur: Sed ut secundo Posteriorum docetur, inductione, via sensus & memoriae, adipiscuntur. Quare & primo Phisicorum phylosophus dicit, quod principia non fiunt ex alijs, neque ex alterutris, sed ex illis alia fiunt, quo primo Topicorum scribitur, quod unumquodque principiorum est sibi ipsi fides. unde, cum nega●tibus ea, dicit Phylosopus, non est disputandum: quia, ut scribitur vj. Ethicorum, ad principia non est ratio. Igitur principijs imbuendi sunt, quiqui gliscunt aliquas intelligere facultates. Ex eis etenim, revelantur causae finales, ad quas, rationis ductu, per principiorum agnitionem, pervenitur; unde, his tribus, videlicet, Principijs, Causis, & Elementis ignoratis, scientia, de qua ipsa sunt, penitus ignoratur. Et his cognitis, etiam scientiam illam cognitam esse, non determinaté, sed in confuso & universaliter arbitratur.  
Sic Legem divinam nos nosse indicamus, dum fidem, charitatem, & spem, sacramenta quoque Ecclesiae ac Dei mandata, nos intelligere sentiamus; cetera Theologiae mysteria Ecclesiae presidentibus relinquentes. Quare dominus discipulis suis ait: Vobis datum est nosse mysterium regni Dei, caeteris autem in parabolis, ut videntes non videant, etc. Et Apostolus dixit, non plus sapere quam oportet sapere. Et alibi, non alta sapientes. Sic & tibi, Princeps, necesse non erit misteria legis Angliae longo disciplinatu rimare, sufficiet tibi, ut in Grammatica tu pro●●cisti, etiam & in legibus proficias. Gammaticae vero perfectionem, quae ex Ethimologia●, Ortographia, Prosodia, & Syntaxi, quasi ex quatuor fontibus profluit, non specie tenus induisti, & tamen grammatica sufficienter eruditus es, ita ut merito grammaticus denomineris. Consimiliter quoque denominari legista mereberis, si legum principia & causas, usq ad elementa, discipuli more indagaveris. Non enim expediet tibi, propria sensus indagine, legis sacramenta rimare, sed relinquantur illa judicibus tuis & advocatis, qui in regno Angliae seruientes ad legem appellantur similiter & allis peritis, quos Apprenticios vulgus denominat: melius enim per alios, quam per teipsum judicia reddes, quo, proprio ore, nullus regum Angliae judicium proferre usus est, & tamen sua sunt omnia judicia regni licet per alios ipsa reddantur, sicut & judicum omnium sententias, josaphat asseruit esse judicia dei. Quare, tu princeps serenissime, parvo tempore, parva industria, sufficienter eris in legibus regni Angliae eruditus, dummodo ad eius apprehensionem tu conferas animum tuum. Dicit namque Seneca in epistola ad Lucillum: Nil est qd pertinax opera, & diligens cura, non expugnat. Nosco namque ingenij cui per●picacitatē, quo audacter pronuncio, qd in legibus illis, licet earum peritia, qualis judicibus necessaria est, vix, xx. annorum lucubrationibus acquiratur, tu doctrinam Principi congruam in anno uno sufficienter nancisceris, nec interim militarem disciplinam, ad quam tam ardenter anhelas, negliges, sed ea, recreationis loco, etiam anno illo, tu ad libitum perfrueris.    

A King, whose government is politic, cannot change the Laws of his Realm. Chap. 9·  

THe second point, most worthy prince, whereof you stand in fear, shall in like manner, & as easily as the other, be confuted. For you stand in doubt, whether it be better for you, to give your mind to the study of the laws of England, or of the Civil laws, because they throughout the whole world are advanced in glory and renown above all other man's laws. Let not this scruple of mind trouble you, O most noble Prince: For the king of England cannot altar nor change the laws of his Realm at his pleasure. For why, he governeth his people by power, not only royal, but also politic. If his power over them were royal only, them he might change the laws of his realm, & charge his subjects with Tallage & other burdens without their consent, & such is the dominion that the civil Law purport, when they say, The Prince his pleasure hath the force of a Law. But from this, much differeth the power of a King, whose government over his people is politic, For he can neither change Laws without the consent of his subjects, nor yet charge them with strange impositions against their wills. Wherefore his people do frankly and freely enjoy and occupy their own goods, being ruled by such laws as they themselves desire, Neither are they peeled either of their own king or of any other, Like pleasure also & freedom have the subjects of a king ruling only by power royal, so long as he falleth not into tyranny. Of such a King speaketh Aristotle in the third Book of his Civil Philosophy, saying, that it is better for a City to be governed by a good King, then by a good Law. But forasmuch as a King is not ever such a man, therefore Saint Thomas in the Book, which he wrote to the King of Cyprus, Of the governance of Princes, wisheth the state of a Realm to be such, that it may not be in the king's power to oppress his people with tyranny, Which thing is performed only, while the power Royal is restrained by power politic. Rejoice therefore, O sovereign Prince, and be glad, that the Law of your Realm, wherein you shall succeed, is such, For it shall exhibit and minister to you and your people no small security and comfort. With such Laws as saith the same St. Thomas should all man kind have been governed, if in Paradise they had not transgressed God's commandment, with such Laws also was the Synagogue ruled, while it served under God only as King, who adopted the same to him for a peculiar kingdom, But at the last, when at their request they had a man king set over them, they were then under royal Laws only brought very low, And yet under the same Laws, while good Kings were their Rulers: they lived wealthily, and when wilful and tyrannous Kings had the government of them, than they continued in great discomfort and misery, as the book of Kings doth more plainly declare. But for so much, as I suppose, I have sufficiently debated this matter in my work which at your request I compiled of the nature of the law of nature, therefore at this time I surcease to speak thereof any more.   

SEcundum vero, Princeps, quod tu formidas, consimili nec maiori opera elidetur. Dubitas nempe, an Anglorum legum, vel civilium studio te conferas, dum Civiles supra humanas cunctas leges alias, fama per orbem extollat gloriosa. Non te conturbet, fili Regis, haec mentis evagatio: Nam non potest rex Angliae, ad libitum suum, leges mutare regni sui. Prineipatu namque, nedum regali, sed & politico, ipse suo populo dominatur. Si regali tantum ipse praeesset eis, Leges regni sui mutare ille posset, Tallagia quoque & caetera onera eis imponere ipsis inconsultis, quale dominium denotant leges civiles, cum dicant qd principi placuit, legis habet vigorem. Sed long aliter potest Rex, politice imperans genti suae, quia nec leges ipse sine subditorum assensu mutare poterit, nec subiectum populum renitentem onerare impositionibus peregrinis, quare populus eius libere fruetur bonis suis, legibus, quas cupit regulatus, nec per Regem suum, aut quemuis alium depilatur, consiminliter tamen plaudit populus, sub Rege regalit tantum principante, dummodo ipse in tyrannidem non labatur. De quali rege dicit philosophus iij. politicorum, quod melius est Civitatem regi viro optimo, quam lege optima. Sed quia non semper contingit praesidentem populo, huiusmodi esse virum, sanctus Thomas in libro, quem Regi Cipri scripsi●, de tegmine principum, optare censetur, regnum sic institui, ut rex non libere valeat populum tyrannide gubernare, quod solum fit, dum potestas Regia lege politica cohibetur: Gaude igitur, princeps optime, talem esse legem regni, in quo tu successurus es, quia, & tibi, & populo, ipsa securitatem praestabit non minimam & solamen. T●li lege, ut dicit idem sanctus, regulatum fuisse totum genus humanum, si in paradi●o Dei mandatum non praeterijsset tali etiam lege regebatur Sinagoga, dum sub solo Deo, Rege, qui, eam in regnum peculiare adoptabat, illa militaba●, sed demum eius petitione, rege homine sibi constituto, sub lege tantum regali ipsa deinceps humiliata est. Sub qua tamen, dum optimi Reges sibi praesuerunt, ipsa plausit, & dum discoli ei praeessebant, ipsa inconsolabiliter lugebat, ut regum liber haec distinctus manifestavit. Tamen quia de materia ista in opus culo, quod tui contemplatione de natura legis naturae exaravi, sufficienter puto me desceptasse, plus inde loqui iam desisto.    

Hear the Prince demandeth a question. Cham 10.  

TVnc princeps il lico sic ait. unde hoc cancellarie, quod Rex unus plebem suam regaliter tantum regere valeat, & regi alteri potestas huiusmodi denegatur, aequalis fastigij cum sint Reges ambo, cur in potestate sint ipsi dispares nequeo non admirari.   

Immediately the Prince thus said. How cometh this to pass, good Chancellor, that one King may govern his people by power Royal only, & that another king can have no such power, seeing both these Kings are in dignity equal, I cannot choose but much muse & marvel why in power they should thus differ.    

The answer to this question is here omitted, for that in an another work it is handled at large. Chap. 11.  

I Have sufficiently, quoth the Chancellor, declared in my foresaid work, that the King, whose government is politic, is of no less power, than he that royally ruleth his people after his own pleasure, howbeit they differ in authority over their subjects, as in the same work I have showed, and say I still. Of which difference I will open unto you the cause as I can.   

Cancellarius. Non minoris esse potestatis, regem politicè imperantem, quam qui, ut vult, regaliter regit populum suum, in supradicto opusculo sufficienter est ostensum, diversae tamen auctoritatis eos in subditos suos ibidenut iam nullatenus denegavi, cuius diversitatis causam, ut potero, tibi pandam.    

How kingdoms ruled by royal government only first began. Chap. 12.  

Men in times passed, excelling in power, greedy of dignity & glory, did many times by plain force subdue unto them their neighbours the nations adjoining: & compelled them to do them service & to obey their commandments, which commandments afterward they decreed to be unto those people very laws. And by long sufferance of the same, the people so subdued, being by their subduers defended from the injuries of other, agreed and consented to live under the dominion of the same their subduers, thinking it better for than to be under the empire of one man, which might be able to defend then against other, then to be in danger to be oppressed of all such as would violently offer them any wrong. And thus certain kingdoms were begun, And those subduers thus ruling the people unto them subdued, took upon them of ruling to be called rulers, which our language termeth kings, And their rule or dominion was named only royal or kingly. So Nembroth was the first that got unto himself a Kingdom, And yet in the holy Scriptures he is not called a King, but a stout and mighty hunter before the Lord: For like as a Hunter subdueth wild beasts living at their liberty: so did he bring men under his obedience. So did Belus subdue the Assyrians, & Ninns the most part of Asia. So also did the Romans usurp the Empire of the whole world, & thus almost were the kingdoms of all nations begun. Wherhfore the Lord, being displeased with the children of Israel requiring to have a king, as then all other nations had, commanded the law regal to be declared unto them by the Prophet. Which law regal was no other thing, but the pleasure of the king their governor, as in the 1. book of the kings more fully it is contained. Now you under stand, as I suppose, most noble Prince, the form & fashion of the beginning of those kingdoms, that be regally possessed and ruled. Wherefore, now I will assay to make plain to you, how & by what means the government of the kingdom politic, took his first entrance & beginning, to the end & intent, that when you know the beginnings of them both, it may be right easy for you thereby to discern the cause of the diversity, which in your question is contained.   

HOmines quondam, potentia praepollentes, avidi dignitatis & gloriae, vicinas saepe gentes sibi viribus subiugarunt, ac ipsis servire obtemperare quoque iussionibus suis compulerunt, quas iussiones extunc leges ho minibus illis esse ipsi sancierunt. Quarum perpetione d●utina, subiectus sic populus, dum per subijcientes à ceterorum iniurijs defendebatur, in subijcientium dominium consentierunt: Oportunius esse arbitrantes, se unius subdi imperio, quo erga alios defenderentur, quam omnium eos infestare volentium oppressionibus exponi. Sicque regna quaedam inchoata sunt, & subijcientes illi, dum subiectum populum sic rexerunt, a regaendo sibi nomen regis usucparunt, eorum quoque dominatus tantum regalis dictus est. Sic Nembroth primus sibi regnum comparavit, tamen non rex, ipse, sed Robustut venator coram domino sacris litteris appellatus est: Quia ut v●nator feras libertate fruentes, ipso ho mines sibi compescuit obedire. Sic Belus Assyrias: & Ninus quam magnam Afiae partem, ditioni suae subegerunt. Sic & Ronani orbis imperium usurparunt qualiter feré in omnibus gentibus regna inchoata sunt. Quare, dum filij Israel regem postulabant, sicut tunc habuerunt omnes gentes, dominus inde offensus, legem regalem eis per Prophetam explanari mandavit. Quae non aliud fuit, quam pla citum regis eye prae-essentis, ut in primo Regum libro plenius edoceretur. Ha bes nunc (ni fallor) Princeps clarissime, formam exordij regnorum, regaliter possessorum. Quare, quomodo regnum politice regulatum, primitus erupit, etiam iam propalare conabor, ut cognitis amborum regnorum initijs, causam diversitatis, quam tu quaeris, inde elicere tibi facillimum sit.    

¶ How Kingdoms of politic governance were first begun. Chap. 13.  

SAint Augustine in the xxiii. chapter of his nineteen book de Civitate Dei, saith, That a people is a multitude of men associated by the consent of law, & communion of wealth. And yet such a people being headless, that is to say, without a head, is not worthy to be called a body. For as in things natural, when the head is cut off, the residue is not called a body but a truncheon, so likewise in things polititique, a commonalty without a head is in no wise corporate: Wherhfore, Aristotle in the first book of his civil philosophy saith, that whensoever one is made of many, among the same, one shall be the ruler, and the other shall be ruled, wherefore a people that will raise themselves into a kingdom, or into any other body politic, must ever appoint one to be chief ruler of the whole body, which in kingdoms is called a King. And this kind of order, as out of the embryon riseth a body natural, ruled by one head, even so of a multitude of people ariseth a kingdom, which is a body mystical, grounded by one man as by an head And like as in a natural body, as saith the Philosopher, the heart is the first that liveth, having within it blood, which it distributeth among all the other members, whereby they are quickened and do live: semblably in a body politic, the intent of the people is the first lively thing, having within it blood, that is to say, polititique provision for the utility and wealth of the same people, which it dealeth forth and imparteth aswell to the head as to all the members of the same body, whereby the body is nourished & maintained. Furthermore the law under the which a multitude of men is made a people, representeth the semblance of sinews in the body natural: because that like as by sinews the joining of the body is made sound, so by the Law, which taketh the name a ligando, that is, to wit of binding, such a mystical body is knit & preserved together: & the members & bones of the same body, whereby is represented the soundness of the wealth whereby the body is sustained, do by the laws, as the natural body by sinews, retain every one their proper functions: And as the head of a body natural cannot change his sinews, nor cannot deny or withhold from his inferior members their peculiar powers, & several nourishments of blood, no more can a king, which is the head of a body politic, change the Laws of that body, nor withdraw from the same people their proper substance against their wills and consents in that behalf. Now you understand, most noble Prince, the form of institution of a Kingdom politic, whereby you may measure the power, which the King thereof may exercise over the Law and subjects of the same. For such a king is made and ordained for the defence of the law of his subjects & of their bodies, and goods, whereunto he receiveth power of his people, so that he can not govern his people by any other power. Wherhfore to satisfy your request, in that you desire to be certified, how it cometh to pass that in the powers of Kings there is so great diversity: Surely in mine opinion the diversity of the institutions or first ordinances of those dignities, which I have now declared, is the only cause of this foresaid difference, as of the premises by the discourse of reason you may easily gather. For thus the Kingdom of England out of Brutus' retinue of the Trojans, which he brought out of the Coasts of Italy and Greece, first grew to a politic and regal dominion: Thus also scotlan, which sometime was subject to England as a Dukedom thereof, was advanced to a politic and royal Kingdom. Many other kingdoms also had thus their first beginning not only of regal but also of politic government. Wherhfore Diodorus Siculus in his second book of old histories, thus writeth of the Egyptians: The Egyiptian kings lived first, not after the licentious manner of other rulers, whose will and pleasure is in stead of law, but they kept themselves as private persons in subjection of the laws, And this did they willingly, being persuaded that by obeying the laws they should be blessed. For of such rulers, as followed their own lusts, they supposed many things to be done, whereby they were brought in danger of divers harms & perils. And in his fourth Book thus he writeth: The Ethiopian king as soon as he is created, he ordereth his life according to the laws, & doth all things after the manner & custom of his country, assigning neither reward nor punishment to any man, other than the law made by his predecessors appointeth. He reporteth likewise of the king of Saba in Arabia the happy, & of certain other kings which in old time honourably reigned.   

SAnctus Augustinus in libro nineteen. de Civitate Dei, cap. twenty-three. dicit, Quod populus est caetus hominum, juris consensu & utilitatis communione sociatus. Nec tamen populus hmodi dux acephalus, (i) sine capite, esse corpus vocari meretur. Quia ut in naturalibus, capite detruncato, residuum non corpus, sed truncum ap pellamus, sic & in politicis, sine capite communitas nullatenus corporatur: Quo, primo polit. dicit Philosophus, quod quandocunque ex pluribus constituitur unum inter illa, unum erit regens, & alia eruntrecta, Quare populum se in regnum aliunde corpus politicum erigere volentem, semper oportet unum praeficere totius corporis illius regitiwm, quem Regem nominare solitum est. Hoc ordine, sicut ex embrione corpus surgit phisicum, uno capite regulatum, sic ex populo erumpit regnum, num, quod corpus extat mysticum uno homine ut capite gubernatum. Et sicut in naturali corpore, ut dicit Philosophus, cor est primum vivens, habens in se sanguinem, quem emittit in omnia eius membra, unde illa vegetantur & viwnt: sic in corpore politico intensio populi primum vividum est, habens in se sanguinem, viz. provisionem politicam utilitati populi illius, quam in caput & in omnia membra eiusdem corporis, ipsa transmittit, quo corhus illud alitur & vegetatur. Lex vero sub qua caetus hominum, populus efficitur, neruorum corporis phisici tenet rationem: Quia sicut per neruos compago corporis solidatur, sic per legem, quae à ligando dicitur, corpus huiusmodi misticum ligatur & servatur in unum, & eiusdem corporis membra acossa, quaeveritatis qua communitas illa sustentatur, soliditatem denotant, per legem, ut corpus naturale per neuos propria, retinent iura: Et ut non potest caput cor porisphisici, neruos suos commutare, neque membris suis pro prias vires, & propria sanguinis alimenta denegare, nec rex, qui caput corporis polici est, mutare potest leges corporis illius, nec eiusdem populi substantias proprias sub trahere, reclamantibus eis aut invitis. Habes ex hoc iam, princeps●, instituti omnis politici regni formam, ex qua metiri poteris potestatem, quam Rex eius in leges ipsius, aut subdi tos valeat exercere. Ad tutelam namque legis subditorum, ac eorum corporum, & bonorum, rex huiusmodi erectus est, & ad hanc, potestatem a populo effluxam ipse habet, quo ei non licet potestate alia suo populo dominari: quare ut postulationi tuae, qua certiorari cupis, unde hoc ꝓuenit qd potestates regum tam diuersimode variantur suc cinctius satisfaciam. firm coniector, qd diversitates institutionum dignitatum illarum, quas ꝓpalavi, predictandiscrepantiam solummodo operantur, ꝓut rationis discursu, tu ex praemissis poteris exhaurire. Sic namque Regnum Angliae, qd ex Bruti comitiva Troianorum, quam ex Italiae & Graecorun finibus ꝑduxit, in dominium politicum, & regal, ꝓ rupit: Sic & Scotia, quae ei quondam ut ducatus obedivit, in regnum crevit politicum & regal. Alia quoque plurima regna, nedum regaliter sed & politice regulari, tali origine ius sortita sunt. unde Diodorus Siculus in secundo libro historiarum priscarum de Egyptijs, sic scribit: suam primum Egyptij reges vitam non aliorum regnantium, quibus voluntas pro lege est, traducebant licentia, sed veluti privati tenebantur legibus, neque id egre ferebant, existimantes parendo legibus, se beatos fore. Nam ab his, qui suis indulgerent cupiditatibus, multa censebant fieri, quibus dampna periculaque subirent. Et in quarto libro sic scribit: Assumptus in Regem Ethiopum, vitam ducit statutam legibus omniaque agit juxta patrios mores, neque premio, neque pena afficiens quenquam, praeter per traditam a superioribus legem. Consimiliter loquitur de rege Saba in foelici Arabia, & alijs quibusdam regibus qui priscis temporibus feliciter regnabant.    

Here the Prince compendiously abridgeth all that the Chancellor afore hath discoursed at large. Cham 14.  

CVi Princeps, Effugasti, Can cellarie, declarationis tuae lumine tenebras, quibus obducta erat acies mentis meae, quo clarissime iam conspicio, quod non alio pacto gens aliqua, proprio arbitrio, unquam se in regnum corporavit, nisi ut per hoc, se & sua, quorum dispendia formidabant, tutius quam antea possiderent, quasi proposito gens huiusmodi fraudaretur, si exinde facultates eorum eripere possit Rex suus, quod antea facere ulli hominum non licebat. Et adhuc gravius multo populus talis laederetur, si deinde peregrinis legibus, etiam ipsis forsan exosis, regerentur. Et maxime, si legibus illis, eorum minoraretur substantia, pro cuius vitanda iactura, ut pro suorum tutela corporum, ipsi se Regis imperio, arbitrio proprio, submiserunt, non potuit revera potestas huiusmodi ab ipsis erupisle: & tamen si non ab ipsis, Rex huiusmodi super ipsos nullam obtineret potestatem. E regione, aliter esse concipio de regno, quod Regis solum auctoritate & potentia incorporatum est, qui non alio pacto gens talis ei subiecta est, nisi ut eius legibus, quae sunt illius placita, gens ipsa, quae eodem placito regnum eius effecta est, obtemperaret & regeretur. Neque, Cancellarie, a mea hucusque memoria elapsum est, quod alias in tractatu de natura legis naturae, horum duorum regum aequalem esse potentiam, doctis rationibus ostendisti, dum potestas, qua eorum alter perperam agere liber est, libertate hmndi non augetur, ut posse languescere, moriue, potentia non est, sed propter privationes inadiecto, impotentia potius denominandum. Quia ut dicit Boetius, potentia non est nisi ad bonum, quod posse male agere, ut potest Rex regaliter regnans, liberius quam Rex politice dominans populo suo, poti us eius potestatem miniut, quam augmentat. Nam sancti spiritus, iam confirmati in gloria, qui peccare nequeunt potentiores nobis sunt, qui ad omne facinus liberis gaudemus habenis. Solum igitur mihi iam superest a te sciscitandum, si Lex Angliae, ad cuius disciplina●um me provocas, bona & efficax est ad regimen regni illius, ut lex civilis, quasacrum regulatur imperium▪ sufficiens arbitratur ad orbis regimen universi? Si me in hoc, demonstrationibus congruis, indubium reddideris, ad studium legis illius ilico me cō●erā nec te postulationibus meis super his, amplius fatigabo.   

TO whom the Prince thus answered. You have, good Chancellor, with the clear light of your declaration quite driven away the cloudy mist, wherewith the brightness of my mind was darkened: so that I do most evidently see that no nation did ever of their own voluntary mind incorporate themselves into a kingdom for any other intent, but only to the end, that thereby they might with more safety then before maintain themselves, & enjoy their goods from such misfortunes & losses as they stood in fear of, And of this intent should such a nation be utterly defrauded, if then their king might spoil them of their goods, which before was lawful for no man to do. And yet should such a people be much more injured, if they should afterward be governed by foreign and strange Laws, yea and such as they peradventure deadly hated and abhorred. And most of all, if by those Laws, their substance should be diminished, for the safeguard whereof, as also for the defence of their own bodies, they of their own free will submitted themselves to the governance of a King, no such power surely could have proceeded from them: And yet if they had not been, such a King could have had no power over them. Now on the other side I perceive it to stand much otherwise with a kingdom, which only by the authority of a king is incorporate, For such a Nation is no otherwise subject unto him, but that the same Nation which by his pleasure is made his kingdom, should obey his Laws, and be ruled by the same being nothing else but his like pleasure. Neither have I yet, good Chancellor, forgotten that, which in your treatise of the nature of the Law of Nature, you have with pithy reasons clerkly proved: concerning that the power of these two kings is equal. Howbeit the power of the one, whereby he is at liberty to deal wrongfully, is not by such liberty augmented and increased, as to be of ability to decay and die, is no ability, but in respect of the privation and feebleness in the thing, it is rather to be called a disability. Because that as Boetius saith: ability and power is not but to good: So that to be of ability or power to do evil, (as is the king that Regally doth rule, and that with much more liberty, than the King that hath a politic dominion over his people) is rather a diminution then an increase of power. For the holy spirits, which are now established in glory, and cannot sin, do in power far excel and pass us which have a delight & pleasure to run headlong into all kind of wickedness. Now therefore I have but this one only question to demand of you, whether the law of England, to the study whereof you exhort me, be as good and effectual for the government of that kingdom, as the Civil law, whereby the holy empire is governned, is thought sufficient for the government of the whole world? If with sound reasons and apparent demonstrations you resolve me in this point, I will straight yield me to the study of the Law, without further troubling you with my questions in this matter.    

That all Laws are the law of nature, customs, or statutes. Chap. 15.  

THe Chancellor answered saying: you have well committed to memory, most worthy Prince, all that I have hitherto declared unto you, Wherhfore you are well worthy to have this doubt opened, whereupon now you have moved your question. You shall therefore understand, that all human Laws are either the Law of nature, or customs, or else statutes, which are also called constitutions. But customs and the sentences of the Law of nature, after that they were once put in writing, and by the sufficient authority of the Prince published & commanded to be kept were changed into the nature of constitutions, or statutes, & did after that more penally, then before, bind the subjects of the Prince to the keeping of them, by the severity of his commandment, Of this sort are the most part of the Civil laws, which of the Roman Princes are digested in great volumes & by their authority commanded to be observed. And not they only are called by the name of the Civil Law, but also all the other statutes of Emperors. Now then, if that among these three wellsprings of all Law, I prove the pre-eminence of the Law of England to excel above the rest: I shall therewith prove the same Law to be good and effectual for the government of the kingdom. And further, if I do show it to be as commodious for the wealth of that Realm, as the Civil Laws are for the wealth of the Empire, then shall I make evident & plain not only that this law is of much excellency, but also that it is an elect and chosen law, as well as the Civil laws are: which is the thing that you require. Wherhfore to the proof and declaration of these ij. points, thus I proceed.   

CAncellarius, memoriae tuae, Princeps optime, commendasti, quae tibi hucusque suggessi, quare & quae iam interrogas, meritus es ut pandam. Scire te igitur volo, quod omnia iura humana, aut sunt lex naturae, consuetudines, vel statuta, quae & constitutiones appellantur. Sed consuetudines & legis naturae sententiae postquam in scripturam redactae, & sufficienti auctoritate principis promulgatae fuerint, ac custodiri iubeantur, in constitutionum siuestatutorū naturam mutantur, & deinde penalius, quam antea subditos principis ad earum custodiam constringunt, severitate mandati illius, qualis est legum civilium pars non modica, quae a Romanorum principibus in magnis voluminibus redigitur, & eorum auctoritate observari mandatur▪ unde legis Civilis, ut caetera Imperatorum statuta, iam pars illa nomen sortita est, Si igitur in his tribus quasi omnis juris fontibus, legis Angliae praestantiam probaverimpraefulgere, legem illam, bonam esse & efficacem, ad regni illius regimen, etiam comprobavi. Deinde si eam, ad eiusdem regni utilitatem, ut leges civiles ad imperij bonum, accommodam esse lucide ostenderim, nedum tunc legem illam praestantem, sed &, ut leges civiles, electam (ut tu optas) etiam patefeci. Igitur haec duo tibi ostendere satagens, sic progredior.    

The Law of nature in all countries, is all one. Chap. 16.  

LEges Angliae in his, quae ipsae sanciunt legis naturae ratione, non meliores peioresue sunt in judicijs suis, quam in consimilibus sunt omnes leges caeterarum nationum. Quia, ut dicit Philosophus 5. Ethicorum: Ius naturale est, quod apud omnes homines eandem habet potentiam, quare de ea amplius disceptare non expedit. Sed quales sunt Angliae consuetudines similiter & statuta, est amodo perscrutandum, & primo consue●udinū illarum visitabimus qualitates.   

THe laws of Englad, in those things, which they by force of the Law of nature do ratify & establish, are neither better nor worse in their judgements, than the laws of all other nations are in the like cases. For as Aristotle in the 5. book of his Moral Philosophy saith: The Law of nature is that which among all people hath like strength and power, wherefore hereof to reason any longer it shall not avail. But now henceforth we will search out what manner of Customs & Statutes these of England are. And first the quality of those customs we will consider.    

¶ The Customs of England are of most ancient antiquity, practised and received of v. several Nations, from one to another, by succession. Chap. 17.  

THe Realm of England, was first inhabited of the Britons, next after them the Romans had the rule of the land and then again the Britons possessed it, after whom the Saxons invaded it, who changing the name thereof did for Britain call it England, after then for a certain time the Danes had the dominion of the Realm, and than Saxons again, but last of all the Normans subdued it, whose descent continueth in the government of the kingdom at this present. And in all the times of these several nations & of their kings, this realm was still ruled with the self same customs, that it is now governed withal. Which, if they had not been right good, some of those kings moved either with justice, or with reason or affection, would have changed them, or else altogether abolished them, & especially the Romans, who did judge all the rest of the world by their own laws. Likewise would other of the foresaid kings have done, which by the sword, only possessing the realm of England, might by the like power & authority have extinguished the Laws thereof. And touching the antiquity of the same, neither are the Roman Civil laws, by so long continuance of ancient times, confirmed, nor yet the Laws of the Venetians, which, above all other are reported to be of most antiquity, forsomuch as their Island in the beginning of the Britons was not then inhabited, as Rome then also unbuilded, neither the laws of any Paynim nation of the world, are of so old & ancient years: Wherhfore the contrary is not to be said nor thought, but that the English customs are very good, yea of all other the very best.   

Regnum Angliae, primo per Britanos inhabitum est, deinde per Romanos regulatum, iterumque per Britanoes, ac deinde per Saxones possessum, quin nomen eius ex Britannia, in Angliam mutaverunt: extunc per Danos idem regnum parumper dominatum est, & iterum ꝑ saxons, sed finaliter per Normannos, quorum propago regnum illud obtinet in praesenti. Et in omnibus nationum harum & regum earum temporibus, regnum illud eisdem, quibus iam regitur, consuetudinibus continue regulatum est. Quae, si optimaenon extitissent, aliqui regum illorum, justitia, ratione, vel affectione concitati eas mutassent, aut omnino delevis sent, & maxime Romani, qui legibus suis quasi totum orbis reliquum iudicabat. Similiter & alij regum praedictorum, qui solùm gladio regnum Angliae possiderunt, quo & potentia simili, ipsi, leges eius exinanissevaluerunt. Neque vero tantorum temporum curriculis, leges civiles, in quantum Romanorum, inveteratae sunt, neque Venetorum leges, quae super alias antiquitate diwlgantur, quo rum tum insula, in initio Britonum, inhabitata non fuit, sicut nec Roma condita, nec vllorum mundi regnorum deicolarum leges tanto aevo inolitae sunt: Quare non bonas, immo non optimas esse, Anglo rum consuetudines, sicut non dicere, ita nec suspicari fas est.    

¶ Here he showeth with what gravity Statutes are made in England. Chap. 18.  

STatuta tunc Anglorun, bona sint necne, solum restat explorandum. Non enim emanant illa a principis solum voluntate, ut leges in regnis, quae tantum regaliter gubernantur, ubi quandoque statuta ita constituentis procurant commodum singulare, quod in eius subditorum ipsa redundant dispendium, & iacturam: Quandoque etiam inaduertentia principum huiusmodi, & sibi consulentium inertia, ipsa tam inconsulte eduntur, qd corruptelarum nomina potius, quam legum, illa merentur. Sed non sic Angliae statuta oriri possunt, dum nedum principis voluntate, sed & totius regni assensu, ipsa conduntur, quo populi laesuram illa efficere nequeunt, vel non eorum commodum procurare. Prudentia, etiam & sapientia necessario ipsa esse referta putandum est, dum non unius, aut centum solum consultorum virorum prudentia, sed plusquam trecentorum electorum hominum, quali numero olim senatus Romanorun, regebatur, ipsa editasunt, ut hij qui par liamenti Angliae formam, convocationis quoque eius ordinem & modum, noverunt, haec distinctius referre norunt. Et si statuta haec, tanta solemnitate & prudentia edita, efficatiae tantae, quantae conditorum cupieba● intentio, non esse contingant: concito reformari ipsa possunt, & non sine communitatis & procerum regni illius assensu, quali ipsa primitus emanarunt: patent igitur iam tibi, princeps, legum anglorum species omnes. Earum quoque qualitates, ut si bonae ipsae sint, metiri tu poteris prudentia tua, comparatione etiam aliarum legum: & cum nullam tantae praestantiae in orb reperies, eas nedum bonas, sed tibi optabilissimas fore, necessario confiteberis.   

NOw whether the statutes of England be good or not, that only remaineth to be discussed. For they proceed not only from the Prince's pleasure, as do the laws of those kingdoms that are ruled only by regal government, where sometimes the statutes do so procure the singular commodity of the maker, that they redound to the hindrance and damage of his subjects: Sometimes also by the negligence & oversight of such princes, and their sleight regard, respecting only their own commodities, they are so unadvisedly made, that they are more worthy to have the name of disorders, then of well ordered Laws: But statutes can not thus pass in England, for so much as they are made not only by the Prince's pleasure, but also by the assent of the whole Realm: so that of necessity they must procure the wealth of the people, and in no wise tend to their hindrance. And it cannot otherwise be thought but that they are replenished with much wit and wisdom, seeing they are ordained not by the devise of one man alone or of a hundred wise counsellors only, but of more than three hundred chosen men, much agreeing with the number of the ancient Senators of Rome: as they that know the fashion of the Parliament of England, and the order and manner of calling the same together, are able more distinctly to declare. And if it fortune these Statutes being devised with such great solemnity and wit, not to fall out so effectually, as the intent of the makers did wish: they may be quickly reform, but not without the assent of the commons, and states of the Realm, by whose authority they were first devised: Thus most worthy Prince, you do plainly understand all the kinds of the Laws of England. And touching their qualities, as whether they be good or not, you shall be able to measure that, as well by your own wit, as by comparing them with other laws: And when ye shall find none in the whole world of like excellency, you must of force grant them to be not only good, but also on your behalf most to be embraced.    

¶ Here he deviseth a mean how to know the diversity, between the Civil Laws, and the Laws of England. Chap. 19  

ONe only doubt, wherewith your mind is troubled, remaineth now behind undiscussed, And that is this: whether as the civil laws, so likewise the laws of England, be fruitful and effectual, these for the Realm of England, as the other for the Empire, and whether they may worthily be judged fit and meet. Comparisons, most noble Prince, (as I remember I heard you once say) are counted odious. Wherhfore I am loathe to meddle with them: but whether they be both of like worthiness, or that the one deserveth an higher commendation than the other hereof you may gather a pithier argument, out of those points, wherein their sentences do differ, then by my declaration. For where both the Laws do agreed, the praise of them is equal. But in cases where they disagree, the worthier Law is most praise worthy. Wherhfore we will now propound some such cases, to the intent you may indifferently ponder and weigh, whether of these doth most justly and better define the same: And first, we will put forth examples of cases of much weight.   

SOlum iam unum de his, quibus agitatur animus tuus, restat explanandum uz. an, ut Civiles, ita & Anglorum leges, frugi sint & efficaces, isti Angliae regno, ut illae imperio, etiam & accommodae judicari mereantur. Comparationes vero, Princeps, ut te aliquando dixisse recolo, odiosae reputantur: quo eas agredi non delectator: tu, an ae qualis sint ambae leges meriti, vnaue altera celsius praeconium mereatur, non ex meo iuditio, sed ex his, in quibus earum differunt sententiae efficatius carpere poteris argumentum, Nam ubi conveniunt leges ambae, aequalis laudis ipsae sunt, sed in casibus, ubi ipsae, dissentiunt, praestantioris legis praeconia, digna pensatione refulgent. Quare casus hmndi aliquos iam in medium proferemus, ut que legum illarum, eos iustius meliusque definiat, aequa lance valeas ponderare & primo ex casibus maximi ponderis, exempla proponamus.    

¶ The first case wherein the Civil Laws, and the Laws of England do differ Chap. 20.  

IF they that have a matter of controversy depending before a judge, come to the contestation of the suit upon the matter of the deed, which the Lawyers of England call the issue of the plea: the truth of such an issue, by the civil Laws, must be tried by the deposition of witnesses wherein two allowable witnesses are sufficient. But by the Laws of England, the truth of the matter cannot appear evident to the judge, without the oaths of twelve men neighbours to the place, where such a deed is supposed to be done. Now therefore the question is, whether of these two so divers proceedings aught to be esteemed more reasonable and effectual for the opening of the truth, which thus is sought for. For the Law, that can more certainly and better show the truth is in this behalf of more excellency, than the other that is of less efficacy & force, wherefore in the search of this matter thus we proceed.   

SI coram judice contendentes, ad litis perveniant contestationem super materia facti quam Legis Angliae periti, exitum placiti appellant: Exitus huiusmodi veritas, per Leges Civiles, testium depositione probari debet, in qua duo testes idonei sufficiunt: Sed per leges angliae veritas illa, non, nisi 12. hominum de vicineto, ubi factum huiusmodi supponitur, sacramento, judici constare poterit. Quaeritur igitur, quis horum duorum processuum tam diue●sorū, rationabilior censeri debeat & efficatior ad veritatem, quae sic quaeritur, revelandae Quia lex, qean certius meliusque ostendere potest, praestantior in hoc est lege altera quae non tantae efficatiae est & virtutis, quare in hu ius rei indagine sic procedimus.    

¶ Here are set forth the inconveniences proceeding of that Law, which no otherwise then by witnesses admitteth trials. Cham 21.  

BY the Civil Laws, the party which in the issue holdeth the affirmative, must bring forth witnesses, which he himself at his own pleasure shall name. But the negative cannot be proved directly, though indirectly it may. For the ability of him is thought to be very small and weak, and his wit much less, which among all the men that he knoweth, is not able to found two so void of conscience and truth, which for dread, love, or profit, will not be ready to gainsay all truth. Such than may he produce for witnesses on his side. And if the other party would object any thing against them, or their sayings, it chanceth not ever, that they and their conditions & doings are known to the contrary party, so that by reason of their foul lives & vicious behaviour such witnesses might be reproved. And while their sayings contain the affirmative, it shall be very hard to reprove them by circumstances, or any other indirect means: who then shall be able to live in surety of his goods or of himself under such a law, that ministereth such aid to every busy body the lusteth to trouble another? And what 2. wicked men are so unwary & uncircumspect, which touching the deed, whereof, they shall be examined in judgement, will not, before they are called forth for witnesses, secretly imagine & devise a form and fashion thereof, & frame thereunto all circumstances, even such, as must needs have been so, if the thing had been true indeed? For the children of this world (saith the Lord) are wiser than the children of light. So the most wicked jesabel brought forth 2. witnesses of the children of Belial in judgement against Nabot, whereby he lost his life, & King Achab her husband obtained the possession of the vineyard. So the most chaste matron Susanna should have died for adultery by the witness of two old dotards being judges, if the Lord had not marvelously delivered her by a wondered feat of prudence, which of nature the young child had not, being yet under age. And though the same child by their altering & doubling in their depositions did convict them to be false wretches, yet who (save only the Lord) could have known that in their sayings they would thus have disagreed? Seeing their was no Law that did move them to have in remembrance what kind of tree it was, whereunder the fact was supposed to be done. For the witnesses of every wicked deed are not thought to consider all circumstances appertaining to the same, being such as do nothing help to the aggravation and detection of the fault. But while those wicked judges, willingly swearing, did altar touching the kinds of trees, their own words proved them to be false varlets: Wherhfore they worthily suffered the same punishment themselves. You also, most gracious Prince, do know how that lately Master john Fringe, after that he had continued three years in the order of Priesthood, was compelled by the deposition of two wicked persons, which witnessed that he had, before he was made Priest, betrothed himself to a certain young woman, to forsake the holy order of Priesthood, and to marry the same woman. With whom when he had lived fourteen years, and had begotten seven children of her, at the last being convicted of Treason, conspired against your Highness, he confessed before all the people even at the very point of death, that those witnesses were hired, and that their depositions were false. And thus many times are judgements perverted by the mean of false witnesses, yea and that under the very best judges, as unto you it is not unheard, nor to the world unknown, while this wickedness (the more is the pity) is often committed.   

PEr leges Civiles, pars, quae in litis contestationem affirmativamdicit, testes ꝓ ducere debet, quos ipsemet ad libitum suum nominabit. Negativa autem probari non potest, uz. direct, licet possit ꝑ obliquum. Exilis quip creditur esse potentiae, minoris quoque industriae, qui de omnibus quos noscit hominibus duos reperire nequit, ita conscientia & veritate vacuos, ut timore, amore, vel commodo, omni velint contrair veritati. Hos potes tunc ipso in testes produ cere in causa sua. Et si contra eos pars altera dicere velit, vel contra eorum dicta, non semper continget, eos eorum quo que mores aut facta apud contradicere volentem, agnosci, ut ex eorum feditate & vitijs, testes illi possint reprobari Et dum eorundicta affirmativam contineant, non facile poterunt illa ꝑ circumstantias aut obliqua alia improbari: Quis tunc poterit svorum aut sui ●psius, sub lege tali, vivere securus, dum cuilibet, sibi inimicari volenti lex tale praestat subsidium? Et qui iniqui duo tam incauti sunt, quo facti, de quo ipsi examinabuntur in initio, non, antequam in testes producantur, occult fingant imaginem & figuram, componant quoque eidem oens circumstantias, quales sibi fuissent, si illud in veritate constitisset? Prudentiores namque ut dicit dominus, sunt filij huius mundi quam filij lucis, Sic Iesabel sceleratissima, testes duos, filios Belial contra Nabot in iuditio produxit, quo ipse vitam perdidit, & Achab rex, eius vineam possidebat. Sic duorum senum etiam judicum testimonio, mortua fuislet pro adulterio, uxor castissima Susanna, si non eam miraculose liberasset dominus inexcogitabili prudentia, quam a natura non habuit puer junior, nondum aetate prouectus. Et si ipsos, depositione sua varia, convicerat puer ille, esse falsarios, quis, nisi solum dominos, novisse poterat eos in dictis suis taliter variaturos? dum, non de arboris natura, sub qua imputatum facinus fiebat, lex aliqua eos arctabat reminisci. Quia testes sceleris cuiusque considerare non putantur omnia umbracula & caetera vicina illi facto, quae ad aggravationem vel detectionencriminis illius minimè operantur Sed dum de arborum speciebus, judices illi nequam ultro deponentes, variabant, eorum dicta ipsos veritatis fuisse praevaricatores demonstrabant: quo & talionis paenam merito incurrerunt. Nosti & tu, Princeps divine, qualiter iam tardé magister johannes Fringe, qui, postquam annis tribus sacerdotali functus est officio, duorum iniquorum depositione qui eum antea iwenculam quandam affidasse testati sunt, sacrum presbiteratus ordinem relinquere compulsus est, & matrimonium cum femina illa consummare. Cum qua, postquam annis 14. moratus, sobolem septimam suscitaverat, demum de crimine laesae maiestatis in tuam celsitudinem coniurato convictus, subornatos fuisse testes illos, & falsum dixisse testimonium, in mortis suae articulo, coram omni populo, fassus est. Qualiter & saepe perverti judicia, falsorum testium medio, etiam sub optimis judicibus, non est tibi inauditum, nec incognitum mundo, dum scelus illud (proh dolor) creberrime commitatur.    

¶ Of the cruelty of Racking. Chap. 22.  

THerefore the law of France, in offences criminal, whereupon death dependeth, is not content to convict the party accused by witnesses least by the testimony of false persons, innocent blood should be condemned. But that law chooseth rather to torment such offenders with racking, until they themselves confess their own fault, rather than by the deposition of witnesses, which many times through wicked affections, & sometimes by the subornation of evil men, are moved to perjury. Upon this, and such like cantels & respects, offenders and suspect persons are in that realm with so many kinds of rackings tormented, that my pen abhorreth to put them in writing. For some are stretched out upon a horse in such wise, that their sinews break and their veins gush out with streams of blood: Again other some have divers great weights hanged at their feet, whereby their limbs and joints are dissolved and unloosed: Some also have their mouths so long gauged open till such abundance of water be powered in, that their belly swelleth like a hill or a ton, to the intent that then the belly being piersed with some boring instrument, the water may issue & spout out thereat, and at the mouth streamwise, not much unlike a Whale, which, when he hath supped up, and swallowed down a great quantity of Sea water, with herrings and other small fishes, gusheth out the same water again, as high as the top of any Pine apple tree. My pen is both weary and ashamed to rehearse the outrageousness of torments devised in this behalf: For the number of them is so great, that it can scant well be noted in a whole skin of parchment. Moreover the Civil Laws, for want of witnesses, do fetch out the truth by such rackings: And so do divers other Countries too. But who is so hard hearted, which being once released out of so cruel a Rack, though he be innocent & faultless, would not yet rather accuse himself of all kinds of offences, than again to commit himself to the intolerable cruelty of the torment once proved: and had not rather die at once (seeing death is the end of all miseries) then so often to be killed, and to sustain so many hellish furies, painfuller than death itself? And did not you, most worthy Prince, know a certain offender, which in such torments accused a worshipful, yea a right good and faithful Knight of Treason, wherein, as he said, they two had conspired together, which treason, he himself being released from the rack, afterward attempted & accomplished, thereby to acquit himself from coming to the torture again. But at the last, by mean of those torments being so maimed in his body, that thereby he was brought in despair of his life, and thereupon receiving his housel, he then swore by the same body of the Lord and by the death which he believed that he should forthwith die, that the said knight was innocent and guiltless in all things whereof he had accused him, howbeit the pains, wherein he was at the time of that his accusation, he said were so extreme, that rather than he would feel the same again, he would not stick to accuse the said Knight again, yea and his own Father to, This he said being then at the very point of death, which he believed he could not then escape, not, nor he escaped not the death which he then feared. But afterward being hanged, at the time of his death he cleared the said Knight of all crimes whereof before he had defamed him. Thus (O pitiful case) do many other wretches, not for the truths sake, but forced thereunto by the extremity of torments, And what certainty then can arise of the confessions of miserable tormented persons? But if some innocent body, having his mind fixed upon eternal salvation, would in such a babylonical Furnace, with the three Children bless and magnify the LORD, and not lie to the damnation of his own▪ soul, in that the judge pronounceth him unguilty, doth not that judge by the self same judgement judge himself guilty of all the cruelty and pains, wherewith he hath tormented the innocent? O how cruel is such a Law, which in that it can not condemn the syely innocent, condemneth the judge? Surely such a custom is not to be accounted a law, but rather the high way to the Devil. O judge, in what School hast thou learned to be present, while the offendor is tormented. For the executions of judgements upon offenders aught to be done by men of base degree: the doers whereof do purchase to themselves present infamy by the deed doing, insomuch that ever after they are disabled from the preferment of a judge: neither doth the Lord God execute his judgements, pronounced against the dampened, by angels, but by devils. Yea & in Purgatory the souls there remaining, though they be predestinate to glory, yet are they not tormented with good angels, but of evil. Those also are evil & wicked men by whom the Lord in this world doth minister to wretched sinners deserved punishment. For, when God said in the two and twentieth Chapter of the third book of Kings: Who shall deceive Achab? It was an evil spirit that answered: I will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets. For it becometh not a good spirit to take upon him the execution of such things, though this judgement proceeded from the Lord, that Achab should be deceived by a lie. But the judge peradventure will say: I with mine own hands did nothing in these torments. But what differeth it, whether one be a doer with his own hands, or else be present at the doing, and the thing that is done to exasperated it by his commandment. It is only the Master of the ship that bringeth it to the Haven, though by his commandment an other be the stirresman, I believe that the wound wherewith the mind of the judge thus tormenting any man is plagued, will never be healed again, especially while he remembreth the extremity of the pains sustained by the poor wretch in those miserable torments.   

NOn igitur contenta est lex Franciae in criminalibus, ubi mors imminet, rerum testibus convincere, ne falsidicorum testimonio sanguis innocens condemnetur. Sed ma●ult lex illa reos tales torturis cruciari, quousque ipsi eorum reatum confiteantur, quam testium depositione qui saepe passionibus iniquis, & quandoque subornatione malorum, ad periuria stimulantur. Quali cautione & astutia, criminosi etiam & de criminibus suspecti, tot torturarum in regno illo generibus affliguntur, quod fastidit calamus ea, literis designare▪ Quidam vero in equuleis extenduntur, quo eorum rumpuntur nerui, & venae in sanguinis fluenta prorumpunt: Quorundam vero, diversorum ponderum pendulis dissoluuntur compagines & iuncturae: Et quorundam gaggantur ora, usque dum per illa, tot aquarum infundantur fluenta, ut ipsorum venter montis tumescat more, quo tunc venter ille, fos●orio vel simili percussus instrumento, per os aquam illam evomat, ad instar Balenae, quae, cum halecibus & alijs pisciculis mare absorbuit, aquam despumat ad altitudinem arboris Pini. Piget (proh pudor) iam penna exquisitorum ad haec cruciatuum enarrare immania. Nam eorum variatus numerus vix notari poterit magna in membrana. Leges etiam ipsae Civiles, deficiente testium copia, in criminalibus, veritatem consimilibus extorquent tormentis: Qualiter & faciunt etiam quàm plurima Regna. Sed quis ●am duri animi est, qui semel ab atroci tanto torculari laxatus, non potiús innocens ille, omnia fateretur scelerum genera, quàm acerbitatem sic experti iterum subire tormenti, & non semel mori mallet, dum mors sit ultimum terribilium, quam toties occidi, & totidem gehennales furias morte amariores sustinere? Et nun, princeps, tu novisti criminosum quendam qui inter tormenta huiusmodi, militem nobilem, probum, & fidelem de proditione quadam, super qua, ut asseruit, ipsi duo insimul coniurarunt, accusare, qd & constanter postmodum ipse fecit, a torturis illis relaxatus, ne ite rum eadem tormenta ipsa ipse subiret. Sed demum, cum ex paenis illis laesus usque ad mortis articulum infirmaretur, ultimum quoque viaticum, christi videlice● corpus sumpsisset: juravit tunc super corpus illud, & ꝑ mortem, quam tunc protinus credidit se passurum, militem illum innocentem fuisse & immunemde omnibus in quibus eum accusavit, tamen ait paenas, in quibus ipse tempore delationis suae fuerat, ita atroces extitisse, qd priusquam eas iterum experiretur, etiam eumdem militem ille iterum accusaret, similiter & patrem proprium, licet tunc in mortis limine, quam non credidit se posse evadere, fuerit constitutus, necvero, ipse mortem, quam tunc metuit, evasit. Sed demum suspensus, tempore mortis suae ipsum militem purgavit ab omni crimine, de quo dudum defamavit. Taliter, proh dolor, & quam plures alij miseri faciunt, non veritatis causa, sed solum vrgentibus torturis arctati, quid tunc certitudinis resultat, ex confessionibus taliter compressorum? Caeterum si innocē● aliquis non immemor salutis eternae in huiusmodi Babilonis fornace, cum tribus pueris benedicat domino, nec mentiri velit in perniciem animae suae, quo judex eum pro nunciat innocentem, nonne eodem judicio, judex ille, seipsum reum judicat omnis saevitiae & paenarum, quibus innocentem afflixit? O quam crudelis est lex talis, quae dum innocentem dampnare nequit, judicem ipsa condemnat? Vere non lex ritus talis esse perhibetur, sed pot● us semita ipsa est ad gehennam. O judex quibus in Scholis didicisti, te praesentem exhibere, dum paenas luit reus? Exe cutiones quip iudiciorum in criminosos, per ignobiles fieri convenit: Nam earum actores, infames solent esse ipso facto, quo & ipsi de inde ad iudicialem apicem redduntur indigni: non enim per angelos, sed per daemones, exequi facit dominus judicia sua reddita in damnatos. Nec revera in purgatorio cruciant animas, quam vis praedestinatas ad gloriam angeli boni, sed mali. Maligni etiam homines sunt perquos dominus in hoc mundo, miseris tribuit malum paenae. Nam, cum dixerat Deus iij. Regum in Capitulo vicesimo secundo: Quis decipiet mihi Ahab? malus erat spiritus, ille, qui respondit: Ego ero spiritus mendax in ore omnium Prophetarum eius. Non enim decuit spiritum bonum exequi talia, licet a domino prodijt judicium, quod Achab mendacio deciperetur. Sed dicet judex forsan: Ego nihil egi manibus meis in cruciatibus istis. Sed quid refert proprijs facere manibus, an praesentem esse, & quod factum est, mandato suo iterum atque iterum aggra●are: Solum magister navis est qui eam ducit ad portum, licet eius mandato alij agitent proram. Credo quod vulnus, quo sauciatur animus judicis paenas huiusmodi infligentis, nunquam in cica●●cem veniet, maxime dum recolit a●erbitatem paena●u● miseri sic afflicti.    

Here he showeth that the Civil Law often faileth in doing of justice. Chap. 23.  

PRaeterea, si ex contractibus, illatisue iniurijs, vel haereditatis titulo, ius accreverit homini agendi in judicio: si testes non fuerint, vel, si qui fuerint, moriantur, succumbet ipse agens in causa sua, nisi ius suum probare valeat inevitabilibus coniecturis, qd facere crebro non contingit. Quare de domi nijs & alijs possessionibus iure civili regulatis, similiter & in omnibus actionibus cadentibus sub eodem iure, actiones agentium pro defectu testium quam pluries suffocantur, ita quod earum vix pars media optatum finem sortiatur. Qualis tunc est lex huiusmodi, quae iniuratis, taliter deficit in justitia reddenda? dubito an ●usta vocari mereatur, quia in eadem lege scribitur quod justitia vnicuiqu● tribuit quod suum est, quod non faciat lex talis.   

Moreover, if by reason of bargaining, or by suffering of injuries, or by Title of inheritance, right do accrue to a man, to plead in judgement: If there be no witnesses, or if such as were witnesses be dead, the Plaintiff must needs let his Action fall, except he be able to prove his right by inevitable conjectures, which is seldom seen. Wherhfore concerning lordships, and other possession ruled by the Civil Law, And in all Actions falling under the same Law, the Actions of the Plaintiffs, for want of witnesses, many times are choked, so that scant the half part of them attaineth to the desired end. What manner of law than is this, which to them that sustain wrong thus faileth in yielding justice? I doubt whether it deserveth to be called a just Law, because in the same Law it is written, that justice rendereth to every man that which is his own, But this cannot such a Law do.    

Here he declareth, how Counties are divided, and Sheriffs chosen. Chap. 24.  

EXposita iam forma, qua leges Civiles de veritate facti in judicio deducti judicem erudiunt, superest ut modum, quo leges Angliae huiusmodi facti eliciunt veritatem etiam doceamus. Nam ambarum legum formulis contigue positis, qualitates earundum lucidius eminebunt: cum dicat Philosophus, quod opposita juxta se posita magis apparent, Sed in hoc, Oratorum more (Prohemij loco) quaedam praenarrare congruet, quorum agnitione, deinde tractanda clarius patere queant, quare sic procedimus. Regnum Angliae per Comitatus, ut regnum Franciae per Ballivatus, distinguitur, ita ut non sit locus in Anglia, qui non sit infra corpus alicuius comitatus. Comitatus quoque dividuntur in Hundreda, quae alicubi Wapentagia, nuncupantur. Hundreda vero dividuntur per Villas, sub quarum appellatione continentur & Burgi atque Civitates. Villarum etinim metae, non muris, aedificijs, aut stratis terminantur, sed agrorum ambitubus, territorijs magnis, Hamiletis quibusdam & multis alijs, sicut aquarum, boscorum & vastorum terminis, quae iam non expedit nominibus designare, quia vix in Anglia est locus aliquis, qui non infra villarum ambitus contineatur, licet privilegiati loci quidam infra villas de eisdem villis pars esse non censentur. Praeterea in quolibet comitatu est officiarius quidam unus, regis vicecomes appellatus, qui inter caetera sui Officij ministeria omnium mandata & judicia curiarum regis in comitatu suo exequenda, exequitur, cuius officium annale est, quò ei post annum, in eodem ministrare non licet, nec duobus tunc sequentibus annis ad idem officium reassumetur. Officiarius iste sic eligitur. Quolibet anno in crastino animarum, conveniunt in scaccario regis omnes consiliarij eius tam domini Spirituales & temporales, quam alij oens iusticiarij, omnes Barones de scaccario, Clericus rotulorum, & quidam alij officiarij, ubi hij oens communi assensu, nominant de quolibet comitatu tres milites vel armigeros, quos inter caeteros eiusdem comitatus ipsi opinantur melioris esse dispositionis & famae, & ad officium vicecomitis comitatus illius melius dispositos: ex quibus Rex unum tantum eligit, quem per literas suas patentes constituit Vicecomitem comitatus, de quo eligitur pro anno tunc sequent: sed ipse, antequam literas illas recipiat, iurabit super sancta dei evangelia, inter articulos alios, quod bene fidelitet & indifferenter exercebit & faciet officium suum toto anno illo, neque aliquid recipiet colore aut causa officij sui, ab aliquo alio quam a rege.  
His iam sic praesuppositis, ad eorum, quae quaerimus, indaginem procedamus.   

