CERTAIN Miscellany Works OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, FRANCIS Lo. Verulam, Viscount S. ALBAN.  
PUBLISHED By WILLIAM RAWLEY, Doctor of Divinity, one of his Majesty's Chaplains.  
LONDON, ¶ Printed by I. Haviland for Humphrey Robinson, dwelling at the sign of the three Pigeons in Paul's Churchyard. 1629.   

To the Reader.  
I Have thought good, as a Servant, to the Labours, and Memory, of that Noble Lord, the Lo. Viscount S. Alban, to collect into one, these few, rather Parcels, than lust Works, of his excellent Pen. Which I have done for these Causes. First, to vindicate the Wrong, his Lordship suffered, by a corrupt, and surreptitious Edition, of that Discourse of his, Touching a War with Spain, lately set forth. Secondly, by way of Prevention, to exempt, from the like Injury, & Defacements, those other Discourses of his, herein contained. Lastly, to satisfy the Desires of some, who hold it unreasonable, that any the Delineations of that Pen, though in never so small a Model, should not be shown to the World. I know, it carries the Excuse with it, after the Author's Death, to publish Fragments. Therefore I will make none. These Works, being all, for the Argument, Civil, I cannot represent better, than in Resemblance of Aristotle's Parua Naturalia, to account them as his Lordships Parua Politica. Howsoever, I doubt not, but every judicious Reader, finding of his Lordship's Spirit in them, will know them to be his; And will afford them, a Place of Reputation, amongst his Greater Works.  
W. RAWLEY.   

CONSIDERATIONS Touching a WAR With SPAIN.  
Written about five years since, and inscribed to his MAJESTY, At that time PRINCE OF WALES.   printer's device of John Haviland 
LONDON, ¶ Printed by JOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson. 1629.   

CONSIDERATIONS Touching a WAR With SPAIN.  
To the Prince.  
YOur Highness hath an Imperial Name. It was a CHARLES that brought the Empire first into France; A CHARLES that brought it first into Spain: Why should not Great Britain have his turn? But to lay aside all that may seem to have a show of Fumes and Fancies, and to speak Solids: A War with Spain, (if the King shall enter into it,) is a mighty Work; It requireth strong Materials, and Active Motions. He that saith not so, is zealous, but not according to knowledge. But nevertheless, Spain is no such Giant: And he that thinketh Spain, to be some great Overmatch for this Estate, assisted as it is, and may be, is no good Mint-man; But takes greatness of Kingdoms according to their Bulk and Currency, and not after their intrinsique Value. Although therefore I had wholly sequestered my thoughts from Civil Affairs, yet because it is a new Case, and concerneth my Country infinitely, I obtained of myself, to set down, out of long continued experience in Business of Estate, and much Conversation in Books of Policy and History, what I thought pertinent to this Business; And in all humbleness present it to your Highness; Hoping, that, at least, you will discern the strength of my Affection, through the weakness of my Abilities: For the Spaniard hath a good Proverb; Desuarió siempre con la Calentura; There is no Heat of Affection, but is joined with some Idleness of Brain.  
To a War are required; A Just Quarrel; Sufficient Forces and Provisions; And a prudent Choice of the Designs. So then, I will first justify the Quarrel, Secondly, balance the Forces; and lastly, propound variety of Designs for Choice, but not advice the Choice; For that were not fit for a Writing of this Nature; Neither is it a Subject within the level of my judgement; I being, in effect, a Stranger to the present Occurrences.  
Wars (I speak not of ambitious Predatory Wars,) are Suits of Appeal to the Tribunal of God's justice, where there are no Superiors on earth to determine the Cause. And they are (as civil pleas are,) Plaints, or Defences. There are therefore three just Grounds of War with Spain: One Plaint, Two upon Defence. SALOMON saith, A Cord of three is not easily broken: But especially when every of the lines will hold single by itself. They are these. The Recovery of the Palatinate; A just Fear of the Subversion of our Civil Estate: A just Fear of the Subversion of our Church and Religion. For in the handling of the two last Grounds of War, I shall make it plain; That Wars Preventive upon Just Fears, are true Defensives, as well as upon Actual Invasions: And again, that Wars Defensive for Religion, (I speak not of Rebellion,) are most just; Though Offensive Wars, for Religion, are seldom to be approved, or never, unless they have some Mixture of Civil Titles. But all that I shall say in this whole Argument, will be but ●ike Bottoms of Thread, close wound up, which with a good Needle (perhaps) may be flourished into large Works.  
For the Asserting of the justice of the Quarrel, for the Recovery of the Palatinate, I shall not go so high, as to discuss the Right of the War of Bohemia; Which if it be freed from doubt on our part, then there is no Colour nor Shadow, why the Palatinate should be retained; The Ravishing whereof was a mere Excursion of the first Wrong, and a Super-Iniustice. But I do not not take myself to be so perfect in the Customs, Transactions, and Privileges of that Kingdom of Bohemia, as to be fit to handle that part. And I will not offer at that I cannot master. Yet this I will say (in passage) positively, and resolutely: That it is impossible, an Elective Monarchy, should be so free and absolute, as an Hereditary: No more than it is possible, for a Father, to have so full Power and Interest, in an Adoptive Son, as in a Natural; Quia naturalis Obligatio fortior Civili. And again, that Received Maxim is almost Vnshaken, and Infallible; Nil magis Naturae consentaneum est, quàm ut iisdem modis Res dissoluantur, quibus constituuntur. So that, if the part of the People or Estate be somewhat in the Election, you cannot make them Nulls or Ciphers in the Privation or Translation. And if it be said, that this is a dangerous Opinion, for the Pope, Emperor, and Elective Kings; It is true, it is a dangerous Opinion, and aught to be a dangerous Opinion, to such personal Popes, Emperors, or Elective Kings, as shall transcend their limits, and become Tyrannical. But it is a safe and sound Opinion for their Sees, Empires, and Kingdoms; And for themselves also, if they be wise; Plenitudo Potestatis, est plenitudo Tempestatis. But the chief Cause, why I do not search into this point, is, because I need it nor. And in handling the Right of a War, I am not willing to intermix matter doubtful, with that which is out of doubt. For as in Capital Causes, wherein but one Man's life is in question, in favorem vitae, the Evidence ought to be clear; So much more, in a judgement upon a War, which is Capital to Thousands. I suppose therefore the worst; That the Offensive War upon Bohemia had been unjust; And then make the Case; Which is no sooner made, than resolved; If it be made, not enwrapped, but plainly and perspicuously. It is this in Thesi. An Offensive War is made, which is unjust in the Aggressour; The Prosecution and Race of the War, carrieth the Defendant, to assail and invade, the Ancient and Indubitate Patrimony of the first Aggressour, who is now turned Defendant; Shall he sit down, and not put himself in Defence; Or if he be dispossessed, shall he not make a War for the Recovery? No Man is so poor of judgement, as will affirm it. The Castle of Cadmus was taken, and the City of Thebes itself invested, by Phaebidas the Lacedaemonian, insidiously, & in violation of League: The Process of this Action drew on a Resurprise of the Castle by the Thebans, a Recovery of the Town, and a Current of the War even unto the walls of Sparta. I demand, was the Defence of the City of Sparta, and the Expulsion of the Thebans, out of the ancient Laconian Territories, unjust? The sharing of that part of the Duchy of Milan, which lieth upon the River of Adda, by the Venetians, upon Contract with the French, was an Ambitious and unjust Purchase. This wheel set on going, did pour a War upon the Venetians, with such a tempest, as Padova and Trevigi were taken from them, and all their Dominions upon the Continent of Italy abandoned, and they confined within the Salt Waters. Will any man say, that the memorable Recovery and Defence of Padova, (when the Gentlemen of Venice, unused to the Wars, out of the love of their Country, became Brave and Martial the first day;) And so likewise the Readeption of Trevigi, and the rest of their Dominions, was matter of Scruple, whether just or no, because it had source from a Quarrel ill begun? The War of the Duke of Urbin, Nephew to Pope julius the second, when he made himself Head of the Spanish Mutineers, was as unjust, as unjust might be; A support of desperate Rebels; An Invasion of Saint Peter's Patrimony; And what you will. The Race of this War fell upon the loss of Urbin itself, which was the Duke's undoubted Right; Yet in this case, no Penitentiary, (though he had enjoined him never so straight Penance to expiate his first Offence,) would have counselled him to have given over the pursuit of his Right for Urbin; Which after he prosperously reobtained, and hath transmitted to his family yet until this day. Nothing more unjust, than the Invasion of the Spanish Armada, in 88 upon our Seas; For our Land was holy land to them, they might not touch it; Shall I say therefore, that the Defence of Lisbon, or Cales, afterward, was unjust? There be thousands of Examples; Vtor in Re non dubia Exemplis non necessarijs: The Reason is plain; Wars are Vindictae; Revenges, Reparations. But Revenges are not infinite, but according to the measure of the first Wrong, or Damage. And therefore, when a voluntary Offensive War, by the Design or Fortune of the War, is turned to a necessary Defensive War, the Scene of the Tragedy is changed, and it is a new Act to begin. For though they the particular actions of War, are complicate in Fact, yet they are separate and distinct in Right; Like to cross Suits in Civil Pleas, which are sometimes both just. But this is so clear, as needeth no further to be insisted upon. And yet, if in things so clear, it were fit to speak of more or less clear, in our present Cause, it is the more clear on our part, because the Possession of Bohemia is settled with the Emperor. For though it be true, that, Non datur Compensatio Iniuriarum; yet were there somewhat more Colour to detain the Palatinate, as in the nature of a Recovery, in Value or Compensation, if Bohemia had been lost, or were still the Stage of the War. Of this therefore I speak no more▪ As for the Title of Proscription or Forfeiture, wherein the Emperor (upon the matter) hath been judge and Party, and hath iusticed himself, God forbidden but that it should well endure an Appeal to a War. For certainly the Court of Heaven, is as well a Chancery, to save and debar Forfeitures, as a Court of Common Law to decide Rights; And there would be work enough, in Germany, Italy, and other Parts, if Imperial Forfeitures should go for good Titles.  
Thus much for the first Ground of War with Spain, being in the Nature of a Plaint, for the Recovery of the Palatinate; Omitting here that which might be the Seed of a larger Discourse, and is verified by a number of Examples; That whatsoever is gained by an Abusive Treaty, aught to be restored in Integrum. As we see the daily Experience of this in Civil Pleas; For the Images of great things are best seen contracted into small Glasses; We see (I say) that all Praetorian Courts, if any of the Parties be entertained or laid asleep, under pretence of Arbiterment or Accord, & that the other Party, during that time, doth cautelously get the start and advantage at Common Law, though it be to judgement and Execution; Yet the Praetorian Court will set back all things in statu quo priùs, no respect had to such Eviction or Dispossession. Lastly, let there be no mistaking; As if when I speak of a War for the Recovery of the Palatinate, I meant, that it must be in lineâ rectâ, upon that Place: For look into ius faeciale, and all Examples, and it will be found to be without scruple; That after a Legation ad Res repetendas, and a Refusal, and a Denunciation or Indiction of a War, the War is no more confined to the Place of the Quarrel, but is left at large, and to choice, (as to the particular conducing Designs,) as Opportunities and Advantages shall invite.  
To proceed therefore to the second Ground of a War with Spain; We have set it down to be, A just fear of the Subversion of our Civil Estate. So then, the War is not for the Palatinate only, but for England, Scotland, Ireland, our King, our Prince, our Nation, all that we have. Wherein two things are to be proved. The one, that a just Fear, (without an Actual Invasion or Offence,) is a sufficient Ground of a War, and in the Nature of a true Defensive; The other, that we have towards Spain Cause of just Fear; I say just Fear; For as the Civilians do well define, that the Legal Fear is, justus Metus qui cadit in constantem Virum, in private Causes; So there is, justus Metus qui cadit in constantem Senatum, in causa publica; Not out of umbrages, light jealousies, Apprehensions a fare off; But out of clear Forefight of imminent Danger.  
Concerning the former Proposition, it is good to hear what time saith. Thucydides, in his Inducement to his Story of the great War of Peloponnesus, sets down in plain terms, that the true Cause of that War was; The overgrowing Greatness of the Athenians, and the fear that the Lacedæmonians stood in thereby; And doth not doubt to call it, A necessity imposed upon the Lacedæmonians of a War: Which are the Words of a mere Defensive: Adding, that the other Causes were but specious and Popular. Verissimam quidem, sed minimè sermone celebratam, arbitror extitisse Belli Causam, Athenienses magnos effectos, & Lacedemonijs formidolosoes, necessitatem illis imposuisse Bellandi: Quae autem propalam ferebantur utrinque Causae, istae fuerunt, etc. The truest Cause of this War, though least voiced, I conceive to have been this; That the Athenians, being grown great, to the terror of the Lacedæmonians, did impose upon them a necessity of a War: But the Causes that went abroad in speech were these, etc. Sulpitius Galba, Consul, when he persuaded the Romans to a Preventive War, with the latter Philip King of Macedon, in regard of the great Preparations which Philip had then on foot, and his Designs to ruin some of the Confederates of the Romans, confidently saith; That they who took that for an Offensius War, understood not the state of the Question. Ignorare videmini mihi, (Quirites,) non utrum bellum an pacem habeatis, vos consuli, (neque enim liberum id vobis permittet Philippus, qui terrâ marique ingens bellum molitur,) sed utrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis, an hostem in Italiam recipiatis. Ye seem to me (ye Romans,) not to understand, that the Consultation before you, is not, whether you shall have War or Peace, (for Philip will take order you shall be no choosers, who prepareth a mighty War both by Land and Sea;) but whether you shall transport the War into Macedon, or receive it into Italy. Antiochus, when he incited Prusias King of Bythinia, (at that time in league with the Romans,) to join with him in War against them, setteth before him, a just Fear, of the overspreading Greatness of the Romans, comparing it to a Fire that continually took, and spread from Kingdom to Kingdom: Venire Romanos ad omnia Regna tollenda, ut nullum usquam orbis terrarum nisi Romanum imperium esset; Philippum & Nabin expugnatos, se tertium peti;  quisque proximus ab oppresso sit, per omnes velut continens incendium pervasurun. That the Romans came to pull down all Kingdoms, and to make the State of Rome an universal Monarchy; That Philip and Nabis were already ruinated, and now was his turn to be assailed: So that as every State lay next to the other that was oppressed, so the fire perpetually grazed. Wherein it is well to be noted, that towards ambitious States, (which are noted to aspire to great Monarchies, and to seek upon all occasions to enlarge their Dominions,) Crescunt Argumenta iusti Metus: All particular fears do grow and multiply out of the Contemplation of the general Courses and Practice of such States. Therefore in Deliberations of War against the Turk, it hath been often, with great judgement, maintained; That Christian Princes and States have always a sufficient Ground of Inuasive War against the Enemy: Not for Cause of Religion, but upon a just Fear; Forasmuch as it is a Fundamental Law, in the Turkish Empire, that they may (without any other provocation,) make war upon Christendom, for the Propagation of their Law; So that there lieth upon the Christians a perpetual Fear of a War, (hanging over their heads,) from them: And therefore, they may at all times, (as they think good,) be upon the Prevention. Demosthenes exposeth to scorn Wars which are not Preventive, comparing those that make them, to country Fellows in a Fence School, that never ward till the blow be passed:  Barbari Pugiles dimicare solent, ita vos bellum geritis cum Philippo, Ex his enim is qui ictus est, ictui semper inhaeret: Quod si eum alibi verberes, illò manus transfert; Ictum autem depellere, aut prospicere, neque scit, neque vult. As Country Fellows use to do when they play at Wasters, such a kind of war do you (Athenians) make with Philip; For with them he that gets a blow, straight falleth to ward when the blow is past; And if you strike him in another place, thither goes his hand likewise: But to put by, or foresee a blow, they neither have the skill, north will.  
