A Caveat for France, upon the present evils that it now suffereth. Together with the remedies necessary for the same.  
Translated out of French into English by E. Aggas.  
LONDON Imprinted by john Wolf. 1588.   

A warning unto France concerning her present calamities: together with the remedies necessary for the same.  
THese three years and more hath France been tormented with this war. The wiser sort did in their judgements foresee the mishaps, and the foolish by the feeling thereof are waxed wise. As well the one as the other that do endure them do complain both of the tediousness of the mischief, and of the slackness of the remedy: yea and which is more, weenning to have succour at the physicians hand, they find him entangled in the same disease, and so a patiented himself. It is expedient (as we see in this extremity) that all good Frenchmen should gather their wits together, that the patient should help the Physician, yea and in some sort become a Physician himself: That he should (I say) for the full attaining to the cure enter into perfect notice, not so much of the disease which he doth but too much feel, as of the true cause that breedeth it. But we can not judge either better or more sound than if we ascend to the original of these troubles, and thence as it were with a full view set before the eyes of our minds all that have sense happened as well on the one side as on the other.  
Truly it is evident, and all the world knoweth, that in the year 1585. about the month of March when the league began to stir, this realm was in tolerable estate, the king imagined only how to establish peace more and more: his subjects gathered the fruits thereof under his obedience: his majesties mind was busied, not so much about the consolidating of the wounds of his realm, which the peace had already reduced into scars, as to restore it into the former dignity, force and strength. The borderers began already in part to respect her, and in part to fear her: and undoubtedly a few such years would have reduced our France into a state rather to be envied than envious of the former.  
The league which had long been practising against the state of this realm did suddenly and to no purpose break off the happy course that we had taken, whereof the house of Guise procured themselves to be termed Captains and leaders. A foreign house, neither was it meet (for it had been against nature) that France should be molested or overthrown by other than strangers, yea it seems almost fatal that these men should do it, whose fathers and uncles had stirred up all the former mischiefs in this Realm.  
It may be that some bitter injury might hereafter have brought the subject out of his right bias and wrongfully armed him against his Prince or country: or a man's desperate estate, who willingly would amend himself with others loss. But these are vehement passions which do not always hearken unto reason: howbeit in this case that was no such matter. For those of this house held and did possess the greatest benefits and chief dignities of this realm, and all this through the bounty of our kings: and as for favour, authority and credit about his majesty, they had more than the princes of his blood, how catholics soever, who nevertheless did in silence and patience bear therewith, preferring, as always they have done, the least tear or grief of the people before their own just sorrows. These men (as all the world know) did enjoy their souls in liberty, their honours in authority, their lives in safety, and their goods in tranquillity. All causes that might breed discontentment were far from them: and all such as may make a subject content, they had: yea they had them in such measure that they wanted no more, but to reign: and indeed (to say the truth) that also rather in title than in power or effect.  
Hereupon who so list well to consider what might move them to stir up our estate which was in quiet, or not to be able to bear their own which was as good as might be wished, shall be forced in these men to confess an unbridled and infinite ambition which cannot be tamed by any apprehension of the overthrow of a state, together with the extreme misery and calamity of so many millions whom it entangleth, which likewise could never be limited with so much authority, greatness, and honour, sufficient (as they were well divided) to content all France.  
It was (as it was very well noted even at that time) correspondent to the ancient purpose of their predecessors who made themselves Charlemagnes heirs, so to ground a pretence to this realm, and perceiving that they could find no hope to come to their purpose so long as it continued whole, endeavoured by the continuation of the troubles, to scatter and destroy it. And indeed these men a year or two before procured a book to be printed purposely, which (though falsely) proved them to be descended from thence, and so consequently true heirs, and our kings usurpers of the crown, for the which the auctor made amends honourable in the kings full counsel. But when they see the Duke of Anjou deceased, the king to have no children, and the king of Navarre, chief Prince of the blood, through his religion (as they thought) estranged from the people's favour, they imagined the way to be then open to their extreme ambition, and the season to grow fit for the hatching of their drifts. Then began they afresh to kindle their practices and conventicles to search out all malcontents, whether justly or wrongfully, to treat with the king of Spain, and such other potentates as envied our realm, whereof in short space sprung up this cursed war of the League, which since hath kindled and consumed our poor estate. Then by their public protestation they required the king to name his heir, and the same a catholic prince, namely, the Cardinal of Bourbon, so to exclude the king of Navarre. This did they, because that they knew that they could not climb so high but by degrees, and they would either govern or rule in France under the wings of the said Cardinal: and now imagine you what a presupposition this was, had there been no deceit, that the said lord Cardinal a prince already very old, should survive our king being in the flower of his age. The king of Navarre, whither by his right or by his virtue stopped their passage: hereupon they declare him to be an heretic, and so do pretend him to be deprived of all the rights belonging to the blood of France: but note that the king of Navarre always protested that he submitted himself to a free counsel, offering thereby to be instructed, and protesting that until than he could not be deemed an heretic. They do so fear lest he should return into the Romish church, and thereby their practices be overthrown, that whereas were they moved by charity or religion, they should open him the way, they do now shut the gate against him, denouncing him to be a relapse, & fallen again into heresy, and so consequently incapable to hold any dignity, much less to reign in the Church. Also whereas he had pertinently answered, that whosoever is not first denounced an heretic can not be declared a relapse: that having submitted himself to a counsel, he can not, but by the same, be condemned: moreover, that whatsoever he did being forced by extremity can not be so imputed unto him as to make him a relapse.  