NOw that we have opened, after what manner the Civil Laws do inform a judge of the truth of a matter brought into judgement, it is consequent to declare by what means the laws of England do boult out the truth of such a matter. For the orders of both the Laws being laid together, the qualities of them both will more plainly appear: forsomuch as the Philosopher saith, that contraries, placed one by an other, will show themselves more evidently. But herein, after the manner of Orators, in stead of a Proheme, it shall not be amiss, that we open certain things before, the knowledge whereof will give light to things which hereafter shall come in talk, wherefore thus we do proceed. The Realm of England is divided into Counties, as the Realm of France, is into bailiwicks, so that in England there is no place that is not within the body of some County. Counties also are divided into Hundreds, which somewhere are called Wapentages. And Hundreds are divided into Villages, under which appellation are contained boroughs, and Cities. For the bounds of villages are not contained within the circuit of Walls, Buildings, or Streets, but within the compass of Fields, great Territories, certain hamlets, and many other, as of Waters, Woods and waste Grounds, which it is not needful now to set forth by their names: because that in England there is scant any place, which is not contained within the compass of villages, though certain Privileged places within villages, are supposed to be no parcel of the same villages. Moreover in every County there is one certain officer called the King's Sheriff, which among other duties belonging to his Office, putteth in execution all the commandments and judgements of the king's courts, that are to be executed within his counties: His office endureth but for one year, so that after the expiration of the year, he may not minister in that Office, Neither shall he, within two years next ensuing, be admitted to the same Office again. This officer is thus chosen. Every year, the morrow after All soul's day, all the kings Counsellors meet together in the King's Exchequer, aswell the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, as all other justices, all the Barons of the Exchequer, the Master of the Rolls, and certain other Officers, where all these with one common assent do name of every County three Knights or Esquires, whom among other of the same County they take to be of good disposition & fame, and best disposed to the Office of Sheriff of that County: Of the which three the King chooseth one, whom, by his letters patents, he appointeth sheriff of the County, that he is chosen of, for the year then following: But he, before he receive his patent, shall swear upon the holy Gospel, among other articles, that he shall well and faithfully and indifferently exercise and do his office all that year, and that he shall receive or take nothing of any other man then the King, by colour or mean of his office.  
These things being thus now presupposed, let us proceed to the search of those things that we seek for.    

¶ How jurours must be chosen and sworn. Ch. 25.  

QVotiescunque contendentes in curijs regis Angliae, ad extium placi ti super materia facti devenerint, concito justiciarij ꝑ breve Regis scribunt vicecomiti comitatus in quofactum illud fieri supponitur, qd ipse venire faciat coram eisdem justiciarijs, ad certum diem ꝑ eos limitatum, duodecim probos & legales homines, de vicineto, ubi illud factum supponitur: qui neutram partium sic placitant●ū ulla affinitate attingunt, Ad recognoscendum super eorum sacramenta, si factum illud factum fuerit, sicut una earundem partium dicit: vel non, sicut altera parsnegat Quo adveniente die, vicecōes returnabit breve predict' corā●isdē justiciarijs, una cum panello nominum eorum, quos ipse ad hoc sūmonu●●, quos (si venerint) utraque pars recusare poterit, dicendo qd vicec' panellunillud favorabiliter fecit ꝓ part altera▪ uz. de personis minus indifferentibus: Quae exceptio, si conꝑta fuerit vera per sacramentum duorum hominum de eodem panello ad hoc ꝑ Iusticiar' electorum mox panellum illud quassabitur, & justi ciarij tunc scribent Coronatoribus eiusdem comitatus qd ipsi nowm faciant panellum. Qd cum fece●īt, si & illud consimiliter reꝑtum fuerit viciatum, etiam & illud quassabitur: Et tunc Iustic' cligēt duos de clericis curiae illius, vel alios de codem comita tu, qui in p̄ entia curiae ꝑ eorum sacramenta facient indifferens panellum, qd deinde per nullam partium illarum calumniabitur: Sed cum venerint sic impanellatiin cu ria, quaelibet part●um excipere potest contra personam cuiuscunque eorum, sicut & potest in omni casu & omni ●empore quo aliquis qualitercumque impanellatus, compatuerit in curnsuper veritate exitus huiusmodi iuraturus, dicendo, qd impanellatus ille, est consanguineus, vel affinis parti alteri, velamicitia quacunque tali sibi coniunctus, qd indifferens ipse non est ostendere inter eos veritatem▪ qualium exceptionum tot sunt genera & species, qd non licet eas brevi explicare sermone. Quarum si aliqua repe●ta fuerit vera, non tunc iurabitur ille contra quem exceptio illa proponitur, sed cancel●abitur nomen eius in panello. Sic quoque fiet de omnibus nominibus impannellatorum, quousque xii. eorum iurentur ita indifferentes, quod versus eos neutra partium habeat aliquam materiam calumpniae: horum autem xii. ad minus iiij. erunt de hundredo, ubi villa in qua factum de quo contēditut, fieri suponitur, sita est: & quilibet iuratorum huiusmodi habebit terras vel redditus pro termino vitae suae, adminus ad valorem annuum xl.s. Et hic ordo obseruatur in omnibus actionibus & causis criminalibus, realibus, & personalibus, praeter quam ubi damna vel debitum in personalibus non excedunt xl. marcas monetae Anglicae, quia tunc non requiritur, quod iuratores in actionibus huiusmodi tantum expendere possint. Habebunt tamen terram vel redditum, ad valorem competentem, juxta discretionem iusticiariorum, alioquin ipsi minime iurabuntur, ne ꝑ inediam & paupertatem iuratorum huiusmodi, de facili val●ant corrumpi aut subornari. Et si per tales exceptiones, tot iuratorum nomina in panello cancellentur, qd non remaneat numerus sufficiens ad faciendam inde iuratam tunc mandabitur vicecomiti per breve regis, quod ipse apponat plures iuratores, qd & sepius fieri potest, ita quod inquisitio veritatis super exitu placiti non remanebit ob defectum iuratorum. Et haec est forma, qualiter iuratores & veritatis hm̄●i inquisitores eligi debent in curia regis similiter & iurari●: quare, quomodo ipsi de veritate illa dicenda onerari debent & in formari, iam restat ut quaeramus.   

AS often as suitors in the courts of the King of England, are come to the issue of their plea upon the matter of the fact, forthwith the justices by virtue of the Kings writ, do writ unto the Sheriff of the County, wherein the deed is supposed to be done, that he do cause to come before the same justices at a certain day by them limited, xii. good and lawful men, neighbours to the place where the fact is supposed to be done: the same to be such as be of no kin to either of the pleaders, to the end that by their oaths it may certainly be known, whether the deed were done as the one party affirmeth, or else as the other party denieth. Upon the day aforesaid, the Sheriff shall return the said Writ before the same justices, together with the panel of their names, which he hereunto hath summoned: When they are come, either party may refuse them, alleging that the Sheriff hath made that panel favourably for the other party, of persons not indifferent: Which exception, if it be found true by the oath of two men of the same panel chosen thereunto by the justices, that panel shall immediately be quassed: and then the justices shall writ to the Coroners of the same county, that they shall make a new panel. Which when they have done, if it be likewise found faulty, it shall also be quassed: And then the justices shall elect and choose two of the Clerks of the same court, or other of the same County, which in the presence of the court upon their oaths shall make an indifferent panel, which by neither of the parties shall be challenged: Howbeit, when the men so impanelled are come into the court, either of the parties may make exceptions against the parson of any of them, as he may also do in all cases and at all times, when any man by any means empaneled that appear to be sworn in the court upon the truth of such an issue: saying, that the person empaneled is cousin or allied to the other party, or by any kind of amity so knit unto him that he is not indifferent to declare the truth between them: and of these exceptions there are so many kinds and sorts, that they cannot be in few words rehearsed. Whereof if any one be found true, them shall not he be sworn, against whom the exception is proposed, but his name shall be canceled in the panel. So also shall be done of all the names of the persons empaneled until xii. of them so indifferent be sworn, that neither party can have against them any matter of exception or challenge: Also of these xii. iiii. at the least shallbe of the hundred, where the village standeth, wherein the fact whereupon the suit riseth, is supposed to be done: And every such Iurer shall have lands or revenues for term of life, at the lest, to the yearly value of xl.s. And this order is observed & kept in all actons and causes criminal, real, and personal, saving where the damages or debt in actions personal exceedeth not the sum of xl. marks of English money: For than it is not requisite, that jurors in such actions, shall be able to dispend so much. Yet they shall have land or rents to a competent value after the discretion of the justices, Otherwise they shall not be sworn, jest for need & poverty, such jurors might easily be corrupt & suborned. And if by such exceptions so many jurors names be canceled in the panel, that their remaineth not a sufficient number to make thereof a jury, than the Sheriff by the King's writ shall be commanded to adjoin more jurors, which thing ma● often be done, so that for lack of jurors, the inquisition of the truth upon such a plea shall not remain. And this is the form, how jurors, & inquisitors of truth aught to be chosen in the kings court, & likewise to be sworn: Wherhfore, how they most be charged and in form of the uttering of the same truth, this now resteth to be discussed.    

¶ How jurors aught to be informed by evidences and witnesses. Chap. 26.  

IVratis demum in forma praedicta xii. ꝓbis & legalibus hominibus habentibus ultra mobilia sua possessiones, ut praedicitur▪ sufficientes, unde eorum statum ipsi continere poterunt, & nulli partium suspectis nec invisis, sed eisdem vicinis, legetur●n anglico coram eis per curiam, totum recordum & processus placiti, quod pēdetinter partes, ac diludice exponetur eye exitus placiti, de cuius veritate iurati illi, curiam certificabunt: quibus peractis, utraque partium ꝑ se vel consiliarios suos, inpnsentia curiae, referet & manifest● bit eisdem iuratis, oens & singulas materias & evidentias, quibus eos docere se posse credit veritatem exitus taliter placitati. Et tunc adducere potest utraque pars coram eisdem justi ciarijs & iuratis, oē● & singulos testes, quos pro part sua, ipsa ꝓducere velit, qui super sancta dei evangelia, per justiciarios one●ati, testificabuntur omnia quae cognoscunt probantia veritatem facti, de quo partes contendunt. Et si necessitas exegerit, dividantur testes huiusmodi, donec ipsi de posuerint quicquid velint, ita qd dictum unius, non docebit aut concitabit eorum alium ad consimiliter testificandum. Quibus consummatis, postquam iuratores illi deinde ad eorum libitum, super veritate exitus hmndi, deliberatione, quan tam ipsi obtabunt, colloquium habuerint: in custodia ministrorum curiae, in loco eis ad hoc assignato, ne interim eos aliqui subornare valeant, revenient illi in curiam, & certificabunt iusticiarios super veritate exitus sic iuncti, in praesentia partium (si interesse velint) & maxime petentis. Quorum iuratorum dictum ꝑleges Angliae, veredictum nuncupatur, & tunc secundum hmndi veridicti qualitatem, iusticiarij reddent & formabunt judicium suum. Tamen, si pars altera, contra quam veredictum hmndi ꝓlatum est, conque raturse ꝑ illud injust esse gravatum, ꝓseq tunc potest pars illa, versus iuratores illos, & versus partem quae obtinuit, breve de attincta, Virtute cuius, si compertum fuerit per sacramentum xxiv. hominum▪ in forma praenotata retornatorum, electorum & iuratorum, qui multo maiora habebunt patrimonia, quam iuratores primi▪ quod ●●dem primi iuratores falsum fecerunt sacramentum, corpora eorundem primorum iuratorum prisonae regis commit ē●ur, bona eorum con●●scabūtur, ac omnes possessiones eorundem in manus regis capientur, domus quoque eorum & aedificia prosternentur, boscisuccidentur, & prata arabuntur, ipsi etiam iuratores primi extunc infames erunt, nec alicubi recipientur in testimonium veritatis: & pars, quae succub●it in priori placito, restituetur ad omnia, quae ipse perdidit occasione eius. Quis tunc (etsi immemor salutis animae suae fuerit) non formidine tantae poenae, & verecundia tantae infamiae, veritatem non diceret sic iuratus? & si unus forsan tantus sui ho●●ris prodigus esse non pepercerit, aliqui tamen iuratorum tantorum famam svam non negligent, neque bona & possessiones suas taliter distrahi patientur, propria culpa sua. Nonne iam, hic ordo revelandi veritatem, potior & efficatior est, quam est processus, qualem pariunt Civiles leges? Non hic periunt causae aut ius alicuius, per mortem aut ob defectum testium, non hic producuntur testes ignoti, conducticij, pauperes, vagi, inconstantes, aut quorum conditiones vel maliciae ignorantur. Vicini sunt testes isti, de proprijs vivere potentes, famae integrae, & opinionis illaesae, non per partem in curiam ducti, sed per officiarium nobilem & indifferentem electi, & coram judice venire compulsi. Isti omnia sciunt, quae testes deponere norunt, & isti testium ꝓductorum agnoscunt constantias, inconstantiasque & famam. Quid ultra? verè nihil est, quod veritatem dubij, de quo contendi poterit, detegere valebit, quod iuratoribus talibus latere quomodo libet potest aut ignorari, dummodo possibile sit, illud venire posse in agnitionem humanam.   

Twelve good & lawful men being at the last sworn in form aforesaid having beside their movables, sufficient possessions as afore is declared whereby they may be able to maintain their own states, & being to neither par●y suspect or hated, but neighbours to them both, them shall be read before them in English by the court, all the record & process of the plea depending between the parties, with a plain declaration of the issue of the plea, touching the truth whereof those sworn men shall certify the Court: which things being done, either party by himself or his Counsellors, in the presence of the Court, shall utter and open to the said sworn men, all & singular matters and Evidences, whereby he thinketh he may best inform them of the truth of the issue so impleaded. And then may either party bring before the same justices and sworn men, all and singular such witnesses on his behalf, as he will produce, Who by the justices being charged upon the holy Gospel of God, shall testify all things proving the truth of the fact, whereupon the parties contend. And if need so require, those witnesses shall be severed and divided, till they have deposed all that they will, so that the saying of one shall not move or provoke another to testify the like. The premises being done, then after that those jurors have had talk at their pleasure, upon the truth of that issue, with as much deliberation as themselves shall require, in the keeping of the ministers of the Court, within a place to them for the same purpose assigned, to the intent that no man in the mean time may corrupt them, they shall return into the Court, and certify the justices upon the verity of the issue so joined, in the presence of both the parties, (if they will be there) and specially of the plaintiff. The report of which jurors, by the laws of England, is called a verdict, by the which word is meant, a true report, or a report of the truth: And then according to the quality of that verdict the justices shall frame and form their judgement. Notwithstanding, if the other party, against whom the verdict is given, complain, that he is thereby unjustly grieved, than the same party may sue a writ of attaint against those jurors, and against the party that hath prevailed By force of which Writ, if it shall be found by the oath of twenty and four men, in form aforesaid returned, elect, and sworn, which shall be men of much greater livings, than the first jurors were, that the same first jurors have made a false oath, than the bodies of the same first jurors shall be committed to the King's Prison, their goods shall be confiscate, and all their possessions shall be seized into the King's hands, their Houses also and Buildings shall be razed and thrown down, their Woods felled, and their Meadow grounds ploughed, And also the same first jurors shall for ever after be noted for infamed persons, and shall in no place be received to testify the truth: And the party, which in the former plea had the overthrow, shall be restored to all things, which by occasion thereof he hath lost. Who then, though be regard not his soul's health, yet for fear of so great punishment, and for shame of so great infamy, would not upon his oath declare the truth? And if one man peradventure have so little respect to his honour or estimation, yet some of so many juroures will not neglect their own good fame, nor will not through their own default, suffer themselves thus to be spoiled of their goods and possessions. Is not this order now for the bolting out of the truth better and more effectual, than the process which the Civil laws do procure? Here no cause, for no man's right quaileth through death or for want of witness, Hear are not brought forth unknown witnesses, hired persons, poor men, vagabonds unconstant people, or such, whose condition and naughtiness is unknown. These witnesses are neighbours able to live of their own, of good name and fame, of honest report, not brought into the Court by the party, but by a worshipful and indifferent Officer chosen, and so compelled to come before the judge. These know all, that the witnesses are able to depose, and they know also the constancy and unconstancy of the witnesses, and what report goeth upon them. And what will ye have more. Doubtless, there is nothing, that may disclose the truth of any doubt falling in contention, which can in any wise be hid from such jurors, so that it be possible for the same to come to man's knowledge.    

¶ Here he showeth, how causes criminal, are determined in England. Chap. 27.  

SEd quomodo in criminalibus leges Angliaescrutantur veritatem etiam rima re pernecessariunest, ve & in eis plenary agnita ambarum legum forma, quae earum efficacius latentem revelat veritatem certius agnoscamus. Si reus quispiam de felonia aut proditione in Anglia rettatus, crimen suum coram judicibus dedicat, mox vicecomes comitatus, ubi facinus illud commissum est, venire faciet coram eisdem judicibus, viginti quatuor probos & legales homines de vicineto villae, ubi illud factum est, qui rettatus illum nulla affinitate attingunt, & quorum quilibet C.s. habeat terrae & redditus ad certificandum Iudic' illos super criminis il lius veritate. Quibus comparentibus, rettatus ille eos calumpniare potest, eadem forma, qua in actionibus realibus fieri debere superius describitur. Et insuper reus ipse in favorem vitae suae calumpni are potest 35. honines, quos ipse maxim for midat, qui ad eius calumpniam cancellabunt in panello aut signis talibus notabus tur, quod (ut verbis legis utar) illi super eum non transibunt, licet ipse nullam causam assignare sciat exceptionis seu calumpniae suae. Quis tunc mori posset inique in Anglia pro crimine, cum tot iwamina habere ille poterit ob favorem vitae suae, & non nisi vicini eius, probi & fideles homines, versus quos ipse nullam habet materiam excaeptionis, eum condemnare poterunt? Mallem revera viginti facinorosos mortem pietate evadere, quam justum unum injust condemnari. Nec tamen reum quempiam sub hac forma, reatus sui paenam evadere posse suspicandum est, dum eius vita et mo res timori deinceps erunt eis, qui eum sic purgarunt a crimine. In hoc equidem processu, nihil est crudele, nihil inhumanum, nec laedi poterit innocens in corpore aut membris suis: Quare nec formidabit ille calūpniam inimicorum eius, quia non torquebitur iste ad arbitrium ipsorum. Sub hac igitur lege vivere quietu et securum est. judica ergo, Princeps optime, quae legum harum tibi electissima foret, si tu priuatam spirares vitam.   

BUt it is also necessarrie to discuss, how in matters criminal, the laws of England do fetch out the truth, that perfectly understanding the form of both the Laws, we may the more certainly perceive and know, whether of them both doth more effectually discover the hidden truth. If any man accused of felony or treason in England, do at his arraignment before the same judges deny the offence, forthwith the Sheriff of the County, where the deed was done shall 'cause to come before the same judges four & twenty good and lawful men dwelling nigh to the village, where the fact was done, such men as to the party accused be nothing allied: and such as every of them hath an hundredth shill●nges of Lands and Revenues, to certify the judges upon the truth of the crime. Which at their appearance the party accused may challenge, in like sort as in actions real may be done, as afore is described. And moreover the same party in favour of his life may challenge five and thirty men such as he most feareth: which upon his challenge shall be canceled in the panel: or shall be noted with such marks, that they shall not pass upon him: though he be not able to show any cause of his exception and challenge. Who then can unjustly die in England for any criminal offence, seeing he may have so many helps for the favour of his life, and that none may condemn him but his neighbours, good and lawful men, against whom he hath no matter of exception. Indeed I would rather wish twenty evil doers to escape death through pity, than one man to be unjustly condemned. And yet it is not to be suspected, that any offender can under this form, escape the punishment of his offence, forasmuch as his life and conversation shall be afterward a terror to them that have thus cleared him of the crime. In this kind of proceeding there is no cruelty or extremity used, Neither can the innocent & unguilty person be hurt in his body or limbs: Wherhfore he shall not stand in fear of the slander of his enemies, because he shall not be racked or tormented at their will and pleasure. Thus under this Law a man may pass his life with quietness and safety. judge you therefore, most noble Prince, whether of these laws ye had rather choose, if you should live a private life.    

¶ The Prince granteth the Laws of England to be more commodious for the subjects, than the Civil Laws in the case now disputed. Chap. 28.  

CVi Princeps, arduu ambiguumue, Cancellarie, non conspicio, qd morosum me titubantemue redderet in electione rei, quam interrogas. Nam quis non sub lege, qua secu●am ducere posset vitam, vivere po●●ú● eligeret quam sub legetali, sub qua inermem, inde●ensumque sesemper redderet sae●●●●ae omnium ●●●●corū eius? Vere tutus quisquam esse non poterit in corpore aut in bonis, quem ●imicus eius (in omni causa) convincere poterit, testibus d●obus etiam ignotis, ꝑ●p̄mmet electis & ꝓductis. Et licet quis mortem, per dicta eorum, subire non cogatur, parum tamen relevatur ipse qui mortem evasit, contractione neruorum, & membrorum svorum, atque corporis eius languore ꝑpetuo. Tali revera discrimini impellere potest inimici astutia omnem hominem qui sub lege degit, quam tu iam dudum explicasti. Sed tale ma●um operari nequiunt testes, qui depositiones suas faciunt, in posentia duodecim fide dignorum viro●um, facto vicinorum, de quo agitur, & circumstantijs eius: qui & noscunt eorundem testium mores, maxime si vicini ipsi fuerint, noscunt etiam, & si ipsi sint ctedulitate digni. Omnes etiam duodecim tales latere omnino non poterit, quicquid actum est, per, aut inter vicinos eorum. Nosco namque ego certius, quae iam aguntur hic in Barro, ubi sum modo conversatus, quam quae in Anglia fiunt. Nec effugere posse puto notitiam probi viri ea, quae aguntur, licet quodammodo occult, prope domicilium eius. Sed tamen cur praedicta lex Angliae quae tam frugi & optabilis est non est toti mundo communis, vehementer admiror.   

WHereunto the Prince answered and said: I see no hard or strange matter, good Chancellor, that should make me doubtful or dangerous in the election and choice of the thing that ye ask. For who would not rather choose to live under that Law, where-under he might live in security, then under that Law, which would set him naked and succourless against the cruelty of his enemies? verily, no man can be safe in body or goods, whom his adversary may convince in every cause, with two unknown witnesses of his own choosing and bringing forth. And though a man be not compelled by their sayings to die, yet is he little relieved, that hath escaped death, being shrunk in all his sinews and limones and cast into a perpetual impotency of his body, And truly into such danger may the craft of a spiteful person bring any man, that liveth under the Law, which here while you speak of. But such mischief and inconvenience cannot be wrought vy witnesses, that make their depositions in the presence of twelve credible men, neighbours to the deed, that is presently in question, and to the circumstances of the same: which also know the manners and conditions of the same witnesses, especially if they be nigh dwellers, and know also, whether they be men worthy to be credited or no. And further all those twelve can not be ignorant in those things, that were done by and among their neighbours. For I know more certainly the things that are done here in Berry, where I am now remaining, than those things that are done in England. Neither do I think, that things can be kept from the knowledge of a good and honest man, being done nigh to his house and almost under his nose, be they never so secretly done. But yet I marvel much, why th● foresaid law of England, which is so good and commodious, is not common to all the whole world.    

¶ Why inquests are not made by jurors of xii. men in other Realms, as well as in England. Chap. 29.  

YOur highness came very young out of England (quoth the Chancellor) so that the disposition and quality of that land is unknown unto you. Which if ye know, and should compare therewith the commodities and qualities of other Countries, you would nothing marvel at these things, which now do trouble your mind. Indeed England is so fertile and fruitful, that comparing quantity to quantity, it surmounteth all other lands in fruitfulness, Yea it bringeth forth fruit of itself, scant provoked by man's industry and labour. For there the Lands, the Fields, the Groves, and the Woods, do so abundantly springe, that the same untilled do commonly yield to their owners more profit then tilled, though else they be most fruitful of Corn and Graine. There also are Fields of pasture enclosed with Hedges and Ditches, with Trees planted and growing upon the same, which are a defence to their herds of Sheep, and cattle, against storms and heat of the Sun, And the pastures are commonly watered, so that cattle shut and closed therein, have no need of keeping, neither by day, nor by night. For there be no Wolves, nor Bears, nor Lions, Wherhfore their Sheep lie night by night in the Fields unkept within their Folds wherewith their Land is manured. By the means whereof, the men of that Country are scant troubled with any painful labour, Wherhfore they live more spiritually, as did the aun●ient Fathers, which did ●ather choose to keep and feed cattle, than ●o disturb the quietness of the mind with care of Husbandry.  
And hereof it cometh, that men of this Country are more apt and fit to discern in doubtful causes of great examination and trial, then are men wholly given to moiling in the ground: in whom that rural exercise engendereth rudeness of wit and mind. Moreover the same Country is so filled and replenished with Landed men, that therein so small a thorpe cannot be found, wherein dwelleth not a Knight, an Esquire, or such a Housholder, as is there commonly called a franklayne, enriched with great possessions. And also other Freeholders, and many Yeomen able for their liveloodes to make a jury in form afore mentioned. For there be in that Land divers Yeomen, which are able to dispend by the year above a hundred pounds, Wherhfore the juries afore declared, are there very often made, specially in great matters, of Knights, Esquires, and others, whose possessions in the whole amounteth yearly above the sum of five hundred marks.  
Wherhfore it cannot be thought, that such men can be suborned, or that they will be perjured, not only for that they have before their eyes the fear of God, but also, for that they have a careful regard to the preservation of their Honours, and to the eschewing of reproach, and damage thereupon ensuing, and also that their heiers be not impeached through their infamy. After this manner, O mighty Prince, are none other Realms of the world disposed and inhabited.  
For though there be in them men of great power, of great riches, and possessions, yet they devil not one nigh to another, as such great men do in England, Neither so many inheritors and possessors of Land are elsewhere, as in England.  
For in a whole town of any other Country, it is hard to find one man, which for his liveloode is able to be received into a jury. For there, except it be in Cities, and walled Towns, very few there be, beside Noble men, that have any possessions of Lands or other immovables. The Noble men also have there small store of pasture, And to labour in vineyards, or to put their hands to the plough, that is unfit for their estate and degree, And yet in vineyards, and eareable ground, consisteth the Substance of their possessions, saving only a few fields next adjoining to great rivers, and saving also certain Woods. the pastures whereof are common to their tenants and neighbours. How then can a jury be made in such Countries of twelve substantial men, nigh adjoining to the place of any deed brought in judgement, seeing they cannot be called neighbours that devil so far a sunder. Truly twelve sworn men, there, must needs be far distant from the place of the deed, when the defendant in those Countries hath challenged thirty five men of the next dwellers, without showing any cause why: Wherhfore, in those lands a jury must be made, either of such, as devil far off from the place of the deed that is in controversy, and therefore cannot attain to the knowledge of the truth thereof, or else it must be made of poor men, that be not ashamed of infamy, neither do fear the loss of their goods, which they have not, They also blinded wi●h rustical and brute rudeness, are not able to behold the clear brightness of the truth.  
Marvel not therefore most worthy Prince, if the Law, whereby the truth is sifted out in England, be not frequented and used in other nations, For they are not able to make sufficient and like juries, as be made in England.   

CAncellarius, juvenis recessisti (Princeps) ab Anglia, quo tibi ignota est dispositio, & qualitas terrae illius, quas si agnoveris, & caeterarum regionum emolumenta qualitatesque eisdem comparaveris, non admirareris ea, quibus iam agitatur animus tuus Anglia sane tam fertilis est, quod quantitate ad quantitatem comparata, ipsa caeteras omnes quasi regiones exsuperat ubertate fructuum, etiam suum ultro ipsa ꝓfert, vix industria bominis concitata. Nam agri e●us, campi, saltus, & nemora, tanta fecunditate germina ebulliunt, ut inculta illa, saepe plus commodi afferant possessoribus suis, quam arata, licet fertilissima ipsa sint segitum, & bladorum. Includuntur quoque in terra illa pasturarum arua, fossatis, & sepibus, desuper arboribus plantatis, quibus muniuntur a procellis & aestu solis, eorum greges & armenta, ipsae que pasturae ut plurimum irriguae sunt quo infra earum claustra reclusa animalia, custodia non egent, per diem, nec per noctem. Nam ibi lupi non sunt, ursi, nec Leones, quare de nocte oves eorum incustoditae in campis recumbunt, in caulis, & ovilibus, quibus impinguantur terrae eorum. unde homines patriae illius, vix operis sudore gravantur, quare spiritu ipsi magis viwnt, ut fecerunt patres antiqui, qui pascere malebant greges quam animi quietem agriculturae solicitudine turbare.  
Ex quibus, homines regionis istius, apti magis redduntur & dispositi ad discernendum in causis, quae magni sunt examinis, quam sunt viri, qui telluris operibus inhabitantes, ex ruris familiaritate mentis contrahunt ruditatem. Regio etiam illa, ita respersa, refertaque est possessoribus terrarum & agrorum, quod in ea, villola tam parva reperiri non poterit, in qua non est miles, armiger, vel paterfainlias, qualis ibidem Franklain vul gariternuncupatur, magnis ditatus possessionibus, necnon libere tenentes alij, & Valecti plurimin, suis patrimonijs susficientes, ad faciendum iuratam in forma praenotata. Sunt namque valecti diversi in regione illa, qui plusquam sexcenta scuta per annum expendere possunt, quo iuratae superius descriptae, saepissime in regione illa fiunt, praesertim in ingentibus causis, de militibus, armigeris, & alijs, quorum possessiones in universo excedunt duo millia scutorum per annum. Quare cogitari nequit, tales subornari posse, vel periurarī velle, nedum ob timorem Dei, sed & ob honorem suum conseruandum, & vituperium, dampnum quoque inde consequu●iuū evitandum, etiam, ne eorum haeredes ipsorum laedantur infamia. Taliter, fili regis, disposita, inhab●tata que non sunt aliqua alia mundi regna.  
Nam licet in eis sint viri magnae potentiae, magnarum opum & possessionum, non tamen eorum unus prope moratur ad alterum, ut in Anglia tanti morantur viri, nec tanta, ut ibi, haereditatorum est copia & possidentium terras.  
Vix enim in villata una regionum aliarum reperiri poterit vir unus pàtrimonio sufficiens, ut in iuratis ipse ponatur. Nam raró ibidem, aliqui praeter nobiles reperiunt●r, possessores agrorum, aliorumue immobilium, extra civitates & muratas villas. Nobiles quoque ibidem, pasturarum copiam non habent, & vineas colere, aut aratro manus apponere statui eorum non convenit, tamen in vineis & terris arabilibus consistit substantia possessionum eorum, exceptis solum pratis quibusdam, adiacentibus magnis riparijs & exceptis boscis, quorum pasturae communes sunt tenentibus, & vicinis suis. Quomodo tunc in regionibus talibus iurata fieri poterit, ex duodecim probis hominibus de vicineto, ubi factum aliquod in judicio deducitur, cum vicini dici non poterunt, qui tanta distantia distinguuntur? Vere remotos multum a facto duodecim iuratos ibidem esse opportebit, postquam reus in regionibus illis, triginta quinque (sine assignata causa) de propinqunioribus calumniauerit: quare aut de multum remotis a facto, de quo contenditur, qui veritatem facti non agnoscunt, in regnis illis oportebit facere iuratam, aut de pauperibus, quibus non est verecundia infamiae, nec timor iacturae bonorum suorum, cum ipsa non sint, ipsi etiam rusticitatis ruditate obcecati, veritatis claritatem nequeunt intueri.  
Non igitur mireris, Princeps, si Lex, qua in Anglia veritas inquiritur, alias non pervagetur nationes, ip sae namque, ut Anglia, facere nequeunt sufficientes consimilésque iuratas.    

¶ Hear the Prince commendeth, the Laws of England, of their proceeding by juries. Chap. 30.  

TVnc Princeps, Comparationes odiosas esse licet dixerimus, lex tamen Civilis, in comparatione per te facta, omni se purgabit à crimine: quia, licet ei Legem Angliae tu praetulcris, odium inde ipsa non meretur, dum neque eam, neque conditores eius increpasti: sed solum patriam, ubi illa regit, causam esse demonstrasti, quod non tam optabili processu, ut lex Angliae, ipsa in dubijs elicit veritatem. Legem vero Angliae, in casu iam per te disputato, accommodatiorem esse regno illi, quam est lex Civilis, ambigere non sinimur, quo, eam pro Civili commutare non appetimus: Sed tamen haec Leges Angliae praeeminentia, ab alterius crimine non evenit, solum enim eam, Angliae fertilitas sic causavit.   

THough we have said, (qd the Prince) that comparisons are odious, ●et the Civil Law in the comparison by you made, hath cleared itself from all blame: For, though you have proved the Law of England to be of more excellency than it, yet it deserveth not thereby to be odious, for so much as you have blamed neither it, nor the makers thereof: But have showed the country, where it ruleth to be the only cause, why it doth not, in matters of doubt try out the truth with so commendable a kind of proceeding, as the Law of England doth. But as touching that the Law of England, in the case by you now discussed, is more fit and meet for that realm, than the Civil law, hereof we may not doubt: Wherhfore, we are not desirous to change it for the Civil law: Howbeit this pre-eminence of the Law of England, proceedeth not of the fault of the other, for it is only the fertility of England, that hath caused it to be such as it is.    

¶ The Prince doubteth, whether this proceeding by a jury, be repugnant to God's law, or not. Chap. 31.  

SEd, licet non infimé, Cancellarie, nos delectet forma, qua leges Angiae in contentionibus revelant veritatem, tamen, an modus ille sacrae repugnet scripturae, vel non, paululum agitamur: Ait namque Dominus Phariseis, Iohan viii. In lege vestra scriptum est, quia duorum hominum testimonium verum est, & huic applaudens Dominus inquit: Ego sum, qui testimonium perhibeo de me ipso, & testimonium perhibet de me, qui misit me, pater. Pharisaei quip judaei erant unde idem erat dicere, in lege vestra scriptum est, & in lege Moysaica (quae à Domino, per Moysen filijs Israel, prolata fuit) scriptum est. Quare huic legi contrair, legi est divinae refragari, quo sequitur, qd lex Angliae, si ab hac lege discedat, a lege divina, cui reluctari non licet, ipsa discedit. Scribitur etiam Matth. xviij. Quod dominus (loquens de correctione fraterna) inter alia sic ait: Si autem non te audierit frater tuus, adhibe tecum adhuc unum aut duos, ut in ore duorum vel trium, stet omne verbum. Si in ore duorum vel trium, Dominus omne verbum statuerit, frustra plurium hominum quaeritur in dubijs veredictum. Nemo enim potest, melius, aut aliud fundamentum ponere, quam posuit dominus.  
Haec sunt, Cancellarie, quae me, de legis Angliae processu in ꝓbationibus, aliquantulum conturbant. Quare, quid his respondendum est a te, doceri deposco.   

BUt, though we be greatly delighted in the form, which the Laws of England use in sifting out the truth in matters of contention, yet whether the same law be contrary to holy Scripture or not, that is to us somewhat doubtful: For our LORD saith to the Phariseiss, in the eight chapter of Saint john's Gospel: In your Law it is written, that the testimony of two men is true: And the LORD confirming the same saith: I am one that bear witness of myself, and the Father that sent me, beareth witness of me. Now Sir, the Pharasies were jews, so that it was all one to say: It is written in your Law, and it is written in Moses' Law, which God gave to the childen of Israel by Moses. Wherhfore to gainsay this Law, is to deny God's Law: Whereby it followeth, that if the Law of England serve from this Law, it swerveth also from God's Law, which in no wise may be contraried. It is written also in the eighteenth Chapter of Saint Mathewes gospel, Where the Lord, speaking of brotherly admonition, among other things sayeth thus: But if thy brother hear thee not, then take yet with thee one or two, that, in the mouth of two or three witnesses, every matter may be established. If the Lord have appointed every matter to be established in the mouth of two or three witnesses, than it is in vain for to seek for the verdict of many men in matters of doubt. For no man is able to lay any other or better foundation than the Lord hath laid  
These are the doubts, good Chancellor, which, touching the pooceeding of the law of England in the trial of matters do somewhat trouble me. Wherhfore, what answer may hereunto be made, I would gladly learn of you.    

Here is showed, that the proceeding by a jury, is not repugnant to the Law of God. Chap. 32.  

THe Laws of England qd the Chancellor, are nothing at all repugnant to these things the trouble you, most worthy Prince, though they in matters of doubt do somewhat otherwise boult out the truth. The law of the general Council, wherein it is provided that Cardinals shall not be convicted of criminal offences, otherwise then by the deposition of twelve witnesses, is it any hindrance to the testimony of two men? If the testimony of two men be true, of more force must the testimony of twelve men be judged true, according to a rule of the Law that saith: The more, ever containeth in it, that which is less. The Inholder was promised to be rewarded with an overplus, if he bestowed upon the cure of the wounded man, more than the two pence, which he received. A man that laboureth to prove, that he was absent at the time of the offence, wherewith he is charged, shall i● not be needful for him to bring forth more than two or three witnesses, when his adversary hath proved, or is ready to prove the same, by two or three witnesses? And so he, that traveleth to convince witnesses of perjury, must of necessity bring forth many more than they were, so that the testimony of two or three men shall not ever be judged true: But that Law must thus be understanded, that by a lesser number of witnesses then two, the truth, in matters doubtful, aught not to be searched for, as appeareth by Bernarde assigning divers cases, wherein by the Laws more than three witnesses must needs be produced: As in some of them five, and in and in some seven. Nor yet the Laws of England be not against it, but that the truth may be proved by two witnesses, when it cannot otherwise be tried. For if things be done upon the Sea without the body of any County of that Realm, which afterward be brought in plea before the Lord Admiral, the same things by the decrees of the laws of England must be proved by witnesses. In like manner it hath been accustomed to be done before the Constable and Marshal of England, touching a fact that was done in an other Royalme, so that the hearing thereof appertaineth to the Constable's court. Moreover, in the Courts of certain Liberties in England, where matters proceed by Law Merchant, contracts or bargains, made among merchants in another Realm, are proved by witnesses. And this cometh to pass, because that in these cases there be no neighbours found, by whose oaths, juries of twelve men may be made, as in contracts, and other cases, arising within the Realm of England is accustomed to be done. Likewise if a deed, wherein witnesses are named, be brought into the King's Court, than process shall ●ee made against those witnesses: and they together with twelve jurors shall by their oaths recognize, whether the same be his deed or not, whose it is supposed to be. Wherhfore the Law of England reproveth not the Law, which by witnesses trieth out the truth, specially when necessity so requireth: For so do the Laws of England too, not only in the cases now mentioned, but also in certianes other cases, whereof here to make rehearsal it shall not be material. Howbeit this Law never determineth a controversy by witnesses only, that may be determined by a jury of xii men: forsomuch as this way is much more available and effectual for the trial of the truth than is the form of any other Laws of the world, and further from the danger of corruption and subornation. Nor this form of proceeding, cannot in any cause fail for want of witnesses, nor the testimonies of witnesses (if any be) cannot choose but come to their due end and effect: Neither can such twelve men be forsworn, but that for their offence they must suffer most sharp punishment, and nevertheless the party, by their depositions grieved, shall obtain due remedy: And these things shall not be done by the will and sayings of strange or unknown men, but by the oaths of good, of worshipful, and of credible men, neighbours to the parties, in whom the same parties have no cause of challenge or mistrust, touching their verdict. O how horrible and detestable dangers happen many times through the form of proceeding by witnesses! If a man make a privy contract of matrimony, and afterward before witnesses, do betrothe or assure himself to another woman, shall he not in the contentious court be compelled to marry her, and also after that in the Penitenciall court, be judged to lie with the first, if he be duly required, and to do penance, as often as by his own motion and procurement he lieth with the second, though in both Courts the judge be one and the self same man. In this case, as it is written in job, are not the sinews of Leviathan perplexed and intricate? Fie for shame they are intricate in deed: For, this man can carnally company with neither of these two women, nor with any other, without punishment either by the contentious Court, or by the Penitential Court, Such a mischief, inconvenience, or danger, can never happen in any case by the way of proceeding by the Law of England, not not though Leviathan himself would labour to procure the same. Do ye not now see, most noble Prince, that the more you object against the Laws of England, the more worthy they appear?   

Cancellarius. Non his, quibus turbaris, Princeps, contrariantur leges Angliae, licet aliter quodammodo ipsae in dubijs eliciant veritatem. Quid duorum hominum testimonio obest lex illa generalis Concilij, qua cavetur, ut non nisi duodecim testium depositione cardinales de criminibus convincantur? Si verum est duorum testimonium, a fortiori, testimonium duodecim verum judicari debet, dicente juris regula: Plus, semper in se continet, quod est minus. Supererogationis meritum promittebatur stabulario, si plus quam duos, quos re cepit, denarios, ipse in vulnerati curationem erogasset. Non ne plus quam duos aut tres testes producere oportebit quempiam, qui absentem se fuisse ꝓbare nititur, tempore criminis sibi impositi, quod per duos aut tres testes adversarius eius ꝓbavit, vel probare paratus est? Sic & qui testes de periurio convincere satagit, multo illis plures, producere necesse habet, quo non semper ij. v●liij. hominum testimonium verum esse iudicabitur: sed intelligenda est lex illa, qd minore testium numero quamij. veritas in dubijs non debet exquiri, ut pa tet per Bernardum extra▪ de testi. ca licet in glossa ordinaria, ubi ipso assignat diversos casus, in quibus per leges, plures quam tres oportet producere, testes: Vz. in aliquibus eorum v. & in aliquibus septem: per duos etiam testes veritatem ꝓbari posse, cum non aliter ipsa pateret, utique leges Angliae affirmant. Nam si quae supra altum mare extra corpus cuiuslibet comitatus regni illius fiant, quae postmodum in placito coram Admirallo Angliae deducantur, per testes illa juxta legum Angliae sanctiones probari debent. Consimiliter quoque coram constabulario et mariscallo Angliae fieri solitum est de facto, qd in regno alio actum est, dummodo ad jurisdictionem curiae Constabularij, cognitio eius pertineat. Etiam & in curijs quarundam libertatum in Anglia, ubi per legem Mercatorian proceditur, probant per testes, contractus inter mercatores extra regnum factos. Quia in casibus his non reperiuntur vicini, ꝑ quorum sacramenta, iuratae ex duodecim hominibus fieri possunt, prout de contractibus & alijs casibus, infra regnum Angliae emergentibus, est fieri consuetum. Similiter, si carta, in qua testes nominantur, deducatur in curia Regis, processus tunc fiet erga testes illos, ipsi quoque recognoscent simul cum xii. iuratoribus per eorum sacramenta utrum carta illa sit factum eius, cuius supponitur, an non. Quare, legem, qua testibus veritas extorquetur, lex Angliae non condēnat, maxime cum necessitas id deposcat: quia & sic faciunt ipsae leges Angliae nedum in casibus iam notatis, sed etiam in q●ibusdam casibus alijs, quos non expedit hic notare. Sed per testes solum, lex ipsa numquam litem dirimit, quae per iuratamxij. hominum decidi poterit, cum sit modus iste ad veritatem eliciendam multo potior & efficatior, quam est forma aliquarum aliarum legum orbis, & remotior a corruptionis & subornationis periculo. Nec potest haec ꝓcedendi forma in causa aliqua, ob defectum testium deperire, neque testium (si quifuerint) attestatio, effectum debitum non sortiri, nec periurari possunt duodecim homines humndi, quin pro eorum crimine, ipsi acerbissime puniantur, & nihilominus pars, ꝑ eorum depositionem gravata, remedium debitum consequetur: ac, non fient haec per extran●orum aut ignotorum hominum arbitrium aut dictamen, sed ꝑ proborum, nobilium & fide dignorum, vicinorum partibus, sacramentum, quibus partes illae nullam habent causam calumpniae aut diffidentiae de eorum dicto▪ O quam horrendum & detestabile discrimen saepe accidit, ex forma ꝑ depositionem testium procedendi! Nonne, si quis clandestinum contrahat matrimonium, & postea coram testibus mulierem aliam ipse affidauerit, cum eadem consummare matrimonium arctabitur in foro contencioso, & postea in penitentiali ●oro iudicabituripse concumbere cum prima, si debite requiratur, & penitere debet quoties ex actione propria concubuerit cum secunda, licet in utroque foro judex fuerit homo unus & idem. Nun in hoc casu, ut in job scribitur, perplexi sunt testiculi Leviathans Proh pudor, ve re perplexi sunt, nam, cum neutramulierū harum, neque cum alia, contrahens iste, extunc concumbet, sine animaduersione in foro contendentium aut penitentium: quale malum, inconueniens, aut discrimen per modum & formam processus legis Angliae impossibile est in casu aliquo evenire, etiam si Leuithiā ipse ea generare nitatur. Nonne vides iam, princeps clarissime, leges Angliae tanto magis clarescere, quanto ●isdem tu amplius reluctaris?    

¶ Wherhfore, certain Kings of England, have had no delight in their own Laws. Chap. 33.  

PRinceps, video, inquit, & eas inter totius orbis iura (in casu, quo tu iam sudasti) praefulgere considero, tamen progenitorum meorum Angliae regum quosdam audivimus, in legibus suis minime delectatos, satagentes proinde, leges civiles ad Angliae regimen inducere, & patrias leges repudiare fuisse conatos: horum revera consilium vehementer admiror.   

I See plainly, quoth the Prince, that in the case, wherein you have now travailed, they have the pre-eminence above all other Laws of the world, yet we have heard, that some of my progenitors, Kings of England, have not been pleased with their own Laws, and have therefore gone about to bring in the Civil laws to the government of England, and to abolish their own Country Laws. For what purpose & intent they so did, I much marvel.    

¶ Here the Chancellor openeth the cause, which the Prince demandeth Chap. 34.  

YOu would nothing marvel hereat, quod the Chancellor, if you did deeply consider with yourself, the cause of this intent. For you have heard afore, how that, among the Civil Laws, that maxim or rule is a sentence most notable, which thus singeth: The Prince's pleasure standeth in force of a Law: quite contrary to the decrees of the Laws of England, whereby the King thereof ruleth his people, not only by Regal, but also by Politic government, In somuch that at the time of his coronation, he is bound by an oath to the observance and keeping of his own Law, which thing some Kings of England not well brooking, as thinking that thereby they should not freely govern their Subjects as other Kings do, whose rule is only regal, governning their people by the Civil Law, and chiefly by that foresaid Maxim of the same law, whereby they at their pleasure change Laws, make new Laws, execute punishments, burden their subjects with charges: and also, when they lust, do determine controversies of suitors, as pleaseth them. Wherhfore, these your progenitors went about to cast off the yoke politic, that they also might likewise rule, or rather rage, over the people their subjects in regal wise only: not considering that the power of both kings is equal, as in the foresaid Treatise of the Law of Nature is declared: and that to rule the people by government politic, is no yoke, but liberty, and great security, not only to the subjects but also to the King himself: and further no small lightning or easement to his charge. And that this may appear more evident unto you, ponder and weigh the experience of both regiments, And begin with the King of France, perusing after what sort he ruleth his subjects by Regal government alone: And then come to the effect of the joint governance, regal and politic, examining by experience, how and after what manner, the King of England governeth his subjects.   

CAncellarius. Non admirareris, Princeps, si causam huius conaminis ment solicita pertractares. Audisti nam que superius, quomodo inter leges Civiles praecipua sententia est, maxima sive regula, illa quae sic eanit, quod Principi placuit, legis habet vigorem, qualiter non sanciunt leges Angliae, dum nedum regaliter, sed & politice rex eiusdem dominatur in populum suum, quo ipse, in coronatione sua ad legis suae obseruanciam astringitur sacramento, quod reges quidam Angliae aegre ferentes, putantes proinde se non libere dominari in subditos, ut faciunt reges regaliter tantum principantes, qui lege civili, & potissime praedicta legis illius maxima, regulant plebem suam, quo ipsi, ad eorum libitum, iura mutant, nova condunt, paenas infligunt & onera imponunt subditis suis, proprijs quoque arbitrijs, contem dentium, cum velint dirimunt lites. Quare, moliti sunt ipsi ꝓgenitores tui hoc jugum politicum abijcere, ut consimiliter & ipsi in sub iectum populum regaliter tantum dominari, sed potius debacchari queant: non attendentes, quod aequalis est utriusque Regis potentia, ut in praedicto tractatu de Natura legis naturae docetur, & qd non jugum sed libertas est politicé regere populum, securitas quoque maxima nedum plebi, sed & ipsi regi, allevatio etiam non minima solicitudinis suae. Quae ut tibi apertius pa teant, utriusque regiminis experientiam percunctare, & à regimine tantum regali, qualiter Rex Franciae principatur in subditos suos, exordium sumito● deinde à regalis & politici regiminis effectu, qualiter Rex Angliae dominatur in sibi subditos populos, experientiam quaere.    

¶ The inconveniences, that happen in the Realm of France, through regal government alone. Chap. 35.  

CAll to remembrance, most worthy Prince, after what sort you saw the wealth villages and Towns (as touching store of Corn) in the Realm of France, while you were there a sojourner, pestered with the King's men at arms and their horses, so that scant in any of the great towns there you could get any lodging: Where, of the inhabiters you learned, that those men, though they continued in one village a month or two, do not, nor will pay any thing at all, either for their own charges, or for the charges of their horses, But which is worse, they compelled the inhabytants of the villages and town dwellers, whether they came, to provide of their own proper costs, out of the villages adjoining, wine and flesh for them, and other things that they needed, at dearer prices, than they might have bought the same at home. And if any refused thus to do, they were anon by plain Stafford Law forced to do it: And when they had spent all the victuals, fuel, and horse-meat, in one town, than those men went to an other town, wasting the same in like manner, not paying one penny for any necessaries, either for themselves or else for their concubines and harlots, whereof they ever carried about with them great abundance, nor for hosen or shoes, and other like, even to the jest point or lace but they compelled the townsmen where they tarried to bear all their expenses. And thus were all the villages & unwalled towns of the land used, so that there is not the lest village there, free from this miserable calamity, but that it is once or twice every year beggared by this kind of pilling. Furthermore the King suffereth no man to eat salt with his kingdom, except he buy it of the king at such price, as pleaseth him to assess. And if any poor man had rather eat his meat fresh than to buy salt so excessively dear, he is immediately compelled to buy so much of the kings salt at the kings price, as shall suffice so many persons as he keepeth in his house. Moreover all the inhabiters of the realm, give yearly to the king, the iiij. part of all the wines that their grounds beareth: and every Vintner the fourth penny of the price of the wine that he selleth And besides all this, every village & borough payeth yearly to the king great sums of money assessed upon them for the wages of men at arms, so that the charges of the king's army, which is ever very great, is maintained by the poor people of the villages, boroughs, & towns of the realm. And yet moreover, every village findeth continually ij. Crossbows at the least, & some more, with all furniture & habiliments, requisite for the king's service in his wars, as often as it pleaseth him to muster them which he doth very often: And, these things not considered, other exceeding great tallages are yearly assessed upon every village of the same realm to the kings use, whereof they are no year released. The people being with these & divers other calamities, plagued & oppressed, do live in great misery, drinking water daily, Neither do the inferior sort taste any other liquor, saving only at solemn feasts. Their shamewes are made of hemp, much like to sackcloth. woollen cloth they wear none except it be very course & the only in their coats under their said upper garments, neither use they any hosen, but from the knee upward: the residue of their legs go naked. Their women go barefoot saving on holidays, neither men nor women eat any flesh there, but only lard of bacon, with a small quantity whereof they fatten their pottage & broths. As for roasted or sodden meat of flesh they taste none, except it be of the inwards sometimes & heads of beasts, that be killed for gentlemen and merchants. But the men at arms, they devour & consume all their pulleine, so, that they have scant the eggs left to eat for special dainties. And if they fortune at any time to grow some what wealthy in substance, so that any of them be counted rich, he is by and by charged to the King's Subsidy, more deeply than any of his neighbours, so that within short time he is made equal in poverty with the rest of his beggarly neighbours. And this, as I suppose is the state of the common and rascal people of that nation. But Gentlemen and Nobles are not so oppressed, & overcharged with exactions. But if any of them chance to be accused of any crime, though it be by his enemies, he is not ever wont to be cited or called before an ordinary judge: But many times it hath been seen, that he hath in that behalf been talked with in the kings Chamber, or elsewhere in some private place, and sometimes only by a Pursuivant or Messenger: And immediately as soon as the Prince's conscience hath, through the report of others, judged him guilty, he is without any fashion of judgement put in a Sack, and in the night season by the Marshals servants hurled into a River, and so drowned. After which sort you have heard of many more put to death, than that have been by ordinary process of the Law condemned. Howbeit the Prince's pleasure, as say the Civil laws, hath the force of a Law. Also, while you were abiding in France, and nigh to the same Kingdom, you heard of other great enormities like unto these, and some much worse than these detestable and damnable, done no otherwise but under the colour of that Law, which here to rehearse would continued our talk too long a time. Now therefore, let us see, what the effect of the Law politic and Regal, which some of your progenitors would have changed into this civil, hath wrought in the Realm of England, that you being instructed with the experience of both Laws, may the better by their effects judge, whether of them ye aught rather to choose, Seeing the Philosopher, as afore is rehearsed, doth say, that contraries laid together do more perfectly appear.   

REminiscere (princeps divine) qualiter villas & oppida regni Franciae frugum opulentissima, dum ibidem peregrinabaris, conspexisti, Regis terrae illius hominibus ad arma, & eorum equis, ita onusta, ut vix in eorum aliquibus quam magnis oppidis tu hospitari valebas: ubi ab incolis didicisti, homines illos, licet in villa una per mensem aut duos perhendinaverint, nihil prorsus, pro suis aut equorum suorum expensis, soluisse, aut solvere velle, sed quod peius est, arctabant incolas villarum & oppidorum, in quae descenderant, sibi de vinis, carnibus, & alijs, quibus indigebant, etiam carioribus necessarijs quam ibi reperiebantur, à cir cumuicinis villatis, suis proprijs sumptibus ꝓuidere. Et siqui sic facere renuebant, concito fustibus caesi, properè hoc agere compellebantur: ac de mum consumptis, in villa una, victualibus, focalibus, & equorum pmbendis, ad villam aliam homines illi properabant, eam consimiliter devastando, nec denarium unum ꝓ aliquibus necessarijs suis, etiam aut concubinarum suarum, quas in magna copiasecum semper vehebant, vel pro sotularibus, caligis, & alijs humndi, usque ad minimam earum ligulam soluerunt, sed singulas suas qualescunque expensas habitatores villarum, ubi moras fecerunt, solvere coegerunt. Sicque & factum est in omnibus villis & oppidis non muratis totius regionis illius, ut non sit ibi villula una, expers de calamitate ista, quae non semel aut bis in anno, hac nephanda pressura depiletur. Praeterea non patitur rex quenquam regni sui salem edere, quem non emat ab ipso Rege, precio, eius solum arbitrio, assesso. Et si insulsum pauper, quivis mawlt edere, quam salem excessivo, pcio comparare, moxcompellitur ille, tantum de sale regis ad eius precium emere, quantum congruet tot personis, quot ipse in domo sua ●ouet. Insuper omnes regni illiuus incolae, dant omni anno, regi suo, quartam partem omnium vinorum, quae sibi accrescunt, & omnis caupo quartum denarium pcij vinorum, quae ipse vendit, & ultra haec oens villae & burgi soluunt Regi annuatim, ingentes summas super eos assessas, pro stipendijs hominum ad arma, sic quod armata regis, quae quam magna semper est, pascatur annuatim de stipendijs suis per pauperes villarum, burgorum, & civitatum regni. Et ultra haec, quaelibet villa semper sustinet sagittarios duos ad minnus, & aliquae plures, in omni apparatu, & abilimentis sufficientibus ad seruiendum regi in guerris suis, quoties sibi libet eos summonere, qd & crebro facit: ac, hijs non ponderatis, maxima tallagia alia, sunt omni anno assessa ad opus regis, super quamlibet villam eiusdem regni, de quibus non uno anno ipsi alleviantur. Hijs & nonnullis alijs calamitatibus, plebs illa lacessita, in miseria non minima vivit, aquam cotidie bibit, nec alium, nisi in solemnibus festis, plebeij gustant liquorem. Froccis sive collobitis de canabo admodum pan ni saccorum teguntur. Panno de lana, praeterquam de vilissima, & hoc solum in tunicis suis subtus froccas illas non utuntur, neque caligis nisi ad genua, discooperto residuo tibiarum. Mulieres eorum nudipedes sunt exceptis diebus festis, carnes non comedunt, mares aut faeminae ibidem praeter lardum baconis, quo impinguant pulmentaria sua in minima quantitate. Carnes assatas coctasue alias ipsi non gustant, praeterquam interdum de intestinis & capitibus animalium, pro nobilibus & mercatoribus occisorum: Sed gentes ad arma comedunt alitilia sua, ita ut vix ova eorum, ipsis relinquantur, pro summis vescenda delicijs. Et si quid in opibus, eye aliquando accreverit, quo locuples eorum aliquis reputetur, concitoipse ad regis sub sidium, plus vicinis suis caeteris oneratur, quo, ex-tunc convicinis caeteris ipse aequabitur pa●pertate. Haec, ni fallor, forma est status gentis plebanae regionis illius. Nobiles tamen, non sic exactionibus opprimuntur. Sed si eorum aliquis calumniatus fuerit de crimine, licet ꝑ inimicos suos non semper coram judice ordinario ipse convocari solet: Sed quam saepe, in regis camera, & alibi in privato loco, quandoque vero solum per internuncios, ipse inde aloqui visus est, & mox ut criminosum eum principis conscientia, relatu aliorum, iudicaverit, in sacco positus, absque figura judicij, ꝑ praepositi mariscalorum ministros noctanter in flumine proiectus, submergitur, qualiter & mori audi●sti maiorem multo numerum hominum, quam qui legitimo processu juris convicti ex●iterunt. Sed tamen, qd principi placuit (juxta leges civiles) legis habet vigorem. Etiam & alia enormia, hijs similia, ac quaedam hijs deteriora, dum in Francia & prope regnum illud conversatus es, audisti, non alio, quam legis illius, colore, detestabiliter damnabiliterque perpetrata, quae hic inserere, nostrum nimium di alogum protelaret: Quare, quid effectus legis polliticae & regalis, quam, quidam progenitorum tuorum, pro lege hac civili, commutare nisi sunt, operatus est in regno Angliae, a modo visitemus, ut utraque legum experientia doctus, quae earum tibi eligibilior sit, ex earum effectibus elicere valeas, cum (ut supra memoratur) dicat Philosophus, quod, opposita, juxta se po●ita, magis apparent.    

