A DECLARAtion concerning the needfulness of peace to be made in France, and the means for the making of the same: exhibited to the most Christian king, Henry the second of that name, King of France and Polande, upon two Edicts, put forth by his Majesty, the one the tenth of September, the other the thirteenth of October. Anno. 1574.  
Translated out of French by G. H. Esquire.  
¶ Imprinted at London by Henry Bynneman, for Ralph Newbery, dwelling in Fleetstreat, a little above the Conduit.   

¶ To the right worshipful his especial good father Sir Pearcivall heart Knight, one of the Sewars, and Knight Harbinger to her Majesty: his humble and obedient son G. H. wisheth health and long life.  
IT is now (Sir) long time since I not only desired but fully determined, to testify the acknowledgement of my duty towards you, by some piece of my travel, in this present kind of exercise. The bringing whereof to pass, although I have often sought by perusing many books: yet could I not light upon any to answer my contentment (which stood always on the choice of some such matter, as I thought might best like you) until there chanced into my hands this little french advertisement: The which I had no sooner read over, but by and by there was kindled in me a certain desirousness to take it in hand, partly for the argument thereof, which carrieth great cause of likelihood to please the reader in general: but chief for my particular purpose to delight you, whom I know to have a special inclination to hear and read the discourses of the french affairs, because you yourself in your young days, having served the king's Grandfather Francis of Valois, in his Court, and travailed that country, have had good occasion to be acquainted with the customs thereof, and with the nature of the people there. And I doubt not but it will like you so much the better, for the variety of foreign histories, applied most aptly to the ground of the present matter, wherewith it is, I say not powdered or filled, but fraughted. Nevertheless, although my liking of the work did hale forward my labour to the translating thereof: yet I must needs say, that after I was somewhat entered thereinto, straightways there stood up such a number of doubts, and so huge a heap of imperfections to withstand me, as had not my desire to pleasure you prevailed against all those stops and stays: my travel and devotion therein had lain in the dust, before my race had half been run. But yet notwithstanding, the reasons aforesaid, and the desire I had to do the thing, and the delight I took in doing it, wrought such persuasion and encouragement in me, and did so keep me still in breath, as I never gave it over, till I had turned it into English, in such sort, as you my good father, may now vouchsafe to see: to whom, I most humbly present it as a newyear's gift. Therewithal heartily wishing, that your earnest zeal towards all wise, worthy, and virtuous proceedings, (whereof nearness in blood forbiddeth me to speak according either to your desert, or to my knowledge, desire, and duty) may increase, to God's glory & the profit of your country. And the same God prospero you and all your doings, and bless you with many more new years, to the contentation of your own heart's desire.  
This first of january .1575. Your humble and obedient son George Harte.   