Clinias the Candian, (in Plato,) speaks desperately and wildly; As if there were no such thing as Peace between Nations; But that every Nation expects but his advantage to War upon another. But yet in that Excess of Speech, there is thus much that may have a civil Construction; Namely, that every State ought to stand upon his guard, and rather prevent, than be prevented. His words are; Quam rem ferè vocant Pacem, nudum & inane Nomen est; Revera autem omnibus, adversus omnes Civitates, bellum sempiternum perdurat: That which Men, for the most part, call Peace, is but a naked and empty Name; But the truth is, that there is ever between all Estates a secret War. I know well this Speech is the Objection, and not the Decision, and that it is after refuted; But yet (as I said before) it bears thus much of Truth; That if that general Malignity, and Predisposition to War, (which he untruly figureth to be in all Nations,) be produced and extended to a just Fear of being oppressed, than it is no more a true Peace, but a Name of a Peace.  
As for the Opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian, it demands not so much towards a War, as a just Fear; But rather cometh near the Opinion of Clinias; As if there were ever amongst Nations a Brooding of a War, and that there is no sure League but Impuissance to do hurt. For he, in the Treaty of Peace with the Lacedæmonians, speaketh plain language; Telling them, there could be no true and secure Peace, except the Lacedæmonians yielded to those things, which being granted, it would be no longer in their power, to hurt the Athenians, though they would. And to say truth, if one mark it well, this was, in all Memory, the main piece of Wisdom, in strong and prudent Counsels; To be in perpetual watch, that the States about them, should neither by Approach, nor by Increase of Dominion, nor by Ruining Confederates, nor by blocking of Trade, nor by any the like means, have it in their power, to hurt or annoy the States they serve; And whensoever any such Cause did but appear, straightways to buy it out with a War, and never to take up Peace at credit, and upon Interest. It is so memorable, as it is yet as fresh, as if it were done yesterday, how that triumvirate of Kings, (Henry the eight of England, Francis the first of France, and Charles the fifth, Emperor, and King of Spain,) were in their times so provident, as scarce a Palm of Ground could be gotten by either of the Three, but that the other Two would be sure to do their best, to set the Balance of Europe upright again. And the like diligence was used in the Age before, by that League, (wherewith Guicciardine beginneth his Story, and maketh it (as it were) the Calendar of the good days of Italy,) which was contracted between Ferdinando King of Naples, Lorenzo of Medici Potentate of Florence, and Lodovico Zforza Duke of Milan, designed chief against the growing Power of the Venetians; But yet so, as the Confederates had a perpetual eye, one upon another, that none of them should overtop. To conclude therefore, howsoever some Schoolmen, (otherwise Reverend Men, yet fit to guide Penknives, than Swords,) seem precisely to stand upon it; That every Offensive War must be Vltio; A Revenge, that presupposeth a precedent Assault or Injury; yet neither do they descend to this Point, (which we now handle,) of a just Fear; Neither are they of authority to judge this Question against all the Precedents of time. For certainly, as long as Men are Men, (the Sons, as the Poets allude, of Prometheus, and not of Epimetheus,) and as long as Reason is Reason; A just Fear will be a just Cause of a Preventive War; But especially, if it be Part of the Case, that there be a Nation, that is manifestly detected, to aspire to Monarchy, and new Acquests; Then other States (assuredly) cannot be justly accused, for not staying for the first Blow; Or for not accepting Poliphemus Courtesy, to be the last that shall be eaten up.  
Nay I obsetue further, that in that passage of Plato, which I cited before, (and even in the Tenet of that Person, that beareth the Resolving Part, and not the Objecting part,) a just Fear is justified for a Cause of an Inuasive War, though the fame Fear proceed not, from the fault of the foreign State, to be assailed. For it is there insinuated; That if a State, out of the distemper of their own Body, do fear Sedition and intestine Troubles, to break out amongst themselves, they may discharge their own ill Humours, upon a foreign War, for a Cure. And this kind of Cure, was tendered by jasper Coligni Admiral of France, to Charles the ninth, the French King, when by a vive and forcible persuasion, he moved him to a war upon Flanders, for the better Extinguishment of the Civil Wars of France; But neither was that Counsel prosperous; Neither will I maintain that Position; For I will never set Politics against Ethics; Especially for that true Ethics are but as a Handmaid to Divinity and Religion. Surely, Saint Thomas, (who had the largest heart of the School Divines,) bendeth chief his style against the depraved Passions, which reign in making Wars, speaking out of S. Augustine; Nocendi Cupiditas, ulciscendi Crudelitas, implacatus & implacabilis Animus, Feritas Rebellandi, Libido Dominandi, & si quae sunt similia, haec sunt quae in Bellis iure culpantur. And the same Saint Thomas, in his own Text, defining of the just Causes of a War, doth leave it upon very general Terms; Requiritur ad Bellum Causa iusta, ut scilicet illi qui impugnantur, propter aliquam culpam, Impugnationem mereantur; For Impugnatio Culpae, is a fare more general word, than ultio Iniuriae. thus much for the first Proposition, of the Second Ground of a War with Spain: Namely, that a just Fear is a just Cause of a War And that a Preventive War is a true Defensive.  
The Second or Minor Proposition was this; That this Kingdom hath Cause of just Fear of Overthrow from Spain. Wherein it is true, tha● Fears are ever seen in dimmer lights, than Facts. And on the other side, Fears use (many times) to be represented in such an Imaginary fashion, as they rather dazzle men's eyes, than open them. And therefore I will speak in that manner, which the Subject requires; That is, probably, and moderately, and briefly. Neither will I deduce th●se Fears to present Occurrences; but point only at general Grounds, leaving ●he rest to more secret Counsels.  
Is it nothing, that the Crown of Spain, hath enlarged the Bounds thereof, within this last sixscore years, much more than the Ottomans? I speak not of Matches, or Unions, but of Arms, Occupations, Invasions. Granada, Naples, Milan, Portugal, the East and West Indies; All these are actual Additions to that Crown. They had a mind to French Britain, the lower Part of Piccardi, and Piedmont; but they have let fall their Bit. They have, at this day, such a hover possession of the Valtoline, as an Hobby hath over a Lark: And the Palatinate is in their Talons: So that nothing is more manifest, than that this Nation of Spain runs a race (still) of Empire; When all other States of Christendom stand in effect at a stay. Look then a little further, into the Titles, whereby they have acquired, and do now hold these new Portions of their Crown, and you will find them of so many varieties, and such natures, (to speak with due respect,) as may appear to be easily minted, and such as can hardly at any time be wanting. And therefore, so many new Conquests & Purchases, so many Strokes of the Alarm Bell of Fear, and Awaking, to other Nations. And the Facility of the Titles, which hand overhead have served their turn, doth ring the Peal so much the sharper, and the louder.  
Shall we descend from their general Disposition, to enlarge their Dominions, to their particular Disposition, and Eye of Appetite, which they have had towards us; They have now twice sought to impatronise themselves of this Kingdom of England; once by Marriage with Queen Mary; And the second time by Conquest in 88 when their Forces by Sea and Land, were not inferior to those they have now. And at that time in 88 the Counsel and Design of Spain, was, by many advertisements, revealed and laid open to be; That they found the War upon the Low-Countries, so churlish and longsome, as they grew then to a Resolution; That as long as England stood in state to secure those Countries, they should but consume themselves in an endless War; And therefore there was no other way, but to assail and depress England, which was as a Back of Steel to the Flemings. And who can warrant (I pray) that the same Counsel and Design will not return again? So as we are in a strange Dilemma of Danger: For if we suffer the Flemings to be ruined, they are our Outwork, and we shall remain Naked and Dismantled: If we secure them strongly, (as is fit,) and set them upon their feet, and do not withal weaken Spain, we hazard to change the Scene of the War, and to turn it upon Ireland, or England: Like unto Rheums and Defluxions; which, if you apply a strong Repercussive to the Place affected, and do not take away the Cause of the Disease, will shift, and fall straightways to another joint, or Place. They have also twice invaded Ireland▪ Once under the Pope's Banner, when they were defeated by the Lo. Grey; And after in their own name, when they were defeated by the Lo. Mountioy. So as let this suffice for a Taste of their Disposition towards us. But it will be said: This is an Almanac for the old year: Since 88 all hath been well; Spain hath not assailed this Kingdom, howsoever by two several Invasions from us mightily provoked. It is true, but then consider; that immediately after 88 they were embroiled, for a great time, in the Protection of the League of France, whereby they had their hands full; After being brought extreme low, by their vast and continual Embracements, they were enforced to be quiet, that they might take Breath, and do Reparations upon their former Wastes. But now of late Things seem to come on apace to their former Estate. Nay with fare greater Disadvantage to us. For now that they have almost continued, and (as it were,) arched, their Dominions, from Milan, by the Valtoline, and Palatinate, to the Low-Countries; We see how they thirst and pant after the utter Ruin of those States; Having in contempt almost the Germane Nation, and doubting little opposition except it come from England: Whereby either we must suffer the Dutch to be ruined, to our own manifest prejudice; Or put it upon the hazard, I spoke of before, that Spain will cast at the fairest. Neither is the point of Internal Danger, which groweth upon us, to be forgotten; This; That the Party of the Papists in England are become more knotted, both in Dependence towards Spain, and amongst themselves, than they have been. Wherein again comes to be remembered the Case of 88: For then also it appeared, by diverse secret letters, that the Design of Spain was, (for some years before the invasion attempted,) to prepare a Party in this Kingdom, to adhere to the Foreigner at his coming. And they bragged, that they doubted not, but to abuse and lay asleep the Queen and Counsel of England, as to have any fear of the Party of Papists here; For that they knew (they said) the State would but cast the eye, and look about, to see whether there were any Eminent Head of that Party, under whom it might unite itself; And finding none worth the thinking on, the State would rest secure, and take no apprehension; Whereas they meant, (they said,) to take a course, to deal with the People, and particulars, by Reconcilements, and Confessions, and Secret Promises, and cared not for any Head of Party. And this was the true reason, why after that the Seminaries began to blossom, and to make Missions into England, (which was about the three and twentieth year of Queen Elizabeth, at what time also was the first suspicion of the Spanish Invasion,) then, and not before, grew the sharp and severe Laws, to be made against the Papists. And therefore the Papists may do well, to change their thanks; And whereas they thank Spain for their Favours, to thank them for their Perils and Miseries, if they should fall upon them: For that nothing ever made their Case so ill, as the Doubt of the Greatness of Spain; which adding Reason of State, to Matter of Conscience and Religion, did whet the Laws against them. And this Case also seemeth (in some sort) to return again at this time; except the Clemency of his Majesty, and the State, do superabound: As, for my part, I do wish it should; And that the Proceed towards them, may rather tend to Security, and Providence, and Point of State, than to Persecution for Religion. But to conclude; These Things briefly touched, may serve, as in a Subject Conjectural, and Future, for to represent, how just Cause of Fear, this Kingdom may have towards Spain: Omitting (as I said before,) all present, and more secret Occurrences.  
The third Ground of a War with Spain, I have set down to be; A just Fear of the Subversion of our Church and Religion. Which needeth little Speech: For if this War be a Defensive, (as I have proved it to be,) no Man will doubt; That a Defensive War, against a Foreigner, for Religion, ●s lawful. Of an Offensive War there is more Dispute: And yet in that instance of the War for the Holy Land, and Sepulchre, I do wonder sometimes, that the School Men want words to defend that, which S. Bernard wanted words to commend. But I, that in this little Extract of a Treatise, do omit things necessary, am not to handle things unnecessary. No man, I say, will doubt, but if the Pope, or King of Spain, would demand of us to forsake our Religion, upon pain of a War, it were as unjust a Demand, as the Persians made to the Grecians of Land and Water; Or the Ammonites to the Israelites of their Right Eyes. And we see all the Heathen did style their Defensive Wars, Pro Aris & Focis; Placing their Altars, before their Hearths. So that it is in vain of this to speak further. Only this is true; That the Fear of the Subversion of our Religion from Spain, is the more just, for that all other Catholic Princes and States, content and contain themselves, to maintain their Religion within their own Dominions, and meddle not with the Subjects of other States; Whereas the Practice of Spain hath been, both in Charles the fifth's time, and in the time of the League in France, by War; And now with us, by Conditions of Treaty, to intermeddle with Foreign States, and to declare themselves Protectors general, of the Party of Catholics, through the World. As if the Crown of Spain had a little of this; That they would plant the Pope's Law by Arms, as the Ottomans do the Law of Mahomet. Thus much concerning the first main point of justifying the Quarrel, if the King shall enter into a War; For this that I have said, and all that followeth to be said, is but to show what he may do.  
The Second main Part, of that I have propounded to speak of, is the Balance of Forces between Spain and us. And this also tendeth to no more, but what the King may do. For what he may do, is of two kinds: What he may do as Just; And what he may do as Possible. Of the one I have already spoken; Of the other I am now to speak. I said, Spain was no such Giant; And yet if he were a Giant, it will be, but as it was between David and Goliath; for God is on our side. But to leave all Arguments that are Supernatural, and to speak in an Humane and Politic Sense; I am led to think that Spain is no overmatch for England, by that which leadeth all Men; That is, Experience, and Reason. And with Experience I will begin; For there all Reason beginneth.  
Is it Fortune, (shall we think,) that in all Actions of War or Arms, great and small, which have happened these many years, ever since Spain and England have had any thing to debate, one with the other, the English, upon all Encounters, have perpetually come off with honour, and the better? It is not Fortune sure; She is not so constant. There is somewhat in the Nation, and Natural Courage of the People, or some such thing. I will make a brief List of the Particulars themselves, in an Historical Truth, no ways strowted, nor made greater by Language. This were a fit Speech, (you will say,) for a General, in the Head of an Army, when they were going to Battle; Yes; And it is no less fit Speech, to be spoken, in the Head of a Counsel, upon a Deliberation of Entrance into a War. Neither speak I this to disparage the Spanish Nation, whom I take to be of the best Soldiers in Europe. But that sorteth to our honour, if we still have had the better hand.  
In the year 1578. was that famous Lammas Day, which buried the Reputation of Don Ihuan d' Austrià, himself not surviving long after. Don Ihuan, being superior in Forces, assisted by the Prince of Parma, Mondragon, Mansell, and other the best Commanders of Spain, confident of Victory, charged the Army of the States, near Rimenant, bravely & furiously at the first; But after a Fight, maintained by the space of a whole day, was repulsed, and forced to a Retreat, with great slaughter of his Men; And the Course of his further Erterprises was wholly arrested; And this chief by the Prowess and Virtue of the English and Scottish Troops, under the Conduct of Sir john Norris, and Sir Robert Stuart, Colonels. Which Troops came to the Army but the day before, harrased with a long and wearisome march: and (as it is left for a memorable circumstance in all Stories,) the Soldiers, being more sensible of a little Heat of the Sun, than of any cold Fear of Death, cast away their Armour, and Garments from them, and fought in their Shirts: And, as it was generally conceived, had it not been, that the Count of Bossu was slack, in charging the Spaniards, upon their Retreit, this Fight had sorted to an absolute Defeat. But it was enough, to chastise Don Ihuan, for his insidious Treaty of Peace, wherewith he had abused the States at his first coming. And the Fortune of the day, (besides the testimony of all Stories,) may be the better ascribed to the Service of the English and Scottish, by comparison of this Charge near Rimenant, (where the English and Scottish, in great numbers, came in action,) with the like Charge given by Don Ihuan, half a year before at Gemblours, where the Success was contrary: There being at that time, in the Army, but a Handful of English and Scottish, and they put in disarray, by the Horsemen, of their own Fellows.  