¶ The commodities, that proceed of the joint government, politic and regal, in the Realm of England. Cap. 36.  

IN regno Angliae, nullus perhendinat in alterius domo, invito domino, si non in hospioijs publicis, ubi tunc pro omnibus, quae ibidem expendit, ipse plenariè soluet ante eius abinde recessum: nec impune quisque bona alterius capit sine voluntate proprietarij eorundem, neque in Regno illo, prepeditur aliquis, sibi de sale, aut quibuscunque mercimonijs alijs ad proprium arbitrium, & de quocunque ven ditore, providere. Rex tamen, necessaria domus suae, per rationabile precium, juxta constabulariorum villarum discretiones assidendum, invitis possessoribus, per officiarios suos capere potest: sed nihilominus precium illud in manibus, vel ad diem per maiores officiarios domus suae limitandum solvere per leges suas obnoxius est: quia nullius subditorum suo● bona juxta leges illas, ipse deripere potest sine satisfactione de bita ꝓ eisdem. Neque rex ibidem, ꝑ se, aut ministros suos, tallagia, subsidia, aut quaevis onera alia, imponit legijs suis, aut leges eorum mutat, vel novas condit sine concessione vel assensu totius regni sui, in parliamento suo ex pnsso. Quare incola omins regni illius, fructubus quos sibi parit terra sua, & quos gignit pecus eius, emo lumentis quoque omnibus, quae industria propria, vel aliena, ipse terr' marique lucratur, ad libitum ꝓprium utitur, nullius p̄peditꝰ iniuria vel ra pina, quin ad minus in de debitas consequi tur emendas: unde in habitantes terram illam, locupletes sunt abundantes auro & argento & cunctis necessarijs vitae. A quam ipsi non bibunt, nisi q, ob devotionis & penitenciezelum, aliqando ab alijs potubus se abstinent, omni genere carnium & piscium, ipsi in copiavescuntur, quibus patria illa non modice est refert, pannis de lanis bonis ipsi induuntur in omnibus operimentis suis, etiam abundant in lectisternijs, & quolibet suppellectili cui lana congruit, in omnibus domibus suis, necnon opulenti ipsi sunt in omnibus hustilimentis domus, necessarijs culturae & omnibus quae ad quietam, & felicem vitam exiguntur, secundum status suos. Nec in placit● ipsi ducuntur, nisi coram judicibus ordinarijs, ubi illi per leges terrae just tractantur. Nec allocuri sive implacitati sunt de mobilibus aut possessionibus suis, vel a●retta●i de crimine aliquo, qualiter cumque magno & ●normi, nisi secundum leges terrae illius, & coram judicibus antedictis. Et hij sunt fructus, quos parit regimen politicum & regal: Ex quibus tibi iam apparent experientiae effectus legis, quam quidam progenitorum tuorum abijcere conati sunt. Superius quoque tibi apparent effectus legis alterius, quam tanto zelo, loco legis istius, ipsi nisi sunt inducere, ut ex fructibus earum tu agnoscas eas: Et, nonne ambitio, luxus, & libido quos pndicti progenitores tui, regni bono praeferebant, eos ad hoc commercium concitabant? Considera igitur, Princeps optime, & iam alia, quae sequentur.   

WIthin the Realm of England, no man soiorneth in an other man's house, without the love & the leave of the good man of the same house: saving in common Inns, where before his departure thence, he shall fully satisfy and pay for all his charges there: Neither shall he escape unpunished whosoever he be, that taketh another man's goods without the good will of the owner thereof, Neither is it unlawful for any man in that Royalme, to provide and store himself, of salt, and other merchandises, or wares, at his own will & pleasure, of any man that selleth the same. Howbeit, the King, though the owners would say nay, may by his Officers take necessaries for his house, at a reasonable price, to be assessed by the discretions of the Constables of the towns: Nevertheless, he is bound by the Laws to pay therefore, either presently in hand, or else at a day to be limited and set by the higher Officers of his house: For by his Laws he may take away none of his subjects goods, without due satisfaction for the same. Neither doth the King there, either by himself, or by his Servants and Officers levy upon his subjects, Tallages, Subsidies, or any other burdens, or altar their laws, or make new Laws, without the express consent and agreement of his whole Realm in his Parliament. Wherhfore every inhabiter of that Realm, useth and enjoyeth at his pleasure, all the fruits that his land or cattle beareth, with all the profits and commodities, which by his own travel, or by the labour of others, he gaineth by land or by water: not hindered by the injury or wrong detainement of any man, but that he shall be allowed a reasonable recompense: And hereby it cometh to pass, that the men of that Land are rich, having abundance of Gold and Silver, and other things necessary for the maintenance of man's life. They drink no water, unless it be so, that some for devotion and upon a zeal of penance, do abstain from other drink, They eat plentifully of all kinds of flesh and fish, They wear fine woollen cloth in all their apparel, They have also abundance of bed coverings in their Houses, and of all other woollen stuff, They have great store of all hustlements and implements of household. They are plentifully furnished with all instruments of husbandry, and all other things, that are requisite to the accomplishment of a quiet and wealthy life, according to their estates and degrees. Neither are they sued in the Law, but only before ordinary judges, where by the Laws of the Land they are justly entreated. Neither are they arrested or impleaded for their movables or possessions, or arraigned of any offence criminal, be it never so great and outrageous, but after the Laws of the Land, and before the judges aforesaid. And these are the fruits, which, government politic and regal conjoined, doth bear and bring forth: Whereof now appear evidently unto you the experiences of the effects of the Law, which some of your progenitors traveled to abolish. Before also you saw plainly the effects of the other Law, which they with such earnest endeavour laboured to advance and place in stead of this Law, so that by the fruits of them both, you may know, what they are: And did not ambition, riot, and wanton lust, which your said progenitors esteemed above the wealth of the Realm, move them to this alteration? Consider therefore, most worthy Prince, and that earnestly this that followeth.    

¶ A comparison of the worthiness of both the regiments▪ Chap. 37.  

SAnctus Thomas in libro, quem Regi Cipri de regimine principum scripsit, dicit: quod Rex datur propter regnum, & non regnum propter Regem, quo omnis potestas regia referri debet ad bonum regni sui, quod effective con sistit, in defensione eiusdem ab exterorum incursibus, & in tuitione regnicolarum, & bonorum suorum ab indigenarum iniurijs & rapinis. Quare, Rex, qui haec peragere nequit, impotens est necessario iudicandus. Sed si ipse, passionibus propriis, aut penuria, ita oppressus est, quod manus suas cohibere nequit à depilatione subditorum suorum, quo ipsemet eos depauperat, nec vivere sinit & sustentari proprijs substantijs suis: quanto tunc impotentior ille iudicandus est, quam si eos defendere, ipse non sufficeret erga aliorum iniurias? Revera, Rex talis, nedum impotens, sed & ipsa impotentia, dicendus est: & non liber judicari potest, tantis impotentiae nexubus vinculatus. E regione, Rex liber & potens est, qui incolas suos erga exteros, & indigenas, eorum quoque bona & facultates, nedum erga vicinorum & concivium rapinas defendere sufficit, sed erga propriam oppressionem, & rapinam, licet sibi passiones necessitatesque huiusmodi reluctentur. Quis enim potentior liberiorue esse potest, quam qui, non solum alios: sed & se ipsum sufficit debellare? quod potest, & semper facit, Rex politice regens populum suum. Quare experientiae effectu tibi constat, princeps, progenitores tuos, qui sic politicum regimen abijcere satagerunt, non solum in hoc non potuisse nanciscipotentiā, quam optabant, videlicet ampliorem, sed & sui bonum, similiter & bonum Regni sui, per hoc, ipsi discrimini exposuissent, & periculo grandiori. Tamen haec quae iam de experientiae effectu practicata, potentiam regis, regaliter tantum praesidentis, exprobrare videntur non ex legis suae defectu processerunt, sed ex incuria negligentiaque taliter principantis. Quare, ipsa, dignitatem illam potentia non minuunt, a dignitate regis politice regulantis, quos paris esse potentiae, in praedicto tractatu de Natura legis Naturae, luculenter ostendi. Sed potentiam regis regaliter tantum principantis difficilioris esse exercitij, ac minoris securitatis sibi & populo suo, illa clarissime iam demonstrant, quo optabile non for●t regi prudenti, regimen politicum pro tantum regali commutare. unde & sanctus Thomas supradictus optare censetur, ut omnia mundi regna politice regerentur.   

SAint Thomas in his book which he wrote to the king of Cyprus, of the regiment of Princes, saith, that the King is given for the kingdom, and not the kingdom for the King, Whereupon it followeth, that all kingly power must be applied to the wealth of his kingdom, Which thing in effect consisteth, in the defence thereof from foreign invations, and in the maintenance of his subjects, and their goods, from the injuries and extortions of the inhabitants of the same. Wherefore, that king, which is not able to perform these things, must of necessity be judged impotent and weak. But if he be so overcome of his own affections and lusts, or so oppressed with poverty, that he can not withhold his hands from the pilling of his subjects, whereby himself impoverisheth them, and suffereth them not to live and to be sustained upon their own substances: how much more weak or feeble is he in this respect to be judged, then if he were not able to defend them against the injuries of others: Truly, such a King may well be called, not only feeble, but even very feebleness itself: nor is not to be judged free, being tied with so many bands of feebleness. On the other side, that King is free and of might, that is able to defend his subjects, aswell against strangers, as against his own people: and also their goods and possessions, not only from the violent and unlawful invasions of their own countrymen and neighbours, but also from his own oppression and extortion, though such wilful lusts and necessities do move him to the contrary. For who can be more mighty or more free, than he, that is able to conquer and subdue, not only others, but also himself? Which thing a King, whose governance is politic, can do and ever doth. Thus, most worthy Prince, it appeareth unto you by the effect of experience, that your progenitors, which were thus minded to renounce their politic government, could not thereby not only not obtain the might and power, which they wished, that is to say, increase thereof, but rather they should have endangered, and greatly hazarded, the wealth as well of themselves, as also of their kingdom. Notwithstanding these things now practised, which, as touching the effect of experience, do seem to blemish the power of a king ruling all alone regally, never proceeded of the default of their law, but of the careless demeanour, and negligent looseness of such a Ruler. Wherefore, that dignity is not hereby in power embased, under the dignity of a politic Governor, which both, in my foresaid treatise of the Nature of the Law of Nature, I have plainly proved to be in power equal. But the premises do most evidently declare it to be a matter of much more diffcultie for a king whose rule is only regal, to exercise his power, and that both he and his people, stand in much less security, and therefore it were not to be wished of a wise king, to change a politic regiment into that government, which is only regal. And according to this, the foresaid Saint Thomas, wisheth that all the kingdoms of the world were ruled by politic governance.    

¶ The Prince breaketh the Chancellor of his tale. Chap. 38.  

Bear with me, I beseech you good Chancellor, quoth the Prince, in that with my questions I have drawn you so far from your purpose: For, the things, which by this occasion you have discussed, are to me right profitable, though they have somewhat stayed you, and pulled you back from the end of your intent, Whereunto I pray you now make haste: and first as you promised, and as you have begun, open unto me some other cases wherein the sentences of the laws of England, and of the Civil laws, do disagree.   

TVnc Princeps, parce, obsecro, Cancellarie, quod te ad tantam a proposito tuo digressionem compuli quaestionibus meis, mihi namque perutilia sunt, quae hac occasione exarasti, licet te parumper retardaverint a meta intentionis tuae ad quam ut tu iam celerius properes, flagito, & primo, ut aliquos alios casus, in quibus, legum Angliae, & Civilium discrepant sententiae, ut promisisti & coepisti, mihi ●narres.    

¶ The second case, wherein the Civil Laws, and the Laws of England, disagree in their judgements. Chap. 39  

ACcording to your request, most noble Prince (quoth the Chancellor) I will open unto you certain other cases, wherein the said Laws disagree. Howbeit, whether of the same Laws in their judgements, excelleth the other, that will I leave to your own determination. The Civil Law doth legitimate the child borne before matrimony, as well as that which is borne after: and giveth unto it succession in the Parent's inheritance: But to the child borne out of matrimony, the Law of England alloweth no succession, affirming it to be natural only, and not lawful. The Civilians in this case, advance their Law, alleging that by mean thereof, the sacrament or state of matrimony coming in place, extinguisheth the former sin, whereby else the souls of two persons should have perished: And it is to be presumed, say they, that they were at their first copulation both so minded, as the sacrament ensuing afterward declareth. The Church also accepteth such children for legitimate. These, I trow, are the three strongest reasons, whereby they maintain and defend their Law. Which are thus answered by the Lawyers of England: First, they say, that the sin of the first carnal action, in the case propounded, is not purged by the matrimony ensuing, though by the worthiness thereof, the sinner's punishment is somewhat abated. They say also, that they, which thus do sin, are so much the less repentant therefore, in as much as they perceive the Laws to favour & bear with such transgressors: And upon this consideration, they are made the readier to commit sin: thereby breaking the commandment both of Gods and of the Church. Wherefore this Law doth not only participate with the offence of sinners, but also swerveth from the nature of a good Law. Forasmuch as a Law is a holy establishment, commanding things honest, and forbidding the contrary: Which this Law doth not, but rather allureth the minds of sinners to dishonesty. Neither can it be any defence to this Law, that the Church accepteth such Children for legitimate. For that loving mother dispenseth in many things, which she licenseth to be done, And it was by way of dispensation, that the Apostle setteth Uirgines at liberty, whereunto he would not counsel them, rather wishing all to continued Uirgines like himself. And God forbidden, that so great a mother, should in this case withdraw her tender love from her children, which by the enticement of this Law do many times fall into sin.  
And by the matrimony ensuing, The Church is informed, that the parties so marrying are penitent and sorry for the offence passed, and are willing in time to come, through matrimony, to live continent. But the Law of England, in this case, worketh a much contrary effect, For it provoketh not to sin, nor cherisheth or maintaineth sinners, but putteth them in fear, and to keep them from sin threateneth punishment: For the wantonness of the flesh hath no need of allurement, but rather of discouragement: because the lusts of the flesh are wanton, and almost untameable. And forasmuch as it is impossible for man to live ever in himself, he naturally coveteth to live ever in his like, because every living thing desireth to be like the first and chief cause, which is perpetual & everlasting. And hereof it cometh, that man hath more delight & pleasure in the sense of feeling, whereby his kind is preserved, then in the sense of taste, which preserveth only the particular man. Wherefore No, executing vengeance upon his son which uncovered his privities, did curse his Nephew the offender's child, that thereby the offender might be more grieved then with his own mishap: Wherhfore the Law that punisheth the offender's issue, doth more penally prohibit sin, then that, which plagueth but the offender alone. Whereby it may easily be considered with what zeal the Law of England abhorreth unlawful conjunctions, which doth not only judge the child so gotten to be illegittimat, but also prohibiteth it to succeed in the parent's inheritance. Is not this law then chaste & pure? And doth it not more forcibly and more earnestly suppress sin, than the foresaid civil Law, which winketh at the sin of lechery, and leaveth it unpunished?   

CAncellarius. Quosdan casus alios, in quibus dissentiunt Leges praedictae, ut petis princeps, detegere conabor. Sed tamen quae legum earum praestantior sit in iuditijs suis, non meo sed arbitratui tuo relinquam. Prolem ante matrimonium natam, ita ut post, legitimam, lex civilis, & succedere facit in haereditate parentum: sed prolem, quam matrimonium non parit, succedere non sini● lex Anglorum, naturalem tantum eam esse, & non legititimam proclamans. Civilistae in casu hoc, legem eorum extollunt, quia incitamentum eam esse dicunt, quo matrimonij sacramento cesset peccatum, ꝑ quod alias duorum animae interirent: prae sumendum quoque esse dicunt, tales fuisse contrahentium animos in primo eorum concubitu, quales esse demonstrat subsequens sacramentum. Ecclesia etiam, foetus hmndi habet ꝓ legitimis, haec, ni fallor, tria fulcimenta sunt maiora, quibus ipsi appro bant, defenduntque legem suam. Ad quae, sic respondent legis Angliae periti: primo dicunt quod peccatum primi concubitus, in casu proposito, non purgatur per subsequens matrimonium, licet eius merito delinquentium quodam modo minuatur poena. Dicunt etiam qd peccati illius conscij, tanto minus inde penitent, quo leges transgressoribus illis favere considerant: Quali etiam consideratione, procliviores ipsi redduntur ad committendum peccatum, ꝑ qd, nedum Dei, sed & ecclesiae praecepta negligunt. un de lex illa, nedum delinquentium participat culpam, sed & legis bonae naturam ipsa declinat: cum lex sit sanctio sancta, iubens honesta, & prohibens contraria: qualia ipsa non pro hibet, sed potius ad inhonesta animos labentium invitat. Nec vallari potest lex ista ꝑ hoc, qd ecclesia foetus hmndi pro legi●●●is habet. Pia namque mater illa, in quamplurimis dispensat, quae fieri ipsa non concedit, dispensatina enim laxavit Apostolus virginitatis fraena qd consulere noluit, cum oens ipse volverit, ut se virgines permansisse. Et absit, ut mater tanta, a filijs suis in casu isto pietatem svam cohiberet, dum saepe ipsi, etiam legis huius civilis fomento concitati, incidunt in peccatum.  
Et per matrimonium subsequens docetur Ecclesia, contrahentes poenitere de preterito, & de futuro per matrimonium se velle cohibere, Sed longè alium, in hoc casu, lex Angliae effectum operatur, dum ipsa non concitat ad peccatum, neque peccantes ●ouet, sed terret eos, & ne peccent, minatur poenas: carnis etenim illicebrae fomento non egent, egent verò froenis, quia irritamenta carnis lasciva & quasi infatigabilia sunt. Et homo, quum individuo perpetuari nequit, perpetuari naturaliter appetit in specie sua, quia omne, qd vivit, assimilari cupit causae primae, quae perpetua est & aeterna. unde fit, quod plus de●ectatur homo in sensu tactus, quo servatur species eius, quam in sensu gustus, quo conseruatur individuum. Quare No, ulciscens in filium qui eius pudenda revelavit, nepoti suo, filio delinquentis, maledixit, ut inde plus cruciaretur reus, quam ꝓprio possit incommodo: quare lex, quae vindicat in progeniem delinquentis, penalius prohibet peccatum, quam quae solum delinquentem f●agellat. Ex quibus considerare licet, quamtozelo lex Angliae illicitos ꝓsequitur concubitus, dum ex eye editam prolem, ipsa, nedum judicat non esse legittimam, sed & succedere prohibet in patrimonio parentum. Num quid tunc, lex ista casta non est? & non fortius firmiusque repellit peccatum, quam facit lex praedicta civilis, quae cito, & quasi inultum luxuriae crimen remittit?    

¶ Special causes, why base borne children, are not legitimate in England by matrimony ensuing. Chap. 40.  

Moreover, the Civil laws say, that your natural or bastard son is the son of the people. Whereof a certain Metritian writeth in this wise. 
To whom the people father is, to him is father none and all:  
To whom the people father is, well fatherless we may him call.  And while such a child had no Father at the time of his birth, surely nature knoweth not how he could afterward come by a Father: For, if one woman should bear two childen of two fornicators, and the one of them should afterward marry her: Whether of these two children should by this marriage be legitimate? Opinion may somewhat persuade, but reason cannot find: seeing the time was once, when both those children, being judged the children of the people, did not know their fathers. It were therefore unreasonable, that a child afterward borne in the same wedlock, whose generation cannot be unknown, should be disherited, and that a child which knoweth no father, should be heir to the father & mother of the other, specialally in the realm of England, where the eldest son only enjoyeth the father's inheritance, And an indifferent judge would think it no less unreasonable, that a base borne child should be equally matched with a lawful begotten child in the inheritance, which by the Civil laws can be divided but only among male children. For Saint Augustine in the xuj. book de Civitate Dei writeth thus: Abraham gave all his substance to his son Isaac: and to the sons of his concubines he gave gifts: Whereupon seemeth to be meant, that to bastard children there is no inheritance due, but only a necessary living. Thus saith he. And under the name of a bastard child, S. Augustine understandeth all unlawful issues, and so doth holy Scripture also in divers places, calling none by the name of a bastard. Lo, Saint Augustine thinketh no small difference to be, and so thinketh Abraham too, between the succession of a bastard, and of a son lawfully begotten. Yea, holy Scripture reprehendeth all unlawful children under this Metaphor, saying, bastard slips shall take no deep root, nor lay any fast foundation, in the fourth chapter of the book of Wisdom. The Church also reproveth the same, in that it admitteth them not to holy orders, And if so be, that the Church do dispense with such a one, yet it permitteth not him to have any dignity or pre-eminence in the Church, Wherhfore it is convenient, that man's law in the benefit of succession, should cut them short, whom the Church iudgeeth unworthy to be received in holy orders, and rejecteth from all prelacy: yea whom holy Scripture judgeth, as touching their birth, much inferior to them that be lawfully begotten. We read, that Gedeon the puissant begat threescore and ten sons in wedlock, and but one only out of wedlock, yet this misbegotten child wickedly slew all those lawfully begotten children, one only excepted, judges the ninth chapter: Whereby it is perceived, that there was more wickedness in one Bastard child, then in lxix. lawful sons. For it is a common saying: If a bastard be good, that cometh to him by chance, that is to wit, by special grace, but if he be evil that cometh to him by nature. For it is thought, that the base child draweth a certain corruption and stain from the sin of his parents, without his own fault, as all we have received of the sin of our first parents, much infection, though not so much, Howbeit the blemish, which bastards by their generation do receive, much differeth from that wherein lawful children are borne, For their conception is wrought by the mutual sinful lust of both parents, which in the lawful and chaste copulation of married couples taketh no place, The sin of such fornicators is committed by the mutual consent of them both, Wherhfore it is likened to the first sin, and cleaveth more cruelly to the child, than the sin of such as do otherwise offend alone: so that the Child so begotten deserveth to be called the child of sin, rather than the child of sinners, wherefore the Book of Wisdom making a difference between these two generations, of the lawful generation it saith thus: O how fair is a chaste generation with virtue! The memorial thereof is immortal: For it is known with GOD and with men. But the other is not known with men, so that the children thereof borne, are called the children of the people. Of which base generation, the same book thus speaketh: All the children, that are borne of wicked parents, are witnesses of wickedness against their parents, when they be asked. For being demanded of their parents they open their sin, even as the wicked son of No uncovered his father's privities. It is therefore believed touching the blind borne, of whom the pharisees in the ninth Chapter of Saint john's Gospel said: thou art all together borne in sin: that he was a bastard, who wholly is borne of sin: & where it followeth dost thou teach us, It seemeth that thereby may be understanded, that a bastard hath no like natural disposition to knowledge and learning, as a lawful child hath. Wherefore, that law maketh no good division, which in the father's inheritance maketh equal bastard children and lawful children, whom the Church in God's inheritance maketh unequal, Between whom also Scripture putteth a difference in form above mentioned: & when nature in her gifts severeth, marking the natual or bastard children, as it were, with a certain privy mark in their souls. Whether therefore of the two laws, English or Civil, do you now embrace, most noble Prince, and judge to have the pre-eminence in this case.   

PRaeterea leges civiles dicunt, filium naturalem tuum esse filium populi, de quo metricus quidam sic ait Cui pater est populus, pater est sibi, nullus, & omnis. Cui pater est populus, non habet ipse patrem. Et dum proles talis patrem non habuit tempore nativitatis suae, quomodo ex postfacto ipse patrem nanscici poterit, natura non novit: quò, si ex fornicatoribus duobus, mulier una filios pe perit duos, quam postea, unus ex concubinarijs illis ducat in uxorem, quis ex filijs hijs duobus, per matrimonium illud legittimatur? Opinio suadere potest, sed ratio reperire nequit, dum ambo filij illi populi foetus iudicati, semel parentes ignorabant. Inconsonun propterea videretur, quod in matrimonio illo extunc ab eadem muliere natus, cuius generatio ignorari non poterit, expers esset haereditatis, & filius nescius genitoris suin succederet patri & matri eius, maxime infra regnum Angliae, ubi filius senior solus succedit in haereditate paterna, & non minus incongruum esse sentiret abiter aequus, si filius ex stupro, aequaliter perticiparet cum filio ex legitimo thoro, haereditatem, quae iure civili inter masculos dividenda est. Nam sanctus Augustinus xuj, lib. de Civitate Dei, sic scribit: Abraham omnem censum suum dedit Isaac filio suo, filijs autem concubinarum dedit dationes: Ex quo videtur innui, qd spurijs non debetur haereditas, sed victus necessitas. Haec ille. Sub nomine vero spurij, denotat Augustinus, omnem foetum illegittimun, qualiter & saepius facit scriptura sacra, quae neminem vocat bastardum. Ecce, differentiam non minimam sentit Augustinus, sentit & Abraham, inter successionem spurij, & filij ex legittimo concubitu. Caeterùm, omnes filios illegittimos reprehendit Scriptura sacra, sub Metaphora hac, dicens: spuria vitulamina non dabunt radices altas, nec stabile fundamentum collocabunt, Sapientiae iiij. Reprehendit & ecclesia, quae eos à sacris repellit ordinibus, & si cum tali dispensaverit, non eum tamen permittit dignitate praeesse in ecclesia Dei congruit. Idcirco legi hominum in successionis beneficio, minuere, quos ecclesia indignos judicat sacro ordine, & quos ipsa repellit ab omni praelatia: ipsos etiam, quos Scriptura sacra in natalibus, minoratos judicat a legittimè procreatis. Gedeon autem virorum fortissimus, lxx. filios in ma●rimoni o legitur ꝓcreasse, & non nisi unum solum habuisse ex concubina filius tamen ipse concubinae, omnes filios illos legittimos nequiter peremit, excepto uno solo, judicunix. Quo in notho uno, plus malitiae fuisse depre henditur, quāin filijs legiti●●s lxix. Tritum etenim ꝓuerbium est si bonus est bastardus hoc ei venit a casu, videlicet gratia speciali, si autem malus ipse fuerit, hoc sibi ac cidit a natura. Corruptionem namque & maculam quandam censetur illegitimus partus contrah●re a peccato genitorum suorum sine culpa eius ut maximam nos contraximus omnes a crimine primorum parentum, licet non tantam: aliam tamen nothi quam legittimi, contrahunt maculam ex genitura sua, eorum namque generationem mutua utriusque parentis libido culpabilis opera tur, qualiter in legiti mis castisque amplex ibus coniugatorum ipsa non solet debacchari, mutuum sane & commune est peccatum taliter fornicantium, quo primo similatum peccato magis sevit in fetum, quam peccatum aliter solitarieque peccantium ut ex inde natus, potius peccati filius dici mereatur, quam filius peccatorum. Qua re sapientiae liber, generationes has duas distinguens, de generatione legittima sic affatur: O quam pulchra est casta generatio cum claritate! Immortalis est enim memoria illius, quoniam apud deum nota est & apud homines. Altera vero non est nota apud homines, quo filij ex ea nati, filij populi nominantur. De generatione utique illa altera, liber ille dicit: ex iniquis oens filij qui nascuntur, testes sunt nequitiae adversus parentes suos in interrogatione sua. (Sapientiae eodem iiij cap.) interrogati etenim de parentibus suis, eorum ipsi revelant peccatum, ut filius No nequam revelavit pu denda patris sui. Credit ditur id circo, cecum illum natum de quo Pharisei, Io. ix. dixe runt, tu in peccatis natus es totus, fuisse bastardum, qui nascitur totaliter ex peccato, & dum subditur, & tu doces nos, videtur eos intellexisse, bastardum non ut legittimum, in naturalibus esse dispositum ad scientiam & doctrinam. Non igitur bene dividit lex illa, q bastardoes a nativitate, & legittimos, parificat, in haereditate paterna, cum eos dispares judicet ecclesia in haereditatedei, similiter & distinguat sacra scriptura in forma pnnotata, di vidatque natura in do nis suis, signans naturales, tantum, naevo quasi naturali quodam, licet latente, in animis suis. Quam igitur legum istarum, Anglicarum, viz. & Civilium, in casu hoc, tu princeps illustrissime, amplecteris & iudicas praeferendam.    

The Prince alloweth the Law, which doth not legitimate children borne before matrimony, Chap. 41.  

SUrely, even to that law do I give the preferment, quoth the Prince, which is of more force to abandon sin out of the Realm, & to advance virtue. Those also in the benefit, of man's law do I suppose abject & base, whom the Law of God considereth unworthy, & whom the Church in her benefits rejecteth, and nature also judgeth more prove unto sin. I think you do not judge amiss, qd the Chancellor. Wherefore I will rehearse yet other cases, wherein the said Laws disagree.   

PRinceps, Revera eam quae fortius a regno peccatum eliminat, & firmius in eo virtutem conseruat. Arbitror etiam illos in legis humanae beneficijs minorandos, quos lex divina indigniores considerat, & quos postponit ecclesia in beneficijs suis, natura quoque procliviores judicat ad peccandum. Cancellarius. Recte estimo te sentire, quare & casus alios memorabor, in qui bus discrepant hae leges duae.    

The third case wherein the Laws aforesaid disagree. Chap. 42.  

LEges civiles fanciunt, quod partus semper sequitur ventrem, ut si mulier seruilis conditionis nubat viro conditionis liberae, Proles eorum servus crit: & e converso, servus maritatus liberae, non nisi liberos gignit. Sed lex Angliae numquam matris, sed semper patris conditionem imitari partum judicat. Vt ex libera, etiam ex nativa, non ni si liberum liber generet, & non nisi servum in matrimonio procreare potest servus. Quae, putas, legum harum melior est in sentemcijs suis? crude lis est lex, quae liberi prolem sine culpa subdit seruituti. Nec minus crudelis censetur, quae liberae sobolem sine merito redigit in servitutem. Legistae vero dicunt, leges Civiles pualere in hijs judicijs suis. Nam dicunt, quod non potest arbor mala fructus bonos facere, Neque arbor bona fructus malos facere. Acomnis legis sententia est, qd plantatio quae libet cedit solo quo inseritur, Certior quoque multo est partus, quae eum fuderuntviscera, quam quis eum pater ꝓcreavit. Ad haec, legis Angliae consulti dicunt q●od partus ex legittimo thoro, non certius noscit matrem quam genitorem suum. Nam ambae leges, quae iam contendunt, uniformiter dicunt, quod ipse est pater, quem nuptiae demonstrant. Nunquid tunc magis est conveniens, ut filij conditio ad patris, potius quam ad matris conditionem referatur, cum de coniugatis dixerat Adam? erunt ipsi duo in carne una, qd dominus exponens in evangelio ait: jam non sunt duo, sed una caro, & cum masculinum concipiat faemininum, ad masculinum quod dignius est, referri debet tota caro sic facta una, Quare Adam & Euam vocavit dominus, non Euam sed quia caro 〈◊〉 ipsi erant▪ ambo● eos vocavit ipse nomine vi●i, videlicet, Adam: ut pa●et Genesis quinto capitulo. Ipsae quoque civiles leges dicunt: quod mulieres semper coruscant, radijs maritorum suorum. unde C. qui professione se excusant, libro nono, l. fi. textus sic loquitur: Mulieres honore maritorum crigimus, & genere nobilitamus, & forum ex eorum persona statuimus, & domicilium mutamus. Sin autem minoris ordinis virum postea sortitae, priore dignitate privatae, posterioris mariti consequantur conditionem & domicilium. Et cum nomen patris, & non matris, gerat proles omnis, & maxime masculina, unde tunc provenire poterit, qd filius, ratione matris, amitteret honorem, conditionemue patris sui mutaret, cuius tamen nomen ipse retinebit praesertim dum honore patris eiusdem ac conditione resplendeat mater eius, & dum viri honor vel conditio nunquam per uxoris vitium denigratur. Crudelis nempe censeretur lex, quae sine causa, filium liberi seruituti committit & terram, pro qua liber ille innocens à crimine, sud avit innocentis filij sui titulo, non sudanti, tradet extraneo possidendam, ac patris nomen, etiam filij servitutis nota commaculat. Crudelis etiam necessario iudicabitur lex, quae servitutem augmentat, & minuit libertatem. Nam pro ea natura semper implorat humana. Quia, ab homine, & pro vicio, introducta est servitus. Sed libertas à Deo hominis est indita naturae. Quare ipsa ab homine sublata, semper redire gliscit, ut facit omne, quod libertate naturali privatur. Quo ipse & crudelis, iudicandus est, qui libertati non favet. Haec considerantia Angliae iura, in omni casu libertati dant favorem. Et licét iura illa iudicent eum servum, quem servus in coniugio ex libera procreavit, non per hoc, iura illa rigida, crudeliaue sentiri poterunt. Nam mulier, quae coniugio servo se subiecit facta ei caro una, quo ipsa, ut dicunt leges suprascriptae, cius consequitur conditionem, & ꝓprio arbitrio se fecit ancillam, sed potiùs seruam, nullatenus à lege coacta, qualiter & faciunt, qui se servos reddunt in curijs regum, vel in servitutem se vendunt, nulla tenus ad hoc compulsi. Quo modo tunc, liberum sancire possunt leges filium illum, quem mater talis, taliter est enixa? Nunquam enim sic subiectus est vir uxori, licet maxima Domina ipsa fuerit, v: subiecta est libera haec servo, quem ipsa facit dominum eius, dicente Domino uxori omni, Eris sub potestate viri, & ipse dominabitur tibi, Et quid est, quod dicunt legistae illi de fructu arboris bonae vel malae, nonne conditionis liberae vel seruilis, est uxor omnis, qualis est maritus eius? Et in cuius solo plantavit maritus, dum uxor eius est sibi caro una? Nonne in proprio? Quid si surculum dulcis naturae inseverit ipsesti piti arboris acerbae: Dummodoarbor illa eius est, nonne fructus (licet ex stipite redolent) semper sint fructus eius: Sic ex muliere genita proles, mariti est ꝓgenies, fuerit mater libera vel ancilla. San●●ūt tamen leges Angliae▪ qd dominus nativae à libero in matrimonium sumptae ipso inconsulto, cum eam repudiare nequeat, dicente evangelio: quos deus coniunxit, homo non separet: recuperabit versus liberum illum, omne damnum, qd ipse sustinuit ratione deperditī seruitij, & amissae ancillae. Haec iam ut aestimo, est summa & forma legis Angliae, in casu iam enarrato. Quid igitur iam tibi videtur, Princeps, in casu isto? & quae legum p̄dictarum praestantior aut eligibilior à te judicatur?   

THe Civil laws decree, that the issue ever followeth the womb, that is to say, the mother. As for example, if a bond woman be married to a free man, their issue shall be bond: And contrariwise if a bond man marrieth a free woman, he begetteth none but free children. But the Law of England never judgeth that issue to follow the mother's condition, but always the fathers. So that a free man begetteth free children aswell of a bondwoman, as of a free woman, & a bondman in wedlock can beget none other but bond children. Whether of these laws is better think you in their sentences? It is a cruel law, which without offence subdueth the free man's child to bondage. And no less cruelty is to be thought in the law, which without any desert oppresseth the free woman's child with bondage. Yet the Civilians say, that the Civil Laws in these their judgements do excel. For an evil tree, say they, can not bring forth good fruits, nor a good tree bear evil fruits. And by the consent of all Laws it is agreed, that every plant yieldeth to the nature of the ground wherein it is planted, the child also hath much more certain & sure knowledge of the mother, then of the father. Whereunto the Lawyers of England answer on this wise: That a child lawfully begotten hath no more certain and sure knowledge of the mother then of the father. For both these laws thus disagreeing, agreed yet in this point, that he is the father, whom wedlock declareth. And is it not then more convenient, that the condition of the child should have relation rather to the father's condition, then to the mothers, Seeing that Adam speaking of married couples, said: They shall be two in one flesh, which our Lord expounding in the Gospel saith: Now are they not two but one flesh. And forsomuch as the male, as more worthy, containeth the female, than the whole flesh so united must have relation to the male as to the worthier, wherefore the Lord called Adam & Eve not by the name of Eve, but because they were both one flesh, he called them both in the name of Adam, the man, as it appeareth in the fift chapter of Genesis. The Civil Laws also hold that women do ever glister with the shining beams of their husbands. Wherhfore in the title beginning with these words: Qui se professione excusant, in the 9 Book L. fi. the text saith thus, we advance women with the honour of their husbands, and with the kindred of their husbands we worship them, in the court we decree matters to pass in the name of their husbands, & into the house & surname of their husbands do we translate them. But if afterward a woman marry with a man of base degree, then loseth she her former dignity, & followeth the condition of her latter husband, And forsomuch as all children, specially male children, bear the father's name, and not the mothers, whereof then should it come, that the son by reason of the mother should loose the honour, or change the condition of the father, whose name nevertheless he shall still keep, Specially seeing the mother herself receiveth of the same Father, honour, worship & dignity which honour, worship and dignity of the husband can never be desteined or impeached through the fault of the wife. Truly that law may well be deemed cruel, which without any cause, committeth to bondage the fremans' son, & which, disheriting the innocent son of the innocent free father, adjudgeth his land to an unworthy stranger, which also with the base state of bondage in the son defaceth the name of the free father. Cruel also of necessity must that law be counted, which augmenteth thraldom, and diminisheth liberty or freedom. For liberty is the thing that man's nature ever coveteth. For, by man and for sin, did bondage first enter. But freedom is graffed in man's nature of God. Whereof if men be deprived, he is ever desirous to recover the same again, like as all other things do, that are spoiled of their natural liberty. Wherhfore wicked and cruel is he to be deemed that favoureth not liberty. Which things the Laws of England, duly considering do in all respects show favour to liberty. And though the same laws judge him thrall, whom a bondman in wedlock begetteth of a free woman, yet hereby cannot these laws be reputed severe and cruel. For a woman, which by marriage hath submitted herself to a bondman, is made one flesh with him, wherefore as the foresaid Laws determine, she followeth the state of his condition, and of her own free will hath made herself a bond woman, not forced there to by the Law, much like to such, as in King's Courts become bondmen, or cell themselves into bondage without any compulsion at all. And how then can the Law determine the child to be free, whom such a mother hath thus borne? For the husband can never be in so much subjection to his wife, though she be a right great Lady, as this woman is subject to the bond man, whom she hath made her Lord, insomuch as the Lord saith to all wives: Thou shalt be under the power of thy husband, And he shall have dominion over thee, And what is it that these Civilians say of the fruit of a good or evil tree, Is not every wife of a free or thrall condition, according to the state of her husband? And in whose ground hath the husband planted, while his wife is one flesh with him? Not in his own? And what then if he have graffed a slip of a sweet nature in a stock of a sour tree: So that the tree be his own, shall not the fruits, though they ever saver of the stock, be his own fruits? So the child, which the wife beareth is the husbands issue, whether the wife be free or thrall. Howbeit the Laws of England decree, that if a bond woman, without the consent of her lord, be married to a free man, though they cannot be divorced, because the Gospel saith, whom God hath conjoined, let no man separate, yet shall her lord recover against the same freeman all the damages, that he hath sustained by reason of the loss of his vassal or bond woman. This now, as I suppose, is the sum & form of the law of England in the case now declared. What therefore is your opinion most excellent Prince, in the same case? And whether of these two laws do you esteem to be of more worthiness and excellency?    

¶ The Prince approveth the Law, whereby the issue followeth not the womb. Cham 43.  

PRinceps, Anglo rum legem in hoc casu Romanorum legi praestare dubitare nos ratio non permittit. Et optatior mihi semper est lex, quae favorem potius quam rigorem, partibus administrat. Recolo namque illius juris reg●iā, quae sic dicit: O●●a perstringi, & 〈◊〉 convenit ampl●ari. Can●ellarius, Et bene quidem. Alium adhuc casum tibi referam, princeps, in quo concertant leges istae, & non multum postea, tunc desistam, ne onerosum tibi sit, tantis solicitari scismatibus, etiam ne in fastidium tibi veni at desceptatio mea diutius protelata.   

REason suffereth us not to doubt (quoth the Prince) but that in this case the law of England surmounteth the Roman Law. And that Law is to me more allowable, which unto children showeth favour, rather than rigour. For I remember a rule of the Law, that saith: It is behooveable that cruel hate be repressed, and favour advanced. And good reason (quoth the Chancellor) Yet will I empress unto you an other case, wherein these Laws are repugnant, And shortly after I will make an end, lest it be tedious to you, to be troubled with so many disagreings, and jest you happen to be wearied with my over long talk.    

¶ The fourth case, wherein the said Laws vary. Chap. 44.  

THe Civil laws commit the tuition of Orphans to the next of their blood, whether the kindred grow on the father's side, or on the mother side, that is to say, to every man according to the degree and order, wherein his turn is next to succeed the pupil in his inheritance. And the reason of this law is for that no man will behave himself more tenderly or more favourably in the careful education of the Infant, them he that is next of his blood.  
Nevertheless the Laws of England, touching the custody of Orphans, do determine much otherwise. For there, if an inheritance, being holden in Socage descend to an Orphan, from any of the kindred of his Father's side, the same Orphan shall not be under the keeping of any of that kindred but he shall be governed by his cousins or kinsfolk of his mother's side. And if the inheritance come to him from any kinsman of his mother's side, than the pupil with his inheritance shall be in the custody, till he come to lawful age, of him that is next of his kin of his father's side, and not of any kinsman of the mother's side. For our laws say, that to commit the tuition of an infant to him, that shall next succeed him, is like as if one should betake a lamb unto a Wolf to be devoured. But if the inheritance be not holden in socage, but by Knight's service, then by the Laws of the same land, the child with his inheritance shall be in the keeping of none of his kindred of neither side, but in the custody of the Lord of the fee, until he come to the age of one and twenty years. And think you, that any man can or will better instruct and train up the child in feats of Arms, which, by reason of his tenure, he is bound to yield to the Lord of his fee, than the Lord himself, to whom such service is by him due? Which is also to be judged of more power and honour, than the friends and kinsfolk of his tenant. For he, to the intent he may in time to come be the better served of his tenant, will use the more diligence towards him, And it is to be presumed, that he is more expert & skilful to trade him in these things, than his other friends, rude peradventure & unpractised in martial feats, specially if his patrimony be but small. And what can be more profitable for the child, which by reason of his tenure, shall in the service of his Lord, endanger his life and all that he hath, in the acts of Chivalry, then in his nonage, to be brought up in the discipline and practice of the same, seeing that in his ripe age he shall not be able to avoid the adventure thereof? And to say the truth, it shall be no small commodity for the Realm, that the inhabiters of the same be well expert in the knowledge of Arms. For, as saith the Philosopher, every man doth the things boldly, wherein he assureth himself to be skilful. And do you not then, most noble Prince, allow this Law, and commend it above the other now described?   

LEges civiles, impuberum tutelas, proximis de eorum sanguine, committunt, agnati fuerint seu cognati, unicuique videlicet secundum gradum & ordinem, quo in haereditate pupilli successurus est. Et ratio legis huius est, quia nullus, tenerius fauorabiliusue infantem alere sataget quam proximus de sanguine eius.  
Tamen long aliter de impuberum custodia statuunt leges Angliae. Nam ibidem, si haereditas, quae tenetur in Socagio, descendat impuberi ab aliquo agnatorum suorum, non erit impubes ille, sub custodia alicuius agnatorum eius, Sed per ipsos cognatos, videlicet, consanguineos ex part matris ipse regetur. Et si ex part cognatorum haereditas sibi descenderit, pupillus ille cum haereditate sua, per proximum agnatum, & non cognatum eius custodietur, Quousque ipse fuerit adultus. Nam leges illae dicunt quod committere tutelam infantis illi qui est ei proxime successurus, est quasi agnum committere lupo ad devorandum. Sed si haereditas illa, non in socagio, sed teneatur per seruitium militare, tunc per leges terrae illius, infans ipse & haereditas eius non per agnatos neque cognatos, sed per dominum foeodi illius custodientur, quousque ipse fuerit etatis viginti & unius annorum. Quis, putas, infantem talem, in actibus bellicis, quos facere, ratione tenurae suae, ipse astrin gitur domino feodi sui, melius instruere poterit, aut velit, quam dominus ille, cui ab eo seruitium tale debetur? & qui maioris potentiae & honoris estimatur, quam sunt alij amici propinqui tenentis sui? Ipse namque ut sibi ab eodem tenente melius seruiatur, diligentem curam adhibebit, & melius in his eum erudire expertus esse censetur, quam reliqui amici juvenis rudes forsan & armorum inexperti, maxime si non magnum fuerit patrimonium eius. Et qd utilius est infanti, qui vitam & omnia sua periculis bellicis exponet in seruicio domini sui ratione tenurae suae, quam in militia actubusque bellicis imbui, dum minor est, cum actus huiusmodi ipse in aetate matura declinare non poterit? Et revera, non minime erit regno accommodum, ut incolae eius in armis sint experti. Nam, ut dicit Philosophus, audacter quilibet facit, quod se scire ipse non diffidit. Nunquid tunc legem hanc, tu approbas, fili Regis, & collandas super Legem alteram iam descriptam?    

¶ Here, the Prince commendeth the education of Noble men's children being Orphans. Chap. 45.  

PRinceps, Immo, Cancellarie, legem hanc, plusquam alteram, ego laudo. Nam, in eius part prima quam tu notasti, caute magis, quam civilis, ipsa providet securitati pupilli. Sedtamen in eius part secunda, multo magis ego delector▪ nam ab ea est, qd in Anglia, nobilium progenies de facili degenerari non potest, sed probitate potius, strenuitate, & morum honestate, antecessores suos ipsa transcendet, dum in altiori, nobiliorique curia, quam in domo parentum, illa sit imbuta, licet in domo consimili forsan parentes eius educati erant: Quia consimilis adhuc non erat, domus parentum illorum, domui Dominorum, quibus, ipsi parentes, & ipsi infantes, seruierunt. Principes quoque regni sub hac lege regulati, similiter & domini alij a rege immediate tenentes, non possunt de levi in lasciviam ruditatemue labi, cum in pueritia, dum Orphani fuerint ipsi, in domo regia nutriuntur. Quare non infime domus regiae opulentiam magnitudinemque collaudo, dum in ea gimnasium supremum, sit nobilitatis regni schola quoque strenuitatis, probitatis, & morum quibus regnum honoratur, et floret ac contra irruentes securatur, etiam formido, ipsa erit, inimicis & amicis regni. Hoc revera bonum accidisse non potuisset regno illi, si nobilium filij, orphani & pupilli, per pauperes amicos parentum suorum nutrirentur. Nec regni bono officere potest, licet burgensium filij & aliorum libere tenentium, qui in focagio tenent tenementa sua, quo ipsi ad militiam non astringuntur, in domo consimilium amicorum svorum educantur, ut perspicue consideranti, lucide apparere potest.   

YEs, good Chancellor, quoth the Prince, this Law I do allow much more than the other. For in the first part of it, which you noted, it provideth much more warily for the security and safeguard of the pupil, than the Civil law doth. Howbeit in the second part of the same, I do take more delight. For thereof it cometh to pass, that in England Noble men's children cannot easily degenerate, but rather pass and surmount their ancestors in virtue, in courage, and in honest conditions, forsomuch as they are brought up and instructed in an higher & an honourabler Court, then in the houses of their Parents, though their Parents were peradventure brought up in the like places: For their Parent's house was never yet like the Lords house, whom as well the Parents, as also the Children served. The Princes also of the Realm, being ruled by this Law, and likewise other Lords, holding their Land immediately of the King, cannot lightly fall to wantonness and unseemliness, seeing that in their childhood, while they be Orphans, they are brought up in the kings house, wherefore I must needs highly praise and commend the riches and high port of the Kings Court, in that it is the chiefest school within the Realm, for the Nobility of the Land. It is also the schoolhouse of manhood, of virtue, and of good manners, whereby the Realm is honoured, and flourisheth, & is preserved against invasions: so that it is dreaded both of friends and foes. And to be plain, this great commodity could not have happened to the Realm, if Noble men's children, being Orphans and pupils, had been nourished and brought up by the poor friends of their Parents. Neither can this be prejudicial or hurtful to the wealth of the Realm, that the Children of Burgesses, and of other freeholders, which hold their tenements in ●ocage, & are not thereby bound to warfare, are brought up in the houses of their like friends, as to him, that shall thoroughly weigh the matter, it may evidently appear.    

¶ Yet he rehearseth other cases, wherein the foresaid Laws differ. Chap. 46.  

THere be yet divers other cases, quoth the Chancellor, wherein, the Laws aforesaid do vary. As in that the Civil Laws do judge, open Theft, to be satisfied by the recompense of fourfold, and privy Theft, by the recompense of double. But the Laws of England suffer neither of those offences to be more favourably punished, then with the offenders death, so that the value of the thing stolen, be above the value of twelve pence. Also a libertine, that is to say, a freeman, that sometime was bond, if he become unkind or churlish, the Civil Laws reduce him into his former state of servitude again: But by the Laws of England he, that is once made free, be he grate or ingrate, is adjudged to enjoy his Freedom still. There be other like cases also not a few, which at this time for brevites sake I overpass. Neither in these two cases, do I dispute the excellency of the foresaid Laws, seeing the qualities of them require no great search. And I doubt not, but the quickness of your wit is such, that it can sufficiently discuss the same▪   

TVnc Cancellarius. Sunt & alij casus nonnulli, in quibus differunt leges antedictae. Vt quia leges civiles judicant furtum manifestum, ꝑ redditionem quadrupli: & furtum non manifest●m, per dupli recompensationem, expiari. Sed leges Angliae, neutrum facinorum illorum, mitius quam committentis morte puniri permittunt, dummodo ablati valor, duodecim denariorum valorem excedat. Item libertinum, ingratum, leges civiles in pristinam redigunt servitutem: sed leges Angliae semel manumissum, semper liberum judicant, gratum & ingratum. Alij quoque sunt casus huiuscemodi non pauci, quos iam, studio brevitatis, praetereo. Et neque in hijs duobus casibus, praedictarum legum praestantias, ego iam describo, cum non magnae sint ind●ginis, eorum qualitates, nec diffido, ingenij tuisolertiam eas sufficienter posse rimari.    

¶ The Prince regardeth not the cases now rehearsed Chap. 47.  

NOT nor it booteth not, good Chancellor herein much to tarry, qd the Prince. For though in England, aswell open, as privy thieves, are commonly put to death, yet cease they not there from stealing, as though they had no fear of so great a punishment. How much less than would they withhold their hands from theft, if they foresaw once that the punishment were mitigated? And God forbidden, that he, which once hath escaped miserable servitude, should ever after tremble and quake at the threatenings of bondage, specially under the colour of ingratitude or unkindness, seeing the kinds of ingratitude are so many, that they can scant well be numbered: and man's nature in the cause of liberty of freedom, more than in other causes, requireth favour. Wherhfore at this time, good Chancellor, I beseech you heartily meddle no more with the examination of any such cases. But now explain & open unto me, why the laws of England, being so good, so fruitful, and so commodious, are not taught in the Universities, as the Civil and Canon laws are: and why in the same, none are commenced Bachelors and Doctors, as in other faculties and sciences it is accustomed.   

PRinceps. Nec ex pedit Cancellarie, in hijs multum sudare: qa, licet in Anglia ●ures clandestini & manifesti passim morte plectantur, non cessant ipsi ibidem omnino praedari, ac si paenam tantam illi minime formidarent. Quanto tunc minus, se abstinerent a crimine si paenam praeviderent mitiorem? Et absit, a servitute semel evasum, semper deinde sub minis tremere servitutis, maxime ingratitudinis colore, cum ingratitudinum species, vix poterint, prae multitudine, numerari, & humana natura, in libertatis causa favorem semper, magis, quam in causis alijs, deprecetur. Sed iam, Cancellarie, obnixe te imploro, ut amodo amissa plurium casuum huiusmodi examinatione, mihi edi cas, quare leges Angliae, tam bonae, frugi, & optabiles, in universitatibus non docentur, ut Civiles similiter & Canonun leges: & quare in e●sdem, non datur Baccalariatus & Doctoratus gradus, ut in alijs facultatibus & scientijs est dari consuetum.    

¶ Hear the Chancellor showeth, why, the Laws of England are not taught in Universities. Chap. 48.  

IN the Universities of England, quoth the Chancellor, sciences are not taught but in the Latin tongue: And the laws of that land are to be learned in iij. several tongues: to wit, in the English tongue, the French tongue, and the Latin tongue. In the english tongue, because the law is most used, & longest continued amongst the Englishmen. In the French tongue, because that after the French men under William the Conqueror of England had obtained the land, they suffered not their men of law to pled their causes, but in the tongue which they knew, and so do all the men of law in France, yea in the court of Parliament there. Likewise the frenchmen, after their coming into England, received not the accounts of their revenues but in their own language, jest they should be deceived therein, Neither had they delight to hunt, and to exercise other sports and pastimes, as dices play, and the hand ball, but in their own proper tongue. Wherhfore the Englishmen by much using of their company, grew in such a perfectness of the same language, that at this day in such plays and accounts they use the French tongue, And they were wont to plead in French till by force of a certain Statute, that manner was much restrained, But it could never hitherto, be wholly abolished, aswell by reason of certain Terms, which pleaders do more properly express in French, then in English, as also for that declarations upon original writs cannot be pronounced so agreeably to the nature of those writs, as in French, And under the same speech the forms of such declarations are learned. Moreover, all plead, arguings, and judgements passed in the king's court, and entered into books, for the instruction of them that shall come after, are ever more reported in the French tongue. Many Statutes also of that realm are written in French. Whereof it happeneth that the common speech, now used in France, agreeth not, nor is not like the French used among the Lawyers of England, but it is by a certain rudeness of the common people corrupt. Which corruption of speech chanceth not in the French that is used in England, forsomuch as the speech is there oftener written then spoken. Now in the third of the said three tongues, which is the Latin tongue, are written all Writs original and iuditial: and likewise all the Records of pleas in the King's Courts, with certain Statutes also. Wherefore, while the Laws of England are learned in these three tongues, they cannot conveniently be taught or studied in the universities, where only the Latin tongue is exercised. Notwithstanding the same Laws are taught and learned, in a certain place of public or common study, more convenient and apt for attaining to the knowledge of them them any other university. For this place of study is situate nigh to the King's courts, where the same laws are pleaded & argued, & judgements by the same given by judges, men of gravity, ancient in years, perfect and graduate in the same laws. Wherhfore, every day in court, the students in those laws resort by great numbers into those courts wherein the same Laws are read and taught as it were in common schools. This place of study is set between the place of the said Courts, and the City of London, which of all things necessary is the plentifullest of all the Cities and towns of the Realm. So that the said place of study is not situate within the City, where the confluence of people might disturb the quietness of the students, but somewhat several in the suburbs of the same City, and nigher to the said Courts, that the students may daily a● their pleasure have access and recourse thither with out weariness.   