Contrary to all these so peremptory reasons: contrary to all the doctors, and contrary to all the Cannons of the Church, they do stir up Pope Sixtus bull, the Popes (I say) whom they have circumvented, as himself hath confessed, who without any formality, and contrary to all form doth at once declare the said lord king and the late lord Prince, uncondemned, unheard, yea uncalled, to be heretics, relapsed, and excommunicate, and so fallen from all rights both present and to come. A bull whereby they pretend to have a free judgement to exclude these princes, who stopped them in the mid way: but indeed such a one as contrariwise is already prejudged both by the kings and parliaments of this realm, who have condemned and openly rejected it, as erring both in matter and form.  
Thus are they rid, as they think, of these two the nearest princes, but now there rest the Catholic princes of Bourbon, against whom these exceptions cannot be opposed: for as for the Cardinal of Bourbon, it is enough for them that he live so long, as for the nourishing of their authority they shall stand in need of him, as being past age and danger: thus think they to get them children: Then against the Catholic princes descended of the late lord prince of Conde, they arm themselves with another exception brought into consequence out of the bull: That is, that the said lord prince their father died an heretic denounced, whereby he had forfeited all his rights and actions both for himself and his: neither let the duke of Montpensier or his posterity ween to escape, though being engendered of a father as devout a Catholic prince as ever was, for having likewise followed their vagaries in this point. For they of the league do think by their principles to have well enough provided for them: in that they writ that the crown is theirs before either Merovee, Charlemagne, or Capet: This is then long before Saint jews, from whom they are descended: when by their books, they pretend that beyond the tenth degree, there is no longer succession neither in heritage, fees nor kingdoms, and so consequently we must have recourse to a new election: for all the rest of the house of Bourbon are far beyond that: When to the end to raise up the foundations of this estate they do by express books call into doubt the Salic law, whereby it hath so many ages defended itself from strangers, to the end that after this no alteration may seem strange.  
These were the discourses which they published in their writings scattered among the people at the beginning of this war, whereby their drifts did evidently appear to all wise men. The king had no children, neither was there any great hope, thought they, that ever he should get any. The Cardinal of Bourbon was unmarried, and under his shadow their power might serve against the rest of the princes. The king of Navarre, and late prince of Conde, were denounced heretics: the Lords princes of Contie, Cardinal of Vendosme and Earl of Soissons descended of a prince that fancied heresy, & so by virtue of the bull, entangled in the like degradation: The duke of Montpensier and princes of Ombes very far off, yea beyond the tenth degree, which (said they) stopped up their gate to the succession, and opened another to the election of a new prince. Thus you see, they have rid and swept the way to come to the crown, neither is there any other question but to employ labour and force whereby to bring the state violently into their faculty.  
The enterprise was high & difficult: for the Frenchman's nature still draweth to the right: It was a hard matter thus to exclude a prince in respect of some diversity in religion, yea such a one as craveth to be instructed in a counsel: also the house of Bourbon hath so well these many ages deserved of the state, and that is so well imprinted in their minds, & as it were incorporate into all good Frenchmen, that they were in great doubt, lest the wrong that should be done thereto would be very sensible to all the degrees in France. It was therefore necessary for them to be assisted by some foreign, rich & mighty prince, whom to that end they were to call into part. Whereupon, before the blow they practised with the king of Spain: they got great sums of money from him, which they distributed among their partakers: they promised as a pledge of their faith to commit into his hands the best towns that they could take, namely Bourdeux and Marseilles, which they made sure account of: farther alluring him with some hope to procure the crown to fall into his daughter's hands, by abolishing the Salic law: and to begin withal, they should bring him into Britain. Matters discovered by their own letters and remembrances: matters which the king and his especial servants know well enough: yea they had gone so far that the said king of Spain a while had his army ready and under sail to fall thereupon, had he not in time been prevented: yea he had his reasons ready composed by the Spanish doctor, whereby he pretended to justify his descent in Britain, as by right unto him appertaining, even as he had made his usurpation in Portugal. Their discourse was (for they supposed themselves to be crafty enough to cause all the ambition in the world to bow under theirs) that this prince was old and decrepit, and could not live many years: that at his decease he should leave his estates scattered and in danger of troubles, which would keep his heirs from looking any farther: and that in the mean time they should get help and secure in their present necessity, and that it rested only hereafter to look to that might happen.  
But this prince, who is but too skilful in his own affairs was wise enough to take his time for the obtaining from them as an earnest penny, a great piece of service, yea such as peradventure will boil for ever in this realm. For perceiving that his states of the low countries had sent their deputies to the king to yield themselves into his arms and to give him their persons. For a first service that he demandeth of our masters of the League, he willeth them to take arms at the very instant that his majesty was to resolve upon the proposition of the said estates, otherwise he protesteth against them & meaneth not in time to come any way to assist them with his ability: whereby they were driven to hasten their entering into arms certain months before their time: whereof it ensued that the state was troubled, the said deputies sent away without doing any thing, and the crown frustrate of that great and goodly increase that was then offered. Hereby therefore let all France judge of the nature indeed strange of the captains of this League, who to the end to warrant the K. of Spain from an uncertain loss, do cast this realm into an assured shipwreck: who do redeem the Spaniards danger with the Frenchman's death and his diminution, with the utter subversion of France.  