The first Dart of War, which was thrown from Spain, or Rome, upon the Realm of Ireland, was in the year 1580 For the Design of Stukley blew over into Africa; And the Attempt of Sanders, and Fitz-Maurice, had a spice of Madness. In that year, Ireland was invaded by Spanish and Italian Forces, under the Pope's Banner, and the Conduct of Sant josepho, to the number of 700. or better, which landed at Smerwicke in Kerey. A poor Number it was, to conquer Ireland, to the Pope's use; For their Design was no less: But withal they brought Arms for 5000. Men above their own company, intending to arm so many of the Rebels of Ireland: And their purpose was, to fortify in some strong Place of the wild and Desolate Country, and there to nestle till greater Succours came; They being hastened unto this Enterprise, upon a special Reason of State, not proper to the Enterprise itself; Which was, by the Invasion of Ireland, and the Noise thereof, to trouble the Counsel of England, and to make a diversion of certain Aids, that then were preparing from hence, for the Low Countries. They chose a place, where they erected a Fort, which they called the Fort deal Or▪ And from thence they bolted like Beasts of the Forest, sometimes into the Woods and Fastnesses, and sometimes back again to their Den. Soon after Siege was laid to the Fort, by the Lord Grace, than Deputy, with a smaller Number than those were within the Fort; Venturously indeed; But haste was made to attach them before the Rebels came in to them. After the siege of four days only, and two or three Sallies, with loss on their part, they that should have made good the Fort for some months, till new Succours came from Spain, or at least from the Rebels of Ireland, yielded up themselves, without conditions, at the end of those four days. And for that there were not in the English Army enough to keep every man a Prisoner; And for that also the Deputy expected instantly to be assailed by the Rebels; And again, there were no Barks to throw them into, and send them away by Sea; They were all put to the sword: With which Queen Elizabeth was afterwards much displeased.  
In the year 1582. was that Memorable Retreit of Gaunt; Than the which there hath not been an Exploit of War more celebrated. For in the true judgement of Men of War, honourable Retreits are no ways inferior to brave Charges; As having less of Fortune, more of Discipline, and as much of Valour. There were to the number of 300. Horse, and as many thousand Foot English, (commanded by Sir john Norris,) charged by the Prince of Parma, coming upon them with 7000. Horse; Besides that the whole Army of Spaniards was ready to march on. Nevertheless Sir john Norris maintained a Retreit without Disarray, by the space of some miles, (part of the way champagne,) unto the City of Gaunt, with less loss of Men than the Enemy: The D. of Anjou, and the Prince of Aurange, beholding this noble Action, from the Walls of Gaunt, as in a Theatre, with great Admiration.  
In the year 1585. followed the Prosperous Expedition of Drake, and Carlisle, into the West Indies. In the which, I set a side the Taking of S. jago, and S. Domingo in Hispaniola, as Surprises, rather than Encounters▪ But that of Catargena, where the Spaniards had warning of our coming, & had put themselves in their full strength, was one of the hottest Services, & most dangerous Assaults, that hath been known. For the Access to the Town, was only by a Neck of Land, between the Sea on the one part, and the Harbour Water or Inner Sea on the other; Fortified clean over with a strong Rampire and Barracado; So as upon the Ascent of our Men, they had both great Ordnance, and small Shot, that thundered and showered upon them, from the Rampire in front, and from the Galleys that lay at Sea in flank. And yet they forced the Passage, and won the Town, being likewise very well manned. As for the Expedition of Sir Francis Drake, in the year 1587. for the destroying of the Spanish Shipping, and Provision upon their own Coast; As I cannot say, that there interuened in that Enterprise, any sharp Fight or Encounter; So nevertheless, it did strangely discover, either that Spain is very weak at home, or very slow to move; When they suffered a small Fleet of English, to make an hostile Invasion, or Incursion, upon their Havens and Roads, from Cadez to Capa Sacra, and thence to Cascais; And to fire, sink, and carry away, at the least, 10000 ton of their great Shipping, besides 50. or 60. of their smaller Vessels: And that in the sight, and under the Favour of their Forts; And almost under the Eye of their great Admiral, (the best Commander of Spain by Sea,) the Marquis de Santa Cruz, without ever being disputed with, by any fight of importance. I remember Drake, in the vaunting style of a Soldier, would call this Enterprise; The C●ngeing of the King of Spain's Beard.  
The Enterprise of 88 deserveth to be stood upon a little more fully, being a Miracle of Time. There armed from Spain, in the year 1588. the greatest Navy that ever swum upon the Sea. For though there have been fare greater Fleets for Number, yet for the Bulk and Building of the Ships, with the Furniture of great Ordnance and provisions, never the like. The Design was to make, not an Invasion only, but an utter Conquest of this Kingdom. The Number of Vessels were 130. whereof Galliass and Galleons 72, goodly Ships, like floating Towers, or Castles, manned with 30000. Soldiers, and Mariners. This Navy was the Preparation of five whole years at the least. It bore itself also upon Divine Assistance; For it received special Blessing from Pope Zistus, and was assigned as an Apostolical Mission, for the reducement of this Kingdom, to the obedience of the See of Rome. And in further token of this holy Warfare, there were amongst the rest of these Ships, Twelve, called by the names of the Twelve Apostles. But it was truly conceived, that this Kingdom of England could never be overwhelmed, except the Land-Waters came in to the Sea-Tides. Therefore was there also in readiness, in Flanders, a mighty strong Army of Land-Forces, to the number of 50000. veterane Soldiers, under the Conduct of the Duke of Parma, the best Commander, next the French King Henry the fourth, of his time. These were designed to join with the forces at Sea; There being prepared a Number of flat bottomed boats, to transport the Land-Forces, under the Wing and Protection of the Great Navy. For they made no account, but that the Navy should be absolutely Master of the Seas. Against these Forces, there were prepared, on our part, ●o the number of near 100 Ships; Not so great of Bulk indeed, but of a more nimble Motion, and more serviceable; Besides a less Fleet of 30. Ships, for the Custody of the Narrow Seas. There were also in readiness, at Land, two Armies; besides other Forces, to the number of 10000, dispersed amongst the Coast Towns, in the Southern Parts. The two Armies were appointed; One of them consisting of 25000. Horse and Foot, for the Repulsing of the Enemy, at their landing; And the other of 25000. for safeguard and attendance about the Court, and the Queen's Person. There were also other Dormant Musters of Soldiers, throughout all Parts of the Realm, that were put in readiness, but not drawn together. The two Armies were assigned to the Leading of two Generals, Noble Persons, but both of them, rather Courtiers, and Assured to the State, than Martial Men; yet lined and assisted with Subordinate Commanders, of great Experience, & Valour. The Fortune of the War made this enterprise, at first, a Play at Base. The Spanish Navy set forth out of the Groin in May, and was dispersed and driven back by Wether. Our Navy set forth somewhat later out of Plymouth, and bore up towards the Coast of Spain, to have fought with the Spanish Navy; And partly by reason of contrary Winds, partly upon advertisement that the Spaniards were gone back, and upon some doubt also that they might pass by towards the Coast of England, whilst we were seeking them a fare off, returned likewise into Plymouth, about the Middle of july. At that time, came more confident Advertisement, (though false,) not only to the Lord Admiral, but to the Court, that the Spaniards could not possibly come forward that year; Whereupon our Navy was upon the point of disbanding, and many of our Men gone ashore. At which very time, the Invincible Armada, (for so it was called in a Spanish ostentation throughout Europe,) was discovered upon the Western Coast. It was a kind of Surprise; For that (as was said,) many of our Men were gone to Land, and our Ships ready to departed. Nevertheless the Admiral, with such Ships only as could suddenly be put in readiness, made forth towards them: In somuch as of 100 Ships, there came scarce thirty to work. Howbeit with them, and such as came daily in, we set upon them, and gave them the chase. But the Spaniards, for want of Courage, (which they called Commission,) declined the Fight, casting themselves continually into Roundels, (their strongest Ships walling in the rest,) and in that manner they made a flying march towards Calais. Our Men, by the space of five or six days, followed them close, fought with them continually, made great Slaughter of their Men, took two of their great Ships, and gave diverse others of their Ships their Death's wounds, whereof soon after they sank and perished, And (in a word) distressed them almost in the nature of a Defeat; We ourselves, in the mean time, receiving little or no hurt. near Calais the Spaniards anchored, expecting their Land-forces, which came not. It was afterwards alleged, that the Duke of Parma did artificially delay his Coming: But this was, but an Invention and Pretention given out by the Spaniards; Partly upon a Spanish Envy against that Duke, being an Italian, and his Son a Competitor to Portugal; But chief, to save the Monstrous Scorn and Disreputation, which they and their Nation received, by the Success of that Enterprise. Therefore their Colours and Excuses (forsooth) were, that their General by Sea had a limited Commission, not to fight until the Land-forces were come in to them: And that the Duke of Parma had particular Reaches, and Ends of his own, underhand, to cross the Design. But it was both a strange Commission, and a strange obedience to a Commission, for Men in the midst of their own Blood, and being so furiously assailed, to hold their hands, contrary to the Laws of Nature and Necessity. And as for the Duke of Parma, he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that Enterprise, by no less Promise, than to be made a Feudatary, or Beneficiary King of England, under the Seignory (in chief) of the Pope, and the Protection of the King of Spain. Besides it appeared, that the Duke of Parma held his place long after, in the Favour and Trust of the King of Spain, by the great Employments and Services that he performed in France: And again, it is manifest, that the Duke did his best to come down, and to put to Sea: The Truth was, that the Spanish Navy, upon those proofs of Fight, which they had with the English, finding how much hurt they received, and how little hurt they did, by reason of the Activity and low building of our Ships, and skill of our Seamen; And being also commanded by a General of small Courage and Experience; And having lost, at the first, two of their bravest Commanders at Sea, Petro de Valdez, and Michael de Oquenda; durst not put it to a Battle at Sea, but set up their rest wholly upon the Land-Enterprise. On the other side, the Transporting of the Land-forces failed in the very Foundation. For whereas the Counsel of Spain, made full account, that their Navy should be Master of the Sea, and therefore able to guard and protect the Vessels of Transportation; When it fell out to the contrary, that the Great Navy was distressed, and had enough to do to save itself; And again that the Hollanders impounded their Land-forces, with a brave Fleet of 30. Sail, excellently well appointed; Things (I say) being in this State, it came to pass, that the Duke of Parma must have flown, if he would have come into England, for he could get neither Bark nor Mariner to put to Sea: Yet certain it is, that the Duke looked still for the coming back of the Armada, even at that time, when they were wand'ring, and making their Perambulation upon the Northern Seas. But to return to the Armada, which we left anchored at Calais. From thence, (as Sir Walter Rawlegh was wont prettily to say,) they were suddenly driven away with Squibs; For it was no more, but a Stratagem of Fire-boats, Manless, and sent upon them by the favour of the Wind, in the night time, that did put them in such terror, as they cut their Cables, and left their Anchors in the Sea. After they hovered some 2 or 3 days about Gravelling, & there again were beaten in a great Fight, at what time our second Fleet, which kept the narrow Seas, was come in, and joined to our main Fleet. Thereupon the Spaniards entering into further terror, and finding also diverse of their Ships every day to sink, lost all courage, & in stead of coming up into the Thames Mouth for London, (as their Design was,) fled on towards the North, to seek their Fortunes; Being still chased by the English Navy at the heels; until we were fain to give them over for want of Powder. The Breath of Scotland the Spaniards could not endure; Neither durst they as Invaders land in Ireland; But only ennobled some of the Coasts thereof with shipwrecks. And so going Northwards aloof, as long as they had any doubt of being pursued, at last when they were out of reach, they turned, and crossed the Ocean to Spain, having lost fourscore of their Ships, and the greater part of their Men. And this was the End of that Sea-Giant, the Invincible Armada. Which having not so much as fired a Cottage of ours at Land, nor taken a Cockboat of ours at Sea, wandered thorough the Wilderness of the Northern Seas; And according to the Curse in the Scripture; Came out against us one way, and fled before us seven ways. Serving only to make good the judgement of an ginger, long before given; Octuagesimus octaws Mirabilis Annus; Or rather, to make good, (even to the astonishment of all Posterity,) the wonderful judgements of God, poured down, commonly, upon vast, and proud Aspire.  
In the year, that followed, of 1589. we gave the Spaniards no breath, but turned Challengers, and invaded the Main of Spain. In which Enterprise, although we failed of our End, which was to settle Don Antonio in the Kingdom of Portugal, yet a Man shall hardly meet with an Action, that doth better reveal the great Secret of the Power of Spain: Which Power, well sought into, will be found, rather to consist in a Veterane Army, (such as upon several Occasions and Pretensions, they have ever had on foot, in one part or other of Christendom, now by the space of (almost) six score years,) than in the strength of their Dominions, and Provinces. For what can be more strange, or more to the Disualuation of the Power of the Spaniard upon the Continent, than that with an Army of a 11000. English, Land Soldiers, and a Fleet of 26. Ships of war, besides some weak Vessels for Transportation, we should within the Hourglass of two months, have won one Town of importance by Escalada; Battered and assaulted another; Querthrowne great Forces in the Field, & that upon the disadvantage of a Bridge strongly barricadoed, Landed the Army in three several Places of his Kingdom; Marched seven days in the Heart of his Countries; Lodged three nights in the Suburbs of his principal City; Beaten his Forces into the Gates thereof; Possessed two of his Frontier Forts; And come off, after all this, with small loss of Men, otherwise than by Sickness. And it was verily thought, that had it not been for four great Disfavours of that Voyage; (That is to say; The failing in sundry Provisions that were promised, especially of Cannons for Battery; The vain Hopes of Don Antonio concerning the People of the Country, to come in to his aid; The Disappointment of the Fleet that was directed to come up the River of Lisbon; And lastly, the Diseases which spread in the Army, by reason of the Heat of the Season, and of the Soldier's Misrule in Diet;) the Enterprise had succeeded, and Lisbon had been carried. But howsoever, it makes proof to the World, that an Invasion of a few English upon Spain, may have just hope of Victory, at least of Passport to departed safely.  
In the year 1591. was that Memorable Fight, of an English Ship called the Revenge, under the Command of Sir Richard Greenuill; Memorable (I say) even beyond credit, and to the Height of some Heroical Fable. And though it were a Defeat, yet it exceeded a Victory; Being like the Act of Samson, that killed more Men at his Deatly, than he had done in the time of all his Life. This Ship, for the space of 15. hours, sat like a Stag amongst Hounds, at the bay, and was seiged, and fought with, in turn, by 15. great Ships of Spain; Part of a Navy of 55. Ships in all; The rest like Abettors looking on a fare off. And amongst the 15. Ships that fought, the great Saint Philippo was one; A Ship of 1500. ton; Prince of the twelve Sea Apostles; Which was right glad, when she was shifted off from the Revenge. This brave ship the Revenge, being manned only with 200. (Soldiers and Mariners,) whereof 80. lay sick, yet nevertheless after a Fight maintained (as was said) of 15. hours, and two Ships of the Enemy sunk by her side; Besides many more torn and battered, and great slaughter of Men; never came to be entered, but was taken by Composition; The Enemies themselves having in admiration the Virtue of the Commander, and the whole Tragedy of that Ship.  