Cancellarius, In Vniuersitatibus Angliae, non docentur scientiae nisi in Latina lingua: Et leges terrae illius in triplici lingua addiscuntur: videlicet, Anglica, Gallica, & Latina. Anglica, quia inter Anglos lex illa maxime inolevit. Gallica, quia postq galli, Duce Wilhelmo Angliae conquestore terram illam optinuerunt, non ꝑmiserunt ipsi eorum advocatos placitare causas suas, nisi in lingua, quam ipsi noverunt, qualiter & faciunt omnes advocati in Francia, etiam in curia parliamenti ibidem. Consimiliter gallici post eorum aduentum in Angliam, ratio cinia de eorum proventibus non receperunt, nisi in proprio idiomate, ne ipsi inde deciperentur. Venari etiam, & iocos alios exercere, ut talorum & pi larum ludos, non nisi in propria lingua delectabuntur. Quo, & Anglici ex frequenti eorum in talibus comitiva, habitum talem contraxerunt, qd hucusque ipsi in ludis huiusmodi, & compotis, linguam loquuntur gallicanam & placitare in eadem lingua soliti ●u erunt quousque mos il le, vigore cuiusdam statuti quamplurimum restrictus est, tamen in toto hucusque aboleri non potuit, tum ꝓpter terminos quosdam, quos plus ꝓprie placitantes in gallico, quam in Anglico, expmmunt, tum quia decla rationes super bria originalia, tam conuenien ter ad naturambrevium illorum ꝓnuntiari neque unt, ut in Gallica, sub quali sermone declarationum huiusmodi formulae addiscuntur. Reportantur etiam ea, quae in curijs regijs placitantur, disputantur, & iudicantur ac in libros ad futurorum eruditionem rediguntur in sermone semper gallico. Quamplurima etiam statuta regni illius, in gallico conscribuntur. unde accidit, qd lingua iam in Francia vulgaris, non concordat aut consimilis est gallico inter ligisperitos Angliae usitato, sed vulgariter quadam ruditate corrupta. Qd fieri non accidit in sermone gallico infra Angliam usitato, cum sit sermo ille ibidem saepius scriptus quam locutus. Sub tertia vero linguarum praedictarum. uz. sub latina, omnia brevia originalia & iudicialia, similiter & omnia recordae placitorum in curijs regum, etiam & quaedam Statuta scribuntur. Quare, dum leges Angliae in his tribus addiscuntur linguis, ipsae in vniuersitatibus, ubi solum exercetur lingua latina convenienter erudiri non poterunt aut studeri. Leges tamen illae in quodam studio publico ꝓ illarum apprehensione (omni universitate convenientiore & ꝓniore docentur & addiscuntur. Studium namque istud situm est prope curiam regis, vbileges illae placitantur, disputantur & judicia p̄ easdem redduntur ꝑ judices viros graves, senes, in legi bus illis ꝑitos & graduatos, quo in curijs illis, ad quas omni die placitabili confluunt studentes in legibus illis, quasi in scolis publicis, leges illae leguntur & docentur. Situatur etiam studium illud, inter locum curiarum illarum & Civitatem London, quae de omnibus necessarijs opulentissima est omnium civitatum & oppidorum regni illius, Nec in civitate illa, ubi confluentium turba, studentium quietem ꝑturbare possit, sicum est studium istud sed-seorsum parumper, in civitatis illius suburbio, & propius Curijs praedictis, ut ad eas sine fatigatio nis incommodo, studentes, indies ad libi tum, accedere valeant    

¶ Here he declareth the disposition of the general study of the Laws of England, and that the same in number of students passeth certain universities. Cap. 49.  

BUt to the intent, most excellent Prince, ye may conceive a form and an image of this study, as I am able, I will describe it unto you. For there be in it ten lesser houses or Inns, & sometimes more, which are called Inns of the Chancery, And to every one of them, belongeth an hundred students at the lest, and to some of them a much greater number, though they be not ever all together in the same. These students, for the most part of them, are young men, learning or studying the originals, and as it were the elements of the Law, who profiting therein, as they grow to ripeness, so are they admitted into the greater Inns of the same study, called the Inns of Court. Of the which greater Inns there are four in number. And to the lest of them belongeth, in form above mentioned, two hundredth Students or there abouts.  
For in these greater Inns, there can no Student be maintained for less expenses by the year, than twenty Marks, And if he have a servant to wait upon him, as most of them have, than so much the greater will his charges be. Now, by reason of this charges, the children only of Noble men do study the Laws in those Inns. For the poor and common sort of the people, are not able to bear so great charges for the exhibition of their Children. And Merchant men can seldom find in their hearts to hinder their merchandise with so great yearly expenses.  
And thus it falleth out that there is scant any man found within the Realm skilful and cunning in the laws, except he be a Gentleman borne & come of a Noble stock. Wherefore they more, than any other kind of men have a special regard to their Nobility, and to the preservation of their honour & fame. And to speak uprightly, there is in these greater Inns, yea, and in the lesser to, beside the study of the laws, as it were an university or school of all commendable qualities requisite for Noblemen. There they learn to sing, & to exercise themselves in all kind of harmony. There also they practise dancing, & other Noble men's pastimes, as they use to do, which are brought up in the King's house: On the working days, most of them apply themselves to the study of the Law, And on the holy days to the study of holy Scripture: and out of the time of Divine service, to the reading of Chronicles. For there indeed are virtues studied, and vices exiled. So that, for the endowment of virtue, and abandoning of vice, Knights and Barons, with other States and Noble men of the Realm, place their Children in those Inns, though they desire not to have them learned in the Laws, nor to live by the practice thereof, but only upon their father's allowance. Scant at any time is there heard amongst them any sedition, chiding or grudging, And yet the offenders are punished with none other pain, but only to be amoved from the company of their fellowship. Which punishment they do more fear, than other criminal offenders do fear imprisonment and irons: For he that is once expelled from any of those fellowships, is never received to be a fellow in any of the other fellowships, And so by this means there is continual peace: and their demeanour is like the behaviour of such as are coupled together in perfect amity. But, after what manner and sort the laws are learned in those Inns, thereof here to make rehearsal, it is not needful, forsomuch as it is not for your estate, most noble Prince, to put the same in ure. Yet know ye this, that it is pleasant and delectable, and in any wise expedient, for the learning of the Law, and worthy with all affection to be embraced. But one thing there is, that I would have you to know, that neither at Orleans, where aswell the Canon, as the Civil laws, are taught, and whether, out of many countries, scholars do repair, nor at Angeo, or at Cane, or any university of France (Paris only excepted) are found so many students past childhood▪ as in this place of study, notwithstanding that all the students there are English borne.   

SEd, ut tibi constet princeps huius studij ●orma & imago, illam, ut val●o, iam describam. Sunt namque in eo, decem hospitia minora, & quandoque vero plura quae nominantur hospitia Cancellariae ad quorum qd libet pertinent centum studentes ad minus, & ad aliqua eorum maior in multo numerus, licet non oens semper in eis fimul conveniant. Studentes etenim isti, ꝓeorū partmmaiori, iwenes sunt, originalia, &, quasi legis elementa addiscentes, qui in illis ꝓficientes, ut ipsi maturescunt, ad maiora hospitia studij illius, quae hospita curiae appellantur, assumuntur, Quorum maiorum, quatuor sunt in numero, & ad minimum eorum pertinent in forma praenotata, ducenti studentes aut prope. In hijs enim maiori bus hospitijs, nequa quam potest studens aliquis sustentari minoribus expensis in anno, quam octoginta scutorum, & si seruientem sibi ipse ibidem habuerit, ut eorum habet pluralitas, tanto tunc maiores ipse sustinebit expensas. Occasione vero sumptuum hmndi, ipsi nobilium filij tantum in hospitijs illis leges addiscunt. Cum pauperes & vulgares, pro filiorum suorum exhibitione, tantos sumptus nequeant sufferre. Et mercatores raro cupiant tantis oneribus annuis attenuare mercandisas suas. Quo fit ut vix doctus in legibus illis reperiatur in regno qui non sit nobilis, & de nobilium genere egressus. unde magis alijs consimilis status hominibus, ipsi nobilitatem curant & conseruationem honoris & famae suae. In his revera hospiciijs maioribus, etiam & minoribus, vl●ra studium legum, est quasi gimnasium omnium morum, qui nobiles decent. Ibi cantare ipsi addiscunt similiter & se exercent in omni genere harmoniae. Ibi etiam tripudiare, ac iocos singulos nobilibus convenientes qualiter in domo regia exerceresolēt, enutriti: in ferialibus diebus, eorum pars maior, legalis disciplinae studio, & in festivalibus sacrae scripturae, & cronicorum lectioni, post divina obsequia, se confert. Ibi quip disciplina virtutum est & vitiorum omnium exilium. Ita ut propter virtutis acquisitionem, vitij etiam fugam, milites, barones alij quoque magnates & nobiles Regni, in hospitijs illis ponunt filios suos, quamuis non gliscant eos legum imbui disciplina, nec einus exercitio vivere sed solum ex patrocinijs suis Ibi vix unquam seditio, iurgium, aut murmur resonat, & tamen delinquentes non alia poena quam solum a communione societatis suae amotione plectuntur, quia poenam hanc ipsi plus formidant, quam criminosi alibi carcerem timent, aut vinc●la, nam semel ab una societatum illarum expulsus, nunquam ab ali qua caeterarum societatum earundem, recipiturin socium, quo ibi pax est continua, & quasi amicitia coniunctorum, est eorum omnium conversatio. Forman vero, qua leges illae in his discuntur hofpitijs, hic exprimere non expedit, cum tibi, princeps, eam experiri non liceat. Scito tamen, qd delectabilis ipsa est & omni modo expediens legis illius disciplinae, omni quoque affectione digna. unum tamen te scire desidero, qd neque Aurelianis ubi tam Canones addiscuntur, quam civiles leges, & quò, a quampluribus regionibus confluunt scolares, neque Andaginis, aut in Cadomo, aliaue universitate Franciae, praeterquam solum Parisijs, reperiuntur tot studentes infantiam evasi, sicut in hoc studio, licet ibi addiscentes omnes, solum ab Anglia sint oriundi.    

¶ Of the estate and degree of a Sergeant at Law, and how he is created. Chap. 50.  

SEd cum tu, princeps, scire deside res, cur in legibus Angliae non dantur Baculariatus & Doctoratus gradus, sicut in utroque iure in vniuersitatibus est dare consutum: Scire te volo, qd licet gradus huiusmodi, in legibus Angliae, minime conferantur: datur tamen in illis, nedum gradus, sed & status quidam, gradu doctoratus non minus celebris aut solemnis, qui gradus seruientis ad legem appellatur. Et confertur sub hac, quae subsequitur, forma. Capital' justicarius de communi banco, de consilio & assensu omnium justiciarior, eligere solet, quoties sibi videturoportunum, 7 vel 8 de maturioribus personis, qui in praedict' generali studio maius in legibus profecerunt, & qui eisdem iusticiarijs optimae dispositionꝭ esse videntur, & nomina eorum ille deliberar̄ solet Cancellar' Angliae in scriptis, qui illico mandabit per brevia regis, cuilibet electorum illorum, ꝙ sit coram rege, ad diem ꝑ ipsum assignatum, ad suscipiendum statum & gradum seruientis ad legem, sub ingenti paena, in quolibet brevium praedictorum, limitata: ad quem diem quilibet eorum comparens, iurabitur (super sancta dei evangelia) fore para●um, ad diem & locum tunc sibi statuendos, ad recipiendum statum & gradum praedictum, & qd ipse in die illo dabit aurum secundum consuetudinem regni in hoc casu vsita●ā▪ Tamen, qualiter ad diem illum, quilibet electorum praedictorum se habebit, necnon formam & modum, qualiter status & gradus huiusmodi conferentur & recipientur, hic inserere omitto: cum scripturam maiorem illa exigant, quam congruit operi tam succincto. Tibi tamen, ore tenus, ea aliàs explicavi. Scire tamen te cupio, quod, adveniente die sic statuto, electi illi, inter alias solemnitates festum celebrant & conuivium ad instar coronationis Regis, quod & continuabitur ꝑ dies septem, nec quisquam electorum illorum, sumptus sibi contingentes circa solemnitatem creationis suae, minoribus expensis perficiet, quam mill & sex centorum scutorum, quo, expensae, quas octo, sic electi, tunc refundent, excedunt summam 3200 marcarum expensarum: pars quaedam inter caetera, haec erit. Quilibet eorum dabit annulos de auro, ad valenciam in toto, 40. libra rum (ad minus) monetae Anglicane: Et bene recolit Cancell' ipse, ꝙ, dum ille statum & grad hmodi recepera●, ipse soluit ꝓ anulis, quos tunc distribuit, 50. libras, quae sunt 300. scuta. Solet namque unusquisque Seruientium hmodi, tempor creationis suae, dare cuilibet Principi, Duci, & Archiep'o, in solēnitat' illa presennti, ac Cancellario; & Thesaurario Angliae, anulum ad valorem 26. s 8. d', & cuilibet Comiti & Epo consimiliter presentibus, necnon Custodi priuat' sigilli utrique capitali justice ' & capitali Baroni de scaccario regis anulum ad valorem 20. s. & omni dno baroni perliamenti, & omni Abbati & notabili Praelato, ac magno Militi, tunc pnsenti, custodi etiam Rotulorun cancellarie regis, & cuilibet justice ', anulum ad valentiam 1. marcae, Similiter & omni Baroni de scacc ' regis, camerarijs, etiam omnibus officiarijs, & notabilibus viris in eurijs regis ministrantibus, anulos minoris praecij, convenientes tamen statibus eorum, quibus donantur. Ita qd, non erit clericus, maxime in curia communis banci, licet infimus, quin anulum ipse recipiet convenientem gradui suo. Et ultra hos ipsi dant anulos, alijs amicis suis. Similiter & libratam magnam panni unius sectae, quam ipsi tunc distribuent in magna abundantia nedum familiaribus suis, sed & amicis alijs & notis, qui eye attendent & ministrabunt tempore solemnitatis praedictae Quare, licet in universitatibus in gradum doctoratus erecti, expensas non modicas faciant tempore creationis suae, ac birreta, alia quoque donaria quam bona erogent: non tamen aurum ipsi conferunt aut alia donaria, sumptusue faciunt, his expensis similia. Neque in regno aliquo orbis terrarum, datur gradus specialis in legibus regni illius, praeterquam solum in regno Angliae. Nec est advocatus in universo Mundo, qui ratione officij sui, tantum lucratur, ut seruiens huiusmodi. Nullus etiam, licet in legibus regni illius scientissimus fuerit, assumetur ad officium & dignitatem iusticiarij, in curijs placitorum coram ipso Rege, & communis banci, quae sunt supremae curiae eiusdem Regni ordinariae, nisi ipse primitus statu & gradu seruientis ad legem fuerit insignitus. Nec quisquam, praeterquam seruiens talis, in curia communis banci, ubi omnia realia placita placitantur, placitabit. Quare ad statum & gradum talem, nullus hucusque assumptus est, qui non in praedicto generali legis studio, sexdecim annos ad minus, antea complevit, & in signum, quod omnes iusticiarij illi taliter extant graduati, quilibet eorum semper utitur dum in curia regis sedet, birreto albo de serico, quod primum & precipuus est de insignibus habitus, quo seruientes ad legem, in eorum creatione, decorantur. Nec birretum illud Iusticiarius sicut nec seruiens ad legem unquam deponet, quo caput suum in toto discooperiet, etiam in presentia regis licet cum celsitudine sua ipse loquatur. Quare, Princeps preclarissime, tu amodo haesitare non poteris, qui● leges istae, quae tam singulariter supra civiles leges, leges etiam omnium aliorum regnorum honorantur, & tam solemni statu eruditorum & ministrantium in eis venerantur, praeciosae sint, nobiles, & sublimes, ac magnae prestantiae maximaeque scientiae & virtutis.   

BUt forsomuch as you desire to know, most gracious Prince, for what cause the degrees of Bachelars and Doctors are not given in the Laws of England as they are accustomably given in both Laws within universities, your Majesty shall understand, that, though there degrees are not given in the Laws of England, yet there is given in them not a degree only, but also a state no less worshipful and solemn, than the degree of doctors: which 〈◊〉 called the degree of a Sergeant at Law. And it is given under the manner and form following. The Lord chief justice, of the Common Bench, by the counsel & assent of all the justices, useth, as often as he thinketh good, to choose seven or eight of the discreetest persons, that in the foresaid general study have most profited in the Laws, and which to the same justices are thought to be of best disposition, and their names he presenteth to the Lord Chancellor of England in writing, Who incontinent, by virtue of the King's Writ, shall charge every of the persons elect, to be before the king at a day by him assigned, to take upon him the state & degree of a sergeant at Law, under a great penalty in every of the said Writes limited: On the which day, every one of them appearing, shall be sworn upon the holy Gospel of GOD, to be ready, at the day and place then to be appointed, to receive the state and degree aforesaid, and that he the same day shall give Gold according to the custom in that behalf used. How be it, how and after what sort, every of the said persons shall that day demean himself, and also the form and manner, how, that state and degree shall be given and received, for so much as the same can not so briefly be written, as to the shortness of this work is requisite therefore at this time, I will leave these points untouched. And yet I have declared the same to you ere now by way of talk. But this you must understand, that when the day appointed is come, those elect persons among other solemnities, must keep a great dinner, like to the feast of a King's Coronation, which shall continued and last by the space of seven days, And none of those elect persons shall defray the charges growing to him about the coasts of this solemnity, with less expenses, than the sum of four hundred marks, so that the expenses, which eight men, so elect, shall then bestow, will surmount to the sum of three thousand and two hundred Marks: Of the which expenses, one parcel shall be this. Every of them shall give rings of gold, to the value of forty pounds sterling at the lest: And your Chancellor well remembreth, that at what time he received this state and degree, the rings which he then gave, stood him in fifty pounds. For, every such Sergeant, at the day of his creation, useth to give unto every Prince, Duke, and Archbishop, being present at that solemnity, and to the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Treasurer of England, a ring of the value of xxvi. shillings viii. pence. And to every Earl and Bishop being likewise present, and also to the Lord Privy seal, to both the Lords chief justices, and to the Lord chief Baron of the king's Exchequer, a ring of the value of xx. shillings. And to every Lord Baron of the Parliament, and to every abbot & notable Prelate, & worshipful Knight, being then present, & also to the Master of the Rolls, and to every justice, a ring, of the value of a Mark, And likewise to every Baron of the Exchequer, to the Chamberlains, and to all the officers and notable men serving in the kings courts, rings of a smaller price, but agreeable to their estates, to whom they are given. Insomuch that there shall not be a Clerk, specially in the court of the common bench, but he shall receive a ring convenient for his degree. And besides these, they give divers rings to other of their friends. They give also liveries of cloth of one suit or colour in great abundance, not only to their household meany, but also to their other friends and acquaintance, which, during the time of the foresaid solemnity, shall attend and wait upon them. Wherhfore▪ though in the Universities, they, that are promoted to the degree of Doctors, do sustain no small charges at the time of their commencement as in giving of bonnets and other rich gifts, yet they give no gold, nor do bestow any other gifts or costs like unto these expenses. Neither in any country of the world, is there any special degree given in the Laws of the same Land, but only in the realm of England. Neither is there any man of Law through out the universal world, which, by reason of his office or profession, gaineth so much as one of these sergeant. No man also, be he never so cunning and skilful in the laws of the realm, shallbe exalted to the office & dignity of a justice in the court of pleas before the king, or in the court of the comen bench, which are the chief ordinary Courts of the same realm, unless he be first promoted to the state & degree of a Sergeant at Law. Neither shall any man, but only such a Sergeant, pled in the Court of the Common bench, where all real actions are pleaded. Wherhfore to this state and degree hath no man been hitherto admitted, except he hath first continued by the space of sixteen years in the said general study of the law, and in token or sign, that all justices are thus graduate, every of them always, while he sitteth in the kings court, weareth a white Coif of silk: which is the principal and chief insignement of habit, wherewith sergeant at law in their creation, are decked: and neither the justice, nor yet the Sergeant, shall ever put of the quoin, not not in the king's presence, though he be in talk with his majesties highness. Wherhfore, most noble Prince, you cannot hereafter doubt, but the these laws, which so singularly above the Civil laws, yea and above the laws of all other Realms are honoured, & with so solemn a state of such, as are learned therein, & do profess the same, are worshipped must needs be precious, noble and high, and of great excellency, and of special knowledge and virtue.    

After what manner, a justice is created, and of his habit and conversation. Chap. 51.  

SEd ut justiciariorum (sicut & serui●ntum ad legem) status Tibi innotescat, eorum formam officiumque (ut potero) iam describam. Solent namque in communi Banco quinque justiciarij esse, vel sex ad maius: E●●n Banco regis, quatuor vel quinque, ac quoties eorum aliquis per mortem vel aliter, cessaverit, Rex, de advisamento consilij sui, eligere solet unum de seruientibus ad legem & cum per literas ●uas patentes constituere in justiciarum, loco judicis sic cessan●is, & tunc Cancellarius Angliae adibit curiam, ubi justice ' sic deest, deferens secum literas illas, ac sedens in medio iustic' Introduci facit seru●ētē sic electum, cui in plena curia, ipse notificabit voluntatem regis, de officio, iudiciario sic vacant, & legi faciet in publico literas pndictas: Quo facto, custos rotulorum cancellariae regis leget coram eodem elcto, iusiurandum quod ipse facturus est, qd & cum super sancta Dei evangelia ipse iuraverit, cancellarius sibi tradet literas regis pndictas, & capitalis iusticiarius curiae illius assignabit sibi locum in eadem, ubi deincep● ille sedebit, & mox eum sedere ●aciet in eodem. Sc●ēdu tamen tibi est, Princeps, ꝙ justiciarius iste inter caet●ra ●unc iurabit: se justiciam ministraturum indifferenter omnibus hominibus, coram eo placitatibus, inimicis & amicis, nec sic facere differet, etiamsi rex per literas suas, aut ore tenus contrariū●usserit. jurabit evan qd extunc non recipiet ipse ab aliquo praeter quam a rege, feodum, aut pensionem aliquam, seu liberatam, neque donum capiet ab habente placitum coram eo, praeterquam esculenta & poculenta, quae non magni erunt precij. Sciendum etiam tibi est, ꝙ justiciar ' sic creatus, conuivium, solēnitatēue, aut sumptus aliquos, non faciet tempore, susceptionis officij & dignitatis suae, cum non sint illa gradus aliqui in facultate legis, sed officium suum illa sint & magistratus, ad regis nutum duratura, habitum tamen indumenti sui (in quibusdam) ipse extunc mutabit, sed non in omnibus insignijs eius. Nam seruiens ad legem ipse existens, roba longa ad instar sacerdotis, cum capicio penulato circa humeros eius & desure collobio, cum duobus labelulis, qua literuti solent doctores legum in vniuersitatibus quibusdam, cum supra descripto birreto vestiebat. Sed justice ' factus, loco col jobij, clamide inductur, firmata super humerum eius dexterum, caeteris ornamentis seruientis adhuc ꝑmanentibus, excepto quod stragulata vest, aut coloris bipertiti, ut potest seruiens▪ justiciarius non utetur, & capicium eius non alio quam mene●ero penulatur, Capicium tamen seruientis pellibus agninis semper albis implicatur qualem habitum te plus ornare optarem, cum potestas tibi fuerit, ad decorem status legis & honorem regni tui. Scire te etiam cupio, quod iusticiarij Angliae non sedent in curijs regis, nisi per tres horas in die. s. ab hora viii. ante meridiem, usque horam vi. completam, quia post meridiem curiae illae non tenentur. Sed placitantes tunc se devertunt ad pervisum, & alibi consulentes cum seruientibus ad legem & alijs consiliarijs suis. Quare justiciarij, postquam se refecerint, totum die● residuum pertranseunt, studendo in legibus, sacram legendo scripturam, & aliter ad corum libitum contemplando, ut vita ipsorum plus contemplatiua videatur quam activa. Sicque quietam illi vitam agunt ab omni solicitudine & mundi turbinibus semotam: nec unquam compertum est, eorum aliquem, donis aut muneribus fuisse corruptum. un de & hoc genus gratiae vidimus subsecutum, quod vix eorum aliquis sine exitu decedat, quod justis magnae & quasi appropriatae benedictionis dei est, mihi quoque non minimi muneris divini censetur esse pensandum, quod ex judicum sobole, plures de proceribus & magnatibus regni hucusque prodierunt, quam de aliquo alio statu hominum regni, qui se prudentia & industria propria opulentos, inclitos, nobilesque fecerunt. Quanquam mercatorum status, quorum aliquī sunt, qui omnibus iusticiarijs, regni praestant divitijs, judicum numerum in millibus hominum excedat. Nam fortunae, quae nihil est, istd ascribin non poterit: sed divinae solum benedictioni fore arbitror tribuendum. Cum ipse per prophetam dicat: quod generatio rectorum benedicetur. Et alibi de justis loquens propheta ait: quod filij eorum in benedictione erunt. Dilige ●gitur, (fili Regis) justiciam, quae sic ditat, colit, & perpetuat fetus colentium eam Et. zelator esto legis, quae justitiam parit, ut à te dicatur, quod à justis scribitus: & semen eorum in aeternum manebit.   

BUt to the intent the state of justices as well as the sergeant at Law, may be known to your grace, as I can, I will describe unto you their form & office. In the common bench there are customable v. justices or six at the most. And i● the King's bench iiij. or five. And as often as the place of any of them by death or otherwise, is void, the King useth to choose one of the Serieaunts at Law, and him by his Letters Patents, to ordain a justice, in the place of the judge so seizing, And then the Lord Chancellor of England shall enter into the Court, where the justice is so lacking, bringing with him those letters patents, & sitting in the midst of the justices causeth the Sergeant so elect to be brought in, to whom in the open Court he notifieth the King's pleasure touching the office of the justice then void & causeth the foresaid letters to be openly read. Which done, the Master of the Rolls shall read before the same elect person, the oath that he shall take, which when he hath sworn upon the holy Gospel of God, the Lord Chancellor shall deliver unto him the King's letters aforesaid, And the Lord Chief justice of the Court shall assign unto him a place in the same, where he shall then place him, & that place shall he afterward keep. Yet you must know, most noble Prince, that this justice shall then among other things, swear, that he shall indifferently minister justice to all men, as well foes as friends, that shall have any suit or plea before him, And this shall he not forbear to do though the king by his letters, or by express word of mouth, would command the contrary. He shall also swear that from the time forward, he shall not receive or take any fee, or pension, or livery of any man but of the King only, nor any gift, reward or bribe of any man having suit or Plea before him, saving meat & drink, which shall be of no great value. You shall also know, that a justice, thus made, shall not be at the charges of any dinner or solemnity, or any other costs at the time when he taketh upon him his Office and dignity, Forsomuch as this is no degree in the faculty of the Law, but an office only and a room of authority, to continued during the king's pleasure, Howbeit the habit of his raiment, he shall from time to time forward, in some points change, but not all the ensignements thereof. For being a Serieaunt at Law, he was clothed in a long robe priest like, with a Furred Cape about his shoulders, and thereupon a Hood● with two Labels such as Doctors of the Laws use to wear in certain Universities, with the above described Quoyfe. But being once made a justice, in steed of his Hood, he shall wear a Cloak closed upon his right shoulder, all the other Ornaments of a Serieaunt still remaining: saving that a justice shall wear no partiae coloured Vesture as a Serieaunt may, And his Cape is Furred with none other than Menever, whereas the Sereiaunts Cape is ever Furred with white Lamb. And this Habit I would wish your Grace to bring into high estimation, when it shall be in your power, for the worship of the state of the Law, & the honour of your Realm. Furthermore, I would ye should know, that the justices of England sit not in the kings courts above iij hours in a day, that is to say, from viii. of the clock in the forenoon till xj. complete, For in the afternoons, those courts are not held or kept. But the Suitors than resort to the perusing of their writings, & elsewhere consulting with the sergeant at law, & other their Counsellors▪ Wherhfore the justices, after they have taken their refection, do pass & bestow all the residue of the day in the study of the laws, in reading of holy Scripture, and using other kind of contemplation at their pleasure, So that their life may seem more contemplative than active. And thus do they lead a quiet life, discharged of all worldly cares and troubles: And it hath never been known, that any of them hath been corrupt with gifts or bribes. Whereupon we have seen this kind of grace following, that scant any of them dieth without issue, which unto just men is a token of the great and peculiar blessing of God, And in mine opinion it is to be judged for no small point of the bountiful goodness of God, that out of the generation of judges there have hitherto sprung up more States and Peeers of the Realm, than out of any other state of men: which by their own wit & policy have aspired unto great wealth, nobility & honour. Yea though the state of Merchants surmount the number of judges by many thousands, being men of such singular wealth, that among them commonly there be such, as one of them in riches passeth all the justices of the Realm. For this cannot be ascribed unto Fortune, which is nothing, But it is to be attributed (as I take it) only to the blessing of God. Forsomuch as by his prophet he saith, that the generation of righteous men shallbe blessed. And the prophet in an other place, speaking of just men, saith, that their children shall be in blessing. Wherhfore, O most magnificent Prince, be you in love with justice, which thus enricheth, exalteth to honour & advanceth to perpetuity the children of them that have her in veneration. And be you a zealous lover of the Law, the very wellspring of justice, that by you it may be said that it is written of the righteous, And their seed shall remain for ever.    

¶ The prince findeth fault with delays, that are made in the King's Courts. Chap. 52.  

PRinceps. unum iam solum super est, Cancellarie, declarandum: quo parumper adhuc fluctuat, inquietat quoque mens mea, In quo, fi eam solidaveris, non amplius te quae stionibus fatigabo. Dilationes ingentes, ut asseritur, patiuntur leges Angliae in processibus suis plusquam leges aliarum nationum qd pe●entibus, nedum juris sui prolatio est, sed & sumptuum quandoque importabile onus, & maxime in actionibus illis in quibus damna petentibus non redduntur.   

THere remaineth now but one thing, good Chancellor, quoth the Prince, to be declared, wherewith my mind sonewhat yet wavereth & is disquieted, wherein▪ if you stay & satisfy me, I will trouble you with no more questions. The Laws of England as the report goeth, suffer great delays in their processes, more than the Laws of other Nations, which unto suitors is not only a hindrance of their right, but also many times an importable burden of charges, and chief in those actions, wherein damages are not allowed    

¶ Delays, that happen in the King's Courts are necessary and reasonable. Chap. 53.  

IN actions personal, quoth the Chancellor out of Cities and Towns of merchandise, where the manner of proceeding is according to the customs and liberties of the same, there the proceed are ordinary. And though they suffer great delays, yet they be not excessive. But in the same Cities and Towns chiefly when any urgent cause so requireth, there is quick dispatch made, like as in other parts of the world, and yet not with such hot haste as in some other places, that the party be thereby endamaged. Again, in actions real, the proceed are very slow, almost in all parts of the world, but in England, somewhat speedier. For, within the Realm of France, in the highest Court there, which is called the Court of Parliament, there be certain processes that have hanged there avove thirty years. And I know that a cause of appeal, which in the court between Rich: Heron an English merchant, & other merchant men, for a transgression made, hath been debated within the jurisdiction of that court, hath already hanged by the space of x. years, And it is not yet like, that it can be decided within other x. years While I was lately abiding in Paris, mine host showed me his process in writing, which in the court of Parliamnt there he had then followed full 8 years, for iiij. s. rend, which in our money maketh not above viii. d. & yet he was in no hope to obtain judgement in 8. years more: & I know other cases there, like unto these, So that the Laws of England, as seemeth to me, 'cause not so great delays, as do the Laws of that country. But to speak uprightly it is necessary that delays he had in the processes of all nations, so that the same be not too much excessive. For by reason thereof, the parties, and chiefly the party defendant, do oftentimes provide themselves of good defences, and also of counsels, which else they should lack. And in judgements, there is never so great danger toward, as when process goeth forward with over much haste. For I saw once in the City of Salisbury, before a certain judge, at a jail delivery there, with the Clerk of the assizes, a woman attainted and burned for the death of her husband within a year, after he was slain, In the which case, it was in the judges power to have reprieved, or respected the woman's arraignment till the end of the year, And about a year after that, I saw one of the servants of the slain man, convict, before the same justice, of the death of the same his master. Who then openly confessed, that he himself alone slew his master, & that his master his wife, which before was burned, was altogether innocent of his death. And he for the same was drawn and hanged. And still, even at the point of death, he lamented the woman burned, as one clear from that offence. O wha● perplexity & remorse of conscience it is to be thought, that this so hasty a justice had of this deed, which might justly have stayed the process? He himself (alas) often confessed unto me that he should never during his life be able to clear his conscience of this fact: For many times, in deliberations, judgements grow to ripeness: but in overhasty process, never. Wherhfore the laws of England admit essoin, & so do no other laws of all the world. Are not vouching to warrant right profitable, are not the aids of them profitable to whom the reversion of tenements brought in plea belongeth, & which have the evidences of the same. Are not also the aids of copertners profitable, which shall pay according to the rate of a tenement, allotted to their copertner by force of the Law evicted from him, And yet all these are delays, as you, most noble Prince, by my talk at other times do well know: and the like delays to these do no other Laws admit, neither do the Laws of England admit trifling and unfruitful delays. And if any such fond delays should be used they may at every Parliament be cut away. Yea and other Laws used in the same Realm, when in any point they begin to halt, they may at every Parliament be reform. Wherhfore, it may well be concluded, that all the Laws of that Realm are right good, either in deed, or in possibility, So that if they be not presently good, they may easily be reduced to the present perfection of goodness. To the performance whereof, as often as equity so requireth, every king there is bound by an oath solemnly taken at the time of his Coronation.   

Cancellarius, In actionibus personalibus extra vrbe● & villas mercatorias, ubi proceditur secundum consuetudines & libertates earundem, processus sunt ordinarij. Et quantaslibet dilationes patiuntur, non tamen excessivas. In urbibus veró & villis illis, potissimum cum urgens causa deposca●, celeris, ut in aliis mundi partibus fit processus, nec tamen (ut alibi) ipsi nimium aliquando festinantur, quo subsequit partis laesio. Rursus in realibus actionibus, in omnibus fere mundi partibus, morosi sunt ꝓcessus, sed in Anglia, quodammodo celeriores. Sunt qppein regno Franc ' in curia ibidem supmma, quae curia parliamenti vocitat ꝓcessus quidam, qui in ea plus quam triginta annis pependerunt. Et novi ego appellationis causam unam, q in curia illa agitata fuit, iam per decem ann suspensan fuisse & adhuc verisimile, non est, eam infra annos x. alios posse decid●. Ostendit & mihi dudum, dum Parisiis morabar, hospes meus ꝓcessum suum in scrip tis, q in curia parlia menti ibidem ipse tunc 8. ann, ꝓ 4. s ' redditus, qui de pecunia nostra 8. d'. non exce dunt ꝓsecutus est, nec speravit se in 8. annalijs judicium inde obtenturum. Alios quoque nonnullos novi casus ibidem, his similes, sic ꝙ leges Angliae, non tantas, ut mihi visum est, dilationes sortiuntur 〈◊〉 faciunt leges regionis illius. Sed revera ꝑnessarium est, dilationes fieri in ꝓcessibus oinu actionum, dummo do nimium ipsae non fuerint excessivae. Nam sub illis partes & maxime pars rea, quamsaepe sibi provident de defensionibus utilibus, similiter & consilijs, quibus alias ipsi carerent. Nec un quam in judicijs tantum imminet periculum, quantum parit processus festinatus. Vidi nempe quondam apud civitatem Sarun, coram judice quodam ad gaolam ibidem deliberandam, cum clerico suo assignato, mulierem de mor●e mariti sui infra annum, de interfectione eius attinctam similiter & combustam, in quo casu licuit judici illi, usque post annum illum arretamentum sive disrationem mulieris illius respectuasse, & post annum illum, vidi unum de seruientibus interfecti illius, coram eodem justi ciario, de morte eiusdem magistri sui convictum, qui tunc publice fatebatur, ipsummet solum magistrum suum occidisse, & magistram suam, uxorem eius, tunc combustam, innocentem omnino fuisse de morte eius: quare ipse tractus & suspensus fuit. Sed tamen omnino, etiam in ipso mortis articulo, mulierem combustam immunem a crimine illo fuisse, ipse lugebat. O quale putandum est ex hoc facto conscientiae dis crimen & remorsum evenisse iusticiario illi tam praecipiti, qui potuit processum illum just retardasse? Saepius proh dolor, ipse mihi fassus est, qd nunquam in vita sua animumeius de hoc facto ipse purgaret: crebro etenim in deliberationibus, judicia maturescunt: Sed in accelerato processu, nunquam. Quare leges Angliae essonium admittunt, qualia non faciunt leges aliae mundi universi. Non ne quam utiles sunt vocationes ad warrantum? Auxilia de his ad quos spectat reversio tenementorum, qui in placitum deducunt, & qui habent evidentias eorundem. Auxilia etiam de coperticibus qui reddent pro rata, si tenementum comparticipi allottatum, evincatur, & tamen haec dilationes sunt, sicut, tu Princeps, alias nosti ex doctrina mea: Et dilationes his similes, leges aliae non admittunt, neque leges Angliae frivolas & infructuosas ꝑmittunt inducias. Et si quae in reg no illo dilationes in placitis, minus accommodae, fuerint usitatae, in omni parliamento amputari illae possunt, etiam & omnes leges aliae, in regno illo usitatae, cum in aliquo claudicaverint, in omni Parliamento poterunt reformari. Quo recte concludi potest, quod omnes leges regni illius optimae sunt, in actu vel potentia, quo faciliter in actum duci poterunt & in essentiam realem. Ad quod faciendum, quoties aequitas id poposcerit, singuli reges ibidem, sacramento astringuntur solemniter praestito tempore receptionis di adematis sui.    

¶ The Laws of England are right good, the knowledge whereof is expedient for kings. Yet it shall suffice them to have but a superficial knowledge of the same. Chap. 45.  

PRinceps. Leges illas, nedum bonas sed & optimas esse cancellarie, ex ꝓsecutione tua in hoc dialogo certissime deprehendi. Et sique ex eis meliorari deposcant, id citissime fieri posse, parliamentorum ibidem formulae nos erudiunt. Quo, realiter, potenti aliterue, regnum illud semper pnstantissimis legi bus gubernatur, nec tuas in hac concionatione doctrinas, futuris Angliae regi bus, inutilis fore conijcio, dum non delectet regere legibus, quae non delectant. Fastidit namque artificem, ineptio instrumenti: & militem igna vum reddit, debilitas lanciae & mucronis. Sed sicut ad pugnam animatur miles, cum, nedum sibi prona sint arma, sed & magis, cum in actibus bellicis ipse sit expertus, dicente Vegetio de re militariqd, scientia rei bellicae, dinicandi au quadran nutrit. (Quia nemo facere metuit qd se benedidicisse confidit.) Sic & rex omnis, ad justitiam animatur, dum leges, quibus ipsa fiet, nedum iustissimas esse agnoscit, sed & earum ille expertus sit formam & naturam, quas tantum in universali, inclusive▪ & in confuso, Principi scire sufficiet, remanente suis judicibus, earum discreta determinataque peritia & scientia altiori. Sic equidem & scripturarum divinarum peritiam, ut dicit Vincentius Beluacensis in libro de Morali institutione Principum, Omnis princeps habere deberet, cum dicat scriptura superius memorata, quod vani sunt omnes, in quibus non est scientia dei, & Prover. xuj. scribatur: Divinatio, id est divina sententia, vel, sermo divinus, sit in labijs regis: & tunc in judicio non errabit os eius. Non tamen profunde, determinateve intelligere tenetur Princeps scripturas sacras, ut decet sacrae Theologiae professorem: sufficit namque ei, earum in confuso degustare sententias, qualiter & peritiam legis suae. Sic et fecerunt Carolus Magnus, lodovicus filius eius, & Robertus quondam rex Franciae, qui hanc scripsit seqētiā (Sancti spiritus adsit nobis gratia,) & quam plures alij, ut in xv. cap̄. lib. pndicti Vincentius praedictus luculenter docet. unde & doctores legum dicunt: qd Imperator gerit omnia iura sua in scrinio pectoris sui, non quia omniaiura ipse noscit realiter & in actu sed dum principia eorum ipse percipit, for man similiter & naturam, omnia iura sua ipse intelligere censetur, quae etiam transformare ille potest, mutare & cassare: quó in eo potentialiter sunt omnia iura sua, ut in Adam erat Eva, antequam plasmaretur. Sed quia, Cancellarie, ad legum Angliae disciplinatum mihi iam conspicio sufficienter esse suasum, qd & in huius operis exordio facere promisisti: Non te amplius huius praetextu, solicitare conabor, sed obnixè deposco, ut in legis huius principijs, ut quondam incepisti, me erudias: docens quodammodo eius agnoscere formam & naturam, quia lex ista mihi semper peculiaris erit inter caeteras leges orbis, inter quas ipsam lucere conspicio, ut lucifer inter stellas. Et dum intentioni tuae, qua ad collationem hanc concitatus es, iam satisfactum esse non ambigo, tempus postulat & ratio, ut nostris colloquijs terminum conferamus: reddentes ex eis, laudes ei & gratias, qui ea incepit, prosecutus est, & finivit Alpha & O. quem dicimus, quem & laudet omnis spiritus. Amen.   

I Have well and evidently perceived, qd the prince by the process of your talk good Chancellor, that those Laws are not only good but also of most perfect & excellent goodness. And if any of them have need to be amended, that may quickly be done, as the forms & orders of the Parliaments there do plainly prove. Wherhfore the realm is ever, really, or potentially, governed by most excellent & most worthy Laws, and I doubt not, but that your instructions, in this our talk, shall be profitable for the kings of England, which hereafter shall be: so that they have no pleasure in governing by unpleasant laws. For the unhansomnes of the tool or instrument wearieth the workman: & a blunt pike or a dull sword maketh a cowardly soldier. But like as a soldier is encouraged to fight, not only, when he hath handsome & fit weopons in a readiness, but also much more, when he is expert and skilful in warlike acts, according to the saying of Vegetius in his book of chivalry, the knowledge & cunning in Martial feats ministereth boldness in fight (for no man feareth to do that, which he trusteth he hath well learned) in like manner every King hath a fervent zeal, & earnest desire to the maintenance of justice, not only knowing the Laws, whereby that must be done, to be most just, but also being skilful in the form & nature of the same: Whereof it shall suffice the Prince to have only an universal, a superficial & a confuse knowledge, the discreet & determinate perfectness, & deep understanding of the same, being left to his judges. So also, aught all princes to be well seen in the holy scriptures of God, as saith Vincentius Beluacensis in his book of the Moral institution of Princes, Forasmuch as the Scripture above mentioned saith, the vain are all they, in whom is not the knowledge of God, and for that in the sixteenth Chapter of the Proverbs it is thus written: Let prophesy, or the Word of God, be in the lips of the King, & then his mouth shall not go wrong in judgement. And yet is not a King bound to have profound knowledge and determinate understanding in the holy Scriptures as it becometh a professor of Divinity: For it shall be enough for him, superficially to taste the sentences thereof, as also of his Laws. Thus did Charles the great, Lewes his son, and Robert sometime King of France who wrote this sequence. (Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia) and divers other Princes, as the foresaid Vincentius in the fifteenth Chapter of his Book aforesaid plainly showeth. Wherhfore the Doctors of the Laws do say, that an Emperor beareth all his Laws in the box of his breast: not for that he knoweth all the Laws really and in deed, but for that he understandeth the Principles of them, likewise their form and their nature, in which respect he is judged to be skilful in all his Laws, Which also he may alter, change, and repeal: So that in him are potentially all his laws, as Eve was in Adam before she was made. But now, good Cancellour, seeing I perceive myself sufficiently persuaded to the study of the laws of England, which thing in the beginning of this work you promised to perform, I will no longer trouble you in this behalf, But thus I instantly desire you that ye will instruct me in the principles of the Law, as you once began to do: and that you will teach me to know and understand the form and nature thereof, For this Law, shall be evermore peculiar to me among all other Laws of the world, among the which I see it shine, as Lucifer among the Stars. And forsomuch as I doubt not but your intent, where by you were moved to this conference, is fully satisfied: both time and reason requireth, that we make an end of our talk, yielding therefore lauds and thanks to him, which began, furthered, and hath finished the same, Whom we call Alpha & O. who also be praised of every living creature. Amen.   
FINIS.   

The Table.  

AN Introductionn to the matter. Fol. 3  
The Chancellor moveth the Prince to the knowledge of the Law. 4  
The Prince's reply to the motion 7  
The Chancellor fortifieth his assertion. 8  
The Chancellor proveth that a Prince by the Law may be made happy and blessed. 10  
Ignorance of the Law causeth contempt thereof. 14  
The Chancellor briefly repeateth the effect of his persuasion. 17  
The Prince yieldeth himself to the study of the Laws, though he be yet disquieted with certain doubts. 19  
So much knowledge as is necessary for a Prince is soon had. 20  
A King whose government is politic cannot change his Laws. 25  
The Prince demandeth a question. 27  
The answer is omitted for that in an other work it is handled at large. 28  
How kingdoms ruled by royal government only first began. 28  
How kingdoms of politic governance were begun. 30  
The Prince compendiously abridgeth all tha● the Chancellor before hath discoursed at large. 33  
All Laws are the Law of Nature, Customs, or Statutes. 36  
The Law of Nature in all Countries is one. 37  
The Customs of England are of most ancient antiquity, practised and received of five several Nations from one to another by succession. 38  
With what gravity Statutes are made in England. 39  
A mean to know the diversity between the Civil Laws and the Laws of England. 41  
The first case wherein the Civil Laws and the Laws of England differ. 42  
Inconveniences that cometh of that Law, which no otherwise then by witnesses admitteth trials. 43  
Of the cruelty of Racking. 46  
The Civil Law often faileth in doing of justice. 50  
How Counties are divided and Sheriffs chosen. 51  
How jurors must be chosen and sworn. 54  
How jurors aught to be informed by evidences and witnesses. 57  
How causes criminal, are determined in England. 61  
The Prince granteth the Laws of England to be more commodious for the subjects, than the Civil Laws in the case disputed. 63  
Why Inquests are not made by juries of xii. men in other Realms, aswell as in England. 65  
The Prince commendeth the Laws of England of their proceeding by juries 69  
The Prince doubteth, whether this proceeding by juries be repugnant to God's Law, or not. 70  
That the proceeding by a jury, is not repugnant to the Law of God. 72  
Why certain Kings of England have had no delight in their own Laws. 76  
The Chancellor openeth the cause which the Prince demandeth. 77  
The inconveniences that happen in the Realm of France, through regal government alone. 79  
The commodities that proceed of the joint government politic and regal, in the Realm of England 83  
A comparison of the worthiness of both the regiments. 86  
The Prince breaketh the Chancellor of his tale. 89  
The second case, wherein the Civil Laws, and the Laws of England, disagree in their judgements. 89  
Special causes why base borne children are not legitimate in England by matrimony ensuing. 93  
The Prince alloweth the Law, which doth not ligittimate children borne before matrimony. 98  
The third case wherein the Laws aforesaid disagree. 98  
The Prince approveth the Law, whereby the issue followeth not the womb. 103  
The fourth case wherein the said Laws vary. 104  
The Prince commendeth the education of Noble men's children being Orphans. 106  
Other cases wherein the foresaid Laws differ. 108  
The prince regardeth not the cases last rehearsed. 109  
The Chancellor showeth why the laws of England are not taught in the Universities. 110  
The disposition of the general study of the Laws of England, and that the same in number passeth certain Universities. 113  
Of the estate and degree of a Sergeant at Law, and how he is created. 116  
After what manner a justice is created, and of his habit and conversation 121  
The Prince findeth fault with delays that are made in the King's Courts. 125  
That delays which happen in the King's Court are necessary and reasonable. 129  
That the Laws of England are right good, the knowledge whereof is expedient for kings, and tha● it shall suffice them to have but a superficial knowledge of the same. 129   
FINIS.   

Notes upon Sir JOHN FORTESCVE Knight, L. Chief justice of England, De laudibus legum Angliae.  

Ad CAP. III.  
1 AVctore causaruns.] Questionless he meant the author of the little book De causis, put in some latin editions at the end of Aristotle's works with some other ridiculously attributed to Aristotle. There are, who think it to be done by Alpharabius, others by Auempace, others by Proclus. It was turned out of Hebrew into Latin, but is not extant in Aristotle's language. It's ancient, but clearly beneath the age of Aristotle. In proposit. 1. the substance is of what he cities.   

Ad CAP. VIII.  
2 APprenticios.] From Apprendre. i. to learn, comes Apprentice de la ley; which will denote as much as Discipulus applied by justinian to somewhat a like degree in his law. For after he had reckoned his Dupondij or justiniani novi (that is, students of two years standing) his Papinianists (students of three years) his Lytae (those of four years) and his prolytae (for them of five) to whom the reading of the whole course of that law and an able understanding was imputed, he then, comprehending the prolytae and the rest labouring to that degree, adds; Discipuliigitur omnibus eis legitimis arcanis reseratis, nihil habeant absconditum, but that they might afterward be justitiae satellites & iudiciorum optimi tam athletae quam gubernatores, in omni loco aeveque faelices. So he writes C. tit. de veteri iure enucls. l. 1. Deo auctore. §. 6. The ancientest mention of an Apprentice in this since which our published books have is in 1. Ed. 3. fol. 17. a pl. 3. But in the monuments of Parliament of 20. Ed. 1. extant in the Tower, this testimony is of them: De Atturnatis & Apprenticijs, D. Rex iniunxit johanni de Mettingham & sociis suis, quod ipsi per eorum discretiones provideant & ordinent certum numerum de quolibet conitatu de melioribus & legalioribus & libentiùs addiscentibus secundum quod intellexerint quod Curiae suae & populo de regno melius valere poterit & maius commodum fuerit, & quod ipsi quos ad hoc elegerint Curiam sequantur, & alij non. Et videtur Regi & eius consilio quod septies-viginti sufficere poterint etc. Apponant tamen praefati justitiarij plures si viderint esse faciendum vel numerum anticipent, & de alijs remanentibus fiat secundum discretionem justitiariorum. Mention is of them also in Fleta lib. 2. cap. 37. Part of that of 20. Ed. 1. is transcribed in the Epistle of the 9 reports, where more is out of antiquity touching these Apprentices. The name was used for Practisers, and Apprenticij ad Barros are Barristers in the ridiculous verses of Andrew Horn before his Mirror aux justices. These are they, 
Hanc legum summam, si quis vult mira tueri,  
Perlegat, & sapiens si vult orator haberi;  
Hoc Apprenticijs ad Barros ebore munus,  
Gratum iuridicis utile mittit opus  Horn mihi cognomen, Andreas est mihi nomen.  
This Horn lived about Ed. 2. His certain age I yet know not. The verses I transcribed out of an ancient copy of him, extant in Bennet College Library in Cambridge, and written, as it seems by the hand, about Edw. 3. or Rich. the seconds time.  
3 Proprio ore nullus Regam Angliae.] Yet certainly the Kings themselves often sat in court (in the King's Bench:) and in the rolls of Charters under King john and the time near him, often occur grants that such or such English should not be impleaded or put to answer nisi coram nobis vel capitali justitia nostra, and to Normans nisi coram nobis vel capitali senescallo nostro. For example, in Rot. Chart. 1. Reg. joh. Chart. 171. memb. 28. the king gives to one jacob a jew of London and a priest of the jews, presbyteratum omnium judaeorum totius Angliae for life, and the patent hath in it, prohibemus etiam ne de aliquo ad se pertinente ponatur in placitum nisi coram nobis aut coram capitali justitia nostra sicut Charta Regis Richardi fratris mei testatur. Here coram capitali justitia is divided from coram Rege; the last signifying before the King's person; although now pleas held in the King's Bench before the successor of the Capitalis justitia, are entered coram Rege, and some rolls (as of 44. Hen. 3.) have placita coram Domino Rege de Tempore Hugonis Bigod justitiarij Angliae, and also in the same bundle Placita coram Hugone le Bigod justitiario Angliae. And Bracton lib. 3. tract. de Actionibus cap. 5. si actiones criminales sint, in curia Domini Regis debent terminari, & hoc coram ipso Rege si tangant personam suam. and in 2. Ed. 4. the king sat in person.   

Ad CAP. XIII.  
4 SCotiam, quae ei quondam ut ducatus.] Of that matter see Guil. Malmesburiens. de gest. reg. lib. 2. cap. 6. Roger. de Hoveden fol. 311. b. & 377. a & b. & 461. Matth. Paris sub anno 1072. & 1175. & 244. pag. 208.872. & 1124. sub anno 1252. Matth. Westmonasteriens. sub anno 1054. and what he hath with Thomas of Walsingham sub anno 1290. & seqq. and Edward Hall in his Henry 8. out of old monuments, also Walsinghan pag. 85.133. & 171. Edit. Francofurt, & Florence of Worcester & Henry of Huntingdon where they speak of King Athelstan, and authority enough will appear against what Buqhanan writes in lib. 6. & 8. Rerum Scoticarum, touching the english Empire. For authorities in law of the same thing, see 11. Edw. 3. tit. Brief 473. 39 Edw. 3. fol. 35. & 36.42. Edw. 3. fol. 2. b. 13. Hen. 4. Brook tit. Appeal 153.6. Rich. 2. tit. protection 46.8. Rich. 2. tit. Continual claim 13.13. Elizab. Dyer fol. 304. a Rot. Parliament. 21. Ed. 1 in Arce London fol. 51. & seqq. beside divers originals of matters of that nation yet remaining in the Treasuries of Records. Neither is that of Godfrey of Malmesburie unnecessary to be here remembered. He relates that when William 11 was offended with Malcolm 111. of Scotland, that he would not secundum judicium Baronum suorum in curia sua rectitudinem Regibus Anglorum facere, the Scottish King id agere nisi in regnorum suorum confinijs ubi reges Scotorum erant soliti rectitudinem facere regibus Anglorum, & secundum judicium primatum utriusque regni nullo modo voluit, & sic impacati ad invicem discesserunt. He places this in 7. Willielmi 2. When this Godfrey lived I know not, his Annals begin with the Saxons, and end in 29. Hen. 1. He hath much of Northern matters, & the same that is in Roger of Hoveden. often & this very passage also is in Hoveden, pag. 265.   