But these their wicked intents did they cloak with very beautiful pretences: for the uppermost painting was a certain devotion, a zeal to the church: as if the king, who was an example to all men, stood in need of armed solicitors to bring him into the way: but this hypocrisy was likewise as soon descried through the visard. And indeed the king by an express decree declared them to be rebels and guilty of treason: and so would have all his good subjects to take them: yea, and to the same end he writ to his courts of Parliaments, to all his bailiffs and stewards, and to his principal towns: and advertised his ambassadors resident with foreign princes, charging them to lay open their conspiracy against his person and crown, expressly commanding all good Frenchmen to overrun them and their adherents, and desiring all princes his neighbours, allies, and confederates to assist him against these with both men and money. These dispatches, I say, which his majesty sent every way both within and without the realm, do faithfully show what his judgement was of them when he termed them Partakers of a public peace under a false shadow of religion: when in express terms he confesseth, that they shoot not at his crown only, but also at his person: likewise the speeches which with his own mouth, he used both in the Parliament & town house, which we all may yet remember. And this profession was neither suborned nor wrested by art or by source, but put forth of his own and the most inward motion of his mind: for, as it hath sufficiently since appeared, what force or counsel had he about him to urge him against the league, albeit contrariwise there were some near to his majesty that used violence in their behalfs.  
And in deed his commandments were then so taken and construed, neither was there any subtlety sought out but according to the bare letter: for sundry companies of those of the league that were in sundry places defeated by the governors and the dukes of joieuse and Espernon, with his majesties forces made open war against them, as also the lord Martial Matignon, with the advise of the court of parliament of Bourdeux imprisoned the lord of Vailac their partaker, and thrust him forth of Castle Trumpet, and likewise the lord great prior governor of Provence, apprehended those that had enterprised in the behalf of the league against the town of Marseilles, and were favoured with the succour of six galleys of Florence▪ which waited the execution of their purpose, to the end, to take possession in the king of Spain's name, whose process was made by the Parliament of Aix with great solemnity, according to the tenure whereof they were put to death in Marseilles. These synodal testimonies and sovereign decrees were sufficient interpreters of the king's intent against those of the league, and the rather because these witnesses, judges and executioners were the very same that saw deepest into the king's inward mind, as having showed greatest rigour to the Huguenots in the former wars, and were therefore to them suspected of stomach in matter of their religion, but free from all suspicion, or exception to those of the holy league.  
Now let us note the behaviours and actions of the king of Navarre at the same time: he see himself personally assaulted, he perceived that he was both the subject and object of those of the league: The speech was of no less matter, then to take from him both his life and honour, and to murder all that he loved, or that ioved him. This had been enough in some to have bred a stupidity rather than a patience: It was enough to have moved a war abruptly, much more to defend himself from that which was already moved. On the other side he perceived the King highly offended against the league: he saw that he daily wrote unto him, that he took both the quarrel, and the war to be his own: that he perceived that they shot both at his estate and life: That his name and religion were but pretences: but withal, that it was requisite to let his people understand as much, whom under the false shadow of religion they had miscarried from their duties. This, besides the equity of the cause, had also been enough to arm him both with title and authority against the League: And had he thus taken arms, no man would have blamed him, whereas through want of doing it in time, he now findeth himself in trouble. In the mean time he besides the right and natural feeling, being nevertheless (as all men know) wise enough in each other thing, did yet resolve himself from the King's hand to wait for the remedy for these mischiefs. He containeth all his friends and servants in patience, and the Protestant towns in peace and silence: he disposeth himself to serve his majesty upon his token, and in time convenient: he will not for his own part undertake any thing, which may either kindle this war (which seemed to happen fitly for him against the League) or that any way may be a let to the quenching thereof.  
Contrariwise (and indeed we must needs remember it) these were the speeches which for the maintenance of peace he then used. In matter of religion he declared to the King, also to the states and all degrees of this realm that he had been therein even from his youth brought up: That after he came to years of discretion, he had neither seen nor heard any thing that might turn him therefro, That he believed that he was in the right way of salvation, wherein he had persevered in the midst of dangers, and maugre the enticements of the world: Nevertheless that he was ready to learn of the Church in a free Council, whether he would bring both aptness and attention to learn: for it did evidently enough appear that his perseverance in his religion was neither ambition, nor obstinacy: that ambition, if he were therewith possessed, might be much better satisfied on the other side: as for obstinacy, it was too prejudicial unto him, sith it consisted upon his quietness, honour and state. That at this day as well in this realm as throughout Christendom these matters were grown to these terms wherein even the college of Sorbonne was wont to say, that either part should bear with other, without taxing each other with heresy until a good counsel consented unto and accepted by both parts had concluded and decreed thereupon: that is a great number of learned men of either side, towns, provinces, nations, common wealths, & whole estates, holding as well for the one as for the other. A most certain argument that all these will not of a jollity damn themselves: Arguments likewise that the controversy resteth in matter disputable, sith that among all nations and so contrary climates, all sorts of people do cleave thereto, yea after a thousand torments even to the death. Wherefore Christiandome hath now as great need as ever to have a free and lawful council. That the counsel of Trent could not be alleged to have been such, wherein the parties were heard: wherein also the party most accused, and which needed greatest reformation sat as judge: and against the which our most Christian kings immediately after the battle of Dreux, together with many wise Princes, expressly by their Ambassadors protested nullity, and namely because therein they would not deal with reformation of doctrine to the rule of the holy scriptures, but only in outward show. Whereupon even in the most rigorous times, and after the bloody Bartholomew is was rejected both by the masters of Sorbonne and the courts of parliament of this realm: that in matters of less consequence the primitive Church never denied the reiterating of counsels. That the council of basil had bound the Pope and the church of Room to hold a council every ten years, a term already expired since that at Trent.  