In the year 1596, was the Second Invasion, that we made upon the Main Territories of Spain; Prosperously achieved by that Worthy and Famous, Robert Earl of Essex, in consort with the Noble Earl of Nottingham, that now liveth, than Admiral. This journey was like Lightning; For in the space of 14. hours, the King of Spain's Navy was destroyed, & the Town of Cadez taken. The Navy was no less than 50. tall Ships, besides 20. Galleys to attend them. The Ships were strait ways beaten, & put to flight, with such terror, as the Spaniards, in the end, were their own Executioners, and fired them all with their own Hands. The Galleys, by the benefit of the Shores and Shallows, got away. The Town was a fair, strong, well built, and rich City; Famous in Antiquity, and now most spoken of for this Disaster. It was manned with 4000 Soldier's Foot, and some 400. Horse; It was sacked, and burned, though great Clemency was used towards the Inhabitants. But that which is no less strange than the sudden Victory, is the great patience of the Spaniards; Who, though we stayed upon the place diverse days, yet never offered us any play then, nor ever put us in suit, by any Action of Revenge, or Reparation, at any time after.  
In the year 1600. was the Battle of Newport in the Low-Countries, where the Armies of the Archduke, and the States, tried it out by a just Battle. This was the only Battle, that was fought in those Countries, these many years. For Battles in the French Wars have been frequent; But in the Wars of Flanders, rare, as the Nature of a Defensive requireth. The Forces of both Armies were not much unequal: That of the States exceeded somewhat in Number; But that again was recompensed in the Quality of the Soldiers; For those of the Spanish Part were of the Flower of all their Forces. The Archduke was the Assailant, and the Preuenter, and had the fruit of his Diligence and Celerity. For he had charged certain Companies of Scottishmen, to the Number of eight hundred, sent to make good a Passage, and thereby severed from the Body of the Army, and cut them all in pieces: For they like a brave Infantry, when they could make no honourable Retreit, and would take no dishonourable Flight, made good the place with their Lives. This Entrance of the Battle did whet the Courage of the Spaniards, though it dulled their Swords; So as they came proudly on, confident to defeat the whole Army. The Encounter of the Main Battle, which followed, was a just Encounter, not hastening to a sudden Rout, nor the Fortune of the day resting upon a few former Ranks, but fought our to the proof by several Squadrons, and not without variety of success; Stat pedi pes, densusque viro vir. There fell out an Error in the Dutch Army, by the overhasty Medley of some of their Men, with the Enemies, which hindered the Playing of their great Ordnance. But the End was, that the Spaniards were utterly defeated, and near 5000. of their Men, in the Fight, and in the Execution, slain, and taken; Amongst whom were many of the principal Persons of their Army. The Honour of the Day was, both by the Enemy, and the  themselves, ascribed unto the English; Of whom Sir Francis Vere, in a private Commentary, which he wrote of that Service, leaveth testified; That of 1500. in number, (for they were no more,) 800. were slain in the field; And (which is almost incredible in a day of victory,) of the remaining 700. two only Men came off unhurt. Amongst the rest Sir Francis Vere himself had the principal honour of the service, unto whom the Prince of Aurange (as is said) did transmit the Direction of the Army for that day. And in the next place, Sir Horace Vere his Brother, that now liveth, who was the principal in the Active part. The Service also, of Sir Edward Cecil, Sir john Ogle, and diverse other brave Gentlemen, was eminent.  
In the year 1601. followed the Battle of Kinsale, in Ireland. By this Spanish Invasion of Ireland, (which was in September that year,) a Man may guess, how long time a Spaniard will live in Irish Ground; which is a matter of a Quarter of a year, or four Months at the most. For they had all the Advantages in the world; And no Man would have thought, (considering the small Forces employed against them,) that they could have been driven out so soon. They obtained, without resistance, in the end of September, the Town of Kinsale; A small Garrison of 150. English, leaving the Town upon the Spaniards approach, and the Townsmen receiving the Foreigners as Friends. The Number of Spaniards, that put themselves into Kinsale, was 2000 Men, Soldiers of old Bands, under the command of Don Ihuan d' Aquila, a Man of good valour. The Town was strong of itself; Neither wanted there any Industry to fortify it on all parts, and make it tenable, according to the Skill and Discipline of Spanish Fortification. At that time the Rebels were proud, being encouraged upon former Successes; For though the then Deputy, the Lord Mountioy, and Sir George Carew, Precedent of Munster, had performed diverse good Services to their prejudice; Yet the Defeat they had given the English, at Blacke-water, not long before; And the Treaty (too much to their honour,) with the Earl of Essex, was yet fresh in their memory. The Deputy lost no time, but made haste to have recovered the Town, before new Succours came, and sat down before it in October, and laid siege to it by the space of three Winter Months, or more: During which time, Sallies were made by the Spaniard, but they were beaten in with loss. In january came fresh Succours from Spain, to the number of 2000 more, under the Conduct of Alonzo D' Ocampo. Upon the Comforts of these Succours, Tirone and Odonnell, drew up their Forces together, to the number of 7000. besides the Spanish Regiments, and took the field, resolved to rescue the Town, and to give the English battle. So here was the Case: An Army of English, of some 6000, wasted and tired with along Winter's Siege; Engaged in the midst, between an Army of a greater Number than themselves, fresh and in vigour, on the one side; And a Town strong in Fortification, and strong in Men, on the other. But what was the Event? This in few words; That after the Irish and Spanish Forces had come on, and shown themselves in some Bravery, they were content to give the English the honour, as to charge them first; And when it came to the Charge, there appeared no other difference between the Valour of the Irish Rebels, and the Spaniards, but that the one ran away before they were charged, and the other strait after. And again, the Spaniards that were in the town, had so good Memories of their losses, in their former Sallies, as the Confidence of an Army, which came for their deliverance, could not draw them forth again. To conclude, there succeeded an absolute victory for the English, with the slaughter of above two thousand of the Enemy; The taking of nine Ensigns, whereof six Spanish; The taking of the Spanish General, D' Ocampo, Prisoner; And this with the loss of so few of the English, as is scarce credible; Being (as hath been rather confidently, than credibly reported,) but of one Man, the Cornet of Sir Richard Greame; though not a few hurt. There followed immediately after the Defeat, a present yielding up of the Town by Composition; And not only so, but an Avoiding (by express Articles of Treaty accorded) of all other Spanish Forces throughout all Ireland, from the Places and Nests where they had setl●d themselves, in greater strength, (as in regard of the natural Situation of the Places,) than that was of Kinsale: Which were, Castle-haven, Baltimore, and Beere-haven. Indeed they went away with sound of Trumpet; For they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the Reproaches they could device, against the Irish Land, and Nation; Insomuch as D' Aquila said in open Treaty; That when the Devil, upon the Mount, did show Christ all the Kingdoms of the Earth, and the Glory of them, he did not doubt, but the Devil left out Ireland, and kept it for himself.  
I cease here, omitting not a few other Proofs of the English Valour and Fortune, in these later times: As at the Suburbs of Paris, at the Raveline, at Druse in Normandy, some Encounters in Britanny, and at Ostend, and diverse others; Partly because some of them have not been proper Encounters between the Spaniards and the English; And partly because Others of them have not been of that greatness, as to have sorted in company with the Particulars formerly recited. It is true, that amongst all the late Adventures, the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, and Sir john Hawkins, into the West-Indies, was unfortunate; Yet in such sort, as it doth not break or interrupt our Prescription; To have had the better of the Spaniards upon all fights of late. For the Disaster of that journey was caused chief by sickness; As might well appear by the Deaths of both the Generals, (Sir Francis Drake, and Sir john Hawkins,) of the same sickness amongst the rest. The Land Enterprise of Panama, was an ill measured and immature Counsel, For it was grounded upon a false account, that the Passages towards Panama were no better fortified, than Drake had left them. But yet, it sorted not to any Fight of importance, but to a Retreit, after the English had proved the strength of their first Fort, and had notice of the two other Forts beyond, by which they were to have marched. It is true, that in the Return of the English Fleet, they were set upon by Auellaneda, Admiral of 20. great ships Spanish, our Fleet being but 14, full of sick men, deprived of their two Generals by Sea, and having no pretence but to journey homewards: And yet the Spaniards did but salute them about the Cape de los Corientes, with some small offer of Fight, and came off with loss; Although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receive so little hurt, upon dealing with the English, as Auellaneda made great brags of it, for no greater matter, than the waiting upon the English afar off, from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio; Which nevertheless, in the Language of a Soldier, and of a Spaniard, he called a Chase.  
But before I proceed further, it is good to meet with an Objection, which if it be not removed, the Conclusion of Experience, from the time past, to the time present, will not be sound and perfect. For it will be said, that in the former times, (whereof we have spoken,) Spain was not so mighty as now it is; And England on the other side, was more aforehand in all matters of Power. Therefore, let us compare with indifferency, these Disparities of times, and we shall plainly perceive, that they make for the advantage of England, at this present time. And because we will less wander in Generalities, we will six the Comparison to precise Times; Comparing the State of Spain and England in the year 88 with this present year that now runneth. In handling this Point, I will not meddle with any Personal Comparisons, of the Princes, Counsellors, and Commanders by Sea or Land, that were then, and that are now, in both Kingdoms, Spain and England; But only rest upon Real Points, for the true Balancing of the State, of the Forces, and Affairs of both Times. And yet these Personal Comparisons I omit not, but that I could evidently show, that even in these Personal Respects, the Balance sways on our part: But because I would say nothing, that may savour of a spirit of Flattery, or Censure, of the presen Government.  
First therefore, it is certain, that Spain hath not now a foot of Ground, in quiet possession, more than it had in 88 As for the Valtoline, and the Palatinate, it is a Maxim in State, that all Countries of new Acquest, till they be settled, are rather Matters of Burden, than of Strength. On the other side, England hath Scotland united, and Ireland reduced to obedience, and planted, which are mighty Augmentations.  
Secondly, in 88, the Kingdom of France, able alone to counterpoise Spain itself, (much more in conjunction,) was torn with the Party of the League, which gave law to their King, and depended wholly upon Spain. Now France is united under a valiant young King, generally obeyed if he will himself; King of Navarre as well as of France; And that is no ways taken Prisoner, though he be tied in a double chain of Alliance, with Spain.  
Thirdly, in 88, there sat in the See of Rome, a fierce Thundering Friar, that would set all at six and seven; Or at six and five, if you allude to his Name. And though he would after have turned his teeth upon Spain, yet he was taken order with, before it came to that. Now there is ascended to the Papacy, a Personage, that came in by a chaste Election, no ways obliged to the Party of the Spaniards; A man bred in Ambassages & Affairs of State, That hath much of the Prince, and nothing of the Friar; And one, that though he love the Chair of the Papacy well, yet he loveth the Carpet above the Chair; That is, Italy, and the Liberties thereof, well likewise.  
Fourthly, in 88, the King of Denmark was a stranger to England, and rather inclined to Spain; Now the King is incorporated to the Blood of England, and Engaged in the Quarrel of the Palatinate. Then also Venice, Savoy, and the Princes and Cities of Germany, had but a dull Fear of the Greatness of Spain, upon a general Apprehension only, of the spreading and ambitious Designs of that Nation: Now that Fear is sharpened and pointed, by the Spaniard● late Enterprises, upon the Valtoline and the Palatinate, which come nearer them.  
Fifthly and lastly, the Dutch (which is the Spaniards perpetual duelist,) hath now, at this present, five Ships to one, and the like Proportion in Treasure and Wealth, to that they had in 88 Neither is it possible, (whatsoever is given out,) that the Coffers of Spain should now be fuller, than they were in 88 For at that Time Spain had no other Wars save those of the Low-Countries, which were grown into an Ordinary: Now they have had coupled therewith, the Extraordinary of the Valtoline, and the Palatinate. And so I conclude my Answer to the Objection raised, touching the Difference of times; Not entering into more secret Passages of State; But keeping that Character of Style, whereof Seneca speaketh; Plus significat quàm loquitur.  
Here I would pass over from Matter of Experience, were it not that I held it necessary, to discover a wonderful Erroneous observation that walketh about, and is commonly received, contrary to all the true Account of Time, and Experience. It is, that the Spaniard, where he once getteth in, will seldom (or never) be got out again. But nothing is less true than this. Not long since they got footing at Breast, and some other parts in French Britain, & after quitted them. They had Calais, Ardes, and Amiens, and rendered them, or were beaten out. They had since Verseilles, and fair left it. They had the other day the Valtoline, and now have put it in deposit. What they will do with Ormus, which the Persian hath taken from them, we shall see. So that to speak truly of later Times, they have rather poch and offered at a Number of Enterprises, than maintained any constantly, quite contrary to that idle Tradition. In more ancient times, (leaving their Purchases in Africa, which they after abandoned,) when their great Emperor Charles had clasped Germany, (almost) in his fist, he was forced, in the end, to go from Isburg, (and as if it had been in a Masque, by Torchlight,) and to quit every foot in Germany round that he had gotten; Which I doubt not, will be the hereditary Issue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate. And so I conclude the Ground, that I have to think, that Spain will be no Overmatch to Great Britain, if his Majesty shall enter into a War, out of Experience, and the Records of Time.  
For Grounds of Reason they are many: I will extract the principal, and open them briefly, and (as it were) in the Bud. For Situation, I pass it over; Though it be no small point: England, Scotland, Ireland, and our good Confederates the United Provinces, lie all in a plump together, not accessible but by Sea, or at least by passing of great Rivers, which are Natural Fortifications. As for the Dominions of Spain, they are so scattered, as it yields great choice of the scenes of the War, and promiseth slow Succours unto such Part, as shall be attempted. There be three main parts of Military Puissance; Men, Money, and Confederates For Men, there are to be considered, Valour, and Number. Of Valour I speak not: Take it from the Witnesses that have been produced before: Yet the old observation is not untrue; That the Spaniards Valour lieth in the Eye of the Looker on; But the English Valour lieth about the Soldier's Heart. A Valour of Glory, and a Valour of Natural Courage, are two things. But let that pass, and let us speak of Number. Spain is a Nation thin sown of People; Partly by reason of the Sterility of the Soil; And partly because their Natives are exhausted by so many Employments, in such vast Territories as they possess. So that it hath been counted a kind of Miracle, to see ten or twelve thousand Native Spaniards in an Army. And it is certain, (as we have touched it a little before in passage,) that the Secret of the Power of Spain, consisteth in a Veterane Army, compounded of Miscellany Forces of all Nations, which for many years they have had on foot upon one occasion or other: And if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battle, it would be a long work to draw on supplies. They tell a Tale, of a Spanish Ambassador, that was brought to see the Treasury of S. Mark at Venice, and still he looked down to the Ground; And being asked, why he so looked down, said; He was looking to see whether their Treasure had any Root, (so that if it were spent, it would grow again,) as his Masters had. But howsoever it be of their Treasure, certainly their Forces have scarce any Root; Or at least such a Root, as buddeth forth poorly, and slowly. It is true, they have the Walloons, who are tall Soldiers; But that is but a Spot of Ground. But, on the other side, there is not in the world again, such a Spring and Seminary of brave Military People, as is England, Scotland, Ireland, and the United Provinces. So as if Wars should mow them down never so fast, yet they may be suddenly supplied, and come up again.  
For Money, no doubt it is the principal Part of the Greatness of Spain; For by that they maintain their Veteran Army; And Spain is the only State of Europe, that is a Money grower. But in this Part, of all others, is most to be considered, the ticklish and brittle State of the Greatness of Spain. Their Greatness consisteth in their Treasure; Their Treasure in their Indieses; And their Indies, (if it be well weighed,) are indeed but an Accession to such, as are Masters by Sea. So as this Axletree, whereupon their Greatness turneth, is soon cut in two, by any that shall be stronger than they by Sea. Herein therefore I refer me to the Opinions of all Men, (Enemies, or whomsoever,) whether that the Maritime Forces of Great Britain, and the United Provinces, be not able to beat the Spaniard at Sea. For if that be so, the Links of that chain, whereby they hold their Greatness, are dissolved. Now if it be said, that admit the Case of Spain be such, as we have made it, yet we ought to descend into our own Case, which we shall find (perhaps) not to be in State, (for Treasure,) to enter into a War with Spain. To which I answer; I know no such thing; The Mint beateth well; And the Pulses of the People's Hearts beat well. But there is another Point that taketh away quite this Objection: For whereas Wars are generally Causes of Poverty, or Consumption; on the contrary part, the special Nature of this War with Spain, (if it be made by Sea,) is like to be a Lucrative and Restorative War. So that, if we go roundly on at the first, the War in continuance will find itself. And therefore you must make a great difference, between Hercules' Labours by Land, and jasons' Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece.  