Ad CAP XVII.  
5 ALiqui Regum] But questionless the Saxons made a mixture of the British customs with their own; the Danes with old British, the Saxon and their own; and the Normans the like. The old laws of the Saxons mention the Danish law (Danelage) the Mercian law (Mercenlage) and the Westsaxon law (Westsaxonlage) of which also some Counties were governed by one, some by another. All these being considered by William 1. comparing them with the laws of Norway (which he most of all affected, mainly, as I think, because by them a Bastard of a Concubine, as himself was, had equal inheritance with the most legitimat son. You may see for it Roger de Hoveden fol. 347. & 425.) he quasdam reprobavit (as the words of Gervase of Tilburie in his Dialogue de Scaccario are) quasdam autem approbans illis transmarinas Neustriae leges quae ad regni pacem tuendam efficacissimè videbantur adiecit, but so indeed, that such laws as he in writing allowed, are, by a denomination from the greater part called bonae & adprobatae antiquae regni leges by Matth. Paris in his Ms. life of Fretherique Abbot of S. Albon, and leges Edwardi Regis quae prius inventae sunt & constitutae in tempore Adgari avi sui by Roger of Hoveden, and leges aequissimi Regis Edwardi by Ingulphus Abbot of Crowland, who lived under the Conqueror, and brought a copy of them from London to his Abbey, as he remembers in his printed story. And in a Ms. copy, communicated to me, 'mongst divers other, by that living Treasure of Antiquity and most exquisite monuments, my noble and much deserving friend Sir Robert Cotton, and continued by Peter of Blois, after that which is in the print, succeed those laws of William 1. there spoken of with this title in broken french, Ces sont leis & les Cus●umes qui li Reys William grantast a tutle pupil de Engleterre apres la conquest de la terre ice les meismes que le Reys Edward sun Cousin tint devant lut. Ceo est a savoir, pais a saint Egglise etc. the context of them throughout being much corrupted. They were you see called S. Edward's laws, and to this day, are. But clearly, divers Norman customs were in practice first mixed with them, and to these times continued. as succeeding ages, so new nations (coming in by a Conquest, although mixed with a title, as of the Norman Conqueror, is to be affirmed) bring always some alteration. by this well considered, That of the laws of this realm being never changed will be better understood.  
6. Et maximè Romam] Understand not this neither otherwise, but that the Romans had their laws in such parts of this land, as they had their most civil government in. I mean in Colonies hither deduced. For every Colony was but as an image of the mother City, with like holy rites, like Courts, Laws, Temples, places of public commerce, and for the most part with Duumviri in steed of Consuls, & Aediles and Decuriones in am of a Senate: and it is clear that divers Colonies from Rome were in Britain, as at Camalodunum (now Maldon in Essex) that was deduced to be subsidium adversus rebels (as Tacitus says) & imbuendis socijs ad officia legum. And an old inscription remembers one Aurelius Bassus to be Censitor civium Romanorum Coloniae victri censis quae est in Britannia Camalodunum. At York was also a Colony. an old piece of money of Severus, thus, COL. EBORACUM. LEG. VI VICTRIX.  
Another inscription is justifying the same in Camden, pag. 572. although Aurelius Victor calls it Municipium in his life of Severus. Likewise one was at Chester, anciently called Devana, Deva, or Dewana, (as we see in Ptolemy and Antoninus) from the River Dee. witness an old coin of Septimius Geta thus inscribd.  COL. DIVANA LEG. XX. VICTRIX. 
And a fragment of a stone in Baths walls hath  DEC. COLONIAE GLEU. VIXIT ANN. LXXXVI. 
Glev, is Gloucester, as the most learned Clarentius Camden teaches. Some think Colchester had a Colony too. But here are enough to show, that the laws of Rome were used in Britain, as in other places where the Romans conquered. Seneca ad Albinam cap. 7. Hic denique populus Colonias in omnes provincias misit ubicunque vicit Romanus habitat: and Gildas of this land, non Britannia sed Romania censebatur. So one anciently speaking to Mars, Romulus, and Claudius, (under whom the first Colonies were deduced hither) in Catalect. vet. Poet. lib. 1. tit. 7.  
Cernitis ignotos Latia sub lege Britannos.  
After Claudius, the Britons began to learn the arts, to exceed the Gauls in wit and learning, and they that at first did Linguam Romanam abnuere (as Tacitus speaks in the life of Agricola) did at length eloquentiam concupiscere. Ind etiam (says he) habitus nostri honour & frequens toga; paullatimque discessum ad delinimenta vitiorum porticus & Balnea & conviviorum elegantiam; idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset: and this is spoken of natural Britons, not Colonies. They affected, we see, Roman language, Rhetoric, Roman habit, Roman pleasures, diet, and the like. Neither needed Tacitus to have mentioned their, affecting the laws of Rome, when they were subject to them as a conquered people. And no doubt is, but they that imitated their Conquerors, and neighbour Colonies in the rest, were not backward in affecting those laws, for which the languages and rhetoric were most useful. juvenal speaking of Gaul which he calls in Satyr. 7.— nutricula Causidicorum, says in Satyr. 15.  
Gallia Causidicos docuit facunda Britannos,  
De conducendo loquituriam rhetore Thule.  
The easier might the use and study of the laws of Rome be received here, after this Claudius his conquest, in regard that those which before & in ancient time had the determining of controversies, and the learning of that kind in their hands, were by him forbidden to use any longer their religion, for which they were most of all reverenced and regarded. I mean the Druids. and when their holy rites were prohibited by the Emperor, it's likely enough that the nations governed by them in point of law (as the Gauls and Britons were) grew regardless, at jest remained nothing so respectful of them as before, and so became prove to receive the laws of Rome which had both conquered them, and also taken away the reverence before given to the Druids. That the Druids before Claudius were the lawyers and determined controversies I. Caesar is witness lib. 5. and 6. de bello Gallico, compared with the Catholic opinion in antiquity of an identity (at lest in their office, actions and learning) in Gaul and Britain. That Claudius took away their religion, Sueton is author in his life cap. 25. Druidarum religionem apud Gallos dirae immanitatis, & tantùm civibus sub Augusto interdictam, penitus abolevit. With him agrees Seneca in his Apocolocyntosis. It may well enough be imagined, that the taking it away in Gaul extended to Britain which was both the nursery of it, and mother too, as julius Caesar writes. If only to Gaul; yet it's probable enough that the Druids in Britain could not but suffer by it, at lest in reputation. For that of Pliny nat. hist. lib. 30. cap. 1. Tiberij Caesaris principatus sustulit Druidas Gallorum; it's to be referred only to Rome as Lipsius well takes it in Comment. ad Tacit. Annal. 12. num. 98. and in such sense as Sueton speaks of Augustus his forbidding them tantùm civibus. And indeed although after Claudius, mention be in Tacitus, Lampridius, and Vopiscus of them, yet shall you not found any sign of their legal power extant either in those, or in Ammianus Marcellinus that specially remembers them, but only attributes a study of the mysteries of nature and a Pythagorical learning to them, under Constantius and julian, as you see in his 15. book. For the matter of Colonies before spoken of; he that desires accurate instruction of their nature and particular rights, may see, besides what such as writing of the Roman State universally have of it, Lips. de Magnitud. Romana lib. 1. cap. 6. and Marc. Velser lib. 2. Antiquit. Augustae Vindelicorum.  
7 Leges Civiles in quantum Romanorum inveteratae sunt.] The antiquity which he means of our Laws before the Civil of Rome, is only upon these conditions. First that the story of Brute be to be credited, and then that the same kind of law and policy hath ever since continued in Britain. That Story supposes him here CCC. years and more before Rome built. But (with no disparagement to our common laws) we have no testimony touching the inhabitants of the Isle before julius Caesar, nor any of the name of it till Polybius, in Greek, nor till Lucretius in Latin. Polybius lib. 3. speaks of the British Isles, and Lucretius lib. 6. hath Caelum Britannum. Neither is the book de Mundo attributed to Aristotle of like age with the falsely supposed author. In that, Albion is spoken of, but Polybius was before that was spoken, if I deceive not myself. All testimony of later time, made of that which long since must be, if at all it were, is much to be suspected. And though the Bards knew divers things by tradition, which they only sung, and so a specious argument is made usually for that common story, because they sung it, yet I see not why any, but one that is too prodigal of his faith, should believe it more than Poetical story, which is all one (for the most part) with a fiction. For what were Bards but such as sung the praises of old supposed Heroes at their pleasure? As Athenaeus and Marcellinus, of them▪ and, for later authority, you may see in Leg. Howeli Dha cap. 25. That the chiefest dignity 'mongst them was the Penkert of the country, whose place was of great eminency before others in the welsh court, & his office (when the King was pleased to hear any songs) was Duo Carmina scilicet unum de Deo, alterum de regibus in interiore part aulae decantare. Nor he nor the rest were bound to truth of Story, but free to use invention, which they did in making a founder of the British name out of a community of sound. 'Twas as easy to fetch Brute out of Brutaine, as it's often called, as it hath been to make Francio out of Francia or Franci, Hispanus or Hispalus out of Hispania, Scota out of Scotia, Angela for a queen out of Anglia, Bato out of Batavia, Italus out of Italia, and divers such, which are all near fictions or impostures. Scarce indeed is there a nation in Europe, whose deduction from a like name of the first author, is of sufficient credit. All testimonies any thing near the supposed time of those first authors being lost. This writer stands on Brutus' arrival, and speaks of it Cap. XIII. Yet if that would make so much for this side of antiquity of our laws, much more is to be had from the ancienter & true origination of the Britons, which is from japhet and his Posterity. See Camden. and in the Greek Scaligeran Chronicle of Eusebius, the British Isles, with all the west, are given by Noah's last will and testament to japhet, But so is Italy too, and the rest of Europe. This way, might an equally strong argument be for the like antiquity of both laws, of those of Italy and Britain. And it would be such a one as this author uses from Brute. For questionless, if japhet and his posterity possessed these parts of Europe (as they did) their government was not without laws. But in truth, and to speak without perverse affectation, all laws in general are originally equally ancient. All were grounded upon nature, and no nation was, that out of it took not their grounds; and nature being the same in all, the beginning of all laws must be the same. As soon as Italy was peopled, this beginning of laws was there, and upon it was grounded the Roman laws, which could not have that distinct name indeed till Rome was built, yet remained always that they were at first, saving that additions and interpretations, in succeeding ages increased, and somewhat altered them, by making a Determinatio juris naturalis, which is nothing but the Civil law of any Nation. For although the law of nature be truly said Immutable, yet it's as true that its limitable, and limited law of nature is the law now used in every State. All the same may be affirmed of our British laws, or English, or other whatsoever. But the divers opinions of interpreters proceeding from the weakness of man's reason, and the several conveniencies of divers States, have made those limitations, which the law of Nature hath suffered, very different. And hence is it that those customs which have come all out of one fountain, Nature, thus vary from and cross one another in several commonwealths. Had the Britons received the X. or XII. Tables from Greece (which in Rome was, as Livy says, in immenso aliarum super alias aceruatarum legum cumulo, fons omnis publici privatique juris) clearly the interpretations, and additions which by this time would have been put to them here, must not be thought on as if they would have fell out like the body of the Roman Civil law. divers nations, as divers men, have their divers collections, and inferences; and so make their divers laws to grow to what they are, out of one and the same root. Infinite laws we have now that were not thought on D. years since. Than were many that D. years before had no being, and less time forward always produced divers new; the beginning of all here being in the first peopling of the land, when men by nature being civil creatures grew to plant a common society. This rationally considered, might end that obvious question of those, which would say something against the laws of England if they could. 'Tis their trivial demand, When and how began your common laws? Questionless its fittest answered by affirming, when and in like kind as the laws of all other States, that is, When there was first a State in that land, which the common law now governs: then were natural laws limited for the conveniency of civil society here, and those limitations have been from thence, increased, altered, interpreted, and brought to what now they are; although perhaps (saving the merely immutable part of nature) now, in regard of their first being, they are not otherwise then the ship, that by often mending had no piece of the first materials, or as the house that's so often repaired, ut nihil ex pristina materia supersit, which yet (by the Civil law) is to be accounted the same still, as we see in π. tit. de legate 1. l. 65. si ita §. 2. Little then follows in point of honour or excellency specially to be attributed to the laws of a Nation in general, by an argument thus drawn from difference of antiquity, which in substance is alike in all. Neither are laws thus to be compared. Those which best fit the state wherein they are, clearly deserve the name of the best laws. And none are best or worst but secundum quid. But upon this ground more to the purpose might have been said for the English common laws, compared with the civil of Rome. For it appears that the Emperors from justinian, who died in D.LXU of Christ, until Lothar the 11. in the year M.C.XXV. so neglected the body of the Civil law (which now, against an express Constitution of justinian, commanding that it should not be read nor taught in any place saving Rome, Berytus, and Constantinople, is professed in every University) that all that time none ever professed it. But when Lothar took Amalfi, he there found an old copy of the Pandects, or Digests, which as a precious monument he gave the Pisans (by reason whereof it was called Litera Pisana) from whom it hath been since translated to Florence, where in the Duke's Palace it is never brought forth but with Torchlight, and other reverence. Under that Lothar, began the Civil law to be professed at Bologna, and Irner or Werner (as some call him) first made Glosses on it about the beginning of Frederique Barbarossa in M.C.L. of Christ, and Bologna was by Lothar constituted to be Legum & juris Schola una & sola. And this was the first time and place of profession of it in the Western Empire. You may see Odofredum apud Sigonium de regno Italiae lib. 11. & 7. & Paul. Merul. Cosmogr. part. 2. lib. 4. cap. 23. Why were they so neglected near DC. years in the Empire, if their excellency were so beyond others, as is usually laid by many, that, to the purpose, know nothing of either them or ours? This part of story of them I have noted elsewhere in the Preface to the Titles of honour. And clearly you see the profession of them is not so ancient in the Western Empire, as the latest of time, to which some most ignorantly refer the beginning of the common law; I mean as the Norman William, who arrived in the year M.LXVI. I think not, that good discretion can out of any of this or the like add much honour to, or detract from either Common or Civil law; yet its fit to be remembered in answer of such as ignorantly fetch a reason out of the antiquity of the profession of the one. As if the profession begun under Lothar, and since thus continued, were not merely new, and not a recontinuance of what was in use under justinian. But hereof too much.   

Ad CAP. XXI.  
8 TEstes.] But some trials by our law have also Witnesses without a jury: as of the life and death of the Husband in Dower, and in Cui in vita. Examples thereof are in Bracton lib. 4. tract. 6. cap. 7. 2. Ed. 2. tit. Trial 46.8. Ed. 2. eod. tit. 95.9. Ed. 2. tit. judgement 231.2. Elizab. Dyer fol. 185. a. and in 13. Elizab. Dy. fol. 301. a. in Error by an infant to reverse a fine, both inspection and the testimony of four witnesses concur to prove his infancy. & in 26. Ed. 3. fol. 70. a pl. 6. a death in Bretagne, is said, shall be tried by proofs. But all this is of issues, which properly have no visne, whence a jury may be. The course of Declarations also at this day show, that witnesses were respected in the beginning of every action. The conclusion is always Et inde producit sectam. Which secta or suit, in law-language, is nothing but witnesses to prove his action, as in the Counts of writs of Right they were wont to declare, & hoc paratus sum probare per hunc liberum hominem meum A. B. & si quid, etc. Which was a tender of Battle, as the other is of suit or witnesses. See Glanvil. lib. 2. cap. 3. And those proofs of the death of the husband in dower are called secta by Bracton fol. 302. a, and in Nou. Narrat. suit & darraign bon, is only secta & disrationatio bona i good proof to maintain the count. In ancient time this suit, or witnesses were examined before any other issue, as in 18. Hen. 3. Coram Rege apud Windsor rot. 13. in dors. in Turr. Lond. In a Recordare loquelam that was in the Bishop of Salisburies' court at Sunnings, the action being for a Mare, by Walkelin de Stok against William de la Guilhalle, the entry is; Et Willielmus producit sectam suam & ipsi quos produxit per se discordantes sunt in multis, & in tempore, & in alijs circumstantijs, quia quidam dicunt quod quaedam equa matter ipsius pullani empta fuit etc. & quidam dicunt etc. Et Walkelinus producit sectam qui concordati sunt in omnibus & per omnia & dicunt omnes quos ipsi producit per se etc. The proofs of both sides are called secta. It was either this or some like case, that Shared intended in 17. Ed. 3. fol. 49. b in john Warreins' case, speaking of a justice that examined the suit▪ and it appears there that under Ed. 3. the tendering of suit or proofs was become only formal, as at this day, like the plegij de prosequendo. But in Hill. 44. Hen. 3. Coram Rogero de Thurkelby & socijs suis justitiarijs de Banco Rot. 16. in dorso. One Gilbert Chyteine brought a Replevin against William le Fouler, and the defendant pledes non cepit etc. Et hoc offert de fendere contra ipsum & sectam suam sicut Curia Consideraverit. Et quia praedictus Gilbertus nullam sectam producit versus praedictum Wilielmum, consideratum est quod praedictus Willielmus eat inde sine die, & Gilbertus in misericordia. See ad cap. 32. I omit, that in Englesherie anciently, in a Nativo habendo, in proving a deed denied, and such like, witnesses by the common law are required as the special trial.   

Ad CAP. XXIV.  
9 WApentagia.] In ethelred's laws, which the Abbot john Brampton hath in a Ms. story, cap. 4. Habeantur placita in singulis Wapentakis, ut exeant seniores XII. thay●i & praepositus cum eyes & iurent super sanctuarium quod eis dabitur in manus quod neminem innocentem velint accusare velnoxium concelare. And the laws called the Confessors, cap. 33. say that Yorkshire, Lincoln, Nottingham, Leycester, and Northampton, call that Wapentachium quod Anglivocant Hundredum & non sine causa. For he that was praefectus Wapentachij, or high Constable of the Wapentach, came amongst them at the Hundred or Wapentach court, and with regardful entertainment, they all cum lanceis suis ipsius hastam tangebant, & ita se confirmabant per contactum armorum, pace palàm concessa. Anglice n. (so say those laws) arma vocantur Waepun, & taccare confirmare, quasi armorum confirmatio, vel ut magis express secundum linguam Anglicam dicamus, Wapentac armorum tactus est. Waepun n. arma sonat, tac tactus est. Doubtless this deduction of the name savours of the truth. For amongst the old Germane (whence our Anglo-Saxons came) that used to meet armed in their courts, when any one had spoken, if he were disliked, fremitu aspernabantur, if liked, frameas concutiebant (as Tacitus witnesss) which well includes this touching or striking together of weapons. Honoratissimum (says he) assensus Genus est, armis laudare. The Wapentakes, Hundreds, and Counties were first instituted by K. Alfred, about the year DCCC.LXXX. Of him, Ingulphus p. 495. b, Totius Angliae pagos & provincias in Comitatus primus omnium Commutavit. Comitatus in Centurias, id est, Hundredas' & in Decimas, id est, Tithingas divisit. See also Malmesburiens. de gest. reg. lib. 2. cap. 4.  
10 Villas.] Villa & Villata de Norwich, de Wallingford and the like are in old Rolls, which also sometime call like places, & the same, Burgi or Civitates. And the city of Chichester is Villata de Cicestria in Itin. Sussex. 47. Hen. 3. rot. 25. in dorso. And there rot. 44. Burgus de Horsham venit per XII. Villa de Brembre venit per XII. Villa de Shoreham venit per XII. yet Bramber and Shoreham are Boroughs as well as Horesham. parliamentary Boroughs. But also Rot. 38. is Burgus de Seford venit per XII. which is no parliamentary Borough. The rest all which now sand Burgesses to Parliament in Sussex, as Lewes, Midhurst, Stening, Grenstede and Arundel, are in that Eire called Boroughs.  
11 Hamletis.] Hameau or Hamel is a member or part of some ville or town, as you may see in 14. Assis. pl. 9 & 3. & 4. Ph. & Mar. Dyer fol. 142. it came first from Ham or Heim in old Saxon, signifying a circuit or territory, Circulum vel septum quo Pagi sive Territorij cuiuspiam limites includuntur, as the most noble Hans Douze notes out of the Records of Holland in Annal. Holland. lib. 2. & 7. fol. 388.  
12 Annale est.] but before the statut of 14. Ed. 3. cap. 7. sheriffs continued usually in their offices longer.  
13 Nec duobus.] It should be nec tribus by Stat. 1. Rich. 2. cap. 11.   

Ad CAP. XXV.  
14 DE Hundredo.] For the number of the Hundredors at this day, see the statutes of 35. Hen. 8. ca 6. & 27. Eliz. c. 6   

Ad CAP. XXVI.  
15 FAlsum fecerunt sacramentum.] The ancient punishment in Attaint was as its here described, and the like in conspiracy for perjury See Glanvil. lib. 2. cap. 19.4. Hen. 5. tit. judgement 220.27. Assis. pl. 59 & 46. Assis. pl. 11. The judgement is called the villainous judgement in 24. Ed. 3. fol. 34. b. See Bracton also lib. 4. tract. 5. cap. 5. & Flet. lib. 5. cap. 21. & Stamford fol. 175. And the case in Temp. Ed. 1. tit. Attaint 70. is more large in my Ms. Report of 21. Ed. 1. fol. 58. it is brought against the Abbot of Westminster, as there it's showed, but the judgement by Weylond is in these words, Pur ceo agarde cest court que ceux de l' inquest perdent franche ley de ceo iour en avant a tous iours e lour terres & leur chateus a la volonte le Roy, & lour cors a la prison, e john seit assous de cele rend & seit restore de ses damages. But see now Stat. 23. Hen. 8. cap. 3. another judgement in attaint.  
16 Nec alicubi recipientur in testimonium veritatis.] Our books express that, by que mise ne soit en testimoignance de verity, 24. Ed. 3. fol. 34. b. 33. Hen. 6. fol. 55. a. It is titled the loss of frank law, franch ley in 27. Assis. pl. 59 & 46. assis pl. 11. that is, he which is thus convict of perjury, shall be no more Otheswurth as Bracton calls it lib. 4. tract. 4. cap. 5. & cap. 19 §. 2. where his words are of such a one. Legem amittit, & ideo dicitur quod non est ulterius dignus lege quod Anglicè dicitur, He ne is oaths worth that is enes' guilty of oath broken. Which agrees with K. Knout his law cap. 33. that one so convicted ne beo thanon forth athes wyrthe, the self same words almost, being in leg. Edwardi senioris cap. 3. & leg. Athelstan cap. 25. That which is legem amittere in this sense in Bracton, is liberam legem amittere (answering to the loss of frank law) in the entries of judgement against them, and legem terrae amittere in Glanvill, and sometime in Bract. & Fleta. See also Regiam Maiestatem lib. 1. cap. 14. §. 5. Hence may be truly understood that of the grand Charter cap. 29.— nec super eum ibimus nec super eum mittemus, nisi per legal judicium Parium suorum vel per begem terrae. I would English it thus: Neither will we enter on his possession nor commit him (for in that place of the Charter of 17. of K. john by which this was made, it is nec eum in carcere mittemus, perhaps it should be carcerem, as the language requires) but legal judgement of his Peers, or men of his condition (that is by jury) or by trial of him by oath, or wager and doing his law. Lex terrae here is only as it signifies in amittere legem terrae. And Ley gager and a jury are the two trials, as I suppose, there thought on. And indeed in old rolls nothing is more usual then in criminal actions (not capital) and civil, of any kind to admit Ley gager, as in Attachments upon prohibitions, quare impedits and the like, which is against all knowledge and practice of law in later ages. Every one knows that at this day Vadiare legem is to offer the oath upon trial that way, and facere legem is to make the oath. all which show that lex and lex terrae signify in this notion only the Oath of a man not disabled by law. And, in that statut, it is merely the oath upon Ley gager.  
17 Calumniare potest 35. homines.] Peremptory challenge is now reduced to xx. by stat. of 22. Hen. 8. cap. 14.   

Ad CAP. XXXII.  
18 SI quae supra altum mare etc. coram Admirallo.] As then, so now, the Admiralty hath jurisdiction of things done upon the main sea. & what that court might or may do is showed and limited by the statutes of 13. Rich. 2. cap. 5. & 15. Rich. 2. cap. 3. & 2. Hen. 5. cap. 6. The first case in our law extant touching marine jurisdiction is in Temp. Ed. 1. tit. Avowry 192. in a Replevin brought of a ship upon the cost of Scarborough, where no mention is of the admirals authority, as the print is in the Abridgement, but conisans of it is allowed to the common law. Yet in my Ms. Report of 25. Ed 1. fol. 82. b the case is thus more at large, and expressly speaks of the Admiral. William Crake de Holtham fuit summon a respondre a Robert de Beufo de play pur que il auoit pris une sune neef pris de xl. l. en la mer just la costere de Scardburn & de yleke le amena a Holtham en le County de Norff. Mutford. deal hore qu'il avute Conte de une prise fete en la mer que est horse del conte issi que si pais se join fist, il ne sauereint a quel viscount mander pur fere vener pays e dd judgement si eeyns pussont de ceo conuster. Ed'autre part, il lysont assign Admiral de par le Roy sur la mer a oyer & terminer les pleynts de chose fait in mer, e nentendons point que vous volies a eux tolyr jurisdiction etc. Bery Nous avons poer general per my tut Engleterre, mes del poer des Admirals dont vous parles ne sauons rien, ne rien de nostre poer a eux volomus assigner, si ceo ne seist per commandment le Roy de quey vous ne monsters rien etc. Mutf. sire le luy on ils dient la neef este pris nest in nul visnee de que etc. Haward. il est issint visne que si une home occist un auter la il serra pris & a mesn all terre e pend ausi been come pur fet fet sur la terre. Metingham. nous vous dions que nous avons ausi been poer de conisans de fet fet en mer come sur terre, dont agard que vous respondes ouster. Unless they meant there, that the visne might be out of the adjoining county, as in old trials of issues in Wales, I conceiu not their disallowance of the exception against the place, whence properly no visne could be. For such trials of issues rising in Wales, or in Counties Palatin by the adjoining Counties, see especially 18. Ed. 2. tit. Assize 382.24. Ed. 3. fol. 33. b. 30. Hen. 6. fol. 6. b. 35. Hen. 6. fol. 30. a 45. Ed. 3. tit. Uisne 50. I have transcribd the case according to the very letters of my copy. It seems by this that in those times the common law had conisans of things done upon the British sea▪ however it afterward kept its limits infra corpus Comitatus, leaving the Sea to the Admiralty. Some cases in old records justify it also. In Placit. 37. & 38. Hen. 3. Rot. 10. Devon. One Galfredus de Leysina brings trespass against Ralf de Valle torta, and others, quare asportaverunt bona quae fuerunt in navi quae fuit Clementis de Bolan quae nuper periclitabatur in Costera de Brikesham quae bona dominus Rex dedit predicto Galfredo tanquam wreccum maris etc. The defendants pled, in effect, the general issue, & sic ad patriam. although, through want of form in the declaration it appears not whether 〈◊〉 goods were taken being in or out of the Sea, yet it seems they held that matter indifferent. So in Itin. Sussex apud Cicestriam 47. Hen. 3. Rot. 10. A fragment of a torn roll left in the bundle, hath this sign of a declaration remaining. Rogerus de Louere, & Radulphus de Leuere queruntur de Ricardo de Hatfeuld ........ proxima ante festum sancti Martini hoc anno sè credebant saluo ............ ibidem fregerunt navem suam super quendam locum ............. navis & socij sui circiter quinque submerserunt. These words are only left upon the 9 roll, the rest being by some wicked hand, purposely, it seems, torn off. But it's easily conjectured that this was an action on the case, brought by one that had committed himself or his goods to the defendants care for his passage, with his company, over sea, and that the offence was, that the defendant had by negligence made shipwreck on the sea, or some such like; and though the Assumpsit at land might make such an action at this day, maintainable at common law, according to the learning in Dowdales' case Rep. 6. fol. 47. yet in those times so ancient, I cannot imagine the difference of a contract at land from one at sea was thought on. Likewise in Trin. 50. Hen. 3. apud Westm. in Banco rot. 22. the entry is, Suff. Abbas Westmonasterij per atturnatum suum obtulit se quarto die versus Petrum filium johannis, Richardum fratrem eius, Walterum Cheyney, Augustinum filium jocei, johannem fratrem eius, Richardum Andred, Anthonium Clunch, & Richardum Silkento de placito cum homines ipsius Abbatis nuper duci fecissent quandam navem suam per Costeram maris prope Dunwicum, bonis & catallis ipsius Abbatis & hominum suorum cariatum, ijdem Petrus & alij simul cum Augustino filio johannis navem praedictam cum bonis & catallis praedictis ab hominibus suis praedictis abstulerunt, & navem & bona & catalla sic Ablata detin●nt ad damnum ipsius Abbatis & hominum suorum sexaginta librarum & contra pacem etc. Unless here the ship were taken upon the sea super Costeram maris I understand it not. But touching their trials in the Admiralty, in some hands is extant a Ms. del' Office del Admiralty, translated into Latin by one Thomas Rowghton, calling it De officio Admiralitatis (the use of two copies of it, with the roll of Oleron, written all about Hen. 6. was communicated to me by that learned and truly sufficient Sir Walter Raleigh knight) where inditements and trials are supposed to be by a jury of XII. as at common law. But the book itself is rather a monument of antiquity (yet not above about Hen. 6.) then of authority, and rather as a purpose of what was in some failing project, than ever in use and judgement held authentical. Most of it is against both the now received and former practice. Yet these things hath it worth observation▪ that is, constitutions often mentioned touching the Admiralty of Hen. 1. Richard. 1. King john, & Edward 1. which are elsewhere hardly found. In rot. Pat. 23. Ed. 1. William Leyburn is Admiral, and often mention is after that of the Admirals of the North and South seas, the distinction being the Thames mouth, as Trent was wont to be for the general Escheatorship, and is for the justiceship of the Forests. The first mention of the Admiral in our printed law, is in 8. Ed. 2. Itin. Canc. tit. Corone 399. with that, see 40. Ed. 3. fol. 44.40. Assis. pl. 25. Stamford cap. des Coroners, Sir Henry Constables case in Rep. 5. fol. 107. & Hill. 2. jacob. Philipps case in Com. Banco, & 19 Hen. 6. fol. ●. a. and note that in 7. Rich. 2. Statham tit. Trespass 54. a justification is in trespass in these words nous les prisomous en le have mere ovesque les Normans queux sont enemies le Roy, judgement si action, and held good. If this issue offered rising wholly on the main sea, might not be tried at the common law, how could it be good? either a traverse must have been to the taking in the count, or else the replication must have made the issue upon two affirmatives (which is against the course of our law) or else questionless they took it in those times triable, as it was pleaded by a jury of the visne, either adjoining to the coast (which is fittest) or of the place where the action was laid. See also 46. Edw. 3. Statham tit. Trespass 38.  
19 Curiae Constabularij▪] That court & the great Officer, chief justice of it, hath been long discontinued. Neither was any continuing High Constable of England since 12. Hen. 8. when Edward Duke of Buckingham was beheaded. He was the last High Constable, and by inheritance of tenure from the Bohuns, as you see in 6. Hen. 8. Kel. fol. 170. & seq. & 11. Eliz. Dy. 285. b. & vide Rot. Fim. 3. Ed. 1. memb. 14. The Court is that which was titled the Court of Chivalry, wherein all matters of Arms, Treason committed beyond sea, War, and the like, which could not be tried at the common law, were determinable summariè & de plano sine strepitu & figura judicij, as the words are in Part. 1. patent. 7. Ed. 4. memb. 9 where it appears the office had been given to john Earl of Worcester, to hold plea of ●uch things quae in Curia Constabularij ab antiquo videlicet tempore Domini Willielmi Conquestoris quondam Angliae progenitoris nostri seu aliquo tempore citra tractari audiri examinari & decidi consueverunt aut de iure debuerunt, who surrendering his patent, in the same terms with particulars of the office, it is granted to Richard Widevill Earl of Rivers, the King's father in law, for life, and after his death to Anthony Widevill. By the 1. statut of 13. Rich. 2. cap. 2. & 1. Hen. 4. cap. 14. the office and jurisdiction of the court is best described. you may see 37. Hen. 6. fol. 3. & 20.30. Hen. 6. fol. 5.6. Hen. 8. fol. 171. b Brook tit. Prerogative 31. Some Records are extant of the whole formal proceeding by the law of arms in this Court, as specially that of 17. Rich. 2. in the Tower concerning the Castle of Breast, between Hanley and Roches. Their trials were by Battle or Witnesses. Special commissioners have now good part of this jurisdiction. In 2. part. rot. Patent. 23. Hen. 6. memb. 20. Thomas Kent Doctor of Law is made sub constabularius Angliae for life.  
20 Legem mercatoriam.] that is such as the law of the staple in stat. 2.27. Ed. 3 cap. 2. Mention is of it in Regist. Orig. in Computo fol. 135. a & Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 117. D. Indeed the nature of this law is well expressed by Bartol. in π. tit. Mandati vel contra l. 29. §. quaedam 4. speaking of the Merchant's court (which name may well be given to the court of Pee poudrous.) Nota, saith he, quoth in Curia Mercatorum debet judicari de bono & aequo, omissi● juris solennitatibus. Hoc non dico quod debeat intelligi non habito respectu ad iura civilia quod esset contra l. bona fides tit. Depositi, sed debet intelligi non inspectis solennitatibus juris, hoc est non inspectis apicibus qui veritatem negotij non tangunt, ut si esset intentata actio directa cum competebat utilis, vel non erat contestata lis & similia. For in common society of Merchants, and mutual contracts, equity and good conscience rather than strict law is required. Tryphonius π. tit. Depositi vel contra l. 31. Bona fides quae in contractibus exigitur, aequitatem summam desiderat. A special case of this law Marchant is in Itin. Derb. 2. Edw. 2. Ms. where john Combton brings debt secundum legem mercatoriam upon a tally, against another merchant, and tenders suit by two witnesses: the defendant wages his law, but the judgement is thus by Ornesby pronounced. john de Combton Marchand port un brief ciens verse un Rauf Marchand & demand vj. marks par un justicies form selon la ley Marchand (it had been commenced. by justicies, and came out of the common place into the Eire) & ad mis avant un taille la que●le il tender a prover per ij ●. per Richard & par G●ffrey que es●eyent all blee mesurer (the debt was due for corn) & all liverer, mes vous per vostre ley vous voudres coverer lafoy quele cest cort en ceo ras ne voet my res●eiuer & refuses la prove que il vous tend selon ley Marchand & selon la nature de sun brief, per que agard cest court q john rescovere sa debt verse vous come verse non defendu & ses damages de cent sous. See for this matter of suit Admetus cap. 21.   

Ad CAP. XXXIII.  
21 SAtagentes proinde leges Civiles ad Angliae Regimen producere.] I confess I here understand him not. What Kings of England ever desired the Civil laws of Rome? I have read of a protestation against them in Parliament by the King and Lords, which you may see in Rot. process. & iud. of the appeal of Thomas Duke of Gloucester, and others, against Alexander Archbishop of York, Robert de Veer Duke of Ireland, Michael de la Pole E. of Suffolk, and Robert Tresilian chief justice, in Parlamento Westm. 3. Febr. anno 11. Rich. 2. where upon default of the appellees, the appellants desire that the court would proceed to judgement, sur quoy les dits Roy nostre signior & signors du Parliament pristront deliberation tanque lendemain le marcedy prochein ensuant, a quel temps les justices & Sergeants & autres sages du ley de roialm & auxint les sages de la ley Civil feuront charges de par le Roy nostre dt snr, de donor loyal Counseill as snrs du Parliament de duement proceder en la cause de l' apple susdit, les queur justices Sergeants & sages de la ley du roialm & auxintles dits sages de la ley Civil pristront ent deliberation, & responderont, as dits snrs du Parliament q ils avoient veue & bien entendue le tenor du dit appell, & disoient que mesme l'appele ne fust pas fait ne affirm solonque l' order que l'une ley ou lautre requireit. sur quoy les dits snrs du Parlemnt pristeront ent deliberation & avisement, & ꝑ assent du Roy nostre dit snr & de lour common accord estoit declare que en ci haut crime come est pretendue en cest appelle que touch le person du roy nostre dit snr & lestate de tout son royalme, ꝑpetre per persons que sont peers du royalme ovesque autres, la cause ne serra ailors deduc que en parliament, ne ꝑ autre ley que ley & course du parliament & q'il apꝑtient as snrs du parlemnt & a lour franchise & liberty d' ancien custume du parlement destre judges en tieur cas, & de tieux cas aiugger ꝑ assent du roi & que ensi serra fait en cest cas ꝑ agard du parlemnt, pur ce que le roialme d' Engleterre n' estoit devant ces heures ne al' en●ent du roy nostre dit signior & signors du parliament unques ne serra rule ne govern per la ley Civil, & auxint leur intent nest pas de reuler ou governor ●y haute cause come cest appell est, que ne serra ailors try ne termine que en parlemnt come dit est, ꝑ course process & order use en ascun court ou place plus ●as deins mesme le roialm, queux courts & places ne sont que executors d' aunciens leys & custumes du royalme & ordinances & establishments du parlemnts. & feust advise au mesmes les sn̄rs du parliament ꝑ assent du roy nostre dit snr, que cest apple fuit fait & affirm bien & assets duement & le process d'ycelle bone & ferme solon̄ les leys & course du parliament, & pur tiel l'agarderoit & aiuggeroit. I remember also King Stephen his public edict against the laws of Italy, but remember not any story or authority teaching that any of our Kings would have had them here used. That of Stephen is related by that noble and most learned Friar Roger Bacon in his Compendium Theologiae, or his Opus minus (both those names are of one Ms. book) where speaking of the Civil laws of Italy, and that they are abused, and too much affected by Clergy men, leaving their profession to study those laws, he thus adds; Praeterea omne regnum habet sua iura quibus laicireguntur; ut iura Angliae & Franciae; & ita fit justitia in alijs regnis per constitutiones quas habent sicut in Italia per suas. Quapropter cum iura Angliae non competant statui clericorum, nec Franciae, nec Hispaniae, nec Almanniae, similiter nec iura Italiae ●llo modo. Quod si debeant clerici uti legibus patriae, tunc est minus inconueniens ut Clerici Angliae utantur legibus Angliae & Clerici Franciae utantur legibus Franciae, quapropter maxima confusio Clericorum est quod huiusmodi constitutionibus laicalibus subduntur colla. Rex quidam Angliae Stephanus allatis legibus Italiae in Angliam publico edicto prohibuit, n● ab aliquo retinerentur. si igitur laicus princeps laici principis alterius leges respueret, multo magis omnis clericus deberet respuere leges laicorum. Addo etiam quod magis concordant iura Franciae cum Angliae & econvers● propter vicinitatem regnorum & communicationem maiorem gentium istarum quam Italiae & illarum. Quare deberent magis clerici Angliae subijcere se legibus Franciae & e converso quam legibus Lombardiae. This was a kind of invective against the receiving of the Civil law 'mongst the Clergy in any other nation, saving that wherein it was first bred▪ that is the Italian. Our stories have no mention of this edict of Stephen. But it is in an author of better authority (in regard of his time) than Friar Bacon. I mean john of Salisbury living under Hen. 2. He in his De Nugis Curialium lib. 8. cap. 32. speaking of such as too profanely meddled with what the Clergy had to do, goes on with alios vidi qui legis libros deputant igni nec scindere verentur, si in manus eorum pervenirent iura vel Canon's. Tempore Regis Stephani a regno iussae sunt leges Romanae quas in Britanniam domus venerabilis patris Theobaldi Britanniarum primatis asciverat. Ne quis etiam libros retineret edicto regio prohibitum est, & vicario nostro indictum silentium. Sed, deo faciente, eò magis virtus legis invaluit, quò eam amplius nitebatur impietas infirmare. Whereas Friar Bacon takes it clear that he prohibited the Civil laws, this john of Salisbury (a man of great place and authority both with the King & Pope) seems to affirm it only of the Canon law. For he remembers it as an offence to the Church. Indeed in Archb. Theobalds' time both the Canons and Civil law began to be published, & its like enough that he might bring in ivo's or Gratian's Decree. ivo's was written in time of Hen. 1. and Gratians under K Stephen. That Theobald was before Abbot of Bec in Normandy, and went to Rome for his Pall, and so, it seems, brought those laws home with him in 3. Stephani Regis. It's marvel that our stories are so silent of this of K. Stephen. But see the Monks sub anno 1139. and specially Guil. Malmesb. hist. Novel. 2. fol. 103. b. touching the council of Winchester, where the ground of his Prohibition perhaps shows itself.   

Ad CAP. XXXIV.  
22 QVod Principi placuit.] That is Vlpians in π. tit. de Constit. Princip. l. 1 Quod Principi placuit legis habet vigorem, utpote cum lege Regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat. The same is in Instit. tit. de jure not. §. sed & quod. and thence have the Greek Lawyers their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Harmenopulus a judge of Thessalonica expresses it Procheir. lib. α. tit. α. and the Emperor is in Near. Diatax. 105. cap. ●. titled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a living law. The two Codes of Theodosius and justinian, the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes, the Nearae Diataxeis or authentics, and the rest of the Novellae are nothing but Constitutions by the Emperors, to whom the State of Rome permitted all by the lex Regia that was before in the people of Rome.   

Ad CAP. XXXIX  
23 PRolem ante matrimonium.] This point of Civil law, is text in C. tit. de Naturalibus lib. l 10. cum quis. Quomodo (says justinian) non est iniquissimum ipsam stirpem secundae posteritatis priorem quasi iniustam excludere, cum gratias agere fratribus suis posteriores debeant, quorum beneficio ipsi sunt justi filij, & nomen & ordinem consecuti. For the birth of the first is often cause of the marriage following. But it is limited by some Doctors, that the woman be before in concubinatu, in familia retenta, that there be indubitatus affectus sicut in uxore etc. as you may see in Bartol. ad finem π. de Concubinis. Mynsinger. ad Instit. de Nuptijs §. Aliquando. Gothofred. ad Novel. 89. cap. 15. The Canon law agrees with the Civil in this matter, as is shown in an Epistle of Pope Alexander 3. to the Bishop of Excester in Ext. tit. Qui filij sint legit. c. 6. Tanta est vis.   

Ad CAP. XL.  
24 SIbonus est bastardus.] yet see Tiraquell. de Nobilitate cap. 15. & Pontus Heuterus his collection touching Bastards at the end of his De veteri Belgio, & you shall found, that most of the brave spirits and able, of the former times, are in the catalogue of famous Bastards. Remember Euripides in his Andromache 
* Many Bastards are better than legitimats.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

Ad CAP. XLII.  
25 PArtus semper sequitur ventrem.] That is in respect of being free or bond. In liberali causa, matris non patris inspicitur conditio C. tit. de lib. causa l. 28. avi & l. 42. placuit & de rei vendic l. 7. Partum. where the DD. dispute this point. But in matter of honour, or, as it were, hereditary office their law is otherwise, as you may see in C. tit. de Decurionibus l. 22. eos. l. 36. Exemplo l. 44. nul●us. & tit. de Murilegulis l. 15. qui aut. But the true reason was upon this; that where marriage or iura connubij could not be, there always partus sequebatur ventrem, in regard no legal father was of such a birth. and the iura connubij extended, before Christianity received, only to free men. Ulpian in his Tituli, tit. de his. qui in potestate sunt hath these words, which are more worth than all the barbarous Doctor's comments. Connubio interveniente, liberi semper patrem sequuntur; non interveniente connubio, matris conditioni accedunt, excepto eo qui ex peregrino & ciue Romana, peregrinus nascitur: quoniam lex Mensia (from whom that law is so called I remember not) ex alterutro peregrino natum deterioris parentis conditionem sequi jubet. Ex ciue Romano & Latina, Latinus nascitur, & ex libero & ancilla, servus, quoniam quum his casibus connubia non sunt, partus sequitur matrem. For his speech of a Roman's marrying with an Italian woman (not a Roman,) believe it not without examination of such story as you may found collected in Carol▪ Sigon. de antiq. iure Ciu. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 9 and others dealing with that subject. But clearly its true generally, that where iura connubij were not, there the Roman law makes the issue follow the mother, as the law of nature▪ requires, which the same Ulpian saith also in π. tit. de statu hominum l. 24. lex. in which title l. 19 Celsus agrees with what we have transcribd from Ulpian. And the marriages with bond persons, were always accounted but contubernia, and not connubia, & they were styled contubernales, not coniuges, as appears in π. tit. de legatis 3. l. 41. uxorem §. 2. Codicillis, & C. tit. de incest. nuptijs l. 3. cum ancillis.  
26 Mulieres honore maritorum.] The text is not vouched out of the true place. it is in C. tit. de incolis l. fin. and also in C. tit. de Dignit. l. 13.   

Ad CAP. XLIV.  
27 PRoximis de eorum sanguine.] The Civil law first gave the wardship (of males till XIV. of females till XII.) to the adgnati, or those qui per masculos coniunguntur, and this was by the laws of the XII. tables, as appeareth π. tit. de legitimis Tutoribus l 1. Instit. de legit. tutela. But the difference twixt adgnati and cognati both in inheritance, as also in wardships, justinian took away in Authent. 118. cap. 5. and this is that which is here spoken of, and so is that law at this day.  
28 Ex part matris.] This matter of socage wardship is grounded upon that ancient ground, held to this day regularly. Nunquam custodia alicuius de iure alicui remanet de quo habeatur suspicio quod possit vel velit aliquod ius in ipsa hereditate clamare. Glanvil hath it lib. 7. c. 11. & Bracton lib. 2. c. 37. §. 6. which is the same in substance in Litleton §. 123. and Breton cap. 66.  
29 In actibus bellicis] For, the ground and cause of Knight service wardships, was in this, that the Lords of whom the infants held, might bring them up till full age, and instruct them in military performances, that so they might be better able to do their services by which they held; which because they could not do in their infancy, the profits of the land was, as at this day, taken by the Lords to supply the defect of service. Neither is this custom of Wardship so new, as Randolf Higden in his Polychronicon, or rather some others not understanding him, ignorantly make it, by supposing the beginning of it here under Hen. 3. Clearly Wardships were before and from the Normans, at least. See the Grand Custumier, and Glanvil lib. 7. cap. 9 Neither, if Higden himself had understood those words in his Chronicle, which he took out of a former, written by an other Monk of Chester, which I have seen, had any authority there been for Henry the thirds beginning them. His words are these, sub anno 1224. & 6. Hen. 3. Magnates Angliae concesserunt Regi Henrico Wardas' haeredum & terrarum suarum quod fuit initium multorum malorum in Anglia. An old Chronicle in that inestimable Library of Sir Robert Cotton, written by another of Hiagens covent, under the same year; Magnates Angliae reddiderunt Wardas suas Regi quod suit initium malorum. This Monk knew what he said, and used the word Wardas' chiefly for Forts, castles, Honours, and the like. by which the possessors preserved their safety in those troublesome times. For at Northampton all such were rendered to the king by the Nobility, upon the exaction of Hubert de Burgo chief Justice, as both Matthew Paris, and Florilegus express in these words, reddiderunt singuli castella, municipia, honores & custodias Regi quae ad coronam suam spectare videbantur. Perhaps custodiae might here comprehend the wardship too of some heirs: But if so, yet they were such as some great men possessed by reason of ancient tenors, and the King would then have with the castles, and Fortresses by others held, that he might enjoy them with their inheritances, as part of security against the Barons. No such intent is in any of the elder Monks, as some would extract out of Polychronicon. Neither was that giving of Wardships to the King, other then as if the Nobility should now give all their Wards to the King; supposing that the story were chiefly of giving Wardships of body and land in the common sense of Wardae, as Higden misreports it. But for the true understanding of that in story, take Rot. Fin. ●. Hen. 3. memb. 4. where a recital is provisum est de consilio Archiepiscopi Cant. & Episcoporum Angliae & H. de Burgo justitiarij nostri & Comitum & Baronum nost●orum quod à die sci Barnabae Apostoli proximo praeterito caperentur in manum nostram omnia dominica nostra etc. & hereupon writs go into all Shires, to seize into the King's hands all such lands, castles, forts, manors etc. But for the antiquity of Wardships in Britain, both England and Scotland, See also Hect. Boet. l. 11. Buchanan Rer. Scot l. 6. & 10. & leges Malcolmi 2   

Admetus CAP. XLVI.  
30 DVodecim denariorum valorem excedat.] So is it understood in the statut of West. 1. cap. 15. that speaks of ●nditements of petit larceny que n' amount ouster le value de xii. deniers. And therewith agrees Itin. Canc. 8. Ed. 2. tit. Corone 404.406. & 415. But by Breton cap. 15. value of XII. d. without more, makes it capital felony. So are also opinions in 18. Assis. pl. 14.22. Assis. pl. 39 See Stamford lib. 1. cap. 15.   

Ad CAP. XLVII.  
31 IN universitatibus.] Indeed the study of the common law hath not place in our universities of Oxford or Cambridge, because another university (the Inns of Court) is appointed for it. Yet the statutes of the University of Cambridge, Earum legum (says Doctor cowel in his Epistle before his Institutions, as he calls it, of the laws of England) quas habet patria nostra, imperitos nos esse prohibent, ut differentias exteri patrijque juris sic cognoscamus.   

Ad CAP. XLVIII.  
32 GAllica.] Touching this, Ingulphus Abbot of Crowland, at the conquest, thus: Ipsum etiam idioma (Normanni) tantùm abhorrebant, quod leges terrae, statutaque Anglicorum regum linguâ Gallicâ tractarentur: & pueris etiam in scholis principia literarum grammatica gallicè, ac non Anglicè traderentur, modus etiam scribendi Anglicus omitteretur & modus Gallicus in chartis & in libris omnibus admitteretur. And Robert Holkot a learned Dominican Friar in lect. XI. super Sapientiam. Narrant historiae quod cum Willielmus Dux Normannorum regnum Angliae conquisivisset deliberavit quomodo linguam Saxonicam posset destruere & Angliam & Normanniam in idiomate concordare, & ideo ordinavit quod nullus in Curia regis placitaret nisi in Gallico, et iterum quod puer quilibet ponendus ad literas addisceret Vespatian et per Gallicam Latinam, quae duo usque hody obseruantur. He says the French continued till his time. For he died in the great plague 24. Ed. 3. But by statut of 36. Edw. 3. cap. 15. it was altered, which is the Statut this author speaks of.   

Ad CAP. LIVELY  
33 AD Peruisum.] This, Chaucer remembers in his Sergeant. 
A Sergeant at law ware and wise,  
That often had been at the Peruise.  It signifies an afternoons exercise or Moot, to the instruction of young Students, bearing the same name originally (I guess) with the Paruisiae in Oxford, as they call their sitting Generals in the schools in the after noon; which ingenuously I confess, I first learned out of Mr Wake his Musae Regnantes pag. 125. where he divides the Quodlibets or Disputationes Magnae, which are their exercises of Regent Masters in the forenoon, from Paruae, that is, Scholars exercise in the after noon. Has (are his words) quia ijs inferiores, Paruas, iam etiam corrupto nomine, Paruisias dicere consucuimus.    

Radulphi de HENGHAM Edwardi Regis 1. Capitalis olìm justitiarij Summae.  
Magna Hengham, & parva, vulgò nuncupatae nunc primùm ex vett. Codd. Mss. in lucem prodeunt.  
LONDINI Bibliopolarum corpori excuditur. M.DC.XVI.   

Ad Lectorem.  
HAùt importunum est, ut de Scriptore isthoc iam nunc publici juris facto, de Opere ipso, de Sermone denique Aristarchis satis inviso, & instar portenti (ut reliquus ferè, quo ius Anglicanum conscribitur) habito, paucula praelibentur. Ex iis erat RADULPHUS de HENGHAM justitiarijs qui, quòd lites suas fecissent postulati, & repetundarum damnati, non modò gravissimè anno XVI. Edwardi primi, cum in Angliam ex Aquitania remearet, multabantur, sed etiam ordinem amittebant. Privatis, sive Centumviralibus, judicijs, hac tempestate, praeerat judex primarius (quem Capitalem justitiarium de Communi Banco phrasi dicimus forensi) Thomas de Weylond, Publicis Radulphus; Capitalis Angliae justitiarius vulgò nuncupatus. Vterque ordine summotus. Radulphus VII. M. libris luebat. verùm Thomas ille bonis omnibus exutus exulabat, quod veteri etiam iure Romanorum erat nonnunquam repetundarum poena, uti ad legem juliam docet julius paulus. Hic autem, postquam in principis redierat gratiam, summus iudiciorum privatorum suffectus est praefectus. Et hunc & illum ita memorat vetustus annalium scriptor, 
Thomas de Weylond en banc prīes nome  
Per agard de court, le reign ad foriure  
Sir Ralph de Hengham ad tant dispute  
Que du Banc le Roy perdu ad le see.  Plura de ijs, caeterisque, sub id tempus, justitiarijs poenae obnoxijs, habes apud rerum Anglicarum consarcinatores vernaculos. Ex eadem ortus esse videtur familia, ex qua Willielmus filius Adae de Hengham & Richardus de Hengham; qui in pago Norfolciensi, plerunque Thetfordiae, justitiarij ad assisas capiendas & ad Gaolam deliberandam, sub initijs Henrici tertij, in 
* Rot. Pat. 11. Hen. 3. Memb. 11. & alibi eodem Rot. & Claus. 11▪ Hen. 3. memb. 8.  Archivis saepius memorantur. Obijt anno salutis reparatae M.CCC.IX, hoc est anno Edwardi secundi secundo; quod ex actis publicis transactionum, quas Fines appellamus, cognoscitur. Marmore eius sepulchrali, in D. Pauli aedibus, restant inscripti, literis fugientibus, versiculi hi miseri. 
Per versus patet hos, Anglorun qd jacet hîc flos;  
Legum qui tuta dictavit vera statuta,  
Ex Henghan dictus Radulplus vir benedictus.  Summas hasce, Magnam Hengham, & Paruam Hengham vocant. utraque in ius vocandi seu vadandi, excusationum, & exceptionum, in actionibus maximè de Recto, de Dote, & de Assisa, formulae & verba solennia continentur. quae tametsi aevo nostro vix sint in usu, praxi nimirùm juris aliò plerunque vergente, inde tamen colligas licet quanta fuerint apud priscos juris Anglicani peritos autoritate, quòd in optimae notae Codd. vett. statt. mss. ambas velut agendi normulas olìm à pragmaticis circum ferebantur. Accedit etiam, quòd quisquis ille fuerit qui Magnam Chartam & quae sequuntur Latinè & Francicè conscripta in notissimo illo juris enchiridio, primùm Anglico donaverit idiomate, has etiam Radulphi, ut lectore ante alia dignas, transtulerit, alteramque Michele Hengham alteram Luttle Hengham inscripserit. Manuscriptum exemplar illius versionis aetatem Edwardi sive 11. sive 111. redolentis, penes est virum CL. multijugae item eruditionis, & vetustatis peritissimum Franciscum Tate IC tum. Stylus scriptoris, vel potiùs ipsa styli vocabula, satis sunt à latinitate aliena, v●i & veteres ferè qui restant autores, constitutiones, atque acta publica juris Anglicani. Caeterùm, cum ante Normannos Anglicè, tempestate verò citeriori, Francicè, actiones heic intenderentur, & solennes pro tribunali disputationes haberentur, sermo autem Latinus casu accederet; id fere necessum est eveniret eis, qui, sive publicis actis sive privatìm conscriptis libris, ius Anglicanum latio donare sermone sunt adgressi, quod olim Theophilo Antecessori, Constantino Harmenopulo, autori Basilicôn, Athaliatae, Blastari, Photio, Theodoro Balsamoni atque eiusdem farinae alijs accidit, qui iura Romanorum & Civilia & Pontificia Graecè, in Orientalis Imperij usum, verterunt, ut nimirùm quamplurima vocabula merè Latina Graeco in contextu, mutatis tantummodò elementis, retinerent. cuiusmodi sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro Interdictum de quorum Bonorun, Aedilis actio, Bonorum raptorum, de Dolo malo, De inofficioso, In rem, Ipso iure, emancipare, universitas, Fidei commissum, atque id genus sexcenta alia passim occurrentia. Minimè enim ignari erant, non tam atticismos in oratione, nec graecas voces in nominum versione sectari se debere, quam juris peritorum quorum Responsa, atque imperatorum, quorum Sanctiones interpretarentur, mentem servare. Ridiculum est, pharmacum à poculi materie aestimare. Insanum, Decembri eò repudiare lacernam, quòd non ex lana sit sive Apula, sive Attica, siue Lemsteriana. id quod faciunt fermèij, qui ob orationis barbariem res ipsas reijciunt. quod optimè olim notavit magnus Plutarchus longè etiam charissimus Musarum alumnus, in eos, qui rebus seu docendis seu dicendis sermonis puritatem fastidiosi anteferunt. Inter ea autem scripta forsan haec Radulphi fuerint censenda, quae in antiquariorum loculis seruata non tam reconditum quid aut inauditum docent, quam ideò maximè desiderantur, ut quae, quanta, & cuiusmodi doceant, cum nimirùm magna prae se ferant nomina, studioforum votis innotescat. Nec tamen desunt Radulpho, quae valorem ei concilient. Absque illo esset & Henrico de Bractona (qui etiam plurima, nec tamen quae scitu digna omnia heic habentur, nec tam certo formularum ordine, tradidit) haùt pauca de Excusationibus praesertim & vadimonijs desertis (Essoins & Defalts in foro vocant) prorsus forent incognita. Caeterùm his fruere quisquis es lector, & Vale. Ex aedibus Interioris Templi Prid. Cal '. Augusti▪ M.DC.XVI.   

Radulphi de HENGHAM Summa Magna.  
LIcet ordo placitandi in Curia Domini Regis, secundum leges & consuetudines regni a Primicerijs nostris ꝓtinus retro statutas, aequus & justus ac in omnibus acceptabilis extiterit, Hoc tamen, quod idem ordo in forma communis scripturae non registratur, quamplurimos ipsum scire conantes aliquantisper impedit & retardat. Nam si mens humana singula cordetenus, quod absurdum est, memorare valeret, sequeretur tunc quod scribere nil aliud esset quam laborem laboribus anticipare. Et quia frequenter scriptura & properè rememorat ea quae per labilitatem ingenij saepiùs subcidunt & vacillant, Ego non ad instruendum aliquem super huiusmodi legibus regni, verum ad materiandum futuris correctoribus quaedam introductura, non serie qua debui sed qua scivi, proposui compilare. Cernentibus ea supplicans, ut opera huic apposita, in scientiam acquietent operari & excusent. Brevia siquidem Regis de placito terrae; & qualiter & quibus dilationibus potest tenens differre litem, ante communem apparitionem in Curia. & Quomodo debet Petens opponere, & respondere tenens; In quibus casibus potest denegari visus terrae & in quibus Non; & natura exceptionum tam dilatoriarum quam peremptoriarum videlicet ante visum terrae factarum & post; & Modus Cyrograffandi si per finem factum lis decidatur necnon & exceptiones contra ipsum finem; ac Quaedam Exemplaria discussionem huiusmodi placitorum iu●antia suis locis continentur inferius. Et de jurisdictione Curiae Baronis & Comitatus cum lis a tali Curia translata fuerit.  