Again how far more seemly it were for the Church, and with how much less peril to this realm to reiterate a council than a civil war, a conference in words, than a battle? That particularly his person and dignity were of such importance that they could not well deny him this path to justice, considering that sometime there had been three or four Counsels holden for the reclaiming of some one private person only: considering also that the statutes of this realm, sworn unto the king and his counsel, allowed by his courts of Parliament, etc. had forejudged of this case, forbidding the title of heresy in both parts, and expressly suspending it until the decision of some free and holy Council.  
Concerning their pretence of the state, the said lord King most humbly besought his Majesty and admonished all the states of this realm to consider how unfit a thing it were of itself, and principally for these men to intrude themselves into such novelties: that the king was not of any such age, that with the knife at his throat he was to be forced to nominate his successor to this Realm, especially considering what successor they pretended to force him to name, whom they ought not to presuppose to be able by the course of nature to out live his Majesty. Also that in case matters were at that point, yet were there other more practiseable means and such as time out of mind had been put in practice in this estate: but to anticipate a danger to come with a present one, an uncertain with by an unfallble, a suit of a matter not yet fallen, by a civil war, was as much as to prevent a fear with death itself and a sickness with a poison. That of this war begun upon a jollity must needs ensue the overthrow of the people, the diminishing of the nobility, the impoverishment of the clergy, the disannulling of all godliness, the bastardy of justice, the abolishing of all good laws, the total corruption of manners: to be brief, confusion in all things and desolation of the whole estate. So far should we be from looking for that beautiful re-establishment and new golden world which they promise: for every war is an instrument of destruction, but especially the civil, which is a headlong desolation, as being the sharpest disease of a state. Moreover albeit he were of such calling in this realm that whatsoever concerned him aught thoroughly to be considered as touching his Majesty and the common wealth, yet sith they had taken him for their adversary, he most humbly besought his Majesty, either to the end to eschew the danger of his person, to suffer him to end this war with them, as being assured to find friends and servants enough to compass it, so as he should not need to trouble himself thereabout, either else for avoiding the destruction of the people, to determine it by a combat of his person against the D. of Guise & the late lord Prince against the D. of Maine the captains of this conspiracy, as being assured that God who ruleth the weapons, is able enough to reveal his judgements in their punishment.  
Neither propounded he these things in any flying pamphlets subject to disaduow, as many of theirs are, but in formal and authentical manner, viz. by declaration written & signed with his own hand bearing date the tenth of june 1585. and presented to his Majesty by the lords of Clerevant and Chassincourt, and in a full assembly of the privy Council read word by word in his majesties presence, the said lords of Clerevant & Chassincourt requiring his Majesty not to mislike that it were exhibited to our Masters of the court of Parliament of Paris. As also to the same effect the said lord king of Navarre did write to our Masters of the Court; whom he desired to judge and bear witness of his behaviour, to our Masters of the three estates, each one severally foretelling the mischiefs that he foresaw and which themselves have since seen: to our Masters of Sorbonne who judged his submissions to be not pertinent, & contrariwise condemned the rashness used against him. To the Princes & common wealths, neighbours, & confederate with this estate, who partly by the succour which they have since sent him for his defence, & partly by their counsel to the king, to minister justice unto him do sufficiently show what their judgements are, as being far from our passions: of the ambition of the authors of the league, of the king of Navarre's moderation and patience, of the good entertainment that the one deserveth at the kings hands, and of the punishment due unto the other.  
Finally the fatality which seemeth to thrust forward this poor estate to her destruction: also the collusion of bad counsellors, who willingly do set to their shoulders, & are in troth fatality itself, caused that the king of Navarre might not be heard in his just declarations, caused peace to be made with the league to his cost, and caused that his patience was imputed to him for a transgression, and contrariwise, the violence of these of the league allowed and acknowledged for a notable service.  
The king of Navarre did through his discretion, considering the constellation that then reigned together with the muttering conspiracies then practised, sufficiently foresee that they meant to dissolve the whole cloud upon him, for the safety of others. To hold the room that he held in this realm, & to have so great interest in all treaties then made & not to be called, neither so much as to be once spoken withal, was sufficient to make him believe that the treaty with those of the league was indeed a contract against him, & the concluding of a peace with them, was a plain denouncing of war against him. Neither wanted he advise or persuasions from his partakers, who seeing themselves in evident danger reproved his overlong patience, wherefore they saw well that they must suffer. All which notwithstanding he never stirred: but reposed his confidence in God the protector of his right and innocency, upon the king & Queen mother's word, who had so often & expressly promised him that they would neither do nor suffer to be done any thing to his harm or the prejudice of the edicts of peace. And indeed who would have imagined that for stranger's sakes they would have sacrificed their own domesticals? or staunched the insatiable thirst of those of Loxraine with the shedding of the french blood and loss of their own?  
Well, peace was concluded with those of the league: their edict of peace was a decree of banishment against the king of Navarre, the late lord Prince and their partakers. To be brief, all the war was at once & without knowing any cause why, turned against this poor Prince and the french armies put into the hands of the house of Lorraine for the executing of this violent edict with all outrage. A matter never before heard of in any justice: (but likewise who will seek justice among so many injustices) that the parties, considering their stomachs, should be made both commissioners and executioners in their own plea? But will you plainly see that the causes which in their writings they allege for their justification, were but vain pretences? They had promised relief to the people, re-establishment of dignity to the Nobility, and the ancient authority and liberty to the Clergy, and to the same end of some they had gotten the persons & from others the coin: howbeit when they came to treat, there is no speech of any such matter: they had sworn to the lord Cardinal of Bourbon that they would cause him to be nominated successor to the crown: yea they would rather be buried then depart therefrom; that likewise they had forgotten. Their only drift was, to be still armed, under whatsoever pretence, and to place all their family in good governments or in the strongest holds: and having once won that point they presumed themselves to the arbitrators of France. And in deed, for the compassing thereof they renounce the rest, they renounce them to the people, to the Nobility and Clergy, to the eminency of the state, and to the zeal of the Church. But all this is found to be swallowed and drowned in their particular ambition, and since that time we have seen no more of it, there hath been (I say) no mention or memory thereof.  