For Confederates, I will not take upon me the knowledge, how the Princes, States, and Counsels of Europe, at this day, stand affected towards Spain; For that trencheth into the secret Occurrents of the present Time, wherewith in all this Treatise I have forborn to meddle. But to speak of that which lieth open and in view: I see much Matter of Quarrel and jealousy, but little of Amity and Trust towards Spain, almost in all other Estates. I see France is in competition with them, for three noble Portions of their Monarchy; Navarre, Naples, and Milan; And now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline. I see once in thirty or forty years cometh a Pope, that casteth his eye upon the Kingdom of Naples, to recover it to the Church: As it was in the minds of julius 2. Paulus 4. and Zistus 5. As for that great Body of Germany; I see they have greater reason to confederate themselves with the Kings of France, and Great Britain, or Denmark, for the liberty of the German Nation, and for the Expulsion of Spanish and foreign Forces, than they had in the years 1552. and 1553. At which time, they contracted a League with Henry the second, the French King, upon the same Articles, against Charles the fifth, who had impatronized himself of a great Part of Germany, through discord of the Germane Princes, which himself had sown and fomented; Which League at that time did the Deed, and drove out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany; And reintegrated that Nation in their ancient Liberty and Honour. For the West Indies, though Spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there, except it have been from England; Yet nevertheless I see all Princes lay a kind of claim unto them; Accounting the Title of Spain, but as a Monopoly of those large Countries, wherein they have, in great part, but an Imaginary Possession. For Africa upon the West, the Moors of Valentia expulsed, and their Allies, do yet hang as a Cloud or Storm over Spain. Gabor on the East, is like an Anniversary Wind, that riseth every year once upon the Party of Austria. And Persia hath entered into Hostility with Spain, and given them the first blow by taking of Ormus. It is within every man's Observation also, that Venice doth think their State almost on fire, if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline. That Savoy hath learned by fresh experience; That Alliance with Spain is no Security against the Ambition of Spain; And that of Bavaria hath likewise been taught, that Merit and Service doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day. Neither do I say, for all this, but that Spain may rectify much of this ill Blood, by their particular and cunning Negotiations: But yet there it is in the Body, and may break out, no man knoweth when, into ill Accidents: But at least it showeth plainly that which serveth for our purpose; That Spain is much destitute of Assured and Confident Confederates. And therefore I will conclude this Part, with the Speech of a Counsellor of State, in Spain, at this day, which was not without Salt. He said to his Master, the King of Spain, that now is, upon occasion: Sir, I will tell your Majesty thus much for your comfort; Your Majesty hath but two Enemies; Whereof the one is, all the World; And the other is, your own Ministers. And thus I end the Second Main Part, I propounded to speak of; which was, The Balancing of the Forces, between the King's Majesty, and the King of Spain, if a War must follow.  
FINIS.   

AN ADVERTISEMENT TOUCHING AN Holy War.  
Written in the year 1622.  
Whereunto the Author prefixed an Epistle to the Bishop of Winchester last deceased.   printer's device of John Haviland 
LONDON, ¶ Printed by JOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson. 1629.   

TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER in God, LANCELLOT ANDREW'S, Lord Bishop of Winchester, and Counsellor of Estate to his MAJESTY.  
My Lord,  
AMongst Consolations, it is not the least, to represent to a Man's self, like Examples of Calamity in others. For Examples give a quicker Jmpression, than Arguments; And beside they certify us that, which the Scripture also tendereth for satisfaction; That no new Thing is happened unto us. This they do the better, by how much the Examples, are liker in circumstances, to our own Case; And more especially, if they fall upon Persons, that are greater, and worthier, than ourselves. For as it savoureth of Vanity, to match ourselves highly, in our own conceit; So on the otherside, it is a good sound Conclusion, that if our Betters have sustained the like Events, we have the less cause to be grieved.  
In this kind of Consolation, I have not been wanting to myself; Though as a Christian, I have tasted (through God's great goodness,) of higher Remedies. Having therefore, through the Variety of my Reading, set before me, many Examples, both of Ancient and Later Times, my Thoughts (I confess) have chief stayed upon three Particulars, as the most Eminent, and the most Resembling. All three Persons, that had held chief place of Authority in their Countries; All three ruined, not by War, or by any other Disaster, but by Justice, and Sentence, as Delinquents, and criminals; All three famous Writers, insomuch as the remembrance of their Calamity, is now as to Posterity, but as a little Picture of Nightwork, remaining amongst the fair, and excellent Tables, of their Acts, and Works. And all three (if that were any thing to the matter,) fit Examples to quench any Man's Ambition of Rising again; For that they were every one of them restored with great glory, but to their further Ruin and Destruction, ending in a violent Death. The Men were, Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca; Persons, that I durst not claim Affinity with, except the Similitude of our Fortunes had contracted it. When I had cast mine Eyes upon these Examples, I was carried on further to observe, how they did bear their Fortunes, and principally, how they did employ their Times, being banished, and disabled for Public Business; To the end, that I might learn by them; And that they might be, as well my Counselors, as my Comforters. Whereupon I happened to note, how diversely, their Fortunes wrought upon them, especially in that point, at which I did most aim, which was the employing of their Times, and Pens. In Cicero, I saw, that during his Banishment, (which was almost two years,) he was so softened, and dejected, as he wrote nothing, but a few Womanish Epistles. And yet, in mine opinion, he had least reason of the Three, to be discouraged: For that although it was judged, and judged by the highest kind of judgement, in form of a Statute, or Law, that he should be banished; And his whole Estate confiscated, and seized; And his houses pulled down; And that it should be highly penal, for any Man, to propound his Repeal; Yet his Case, even then, had no great Blot of Ignominy, but it was thought, but a Tempest of Popularity, which overthrew him. Demosthenes contrariwise, though his Case was foul, being condemned for Bribery; And not simple Bribery, but Bribery in the Nature of Treason, and Disloyalty; yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his Fortune, as during his Banishment, he did much busy himself, and intermeddle with matters of State; And took upon him to Counsel the State, (as if he had been still at the Helm,) by letters; As appears by some Epistles of his, which are extant. Seneca indeed, who was condemned, for many Corruptions, and Crimes, and banished into a solitary Island, kept a Mean; And though his pen did not frieze, yet he abstained from intruding into Matters of Business; But spent his time, in writing Books, of excellent Argument, and Use, for all Ages; Though he might have made better Choice, (sometimes) of his Dedications.  
These Examples confirmed me much in a Resolution, (whereunto I was otherwise inclined,) to spend my Time wholly in Writing; And to put forth that poor Talon, or half Talon, or what it is, that God hath given me, not as heretofore to particular Exchanges, but to Banks, or Mounts of Perpetuity, which will not break. Therefore having not long since, set forth a part of my Instauration; Which is the Work, that in mine own judgement, (Si nunquam fallit Imago,) I do most esteem; I think to proceed in some new parts thereof. And although I have received from many Parts beyond the Seas, Testimonies touching that Work, such as beyond which I could not expect at the first, in so abstruse an Argument; yet nevertheless I have just cause to doubt, that it flies too high over men's Heads: I have a purpose therefore, (though I break the order of Time,) to draw it down to the sense, by some Patterns of a Natural Story, and Inquisition. And again, for that my Book of Advancement of Learning, may be some Preparative, or Key, for the better opening of the Instauration; Because it exhibit's a Mixture, of new Conceits, and old; whereas the Instauration, gives the new unmixed, otherwise than with some little Aspersion of the old, for tastes sake; I have thought good to procure a Translation of that Book, into the General Language, not without great and ample Additions, and Enrichment thereof; Especially in the Second Book, which handleth the Partition of Sciences: In such sort, as I hold it may serve, in lieu of the First Part, of the Instauration, and acquit my promise in that part. Again, because I cannot altogether desert, the Civil Person, that I have borne; Which if I should forget, Enough would remember; I have also entered into a work touching Laws; Propounding a Character of justice, in a middle term, between the Speculative, and Reverend discourses of Philosophers, and the Writings of Lawyers, which are tied, and obnoxious to their particular Laws. And although it be true, that I had a purpose, to make a particular Digest, or Recompilement, of the Laws, of mine own Nation; Yet because it is a Work of Assistance, and that, that I cannot master by mine own Forces, and Pen, I have laid it aside. Now having in the Work of my Instauration, had in contemplation, the general Good of Men, in their very Being, and the Dowries of Nature; And in my Work of Laws, the general good of Men likewise, in Society, and the Dowries of Government; I thought in duty I owed somewhat unto mine own Country, which I ever loved; Jnsomuch as although my Place, hath been fare above my desert, yet my Thoughts, and Cares concerning the Good thereof, were beyond, and over, and above my place: So now being (as I am) no more able to do my Country Service, it remained unto me, to do it Honour: Which I have endeavoured to do, in my Work, of the Reign, of King HENRY the Seventh. As for my Essays, and some other Particulars of that nature, I count them, but as the Recreations of my other Studies, and in that sort purpose to continue them; Though I am not ignorant, that those kind of Write, would, with less pains, and embracement, (perhaps,) yield more Lustre, and Reputation to my Name, than those other, which I have in hand. But I account the Use, that a Man should seek, of the publishing of his own Write before his Death, to be but an untimely Anticipation of that, which is proper to follow a Man, and not to go along with him.  
But revolving with myself, my Writings, as well those which I have published, as those, which I had in hand, me thought they went all into the City, and none into the Temple; Where because I have found, so great Consolation, I desire likewise to make some poor Oblation. Therefore I have chosen an Argument, mixed of Religious and Civil Considerations; And likewise mixed between Contemplative, and Active. For who can tell, whether there may not be an Exoriere aliquis? Great Matters (especially if they be Religious) have (many times) small beginnings; And the Platform, may draw on the Building. This Work, because I was ever an Enemy to flattering Dedications, I have dedicated to your Lordship; In respect of our ancient, and private Acquaintance; And because amongst the Men of our Times, I hold you in especial Reverence.  
Your Lordship's loving Friend Fr. St. ALBAN.   

AN ADVERTISEMENT TOUCHING AN HOLY WAR.  The Persons that speak. EUSEBIUS. GAMALIEL. ZEBEDAEUS. MARTIUS. EUPOLIS. POLLIO. 
THere met at Paris, 
Characters of the Persons. E sebius beareth the Character of a Moderate Divine. Gamaliel of a Protestant Zelant. Zebedaeus of a Romish Catholic Zelant. Martius' of a Military Man. Eupolis of a Politic. Pollio of a Courtier.  (in the house of Eupolis,) Eusebius, Zebedaeus, Gamaliel, Martius; All Persons of eminent Quality, but of several Dispositions. Eupolis himself was also present: And while they were set in conference, Pollio came in to them from Court; And as soon as he saw them, after his witty and pleasant manner, he said. said.  POLLIO. 
Here be Four of you, I think, were able to make a good World; For you are as differing as the Four Elements, and yet you are Friends. As for Eupolis, because he is Temperate, and without Passion, he may be the Fifth Essence.  EUPOLIS. 
If we five (Pollio,) make the Great World, you alone may make the Little; Because you profess and practise both, to refer all Things to yourself.  POLLIO. 
And what do they that practise it, and profess it not?  EUPOLIS. 
They are the less Hardy, and the more Dangerous. But come, and fit down with us, for we were speaking of the Affairs of Christendom, at this day: Wherein we would be glad also, to have your Opinion.  POLLIO. 
My Lords, I have iourneyed this Morning, and it is now the Heat of the Day; Therefore your Lordship's Discourses, had need content my Ears very well, to make them entreat mine Eyes to keep open. But yet if you will give me leave to awake you, when I think your Discourses do but sleep, I will keep watch the best I can.  EUPOLIS. 
You cannot do us a greater Favour. Only I fear, you will think all our Discourses, to be but the better sort of Dreams: For good wishes, without power to effect, are not much more. But Sir, when you came in, Martius' had both raised our Attentions, and affected us with some Speech he had begun; And it falleth out well, to shake off your Drowsiness, for it seemed to be the Trumpet of a War. And therefore, (Martius,) if it please you, to begin again; For the Speech was such, as deserveth to be heard twice; And I assure you, your Auditory is not a little amended, by the presence of Pollio.  MARTIUS. 
When you came in, (Pollio,) I was saying freely to these Lords, that I had observed, how by the space now, of half a Century of years, there had been (if I may speak it,) a Kind of Meanness, in the Designs, & Enterprises of Christendom. Wars with Subjects; Like an angry Suit for a Mans Own, that might be better ended by Accord. Some petty Acquests of a Town, or a Spot of Territory; Like a Farmer's Purchase of a Close, or Nook of Ground, that lay fit for him. And although the Wars had been, for a Naples, or a Milan, or a Portugal, or a Bohemia, yet these Wars were but as the Wars of Heathen, (Of Athens, or Sparta, or Rome,) for Secular Interest, or Ambition, not worthy the Warfare of Christians. The Church (indeed) maketh her Missions, into the Extreme Parts, of the Nations, and Isles; And it is well: But this is, Ecce Vnus Gladius hic. The Christian Princes, and Potentates are they, that are wanting, to the Propagation of the Faith, by their Arms. Yet our Lord, that said on Eatrh, to the Disciples, Ite & praedicate; Said from Heaven, to Constantine, In hoc signo Vince. What Christian Soldier is there, that will not be touched, with a Religious Emulation, to see an Order of jesus, or of Saint Francis, or of Saint Augustine, do such service, for enlarging the Christian Borders; And an Order of Saint jago, or Saint Michael, or Saint George, only to Robe, and Feast, and perform Rites, and Observances? Surely the Merchants themselves, shall rise in judgement against the Princes, and Nobles of Europe: For they have made a great Path, in the Seas, unto the Ends of the World; And set forth Ships, and Forces, of Spanish, English, and Dutch, enough to make China tremble; And all this, for Pearl, or Stone, or Spices: But for the Pearl of the Kingdom of Heaven, Or the Stones of the Heavenly Jerusalem, Or the Spices of the Spouses Garden, not a Mast hath been set up. Nay they can make shift, to shed Christian Blood, so fare off amongst themselves, and not a Drop for the Cause of Christ. But let me recall myself; I must acknowledge, that within the space of fifty years (whereof I spoke,) there have been three Noble, and Memorable Actions, upon the Infidels, wherein the Christian hath been the Inuader. For where it is, upon the Defensive, I reckon it, a War of Nature, and not of Piety. The First was, that Famous, and Fortunate War by Sea, that ended in the Victory of Lepanto; Which hath put a Hook, into the Nostrils of the Ottomans, to this day: Which was the Work (chief) of that excellent Pope, Pius Quintus; whom I wonder his Successors have not declared a Saint. The Second was, the Noble, though Unfortunate, Expedition, of Sebastian King of Portugal, upon Africa, which was achieved by him alone; So alone, as left somewhat for others to Excuse. The last was, the Brave Incursions, of Sigismond the Transiluanian Prince; The Thread of whose Prosperity was cut off, by the Christians themselves; Contrary to the Worthy, and Paternal Monitories, of Pope Clement the Eight. More than these, I do not remember.  POL. 