CAP. I. Breve de Recto cum suis Branchijs.  
EDwardus dei gratia etc. Henrico Hussy salutem. Praecipimus tibi qu●d sinè dilatione plenum rectum teneas Ric. le Iay de una Carucata terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam clamat tenere de te per liberum seruicium unius d. per annum pro omni seruicio quam I de B. ei deforciat. & nisi feceris, vicecomes de Sussex faciat, ne amplius inde clamorem audiamus pro defectu recti. T. etc. vel sic unde W. de O. quatuor acras B. de O. quinque acras & tu ipse decem acras terrae etc. Et unde I de D. unam medietatem & R. de P. aliam medietatem terrae ei deforciat. Et nisi feceris etc. vel sic.  
Rex tali salutem. praecipimus tibi quod sinè dilatione plenum rectum teneas Richardo le Iay de uno mesuagio uno molendino decem acris terrae x. acris pasturae, x. acr. bosci & xx. acr. marisci cum pertinentijs in H. quae clamat tenere de te per liberum seruicium unius denarij per annum pro omni seruicio unde W. de M. duas partes unius mesuagij & unius molendini, decem acras terrae, decem acras prati, x. acras pasturae & x. acras marisci, Et W. de B. tertiam partem unius mesuagij unius molendini x. acr. terrae x. acras prati x. acras pasturae, x. acras marisci eidem deforciat & nisi &c. vel sic.  
Rex tali salutem. Praecipimus tibi quod sinè dilatione plenum rectum teneas R. le Iay de xx. acris terrae & mediet. unius mesuagij & unius molendini cum pertinentijs in H. quas clamat pertinere ad liberum tenementum suum quod de te tenet in eadem villa per liberum seruitium unius librae Piperis vel Cumini per annum pro omni seruicio, unde W. de I. decem acras terrae & medietatem unius mesuagij & W. de E. x. acr. terrae & medietat. unius molendini ei deforciant. & nisi &c. vel sic.  
Rex tali salutem. Praecipimus tibi quod sinè dilatione plenum rectum teneas Ric. le Iay de x. acris terrae x. acris prati x. acris pasturae cum pertinentijs in H. quas clamat esse rationabilem partem suam quae eum contigit de libero tenemento quod fuit E. de N. patris vel matris fratris vel sororis, anunculi vel amitae consanguinei vel consanguineae suae in eadem villa & tenere de te per liberum seruitium etc. quas W. de C. ei deforciat. vel quas clamat esse de rationabile part sua quae eum contingit de libero tenemento quod fuit E. de N. patris vel matris etc. in eadem villa & tenere de te etc.  
Et si terra, quae petitur, pertinet ad eam quae tenetur sub eodem seruicio, tunc sic. Quam clamat pertinere ad liberum tenementum quod de eo tenet in eadem villa per liberum seruitium etc. quam talis ei deforciat etc.  
vacant Archiepiscopatu vel Episcopatu, seu alio magnate extra regnum existent, tunc sic.  
Rex Custodi Archiepiscopatus vel Episcopatus salutem. Praecipimus vobis etc. quas clamat tenere de praedicto Archiepiscopatu vel Episcopatu per liberum seruicium etc. quas O. ei deforciat etc. & nisi &c. vel sic, Rex Ballivis I Lincolniensis Episcopi vel Ballivis G. de Clare Com. Glocestriae vel Ballivis I filio Alani Comiti de Arundel salutem. Praecipimus vobis quod sinè dilatione etc. tali de xx. acris terrae cum pertinentijs in N. quas clamat tenere de praedicto Episcopo vel praedicto Comite, vel de praedicto filio Alani etc. quas M. de N. ei deforciat & nisi &c. vel sic.  
Rex venerabiliin Christo patri I. eadem gratia Lincolniensi Episcopo, salutem. mandamus vobis quod sine dilatione etc. A. de N. de x. acris terrae cum pertinentijs quas clamat tenere de vobis per liberum seruicium etc. quas E. ei deforciat, & nisi &c. Vicecomes etc. vel sic. Rex Balliuis suis Wintoniae s. Praecipimus vobis etc. A. de N. de uno mesuagio cum pertinentijs in W. quod clamat tenere de Nobis in liberum Burgagium vel maritagium.  
Hic non dicatur, per annum, nec, pro omni seruicio. vel sic.  
Rex Maiori & Vicecomi. London S. praecipimus vobis etc. A. de N. de uno mesuagio cum pertinen●ijs in London quod clamat tenere de nobis per liberum seruitium, etc. quod O. ei deforciat. Ne amplius etc. vel sic.  
Rex A. de N. S. praecipimus tibi etc. de quatuor virgatis terrae etc. quas clamat tenere de te per liberum seruicium unius Austurconis vel unius esperuarij sorij, vel unius librae piperis vel Cummini per annum vel per liberum seruicium sequendi curiam tuam de N. de ●ribus septimanis in tres septimanas vel per liberum seruicium portandi brevia infra regnum Angliae, vel infra talem comitatum, vel sequendi Comitatum talem, vel hundredum pro omni seruicio.  
Hic non dicatur, per annum.  
Sunt autem huiusmodi brevia infinita secundum diversitatem eorundem seruitiorum & tenentium, quod non est opus inserere. vel sic.  
Rex tali salutem. Praecipimus tibi etc. de pastura ad centum oves etc. vel ad x. oves in N. quam clamat pertinere ad liberum tenementum suum quod de te tenet in eadem villa per liberum seruicium etc. ne amplius, etc. vel sic.  
Rex tali salutem. Praecipimus tibi etc. tali de tribus carucatis terrae etc. quas clamat tenere de te per seruitium unius Militis, vel inveniendi tibi duos homines equites vel pedites ad eundum tecum cum arcu & sagittis in exercitum per tantum tempus, vel per seruitium decem solidorum quando XL. solidi capiuntur de scuto, vel per seruitium unde decem carucatae terrae, vel tot Hydae terrae faciunt feodum unius militis pro omni seruicio.  
Hic non dicitur, per annum.  
Breve de recto de dote semper debet dirigi haeredi viri vel eius custodi, si haeres infra aetatem extiterit, nisi tenementum illud denenerit in manus capitalis domini pro defectu haeredum; quia tunc debet dirigi capitali domino, ut inferius patebit suo loco.   

CAP. II. Quae placita pertinent ad Maiorem Curiam Domini Regis, & quae ad Vicecomites provinciarum pertinent placitanda.  
COnstat quod placita de Crimine laesae Maiestatis, ut de Nece vel seditione personae domini Regis vel regni vel exercitus, homicidio, raptu, Incendio, roberia, pace domini Regis fracta, crimine falsi, & si quae sunt similia, ubi scilicet imminet periculum vitae & membrorum, ad Curiam domini Regis Maiorem pertinent audienda & de terminanda. Placita vero de furtis, melletis, hutesio, plagis, verberibus, transgressionibus, ubi non agitur de pace domini Regis fracta, ad Vicecomites pertinent audienda & determinanda. De placito verò terrae, similiter potest vicecomes cognoscere. quemadmodum quando placitum aliquod divertitur a Curia Baronis propter defectum ipsus Curiae, & quando convenitur ipse tenens in Comitatu absolute. ex quo dominus feodi non potest ex officio facere hanc Assisam in Curiam suam venire, videtur quod non defuit petenti de recto, quando non falsat. Tunc ipse petens supplicabit capitali domino ut remittat ei Curiam suam. Et tunc potest ire bene ad Comitatum si velit. Et haec est cautela necessaria.   

CAP. III. De jurisdictione Curiae Baronis & qualitur procedendum est in eadem.  
QVodlibet autem breve de Rect●, praeterquam breve parvum secundum consuetudinem manerij, debet esse patens, & praecipe in capite clausum, & debet deferri in Curia ipsius Baronis de quo ipse petens clamat tenere terram petitam. Potest autem petens si volverit in Curia illa prosequi loquelam suam usque ad discussionem litis per narrationem narratam, vel feriationem duelli. Sed sitenens posuerit se in Magnam assisam domini Regis in Curia illa, remanebit loquela illa hoc modo. Tenens ille adibit Curiam & habebit breve Regis ad vicecomitem loci, per quod breve idem vicecomes prohibebit dicto domino feodi ne teneat placitum in Curia sua, nisi duellum fuerit inde vadiatum, eo ordine quo rex mandat quando huiusmodi placitum deducitur in Comitatum. Et tenens semper gaudebit esionijs suis tam de malo veniendi quam de malo lecti. Tamen in adoptione petentis erit, si volverit in eadem Curia tam diu deducere placitum suum, vel non. Qui si volverit abinde recedere, adeat balliwm Regis & probet sacramento suo vel per duos testes Curiam domini sibi de recto def●cisse, & sic velit nolit dominus ipsius Curiae, etiam invito ipso tenente, potest huiusmodi loquela sic transferri ad comitatum. Et quid si Curia ipsius Baronis non defece●●t ipsi petenti de recto, qui sic transtulerit loquelam suam ad Comitatum? Certe dominus illius Curiae, si volverit, potest retrahere loquelam illam in Curiam suam, & eam ibi terminare ordine praedicto; Dum tamen sufficientèr probare poterit Curiam suam de recto dicto petenti non defecisse. Videtur autem quod idem Dominus Curiae potest adeo simpliciter procedere in huiusmodi probatione, sicut potest dictus petens in probatione falsandi curiam suam. In Maiori autem Curia domini Regis, potest Idem Dominus facere consimilia; tamen rarò contingit. parvum enim seu nullum dominis curiarum in huiusmodi placitis tenendis proficuum ascribitur. Et sciendum quod in Curia Baronis non debet Attornatus aliquis admitti sine brevi domini Regis. Potest equidem dominus alicuius curiae si volverit ex gratia per literas suas patentes scribere domino Regi quod remisit ei curiam suam, si tantum diligat ipsum petentem; qua litera porrecta in Cancellaria domini Regis, petens ipse habebit suum praecipe de recto▪ diretum vicecomiti, per quod precipiet tenenti quod reddat terram petitam, & nisi tenens hoc fecerit & ipse petens fecerit ipsum vicecomitem securum de clamore suo prosequendo tunc summoneatur ipse tenens quod sit ad certum diem in Banco. Et sic ante aliquem ingressum litis in curiam comitatus vel Baronis, potest huiusmodi loquela vel placitum primo die diverti ad Curiam domini Regis Maiorem.   

CAP. FOUR Qualiter procedendum est in Comitatu post Curiam Baronis alicuius falsa●am. Breve de Pace. Recordum Comitatus. Falsum judicium in Comitatu. Sectatores.  
PRobata siquidem ea solennitate qua decet, quod Curia Baronis defecerit huiusmodi petenti de recto, potest ipse p●tens in eadem curia prose qui loquelam suam si volverit in omni eventu, usque ad diffinitam discussionem litis. Hoc t●. excepto, si tenens posuerit se in magnam assisam domini Regis super repetita. Et si tenens sic se posuerit, ad proximum sequentem Comitatum, gaudere potest essonio, ita quod in secundo comitatu protendat in pleno comitatu breve de pace quod vocatur prohibemus. Tunc remanebit loquela ad petitionem tenentis usque dum venerint justitiarij ad omnia placita. Ex hoc liquet quod nec dominus alicuius feodi, nec vicecomes regis, qui maior est in jurisdictione, pos●it aliquem liberum hominem ad corporale sacramentum ponere sine brevi domini Regis. quod si facere possent, & tam dominus ille quam vicecomes ex officio sibi commisso huiusmodi magnas assisas caperent suis locis. caveat rursus reus sibi qui se sic in illam assisam regalem posuerit quod dictum breve de pace deferat ad proximum comitatum vel secundum, saluato t●. per essonium primo Comitatu post talem positionem. Quod si non fecerit, ad calumniam petentis per praecisam amissionis defaltam, se ipsum ac perpetuam eius successionem privare iudicabitur de petitis. Hanc vero defaltam habet Comitatus determinare & inde Recordum in omnibus 
* al. brevibus.  Curijs reportare, quicquid erit in Comitatu in huiusmodi placito, ante positionem in magnam assisam vel duelli vadiationem. Etiam, si apparentibus partibus quereletur & respondeatur, sive loquela per nontenuram vel per quemcunque 
* al. bipartivo cum.  bipertijocum cavilletur lis illa, dummodo detur dies ad proximum Comitatum partibus, ad petitionem petentis, per breve quod dicitur pone, potest transferri negotium, sive placitum illud fuerit, coram iustitiaris in Banco vel Itinerantibus in ipso Comitatu. Et sic ad nihilabitur processus inde habitus, & stat breve. Petens autem quicunque fuerit moderatâ gratia potest habere Pone. Supponendum est n. quod procrastinatio petitionis non praeiudicat occupanti. verbi gratia. si Peterem a te fundum hodiè mihi restitui, quod me procurante differtur, possit a casu tibi occupanti proficere. ideò quia ponere aliquam loquelam extra comitatum ubi celerior litis habetur determinatio quam in banco 
* al. congravare  & quia presumitur quod petens petitionem maturare debet. Et sic patet, quia prorogat quod 
* al. congrauare  congerere debet petens, ex gratia cursoria conceditur sibi Pone, Tenenti autem ne quaquam, nisi ex gratia maiori, & causa speciali, utpote, si vicecomes loci fuerit de stipite consanguinitatis vel aliqua affinitate sive particeps in petitione petentis, vel aliquantisper rei offensa separaverit vicecomitem a tenente. ex dicta causa sive aliqua alia rationabili interueniente innuitur tenenti dictum Pone. A vicecomite vero prefixo die litigantibus in Comitatu, ad primum comitatum potest tenens facere defaltam. caveat tn. quod infra XV. dies terram suam replegiet, quod si non fecerit, seisinam perpetuam, nisi aliunde recuperet, amittet. vel ad primum Comitatum potest essoniari de malo veniendi, & ad secundum facere defaltam & ad tertium de malo lecti. Essonium autem de malo lecti semper sequitur essonium de malo veniendi, & non econtra. Tamen vicecomes ex officio suo mittere debet qua●uor milites de eodem Comitatu ad videndum infirmum, eo ordine quo faceret si placitum esset in Banco; & ideo praecipietur ei hoc idem facere per breve de judicio. Ipsi quoque milites, secundum quod infirmus surgere aut languorem capere elegerit, praefigant ei diem quindenae, vel unius anni & unius diei. Breve ad videndum infirmum.  
Rex vicecomiti salutem. mitte quatuor legales milites de Comitaetu tuo usque N. ad I. qui languidus est ad videndum utrum infirmitas quase essoniavit de malo lecti versus B. de placito terrae quod est inter eos in Comitatu tuo, sit languor necne. Et si sit languor tunc ponant ei diem a die visus sui in unum annum & unum diem apud Turrim London praefato B. inde responsurus, vel sufficientem per se mittat responsalem. Et si non sit languor tunc ponant ei diem a die visus sui in XV. dies quod tunc sit ad proximum Comitatum tali praefato B. inde responsurum vel sufficientem etc. Et dic quatuor militibus illis quod tunc sint ibi ad testificandum visum illum & quem diem ei posuerunt, & habeas ibi nomina militum & hoc breve.  
Ante visum terrae petitum & factum, potest tenens essoniari de malo lecti, & post visum similiter, precedenti semper essonio de malo veniendi. Sed tantum unus languor capi potest ante visum vel post, pro voluntate tenentis, & non plus, quamuis essonium de malo lecti in Maiori Curia domini Regis, utpote ad Bancum vel in Itinere justitiariorum, iaci debeat tertio die ante diem placiti prefixum & per duos essoniatores. Et hoc in praesentia Constabularij Castri, civitatis, vel Burgi ubi huiusmodi placita tenentur, qui inde Recordum portat coram eisdem justitiarijs vel coram Maiore huiusmodi civitatis si Castrum non habeatur, nec per consequens Constabularius. Quia frequentèr evenit quod comitatus tenentur in siluis, & Campestribus foris, villis & 
* al. tales seu ●alas.  alibi. videtur n. quod calumniatio essonij de malo lecti non proiecti ante tertium diem, nec per duos testes locum non tenet. quia in talibus locis nulla residet talis persona quae talia recordare vel testificare posset vel deberet. Tamen si huiusmodi placitum fuerit coram justitiarijs de Banco vel Itincrantibus, debet ex consuetudine & iure huiusmodi essonium iaci ad Castrum Comitatus vel Burgi coram Constabulario vel ad Turrim Londoniae ꝓ Banco, vel alibi in Itinere justitiariorum propter huiusmodi reseantiam. Idem dico de Curia Baronis. Non n. tenens ignorat a quo domino tenet & cui feodo est annexus. Per duos autem essoniatores solemnizari debet tale essonium, ut unus per essonium excuset infirmum, & alius propter priorem excusationem in essonio de malo veniendi, in hoc essonio quasi iterato de una & eadem aegritudine, testimonium perhibeat. Et idem iaci debet tertio die ante diem litis, propter computationem dierum in anno bissextili, ut cum detur dies languido a die visus sui in unum annum & unum diem per ipsum diem integrum ante tertium diem, ante diem litis possit salvari dies excrescens in anno bissextili, & computari in integritate anni, quo dictum essonium proiectum fuit, Teste consilio domini Henrici Regis, ac brevi suo inde directo justitiarijs suis de Banco anno regni regis Henrici liv. Essonium autem de ultra mare de iure locum non tenet nisi in prima excusatione iaceatur, & hoc intelligito nisi reus iter arripuerit versus ultra mare prius quam summonitionem receperit. si n. reciperetur huiusmodi essonium de ultra mare post essonium de malo veniendi, vel summonitionemsaltem, frequentèr accideret quod ipse reus malitiose hoc faceret ad ꝓrogandum ius petentis. Et ideò locum tenet in prima excusatione litis. Quia ex quo implacitatus ille iter arripuerit ante summonitionem receptam, videtur quod non constabat ei dies de placito praedicto. Et quid si reus de ultra mare essoniatus tali die essonij proiecti, fuerit in regno. Certè si petens hoc eodem die calumniet, ad aliud diem placito prefixum dummodo hoc sufficientèr probare poterit, reo adiudicabitur pro defalta. Interest autem justitiariorum inquirere huius rei veritatem. Vicecomes autem in suo comitatu similiter faciat, aut probationem illius petentis recipiat sexta manu. Comperto siquidem ipsum reum in die dicti essonij proiecti extitisse in regno, reus ille amittet seisinam terrae petitae per defaltam. Essonium de seruicio D. Regis semper admittitur & locum tenet ad alium diem, dummodo porrigatur breve domini Regis de warranto essonij praedicti. Et si reus non porrigat sic, cadit illud breve in defaltam amittendi seisinam terrae. Et si placitum fuerit de captione averiorum cadit in misericordiam tanquam indefensus, & petens habebit per judicium retornum averiorum. Quando dominus Rex est in exercitu, reo secum existent, & hoc liquet in Cancellaria domini Regis, warrantum habebit, Sed si rege non existent in exercitu miserit aliquem talem in seruicio suo, si hoc in rotulis Cancellariae non inseratur oportet quod aliquis miles compatriota ipsius sacramento testificetur ipsum reum esse tali die in seruicio domini Regis antequam breve de seruicio suo concedatur. Si n. sine rita examinatione concedetur tale breve, ordo juris creberrimè perverteretur. Nam in quocunque statu esset lis huiusmodi sive post vel ante positionem in magnam assisam aut duelli vadiationem, per talem warrantum posset ius petentis retardari & casualitèr imperpetuum. Et ideò tali solemnitate fiat huiusmodi warrantizatio. De plerisque autem placitis potest Comitatus ferre recordum. Vt cum quis aliquem implacitauerit in Comitatu ꝑ breve domini Regis de Consuetudinibus & seruicijs, & ipse reus dedicit in pleno comitatu ipsi petenti huiusmodi seruicia petita, & ipsum disaduocet pro domino. Tunc dominus ille posteritate dierum petierit per breve domini Regis de Recto de petendo tenementum illud de quo dedicta sunt huiusmodi seruicia petita, habendum in dominico pro seruicio sic dedicto. Si reus ille hoc in responsione negaverit, sive in eodem Comitatu id neget, sive in Maiori Curia, habet comitatus in hac causa ferre recordum. Et si Comitatus sic recordatur, petens recuperabit de praedicto tenente seisinam perpetuam, & si Comitatus econtrario recordetur, petens amittet clamium imperpetuum. De his portat Comitatus Recordum. De positionibus in magnam assisam, duelli vadiatione, defaltis post defaltam, utpote post visum terrae factum; ut in defaltis; si reus postquam se posuerit in magnam assisam, ad proximum comitatum non tulerit breve domini Regis de pace quod vocatur prohibemus; vel essoniatus fuerit ad proximum comitatum post huiusmodi positionem & ad secundum non deferat dictum breve, & in singulis placitis terrae ubi tenens amittet per defaltam. Et in ut legarijs, & in prosecutione appelli sine brevi, vel cum brevi, habet comitatus portare recordum in eodem comitatu, & in maiori curia domini Regis. Tamen si reus fecerit defaltam in eodem comitatu post visum terrae factum, & ad calumniam ipsius petentis summonitus esset ille reus ad audiendum judicium suum, & deferat suum pone ad amovendam loquelam illinc coram justitiarijs de Banco, quod ꝑ assignationem causarum superiùs expressarum facere possit ex gratia speciali, generaliter sunt reincipienda omnia retroacta in comitatu ante positionem in magnam assisam vel duelli vadiationem. & cum per pone venerit loquela ad Bancum in praedicta defalta post visum, comitatus non portat recordum. Singula placita sine brevi deducta in Comitatum, extra comitatum carent Recordo ipsius comitatus. Et omnia placita deducta in Comitatum per breve transferri possunt per breve coram justitiarijs de ●●nco, vel Itinere, & non econverso. Quia in ipsomet Pone semper sic dicitur; Pone ad petitionem petentis loquelam quae est in Comitatu tuo per breve nostrum de recto etc. Tunc igitur sequitur ex verbo illo [per breve nostrum] quod si pete●s non agat per breve, quod nulla est ibi loquela. Hoc autem dico ad adnulland●m opinionem Rusticorum rural●um qui frequenter ex impetuoso garritu, ut appareant quod non sint, sustinent econversò. Sin autem placitum fuerit in Comitatu sine brevi vel cum brevi, executiones judiciorum habitorum in comitatu fient & fieri debent per Ballivos domini Regis eiusdem comitatus. Quemadmodum sive, ꝑ narrationem narratam, sive per defaltam post defaltam, adiudicetur ipsi petenti seisina de petitis, ex praecepto vicecomitis ponat dictus Balliuus petentem in huiusmodi seisinam, nec oportet ipsum petentem quaerere aliud breve ad hoc faciendum. Quia vicecomes ex judicio comitatus in hoc casu naturam & tenorem tam parvi Cape quam magni ex officio sibi commisso habet sine brevi. Ideo judicia siquidem comitatus pronunciari debent per aliquem Sectatorem ipsius comitatus. Et cum aliquotiens evenit, quod quis queratur domino Regi de falso judicio reddito in ipso Comitatu, non intelligatur, si comperiatur ipsum judicium falsum esse, quod vicecomes inde puniri debet, immó comitatus, id est communitas comitatus, unde expedit huiusmod: sectatoribus tale respondere quale pro justo potetint advocare. Si autem vicecomes possit reddere huiusmodi judicium, quandoque pretextu lucri, vel causa ignorantiae deviaret, quod si sic faceret, indebitum esset & iniquum 
* al. sectatoribus.  prosequentibus huiusmodi causam impingere. Et alia subest causa. Sunt n. nonnulli vicecomites adeo simplices quod non habeant unde respondere possint de misericordia assignata quando convincentur de tali judicio in curia. Et ideò statuitur quod totus Comitatus reddat judicium. Caveant nunc de iniustè procedere. Semper intelligendum est quod quaelibet summonitio fieri debet per bonos summonitores. Videamus ergo quid & quale sit officium summonitorum.   

CAP. V. De officio summonitorum. Lex vadiata. Essonia,  
cum ordo placitandi in Curia Baronis & Comitatu ꝑ breve domini Regis de recto superius in part exprimatur, nunc cum huiusmodi loquela in pleno comitatu per breve quod vocatur Pone adiornata fuerit in Bancum, opus est docere quomodo ipsi petens & tenens de caetero debent procedere. Cursorium est autem, quod quando cunque petens fecerit defaltam, tenens eat quietus sine die. Et tam petens quam plegij sui de prosequendo in misericordia. Et ideò de tenente & eius defensionibus loquamur. Primò de placito atterminato ad Bancum foris Comitatum per Pone. In primo die potest petens essoniari de malo veniendi ab initio & gaudere eodem essonio, sed non decet propriam commoditatem differre. Duo boni summonitores adibunt tenentem dicendo sic. Nos A. & B. summonemus te quod sis tali die apud London, coram justitiarijs de Banco responsurus tali de tanto terrae cum pertinentijs in N. & specificare debent quantitatem. In iudicando autem essonio semper respicienda sunt brevia originalia & status placitorum, ne fortè per iterationem essonij nimis differatur petitio petentis seu per machinosam cautelam prosequentis aliquid huiusmodi essonium. sed si tale essonium irritum fuerit convertatur in defaltam. Et ideo justitiarij sic faciunt ad evitandum periculum & errorem. Et si summonitores non faciunt officium suum ut praedictum est, tunc non conceditur secundum legem terrae. Et hoc idem dico, quod si summonitio non sit secundum legem terrae post terram captam in manum Domini Regis, replegiare eam potest reus & omninò disaduocando omnia essonia cuiuscunque generis vel naturae fuerint & defendere summonitionem sic. Sire defaute ne poye ieo fere. Car ie ne su pas somons selounley de terre. & ceo suy priest afere quant ke cest Court agard que fere deveroye. Et tunc debent summonitores, si sint boni, esse praesentes ad testificandum summonitionem suam. Et nisi se representent ad testificandam summonitionem, licet illam decenter fecerint non sunt boni summonitores. Et tunc adiudicabitur reus ad legem suam XII. manu quam facere potest secure, si non sit summonitus secundum legem ter●ae. Et haec est cautela necessaria. Et si summonitores sint boni, adhuc dico potest reus esse ad legem contra eos, licet falso. Et summonitores non portant recordum in hoc causa ad destruendum legem Rei. Ista autem ultima lex potest vadiari ad saluandum autumnalia aut Redditum assisum. Et potest reus retrahere se de lege & esse in misericordia, & autumnalia lucrari. In omnibus autem curijs & singulis placitis potest fieri haec cautela. Qui rite summonent & eandem summonitionem testantur, vocantur boni summonitores per legem ter●ae & non aliter. Licet vero praesentia tenentis ex consuetudine regni debet in curia domini Regis usque ad quartum diem expectari, infra quam tenens non adiudicabitur pro defalta, caveat tamen tenens quod essonium suum primo die iaceatur, aut calumniari potest & in defaltam reduci. Attamen secundo die possunt aliquando essonia intrari in rotulo; quanquam ex gratia justitiariorum quandoque propter nimictatem essoniorum primo die non possunt intrari.   

CAP. VI Modus essoniandi & reddendi essonia & dies communes in brevi de Recto. Essoniatores. Atturnati.  
MOdus essoniandi talis est. Talis versus talem de placito terrae per talem. & sic irrotulabitur. Modus reddendi essoniorum talis est. Dicat Praenotarius clamatori. Exige essoniatorem Richardi le jay. respondeat es●oniator. Ecce Adsum. Irerum Praenotariu ubi est W. Husse, ac si diceret, petens, qui similiter dicat ecce adsum. Tu essoniator Richardi affida habendi hic warrantum tuum a die sancti Michaelis in XV. dies, & tu Willielme serva eundem diem. Affidatis in manibus vel super virgam clamatoris recedant utrique si velint. Potest autem tenens essoniatus, ante redditionem essonij, apparere si volverit, & respondere petenti si volverit. Et si ipse tenens inventus fuerit juxta 
* lege placit●.  plebiscitum, antequam reddatur essonium ad calumniam petentis, coercetur respondere petenti, velit nolit, de de capitali placito. Et sic per propriam fatuitatem posset in prima tali apparitione amittere dilationes statutas. Sunt etiam dies communes dati, ex consuetudine regni, in omnibus placitis secundum diversitatem naturarum brevium. In hoc autem brevi de recto generaliter dentur duo dies per annum tantum. Et ratio quare in isto brevi assignatur pauciores dies per annum quam in alijs brevibus; quia de quovis potes dissilire ad istud, & non econverso. Istud n. stirps est alijs, ita quod quicquid per ipsum ritâ determinatione concluditur stat imperpetuum. Et ideo per hanc moderatam dilationem parcitur tenenti. Curia namque domini Regis neminem vult decipere. De diebus omnibus in hoc brevi sic distinguo. si breve primo venerit ad festum Sancti Michaelis de Octabis & Quindena Sancti Michaelis adiornetur à die Paschae in XV. dies. De tertia septimana, in III. septimanas Paschae, De mense in mensem, & quinta septimana in quintam septimanam. De in Crastino Animarum in Crastinum Ascensionis domini. De crastino Sancti Martini in crastinum Sanctae Trinitatis, de quindena Sancti Martini in quindenam Sanctae Trinitatis, ultra quod quindenam Sancti Martini in hoc termino non recipietur breve. Et si breve venerit ad terminum Sancti Hillarij hoc ordine respondeat ei terminus Sancti johannis Baptistae & econverso. Pascha n. Sanctus Michael, johannes & Hillarius in hac regula convertibilitèr se habent in omnibus breuibus & placitis. Essoniator autem, absent vel present adversario suo, tantum potest facere quantum Attornatus omni die, nisi eo die quo oportuerit partes litigare. Litigare autem pro domino suo non potest essoniator. Sed si petens essoniatus fuerit vel compareat essoniator tenentis, benè potest capere diem versus ●um adeò bene sicut dominus suus vel eius atturnatus, vel si petens fecerit defaltam idem essoniator in redditione essonij potest calumniare defaltam, & sic per calumniam suam petens ꝑdet breve suum, & plegij sui in misericordia, & tenens & essoniatores quieti sine die. Et si reus deficiat in redditione essonij petentis, revera essoniator ille potest sequi defaltam versus cum & habere breve de judicio ad capiendam terram in manum domini Regis per magnum Cape aut per parvum de habenda seisina vel de attachiando seu distringendo secundum qualitatem & diversitatem breu●um & dierum, adeó bene sicut potest dominus suus vel eius attornatus. Aliter autem posset talis defalta transcurrere impunita frequenter ad damnum cuiuspiam & in illusionem regiae dignitatis. Quando autem essoniator sequitur defaltam pro domino suo vel pro suo atturnato, certum nomen eius irrotulabitur in Rotulatione defaltae illius, propter 
* ita codices queis utimur.  tenerem statum ipsius essoniatoris qui in hoc casu tam solemnis efficitur in potestate. Quando autem atturnatus sequitur defaltam pro domino suo, non sic fit; nisi dubitetur de fraud atturnati.   

CAP. VII. De Attornatis faciendis.  
POst igitur essonium redditum, potest reus apparere in Curia & facere atturnatos. Securum est n. e● facere duos atturnatos pro periculo infirmitatis, seu mortis, vel etiam fraudis in quocunque statu esset lis illa. Ambo reus & petens possunt facere atturnatos & debent fieri per haec verba. Talis ponit loco suo talem versus talem de placito terrae. Et si prius fecerit attornatos quos amovere volverit▪ sic Et amovet tales quos prius etc. Possunt autem per breve domini Regis de Cancellaria tam pro reo quam pro petente admitti Attornati. Et si reus aut petens infirmentur in provincia, & non pos●unt venire ad curiam coram justitiarijs, nec ad Cancellariam domini Regis ad faciendos attornatos, cum oporteat de necessitate facientem attornatos personaliter in Curia praesentem esse, tunc ad ꝓcurationem volentis facere attornatos, mitt●t Cancellarius aliquem notum clericum de Cancellaria ad infirmum coram quo faciat attornatos. Et Cancellarius quando eos recepit, mandabit justitiarijs per breve domini Regis de huiusmodi attornati receptione. Et quando dominus Rex ex gratia sua dat alicui potestatem recipiendi huiusmodi attornatos tunc sic. Rex dilecto & fideli suo tali salutem. Sciatis quod dedimus vobis potestatem recipiendi attornatos tales, quos loco suo atturnare volverit, ad lucrandum vel perdendum in loquela quae est coram justitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium per breve nostrum, inter praefatum talem petentem & talem tenentem de tanto terrae cum pertinentijs in N. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod, cum Attornatos illos receperitis, de nominibus eorundem attornatorum constare faciatis remittentes nobis hoc breve etc. Si autem petens sive reus languidus fuerit, potest habere breve domini Regis de attornato faciendo sic. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Mitte quatuor legales milites de comitatu tuo usque N. ad F. qui languidus est ad videndum quem Idem F. loco suo attornare volverit ad lucrandum vel perdendum in loquela quae est in comitatu tuo coram justitiarijs nostris Itinerantibus de tanto terrae cum pertinentijs in N. & dic quatuor militibus illis quod sint coram justitiarijs nostris tali die ad testificandum quem idem F. in praefata loquela loco suo attornare volverit etc. justitiarij similiter in provincia possunt recipere atturnatum & hoc significare socijs suis per breve suum, & stabit atturnatus. Reus autem in nullo placito quod determinari poterit per legem, non potest facere atturnatum propter imprisonamentum quod subsequitur. quia non debet quis imprisonari pro delicto alterius. Ex quo illud est personale delictum, nec per consequens facere debet pro eo legem, nec cum reus fecerit atturnatum, oportebit petentem se es●oniare versus illum Atturnatum, immò versus principalem, Attornatus autem si fuerit essoniandus, semper nomine suo es●onietur & non in nomine principalis.   

CAP. VIII. Secundus dies placiti. Defaltae. Magnum Cape. parvum cape. Non Pleuine. Legis vadiatio.  
SEcundo die placiti potest reus facere defaltam si velit ex consuetudine regni, dum tamen essoniatus fuerit primo die ordine praemonstrato. Petens autem expectans quartum diem ipso die offerat se liti sic versus ipsum reum in haec verba. Richardus le Iay se profre vers William Huse de play de terre, & ils enter iour par son essoneur iekes ore, & ceo est huy le quart magnum cape. Sed reo deficiente postquam comparaverit in Curia, capietur terra in manum domini Regis per parvum cape pro defectu rei qui summonebatur ad audiendum judicium suum & ex hoc petens consequetur seisinam de terra petita. caveat rursus sibi reus deficiens quod infra XV. dies terram suam captam in manum domini Regis replegiet, quod si non fecerit, ad calumniam petenti proximo die placiti amittet seisinam terrae, sicut per defaltam post defaltam. & per magnum cape returnatum fiet huiusmodi probatio scilicet fiat collatio de die captionis indorsato a retro brevis illius returnati a vicecomite, & de replegiatione. Si districto compoto comperiatur terram non esse replegia●am infra XV. dies post captionem, amittet seisinam per defaltam. Et de hoc seruit hoc verbum Et diem captionis etc. Et ista defalta vocatur gallicè Non ple●ine, & aequipollet naturalitèr defaltae post defaltam. In quibus utrisque defaltis, & defalta post primam summonitionem, defalta post visum, defalta post vadiationem duelli, defalta post positionem in magnam assisam, defalta post warrantum vocatum, & defalta si non miserit certum responsalem post consummationem languoris, semper reus amittet seisinam. Terra siquidem capta in manum domini Regis ꝑ visum, non potest replegiari nisi coram justitiarijs vel in Cancellari● & hoc mandabit dominus Rex justitiarijs ꝑ breve suum. tamen ubicunque inv●●tus fuerit aliquis de tali officio privilegiatus, sive fuerit hic coram quo dependeat placitum sive alius coram quo terra sic c●pt● replegiabitur, ille mandabit socijs suis diem replegiationis. Sed non oportet eum in propria persona terram suam replegiare. Quilibet n. extraneus pro noto, & econtra terram alterius potest replegiare. Sciendum est autem quod vicecomes nequitiam in officio sibi commissam potest facere multipliciter. verbi gratia si reo non sūmonito testetur & indorset vicecomes in brevi remisso ipsum esse summonitum, unde magnum cape exivit. & si iterum in magno cape testetur captionem terrae quae non capiebatur, & diem captionis pntextu cuiusdam fraudis, unde dicta terra non fuit replegiata, eo qd reus inde nihil scivit, & petens precise se capi● ad defaltam non plevinae. Et quid si testetur ultimam summonitionem quae est in le cape, reo non summonito, & petens per defaltam recuperet seisinam, cum de iure nullam potuit facere defaltam ex quo summonitus non fuit? sciendum est quod pòst defaltam irritare potest per dedicere primam summonitionem per legem se XII. manu. Captio tamen, ut sanetur defalta non plevinae, per legem dedici non potest. Nam si reus vellet dedicere captionem oportet prius evincere fraudem captorum dictae terrae per visores dictae captionis. & hoc ad impediendam vltimam summonitionem contentam in le cape ꝑ qd reus recuperavit seisinam dictae terrae petitae, non potest dedici per legem. Quia testificatum fuit die quo petens recuperavit seisinam terrae petitae cum reus non fuerit ibidem, & licet affuisset non expediret ei dedicere summonitionem, cum non posset respondere de capitali placito nec posset vadiare legem de non summonitione contra summonitores qui tunc non fuerunt ibi & sic recuperata seisina petentis reus non haberet partem adversam cui respondere deberet nec diem placiti unde posset aliquid dicere vel legem vadiare. Hic nullum habetur remedium nisi dare domino Regi de suo pro sic, quod faceret venire summonitores ad attingendum huiusmodi falsitatem, & ita posset recuperare dictam terram suam. Et licet summonitores testantur adversus ipsum reum, secundum Henricum de Bathoria, reus potest tunc dedicere per legem se XII. manu contra summonitores de non summonitione quam testantur se fecisse & eorum testimonium infirmare, & licet reus perdat per defaltam non plevinae vel per defaltam post defaltam, habet tamen recuperare pro hoc per breve de recto. Essonia siquidem de ultra mare de seruitio domini Regis & malo veniendi, si terra capiatur in manum domini Regis* quod debita hora replegietur, possunt infirmari, per dedicere primam summonitionem, & sic de novo reincipiendum est. Et si terra capiatur in manum domini Regis & debitè replegiatur, tunc potest in apparentia rei petens essoniari.   

CAP. IX. Placiti Tertius dies. Essonij calumniatio. Fourcher. Pleuine. Recovery sur default. Breve de Scias. parvum & magnum cape. Essoniorum formulae. De malo lecti. Languor. quatuor milites missi ad infirmum. default puis essoin de mal de lit, & auters defaults. Visores. Uiew de terre.  
TErtio die apparent petente, si reus essonietur proculdubio essonium illud disallo cabile est. quia non potest reus essonium gaudere, donec prima sanetur defalta postquam terra sua capta fuit. Et si sit essoniatus perdit seisinam terrae ut per defaltam post defaltam. Facto autem atturnato rei sequenti die placiti, ambo atturnatus petentis & reus essoniabuntur, atturnatus autem rei requaquam. Si reus essonietur & atturnatus suus non vel tunc petens ad alium diem potest calumniare es●onium illius rei, vel non. Certè secundum Henricum de Bathonia, non. Hora enim hoc faciendi iam praeterijt. Petens autem seu attornatus suus vel eius essoniator in redditione essonij illius potuit hoc fecisse & allocaretur de iure. Hic autem probatur de iure quod quando que aufertur quod differtur. licet tamen generalitèr dicatur, quod differtur non aufertur. Calumnia enim essonij proiecti die pambulo hody 
* al. locum non tenet in ore pet.  devoluta in os petentis, quia expedit debitum tempus calumniandi, hody locum non tenet. Hic autem disputari potest quod essoniator in casu plus facere potest quam atturnatus. Si autem vir & mulier inveniantur in uno brevi, quemadmodum si terra petita fuerit haereditas ipsius mulieris vel data cum ea in liberum maritagium, seu est questus illorum viri & mulieris coniunctìm, alter eorum primo die potest essoniari, & alter deficere. Congruit tamen viro primò essoniari in hoc casu. Quid erit tunc de defalta mulieris? Terra capietur in manum domini regis aut deerit ordo juris. Et quid si replegietur hora debita? Et hoc comperiatur per indorsamentum brevis vicecomitis? Die dato essonio ipsius viri amitteturne terra petita per defaltam ipsius mulieris? Cum habeat virum sine quo de iure coniunctim non debet respondere, Certè licet vir praecellat mulierem generaliter, & in ore suo stet verbum mulieris, si terra petita fuerit de haereditate ipsius mulieris, videatur quod debeat amitti. Sed si fuerit talis terrae questus viri & mulieris coniunctim, vel si donetur cum ea in liberum maritagium, ubi vir tantum habeat in terra illa quantum mulier aut plus, non amittatur tunc per defaltam illam. Non enim conven●t qd quis pro alterius contumacia puniatur. Quid erit tunc de defalta ipsius mulieris? Resummoneatur una cum viro suo quod tunc sit ad alium diem. quia hic ordo de viro primi●us essoniato 
* Locus plerisque exempll. ●oriuptus.  in mulierem primitus essoniatam converti non potest. Caveant vir & mulier coniunctim implacitati quod semper in essonio alterius alter compareat quamdiu furcare possint, &, cum ultra non possint, concurrant eorum essonia in suis locis. Alter autem illorum tantum unum essonium de malo lecti habere potest. Haec autem omnia dico de pluribus participibus ubi terra impertita est seu tenementum. videlicet de furcatione essonij & de defaltis inde provenientibus; numerantur in part in 
* Marlbrige cap. 14.  starutis domini Henrici Regis. Si autem plures participes fuerint in brevi, currat ordo communis. 
* Desun quae his signis ** hinc distincta sunt, plerisque exempll.  Et cum iste erant dilationes tempore quo ista summa erat composita ubi plures erant participes tenentes per quos justa petitio ultra quam debuit prorogabatur, illustris rex Edwardu● filius R. Henrici in primo parlamento suo decrevit in praemissis sicut plenius patebit in 
* West. 1. cap. 43  sexagesimo articulo constitutionum illarum. Essonium autem de ultra mare si ritè iaceatur semper exposcit inducias XL. dierum ad minus. Et semper debet praecedere essonium de malo veniendi & non econtra. Tertio die placiti post captionem terrae per defaltam quam tenens fecit die praecurso, aut tunc ipse tenens defuit aut apparet. Sive autem appareat sive non ad pro●rum petentis inspiciat praenotarius indorsamentum vicecomitis a retro brevis per quod terra capiebatur. Et si reperiatur non esse replegiatam infra XV. dies post captionem tunc petens offerat se liti sic Richard le Iay se ꝓffre vers William Huse de play de terre. A tiel iour fu la terre prise in la main le rey par sa default de non pleuine de tout outre. Ita offerre se debet, si tenens fuerit praesens; & si se teneat ad defaltam, quod securè facere potest, hoc modo▪ irrotulabitur ꝓfrum suum. Richardus le Iay aut per se, aut per attornatum optulit se iiij. die versus Willielm. Huse de placito unius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam clamat ut ius suum versus eum. & ipse non venit & alias fecit defaltam ita quod praeceptum fuit vicecomiti quod cap●ret praedictam terram in manum domini Regis & quod diem etc. & ipse suum etc. quod esset hic ad hunc diem. Et vicecomes mandavit diem captionis & quod summonitus fuit etc. & ideo consideratum est quod praedictus Richardus recuperet seisinam suam versus eum per defaltam & W. in misericordia. Et si tenens suerit praelens tale erit breve petentis de judicio quod vocatur Scias Rex vicecomiti salutem. scias quod Richardus le Iay in Curia nostra coram justitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium recuperavit seisinam svam versus Willielmum Huse de una carucata terrae cum pertinentijs in H▪ pro defectu ipsius Willielmi. Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod praedicto Richardo de praedicta carucata terrae cum pertinentijs plenariam seisinam habere facias sicut praedictum est etc. Et si tenens defecerit post apparitionem, tunc exibit parvum cape sic. Rex vicecomiti salutem Cape in manum nostram unam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs suis in N. quam Richardus le Iay in Curia nostra coram justitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium clamat ut ius suum versus Willielmum Huse pro defectu ipsius Willielmi, Et summoneas per bonos summonitores praedictum Willielmum quod s● coram justitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium tali die ad audiendum judicium suum. Et habeas etc. Tunc autem ad proximum diem reo present petens habebit dictum breve Sci●s per quod adiudicetur ei ●eisina. Et quid si vicecomes ad alium diem per magnum cape non ceperit terram in manum domini Regis ut praeceptum fuit ei, nec miserit breve ad bancum? Erit ne ipse tenens inde perdens, aut derogabitur ne in aliquo ipsi petenti? Respondeo. Tenens ob hoc non est puniendus. Nam licet contumax extiterit vicecomes, negligent●a vicecomitis non debet ei impingi. Petens autem amittet unum diem. Et cadet hac negligentia vicecomitis in detrimentum vicecomitis sic. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Praecipimus tibi sicut alias tibi praecipimus quod capias per visum etc. ut supra in magno Cape & in fine sic. Et tu ipse tunc sis ibi ad audiendum judicium tuum de hoc quod praedictam terram in manum nostram non cepisti nec praedictum Willielmum summonuisti quod esset coram justitiarijs etc. nec breve nostrum quod inde tibi venit, praefatis iustitiarijs nostris ad praefatum diem non misisti, sicut tibi praeceptum fuit. Et habeas etc. Terra autem post primam vel iteratam captionem, ut moris est, replegiata, tenens potest securè essoniari de malo lecti quod quidem essonium sic irrotulabitur. Richardus le Iay versus Willielmum Huse de malo lecti de placito terraeper talem & talem, et sic reddi debet. exige essoniatorem Richardi le jay. ubi ●st Willielmus Huse etc. vos essoniatores Richardi le Iay quia non constat utrum dominus vester velit se capere ad languorem necne vobis non datur certus dies. Sed tu Willielme sequere breve ad vicecomitem ad faciendum venire infirmum. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Mitte quatuor legales milites de comitatu tuo usque N. ad F. ad videndum utrum infirmitas qua Willielmus Huse in Curia nostra coram justitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium se essoniavit de malo lecti versus Richardum le Iay de placito terrae in Comitatu Sussex, sit languor ●●cne, Et si sit languor tunc ponant ei diema die visus sui in unum annum & unum diem apud Turrim London quod tunc sit ibi responsurus vel sufficientem pro se mittat responsalem & si non sit languor tunc ponant ●i diem coram justitiarijs nostris a die visus sui in XV. dies quod tunc sit ibi responsurus vel sufficientem pro se mittat responsalem. Et dic quatuor militibus illis quod tunc sint coram praefatis justitiarijs nostris ad praefatum diem ad testificandum visum illum & quem diem ei posuerint. Et habeas ibi nomina militum & hoc breve teste t●li justitiario etc. Ex quo autem placitum capitale est coram justitiarijs de Banco quare deb●nt visores ponere languido diem ●●ud Turrim London cum non sedeantibi justitiarij? Solutio. In hoc brevi mitte quatuor legales milites sic dicitur si sit languor tunc ponant ei diem a die visus sui in unum annum & unum diem, & quia milites illi non habent certum diem videre infirmum, per consequens non potest constare quem diem praefigent languido. Ergo cum constare non potest adhuc de certo die ponendo à visoribus quia accidentalitèr posset istud essonium iaci in fine vel quasi in fine alicuius termini, sicut frequentèr, & forte infirmus deberet videri tali hora quod oporteret ei praesigere diem tempore vacationis; Et in vacationibus nullus in Banco residet privilegiatus quod possit vel debeat admittere responsalem languidi cum surrexerit; Ideo ad Turrim London ut dictum est adiornetur languidus respondere coram Constabulario Turris London qui ibi residet per totum annum qui ipsum languidum adiornabit quod respondeat coram justitiarijs de Banco proximo die placiti. Et idem Constabularius testificari debet coram justitiarijs in Banco present languido, vel responsali suo. Et quid si languidus ille, die a visoribus praefixo ad Turrim non venerit nec responsalem miserit? Hoc revera testificato coram justitiarijs in Banco ab ipso Constabulario, ad profrum petentis reus ex rigore juris amittet seisinam hoc modo. Richard le Iay se ꝓffre vers William Huse de play de terre. William se fist essonier de mal de lit a teu iour percely e cely. Richard suist un brief an viscount a fere le veu de IU. cheualers de count les queux le virent e iour assisserent ꝑ languor quill priest a la Tou● de Londres soloun le usage d' Engleterre. Eil ne vent pase ceo est bien testmoigne per le Constable de la tour que en ceo case port record & testmoignage, d' ont nous demandons judgement de se defaute tout outre. Et tunc petens habebit parvum cape, ad capiendam terram in manum domini Regis & ad summonendum reum ad audiendum judicium suum. Et sic recuperabit petens in hoc casu. Et licet reus comparuerit in Curia vel in Banco in hac calumnia actoris, & non seruaverit diem ad Turrim tunc ad consimile proffrum petens ipse recuperabit s●isinam per breve scias propter praesentiam rei qui in absentia sua judicari non debet. Quia cum reus ita defecerit quod debeat seisinam amittere si praesens fuerit exibit scias, si absens, parvum Cape. Istud autem essonium de malo lecti non jacet nisi in hoc brevi patenti vel clauso scilicet praecipe in capite. Tamen secundum Henricum de Bathonia jacet in brevi de consuetudinibus & seruicijs & post vadiationem duelli vel positionem in magnam assisam & non ante. Si sorores tres vel quatuor vel plures vel pauciores reae efficiantur coniunctîm, Hae omnes gaudere possunt hoc essonio tamen una tantum pro singulis capiat languorem. Ex quo tunc generaliter oportet quod duo essoniatores ●aceant hoc essonium pro unico reo, & istae quatuor sorores vidēturesse quasi quatuor reae, quaero si sigillatim per duos essoniatores debent hoc essonium i●ctari pro illis? Solutio. Ius permittet unam pro se & reliquis sororibus languere ad cuius languorem cessabit placitum versus sorores complices usque ad diem a visoribus pfixum. Ergo cum per languorem unius, reliquae in hoc casu excusari possunt, Quae nam illarum debet capere languorem? Et primitus equidem visa à militibus languebit▪ Et quid si disgregentur? id est si inventae non fuerint in una villa, & prima secunda & tertia velint surgere, tunc quarta ultimò visa a militibus capiet languorem. Dico autem per languorem ultimò visae cessabit placitum ac si omnes concordarent. In fine autem languoris, an ista languida si appareat die à visoribus praefixo, debeat ne pro se & alijs respondere? vel responsalem mittere, ita quod in ore aliarum sororum responsio non jacet? in hoc casu, si praesens fuerit languida, dico quod opor●et illas comparere. Et quic quid respondebit illa quae languebat tenebitur pro constanti. Et si miserit responsalem, aliae sorores benè possunt absentare. Esto tunc quod per collusionem inter petentem & languidam vel responsalem eius habitam, recognoscatur ius petentis in respondendo ad exhaeredacionem trium sororum huiusmodi per cuius recognitionem petens recuperet seisinam. hic nisi per remedium Curiae attingatur illa collusio & Curiae deceptio, ad restitutionem trium sororum huiusmodi nullum habetur recuperare nisi per breve de recto. Quicquid autem dico de sororibus iunctis in uno brevi, dico de viro & muliere coniunctis & de participibus ubi terra impertita est. Die autem praefixo tenenti à visoribus, debent visores apparere in Curia ad testificandum visum suum, quia ex eorum testimonio procedendum est. Videlicet si testentur se vidisse infirmum tali die, & ꝑ districtum compotum liqueat tunc infirmum illum misisse responsalem suum die ab eis visoribus praefixo, de quibus visu & responsali ita in Curia computandum est ut supra in capitulo de Ordine placitandi in Curia Baronis, penitus liquet quod admittendus est responsalis eiusdem. Et si non venerit tenens nec responsalem miserit, & hoc testificato à visoribus & comperto per certum compotum quod non seruavit diem ab eisdem praefixum ut suprascribitur, offerat se petens & obtinebit seisinam per parvum Cape vel per scias. Et ad proffrum petentis calumniantis defaltam rei, sic intrabitur defalta illa. Richardus le Iay petit versus Willielmum Huse unam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. ut ius suum etc. & alias se essoniavit de malo veniendi scilicet tunc, & habuit diem per essonium suum in Octabis etc. ad quem diem W. essoniavit se de malo lecti, ita quod praeceptum fuit vicecomiti quod mitteret quatuor legales milites apud etc. ad videndum utrum infirmitas etc. esset languor vel non. Et si esset languor tunc ponerent ei diem a die visus sui in unum annum & unum diem apud Turrim London apud tunc esset ibi vel per se vel per sufficientem responsalem etc. Et si non esset languor, tunc ponerent ci diem hic etc. vel sufficientem etc. Et Willielmus non venit nec responsalem ●isit. Ideò consideratum est qd praedictus Ricardus recuperet seisinam suam versus eum per defaltam ipsius W. & ipse in misericordia, & praedictus Richardus sequatur breve suum ad vicecomitem▪ Et quid si Willielmus non compareret ꝑ se vel per attornatum suum secundo saltem die sibi dato per essoniatores suos? tunc post essonium de malo lecti procul dubio petens secure & precise se capiet ad defaltam illam sic dicens. Willielmus fecit defaltam primò die placiti eo quod solemniter vocatus non comparuit, unde idem petens petit judicium de defalta rei precise. Re●s tamen replicando requirere debet a petente utrum velit se tenere precise ad defaltam illam vel ad capitale placitum. Oportet quod si se teneat ad defaltam illam quod de toto renunciet capitali placito et econverso. Nam inconsu●tum est quod quis in Curia domini Regis duplici remedio sive baculo in uno casu simul & semel gaudeat sive pugnet. Si autem petens requisitus se teneat ad defaltam illam precise, reus potest sic dicere, qd nullam fecit defaltam, quod venit ad Bancum primo die placiti, & obtulit se versus praedictum petentem de placito praedicto & ibi morabatur quousque publico proclamatum fuit per seruientem de Banco quod omnes offerentes s● ibidem ad placitandum de quibuscunque placitis, exceptis placitis unde magna assisa arramiata fuit, vel duellum vadiatum, sine occasione reced●rent in crastinum. Et dicit quod si solemniter vocatus fuerit per serui●ntē de Banco hoc fuit postquam clamatum fuit sicut praedictum est. Ista siquidem allegatio super hac defalta peni●us depende●a Recordo I●stitiariorū. Et si I●stitiarij recordarentur ipsum 〈…〉 ut dictum est publicè clamasse proff●um in Banco, Reus eat inde sine die & petens amittet clamium illa vice & tenens in misericordia. quia precise se tenuit ad defaltam. Et si justitiarij recordarentur qd non fuit publice clamatum proff●um in Banco sicut praedictum est, & qu●d omnibus horis primi diei placiti v●que ad horam nonam praedictus reus solemni●èr vocatus non comparuit nec sufficientem pro se misit responsalem, consideratum est quod praedictus petens recuperet seisinam versus eum per defaltam, & tenens in misericordia. Sequatur autem petens breve suum. caveat autem calumniator huius defaltae quod sit certus de recordo justitiariorum in hoc casu. In defalta quoque post essonium de malo lecti, post visum terrae factum, post positionem in magnam assisam & post vadiationem duelli, reus amittet seisinam per absentiam primi diei. Si visores illi non venerint ad testificandum visum suum, quid erit? semper distringantur donec venerint. Primo per vadios & saluos plegios sic. Rex vice comiti salutem. Pone per vadios, & saluos plegios A.B.C.D. visores infirmitatis talis quod sint coram justitiarijs nostris, etc. ad testificandum etc. Quare autem debent primò attachiari cum non summoneantur ut videtur? quia in hoc brevi Mitte quatuor legales milites etc. continetur versus finem istud verbum qd vilet summoneas; Et dic quatuor militibus illis qui visui illi interfuerint quod sint etc. Et sic licet pateat quod non summoneantur, sunt quasi summoniti. Et ideo primò attachiantur ꝑ plegios ratione illius verbi in brevi contenti scilicet & dic. Secundo si Non venerint ad prosecutionem petentis, sic. Rex vicecomiti, salutem. Pone per vadios & meliores plegios A.B. C.D. etc. Et tunc sunt primi plegij in misericordia. Tertio per corpora eorum; Et tunc sunt tam primi plegij quam secundi in misericordia. Quartò per terras & catalla, ita quod vicecomes habeat corpora & quod manum non apponant, & quod vicecomes respondeat de exitibus, & interim taceat tenens. Si autem tenens ad diem sibi datum a visoribus non venerit personalitèr sed responsalem pro se miserit, admittendus est & eius responsalis audiendus quicunque fuerit responsalis ille, dummodò aetatem habuerit. veruntamen si determinatiuè respondeat, utpote si debeat judicium fieri & loquela terminari, ut de duello vadiato vel de magna assisa summonita, vel aliquo alio modo unde loquela debeat terminari● Tunc debet judicium illud poni in respectu quousque per milites de novo missos per breve domini Regis ad tenentem sciatur ab eo si advocaverit responsalem suum praedictum an non. Quod si non fecerit revertantur illi quatuor milites & id testentur coram justitiarijs de Banco & tunc procedendum est eodem modo ac si reus personaliter comparuisset & respondisset. Et si negaverit responsalem & eius responsum dedixerit, tunc erit manifesta defalta rei, sicut saepé contingit, & debet ad calumniam petentis judicari & inde petens breve Scias habebit. Ista siquidem defalta, sicut omnes aliae, 
* locus in plerisque cxx. depraua●us.  per essonium de seruitio domini Regis, habito inde speciali warranto, salvari potest. Dato siquidem quod reus omisso hoc essonio de malo lecti, in adoptione sua erit quod appareat hody & petat visum terrae sic. Richard le Iay se proffre per son attorne vers William Huse, de play de terre. Dicat Willielmus vel eius 
* al. narrator, ut in nonnullis  atturnatus v●ies ci William encontre Richard. Ceo vous monstre Richard que ci est &c. Et Willielmus respondet ita. Tort e force defend William que ci est & demand le oyer de brief. Lecto autem & audito brevi sic. Nous emperlerons a vos congies. In regressu autem eiusdem rei sic. Tort & force defend William a son issir e si fet il uncore a son entrer &c.   