Thus do we see on the one part these of the league through their violence armed with the king's name and armour, and on the other side, the king of Navarre furnished with the kings will, (but unarmed) against the league. All that he can get is certain secret excuses: That they are very sorry for it: but they could not otherwise rid their hands: that they must needs yield to this rage, etc. In the mean time on every side they came upon him: the edict of pacification is infringed in favour of the league: throughout the realm are nothing but proscriptions and banishments: such as assisted the king against the league, being both sent for and commanded by his Majesty, of good servants, even in one day, are become offenders: yet can he not at once abandon all patience: he will commune with the D. of Montmerencie, a peer of France, and chief officer of the crown, one that is not suspected of religion. They meet at S. Paul of Cadeiouz in Alby: they remain there certain days to confer: his majesties deputies are heard give out the speeches aforesaid, whereupon they resolve manfully to withstand the mischief, which otherwise is remediless, the king of Navarre: the late lord Prince and the Duke of Montmorencie, nevertheless by an express protestation of the tenth of August declaring that to their great grief through this precipitation they are forced to have recourse to weapons: that as all the world knoweth, they have tolerated until all extremity, but that seeing the enemy ready to fall upon them they could do no less, but take counsel both of necessity and nature. That they had offered and again did offer in matter of religion to yield to a free counsel, and in matters of state to a lawful convocation of the states, yea to submit themselves to the hazard of a combat, albeit with their inferiors, rather than to see the desolation of this state and calamity of so much people: but if either violence or bad counsel had stopped up their ears to their just reasons, that they declared before God and all the good subjects of this land, that they had not taken arms but for the kings authority and liberty manifestly oppressed, yea and that with his own consent voluntarily testified by so many his declarations, letters, decrees and ordinances: that they neither have nor will have for enemies any other than those whom of his own mere motion he had denounced enemies to his life and the peace of his realm: that in respect of religion they would make no distinction of the king's subjects, but would cherish and embrace them all with like affection and countenance, only requiring them to the end to be the better distinguished, to separate themselves both from the counsels and dealings of the league: protesting all the miseries and calamities that this estate is to suffer to be unto them both sensible and sorrowful, who are the blood and members thereof, but not so to those that are but grafted in & that very slightly, moreover from the bottom of their souls calling for God's wrath and curse against the authors of so many mischiefs and upon their practices and enterprises, a vow which God hath in troth heard, if we list to see it throughout the whole progress of this war of the league.  
Well, the war was earnestly begun, & see, we are now come to the third year: now let us call to mind the goodly speeches they then used to bring us in taste with it. The king Navarre (said they) within a few months would be shut up in some one of his holds without all hope of succour and forced to forsake the realm, & not to find any assured place where to sojourn. The Protestants hands within the first year should in part yield for fear at the first brunt of their weapons, & in part be won by force if they obstinately durst resist.  
For the second year they should not have past three or four left, & those, by their saying, rather to practise then to trouble them. As for their succour, it was but in vain to speak of any: for they had taken so good order in Germany that there could be no levy made for the king of Navarre, and if there should, yet did they promise to fight with it, yea even to go to seek it to the very borders of the Rhine.  
The foolisher sort & such as with their passions were drunken, believed these things and felt even to the bottoms of their purses to see these miracles, so stoutly affirmed by these triaclers. If wise men, & experienced captains purposed to declare all these things to be vain. If they alleged that our kings had employed 25. years in vain: that there was never a sinew in this realm but had been strained, or never a vein but had been lanced & drawn dry, than they said that these enterprisers were of a far other sort, & that they knew other secrets than they found. So greatly doth the world delight to be deceived at her own cost, yea so far doth this age (enemy of her felicity) delight to abandon herself to the first pothecary. Now let us see what this mountain will bring forth.  
The kings armies are delivered to the authors of the league: the king abandoneth all his force and authority into their hands: they also without sparing do put thereto as much as their credit will reach. They have Lancknights, Swissers and Reisters, the Clergy do endeavour themselves to pay these armies, even with the sale of their temporalties, though not without repentance: the king and his people do spend four years profit in one: the king of Spain employeth one part of his Indies: to be brief, in this realm we have now that which was never seen before, viz. eight armies at once in the field, and every of them able to besiege, every of them painfully employed, each in his quarter.  
In the mean time the king of Navarre hath all this while neither succour nor assistance from any place: all his enemies have condemned him to the death, and all that loved him do despair of him. What may a just cause do in the assurance of a courage against all endeavours? this Prince was never seen stoup less, & that doth every one know, or set himself more stiftely against adversity: but indeed, what is not the almighty able to warrant those that walk uprightly? He breathed upon all these armies, and they scattered of themselves before they had done any thing: saving there was some sconce or village taken which cost us millions, neither doth it appear that ever they were, unless by the destruction of the country or desolation of the people. For in the weakening of the king of Navarre, or of his partakers, nothing can be known.  