No! what say you, to the Extirpation, of the Moors, of Valentia? At which sudden Question, Martius was a little at a stop, and Gamaliel prevented him, and said.  GAMALIEL. 
I think Martius did well in omitting that Action, for I, for my part, never approved it; And it seems, God was not well pleased with that Deed▪ For you see the King, in whose time it passed, (whom you Catholics count a Saintlike, and Immaculate Prince,) was taken away, in the Flower of his Age: And the Author, and great Counsellor of that Rigour, (whose Fortunes seemed to be built upon the rock,) is ruined: And it is thought by some, that the Reckon of that Business, are not yet cleared with Spain; For that Numbers, of those supposed Moors, being tried now by their Exile, continue constant in the Faith, and true Christians in all points, save in the Thirst of Revenge.  ZEBED. 
Make not hasty judgement, (Gamaliel,) of that great action; Which was as Christ's Fan, in those Countries; Except you could show, some such Covenant, from the Crown of Spain, as josuah made with the Gibeonites; That that Cursed Seed should continue in the Land. And you see, it was done by Edict, not tumultuously; The Sword was not put into the People's Hand.  EUPOL. 
I think, Martius' did omit it, not as making any judgement of it, either way; But because it sorted not aptly, with Actions of War, being upon Subjects, and without resistance. But let us, if you think good, give Martius leave, to proceed in his Discourse; For me thought he spoke, like a Divine in Armour.  MARTIUS. 
It is true, (Eupolis,) that the Principal Object, which I have before mine Eyes, in that whereof I speak, is Piety, and Religion. But nevertheless, if I should speak only as a Natural Man, I should persuade the same thing. For there is no such Enterprise, at this day, for secular Greatness, and terrene Honour, as a War upon Infidels. Neither do I, in this, propound a Novelty, or Imagination, but that, which is proved by late Examples, of the same kind, though perhaps of less difficulty. The Castilians, the age before that wherein we live, opened the New World; And subdued, and planted Mexico, Peru, Chile, and other Parts of the West Indies. We see what Floods of Treasure, have flowed into Europe, by that Action; So that the Cense, or Rates of Christendom, are raised since ten times, yea twenty times told. Of this Treasure, it is true, the Gold was Accumulate, and Store Treasure, for the most part; But the Silver is still growing. Besides, infinite is the Access, of Territory, and Empire, by the same Enterprise. For there was, never an Hand drawn, that did double the Rest, of the Habitable World, before this; For so a Man may truly term it, if he shall put to account, as well that that is, as that which may be hereafter, by the further Occupation, and Colonizing, of those Countries. And yet it cannot be affirmed, (if one speak ingenuously,) that it was the Propagation, of the Christian Faith, that was the Adamant of that Discovery, Entry, and Plantation; But Gold, and Silver, and Temporal Profit, and Glory: So that, what was first in God's Providence, was but second in Man's Appetite, and Intention. The like may be said, of the famous Navigations, and Conquests, of Emanuel, King of Portugal, whose Arms began to circle Africa, and Asia; and to acquire, not only the Trade of Spices, and Stones, and Musk, and Drugs, but Footing, and places, in those extreme Parts of the East. For neither in this, was Religion the Principal, but Amplification, and Enlargement, of Riches, and Dominion. And the Effect, of these two Enterprises, is now such, that both the East, and the West Indies, being met in the Crown of Spain, it is come to pass, that as one saith in a brave kind of Expression; The Sun never sets in the Spanish Dominions, but ever shines, upon one part, or other of them: Which, to say truly, is a beam of Glory, though I cannot say, it is so  a Body of Glory, wherein the Crown of Spain, surpasseth all the former Monarchies. So as to conclude, we may see, that in these Actions upon Gentiles, or Infidels, only or chief, both the Spiritual, and Temporal, Honour, and Good, have been, in one pursuit, and purchase, conjoined.  POL. 
Me thinks, with your favour, you should remember, (Martius,) that Wild, and Savage People, are like Beasts, and Birds, which are Ferae Naturae, the Property of which passeth with the Possession, and goeth to the Occupant; But of Civil People, it is not so.  MAR. 
I know no such difference, amongst Reasonable souls; But that whatsoever is in order, to the greatest, and most general Good of people, may justify the Action, be the people more, or less, Civil. But, (Eupolis,) I shall not easily grant, that the People of Peru, or Mexico, were such brute Savages, as you intent; Or that there should be, any such Difference between them, and many of the Infidels, which are now in other parts. In Peru, though they were unapparrelled People, according to the Clime; And had some Customs very Barbarous; Yet the Government of the Incae's, had many Parts of Humanity, and Civility. They had reduced the Nations, from the Adoration of a Multitude of Idols, and Fancies, to the Adoration of the Sun. And, as I remember, the Book of Wisdom noteth Degrees of Idolatry; Making that of Worshipping Petty, and Vile Idols, more gross, than simply the Worshipping of the Creature. And some of the Prophets, as I take it, do the like, in the Metaphor, of more ugly, and Bestial Fornication. The Perwians also, (under the Incaes,) had magnificent Temples of their Superstition; They had Strict and Regular justice; They bore great Faith, and Obedience to their Kings; They proceeded in a kind of Marshal justice with their Enemies, offering them their Law, as better for their own Good, before they drew their Sword. And much like, was the State of Mexico, being an Elective Monarchy. As for those People of the East, (Goa, Calecute, Malaca,) they were a Fine, and Dainty People; Frugal, and yet Elegant, though not Military. So that if Things be rightly weighed, the Empire of the Turks, may be truly affirmed, to be more Barbarous, than any of these. A cruel Tyranny, bathed in the Blood of their Emperors, upon every Succession: A Heap of Vassals, and Slaves: No Nobleses, No Gentlemen: No Freemen, No Inheritance of Land, No Stirp or Ancient Families: A People that is without Natural Affection, and, as the Scripture saith, that Regardeth not the desires of Women: And without Piety, or Care towards their Children: A Nation without Morality, without Letters, Arts▪ or Sciences; That can scarce measure an Acre of Land, or an Hour of the Day: Base and Sluttish in Buildings, Diets, and the like: And in a word, A very Reproach of Humane Society: And yet this Nation, hath made the Garden of the World, a Wilderness; For that, as it is truly said, concerning the Turks; Where Ottomans Horse sets his foot, people will come up very thin.  POLLIO. 
Yet in the midst of your Inuective, (Martius,) do the Turks this right, as to remember, that they are no Idolaters: For if, as you say, there be a Difference, between Worshipping a Base Idol, and the Sun; There is a much greater Difference, between worshipping a Creature, and the Creator. For the Turks do acknowledge God the Father, Creator of Heaven, and Earth, being the first Person in the Trinity, though they deny the rest. At which Speech, when Martius made some pause, Zebedaeus replied with a Countenance of great Reprehension, and Severity.  ZEBED. 
We must take heed, (Pollio,) that we fall not at unawares, into the Heresy of Manuel Comnenus, Emperor of Grecia; Who affirmed, that Mahomet's God, was the true God; Which Opinion was not only rejected, and condemned by the Synod, but imputed to the Emperor, as extreme Madness; Being reproached to him also, by the Bishop of Thessalonica, in those bitter, and strange Words, as are not to be named.  MARTIUS. 
I confess, that it is my Opinion, that a War upon the Turk, is more worthy, than upon any other Gentiles, Infidels, or Savages, that either have been, or now are, both in point of Religion, and in point of Honour; Though Facility, and Hope of Success, might (perhaps) invite some other Choice. But before I proceed, both myself would be glad to take some Breath; And I shall frankly desire, that some of your Lordships would take your turn to speak, that can do it better. But chief, for that I see here some, that are excellent Interpreters of the Divine Law, though in several ways; And that I have reason to distrust mine own judgement, both as weak in itself, and as that, which may be overborne, by my Zeal, and Affection to this Cause. I think it were an Error to speak further, till I may see some sound Foundation laid, of the Lawfulness of the Action, by them that are better versed in that Argument.  EUPOLIS. 
I am glad, (Martius,) to see in a Person of your Profession, so great Moderation, in that you are not transported in an Action, that warms the Blood, and is appearing Holy, to blanche, or take for admitted, the Point of Lawfulness. And because me thinks this Conference prospers, if your Lordships will give me leave, I will make some motion, touching the Distribution of it into Parts. Unto which, when they all assented, Eupolis said.  EUPOLIS. 
I think, it would not sort amiss, it Zebedaeus would be pleased, to handle the Question; Whether a War, for the Propagation of the Christian Faith, without other cause of Hostility, be lawful, or no, and in what cases? I confess also, I would be glad to go a little further; And to hear it spoken to, concerning the Lawfulness, not only permissively, but whether it be not Obligatory, to Christian Princes, and States, to design it: Which Part, if it please Gamaliel to undertake, the point of the Lawfulness, taken simply, will be Complete. Yet there resteth the Comparative: That is, it being granted, that it is either Lawful, or Binding, yet whether other Things be not to be preferred before it; As Extirpation of Heresies; Reconcilements of Sohismes; Pursuit of Lawful Temporal Rights, and Quarrels, And the Like: And how fare this Enterprise, ought either to wait upon these other Matters; Or to be mingled with them; Or to pass by them, and give Law to them, as inferior unto itself? And because this is a great Part, and Eusebius hath yet said nothing, we will, by way of Mulct, or Pain, if your Lordships think good, lay it upon him. All this while, I doubt much, that Pollio, who hath a sharp Wit of Discovery, towards what is  and Real, and what is Specious and Airy, will esteem all this but Impossibilities, and Eagles in the Clouds: And therefore we shall all entreat him, to crush this Argument, with his best Forces; That by the Light, we shall take from him, we may either cast it away, if it be found but a Bladder; Or discharge it, of so much as is vain, and not sperable. And because, I confess, I myself am not of that Opinion, although it be an hard Encounter to deal with Pollio, yet I shall do my best, to prove the Enterprise Possible; And to show, how all Impediments, may be either removed, or overcomen. And then it will be fit for Martius, (if we do not desert it before,) to resume his further Discourse, as well for the Persuasive, as for the Consult, touching the Means, Preparations, and all that may conduce unto the Enterprise. But this is but my Wish, your Lordships will put it into better order. They all not only allowed the Distribution, but accepted the Parts: But because the Day was spent, they agreed, to defer it, till the next Morning. Only Pollio said.  POLLIO. 
You take me right, (Eupolis;) For I am of opinion, that except you could bray Christendom in a Mortar, and mould it into a New Paste, there is no Possibility of an Holy War. And I was ever of opinion, that the Philosopher's Stone, and an Holy War, were but the Rendez-vous of Cracked Brains, that wore their Feather in their Head, in stead of their Hat. Nevertheless, believe me of Courtesy, that if you Five shall be of another mind, especially after you have heard, what I can say, I shall be ready to certify with Hypocrates, that Athens is mad, and Democritus is only sober. And lest you should take me for altogether Adverse, I will frankly contribute to the Business, now at first. Ye, no doubt, will amongst you devise and discourse many solemn Matters: But do as I shall tell you. This Pope is Decrepit, and the Bell goeth for him. Take order, that when he is Dead, there be chosen a Pope of fresh years, between fifty and threescore; And see that he take the Name of urban, because a Pope of that Name did first institute the Cruzada; And, (as with an holy Trumpet,) did stir up the Voyage, for the Holy Land.  EUPOLIS. 
You say well; But be, I pray you, a little more serious, in this Conference.  
The next day, the same Persons met, as they had appointed; And after they were set, and that there had passed some sporting speechees from Pollio, how the War was already begun; For that, (he said) he had dreamt of nothing but janissaries, and Tartars, and Sultan's all the night long, Martius said.  MARTIUS. 
The Distribution of this Conference, which was made by Eupolis yesternight, and was by us approved, seemeth to me perfect, save in one Point; and that is, not in the Number, but in the Placing of the Parts. For it is so disposed, that Pollio and Eupolis, shall debate the Possibility, or Impossibility of the Action, before I shall deduce, the Particulars of the Means, and Manner, by which it is to be achieved. Now I have often observed in Deliberations, that the Entering near hand, into the Manner of Performance, and Execution of that, which is under Deliberation, hath quite overturned the Opinion formerly conceived, of the Possibility, or Impossibility. So that Things, that at the First show, seemed Possible, by Ripping up the Performance of them, have been convicted of Impossibility; and Things, that, on the other side, have showed Impossible, by the Declaration of the Means, to effect them, as by a Back Light, have appeared Possible, the way thorough them being discerned. This I speak, not to alter the Order, but only to desire Pollio, and Eupolis, not to speak peremptorily, or conclusively, touching the Point of Possibility, till they have heard me deduce the Means, of the Execution: And that done, to reserve themselves it liberty, for a Reply, after they had before them, as it were, a Model of the Enterprise. This grave, and solid Advertisement, and Caution of Martius, was much commended by them all; Whereupon Eupolis said.  EUPOLIS. 
Since Martius hath begun to refine that, which was yesternight resolved; I may the better have leave, (especially in the mending of a Proposition, which was mine own,) to remember an Omission, which is more than a Misplacing. For I doubt, we ought to have added, or inserted into the point of Lawfulness, the Question; How fare an Holy War is to be pursued, whether to Displanting, and Exterminion of People? And again, whether to enforce a new Belief, and to vindicate, or punish Infidelity; Or only to subject, the Countries and People; And so, by the Temporal Sword, to open a Door, for the Spiritual Sword to enter, by Persuasion, Instruction, and such Means, as are proper for Souls, and Consciences? But it may be, neither is this necessary, to be made a Part by itself; For that Zebedaeus, in his wisdom, will fall into it, as an incident, to the Point of Lawfulness, which cannot be handled, without Limitations, and Distinctions.  ZEBEDAEUS. 
You encourage me, (Eupolis,) in that I perceive, how in your judgement, (which I do so much esteem,) I ought to take that Course, which of myself, I was purposed to do. For as Martius noted well, that it is but a lose Thing, to speak of Possibilities, without the Particular Designs; So is it, to speak of Lawfulness, without the Particular Cases. I will therefore, first of all, distinguish the Cases; Though you shall give me leave in the handling of them, not to sever them, with too much Preciseness; For both it would cause needless Length; And we are not now in Arts, or Methods, but in a Conference. It is therefore, first to be put to Question in general, (as Eupolis propounded it,) whether it be lawful for Christian Princes, or States, to make an Inuasive War, only and simply, for the Propagation of the Faith, without other Cause of Hostility, or Circumstance, that may provoke, and induce the War? Secondly, whether, it being made part of the Case, that the Countries were once Christian, and Members of the Church, and where the Golden Candlesticks did stand, though now they be utterly alienated, and no Christians left; it be not lawful to make a War, to restore them to the Church, as an ancient Patrimony of Christ? Thirdly, if it be made a further part of the Case, that there are yet remaining in the Countries, Multitudes of Christians; whether it be not lawful to make a War, to free them, and deliver them, from the servitude of the Infidels? Fourthly, whether it be not Lawful to make a War, for the Purging, and Recovery of Consecrate Places, being now polluted, and Profaned; As the Holy City, and Sepulchre, and such other places, of principal Adoration, and Devotion? Fifthly, whether it be not Lawful, to make a War, for the Revenge, or Vindication of Blasphemies, and Reproaches, against the Deity, and our Blessed Saviour; Or for the Effusion of Christian Blood, and Cruelties against Christians, though ancient, and long since past; Considering that God's Visits, are without limitation of Time; And many times, do but expect the Fullness of the Sin? Sixtly, it is to be considered, (as Eupolis now last well remembered,) whether a Holy War, (which, as in the Worthiness of the Quarrel, so in the justness of the Prosecution, aught to exceed all Temporal Wars,) may be pursued, either to the Expulsion of People, or the Enforcement of Consciences, or the like Extremities; Or how to be moderated, and limited; Lest whilst we remember we are Christians, we forget that others are Men? But there is a Point, that precedeth all these Points recited; Nay, and in a manner dischargeth them, in the Particular of a War against the Turk: which Point, I think, would not have come into my thought, but that Martius giving us yesterday, a Representation of the Empire of the Turks, with no small vigour of words, (which you (Pollio) called an Inuective, but was indeed a true Charge,) did put me in mind of it: And the more I think upon it, the more I settle in Opinion; That a War, to suppress that Empire, though we set aside the Cause of Religion, were a just War. After Zebedaeus had said this, he made a Pause, to see whether any of the rest would say any thing: But when he perceived nothing, but Silence, and Signs of Attention, to that he would further say, he proceeded thus.  ZEBEDAEUS. 