CAP. X. De Exceptionibus. Visu petendo.  
MOdò videndum est de naturis exceptionum. Sunt quaedam dilatoriae & quaedam peremptoriae. Exceptio dilatoria cassat breve, & non perimit ius. Peremptoria perimit ius & cassat breve. Harum quoque exceptionum quaedam sufficiunt ante visum terrae ad cassandum breve, quaedam post visum nihil operantur. quia nulla dilatoria locum habet post visum [
* Desuntin nonnul●is.  nisi exceptio nontenurae quae ꝓponi debet post visum.] Nescit enim reus petitionem petentis prius, & facto visu affirmatur breve, ita quod per dilatoriam cassari non potest, nisi tantum per nontcnur●m. Ideo omissi● hic pe●●mptorijs antequam petamus visum, proponamus dilatorias quae ta●es sunt. Vitium scripturae, Rasurae literae in hoc bre●●i patenti, E●ror nominis pro nomine, Agnominis pro agnomine, unius villae pro alia, & quando breve impetratur extranaturam ●ui ipsius, & consimiles cassant breve ante visum. Excussis autem istis exceptionibus, aut tenent locum aut non. Si tenent tunc ad praesens consumitur breve. nec oporter tunc plus facere, si non teneant locum, nisi petere visum. De visu petendo l● quimur sic. Tort & force defend W. que cy est & demand vew de la terre ore aꝑmeismes. Concedetur, & irrotulabitur sic. Richardus le Iay petit versus Will. Huse unam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. ut ius suum, & Willielmus venit & petit inde visum & habeat; dies datus est ei & ●iat visus per hoc breve. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Praecipimus tibi quod sine dilatione habere facias Willielmo Huse visum de una carucata terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam Richardus le Iay in curia nostra coram justitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium clamat ut ius suum versus eum. & dicas quatuor militibus illis qui visui illi interfuerunt quod sint coram praefatis justitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium tali die, ad testificandum visum illum, & habeas ibi nomina militum, etc. Opus est amodò exprimere in quibus casibus potest denegari visus terrae & in quibus non. Videlicet quantum ad hoc breve & consimilia. Constat quod in hoc breve et in alijs brevibus per quae potest de●●niri ad duellum vel ad magnam assisam, vi●us generalitèr jacet, si petatur ante duel●i vadiationem, vel positionem in magnam assisam, tamen si plures fuerin● tenentes successive, per vocationem ad warrantiam, nullus habebit visum nisi primus tenens. & quomodo potest tam primus tenens quam ●uccessiuus vocati visum amittere? sic. A. petit versus B. unam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs etc. ut ius suum, & B. venit & vocat inde ad warrantiam C. qui summonitus venit, & ante quam warrantizat vel post petit visum. Non jacet reverà. Quia cum inculpauerit C. sic A tort ly deforce par sa garantie etc. juris ordo vult quod respondeat ad ca●●am suam vel ad cart●m antecessorum ●uorum, si in carta illa specificatur terrae illa petita. Et licet vocator non habuerit cartam, vocatus debet bene scire de qua terra cepit homagium & seruitium vocantis. unde cum warrantizauerit, petens petit eandem terram quam warrantizavit, & ideo non jacet visus. Et illud idem dicendum est de decem tenentibus si de warranto in warrantum fierent tenentes. Campiones tamen si ad duellum vel ad magnam assisam peruenerint habeant visum post duelli vadiationem vel positionem in magnam assisam. Et dicctur eis qd infra diem sibi dictam, terram illam videant & hoc pro sacromento suo quod facient secundum quod perpendi potest in forma sacramenti eorundem. Et possunt quidam casus accidere de campionibus in quibus denegabitur eis visus terrae. De visu quidem habendo in placitis intrusionis, dotis, & huiusmodi suis locis tractabitur inferiùs. Generaliter autem intellige quod ubi tenens potest vocare ad warrantiam, potest habere visum, nisi fuerint in casibus quibusdam specialiter exceptis ut fimulier petat dotem petens non habeat visum de tenementis unde vir obijt seisitus, tamen potest vocare ad warrantiam & in brevibus de ingressu ubi fit mentio de gradibus ibi conceditur visus. 
* variatim se habent hîc cod. mss.  veruntamen non potest ibi vocare ad warrantiam extra lineam sed tantum respondere ad ingressum. & potest aliquando haberi visus ubi non potest vocari ad warrantiam ut in brevi quod permittat. Periculum est autem ante visum vocare ad warrantiam, verbi gratia. Quidam petijt versus quendam unam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. & tenens ille habuit duas carucatas in eadem villa, petens verò non habuit ius nec ad unam nec ad aliam. Ipse tenens cum non potuit esse certus quid ab eo peteretur, ante quam visus inde sibi fieret, venit ante quam visum petijt & vocat inde ad warrantiam C. qui summonitus fuit, venit et petijt sibi ostendi ꝑ qd debeat ei warrantizare qui ꝓtulit quandam cartam ꝑ quam antecessores ipsius C. & haeredes sui debeant warrantizare unam carucatam terrae in ●adem villa & petens dicit quod non pe●●t dictam carucatam terrae sed aliam, & tenens cum hoc vidit voluit respondisse de capitali placito & petens petit judicium si, post warrantum vocatum, possit tenens respondere de capitali placito, & consideratum fuit quod non, Sed quod ille quietus de warrantia, & quod petens recuperet seisinam suam versus tenentem tanquam inde●ensum & tenens in misericordia. coram Henrico de Bathonia.   

CAP. XI. Quartus dies placiti. E●●onium de seruicio domini Regis.  
QVarto die, remisso per vicecomitem brevi, per quod visus terrae factus ●uit, actore se liti offerente, praenotarius inspiciat indorsamentum brevis vicecomitis; & si reperiatur ꝑ nomina militum qui visui interfuerunt quod visus terrae factus fuit, tunc ad proffrum petentis clamabitur reus qui die illo justè si velit es●oniari potest de malo veniendi, qd quidem es●onium iaci & reddi debet quemadmodum superiùs est expressum. Et quid si habita collusione inter tenentem & vicecomitem visus terrae factus non fuerit nec bre●e remissum? proculdubiò ita procedendum est erga vicecomitem in hoc ●asu ut superiús distinguitur, quando vicecomes ꝑ coli●sionem omitt●t exequi magnum cape, nec ibi nec hic propter negligentiam vicecomitis r●us debet puniri, nec petens promoveri. Esto autem quod reus nullo modo venerit ad hunc diem▪ quid juris? petens offerat se liti. Richard le Iay s● prof●re vers William Huse de play de terre. William avoit view de terre a teu iour, e la view est testmoniage per les quatre chiualers queux a la view fuerente il ne vient pas, d'out nes demand●mous judgement de sa default. Quae de●alta sic intrabitur. Richardus le Iay obtulit se quarto die versus Willielm Huse, de placito unius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in H●quan clamat ut ius sunm versus eum & Willielmus petit visum terrae à die etc. & habuit diem hic post visum terrae factum ad hunc diem & per quatuor milites qui visui illi interfuerunt, testificatur hic nunc. & praedictus Willielmus non venit, & ideo consideratum est quod praedicta terra capiatur in manum domini Regis & ipse summoneatur quod sit hic tali die ad audiendum judicium suum. & tunc exibit parvum cape quod supra scribitur. Et sciendum quod isto die & alijs diebus praeteritis & futuris, absentia rei salvari potest ut pndictum est, dum tamen reus ille excusetur ꝑ essonium de seruitio domini Regis, & inde praetendat tale breve. Rex justitiarijs suis de Banco, salutem. Sciatis quod Willielmus de H. fuit coram nobis tali die apud N. per praeceptum nostrum ita quod eo die interesse non potuit loquelae quae est coram vobis per breve nostrum de recto inter R. petentem & ipsum Willielmum tenentem de una carucata terrae cum pertinentijs in H. & ideo vobis mandamus quod praedictus Willielmus propter absentiam suam illius diei non ponatur in defaltam, nec in aliquo sit perdens, quia diem illum quoad hoc ei warrantizamus etc. Dato siquidem quod reus sequendo huiusmodi praedictum breve defecerit die ei dato de brevi illo post visum terrae factum, gratia dilationis faciendae, quid hoc proficeret ei? Ex quo autem ut de plano constat, possit ꝓrogari huiusmodi loquela de uno termino in aliam & in casu lucrari autumnalia aut redditus assisus aut utrunque & petens possit interim decedere, & sic breve & processus irruentur de toto, ideò, quia cauti sunt homines, frequenter fit talis dilatio ex lege & principis beneficio.   

CAP. XII. Quintus dies placiti. Capere languorem semel tantum licet.  
QVinto die placiti, postquam reus essoniatus fuerit de malo veniendi post visum terrae factum, si reus ille hoc die sibi dato per essonium, nullo modo venerit, quid juris? Petens se offerat liti sic. Richard le Iay se proffre vers William Huse de play de terre. William fust essoin a teu iour puis veu de terre feet, & avoit iour ieskes ore & il ne vient pas, d'unt nus demandomous judgement de sa defaute. Ista siquidem defalta aꝑta est per quam petens recuꝑavit seisinam, & sic irrotulabitur. Richardus le Iay optulit se IV. die versus W. de Huse per talem de placito unius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in N. quam clamat ut ius suum versus cum. Et ipse non venit, & habuit diem per essonium suum postquam comparuit in Curia & petijt visum terrae. judicium. praedicta terra capiatur in manum domini Regis, & ipse summoneatur quod hic sic tali die ad audiendum judicium suum, & tunc exibit parvum cape pro petente. Ex quo autem in iure permittitu● quod in placito terrae, ubi agatur de proprietate recti, ut in hoc brevi & suis branchijs, post essonium de malo veniendi generaliter sequitur essonium de malo lecti, per hanc regulam, cum ante visum terrae (ut supra in capitulo de IV. die) per idem essonium caeperit languorem, tamen intelligatur quod languor captus sit commoditas & exitus essonij de malo locti in litis prorogatione, Quid juris? Regula data, quod post es●onium de malo veniendi generalitèr subsequitur es●onium de malo lecti semper se tenet, sed semel potest reus tantum capere languorem & nonplus, & si reus essoni●t se hody de malo lecti & prius cep●rit languorem, d●bitur ei dies per es●onium suum ad proximum diem placiti, & omittentur mi●tendi quatuor milite●, qu●a non p●●est r●us capere languorem p●●squam semel. & qui● reus alitèr, ut dictum est, ut sentio, non potest dedicere demandam petentis quantum ad hunc diem, nisi aliquis respondeat, transeat per hoc essonium hody & die sequenti. Ad alia decurramus.   

CAP. XIII. Sextus dies placiti. Uoucher. recovery & counterpleas sur ceo. Uoucher d'enfant. Warrantia ex Dedi. ex homagio & seruicijs receptis. Age.  
SExto die placiti si reus se essonians de malo lecti defecerit, currat lex communis contra eum sicut faciendum tertio die ut superiùs quando fecit defaltam post languorem. si autem reus appareat hody, quid faciendum est? Si habeat warrantum est ne bonum quod vocet hody vel non? Distinguendum est. Si iste reus ita recenter feoffatus fuerit vel antecessor eius ab ipso warranto vel antecessore suo qui nihil sciat vel possit dicere a se ipso contra tenentem, ut per quietum clamium vel huiu●modi, Tunc vocet hody ad warrantiam si quem habuerit. Sed si aliquid actum fuerit inter ipsum reum & petentem vel antecessores eorum per quod petens excludi debet ab actione sua id proponat tenens utpote si habet quietum clameum ab ipso petente, vel si aliàs in Curia lis decidatur per aliquem finem inter eos, vel quod non possit respondere sine participibus, vel qood non teneat totam terram petitam, si ita sit & alia similia bonum est ꝓponere antequam vocet ad warrantiam. Si autem reus vocare volverit ad warrantiam cum petens loquutus fuerit per verba curiae. reus defendet vim & iniuriam & dicet. jeo vouch a garrant per aid de cest court B. & dicit hoc verbum per l'aid de cest court quia vocator non potest facere vocatum venire ad Curiam autoritate sua propria & tunc petens habebit hoc breve ad faciendum warrantum venire. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Summon●as per bonos summonitores B. qd sit coram justitiarijs vostris apud Westmonasterium tali die ad warrantizandum W. unam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam Richardus le Iay in Curia nostra coram justitiarijs nostris clamat ut ius suum versus praedictum W. & unde idem W. in eadem curia nostra vocat praedictum B. ad warrantum versus eum, & habeas ibi summonitores & hoc breve. Ad quem diem tenens potest essoniari de malo veniendi sic. W. qui vocat B. ad warrantum versus Richardum le Iay de placito terrae per talem. Warrantus autem vocatus appareat sed nihil faciendum eo die quia non habet partem adversam, licet principaliter sequitur essonium illud, & tunc reddat essonium tenentis. dabitur petenti idem dies ut essoniatori & consimiliter; warranto vocato unus & idem dies. Ad quem diem warrantus potest essoniari de malo veniendi, sic. B. quem W. vocat ad warrantum versus R. de placito terrae per talem. quo die tenens non appareat sed dabitur sibi & petenti & essoniatori vocati unus & idem dies. Nec plus fiat illo die quia primus tenens iam substituit sibi alium tenentem per vocationem suam. Dato autem die per illud essonium potestne warrantus essoniari de malo lecti necne? de caetero non potest, nisi post vadiationem duelli vel positionem in magnam assisam. Vocatio autem ad warrantum sic debet irrotulari. Richardus le Iay petit versus W. de Huse unam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. ut ius suum etc. & Willielmus venit & vocat inde ad warrantum per auxilium Curiae B. & habuit dient etc. & si B. vocatus venerit & vocat alium tunc sic. Richardus petit versus B. quem W. vocat ad warrantum et qui ei warrantizet unam carucatam terrae etc. ut ius suum etc. & quotquot fuerint warranti vocati, tot successiuè essonia iactari debent. Et primus reus post singulorum apparitionem semper potest essoniari de malo veniendi; si autem warrantus defecerit post essonium, capiatur de terra ipsius ad valentiam in manum domini Regis ꝑ magnum cape. Rex vicecomiti salutem, Cape in manum nostram per visum legalium hominum etc. de terra B. ad valentium unius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam Richardus le Iay in Curianostra coram justitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium clamat ut ius suum versus W. Huse, & unde idem W. in eadem Curia vocat praedictum B. ad warrantum versus eum pro defectu ipsius W. & diem captionis etc. omnia ut supra in magnum cape in prima defalta tenentis post primum essonium. haec defalta intrabitur sic. Willielmus Huse obtulit se quarto die versus Richardum le Iay de placito unius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam Richardus le Iay in Curia nostra coram justitiariijs nostris apud westmonasterium clamat ut ius suum versus eum. & ipse non venit. & habuit diem per essonium suum ut supra. judicium. de terra praedicti Richardi capiatur in manum domini Regis ad valentiam etc. ad quem diem si warrantus defecerit Richardus recuperabit seisinam versus eundem W. & W. versus B. ꝑ equipollentiam statim & sine difficultate per Scias, & hoc erit de pluribus warrantis vocatis successive. Si primus vocatus defecerit petens per defaltam recuperabit seisinam suam versus primum tenentem & primus tenens versus primum vocatum & ille versus secundum & sic de singulis. Warrantus autem vocatus potest per exceptiones diversas derogare ius petentis, sicut & tenens & ponere se in magnam assisam, vel defendere ius suum per duellum in omni eventu, sive determinare negotium per diversas responsiones, utpote per finem in Curia domini Regis finem duelli, per quietam clamiam factam, exceptionem Bastardiae, & consimilia quatenus viderit expedire. Esto quod reus vocet ad warrantiam & reo essoniato, appareat warrantus, dico qd warrantus non potest intrare in warrantia sine suo vocatore, & sic per essonium ipsius rei dabitur dies ipsi vocato. ad quem diem apparent vocatore ille vocatus facit defaltam. Quid juris? Petens autem dico sequetur defaltam illam. versus quem? Certe versus vocatum ad warrantiam & non versus vocatorem. Quia vocator ubi & quando debuit vocavit & post vocationem suam essonium habuit, & die sibi dato debitè comparuit, unde constat quod nullus deliquit nisi vocatus ad warrantiam. Quaero tunc cuius naturae debeat esse defalta. utrum debeat exequi per magnum cape aut per parvum per parvum cape fiat huiusmodi executio, non pro eo quod vocatus intravit in Curiam sine responsione facienda (ut praedictum est in warrantia intrare non potest sine suo vocatore.) Sed quod die sibi dato in essonium vocatoris defecerit praecisè. Et ideo exeat super ipsum parvum cape pro vocatore & petens recuperabit seisinam versus eum de petitis. Et sciendum quod vocatus non potest habere vi●um terrae quòd debet benè scire unde vocatur ad warrantiam. Et generaliter accidit quod vocator prius habet visum. caveat rursus is qui vocat ad warrantiam quod non vocet minorem; nisi habeat cartam de feoffamento in manibus per quam vocat. Quod si non fecerit amittit pro se & haeredibus suis seisinam imperpetuum. Tamen ex officio suo justiciarij possunt sibi facere gratiam si volverint. Quum autem supradictum est quod essonium de malo veniendi generaliter sequitur essonium de malo lecti; inde quaero si vocatus ad warrantiam postquam essoniatus fuerit primo die de malo veniendi possit se essoniare de malo lecti. Consequentèr non potest, antequam warrantizet sed post potest. Esto quod duae sorores tanquam unus haeres, una videlicet maior & altera minor vocentur ad warrantiam. quid juris? appareant ambae in Curia & minor se alleget esse infra aetatem & petat custodem & habebit. maior autem non respondebit, sine sorore minori. Et remanebit loquela illa sine die usque ad aetatem minoris praedictae. Et cum minor maior fuerit, resummoneatur loquela in eodem statu in quo dimissa fuit. Idem dico de quibuslibet participibus terrarum, de quibus quidam sunt minores & quidam maiores. Ex juris ordine siquidem habemus quod minor non habet legem, id est quod non potest facere legem. & hoc sequitur quod non habet essonium de malo veniendi, nec per consequens de malo lecti. Quid erit tunc cum aliquis minor implacitetur, possit gaudere huiusmodi essonio an non? si minor ille feoffatus fuerit infra aetatem, sive reus sit, si●e per reum vocatus ad warrantiam, ad evitandum dilationes suas non amittat propter teneritatem aetatis suae quia per feoffamentum iam efficitur maior in hoc casu & habeat essonia sua supradicta. Quum autem ple●ique sentiunt minus instructi in legibus terrarum quod warrantia non jacet in Chartis, ubi haec clausula Ego et haeredes mei warrantizabimus non in●erituro, pus est inde certitudinem exponere. In qualibet simplici charta de feoffamento per hoc verbum dedi quamuis plus de warrantia nonspecificatur, tenetur donator vel eius haeres warrantizare si ad horam vocati fuerint, nisi in feoffamento i in carta aliquod speciale huic contrarium apponatur. Sic contigit inter A. & B. coram R. de Thurkelby unde postea fuit duellum vadiatum & arrainatum. Non autem dico quod assignati donatoris debeant per illud verbum dedi warrantizare huiusmodi feoffato; nisi specificetur in charta donatoris, quod ille & haeredes & assignati sui debeant warrantizare. verbi gratia. Si huiusmodi donator antequam feoffasset istum qui modo vocat ad warrantiam habuisset tres acras terrae, de quibus unam dedit isti de quo loquor & posteà residuas duas C. vel D. nulla mentione facta in carta primi feoffati quod assignati dicti donatoris debeant warrantizare. licet, dico, tertia acra annexa fuerit praedictis duabus acris, non ●enetur assignatus ille warrantizare. Et quid si donator talis penitus donaverit & fuerit ita debilis quod non habeat unde warrantizet, cum vocatus fuerit ut saepe contingit In hoc casu nihil scio consulere, nisi quod ille feoffatus adquirat sibī confirmationem a Capitali Domino sin fieri posset. Et si capitalis dominus illud confirmaverit & vocatus fuerit inde ad warrantiam oportet quod warrantizet, licet non nominet donatorem. tali dico ratione. Iste capitalis dominus de quo tenementum illud tenetur, cum se obligaverit ad hoc, per confirmationem suam, omnia verba in dicto feoffamento contenta tam le dedi quam le confirmavi una cum dicto donatore simúl firmat coniungens & obligans fortitèr seipsum ad pactionem tenendam dicto feoffato quasi pro defectu ipsius donatoris. Licet autem superiùs in hoc capitulo dicatur qd minor respondere non debeat si implacitatus fuerit, nec warrantizare cum vocatus fuerit, antequam pervenerit ad aetatem, non debeat nisi in minore aetate feoffatus fuerit, dico in eadem aetate respondeat. In actione siquidem dotis respondeat minor semper, sive petatur ab eo dos, siue in dote petenda si vocatus fuerit ad warrantiam. Sed ista lex videtur esse contraria illi quae supra scribitur quae dicit quod minor respondere non debet donec pervenerit ad aetatem nisi in minori aetate feoffatus fuerit. Petitio siquidem dotis non praeiudicat proprietatem juris haeredis a quo petitur dos. Quia cum mulier petat dotem i tertiam partem haereditatis, haeres ipse manifestatur, & quod ea decedente pars tertia revertatur ad duas, & quod hic non jacet huiusmodi exhaeredatio haeredis. Et si mulier expectaret aetatem minoris poterit interim in fata decedere & sic per consequens semper dotem amittere, statuitur ex iure qd minor in hoc casu respondeat. Si quis autem vocaverit minorem ad warrantiam non habens in promptu cartam vel aliud per quod ipse minor si maior es●et respondere deberet, sine ulteriore dilatione ad calumniam minoris amittet ab eo petita. Dato siquidem quod sorores sint participes a●icuius haereditatis de quibus una tantum vocata fuerit ad warrantiam quae se nihil tenere assereret nisi in propartia & peteret judicium desicut vocata sola fuit ad warrantiam sine participe; Distinguendum est ultrum terra part●ta esset inter participes illas necne. Si imꝑtita fuerit, dicta responsio tenet locum, si vero partita & illa quae sola vocata fuerit ad warrantiam de proparte sua receperit homagium & seruitium vocantis, respondeo quod sine participibus respondere non debet non habet locum, sed debet warrantizare precise. nisi aliud de novo proponat versus ipsum vocantem. Adhuc autem de warrantia sic definio. Walterus petit versus Thomam unam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H & versus R. tantum ut ius suum, & unde quidam B. antecessor suus fuit seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo & iure tempore etc. & Thomas venit & vocat inde ad warrantiam quendam G qui praesens est & petit sibi ostendi per quod debeat ea warrantizare & dicit quod tenet dictum tenementum de ipso G. et ei inde fecit homagium, ita quod ipse est in seisina de homagio & similiter de seruito suo scilicet de tali redditu assiso & similiter de secta ad Curiam suam ibi de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas. Et prae●ictus Thomas quesitus si habeat aliquam cartam vel instrumentum de dicto G. v●l ab antecessoribus suis per quod teneatur praedictam terram ei warrantizare dicit quod non, & dicit quod non debet ei warrantizare ut sibi videtur ratione homagij tantum de sicut nihil ostendit neque cartam neque instrumentum aliquod per quod teneatur ei warrantizare, tum quia in Cancellaria domini Regis nunquam conceditur aliquod breve de warrantia nisi expressè fiat mentio quod is qui vocat ad warrantiam habeat cartam illius quem vocat vel alicuius antecessoris ipsius, tum quia nec praedictus Thomas nec antecessores sui inde fuerint se●siti ab eo nec ab antecessoribus suis. Dicit enim quod quidam Richardus le Iay feoffavit quendam Widonem awm praedictae Thomae cuius haeres ipse est de praedicto tenemento per praedictum seruitium per annum. Et idem Richardus dedit cuidam Willielmo avo praedicti G. cuius haeres ipse est homagium & seruicium Widonis de praedicto tenemento ita quod idem Wido sponte & voluntate sua atturnavit se de praedicto seruicio Willielmo, & postea descendit praedictum seruicium ipsi G. iure haereditario, & dicit quod quando recepit homagium de praedicto Thoma recepit illud saluo iure cuiuscunque eò quòd audivit quod Walterus qui modo petit vendicabat ius in praedicta terra, ea ratione quod antecessores sui & antecessores praedicti Thomae exierunt de duobus fratribus et idem Walterus exijt de fratre antenato ut asserebat & desicut idem G. cepit homagium & seruicium suum saluo iure uniuscuiusque, judicium si debeat ei warrantizare ratione praedicti homagij tantum versus ipsum Walterum qui clamat esse propinquior haeres de eodem stipite & eadem linea parentelae. Adhuc autem videtur quod non debeat ei warrantizare ratione praedicti homagij tantúm. Hac ratione homagium non obligat nec excludit aliquem ab actione nisi tantum personam illius quae illud homagium receperit. verbi gratia. si quis ceperit homagium de aliquo tenemento ratione cuius homagij excluditur quod non potest in vita sua tenementum illud petere in dominico, & si ius haberet in eodem haeredes sui non excluderentur ratione dicti homagij quin bene possint tenementum illud petere in dominico si volverint. Et si idem G. warrantizaret praedicto Thomae praedictam terram & eandem terram per considerationem Curiae domini Regis postea amitteret versus praedictum Walterum, tunc teneretur facere praedicto Thomae Exchambium ad valentiam praedictae terrae, absque hoc quod idem G. nec haeredes sui aliquid possint recuperar● versus praedictum Thomam & haeredes suos de praedicto exchambio in perpetuum. & sic contingeret quod haeredes ipsius G. excluderentur ab agendo de praedicto exchambio, per praedictum homagium quod idem G. ceperit quod manifestè est contra rationem praedictam. Ex cussis quae in praesenti recoluntur quo ad vocationem warran●● & quoad exceptiones dilatorias de peremptorijs loqui congruit isto loco. Ad primum autem distinguendum est utrum fuerit principalis reus aut per vocationem substitutus qui respondere debeat, quia utrique competunt exceptiones futurae quae tales sunt & vigent singillatim. Praescriptio temporis probata excludit petentem & haeredes suos ab actione quae talis est in hoc brevi, si dicatur quod is de cuius seisina petit actor non fuisset in seisina rei petitae 
* al. ultra tempus Regis Richa●di 〈…〉 Regis He●●●ci etc.  Tempore Regis Henrici patris Regis Edwardi nunc. peremptoriè discinditur actio actoris.   
Radulphi de Hengham Summae magnae Finis.  
Deesse videntur plurima; sed ita finiunt omnia, quae vidisse nobis contigit, exemplaria.   

SUMMA PARVA Radulphi de Hengham.  

CAP. I De Essonijs.  
NOtandum quod quinque sunt essonia. Primum videlicet de ultra mare. Secundum autem de terra Sancta. Ista duo jacent in principio placitorum & non alibi. Et nisi veraciter proponantur vertenda sunt in defaltas. & quomodo Essoniatus de ultra mare vertitur in defaltam, queratur in statuto primo westmonast. cap. XLIV. Induciae primi essonij XL. dies. Induciae secundi unius anni & diei. & continuò posteà jacet essonium de malo veniendi & non econverso. Tertium de malo veniendi, cuius adiornamentum est quindecem dies, & jacet in quolibet placito ante apparentiam & post; exceptis quibusdam casibus, ut in brevibus Assisarum, Attinctarum, & juratarum de Vtrum. Et intelligendum est qd post apparentiam, nec Actori nec Reo competit istud essonium, nec Reo alicubi in disseisina. Quaeratur autoritas in primo Stat. Westmonast. cap. XLII. & in secundo Stat. Westm. cap. XXXII. Item nec in appello de morte hominis jacet istud essonium ut in secundo Stat. Westm cap. XIV. Item in quolibet placito in quo allocatur istud essonium postquam partes descenderint in inquisitionem, non jacet, nisi semel & hoc ad ꝓximum diem post inquisitionem adiudicatā. Et post alias apparentias subsequentes non remanebit ꝑ istud essonium inquisitio capienda. Item post diem datum prece partium non jacet istud essonium; ut in casu quo partes concedunt venire sine essonio. Quaeratur autoritas utriusque in secundo Stat. Westm. cap. XXXI. Item post diem datum de die in diem quod habet fieri in eodem termino non jacet continuè post defaltam in actione Reali. non competit in personali. non jacet continué post magnam districtionem, nec post magnum cape, nec postquam praeceptum est vicecomiti quod faciat aliquem venire vel quod habeat corpus alicuius, vel quod capiat aliquem, vel postquam mandatum fuerit Episcopo, quod faceret venire clericum suum. In casu etiam quando vir & uxor vel duo tenentes in communi implacitantur, non habebunt de caetero nisi unicum essonium, quia si unus se essoniauerit & alter compaverit ad alium diem illi qui comparuit non potest se essoniare quia sunt in statu quasi unius personae. quaeratur autoritas in primo Stat. Westm. cap. XLIII. & in Stat. Glocest. cap. X. Et istud solum essonium & non aliud tam i●cet attornato quam principali personae. Ita tamen quod si quis essoniauerit seipsum & non attornatum suum, non allocabitur ei essonium suum. Et si duos habuerit atturnatos vel plures, & unum & non alium essoniauerit vel si plures habuerit & miserit unum essonium, non allocabitur ei essonium. Sed videtur instantiam recipere, in casu quo lex vadiata fuerit per atturnatum, postquam atturnatus se non poterit essoniare, quia post legem vadiatam dictum est per justitiarios atturnato quod faciat venire dominum suum in propria persona sua ad faciendum legem. Quartum essonium est de malo lecti, cuius adiornamentum est in morbo transeunti sicut adiornamentum de malo veniendi, secundum discretionem justitiariorum, & in languore unius anni & unius diei a die visus sui apud Turrim London. Et habet istud essonium quasdam proprietates quas non habent alia essonia, videlicet, quod alia essonia in ipso primo die placiti ꝓferri debent, istud in tertio die praecedenti. Item in alijs essonijs sufficit unus es●oniator, in isto exiguntur duo essoniatores. Item alia essonia jacent sine essonio praecedenti immediate, istud essonium non jacet nisi immediatè praecedat essonium de malo veniendi. Praeterea in alijs essonijs datur certus dies, sed in isto essonio dicitur essoniatoribus qd eant sine die & jacet solummodo in omni breve de recto, ante apparentiam & post, exceptis quibusdam casibus, scilicet in brevi in quo non jacet duellum, vel magna assisa, ut inter eos qui per eundem sanguinem & eundem discensum clamant. Item in alijs brevibus de recto, quum placitum fuerit in eodem comitatu non jacet nisi causa sit vera; quia si convincatur falsa, vertetur in defaltam. Quaeratur autoritas in secundo Stat. Westm. cap. XIX. Quintum essonium est de seruicio domini Regis & jacet in quolibet placito & loco, exceptis quatuor casibus, videlicet Novae disseisinae, de Dote unde nihil habet, ultimae praesentationis, & in Appello de morte hominis. In quibus non jacet, eo quod Rex non concedit protectionem suam in casibus illis & alijs casibus in quibus nullum jacet essonium. Et solummodo allocabitur istud essonium si ad diem datum proferatur warrantum Regis, et licet istud essonium videatur allocatum esse eo quod adiornatur non tamen adiornatur sine conditione sicut alia essonia, quia si ad diem datum non proferatur warrantum, sequitur paena talis. qui non habet warrantum in actione reali, vertetur in defaltam. in actione personali condemnabitur ad expensas. quaeratur auctoritas in Stat. Glocest. cap. VIII.   

CAP. II. Brevia de Dote.  
SCiendum quod tria sunt brevia de dote unde nihil habet, videlicet unum breve de communi dote quod est tale. Praecipe A. quod justè etc. reddat B. quae fuit uxor C. rationabilem dotem suam quae eam contingit de libero tenemento quod fuit praedicti C. quondam viri sui in tali villa unde nihil habet etc. Et per istud breve petitur tertia pars tenementi quod fuit viri sui die quo eam desponsavit & postea. Et aliquando medietas ut de socagio, & tamen non de omnibus sed de antiquis & de hijs de quibus mulieres dotari consueverint secundum consuetudinem certae patriae. Et istud breve aliquando est clausum ut in casu quando nihil habet & aliquando patens, quando aliquid habet & aliquid deficit. In quibus casibus unum & aliud locum habent. Invenietur in Provisione de Merton cap. I. In supradicto brevi clauso adiudicari debent damna mulieri de tenementis de quibus vir obijt seisitus. De tenementis vero alienatis per virum de quacunque dote petita per breve patens non adiudicantur damna. Aliud est breve de dote nominata, quando vir dotat uxorem suam & hoc aliquando de minori quam de tertia part, & de hoc tenebit se contentam. Et aliquando de tertia part in certo loco & si non excedit tertiam partem remanebit illa certa dos. aliquando autem de maiori & remanebit ei quousque admensuretur & reddatur ei per breve de admensuratione dotis; & in hoc brevi sicut in alijs adiudicantur damna. Et est breve de dote nominata tale. Praecipè D. quod justè etc. reddat B. quae fuit uxor C. tale manerium de quo praedictus C. eam dotavit nominatim ad ostium ecclesiae quando eam desponsavit etc. Aliud est breve quando filius dotat uxorem suam de tenementis patris sui & de voluntate patris sui quod aliquando est de certo tenemento nominato; aliquando de tertia part omnium tenementorum patris sui, quo similiter damna adiudicantur, & est breve tale. Praecipe A. quod justè etc. reddat B. quae fuit uxor C. tale manerium vel tertiam partem tenementorum de quo vel de qua praedictus C. eam dotavit de assensu & voluntate E. patris ipsius C. ad ostium ecclesiae etc.   

CAP. III. Exceptiones contra Brevia de Dote.  
EXceptiones contra praedicta brevia, & maximè contra primum potest obijci quod demandans dotem suam habere non debet, eo quod praedictus C. quondam vir suus die quoeam desponsavit vel unquam postea non tenuit tenementum unde petit dotem in dominico ut de feodo. Et per hoc non excluditur, quin habebit dotem de tenemento quod per virum suum vel antecessorem dimissum fuit ad terminum ante desponsationem & remansit in manu terminarij usque ad obitum viri. quia licet commodum rei fuit terminario, tamen feodum & dominicum remansit paenes virum. Item in omnibus brevibus praedictis potest obijci quum vir suus commisit feloniam, ob quam fuit suspensus, utlagatus vel alio modo morti damnatus, vel demembratus, vel apud Dovere infalistatus, vel apud Suthampton submersus, vel apud Winton demembratus, vel decapitatus ut apud Northampton, in mari superundatus sicut in alijs partibus portuum. nec recolo in alijs casibus in quibus homo habetur pro felone, nisi in casu ubi quis movet guerram contra Regem, vel Regnum, ita quod abiuravit regnum, vel in fugiendo tanquam publicus latro fuit decollatus. Item quod inter ipsam & virum suum divortium fuit celebratum. Item si vir suus amiserit tenem̄●●m unde illa dotem petit per judicium excepto judicio per defaltam, de quo dicitur in secundo Stat. Westmonast. cap. IV. Item amittit uxor dotem in casu de quo dicitur in ijsdem statutis cap. XXXVIII. Item si minor existens in custodia alicuius duca● uxorem sine assensu domini sui, & in minori aetate obierit, dotem amittit. Secus est si expectet aetatem. Item uxor quae propter minorem aetatem suam, vel propter minorem aetatem viri sui non potest dotem deseruire ab actione dotis excluditur excepto tamen si a minori dotetur ex voluntate patris, quia licet sit inhabilis secundum ius commune, volunt●s tamen patris, quae firmatur secundm conventionem, facit habilitatem. Alia vero exceptio est, si obijciatur quod non suit viro legitimè dsponsata etc. Sed istius exceptionis discussio pertinet ad episcopum & ordinarium, & secundum eius responsionem procedatur ad judicium. Sed quid erit si pro una muliere petente dotem, cui obiecta fuerit praedicta exceptio, scribatur episcopo, & per responsum episcopi mulier illa recuperabit dotem, & post modum venerit alia mulier petens dotem de dono eiusdem mariti & similiter obijciatur quod non fuit viro legitimo matrimonio copulata, & ordinarius scribat Regi quod ultima est uxor legitima, & quod deceptus fuit in priore casu matrimonij? Dato hoc stabitur posteriori mandato Ordinarij. Sic contingit de Albraeda & Alicia de Pasham. Alia est exceptio, quod si petat dotem de muliere dotata dicitur quod de dote non debet dotem habere, sed intelligendum est quod illa exceptio non repellit quamlibet mulierem ab actione vel a petitione dotis. Quia contingit in casu. Radulphus habens unam carucatam terrae ducit uxorem & dotat eam & postmodum dat filio suo unam virgatam terrae qui ducit uxorem & dotat eam, mortuo filio Radulphi, uxor filij dotata est de tertia part virgatae terrae, mortuo Radulpho uxor Radulphi petit dotem de toto. Si obijciatur ei quod de dote non debet habere dotem, non allocabitur ei exceptio illa, quia in priori contractu matrimonij inter Radulphum & uxorem suam adquisitum fuit ius uxori praedicti Radulphi de toto. nec debet ei praeiudicare secundus contractus inter filium Radulphi & uxorem suam post do●atam. Saecus est si Radulphus obierit ante filium suum & dotem suam recuperaverit de tenemento quod Radulphus dedit filio suo & similiter de tenementis quae remanserunt praedicto R. post illud donum, si postmodum prius mortuo R. praedicto, & postmodum filio Radulphi, veniat uxor filij & petat dotem vers●s uxorem Radulphi quae ius habuit in toto, obstabit ei illa exceptio, quod de dote dotem non habebit, etc.   

CAP. IU. De visu concedendo.  
VT sciatur in quibus casibus visus terrae concedatur sciendum est quod in omnibus brevibus quae incipiunt Praecipe tali quod reddat aliquid quod actor petit tenere ad minus ad vitam, vel ad terminum vitae alterius, ut in brevibus de recto, & ingressu, & consanguinitate, de forma donationis, de Eschaeta, & similibus in quibus tenetur in dominico, visus conceditur; exceptis quibusdam casibus. Quia per hoc quod dicitur ad terminum vitae excluditur breve de custodia. Per hoc qd dicitur breve de Recto de tenementis, excluditur breve de consuetudinibus & seruicijs, & breve de Recto de aduocatione ecclesiae, in quo visus non conceditur si tantum sit una ecclesia in villa in brevi contenta. Et si plures sint ecclesiae & nominetur ecclesia talis sancti, si plures ecclesiae de illo sancto in eadem villa non habeantur. Per hoc quod dicitur tenens in dominico, excluditur warrantus sine quo tenens se non posse dicit respondere. exceptis quibusdam casibus etc. Cuiusmodi sunt commune breve de dote unde nihil habet de tenementis unde vir suus objit seisitus. Item breve de dote assignata, quando filius dotat uxorem ex voluntate patris & alij sunt casus expressi ex statutis Westmonast. secundi cap. LIII. Per hoc quod dicitur Praecipe quod reddat tenementum excluditur breve de nuper obijt in quo visus non conceditur licet tenementum per illud petatur. Alia sunt pluria brevia in quibus visus conceditur, nec tamen fit Mencio quod aliquis reddat tali, sed quod permittat etc. Sicut in omnibus brevibus de ingressu, quae proveniunt & originem habent a brevibus novae disseisinae de communia pasturae, & omnibus alijs de quibus fit mentio in ultimo statuto Westmonast. cap. XXIX. Item in omnibus alijs brevibus de ingressu de fossato de stagno etc. de quibus jacet assisa exceptis quibusdam casibus pasturae. Quia si petatur communia ubique in villa de qua fit mentio, non est necesse concedere visum, sed si in aliquo loco petatur & in aliquo loco non, necessario habet concedi. unum est breve de recto quod non est de forma supradictorum brevium, scilicet Quo iure in quo 
* Nonnullis mss. non conceditur.  conceditur visus, si actor dicat Reum nullo modo communicare in terris suis, sicut dictum est de Pastura. Sunt alia brevia quae ad Vicecomitem pertinent placitanda quae aliquando ponantur coram justitiarijs ut de Domo, muro, porta, gurgite, in quibus propter nocumentum, visus conceditur; & de quibusdam consimilibus, ut de mercato, feria, Ouili non conceditur visus quia non est necessarius.   

CAP. V. De brevibus Assisarum. & primo de brevi novae Disseisinae.  
SCiendum est de quibus jacet Assisa, & quibus fit modis disseisina, & quibus personis competit, & contra quos. De quibus; sciendum est quod de tenementis cuiusmodi sunt terra, pratum, Boscus, Pastura, Vastum, Piscaria separalis, ad minus versus deforciantes, Gurgites & alia quae numerantur in secundo statuto Westmonast. cap. XXIX. Quae in seisina alicuius sunt aliquo titulo in feodo, vel ad minus ad terminum vitae & hoc aliquando ad vitam possessoris, de quo non fit distinctio. Aliquando ad vitam dimittentis, super quo distinguitur. vel dimittens nihil aliud habuit quam ad terminum vitae ut Rector ecclesiae, tenens in dotem, & consimilibus in quibus casibus transfertur liberum tenementum in possessorem, vel dimittens habens feodum transfert in possessorem ad vitam dimittentis reseruata reuersione haeredibus vel alijs in quo casu aliquorum opinio est qd liberum tenementum non transfertur. jacet et de Fossato prostrata, vel levato, stagno prostrato vel exaltato, sepe prostrata, levata, vel exaltata, via obstructa, vel arctata, aqua diversa, pro cursu aquae ad nocumentum arctato. Quaedam sunt consimilia ad nocumentum levata, de quibus non datur Assisa, sed pertinent ad vicecomitem placitanda, veluti Domus, Virgultum, Porta, ouile, molendinum, Gurges, & Furnus. Quaedam & hijs similia quae sunt ad nocumentum, quae coram justitiarijs sunt placitanda, ut feria, mercatum.   

CAP. VI De titulis. Hereditaria successione, feoffamento, & Eschaeta. quomodo acquiritur liberum tenementum.  
ET quod dicitur supra de titulo, sciendum est quod veri tituli sunt Successio haereditaria, feoffamentum [perquisitum titulo feoffamenti] Eschaeta. Sed in quibusdam horum casuum, maior exigitur seisina, ad liberum tenementum perquirendum, & in quibusdam minor. Vt in successione vero haeredi per pedis positionem adquiritur liberum tenementum, quia posito pede adquiritur liberum tementum de toto tenemento quod annectitur tenemento in quo pes ponitur, vel cui illud tenementum annectitur. Non sic est de haerede non vero, veluti de vero Bastardo vel nato ante matrimonium, vel alio de longiore sanguine. Licet ante adventum veri haeredis stet in haereditate ꝑ magnum tempus, videlicet per dimidium anni vel amplius, & postea verus haeres eum eijciat, non propter hoc timere oportet verum haeredem breve novae disseisinae, quia possessio non veri haeredis scisina vel ad quisitio dici non debet sed potiù● Intrusio. Si autem contingat quod post mortem alicuius intrat verus haeres, & alius qui verus non est, & similiter morantur in possessione per magnum tempus, & postea verus haeres eijciat non verum, non competit non vero actio vel remedium per disseisinam. Sed si non verus eijciat verum, vero haeredi competit actio, quia cum ambo essent in seisina, seisina dicitur illius qui maius ius habet. De titulo liberi tenementi per adquisitionem per feoffamentum, multa sunt consideranda. Quia cum aliquis feoffat alium non tam cito transfertur liberum tenementum in feoffatum sicut superius dictum est in successione haereditaria. Quia primo videndum est utrum feoffator feoffat alium, absque alterius praeiudicio, in quo casu ꝑ bonam transmutationem adquiritur feoffato liberum tenementum; de his maximè de quibus se dimisit ad plenum, nullo sibi reseruato praeter seruicium. Et si forté in praeiudicium alterius fiat feoffamentum, non tam cito adquiritur liberum tenementum feoffato, ut in casu quo feoffator se facit medium inter Capitalem Dominum & feoffatum, ubi oportet qd plena & pacifica seisina fiat feoffato antequam competat actio ei versus feoffatorem, contra quod tamen potest subveniri per finem factum, vel per Recognitionem factam coram Rege vel justitiarijs, quarum virtute adquiret feoffatus liberum tenementum non obstante contradictione capitalis domini. Et similiter si uxor dotata, vir tenens ꝑ legem Angliae, vel aliter ad terminum vitae, vel per feodum talliatum. in supradictis tenuris feoffato requiritur longa seisina & pacifica antequam adquiratur ei liberum tenementum. Et in huiusmodi feoffamentis multa alia consideranda, videlicet remo●a absentia illius cuius interest; tempus quo ad ipsum devenire possit notitia, potestas eius resistendi & multa alia. Similiter de Villano alienante villenagium, & Ballivo alienante tenementum in custodia sua existens, in quibus casibus, de brevi seisina, non adquiritur liberum tenementum. In titulo per Eschaetam. adquisitio quae aliquando adquiritur Capitali Domino per feloniam tenentis & in alijs casibus his similibus, ut in reuersione post seodum talliatum de iure, & quod alicui competit per formam donationis, de facili adquiritur liberum tenementum ratione reversionis ad personam à qua vel cuius antecessoribus exivit tenementum, cessant successione revertendi, ●l per formam donationis alicuius remansurum. Sed in istis duobus casibus, diversa exigitur verificatio in judicio, quia in reuersione ratione feodi talliati vel doni sub conditione non exigitur quod clamans reversionem scriptum aut aliquid aliud ostendat ad intentionem suam probandam, quàm patriam; eo quod carta doni paenes adquisitorem ex consuetudine remanet & non paenes donatorem. Et ideo tenementum sine ostensione cartae ad donatorem reverti potest. In alio casu quando debet remanere extraneae personae non 
* al. continuò.  coniunctae post mortem alicuius, necesse habet petens ostendere finem vel cartam de forma doni. Et cum dicitur supra quod titulus liberi tenementi triplicitèr adquiritur, non propter hoc credat aliquis quin alia via adquiritur alicui liberum tenementum, attamen per aliquem colorem oportet quod supponatur praedictis titulis, verbi gratia. Quidam ingreditur per disseisinam quae nullum facit titulum; posteà disseisitus remittit & quietum clamat totum ius suum. jam habet dis●eisitor titulum liberi tenementi per quietam clamantiam disseisiti ubi prius non habuit, 〈◊〉 sic aequipollet quieta clamantia feoffamento. Praescriptio similiter & praesumptio fit aliquando loco tituli. verbi gratia. Aliquis ingreditur per disseisinam & disseisitus aetatis & suae potestatis ꝑmittit dis●eisitorem per magnum tempus tenere ipsum non eijciendo nec versus ipsum impetrando actionem; quare praesumitur, ex quo per tantum tempus stetit in seisina per aliquem titulum clamavit tenere. Et propter hoc si post magnum tempus eijciatur, competit remedium ꝑ breve novae disseisinae. Mulieri etiam dotatae, sive tenenti per legem Angliae, competit remedium per breve novae disseisinae, si eijciantur quia donum viri in dote est quoddam genus perquisitionis. Similiter adquiritur tenementum ad terminum vitae viri ducendo mulierem, cuius haereditas tenementum est; & sub eodem genere comprehendi potest. Quorundam tamen ingressus cum ceperit per praedictos titulos vel sub colore eorundem titulorum nunquam alicui facit liberum tenementum. Et illis, quibus dimittitur aliquod tenementum ad voluntatem, vel ad terminum annorum, licet a tam magno tempore tenuerint, cuius dimissio non poterit haberi in memoria, nunquam adquiritur liberum tenementum, nisi per consequens factum videlicet ꝑ feoffamentum aut quietam clamantiam illius cui fuit liberum tenementum▪ Et hoc intellige qd liberum tenementum non adquiritur illi cui supradicto modo facta fuit dimissio, sine facto illius cuius fuit liberum tenementum. sed aliquando contingit qd huiusmodi tenentes ad voluntatem vel ad terminum feoffant alios de facto, tn. de iure non possunt, & tn. ꝑ eorum feoffamentum, adquiritur feoffatis liberum tenementum, quod nunquam evenit per factum illorum qui nullam habent tenentiam. Et quod dicitur supra de felonia, sciendum quod felones sunt suspensi, utlagati, & alij de quibus dicitur hic & supra in cap. de Dote 
* Tertio; uti ha● distinguitur editione.  secundo.   

CAP. VII. Quibus modis fit disseisina:  
SCiendum, quod, cum quis tenens realiter eijcitur de tenemento. item absens, cum ingredi volverit, eijcitur & repellitur. Item cum 
* al. manuopere.  manuopus alicuius impeditur per 
* No●nullis vel ●er ●uperfluam; alijs, superstitiosam.  superfluosam, & hoc in tenemento diu ante appruato, vel de tenemento de novo appruando. verbi gratia. Si qui vastum suum non prius appruatum redigat in culturam, salva tenentibus & vicinis sufficiente pastura cum libero ingressu & egressu, cum inceperit appruare impediatur, impeditor pro disseisitore habetur. Item in pascendo alterius separale fit disseisina ut in ultimo statuto Westmonast. cap. XXIX. Item aliquando continuando possessionem a qua abiudicatur. verbi gratia. Divortium celebratum est inter virum & mulierem, si post divortium vir teneat se in haereditate perquisita in maritagio mulieris, statim cum post divortium manuoperetur disseisitor est. Item intrando per judicium quod non ligat. verbi gratia. A. implacitat B. de tenementis C. & fit judicium de tenementis C. cum tria exigantur ad judicium scilicet Actor, reus, & judex, & in isto judicio deficiat unus trium, videlicet verus tenens qui dicitur reus, ille qui recuperat pro disseisitore habetur. Eodem modo si in Curia Comitis Glocestriae recuperatur tenementum alicuius qd est de feodo Comitis Warreniae; quia defuit ibi judex, ille qui recuperat pro disseisitore habetur. Et tamen illa judicia non peccant in forma, quia verus est ibi processus sed substantialia deficiunt. Non sic est in falsis judicijs quae habent sua substantialia, scilicet actorem, reum & judicem (& his non existentibus fit iniquum judicium) quia istud judicium ligat quousque infirmetur, & solummodo competit recuperare per breve de falso judicio & non per breve novae disseisinae. Item dicitur in ca●●, disseisitor quando non per factum sit sed per advocationem in Curia. Et hoc est cum ille qui dimisit terram ad terminum posuerit se in tenementum ante terminum finitum & terminarius eum eijciat, si ille qui dimisit terram ad terminum impetraverit breve novae disseisinae versus terminarium, clarum est quod si terminarius dicat se nihil habere nisi ad terminum & convincatur per assisam quod terminarius eiectus ante terminum finitum vim vi repellendo se reposuerit, impetrator nihil per assisam recuperabit. Sed si falso coram justitiarijs clamaverit feoffamentum, & contrarium convincatur per illam falsam clamationem factam in exhaeredationem illius qui tenementa ei dimisit, habeatur pro disseisitore. Eodem modo si terminarius eiectus impetret breve novae disseisinae versus eum qui ad terminum ei dimisit, convicto quod nihil aliud habuit quam terminum, per suam falsam clamationem, amittat terminum suum. Et est disseisina de redditu in omni casu, cum tenementum aliquod alicui obligatur in aliquo redditu, sive de eo sive de alio teneatur & districtio * recusetur vel replegietur.   