Now let us (I pray you) grow to account & leave robbing of our own purse. In the government of Guienne they have both employed and displayed all their miracles and powers: who then would not rather have Taillebourg, Royan, Talmont and Fontenay then Monsegur S. Bazeile & Castillon? And Castillon I say, the labour & triumphs of the L. of Main, the sepulchre of so many men, & the bottomless gulf of so much coin, recovered again by the L. of Turenne in one hour with ten shillings worth of ladders? In Languedocke who would change S. Pons, Lodeue & Capestan for Marueiolz? or in Dauphine wherewith shall we counterpeize Montlimar, Ambrun and Dic? And all this gotten in one night with ten pound of powder: whereas a small castle must cost us both months, store houses and armies: neither can we say that in recompense hereof they have lost more men. For it is well enough known that the assailant always looseth a hundred for ten. The overthrow of the L. of Vius, the recovery of Montlimar & the battle at Coutraz would say somewhat hereof where we lost so much nobility without any reciprocal loss on their side, where also so much good French blood was prodigally spilled, which might have been better employed else where, whereof also we imagine ourselves well comforted poor wretches that we are, when in the palace they roar out unto us the overthrow of the Swissers. And all this afore mentioned did he without any foreign succour, albeit both England and Germany did in the beginning make sufficient show there of their gooodwils to this prince and his affairs. Whom God thus guided through his wonderful providence to the end every man might well perceive that the king of Navarre and his alone & without any support might be able to maintain themselves against the league: that the people likewise might note their fraud and boasting when they made this enterprise so easy, and so became wiser and less passionate hereafter: but especially that such as fear God and do assure themselves to march under the conduct of his providence might the more evidently perceive his blessing over the justice and innocency of this prince, more evidently (I say) in his weakness then in his force, and contrariwise his wrath and curse over the violence & injuries of those of the league in the greatness of their power and vanity of their effects.  
But mark now I pray you. Now that they be recreant & able to do no more, the king of Navarre whom they should have chosen to the end of the world, doth in our view keep the field, forceth out towns with the Canon, gathereth new strength, and before our noses in the midst of France dare give us battle, and never vouchsafe to attend the succour that he is far of. Behold also on the other side the strangers came in with a mighty and terrible army which these our masters should have through their diligence choked in Germany, or at the least have defeated upon the border of Rhine: and yet even in their presence it passeth the heart of Lorraine, goeth through all their governments without any one alaram, and is felt even in our bowels: and when these good mariners have cast us into the storm, or brought us upon the rock, not knowing to what saint to vow themselves, they leave us to the oar, and without any speech steal themselves into the skiff, accounting themselves sufficiently discharged with a save who save can.  
Truly it is now therefore time for us to think upon our affairs, for we have let ourselves run too far after their wrongful passions: Too late do we perceive their malice and our rashness, for long since have they purposed to take to themselves spoil of our own wreck. It is high time for us all with like endeavours to set hand unto that holy anchor which is able to warrant our vessel from shipwreck, and which only in this peril may stand us in steed of a haven.  
To what purpose, will ye say, is all this large discourse? Truly to the end we may rather late than never perceive that we prosecute a wrongful and unprofitable war, and therefore that by some end we shorten the course of our follies. Wrongful I say, and therefore we are assured of God's curse upon our souls, unprofitable also, for who can prosper against Gods will? And what have we in the course of these three parts seen, but a mere going backward and funerals in lieu of triumphs? But you will reply, In whom is the fault that we have not peace? also how often have we caused it to be motioned? went not the queen into Poitou to the king of Navarre? But this prince (men say) is shy, and will not easily be handled: truly with all such as have not haunted him he is to be pardoned though they think him not tractable: for considering how he hath ever since his youth been entreated, they may have good cause so to believe, sith the most patiented man in the world might have grown out of patience, the most phlegmatic into choler, the easiest and most tractable, to be distrustful, backward and implacable.  
But let us judge of his humours by his behaviours: he came to the war upon great extremity and that as late as he could: it is then to be believed that he will not be slack to come to peace: he saw himself and his partaker persecuted with all rigour, confiscate, banished, disgraded, condemned, executed, murdered, and all under colour of the religion which he professed: all which notwithstanding he never altered his manner of proceed: he never molested any for religion: he kept their promised liberties and safety: he preserved under his protection such Catholics as were not of the League, yea he pardoned even those of the league and being taken after the heat of arms he gratified them, and if he used a contrerigour we could not tell what to say: for we all do sufficiently know that the first is guilty of the second. We must therefore confess that he hath a very temperate mind, besides his nature: he I say, whom so many wrongs, griefs and injuries could never make passionate or to alter. It hath also been sufficiently noted that so long as there was any hope to see him overthrown: or that his enemies had any advantage of him, they were still assisted with all help, without any spare: they never propounded unto him any meet condition: albeit the next day after a victory of his, he sendeth to the King, he bewaileth with him the shedding of so much blood as is spilled, he offereth with all his heart to do him service in the staunching thereof: he returneth most of the prisoners of account, either infinitely commending his courtesy, or if they conceal it, of all men condemned of ingratitude.  
Truly he, who being rashly dealt with in so many sackings, and yet was never seen out of course, no not being caused with full bridle, cannot but have a sure head and mouth, neither is there any let, but in our good help, that he may do very well. To be brief, in his adversity we have seen him victorious, in his prosperity a conqueror of himself: in the sorest smart of his injuries clean from all revenge, in the swiftest slidings of his good hap, void of insolency: always ready to admit the reasons of such as have offended him particularly, and to give over his most boiling passions to common benefit. Let us then believe that he flieth not from peace, but desireth it: and that he is not so shy and malicious as men make him. But indeed the Rose pricketh when we do not take hold of it where we should, and if we consider well, we shall see that all that hath yet been done, and as it seemeth of set purpose, hath tended only to drive him into despair.  