Your Lordships will not look for a Treatise from me, but a Speech of Consultation; And in that Brevity, and Manner, will I speak. First, I shall agree, that as the Cause of a War, aught to be Just; So the justice of that Cause ought to be Evident; Not Obscure, not Scrupulous. For by the Consent, of all Laws, in Capital Causes, the Evidence must be full and clear: And if so, where one Man's life is in Question, what say we to a War, which is ever the Sentence of Death upon many? We must beware therefore, how we make a Moloch, or an Heathen Idol, of our Blessed Saviour, in sacrificing the Blood of Men to him, by an unjust War. The justice of every Action, consisteth in the Merits of the Cause, the Warrant of the jurisdiction, and the Form of the Prosecution As for the Inward Intention, I leave it, to the Court of Heaven. Of these Things severally, as they may have Relation, to the present Subject of a War against Infidels; And namely, against the most Potent, and most Dangerous Enemy of the Faith, the Turk. I hold, and I doubt nor, but I shall make it plain, (as fare as a Sum, or Brief can make a Cause plain,) that a War against the Turk, is Lawful, both by the Laws of Nature, and Nations; And by the Law Divine, which is the Perfection of the other two. As for the Laws Positive, and Civil of the Romans, or other whatsoever, they are too small Engines, to move the Weight of this Question. And therefore, in my judgement, many of the late Schoolmen, (though excellent Men,) take not the right way in disputing this Question; Except they had the gift of Navius, that they could Cotem novaculâ scindere; Hue Stones with Pen-knives. First, for the Law of Nature. The Philosopher Aristotle is no ill Interpreter thereof. He hath set many Men on work, with a witty speech of Naturâ Dominus, and Naturâ Seruus; Affirming expressly, and positively; That from the very Nativity, some Things are borne to Rule, and some things to Obey. Which Oracle hath been taken in diverse senses. Some have taken it, for a Speech of Ostentation, to entitle the Grecians, to an Empire over the Barbarians; Which indeed was better maintained by his Scholar Alexander. Some have taken it, for a Speculative Platform, that Reason and Nature would, that the Best should govern; But, not in any wise to create a Right. But for my part, I take it, neither for a Bragge, nor for a wish; But for a Truth, as he limiteth it. For he saith, That if there can be found, such an Inequality between Man and Man, as there is between Man and Beast, or between Soul and Body, it investeth a Right of Government; Which seemeth rather an Impossible Case, than an untrue Sentence. But I hold both the judgement true, and the Case possible; And such as hath had, and hath a Being, both in particular Men, and Nations. But ere we go further, let us confine Ambiguities, and Mistake, that they trouble us not. First, to say, that the more Capable, or the better Deserver, hath such Right to govern, as he may compulsorily, bring under the less Worthy, is idle. Men will never agree upon it, who is the more Worthy. For it is not only in order of Nature, for him to govern, that is the more Intelligent, as Aristotle would have it; But there is no less required for Government, Courage to protect; and, above all, Honesty, and Probity of the Will, to abstain from Injury. So Fitness to govern, is a Perplexed Business. Some Men, some Nations, excel in the one ability, some in the other. Therefore the Position, which I intent, is not in the Comparative, that the Wiser, or the Stouter, or the juster Nation should govern; But in the Privative, that where there is an Heap of People, (though we term it a Kingdom, or State,) that is altogether unable, or Indign to govern; There it is a just Cause of War, for another Nation, that is Civil, or Polliced, to subdue them: And this, though it were to be done, by a Cyrus, or a Caesar, that were no Christian. The second Mistaking, to be banished, is; That I understand not this of a Personal Tyranny, as was the State of Rome, under a Caligula, or a Nero, or a Commodus; Shall the Nation suffer for that wherein they suffer? But when the Constitution of the State, and the fundamental Customs, and Laws of the same, (if Laws they may be called,) are against the Laws of Nature, and Nations, than I say, a War upon them is lawful. I shall divide the Question into three parts. First, whether there be, or may be, any Nation, or Society of Men, against whom it is lawful to make a War, without a Precedent Injury, or Provocation? Secondly, what are those Breaches of the Law of Nature, and Nations, which do forfeit, and divest, all Right, and Title, in a Nation to govern? And thirdly, whether those Breaches of the Law of Nature, and Nations, be found in any Nation, at this day; And namely in the Empire of the Ottomans? For the first, I hold it clear, that such Nations, or States, or Societies of People, there may be, and are. There cannot be a better Ground laid, to declare this, than to look into the Original Donation of Government. Observe it well; Especially the Inducement, or Preface. Saith God: Let us make man after our own Image, and let him have dominion, over the Fishes of the Sea, and the Fowls of the Air, and the Beasts of the Land, etc. Hereupon De Victoria, and with him some others, infer excellently, and extract, a most true, and divine Aphorism; Non fundatur Dominium nisi in Imagine Dei. Here we have the Charter of Foundation: It is now the more easy to judge of the Forfeiture, or Reseisure. Deface the Image, and you divest the Right. But what is this Image, and how is it defaced? The Poor Men of Lions, and some Fanatical Spirits, will tell you, that the Image of God, is Purity; And the Defacement, Sinne. But this subverteth all Government: Neither did Adam's Sin, or the Curse upon it, deprive him of his Rule, but left the Creatures, to a Rebellion, or Reluctation. And therefore, if you note it attentively, when this Charter was renewed unto Noah, and his Sons, it is not by the words, You shall have Dominion; But, Your Fear shall be upon all the Beasts of the Land, and the Birds of the Air, and all that moveth; Not re-granting the Sovereignty, which stood firm; But protecting it against the Reluctation. The sound Interpreters therefore, expound this Image of God, of Natural Reason; Which if it be totally, or mostly defaced, the Right of Government doth cease: And if you mark all the Interpreters well, still they doubt of the Case, and not of the Law. But this is properly to be spoken to, in handling the Second Point, when we shall define of the Defacements. To go on. The Prophet Hosea, in the Person of God, saith of the jews; They have reigned, but not by me; They have set a Signory over themselves, but I knew nothing of it. Which Place proveth plainly, that there are Governments, which God doth not avow. For though they be ordained by his Secret Providence, yet they are not knowledged by his Revealed Will: Neither can this be meant of evil Governors, or Tyrants: For they are often avowed, and established, as lawful Potentates; But of some Perverseness, and Defection, in the very Nation itself; Which appeareth most manifestly, in that the Prophet speaketh, of the Signory in Abstracto, and not of the Person of the Lord. And although some Heretics, of those we spoke of, have abused this Text, yet the Sun is not soiled in Passage. And again, if any Man infer, upon the words of the Prophets following, (which declare this Rejection, and to use the words of the Text, Rescision of their Estate, to have been for their Idolatry,) that by this Reason, the Governments of all Idolatrous Nations, should be also dissolved, (which is manifestly untrue,) in my judgement it followeth not. For the Idolatry of the jews then, and the Idolatry of the Heathen then and now, are Sins of a fare differing Nature, in regard of the special Covenant, and the clear Manifestations, wherein God did contract, and exhibit himself to that Nation. This Nullity of Policy, and Right of Estate, in some Nations, is yet more significantly expressed, by Moses in his Canticle. In the Person of God to the jews: Ye have incensed me with Gods, that are no Gods, and I will incense you with a People, that are no People. Such as were (no doubt) the People of Canaan, after Seisin was given, of the Land of Promise, to the Israelites. For from that time, their Right to the Land was dissolved, though they remained in many Places unconquered. By this we may see, that there are Nations in Name, that are no Nations in Right, but Multitudes only, and Swarms of People. For like as there are Particular Persons, utlawed, and proscribed, by civil Laws, of several Countries; So are there Nations, that are utlawed, and proscribed, by the Law of Nature, and Nations; Or by the immediate Commandment of God. And as there are Kings de Facto, and not the jure, in respect of the Nullity of their Title; So are there Nations, that are Occupants de Facto, and not the jure, of their Territories, in respect of the Nullity, of their Policy; or Government. But let us take in some Examples, into the Midst of our Proofs; For they will prove as much, as put after; And illustrate more. It was never doubted, but a War upon Pirates, may be lawfully made, by any Nation, though not infested, or violated by them. Is it because, they have not Certas Sedes, or Lar? In the pyratical War, which was achieved by Pompey the Great, and was his truest, and greatest glory; the Pirates had some Cities, sundry Ports, and a great part of the Province of Cilicia; And the Pirates now being, have a Receptacle, and Mansion, in Algiers. Beasts are not the less Savage; because they have Dens. Is it because the Danger hovers, as a Cloud, that a Man cannot tell, where it will fall? And so it is every Man's case. The Reason is good; But it is not all, nor that which is most Alleged. For the true received Reason is, that Pirates are Communes Humani Generis Hosts; Whom all Nations are to prosecute, not so much in the Right of their own Fears, as upon the Band of Humane Society. For as there are, Formal and written Leagues, Respective to certain Enemies; So is there a Natural, and Tacite Confederation, amongst all Men, against the common Enemy of Humane Society. So as there needs no Intimation, or Denunciation of the War; There needs no Request from the Nation grieved; But all these Formalities, the Law of Nature supplies, in the Case of Pirates. The same is the Case of Rovers by Land; Such as yet are some Cantons in Arabia; And some petty Kings of the Mountains, adjacent to straits, and Ways. Neither is it lawful, only for the Neighbour Princes, to destroy such Pirates, or Rovers; But if there were any Nation, never so fare off, that would make it an Enterprise of Merit, and true Glory, (as the Romans, that made a War, for the Liberty of Grecia, from a distant, and remote Part,) no doubt they might do it. I make the same judgement, of that Kingdom of the Assasins, now destroyed, which was situate upon the Borders of Saraca; And was, for a time, a great Terror, to all the Princes of the Levant. There the Custom was, that upon the Commandment of their King, and a Blind Obedience to be given thereunto, any of them was to undertake, in the nature of a Votary, the insidious Murder, of any Prince, or Person, upon whom the Commandment went. This Custom, without all question, made their whole Government void, as an Engine built against Humane Society, worthy by all Men to be fired, and pulled down. I say the like, of the Anabaptists of Munster; And this, although they had not been Rebels to the Empire: And put case likewise, that they had done no Mischief at all actually; yet if there shall be a Congregation, and Consent of People, that shall hold all Things to be lawful; Not according to any certain Laws, or Rules, but according to the secret, and variable Motions, and Instincts of the Spirit; This is indeed no Nation, no People, no Signory, that God doth know: Any Nation, that is Civil, and Polliced, may (if they will not be reduced,) cut them off, from the Face of the Earth. Now let me put a Feigned Case, (And yet Antiquity makes it doubtful, whether it were Fiction, or History,) of a Land of Amazons, where the whole Government, Public and Private, yea the Militia itself, was in the hands of Women. I demand, is not such a Preposterous Government, (against the first Order of Nature, for Women to rule over Men,) in itself void, and to be suppressed? I speak not of the Reign of Women; (For that is supplied by Counsel, and subordinate Magistrates Masculine,) But where the Regiment of State, justice, Families, is all managed by Women. And yet this last Case, differeth from the other before: Because in the rest there is Terror of Danger, but in this there is only Error of Nature. Neither should I make any great Difficulty, to affirm the same, of the Sultanry of the Mamaluches; where Slaves, and none but Slaves, bought for Money, and of unknown Descent, reigned over Families of Freemen. And much like were the Case, if you suppose a Nation, where the Custom were, that after full Age, the Sons should Expulse their Fathers, and Mothers, out of their Possessions, & put them to their Pensions: For these Cases, of Women to govern Men, Sons the Fathers, Slaves Freemen, are much in the same degree; All being total Violations and Peruersions, of the Laws of Nature, and Nations. For the West Indies, I perceive (Martius) you have read Garcilazzo de Viega, who himself was descended of the race of the Incaes, a Mestizo, and is willing to make the best, of the Virtues and Manners of his Country: And yet, in troth, he doth it soberly, and credibly enough. Yet you shall hardly edify me, that those Nations might not, by the Law of Nature, have been subdued by any Nation, that had only Policy, and Moral Virtue; Though the Propagation of the Faith, (whereof we shall speak in the proper place,) were set by, and not made part of the Case. Surely, their Nakedness, (being with them▪ in most parts of that Country, without all Veil or Covering,) was a great Defacement: For in the Acknowledgement of Nakedness, was the first Sense of Sin: And the Heresy of the Adamites, was ever accounted an Affront of Nature. But upon these I stand not: Nor yet upon their Idiocy, in thinking that Horses did eat their Bits, and Letters speak, and the like. Nor yet upon their Sorceries, which are (almost) common to all Idolatrous Nations. But, I say, their Sacrificing, and, more especially, their Eating of Men, is such an Abomination, as (me thinks) a Man's Face should be a little confused, to deny, that this Custom, joined with the rest, did not make it lawful, for the Spaniards to invade their Territory, forfeited by the Law of Nature, And either to reduce them, or displant them. But fare be it from me, yet nevertheless to justify the Cruelties, which were at first used towards them; which had their Reward soon after; There being not One, of the Principal, of the first Conquerors, but died a violent Death himself, And was well followed by the Deaths of many more. Of Examples Enough: Except we should add the Labours of Hercules: An Example, which though it be flourished with much Fabulous Matter, yet so much it hath, that it doth notably set forth, the Consent of all Nations, and Ages, in the Approbation, of the Extirpating, and Debellating of Giants, Monsters, and Foreign Tyrants, not only as lawful, but as Meritorious, even of Divine Honour. And this, although the Deliverer came, from the one End of the World, unto the other. Let us now set down some Arguments, to prove the same; Regarding rather Weight, than Number, as in such a Conference as this is fit. The first Argument shall be this. It is a great Error, and a Narrowness, or Straightness of Mind, if any Man think, that Nations have nothing to do one with another, except there be, either an Union in Sovereignty, or a Conjunction in Pacts or Leagues. There are other Bands of Society, and implicit Confederations. That of Colonies, or Transmigrants, towards their Mother Nation. Gentes unius labij is somewhat; For as the Confusion of Tongues, was a Mark of Separation, so the Being of one Language, is a Mark of Union. To have the same Fundamental Laws, and Customs, in chief, is yet more; As it was between the Grecians, in respect of the Barbarians. To be of one Sect, or Worship; If it be a False Worship, I speak not of it, for that is but Fratres in Malo. But above all these, there is the Supreme, and Indissoluble Consanguinity, and Society, between Men in general: Of which the Heathen Poet (whom the Apostle calls to witness,) saith; We are all his Generation. But much more, we Christians, unto whom it is revealed in particularity, that all Men came from one Lump of Earth; And that Two singular Persons, were the Parents, from whom all the Generations of the World are descended. We (I say) ought to acknowledge, that no Nations, are wholly Aliens, and Strangers, the one to the other: And not to be less charitable, than the Person introduced by the Comic Poet; Homosum, Humani nihil à me alienum puto. Now if there be, such a Tacite League, or Confederations, sure it is not idle, It is against somewhat, or some Body: Who should they be? Is it against Wild Beasts? Or the Elements, of Fire, and Water? No, it is against such Routs, and Shoals of People, as have utterly degenerate, from the Laws of Nature; As have, in their very Body, and Frame of Estate, a Monstrosity; And may be truly accounted, (according to the Examples we have formerly recited,) Common Enemies, and Grievances of Mankind; Or Disgraces, and Reproaches to Humane Nature. Such People, all Nations are interessed, and aught to be resenting, to suppress; Considering that the Particular States themselves, being the Delinquents, can give no redress. And this I say, is not to be measured so much, by the Principles of jurists, as by Lex Charitatis; Lex proximi, which includes the Samaritan, as well as the Levite; Lex Filiorum Adae de Massâ unâ: Upon which Original Laws, this Opinion is grounded: Which to deny, (if a man may speak freely,) were almost to be a Schismatic in Nature.  