CAP. VIII. Quibus Personis competit assisa. Exceptiones item dilatoriae & peremptoriae. De vocando in auxilium. per eundem descensum.  
SCiendum est, qd quibuscunque liberis & in statu liberorum existentibus, qd dicatur ꝓ hijs qui in 
* al. nativitate.  nayvitate ꝓcreati sunt, & cum à magno tempore fugerint & ad remota loca extra astrum se transtulerint & tenementa perquisierint, si ab illis eijciantur, competit eis remedium per breve novae disseisinae, & contra veros dominos quia quousque nativos in servitutem ꝑ judicium redigerint, ad tenementa seisienda manum apponere non possunt. Villanis quidem in Astro commorantibus non competit huiusmodi remedium versus veros dominos non magis de perquisito, quam de villenagio. Si tamen de villenagio vel de perquisitis eijciantur per extraneos competit eis remedium ꝑ breve novae disseisinae; quia in hoc casu villanus non quo ad verum dominum sed quoad extraneos ꝓ libero habetur. Eodem etiam modo Sokemannus de antiquo domino, licet contra dominum vel vicinum de eodem socagio placitare non possit nisi per parvum breve de recto clausum, versus tamen extraneum si eum eijciat competit ei remedium per breve novae disseisinae. Competit etiam liberis a magno tempore in servitutem redactis, illis videlicet quorum patres & avi & quicunque antecessores à tempore quo currit breve de recto in servitutem redacti fuerint. quamd●u enim in astro morantur competit eis remedium ad liberum 
* al. tenementum.  statum rehabendum per breve Ne Vexes. Et si a tenemento eijcian●ur non competit eis aliud remedium quam per breve novae disseisinae. Sciendum est, quod contra quamlibet personam; dum tamen verus nominetur tenens, quo in brevi non nominato, nihil impetranti acquiritur. Competit etiam aliquando viro contra uxorem in casu in quo uxor profuga alienat tenementum viri sui, vel etiam tenementum uxoris. Contra impetrantem competunt exceptiones aliquando dilatoriae aliquando peremptoriae brevis. Dilatoriae; veluti sententia excommunicationis. excipitur etiam contra impetrantem quod nihil habet nisi ratione uxoris, vel contra clericum qui nihil habet nisi ratione ecclesiae suae, de qua non fit mentio in brevi, vel quod Villanus vel Sokmannus est, de quorum discussione dicitur supra. Item excipitur contra virum & uxorem, si disseisina facta fuerit mulieri ante matrimonium & conquerantur ambo disseisiri. Cassatur etiam breve si erratum sit in nominibus personarum, villae, aut Comitatus. Similiter si dominus questus fuerit se disseisiri de redditu & convincatur quod seisitus fuerit de redditu per manus villanorum, super quo jacet breve novae disseisinae de tenemento in dominico potius quam de redditu. Peremptoriae brevis. eo quod alias assisa transivit; ad quod requiritur quod de eodem tenemento inter easdem personas de eodem tempore. Item si quis clamat liberum tenementum sive exprimat titulum sive non, & recognoscatur ꝑ assisam quod iure successionis intravit, & pendet inter eos placitum in Curia Christianitatis de Bastardia; quamdiu fuerit placitum in Curia Christianitatis remanebit placitum in Curia Regis in suspenso. Competit etiam exceptio quietae clamantiae, feloniae praeiudicatae, exchambij & consimiles &c. In brevibus assisarum & in ombus alijs brevibus generaliter locum habet ista exceptio, videlicet si tenens dicat quod nihil clamat nisi cum uxore sua coniunctim. Et hoc tripliciter, vel qd fuerint similiter feoffati, & tunc habet necesse ostendere cartam, vel qd invenit uxorem suam seisitam, antequam eam desponsa●it, vel quod tenementum petitum uxori suae descendit iure haereditario post desponsationem. Item alia est exceptio ad cassandum breve videlice● si tenens dicat se nihil clamare nisi ad voluntatem talis vel se esse villanum alicuius, vel tenere de villenagio tali; quo comperto vel recognito cassatur breve. in quo casu vel oportet petentem intrudere se in tenementum si potest vel impetrare aliud breve super dominum ipsius tenentis & super tenentem. Item potest excipi quod tenens nihil clamat nisi ratione custodiae talis minoris infra aetatem, qui in brevi non nominatur. Replicatio contra istam exceptionem potest esse quod antecessor illius minoris non obijtinde seisitus, nec die quo obijt habuit aliud in tenemento petito. Si tenens dicat quod antecessor illius minoris ius habuit in tenemento illo, & iterum alia proponatur replicatio quae vera est quod antecessor illius minoris aliquod habuit, sed id quod habuit dimisit ad plenum eidem petenti per feoffamentum, tunc ulterius distinguendum est, ex quo tenens cognovit antecessorem minoris aliquod habuisse etc. si antecessor illius minoris obijt etc. vel non, quod fieri non potest, sine brevi in quo minor nominetur. quia dato quod assisa transierit contra minorem, minor cum ad aetatem pervenerit non posset facere attinctam, quia fuit neutra pars in brevi priori, & sic cassatur breve. Alia est exceptio dilatoria quando reus dicit se non posse respondere sine suo participe; quod est in casu quando haereditas descendit duabus sororibus, aut pluribus vel exitui unius vel ambarum, & postquam haereditas partita fuerit, si unus haeredum de part sua implacitatus fuerit, excipere possit qd tenet in proparte cum tali cohaerede sine quo non potest respondere & in hoc casu pcipiatur qd haeredes summoneantur ad respondendum cum ea si volverint. Et si ad diem venerint & respondere volverint cum participe audiantur & tunc ꝓcedat placitum versus eos, tanquam versus unum tenentem. Et si fortè ad diem datum non venerint nec essoniatorem miserint, vel forte ad diem datum per essonium non venerint, respondeat tenens solus. Sed sanè intelligatur quod illa exceptio locum habet quando res petitur per ius quod competere posset actori ante mortem communis antecessoris. Quia si quis petat per aliquod ius quod ei competere posset per factum cohaeredis post participationem haereditatis, satis clarum est qd in hoc casu non habebit auxilium participis. quia potest esse quod cohaeredes rem unam litigiosam vendiderint, vel excambiaverint vel per judicium per malam defensionem amiserint, vel per feloniam forisfecerint antequam cohaeres de re litigiosa fuerit implacitatus. In quo casu dicendum est qd de nihilo non est auxilium petendum. Dictum est qualiter petitur auxilium participis quando cohaeredes implacitantur de tenementis. Sed contingit aliquando quod sectae Curiae, jurisdictiones, libertates, seruicia, & consuetudines veniunt in judicium inter querentem & unum de participibus tenentem manerium vel tenementum ad quod spectant huiusmodi sectae, iurisdictiones, libertates seruicia & consuetudines in quo casu, tenendum est quod sicut tenens habere debuit auxilium participis de principali ita habebit de accessorio. Dum tamen illud accessorium ad annuum proficuum extendi posset-hoc obseruato tamen de huiusmodi supradictis quae fuerunt in possessione communis anteces●oris antequam haereditas fuerit partita & quae ad unicum haeredem per extentam proficui devenerunt. Et sic excluditur obiectio. In casu, si unus haeredum leuauerit iniustas exactiones & consuetudines de propria sua iniuria in quo casu non erit auxilium participis petendum. Alius est casus, quo tenens dicit quod non potest sine alio respondere videlicet cum Rector implacitatus fuerit de iure ecclesiae suae dicit quod invenit ecclesiam suam seisitam & quod non potest sine patrono & loci Diocesano respondere, in quo casu praecipiatur patrono & loci diocesano summoneri. Et si venerint vel non venerint vel diem datum per essonium suum non servaverint, servetur processus supradictus. Alius est casus consimilis quando tenens per legem Angliae dicit quod tenementum petitum fuit ius uxoris suae de qua procreavit quendam talem sine quo non debet respondere. Summonebitur tunc ille & post summonitionem servetur processus supradictus. Sed differunt isti duo casus ultimi â superioribus, quia si tenens in istis duobus casibus ultimis amittat rem petitam nullum erit suum recuperare super episcopum, patronum, aut haeredes, sed in superiorib● casibus de participibus tenens obseruato suo ordine, si amiserit, recuperabit super cohaeredem per processum ulterius procedendi. Sed unam proprietatem habent omne● isti casus supradicti quod sive cohaeres sive patronus sive haeres haereditatis quae tenetur per legem Angliae fuerint infra aetatem, generaliter remanebit loquela usque ad aetatem haeredis, & per hoc quod dicitur supra quod rector invenit ecclesiam suam seisitam ●atis excluditur dubitatio si rector de suo perquisito vel de sua intrusione aliquid appropriate ecclesiae suae, in quo casu non potest auxilium patroni aut Diocesani sui petere. Sed est casus quando mulier dotata implacitatur de dote sua in quo casu distinguendum est utrum petatur versus eam tenementum vel tenemento annexum, ut iurisdictio vel secta & huiusmodi in valorem partis dotis suae extensa. In primo casu vocare potest ad warrantiam tanquam warrantum dotis suae. In secundo casu cum non iaceat vocare ad warrantiam, habet dicere quod non potest sine haerede respondere, & tunc summonebitur haeres ad respondendum sicut praedictum est si volverit, in quo casu seruabitur processus supradictus. Et in utro que casu si uxor pro defectu warranti haeredis amiserit, recuꝑabitmulier excambium non tamen ad plenum valorem rei amissae. Cuius ratio bene patet subtilitèr intuenti. In assisa mortis antecessoris & in alijs brevibus post visum terrae jacet exceptio de non tenura; quae sic debet proponi. dicit B. quod non debet A. ad breve suum responderi eo quod non tenet integram terram versus eum petitam, eo quod talis inde tantum tenet, & talis tantum inde tenet, quo comperto ꝑ inquisitionem vel recognitionem cassabitur breve Replicatio contra istam exceptionem. B tenuit die quo breve fuit impetratum & hoc in feodo vel in dominico vel si illa ten●●t de B. ad terminum annorum vel in villenagio vel ad voluntatem, quo comperto, vel recognito, stabit breve. Et sciendum quod in brevibus Assisarum potest proponi ista exceptio cum alijs exceptionibus tangentibus verba brevis. Sed in alijs brevibus si proponatur cum effectu, cum ea non possunt proponi aliae exceptiones, sed secundum quod ꝑ eam compertum fuerit, fiat judicium & hoc diuersimode. quia in brevibus Eschaetae, de ingressu, forma donationis, & consanguinitatis, & alijs in quibus non jacet duellum vel magna assisa, si inquisitio facit ꝓ excipiente, tunc cassabitur breve & sic est dilatoria. Si ꝓ part adversa recuꝑabit petens tenemntum, salva tamen tenenti actione ꝑ breve de Recto. Et si in brevi de Recto proponatur ista exceptio cum effectu adimit ei ius contra quem transivit. Proponitur aliquando exceptio huic similis, cum non sit, ●ic dicendo, quod tenens versus quem petuntur viginti, non tenet viginti eo quod tenet nisi decem. in quo casu si non possit dicere quis teneat residuum, oportet respondere de eo quod tenet. Tam in brevibus assisarum quam in alijs brevibus jacent exceptiones dilatoriae sic dicendo. Tu petis versus A. tantum & versus B tantum, ac si uterque sciret suum separale & ipsi tenent in communi, quo comperto eodem modo eri● ut supra. Et est alia exceptio in assisa mortis Antecessoris sic. tu petis de morte A. & verum est A. obijt seisitus sed post eius mortem intravit B. filius vel soror vel neptis vel consanguinea & de sicut non petis seisinam ultimi seisiti peto judicium, quo comperto cassabitur breve sed fallit hoc casu. in casu scilicet in quo non intrat verus haeres, licet habeatur pro consanguineo, de cuius seisina non cassabitur breve, ꝓ eo maximé quod si ipse inventus es●et tenens & seisitus potius haberetur pro iniusto deforciatore quam pro vero tenente. Item quidam pro ratione feoffamenti quod defunctus ei fecit, post mortem defuncti ingreditur tenemntum & sub colore feoffamenti est seisitus, licet feoffamentum sic vacuum, venit post verus haeres & eijcit sic seisitum, ꝑ quod tenementum recuꝑabitur per breve novae disseisinae, & postmodum verus haeres ꝑ assisam mortis antecessoris sui pe●at, & excipiatur contra eum quod seisitus fuit post mortem antecessoris sui, replicare poterit quod illa seisina adnullari poterit vel adnullata fuerit per assisam ●ouae disseisinae per exceptionem, quo comꝑto non valebit sua exceptio. Item duo cohaeredes sunt, unus antecessor, & unus ingreditur in tota haereditate & eijcitur postmodum, si nomine amborum perquiratur breve mortis antecessoris, & excipiatur quod unus ipsorum fuit seisitus post mortem antecessoris, non ꝓpter hoc cassabitur hoc breve, pro eo quod & sunt quasi unus haeres & per factum unius, non adnullabitur actio amborum cum ambo non fuerint seisiti. Alia est exceptio in brevi mortis antecessoris dicendo, tu petis tenementum de morte talis patris sui & bene cognosco quod obijt seisitus & post mortem eius ego intravi, ut filius suus, nepos, & sumus de eodem sanguine & clamamus per eundem descensum unde peto judicium. proposita exceptione praedicta, praedictis verbis, nisi in contrarium obijciatur bastard●a vel diversitas consanguinis cassatur breve, & revertetur ad breve de Recto, in quo non jacet duellum nec magna assisa. Sed quid erit si tenens vocet ad warrantiam, & warrantus postquam warrantizauerit vel ulterius alium vocaverit ad warrantum? postquam warrantizauerit, cassabitur breve per eundem descensum. Et similiter si tenens per legem Angliae dicat quod nihil clamat nisi ratione haereditatis uxoris suae. Et haeres postquam summonitus fuerit cassat breve per eundem descensum. Et si postmodum petens perquirat breve de Recto, nunquid poterit tenens defendere se per duellum vel per magnam assisam, cum non sit de sanguine petentis? certe non▪ quia ex quo alias warrantus suus cassavit breve per exceptionem eiusdem descensus, in brevi de recto, non magis defendit se ꝑ duellum vel per magnam assisam, quam defenderit ille qui prius cassat si compertus fuisset tenens.   
Summae Paruae Radulphi de Hengham Finis.   

Errata sic corrigenda. Lege  
PA●. 2. l. 2. introductiva. Pag. 7 devenerit. Pag. 34. In margin, post oportet, & summon as dictum Willie mum quod sit, etc. inde responsurus etc. Pag. 35. l. 15. paruit. in marg●n●, nullis ad sum-& omninò pro annuò. Pag. p· ex. l. 11. petentis. Pag. 50. l. 21. quod tunc Pag. 59 l 3. fuerit Pag 72. l. 20. donator & eius haeredes. Pag. 79. l. 8. nunc, peremptoriè. Pag. 82. l. 19 essoniatorem.   

Notes upon Sir Ralph de Hengham.  
PAg. 1. Primicerijs.] he means Protonotaries. The word is often in Constitutions of the time of the declining Empire; as Primicerius sacri cubiculi, Lampadariorum, Officiorun Palatinorum, and the like. 'mongst them was Primicerius Notariorum, that is, the Emperor's chief Notary. Alciat. ad Cod. 12. tit. 7. Primicerius, Notarius principis dicitur, & honore inter Notarios primus, sicut sequens dicitur secundicerius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. ceram significat, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tabulam signatam, in qu● antiqui scribebant. ab huiuscemodi igitur tabulis dicti sunt primicerij. Those primicerij Notariorum in Rome, although discharged from their office, yet remained in equal degree of honour with the Proconsul's, as appears in a Constit. of Gratian, Theodosius, and Valentinian in Cod. Theodos. lib. 6. tit. 10.  
Pag. 2. Modus Cyrograffandi.] It seems by this, that either we have not all his first copy, or else he never finished what he here promises. For we have no more of it.  
Pag. 5. I. filio Alani Comiti de Arundel.] By marriage of a Fitz-Alan with the heir female of the D' Aubignies Earl of Arundel, came that surname, which is here, as a word literally signifying, turned into Latin, by Filius Alani. It was usual in those elder times to do so. As to express Champernoun, by de Campo Arnulphi 7. Ed. 3. fol. 35. a & 49. b. and the rolls have commonly Filius Petri, Filius Herberti, de Bello monte, de Bellofago, de S. Leodegario, de Monte Canisio, de Monte forti, Mortuo Mari, for Fitz-Peeter, Fitz-Herbert, Beaumond, Beaufage, S. Leaguer, Mount-Chensy, Mountfort, Mortimer, and such more. So in 29. Ed. 3. fol. 30. b. Colle beside Somersham and Colle juxta Somersham (although Colle indeed appeared in the record to be in Somersham) are held all one in expressing the name of that place. In 30. Ed. 3. fol. 2. b. villa de Pontefracto is Pomfreit in a praecipe, and in 38. Ed. 3. fol. 28. Newark is taken in the name of the prioress of Newark, as a name signifying a new work. But in 25. Ed. 3. fol. 38. a. Apud villam Sancti Petri is disallowed for apud Petreston, though one interpret the other. and the case of P. 11. Ed. 3. tit. quid juris clamat 2. in the ms. is, that john de Brayford brought the writ against Isabella Peuerell, grounded upon the note of a Fine, whereby Gilbertus filius Stephani had granted the reversion of the manor of Wolward which Isabella held for life, to john in fee; and Parning took exception to the note and writ, because this hearts fathers name was Richard Fitz-esteven which Richard gave the manor in tail to Isabella etc. all that is stood on, in the argument, is that of the name; and in the ms. occurs also icy fust dit que tout fust il utlaghe per tiel nome que il ne sereit pas per tant attaint etc. & auxi sil fust indite per tiel nome que home ne irreit pas de lie arreiner etc. and so Stonar (as in the print) gives judgement against the Conuse. This case is remembered in 11. Assis. pl. 4. And by 11. Ed. 3. tit. estoppel 228. Filius Thomae in Latin cannot be a surname; But, that its a good plea, to show that the party so designed had a father of another name, it's held 40. Ed. 3. fol. 22. a. 44. Ed. 3. fol. 12. b. and the law hath been lately so taken, as you see in Osbornes case Rep. 10. fol. 132. b For other authority, how Filius may be understood either as part of a name, as for a legitimate son, or as a note of only natural relation, see 38. Ed. 3. fol. 22. a. 39 Ed. 3. fol. 11. a. & 25. a. 3. Hen. 4. fol. 14. a. 30. Assis. pl. 51. per Seton. 14. Ed. 3. tit. estoppel 173.13. Rich. 2. tit Brief 645.10. Edw. 4. fol. 12. a Cursons case.  
Ib. Eadem gratia Lincolniensi Episcopo.] nothing is more usual of that time, than to found Bishops, Abbots, Priors, & the like to have Dei gratia in their titles. But later ages hath appropried it to Kings. Lewes' XI. of France would not endure, that Francis then Duke of Bretagne should use it. See Bodin. de Republica lib. 1. cap. 10. and others noted in the Titles of Honour pag. 116.  
Pag. 6. In liberum Burgagium] As free socage in the country of lands, so free Burgages in Boroughs, and cities, is the tenure of houses, regularly▪ and they are the two base tenors in regard of Knight's service. Burgagium, socagium, & Feodum militare make usually Bracton's tripartit division. See him lib. 4. tract. de Assis. mort. antecessoris cap. 14. & in cap. precedent. §. 3. of Burgages: Revera terminatum est quod potest legari, ut catallum tam haereditas quam perquisitum per Barones Londoniae & Burgenses Oxoniae, & ideòverum est qd in Burgis non jacet Assisa mortis antecessoris. that must be understood only of such Boroughs as had by custom their lands devisable. see Burgages deuisables in Stat. 11. Ed. 1. Acton Burnell, Bract. fol. 272. a. and Thorpe 21. Ed. 3. fol. 21. b. Tradesmen that held these burgages are the Burgenses intended in Stat. Merton cap. 7. where an heir of a Gentleman (a tenant by Knight's service) is disparaged, if married to Burgensis or Villanus; i either tradesman, or husbandman.  
Ib. vel Maritagium.] Although Hengham lived and wrote after Westm 2. yet this, as other examples of his writs of right are, is of elder time than the statut. Bracton fol. 329. a. hath this very writ in substance, as of his time, and thither must liberum maritagium be referred. For clearly since the statut of Westm. 2. a writ of Right would not lie for lands held in Frankmariage.  
Ib. Nec pro omni seruitiò.] But Bracton's writ with that tenure hath expressly Pro omni seruitio.  
Ib. Portandi brevia.] Now brevia is appropried to the signification of the King's writs. Understand it in this tenure (which is mentioned also in Bracton fol. 328. b. and Regist. Orig. fol. 2. b.) for letters of message and the like. For, because the King's writ was a short letter of command, therefore had it the name of Breve. So Bracton lib. 5. the Except. cap. 17. §. 2. and, in the Civil law, both Breve & Brevis are in like sense. you may see C. tit. de conveniendis fisci debit. l. 5. de apochis public. l. 1. & tit. 42. lib. 1. restored by Gothofred. Very often also for letters, Breves and Brevia occur in Theodosius his Code, Cassiodore's Precedents, Symmachus his Epistles, other of that time. The later Grecians called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. yet those are as ancient as julian and Eusebius, who use them▪ and those, which wrote them, they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Breviatores which I read in justinian's Auth. 105. cap. 2. si autem §. 4. and an old glossary of the law interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. letters of presentation given by an Earl in 45. Edw. 3. tit. Exchange 10. are titled Brief de presentation.  
Pag. 7. Quando XL. solidi cap. de scuto.] So in Bracton also is the service expressed. But the Register fol. 2. a. hath a note that makes this form obsolet. Now it should be, per seruitium quartae partis unius feodi militis etc. Escuage is here apparently meant. Neither had the ancients any more particulars in denoting it, neither by them was it restrained to war against the Scots or Welsh only, as by later authority it seems to be, where only Scotland & Wales are spoken of, as in Litleton, Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 83. C. Regist. Orig. fol. 88 a. 19 Rich. 2. tit. Guard 165. Ploughed. Comm. c. Rice Thomas fol. 129. b. and elsewhere. In the Read book of the Exchequer, Alexander Archdeadon of Shrewsbury under Hen. 3. relates an Escuage of two marks out of every Knights see in 7. Hen. 2. for the enterprise against Tholouse, in 8. Hen. 2. one mark for the same purpose; In 18. Hen. 2. XX. ●. pro exercitu Hiberniae, and others he hath for war in Normandy, Poiteer, elsewhere under Rich. 1. and King john. And that they were such as are now understood in our tenure by escuage, will more openly appear in Rot. Claus. 16. johannis memb. 24. in dorso, where the Scutagia Pictaviae are at large in a Catalogue; as, Willus▪ the Cantebrigia, quia habuit milites suos cum domino Rege in Pictavia, habet scutagium. And there is also Mandatum est Domino Petro Wintoniensi Episcopo (he was then, chief justice of England) qd habere faciat Willieimo Comiti Arundel Scutagium de XVI. feodis militum quae Robertus de Tateshale qui est in Custodia sua de Domino Rege tenet in capite s. de scuto 111. marcas, which passage I sufficiently understand not. If Tateshale were in ward to the Earl (as so it must be taken) either by the Kings grant or otherwise, why should he pay escuage? if his land held in capite were to him by descent, how came the Earl to the wardship? except by grant. Admit he had it by purchase, why should the Earl have the escuage? except by way of liberate from the King's bounty. Very many other escuages are there, as Henricus de Tayden habet Scutagium de feodo VI militum ad opus filij sui qui est in Pictavia. Robertus de Cardman de LX. & XIV. feodis militum pro filio suo qui fuit in Pictavia. Thomas Pannell habet auxilium L. librarum Turonensium de liberè tenentibus suis & alijs de insula de Geresey. But, for the default of tenants not coming to the army, a place in the Leaguer book of Abingdon in the hands of my Noble and much deserving friend, that best furnished Antiquary Sir Robert Cotton, is worth observation. Est juxta Abbe●dune Burgum (are the words) unius militis mansio quae Lea vocatur. Hanc Willielmus Regis Camerarius de Lundonia tenebat. This William held it of the Abbey, and by Knight's service; In 2. Hen. 1. forces were levied to encounter Robert Duke of Normandy, when Faritius Abbot of Abingdon required of William his tenant to found him a man for the army, as his tenure bound him to do, but William denied it, whereby the Abbot was driven by other means to supply the number of his part. The Abbot afterward tamdiù (as the book saith) in praesentia sapientum, hanc rem ventilari fecit, ut ille neutrum negaret, imò fateri sic esse vera ratione cogeretur. unde cum lege patriae decretum processisset ipsum exortem terrae meritò deberi fieri, interpellatione bonorum qui intererant virorum reddidit terram illam illi. and so the tenant under fair conditions had his land again. This Lea is now called Besiles-Lee, and is of the possessions of the Fettiplaces.  
Ib. unde decem carucatae etc.] This form also is disallowed by the Register. But when it was in use, no particular quantity of the service was expressed, because the land by reference to a Knight's ●ee showed its own services. Bracton lib. 5. tract. 1. cap. 2. ubi quantitas feodi exprimitur in quantitate terrae petitae, non ponitur aliquod seruitium, quia in quantitate feodi ostenditur quantitas seruitij. it being all one in substance to say that one holds FOUR carves, whereof VIII. make a knights see, and that he holds so many acres or carves per seruitium dimidij feodi militis. Carves and Hides are uncertain quantities, yet by that name, division was anciently made in levying Hidage and Carucage. See what is noted in Titles of Honour pag. 270. & seq. and in Codice Abingdoniae pag. 42. Goffredus de Ver Albrici filius gives to the Abbey some possessions Cum duarum hidarum duodecies XX. acrarum terra disterminata. & Hen. 1. gives to Maurice B. of London, duas hidas de duodccem XX. acris, so that there 240. acres is taken for a hide. In the Monks ever with one consent almost, it is always ● Plough land. and S. Dunstan in the year DCCCC. LXIII. gives terrae partem septem Aratrorum quod Anglicè dicitur septem hydas. It's in Cod. Chart. Arch. Cant. Thus should Hida and Carucata be all one. for, Carucata speaks the Plough. Charou in French so signifying, as Litleton also notes. and by ancient authority Caruca is a Plough, which is found in jul. Paul. receipt. Sentent. lib. 3. tit. 7. It seems when Hidage or Carucage was granted, the commissioners for levying it (with aid of jurors) used in every shire to assess how much should be in certain reckoned for a Hide or Carve. As in 9 Rich. 1. when an aid of five shillings, of every Carve in the land, was to be levied, qui electi fuerant & constituti ad hoc negotium regis faciendum, statuerunt per aestimationem legalium hominum, ad uniuscuiusque Carucae Wainagium centum acras terrae. Here 100 acres were for that purpose a Hide. See Roger de Hoveden fol. 442. & 443. Neither is any difference twixt Carucata & Carucae wainagium. For wainagium is tulth as it's englished in the ancient English of Magna Charta, or Gainage as it's called Westm. ●. cap. 17. See Bracton fol. 37. a. 4. Ed. 2. tit. Avowry 200 and especially Lowes case in Rep. 9 fol. 123. b. & seqq.  
Pag. 8. Seditione personae Domini Regis.] Bracton fol. 118. b. Si aliquid egerit velagi procuraverit ad seditionem domini Regis vel exercitus sui etc. so Glanvil. l. 1. cap. 2.  
Ib. Vitae & membrorum.] judgement de vie & de member is v●d for judgement of death, or punishment capital, in Stat. Westm. 2. cap. 38.3. Edw. 3. fol. 19 a pl. 34. in 18. Ed. 3. fol. 32. a. pl. 5.13. Ed. 3. tit. Utlarie 49. and elsewhere often. But anciently also part of it is taken for judgement of loss of life, & part for loss of member only. as in Westm. 1. cap. 15.— pur le quel un ne doit perdre vie ne member. And Bracton speaking of punishments lib. 3. tit. de Actionibus cap. 6. saith sunt quaedam quae adimunt vitam, vel membrum, & the like hath he in tract. de Corona cap. 36 maiora crimina aliquando ultimum inducunt supplicium aliquando membrorum truncationem. One flying to a Sanctuary by the laws of William 1. had pais de vie & de member, as the words of it are in the book of Crowland. And amissio membrorum was a special punishment of Rape before Westm. 2. as you see in Bracton l. 3. tract. de Corona cap. 28. He that was condemned lost his Eyes and his Stones. but by Glanvil, before Bracton, it appears it was death, lib. 14. ca 6. But, that the judgement de vie & de member in Westm. 2. cap. 38. was only judgement to be hanged, & meant, about that time, to be so, is plain by the book attributed to Breton cap. 14. where the author hath reference to the statut of Westm. 2. made in 13. Edw. 1. which observe also for another purpose. It's commonly affirmed, with one consent, that john le Breton Bishop of Hereford under Hen. 3. and Ed. 1. wrote that book. But it's clear that this john the Bishop was dead ten years before the stat. of Westm. 2. here cited. For he died in 3. Edw. 1. which the story of Florilegus the Monk of Westminster enough justifies, yet, that no scruple in that may remain, it's to be proved also by infallible record. In Rot. Pat. 3. Ed. 1. memb. 203. the congee d'slier, for choice of a new Bishop there, relates quod cum ecclesia vestra Herefordensis pastoris solatio per mortem bonae memoriae johannis nuper Herefordensis Episcopi sit destituta, alium vobis eligendi in Episcopum etc. this was 23. Maij; and in memb. 19 of the same roll, the royal assent is given to the choice of Thomas de Cantilupe successor to john le Breton being dead. All this is most certain. and it is as certain, that, about that time, was a judge of this name. for in Rot. Claus. 51. Hen. 3. memb. 12. Mandatum est Richardo de Ewell & Hugoni de Turri Emptori Garderobae domini Regis quod habere faciat dilectis & fidelibus suis johanni le Breton & Henrico de Monteforti Institiarijs suis Robas suas integras prout caeteris justitiarijs domini Regis invenire consuevit, quamdiu steterint in Officio domini Regis. & the Dors. Rot. Pat. of that year hath most frequent mention of john le Breton, & Henry de Bracton for judges of special assizes. He is sometimes called Bretun, than Briton, and also Breton. and Florilegus sub anno 1275. Obijt hoc anno johannes Bretoun episcopus Herefordensis, qui admodum peritus in iuribus Anglicanis, librum de eyes conscripsit, qui vocatur le Bretoun. That there was a judge of that name, and that about that time one of that name was Bishop of Hereford, here appears plainly, and that a book of common law called le Bretoun was written, and by the Bishop, if you believe the Monk and the consent of late writers which speak of it. But what book ever the Bishop wrote, it cannot be this we have now left under that name, unless you will allow that one dying in 3. Edw. 1. could cite a statut of 13. Edw. 1. as our Breton doth in this of Rape, or the statut of 6. Edw. 1. of Cessavit at Gloucester, as he doth in his chapter the purchase conditionel, or the stat. of Winchester of 13. Edw. 1. as he does touching high ways, in his chapter the plusors torts. Some other author then, than the Bishop of Hereford, must be sought for that volume. This, by the way. For judgement de member, anciently it was in Appeals of Maihem. to this day the count is felonicè, but nothing but damages are now recoverable, nor was the law otherwise under Ed. 3. as appears by 22. Assis. pl. 82. 41. Assis. pl. 16. and other books But before that time, the party attainted lost member pur member as it's said 18. Ed. 3. fol. 20. a. pl. 31. with which agrees Breton cap. 25. where is added si lafoy pleint soit faite de femme que auera tolle a home ses membres, en tiel case perdra le semme la une mein per judgement, come le membre d'ont el auera trespass. and if a Knight were struck by a Ribald per felony sans desert de chiualer, the Ribald (saith the book) was to lose his hand▪ and it appears in Glanvil lib 14. cap. 1. and Bract. lib. 3. tract. de Corona cap. 24. that the trials of mayhem were by duel or Ordells, as of capital offences. See infra pag. 87. where if the husband had been, by judgement, demembratus, the wife lost her dower. and, for particulars, see there more, and the notes. By K. Knouts laws cap. 50. Adultery in the woman was punished by loss of Nose and Ears, to which, it seems, reference is in that of William 1. his laws in thames. Ingulphus, ● femme est iudgee a mortu a defaciun des membres Kiseit enceintee, that justice should not be executed till she be delivered, which in judgement of death is law at this day. and in Fleta lib. 1. ca 38. for petit larcenies, or cutting of purses with nothing in them, the Pillory and loss of Ears was the punishment. See 10. Hen. 3. tit. Corone 434. And, in Fleta lib. 2. cap. 5. of every common whore following the Court, the Marshal, at the first apprehension, was to exact 4. d. at the second, to bring her before the Steward, who was to take her name and forbidden her the Court; at the third, considerabitur quod amputetur ei tressorium, & qd tondeatur; at the fourth, amputentur ei superlabia, ne de caetero concupiscantur ad libidinem. At this day, saving for striking in the presence of the King or his Courts, no loss of member is in use by course of common law. Ancient and late examples are of punishment of such striking by loss of the right hand, in 22. Ed. 3. fol. 13. a. 19 Edw. 3. tit. judgement 174.39. Assis. pl. 1.33. Hen. 4. Br. tit. Pain 16. Stamford fol. 38. a. & 2. & 3. Elizab. Dy. fol. 188. b. By late statutes, for some offences the hand, or ●ares are to be cut off.  
Ib. Curiam Regis Maiorem.] He calls that Curia Mayor here, which hath conisans of all capital offences. and in his following chapters the same name he uses for the Court whither, by Pone, a suit in a writ of right is to be removed, that is clearly the common pleas. and Bracton fol. 105. hath loquela à Comitatu transferri potest ad magnam Curiam, where often to him Magna Curia is the common pleas plainly. so doth he use the same title in fol. 332. §. 14. & often elsewhere. But it seems, that to Hengham, Maior Curia is no singular name for any one Court, but for any of those of the King's highest Courts, which have that name in regard of all inferior. and the subject which he speaks of with it, may design what court he means. as here, that he means the King's bench, or Aula Regia (as Bracton calls it fol. 105. b. §. 2.) appears by the crimes recited afterward; when he talks of a Pone to remove the suit of a writ of right into Mayor Curia, there it must be the common pleas. and it seems in pag. ●6. he takes the name expressly as well for the Court of justices in Eire, as for the Common pleas. Note the words: Quamvis essonium de malo lecti in maiori Curia Domini Regis, utpote ad Bancum vel in Itinere justitiariorum iaci debeat tertio die etc.  
Ib. Placita verò de furtis.] How the law hath been since taken touching pleas of the Crown to be Viscontiel, is taught in Stamford lib. 1. cap. vlt. & lib. 2. cap. 14. Not capital offence was, by this opinion, to be heard and determined in the County. For though he name Furta here, it seems, he means not that theft which is capital, but as Furtum is in the Civil law, so he understands it. that is, only for wrongful taking away goods, as the word Roberie is used in Westm. 1. cap. 37. And all other kind of felonious taking our author comprehends before, in Roberia; which in those times expressed also all felonious taking, or Furtum in that sense, as it's now used. witness Bracton cited by Stamford fol. 27. b. yet in Glanvil lib. 1. cap. 2. Furtum is excepted to the Sheriffs Court, as out of such offences quae ultimo puniuntur supplicio aut membrorum truncatione. It's no doubt but Hengham, in writing this, had regard to Glanvil. as it may appear by the same words in both. so had Bracton speaking of this matter, lib. 3. tract. de Corona fol. 154. b. Ad vicecomitem pertinent huiusmodi placita in Comitatu. Cognoscere quidem potest de medletis, plagis, verberibus, & consimilibus, nisi quaerens adijciat de pace domini Regis infracta, vel feloniam apponat. Extunc n. se vicecomes non debet intromittere, cum hoc tangat personam ipsius domini Regis & coronam suam. But, he says the Coroners were to enroll Appeals of capital offences, and present them in the Eire. So that in those times, by bracton's opinion, if one had sued criminally in the county, & concluded contra pacem domini Regis, etc. the Court had not jurisdiction, but if contra pacem vicecomiti●, than it had. so is his difference there and pag. 145. b. For in the one case, judgement de vie ou de member or imprisonment was to follow in the other only amerciament, or poena pecuniaria, as he calls it. But see this author pag. 21. where he speaks of apples sine brevi. Appeals then might be taken or commenced, but not determined, in the County, if they were the pace Regis fracta▪ so it seems. See Stat. Mag. Chart. cap. 17. which belongs hither. Neither is it amiss to remember a judgement given in the time of Hengham, and before him in 30. Edw. 1. not from the matter here spoken of. It is in P. 30. Ed. 1. ms. fol. 280. a. where the Sheriff of Yorkshire is commanded que il feist vener le apple jon de Morton ensemblemnt oue jon de Thouthorp attach per su● apple oue to●e les choses meme le appe● touchans' devant justices en Bank per bred de la Chancelerie. Le quel retorna son bred que il aveit maunde au mayor & a Bailiffs de la ville de Euerwike etc. les queux responent que jon de Morton appela jon de Thouthorp que il lie asseyly a saut purpense le demain prochein devant la feste de saint Nicholas en la ville de Euerwike en Steyngate e illenkely robba de un tabbard pris de treis sous e de dusse deniers d' argent contra la pées etc. Demand fut au Meyre la manner del attachment, esyly fut Meinoure, & ꝑ queu garrant ils tenent teu maner de play, il dist que jon de Morton leva la mene sur Ion de Thouthorp e troua pleges de sure son apple au Coroners de la ville ꝑ quex eus le attacherent e le pristent e tinorent le play en lur Gyldhalle de rest appeal ꝑ usage de la city usee de te●s dost il ne ad memory a tener sans bred e sans Meynovere ou pulfre etc. Et quia secundum legem & consuetudinem regni, maior & Coronatores alicuius Civitatis huiusmodi appella coram eis audire non possunt, & terminare, nisi eorum cognitio per Cartam domini Regis vel progenitorum eius vel per breve domini Regis de huiusmodi appello coram eis audiendo & terminando specialitèr sit concessa, cum ea ad dominum Regem ratione juris sui Regij & non ad alium, in Regno Regis, pertineant, Consideratum est quod appellum praedictum coram ipsis Maiori & Coronatoribus habitum, tanquam coram eis qui nullum in huiusmodi casu habe●t jurisdictionem adnulletur & pro nullo habeatur. Et quia praedicti maior & Coronatores nullam in Curia hic manuopus vel pelfrum proferunt nec Idem johannes de Morton solempn●tèr voc●tus appellum praedictum in Curia hic prosequitur, Visum est Curiae qd ad sectam domini Regis versus praedictum johannem de Thouthorp in Curia hic non est proeedendum. Et ideo praedictus johannes de Thouthorp inde sine die. Et ad judicium de praedictis Maiore & Coronatoribus qui appellum illud tenuerunt sine warranto. These are the words of my report very anciently written. I transcribd it all, because divers things are in it specially observable.  
Ib. Melletis.] Glanvil & Bracton have de Medletis, for sudden affrays or dislikes▪ the word is so used too in Regiam Mayest. l. 1. ca 3. & hence is our Chance medley, corrupted from Chaud melle, which signifies hot or sudden debate. whence, in Scotland, Chaud melle is opposed against Forethought felony, as Manslaughter with us, 'gainst Murder. See Skene ad citat. loc. & de verb. signific. But, Chance medley is in Stamford otherwise. Skeen interprets Chaud melle by Rixa in the Civil law.  
Ib. Hutesio] Although clamour & Hutesium or Huesium is for hue and cry in our law, yet it seems here its a word made from Hutin, i. scolding, brawling, contention, whereby the peace of the county was disturbed. For all the rest here spoken of are offences, 'mongst which you cannot well reckon Hue and Cry. although of that the Shirif had power to determine, if it grew in question twixt the appellant and appellee utrum appellans hutesium leuauerit, Bract. lib. 3. fol. 145. b. §. 2.  
Ib. ubi non agitur de pace domini Regis fracta] He means, when the plaintiff or appellant did not complain of the king's peace broken, but only of the peace of the sheriff▪ so Bracton teaches the law of that time, that if, for the like, suits were in inferior Lords courts the conclusion was contra pacem Domini, if in the court of a corporation, contra pacem Ballivorum, if in the sheriffs, contra pacem Vicecomitis. Neither means Hengham that those offences were not in themselves contra pacem Regis, but that in the suit commenced in the Sheriffs court the King's peace broken might not be complained of. which well agrees with, and explains the law now, that, without writ, the shirif cannot hold plea de transgressionibus contra pacem domini Regis, as it appears in Fitzh. Na. Br fol. 47. A.  
Pag. 9 hanc Assisam.] supposing the mice be put on the grand assize.  
Ib falsat.] that is, by oath prove that the Lords court hath failed him of right. the two following chapters have more of it. and see Bracton lib. 5. fol. 329. & 330. where the falsifying (as it was called) of the Lords court is by oath taken by the demandant, with two others, in the Lord's court, or at his manor house; but Hengham allows it by the oath only of the party this Bracton styles defalta probata. Touching this obsolet usage, a case of 11. Hen. 2. is worth observation. It's related in Roger de Hoveden pag. 283. when Thomas Becket desired the King, he might, with his leave, go visit Pope Alexander then commorant in France, the King answered him Tu priùs respondebis mihi de iniuria quam fecisti johanni Marischallo meo in Curia tua. Conquestus n. erat Regi idem johannes quod, cum calumniatus esset in Curia Archiepiscopi terram quandam de illo tenendam iure haereditario, & diù inde placitasset, nullam inde potuit assequi justitiam, & quod ipse Curiam Archiepiscopi falsificauerit secundum consuetudinem regni, cui Archiepiscopus respondit, nulla justitia defuit johanni in Curia mea, sed ipse (nescio cuius consilio an propriae voluntatis motu) attulit in curia meae quendam Toper & iuravit super illum, quòd ipse pro defectu justitiae a Curia mea recessit, & videbatur justitiarijs curiae meae, quod ipse inuriam mihi fecit, quia sic à Curia mea recessit, cum statutum sit in regno vestro, Quod qui curiam alterius falsificare volverit oportet eum jurare super sacrosancta evangelia. Rex quidem, non respiciens ad verba haec, iuravit, quòd ipse haberet de eo justitiam & judicium. Et Barones curiae Regis iudicaverunt eum esse in misericordia Regis, & quamvis Archiepiscopus nit●retur judicium illud falsificare, tamen prece & consilio Baronum posuit se in misericordia Regis de D. libris & invenit ei fideiussores. That Toper was a Church book of the time, and it is what in a Constitution of Robert Winchelsey is called Troperium in Lindw. Provinc. constit. tit. de Eccles. aedific. ●. ut Parochiani. Of this falsifying, more in Breton fol. 275 according to Bracton. and the seruiens domini Regis in Bracton appears to be bailiff of the hundred or some such minister.  
Pag. 10. vel per duos etc.] If you read &, then agrees he with Bracton and Breton.  
Pag. 11. non debet Atturnatus aliquis.] examine it by Breton cap. 126. fol. 286. a. Stat. Merton cap. 10. Regist. Orig. fol. 26. et 27. Temps Ed. 1. tit. Attorney 106.  
Pag. 12. Breve de Pace.] Mention is of this course Temp. Ed. 1. tit Droit 45. and precedents are of the writ in Glanvil lib. 2. cap. 8. and Bracton fol. 331 §. 5. See also Breton fol. 277 b & Regist. Orig. fol. 7. b.  
Ib. Iustiti●rij ad omnia placita.] justices in Eires which were in some like nature to the now justices of assize, but had not their circuits so often. The beginning of them was in 22. Hen. 2. which was by example after followed. See Hoveden pag. 3●3. & 337. & Geruas. Tilburiens. in Dialogo de scaccario. But it seems great delay of justice might so have been. For the Eires were not very frequent. and by some, the distance of them was VII. years. So says Scrope in Temps Edw. 3. fol. 143. a. and see fol. 149. a. Aldenham. Glanvil speaks not of them in this case. it being not in use in the infancy of Eires, to have the prohibemus referrd to them. succeeding time brought in that; & about Ed. 3. the Eires were left.  
Ib. ad Corporale sacramentum ponere etc.] Bracton fol. 106. a. Non potest aliquis Baro, vicecomes vel alius de liberis tenementis cognoscere, nec tenens tenetur respondere sine praecepto vel warranto domini regis nec possunt aliquem de huiusmodi ad sacramentum sine warranto compellere. See Stat. Marlb. cap. 23.44. Ed. 3. fol. 19 b. & 39 Ed. 3. fol. 35. b.  
Pag. 14. * Congerere.] it may be, contrahere was the word of the author.  
Pag. 16. non plus, quamvis.] read Non plus. Quamvis etc.  
Ib. alibi videtur n.] Whatsoever alibi should be (some copies having tales, some talas) continued it with videtur quod call. etc. the reason is plain.  
Pag. 17. Turrim London.] Refer hither Bracton fol. 345. & 359. a. and 3. Hen. 3. tit. essoin 186. and the reason of day given at the Tower, see in Hengham pag. 45.  
Ib. Anno bissextili.] The four excresscent quadrants of a day in the julian year were & are at the end of every four years space, put into one day, which added to the 365. of the common year makes 366. for the Leap or bissextile year. the addition was not to the end of the year, but the day is so intercalculated in February, that it falls to be joined with the VI Kalends of March, which being every fourth year so made of two days joined, denominated their year with bissextus, because eo anno bis diceretur sexto Kl. Martias. That ordinance of the Leap year after spoken of, is dated apud windeshore 10. die Maij anno regni nostri 54. by Hen. 3. in the old statutes. See for this matter Bracton fol. 344. b. and 359. b. In the Roman Civil law, the like account was of the intercalated day, and it, with that wherewith it was joined, was as one day. Ulpian in π. tit. de minoribus l. 3. denique §. 3. Proinde si in bissexto natus est, sive priore sive posteriore die, Celsus scripsit nihil refer. Nam id biduum pro uno die habetur, & posterior dies Kalendarum intercalatur.  
Pag. 27. Reddenti essoin.] Moore largely of that in Bracton fol. 351. & 352.  
Ib. Affidatis in manibus.] read affidati. The Affidavits here are taken in manibus vel super virgam clamatoris. For that in manibus see Bracton speaking of falsifying the Lords court fol. 329. b. Vadiata probatione defaltae in manum seruientis domini Regis.  
Pag. 28. duo dies per annum.] but see stat. of Dies Communes in Banco, and 8. Edw. 4. fol. 4. b. where that is affirmed for a good ●●●tut law.  
Pag. 29. lin. 18. vel compareat.] read & comp..  
Pag. 33. l. 4. delicto alterius▪ Ex etc.] read delicto alterius, ex▪ etc. What he means by this, appears not clear enough. Of Pleas determinable per legem n●w, none is whereupon imprisonment should follow. In alder times indeed Ley gager (if you take legem here for that) was a trial in many actions which now admit it not. as in attachment upon a prohibition 24. Ed. 3. fol. 39 a. & see 28 Ed. ●. fol. 100 a. 18. Ed. 3. fol. 4. a. 2. Ed. 3. fol. 8▪ b. 48. Ed. 3. fol. 6. a. and in Placit Assis. apud Northampt. 31. Hen. 3. Coram Rogero de Thurkelby & socijs suis Rot. 11. in dorso. Gervase de Bernake brings a writ of Mesne against Peter de Bernake, and the tenant confesses cause of acquittal, but says the demandant was not distraind through his default, which plea is tried by his law. And in a roll in the Tower endorsed Circa 34. Hen. 3. Rot. 7. in a writ de Fine facto by Matthew de Stratton against Ralf Mautanner about a common, in the count the defendant was charged with using the common otherwise then the fine would; he pleads he did 〈◊〉 use it otherwise Et offert se defendere contra ipsum & sectam suam sicut curia consideraverit. Ideo consideratum est quod vadiet ei legem se XII. manu, & veniat cum lege sua à die sancti Hillarij in XV. dies & plegij de lege Willielmus Branthe & Willielmus filius Roberti. Postea à die Paschae in III. septimanas venit praedictus Radulphus & fecit legem suam; ideo Consideratum est qd praedictus Radulphus inde sine die & Matthaeus in misericordia. Thus different were ancient times from the present. But what had this Ley gager to do with imprisonment spoken of in this author? Quaere. Or doth he mean by legem, the arraignment on criminal offences, which being not capital are punished by imprisonment? Poni ad legem is a usual phrase in old rolls, especially in that of 31. Hen. 3 now cited, for one to be arraigned, or put to answer to criminal offences.  
Pag. 34. Non plevine.] This is remedied by the stat. of 9 Ed. 3. cap. 4.  
Pag. 37. secundum Henricum de Bathonia.] A justice of Henry 3. his time is obvious in the rolls, of that name. But this point of Ley gager against the testimony of the summoners is in Henry de Bracton fol. 334. b. He cities him again pag. 38.47. & 60.  
Pag. 48. velint surgere.] i have licentiam surgendi, whereof more special matter is in Bracton fol. 355.3. Hen. 3. tit. essoin 186.14. Hen. 3. Essoin 190. & vide Regist. Orig. fol. 8. & 9 He that was essoind de malo lecti might not rise before his being seen by the 4. Knights, which if he did, and were not found in his bed when they came to make their view, his essoin was turned into a default, of which also is a notable case of 16. Rich. 1. in the book of Crowland, where Henry de longo Campo Abbot, though being in possession, yet sued the Prior of Spalding for entering upon his Marsh contra pacem Regiam, the Prior pleads, he entered as into his own see simple, and offers 40. marks for the grand assize. and the mice is joined so. The Abbot is essoind de malo lecti. The writ goes out to the 4. Knights to make the view. while one is coming to view him he rises, & comes towards the court. the Knight certified he could not found him in his bed, whereupon judgement was given after long consideration quod Abbas Crowlandiae qui se essoniavit contra Priorem de Spalding de malo lecti apud Crowland, & illic non est inventus in lecto, quando visus deberet de eo fieri, amitteret ad tempus seisinam. Note, seisin was upon his default given to the defendant in the suit. The whole plea and story of it is long, but most worthy the reading, to instruct in the Courts, Courses of that time, and specially in processes sent out by the L. Chief justice of England, in his own name, sitting with the justices in Banco. Divers whole writs from the king beyond sea, and from the Chief justice at home, are in it, and the whole is very understandingly related.  
Pag. 52. ad horam nonam.] See 16. Ed. 2 tit. Action sur le case 47. where so much of the day as is from nine of clock is taken for half a day. Qu●re.  
Pag. 58. Cepit homagium & seruitium vocantis.] That homage and other services was cause of warranty anciently, authorities are frequent, Temp. Edw. 1. tit. Garranty 90.47. Hen. 3. Itin. Cornub. Eod. tit. 99 & Uoucher 270. Temp. Ed. 1. tit. Age 129.13. Ed. 1. tit. Per quae seruicia 23. Breton chap. 70. & 68 Bract. lib. 4. tract. de Mort. Antecessoris cap. 1. & De warrant. lib. 5. cap. 2. §. 4. Stat. de Bigamis cap. 6. & this author cap. 13. although now only homage ancestrel be cause of warranty.  
Ib. Et hoc pro sacramento suo] see Glanvil. lib. 2. cap. 3. and Westm. 1. cap. 41.  
Pag. 59 ad warrantiam] the latin of that time is rather ad warrantum, and so afterward is it often printed. the copies being indifferent.  
Ib. Quod permittat] but, in Hen. 3. his time, voucher was allowed in a qd permittat, as appears 12. Hen. 3. Itin. Norff. Uoucher 282. & 33. Ed. 1. tit. Uoucher 272.  
Pag▪ 69. duellum in omni eventu] that is, Combat a tout oultrance i battle to the utmost, according as the law requires. so pag. 12. supra, he hath prosequi in omni eventu, to follow the suit to the utmost. Is not tout attrenche in the defences corrupted from tout oultrance? see Nou. Narrat. fol. 3. a. 2. Ed. 3. fol. 64. a. Basset.  
Pag. 71. Cartam de feoffamento] Of the ancestor of the enfant, whose heir he is. For otherwise the tenant fails in the voucher of an enfant. See Bracton lib. 5. tract. de warrantia cap. 2. §. 2.43. Edw. 3. fol. 3. etc.▪  
Ib. Minor non habet legem.] For, in the warranting the essoin, oath is to be taken. See Bracton fol. 337. & 338. and Breton cap. 125. fol. 284. b. Habere legem is here to be able to take a legal oath, and facere legem (as at this day) to take it. See in the Notes to Fortescue, of legem terrae. By Bracton also fol. 340. b. an enfant cannot have these essoins quia jurare non potest nec essonium warrantizare. see 38. Edw. 3. fol. 8. b. 32. Ed. 3. tit. Per quae seruitia 9.26. Ed. 3. fol. 63. & 64.  
Pag. 72. tenetur donator & eius haeredes] so must you read. so was the law in feofments before the statut of Quia emptores etc. when a tenure was reserved to the feoffors. See Stat. de Bigamis cap. 6.13. Ed. 1. apud West. tit. Garranty 92. & 13. Ed. 1. tit. Uoucher 290.  
Pag. 73. residuas duas C. vel D.] It's supposed by this, that the other land, of which the feoffor is seized at the feoffment might be bound by the warranty comprehended in the deed. So also was the law taken in 16. Hen. 3. in the case of Alice de Ware reported by Bracton fol. 382. a. being (it seems) the same with 17. Hen. 3. tit. Recovery en value 25. and see 32. Ed. 1. tit. Uoucher 29●. But it's plain now, no land is bound but what the feoffor or his heir hath at the time of the Uoucher, or Warranty de charters brought.  
Pag. 79. Tempore Regis Henrici] But that in the margin (as some copies are) agrees with the law of Westm. 1. cap. 39 wherein, the writ of right was limited to Richard 1. his time, which limitation continued till 32. Hen. 8. cap. 2.  
Pag. 83. in quo non jacet duellum etc.] See 18. Hen. 3. tit. Droit 62. & 13. Ed. 1. eod. tit. 51. Stat. de Mag. assis. eligenda, & Hengham pag. 115.  
Pag. 85. si non excedit tertiam] for, by the ancient opinions, only a third part might be assigned ad ostium ecclesiae. so Glanvil. lib. 6. cap. 1. Bracton lib. 2. the acq. rer. dom. cap. 39 & tract. de act. Dotis. fol. 315. a. Breton cap. 113. But see 9 Hen. 3. tit. Dower 190. & Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 150. P.  
Pag. 87. infalistatus.] It appears that several customs of places, made in those days, capital punishments several. But, what is infalistatus? in regard it's of a custom used in a Port town, I suppose it was made out of the French word Falaize, which is fine sand by the water side, or a bank of the sea. in this sand or bank it seems their execution, at Dover, was. In this place the copies vary. no one having all the punishments. but for the rarity of the remembrance, I took out of divers copies all these. The old English translation here helped not.  
Ib. vel apud Winton demembratus.] that is of his Eyes and Stones. For, such was anciently the punishment of Felons in Winchester; as also in Walingford. One authority justifies both in 45. Hen. 3. Berk. Coram Gilberto de Preston & socijs suis in Oct. Purif. B. Mariae Rot. 29. the jurors of the Borough of Walingford give in quod nullus de natione istius Burgi pro quocunque facto quod fecerit, debet suspendi, imò secundum consuetudinem istius Burgi debet Oculis & Testiculis privari, & tali libertate usi sunt à tempore quo non extat memoria, & so they there say one Benedict Heruey was lately so punished. Et, quaesiti juratores, si tali libertate usi sunt; dicunt quod à tempore Henrici avi domini Regis nunc usi fuerunt eadem libertate per Cartam eiusdem D. Regis quam eis fecit per quam eis concessit omnes libertates quas Civitas Winton habet etc. They challenged this liberty from a Charter of Hen. 2. who gave them all such liberties as Winchester had.  
Ib. Decapitatus.] See Regist. Orig. fol. 165. a. & Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 144. H. of beheading for felony.  
Ib. ubi quis movet Guerram etc.] See 8. Ed. 3. fol. 388. a. 7. Hen. 4. fol. 32. b. & 47. a. 15. Ed. 3. tit. Petition 2. Ploughed. Comm. fol. 263. a. the saddlers' case in Rep. 4. fol. 57 b. Stamford fol. 189. and Park. §. 391.  
Pag. 88 Item siminor etc.] By this, and what Glanvil hath lib. 7. c. 12. it appears that in those times greater prejudice was often to the heirs of both sexes, by marriage without their Lords consent, than the law since burdens them with.  
Ib. dotem deseruire.] that is demereri. By such uncertainty, without limitation of years, those old authors judged of a woman's dower. so Bracton l. 2. c. 39 Breton c. 109. And by the Roman law non potest videri nupta quae virum pati non potest. in so much that if a legacy be given to a young girl, to be paid quando nupserit, if she take a husband before she be viripotens, the legacy is not yet due, by express text in π. tit. Quando dies legate. vel fideicomisscedat l. 30. qd pupilla. So in the Reg. Mayest. of Scotland lib. 2. cap. 17. a woman loses her dower si sit ita juvenis, quòd non potest habere rem, hoc est, coire cum viro suo. But in our year books divers cases are of later time touching a certainty of years, and now it is taken usually (as Litleton says) she must be above nine. Besides the common authorities, see Fleta lib. 5. cap. 22▪ and for the two cases of this matter, in 7. Ed. 2. tit. Dower 147. and 12. Edw. 2. tit. eod. 159. they are worth more observation in the report at large, which is extant in our Inner Temple Library. the first is between Symond and Benster fol. 107. a. the second is fol. 163. b. where Berry says expressly, that it lies in the discretion of the judges, whether she deserve dower or no.  
Ib. requiritur longa seisina & pacifica.] for in those times the law was taken, both that long seisin so added a title to a disseisin, that the disseisee might not enter, and also, by some, that short seisin of one that had right to enter, gave him not so much freehold that he might have his assize against a disseisor. so it appears in 12. Hen. 3. Itin. Staff. tit. Assize 428. & 429. 30. Edw. 1. Itin. Cornub. tit. Attaint. 76. Bracton fol. 160. & 161. Hengham pag. 98. But see Breton chap. 42. to which (that we may observe the opinions of that time) add a case, adjudged before our Author, upon this point of Longa or brenis seisina, and reversed in the king's bench. In 33. Ed. 1. ms. fol. 59 b. john le fitz Aueline brought a Mort d' ancestor before Sir Ralph de Hengham & his companion's, of the death of john le Clark his uncle, against Edmond of London garden of the house of Saint Thomas of Acres. the tenant pleads pluis darrain seisin in Aueline mother to the demandant, who was seized after the death of the uncle. Issue upon this is joined, and the Assize taken; they found que apres la mort mesme cel●y jon le Clerk meme cesty Au●line tant come le corpse fust en la bear entra & l'eins fust reclamant come heir jon & ꝑ un demi hour de iour ydemurra tan que sur l'emporter du corpse, ou eel se voleit estre l'eins tenus, vient le dit Emon & la osta. so are the words in my copy, very anciently written. and to Sir Ralph and his companions (says the book) it seemed that cele petite seisin & en teu temps ne fust nul, and so they adjudged that the demandant should recover. But by writ of error, and upon the very point, that judgement was reversed quia sola (as the report is) pedis positio vero haeredi seisinam contulit, cy agard la court que Edmond reeit sa seisin etc. & says damages, & eit jon son rescoverir per autre voie sil voile. And this reversal agrees well with what our author hath in the beginning of this chapter. See 3. Ed. 3. in Vet. Nat. Br. fol. 126. b. in Dum fuit infra aetatem. But now its plain law, that the jest time is enough for seisin to him that hath right to enter, as in 8. Assis. pl. 25.26. Assis. pl. 42. and elsewhere. The true meaning of transfertur liberum tenementum in feoffatum etc. in Stat. Westm. 2. cap. 29. may be had out of this old opinion▪ see infra pag. 99  
Pag. 103. extra Astrum] All this passage, in the same words, is in Fleta lib. 4. cap. 2. whereby, Astrum must be taken for the Lords dwelling house, or such like. See the customs of Kent; in partition, there, le astre demor●a all pune etc. pag. 574. The elder times had also homo Astrarius for a householder (as I guess) or in such like signification. Bracton lib. 2. cap. 36. §. 7. speaking of payment of releifs; Esto quod haeres sit astrarius, vel qd aliquis antecessor restituat haeredi in vita sua haereditatem & se dimiserit, videtur quod nullo tempore iacebit haereditas. as if he had said, suppose the heir be householder, or, as tenant to the Lord in life of his ancestor etc. and in Fleta lib. 1. cap. 47. Frithborgh est laudabilis homo astrarius. and extra astrum in them, is to Bracton, extra potestatem dominorum fol. 165. & 166.  
Pag. 104. Sokemannus.] This also is in Fleta lib. 4. cap. 2. and agrees with that which is called Tractatus de antiquo dominico, and in a very old English translation of the statutes is titled a statut. being indeed only some lawyers answer (or in the nature of Civilians Consilia, or such like) to questions proposed touching ancien demesne. But the law in the year books is clear, that to any real actions or savouring of the realty, auncien demesne is a good plea. See Bracton fol. 272. & Breton cap. 66. the Guards.  
THE END.