To prove this to be so, let us see how they have dealt with those of the League, and how with the king of Navarre: he a household child, they strangers, not so much as of the family, though they be of the realm. The Guizians are not so soon (though without cause) up in arms, but the Queen, all things set aside, goeth to them, yea she seeketh after them even to the lands end: them, who had they been courageously assailed were not able any whit to abide it. Contrariwise the King of Navarre being for the safety of his own person, constrained to take arms, is left alone fifteen whole months to dry up the blows, he is on all sides shot at, to make an end of him: so long as they think to see him either besieged or beaten, they speak never a word, but wait the end: But when his enemies are no longer able to assail him: when they have discharged even their last piece in vain, when having long time fenced and borne off the blows they see him sound and safe ready to repay them, then begin they to vouchsafe to speak unto him, and that as it seemeth rather to hale the enemies out of the press, than any way to content him.  
The Queen coming near to the Guizians for fear of scarring them, causeth all her power to departed, ceaseth all hostility, letteth scape all occasions to harm them, giveth them leisure to gather together both their spirits and helps, yea, both Reistres and Suitzers: Contrariwise (and that was the good counsel of the good Frenchmen that assisted her) at the very time of her coming to parley with the King of Navarre, did the army of the Lord of joyeuse most force itself in Languedocke, where it put all that it could force to fire and sword, as also did the army of the Lord of Espernon in Provence: yea hardly will she permit after many formalities and journeys to and fro, that the Marshal Byron should stay beyond Loire.  
The Queen, to content those of the league, promiseth that the Germans that come to the King's succour should not enter, and suspendeth their levy, albeit the issue of the negotiation were doubtful: Contrariwise she requireth the king of Navarre for a preamble, first of all under the uncertain hope of an uncertain peace to suspend and stay his foreign army.  
But will you see after so many ceremonies what conditions are propounded unto him. That is, That all exercise of his religion cease in all the towns within his authority and part. That himself and all his resolve with themselves utterly to renounce the same, and never more to speak of it, otherwise let him never look for any peace at the king's hands, whereas for satisfying those of the league all exercise was taken from those of the contrary religion: that is, so far as might be, they had given them both their bodies and souls. These are the speeches which the queen very earnestly commanded the lord of Touraine to impart to the king of Navarre, from the which she never departed. And then think you what likelihood there was after forty years fire, and five and twenty years war that the Huguenots would suffer themselves to be brought back to their A B C. yea imagine whether they whom so many troubles, namely these last, had made cannon proof, who durst abide the cannon in poor milns rather than to force their consciences, were capable of this article, and that a hundred towns more, which their best armies durst not once look upon, would yield thereto. Thus was all broken off: and note in the inequality of the persons and causes the arsiversie inequality of the proceed: that which ought to have set forward this negotiation, was the cause to break it off: For they of the league, who fear nothing so much as a peace feared also the shadow thereof: and indeed, to the end to trouble it, the shuffled they cards anew, they procured the seizing upon some strong holds in Picardy miss of others: places free from suspicion, especially far from religion, yea by practices they attempted against the king's person and life: matters known both to their majesties and all others, whereupon the Queen founded an argument to return to his majesty to prevent it, and so did the negotiation resolve upon nothing, for fear of displeasing them: whereas truly it had been the means to reunite all France into one: to join together again all the blood against the common enemy of this estate, and to give the abused evidently to weet, that there was no longer question of religion, and that these men had bewrayed themselves in seizing upon the Catholic towns, and in opposing themselves against the king at that very instant, when by their suggestion he warred most sharply upon the Protestants. Thus to the end again, to restore those of the league to the country, was the whole treaty of peace, begun with the king of Navarre, set aside, albeit the Queen had promised to send passports for the safety of the deputies whom the said king purposed to send for assistants of that treaty, whereof we have never since heard any speech.  
What then? must we, will you say, to the end to obtain peace, tolerate that religion? I would to God we were well so, and that we had no other matter then that to decide, We shall like well enough that the Pope for a miserable gain shall suffer the jews freely in Rome, and yet be termed Most holy. That the king of Spain, to the end to be at rest with his Hollanders, by express treaty shall not only grant them their religion throughout their country, but also abolish his own, and yet be nevertheless Catholic: And yet our king must forfeit his name of Most Christian, because he suffereth the Christians that believe the same scriptures and beliefs that he doth: he may not forbear, until the decision of a council in consideration of the Princes of his blood, who offer thereby to be instructed and taught in consideration of so many thousands of souls that have tried both fire and sword, and that so many years: not for the obtaining of some, I wots not what gain, but for the redeeming of a total loss: neither for the saving of some corner of an estate far off, but for the warranting of all his own realm from utter and inevitable ruin: yea, to be brief, even all that he is and all that he hath? And while we dispute and play the Sophisters about the difference between a knight's fee and a simple tenure, or between the suburbs, the city, and the shire town: we perceive not, like dolts as we are, that all retaineth into one, by the confusion of the nobility fallen into villeinage, the towns and suburbs into heaps of destruction, and this estate, if we provide not betimes, into pieces?  