The rest was not perfected.   

AN OFFER TO OUR LATE Sovereign King JAMES, OF A DIGEST TO BE MADE OF THE Laws of ENGLAND.   printer's device of John Haviland 
LONDON, ¶ Printed by JOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson. 1629.   

To the King; OF A DIGEST TO BE MADE of the Laws of ENGLAND.  
Most Excellent Sovereign.  
AMongst the Degrees, and Acts, of Sovereign, or rather Heroical Honour, the First, or Second, is the Person, and Merit, of a Lawgiver. Princes that govern well, are Fathers of the People. But if a Father breed his Son well, or allow him well, while he liveth, but leave him nothing at his death; whereby both He, and his Children, and his children's Children may be the better; Surely the Care and Piety of a Father, is not in him complete. So Kings, if they make a Portion of an Age happy by their good Government, yet if they do not make Testaments, (as God Almighty doth,) whereby a Perpetuity of Good may descend to their Country, they are but Mortal and Transitory Benefactors. Domitian, a few days before he died, dreamt, that a Golden Head did rise upon the nape of his Neck. Which was truly performed in the Golden Age, that followed his times, for five Successions. But Kings, by giving their Subjects good Laws, may (if they will) in their own time, join and graft this Golden Head, upon their own Necks, after their Death. Nay they may make Nabuchadonozors' Image of Monarchy, golden from Head to Foot. And if any of the Meaner sort of Politics, that are sighted only to see the worst of things, think; That Laws are but Cobwebs, and that good Princes will do well without them, and bad will not stand much upon them; The Discourse is neither good, nor wise. For certain it is, that good Laws, are some bridle to bad Princes; And as a very wall about Government. And if Tyrants (sometime) make a breach into them, yet they mollify even Tyranny itself; As Solon's Laws did the Tyranny of Pisistratus: And then (commonly) they get up again, upon the first Advantage of better times. Other means to perpetuate the Memory, and Merits of Sovereign Princes, are inferior to this. Buildings of Temples, Tombs, Palaces, theatres, and the like, are honourable things, and look big upon Posterity. But Constantine the Great gave the Name well to those works, when he used to call Traian, that was a great Builder, Parietaria, Wall-Flower; Because his Name was upon so many Walls. So if that be the Matter, that a King would turn Wall-flower, or Pellitory of the Wall, with cost he may. Adrian's vein was better; For his mind was to wrestle a fall with Time; And being a great Progressour through all the Roman Empire, when ever he found any Decays of Bridges, or Highways, or Cuts of Rivers and Sewers, or Walls, or Banks, or the like, he gave substantial order, for their Repair with the better. He gave also Multitudes of Charters, and Liberties, for the comfort of Corporations, and Companies in decay. So that his Bounty did strive with the Ruins of Time. But yet this, though it were an excellent Disposition, went but (in effect) to the Cases and Shells of a Commonwealth. It was nothing to Virtue or Vice. A bad Man might indifferently take the benefit and ease of his Ways and Bridges, as well as a good; And bad People might purchase good Charters. Surely, the better Works of Perpetuity in Princes, are those, that wash the Jn-side of the Cup. Such as are Foundations of Colleges, and Lectures, for Learning and Education of youth; Likewise Foundations and Jnstitutions of Orders and Fraternities, for Nobleness, Enterprise, and Obedience, and the like. But yet these also, are but like Plantations, of Orchards, and Gardens, in Plots and Spots of Ground, here and there; They do not till over the whole Kingdom, and make it fruitful, as doth the Establishing of good Laws and Ordinances; Which makes a whole Nation, to be as a well ordered College, or Foundation.  
This kind of Work, in the memory of Times, is rare enough to show it Excellent; And yet not so rare, as to make it suspected, for Impossible, Inconvenient, or Unsafe. Moses, that gave Laws to the Hebrews, because he was the Scribe of God himself, is fit to be named for honour's sake to other Lawgivers, than to be numbered or ranked amongst them. Minos, Lycurgus, and Solon, are Examples for Themes of Grammar Scholars. For ancient Personages, and Characters, now adays, use to wax Children again; Though that Parable of Pindarus be true; The best thing is Water. For Common and Trivial Things are (many times) the best; And rather despised upon Pride, because they are vulgar, than upon Cause, or Use. Certain it is, that the Laws of those three Lawgivers, had great Prerogatives. The first, of Fame; Because they were the Pattern amongst the Grecians. The second, of Lasting; For they continued longest without alteration. The third, of a Spirit of Reviuer; To be often oppressed, and often restored.  
Amongst the seven Kings of Rome, four were Lawgivers. For it is most true, that a Discourser of Italy saith: There was never State, so well swaddled in the Infancy, as the Roman was, by the virtue of their first Kings: Which was a principal Cause of the wonderful growth of that State, in after times.  
The Decemuirs Laws, were Laws upon Laws, not the Original; For they grafted Laws of Grecia, upon Roman Stock, of Laws, and Customs. But such was their success, as the Twelve Tables, which they compiled, were the main Body of the Laws, which framed and wielded the great Body of that Estate. These lasted a long time, with some Supplementals, and the Praetorian Edicts in Albo; Which were in respect of Laws, as Writing Tables in respect of Brass; The one to be put in and out, as the other is permanent. Lucius Cornelius Sylla reform the Laws of Rome. For that Man had three Singularities, which never Tyrant had, but he. That he was a Lawgiver; That he took part with the Nobility; And, That he turned Private Man, not upon Fear, but upon Confidence.  
Caesar long after desired to imitate him only in the First; For otherwise he relied upon new Men: And for resigning his Power Seneca describeth him right: Caesar gladium citò condidit, nun quam posuit. Caesar soon sheathed his sword, but never put it off. And himself took it upon him, saying in scorn of Syllae's Resignation. Sylla nescivit literas, dictare non potuit. Sylla knew no letters, he could not dictate. But for the part of a Lawgiver, Cicero giveth him the Attribute. Caesar, si ab eo quaereretur, quid egisset in Togâ; leges se respondisset, multas & praeclaras tulisse. If you had asked Caesar, what he did in the Gown, he would have answered, that he made many excellent Laws. His Nephew Augustus did tread the Same steps, but with deeper print, because of his long Reign in peace; Whereof one of the Poets of his time saith; 
Place datâ terris, animum ad Civilia vertit:  
Jura suum, legesque tulit iustissimus Author.   
From that time, there was such a Race of Wit and Authority, between the Commentaries and Decisions of the Lawyers, and the Edicts of the Emperors, as both Laws and Lawyers were out of breath. Whereupon justinian in the end recompiled both; And made a Body of Laws, such as might be wielded, which himself calleth gloriously, and yet not above truth; The Edifice or Structure of a sacred Temple of justice; Built indeed, out of the former Ruins of Books, as Materials, and some Novel Constitutions of his own.  
In Athens they had Sexuiri, (as Aeschines observeth,) which were standing Commissioners; Who did watch to discern, what laws waxed unproper for the Times, and what new Law did in any branch cross a former Law, and so Ex officio propounded their Repeal.  
King Edgar collected the Laws of this Kingdom, and gave them the strength of a Faggot bound, which formerly were dispersed: Which was more glory to him, than his Sailing about this Island, with a potent Fleet. For that was, as the Scripture saith? Via navis in mari; The way of a ship in the Sea; It vanished; but this lasteth. Alphonso the Wise, (the ninth of that Name,) King of Castille, compiled the Digest of the Laws of Spain, Entitled the Siete Partidas; An excellent Work, which he finished in seven years. And as Tacitus noteth well; That the Capitol, though built in the beginnings of Rome, yet was fit for the great Monarchy that came after; So that Building of Laws sufficeth the Greatness of the Empire of Spain, which since hath ensued.  
Lewis the eleventh had it in his mind, (though he performed it not,) to have made one constant Law of France; Extracted out of the Civil Roman Law, and the Customs of Provinces which are Various, and the King's Edicts which with the French are Statutes. Surely he might have done well, if, like as he brought the Crown, (as he said himself,) from Page; So he had brought his People from Lackey; Not to run up and down for their Laws, to the Civil Law, and the Ordinances, and the Customs, & the Discretions of Courts, & discourses of Philosophers, as they use to do.  
King Henry the Eighth, in the twenty seventh year of his Reign, was authorized by Parliament, to nominate 32. Commissioners, part Ecclesiastical, and part Temporal; To purge the Canon Law, and to make it agreeable to the Law of God, and the Law of the Land. But it took not effect. For the Acts of that King were (commonly) rather Proffers, and Fames, than either well grounded, or well pursued. But I doubt, I err in producing so many examples. For as Cicero said to Caesar, so may I say to your Majesty; Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit. Though indeed this well understood is fare from Vulgar. For that the Laws of the most Kingdoms and States, have been like Buildings of many pieces, & patched up, from time to time, according to occasions, without Frame, or Model.  
Now for the Laws of England, (if I shall speak my Opinion of them, without partiality, either to my Profession, or Country,) for the Matter and Nature of them, I hold them Wise, lust, and Moderate Laws: They give to God, they give to Caesar, they give to the Subject, what appertaineth. It is true, they are as mixed, as our Language, compounded of British, Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman Customs. And surely, as our Language is thereby so much the richer; So our Laws are likewise by that Mixture, the more complete.  
Neither doth this attribute less to them, than those that would have them to have stood out the same in all Mutations. For no Tree is so good first set, as by transplanting, and Grafting. I remember what happened to calisthenes, that followed Alexander's Court, and was grown into some displeasure with him, because he could not well brook the Persian Adoration. At a Supper, (which with the Grecians was a great part Talk,) he was desired, (the King being present,) because he was an Eloquent Man, to speak of some Theme; Which he did; And chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation; Which though it were but a filling Thing, to praise Men to their Faces yet he performed it with such advantage of Truth, and avoidance of Flattery, and with such Life, as was much applauded by the Hearers. The King was the less pleased with it, not loving the Man, and by way of discountenance, said; It was easy to be a good Orator in a pleasing Theme; But saith he to him; Turn your style; And tell us now of our faults, that we may have the profit, and not you the praise only: Which he presently did, with such Quickness, that Alexander said; That Malice made him Eloquent then, as the Theme had done before. I shall not fall into either of these Extremes, in this Subject, of the Laws of England. I have commended them before for the Matter, but surely they ask much Amendment for the Form; Which to reduce and perfect, I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries, that can be conferred upon this Kingdom. Which Work, for the Excellency, as it is worthy your Majesty's Act, and Times; So it hath some circumstance of Propriety agreeable to your Person. God hath blessed your Majesty with Posterity; And I am not of opinion, that Kings that are barren, are fittest to supply Perpetuity of Generations, by perpetuity of Noble Acts; But contrariwise, that they that leave Posterity, are the more interessed in the Care of Future Times; That as well their Progeny, as their People, may participate of their Merit.  
Your Majesty is a great Master in justice, and judicature; And it were pity, the fruit of that your Virtue, should not be transmitted to the Ages to come. Your Majesty also reigneth in learned times, the more, (no doubt,) in regard of your own Perfection in Learning, and your Patronage thereof. And it hath been the Mishap of Works of this nature, that the less Learned Time, hath (sometimes) wrought upon the more Learned; Which now will not be so. As for myself, the Law was my Profession, to which I am a Debtor: Some little Helps I have of other Arts, which may give Form to Matter; And I have now, (by God's merciful Chastisement, and by his special Providence,) time and leisure, to put my Talon, or halfe-Talent, or what it is, to such Exchanges, as may perhaps exceed the Interest of an Active Life. Therefore, as in the beginning of my Troubles, I made offer to your Majesty to take pains in the Story of England, and in compiling a Method and Digest of your Laws; So have I performed the first, (which rested but upon myself,) in some part; And I do, in all humbleness, renew the offer of this latter, (which will require Help and Assistance,) to your Majesty, if it shall stand with your good pleasure, to employ my Service therein.   

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF KING Henry the Eighth.   printer's device of John Haviland 
LONDON, ¶ Printed by JOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson. 1629.   

THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF King HENRY The Eighth.  
AFter the Decease, of that Wise, & Fortunate King, King Henry the 7, who died in the Height of his Prosperity, there followed (as useth to do, when the Sun setteth so exceeding clear,) one of the fairest Mornings of a Kingdom, that hath been known in this Land, or any where else. A young King, about 18. years of Age, for Stature, Strength, Making, and Beauty, one of the goodliest Persons of his time: And though he were given to Pleasure, yet he was likewise desirous of Glory; So that there was a passage open in his Mind, by Glory, for Virtue. Neither was he un-adorned with Learning, though therein he came short of his Brother Arthur. He had never any the least pique Difference, or jealousy, with the King his Father, which might give any occasion, of altering Court, or Counsel upon the change, but all things passed in a Still. He was the first Heir of the White, and the Red Rose; So that there was no discontented Party now left in the Kingdom, but all men's Hearts turned towards him. And not only their Hearts, but their Eyes also. For he was the only Son Of the Kingdom. He had no Brother, which though it be a comfortable thing, for Kings to have, yet it draweth the subjects Eyes a little aside. And yet being a married Man in those young years, it promised hope of speedy Issue, to succeed in the Crown. Neither was there any Queen Mother, who might share any way in the Government, or clash with his Counselors for Authority, while the King intended his pleasure. No such thing, as any Great and Mighty Subject, who might any way eclipse, or overshade the Imperial Power. And for the people, and State in general, they were in such lowness of obedience, as Subjects were like to yield, who had lived almost four and twenty years, under so politic a King, as his Father; Being also one who came partly in by the sword; And had so high a Courage in all points of Regality; And was ever victorious in Rebellions, and Seditions of the People. The Crown extremely rich, and full of Treasure, and the Kingdom like to be so in short time. For there was no War, no Dearth, no Stop of Trade, or Commerce, it was only the Crown, which had sucked too hard, and now being full, and upon the head of a young King, was like to Draw less. Lastly, he was Inheritor 〈◊〉 Father's Reputation, which was great 〈◊〉 ou● the World▪ He had straight ●●●nce● with the two Neighbour States 〈…〉 Enemy in 〈◊〉 to times, and an 〈…〉 Fri●●d, Scotland, and Burgundy. He had Peace, and Amity with France, under the Assu●●●● not only of Treaty and League, but of Necessite and inability in the French to do him hurt, in respect that the French Kings Designs were wholly bend upon Italy. So that it may be truly said, there had scarcely been seen, or known, in many Ages, such a rare Concurrence of Signs, and Promises, of a happy, and flourishing Reign to ensue, as were now met in this young King, called, after his Father's name, HENRY the Eighth. etc.  
FINIS.