Let us not flatter ourselves in the state of our France, we I say, who do peradventure corrupt ourselves in her and with her can not well perceive her diminution to be such as it is, so as if we had taken a nap of five and twenty years long, at our waking we should know neither her nor ourselves. The manners dissolved and near to a Gangrene: the laws no less venal than the offices: the consciences more than the benefits: the riches which aforetime have been a good state of the body brought into a small number, and that by bad ways, tumors properly against nature and very plagues to the body. The forces a token of weakness: our father's regiments thirty years ago stronger than our armies: and their companies then our regiments: their captains more presumptuous at their first issue out of their pageship then their fathers after three battles: moreover no respect either to labour, either to desert, or to years, neither to degrees of either honour or nature: no more reverence to the name of God, love to the Prince or duty to the country. These are now the diseases sufficiently discerned in our estate, but who is he that careth for it? So far is every one from setting to his hand earnestly, but every man's delight is privately to discourse that the state is sick, that it falleth into decay, that he must look to his affairs, every man I say with his hands in his bosom standeth gazing upon the shipwreck, giveth over his work, looketh to cast aside some coffer or table for himself, and thence think upon our hereditary governments, one of a castle, an other of a town, an other of a whole province. The small wasters do march under the great, and the great for the attaining to their purpose do league themselves under one head. O miserable estate! O miserable king, when his own either citizens or subjects in am of dying for him, will abandon! O miserable both citizens and subjects that build your greatness upon their destruction: a destruction undoubted (and who can warrant you from it) that will oppress you all under itself.  
Ween not that ever you, who upon a rage rather than by discourse, do wish for it, shall ever be able to have any joy of it, The vapours of your ambition do engender those dreams in you: kingdoms and mighty estates according to the proportion of their greatness, have also their periods long, whereto man's age cannot reach: Their crises or judgements are not gathered upon odd days as ours are, for their sharpest diseases do outlast our whole days. After the physicians have given them over they bury them, yea before themselves do, they bury those that are the causers of their death with all their ambition, vanity and glory. Marius and Cesar are down, but the senate was at jar long time after, and the common wealth which they had wounded did still pant. These changes are whole worlds. The fathers do die by the way: The sons after infinite calamities stay at the borders, yea the children's children: when they ween to have won all, they are ready to be beaten from all, according to the proverb: To be at rest you think peradventure that the utter extinguishing of our race may breed your peace, and yet do not mark that the eldest of them is younger than you, and when you shall be strooken in age they shallbe young. Or I pray you do you think yourselves only in this realm ambitious? Is there ever a gentleman in France but when you have brought the crown to spoil, will not think to have as good right to it as you? having broken the laws, as you go about to do the Salic law, do you not call in all the neighbours to ear France in pieces? even those that first married the king's daughters, who will be more fresh, mighty and rich than you to defend their titles? At whose hands when you have done your best, and endured much mischief both you and your shallbe made bondmen, yea you shall become their mocking stocks, pray and spoil, and no man to move you. How many damages must this estate incur during these alterations? how many good families destroyed, how many good towns laid waist? how many widows and orphans? how much land be untilled? & how many poor households must die for hunger? France through these long robberies will grow to a forest: The Goths will devour the remainder of the Huns: and the Vandals of the Goths. Upon this miserable carrion will all the beasts of the earth feed: A thousand worms, and a thousand serpents shall breed therein, and there engender to gnaw it: petty tyrants in a country, in a castle and in a town. To be brief in am of a scorpion, a Basilisque: and for an adder, a viper. But I fear, I preach theses curses to the deaf. The child's mother, when Solomon commanded it to be divided, chose rather to lose it, yea to let her adversary have it, then to see it cut in sunder: her blood was troubled as also were her bowels: the other respected not the dividing of it: she thought she had enough if she might have her share, albeit bloody and unprofitable: so sensible are the natural and lively affections, whereas contrariwise the strangers are dead unsensible and obscure: yea so difficult is it for the French blood to conceal her natural affection to France and for the stranger to borrow, counterfeit or falsify the same.  
These mischiefs which the course of these wars do bring in are evident, neither was there ever other end seen: mischiefs, which if they be not speedily prevented will grow mortal and incurable: mischiefs which can not be remedied but by peace, by a sincere and faithful peace, which hide not an other war in her bosom, and is free from after thoughts, such a peace as may grant heart burnings time to quail, and duty and amity to recover, which also taketh all hope and appetite from our perturbers to stir, as not able to infringe it without losing themselves. Such a one will it be when the good frenchmen shall rely themselves and one bear out an other, when they shall either grant or suffer to each other what so ever shall be requisite to mutual rest, but why should they deny this one to an other, sith they all shoot at one common mark of their salvation in the life to come? yea every of them for that having a common interest to live or perish together. Such shall it be when every man shall in this realm be accounted as he is: the king obeyed, the princes cherished and honoured, the household loved, the strangers in their places gratified, every one paying & receiving both what he oweth & what is due to him, & that he also think it reasonable to preserve those whom god himself hath preferred by blood, by degree or by dignity. God who in his council hath forejudged all this process: God who doth all his works in order, and ministereth all his judgements without passion, bring this to pass. Such, to be brief shall it be when every man both for making and preserving thereof, shall bring whatsoever he is or hath. The prince his faith, the magistrates their authority, & the subjects each in his calling, their due obedience. God by his holy spirit grant unto the king (for it is he only that holdeth it in his hand) that he may shortly find both the means and way. God grant also (for him must we win with hearty desire and humility) that the people may become easy and pliable to solicit the same with hearty desire and burning zeal.  
God likewise grant all and every of us well to remember all the mischiefs that we have endured, that we may have such a feeling as may never decay, to the end we may detest all civil miseries, and no less abhor the authors than the effects.  
That also we may shortly in peace with one heart and mind in the vocation whereto God hath called us, seek the good and perfit health of this realm, the purity and sincerity of God's service, and redress of good manners and health some laws, the perfit bonds of the king to the people and the superiors to the inferiors, whereof do depend the weal, peace and prosperity of the king, subjects and state. Amen.  
FINIS.