¶ The first edict the tenth of December, of the will and intent of the most Christian King of France and Poland, Henry of Valois, the third of that name.  
HEnry by the grace of God King of France and Poland, To all that shall see and read this present Edict, greeting. The brotherly amity which always hath been mutually between our late most honourable Lord and brother king Charles, (whose soul God pardon) and us, and the natural inclination and duty which we have to the conservation and quietness of this realm, hath heretofore not only made us mindful of the welfare of our said late Lord and brother, and of his subjects: but also enforced us to neglect our own commodities, and to participate the care & travel of managing all affairs, as well public as private, and as well of wars as of peace: in which we have willingly employed, not only all our means, but also our own proper person, as appeareth by divers encounters & battles, which God by his holy grace hath always favoured according to the right & equity of the cause which we defend. Whereas notwithstanding it is most certain & evident, that the losses in that case so happening as well on the one part as on the other, did altogether tend to the diminishing & weakening of the forces of the realm. Our said late brother knowing this, had at sundry times assayed to qualify the sharpness of that inconvenience, by benignity and clemency, endeavouring to bring again the hearts of his subjects to their due obedience by gentleness, and to reconcile their wills to good unity and concord, which were at odds before, specially the year passed when I was his Lieutenant general before Rochel: we following his mind and commandment by the advice and counsel of Princes, Lords & notable persons, which at that time were with us, did then again accept that gentle means of pacification, which we thought most meetest, as the thing which we specially desired, to be firm & durable, knowing that the most part of the subjects of the realm, had sufficiently tried, felt, & proved the miseries & calamities which civil & inward war bringeth with it. And that was the very cause, upon hope whereof, we took our journey into Polande, whither the states of the country (that a little before had elected us for their king) did call us: whereas if we had thought that the wars should have seized & rested so short a time, we had not abandoned our said lord & brother, nor yet the realm. But rather we would have preferred the conservation & defence thereof, above all advancement or particular benefit that could touch us or apertain unto us. Yet notwithstanding some being seduced by evil council, have under divers pretences, renewed the troubles and entered again into arms. Whereby it is come to pass that the realm is immediately fallen into the same malady of which it was but newly crept out, & the means that had been attempted for the redress thereof, brought not the fruit that was looked for, and desired. Now for asmuch as it is the duty of a good king, as well as of a good father and pastor, to strain himself to the uttermost of his power, and to employ all his doings to the benefit and preservation of those whom God hath put under his charge, specially at the beginning of his reign. And seeing that it hath pleased the divine bounty to call us to the rule and government of this realm: We have thought good, first of all to prove all means possible to bring our subjects again to the right way by gentle means, that they may live peaceably one with another in good unity and concord, and yield us the obedience which by all right they aught to do, as the thing which every man of his own part aught of right to desire and procure. Therefore to the intent that all men may understand our will and meaning, which tendeth to nothing but the benefit and comfort of the Realm and our subjects: We have said and declared, and do say and declare, that all those which heretofore have risen and taken arms against our late Lord and brother the king last deceased, and against his authority and ours, or have absented themselves out of the Realm, withdrawing them into strange countries without our leave, and at this present will lay a part arms, give over the practices of war, return home into their houses, leave up and put into our obeisance the towns which they hold and occupy, and do as good and loyal subjects aught to do to their king and sovereign Prince: they shall find us disposed and ready to admit and receive them into our good grace, with intention and will to entreat them well, forgetting the former things, and providing that neither present nor to come, any of those of what quality degree or condition so ever they be, or for any cause that may be pretended to have been done by them during the troubles, shall any way be disquieted, molested, or sifted by us or our officers, either in their persons, goods, or honours, but shall live in all assurance, rest, and tranquillity, both they, their families, and posterities: assuring them that if they will come or send to us to this end, they shall do it with all surety by virtue of these presents, which shall serve them for safe-conduct, howbeit so as in their coming towards us, they take safeconduites and passports of the governors and Lieutenants of the provinces by which they pass, whom we authorize & enjoin to do so without refusal or let, commanding all governors & captains of places justicers & officers, sheriffs of towns, and other our subjects, according to their duties to let them pass in all safety towards us, without giving or suffering to be given, any disturbance, molestation, or impeachment. And if any of them be not disposed to receive & accept this our favour, & to use the goodness & clemency which we offer them, but rather will persever in their evil intents & purposes: them are we fully resolved to employ all the means which God hath put into our hands, to repress their insolences, and to bring their malapertness & rashness to reason: wherein we hope & do promise ourselves, that god (who knoweth our intent) will of his gracious goodness favour & aid us, to maintain the authority which we acknowledge ourselves to hold of him: And that therewithal our good and loyal subjects will not forget their duties & allegiance which they have always borne us, to the end therefore the rather to put the realm in quietness, & to re-establish it in his ancient greatness, dignity, & beauty: We charge & command all our Lieutenants general, & governors of our provinces, bailiffs Stewards & their deputies, to 'cause this present Edict to be proclaimed in every of their governments, assemblies, & jurisdictions, & to continue the keeping & observing of the same inviolable, without impeachment or suffering it to be impeached in any sort or manner what soever it be, expressly forbidding the officers of our courts of Parliaments, to impeach it for their part, & putting as well them as our solicitors & attorneys general & all other persons unto silence upon the sight hereof, for so is our pleasure. In witness whereof we have caused our seals to be put to these presents.  
Given at Lions the ten day of Sept. the year of grace 1574. & of our reign the first.  
Also signed upon the reply, by the king being in his counsel, with whom there was also the Queen his mother, my Lord the Duke of Alencon his brother, the king of Navarre, the Cardinals of Burbo, Lorein, & Gwyses, the prince Dolphin, the Dukes of Gwyse, Namors, and Main, the Earl of Charnie, the great Esquire, the lords of Moruillier, of Valence, of Lanssak, of Lymoges, of Foys, of Bellieure, & of Monluke, and other Lords of his privy counsel then present, Fizes.  
And sealed upon double labels, with the great seal in yellow wax.   

¶ The second Edict the thirteenth of October.  
HEnry by the grace of God King of France and Polande, To all that shall see this present Edict, greeting. Though at our coming into this our realm, & by our letters patents signed with our hand the ten day of September last passed, which was sent unto our governors, Lieutenants general in our provinces, judges and officers, to publish the fame, and to continued the exact maintaining and observing thereof, we have plainly and particularly enough declared and opened the inward meaning and intent of our heart, and the desire that we have to embrace and receive all our subjects into our good favour, which will frame themselves to their duty, and yield the obedience that God and nature hath bound them to, being very willing to forget all that is passed: Yet notwithstanding because many of our subjects which be far off, and within the towns and places possessed against our authority, and peradventure not well advertised and certified of our said meaning, or have had it misreported unto them by some which have a will to maintain still these troubles and disorders for the particular profit and commodity which they receive by it, under colour that since our coming either we have caused the Rutters, Swysers, and other forces to march in some provinces of our realm, (which forces we found ready assembled to recover the said places withholden against our said authority, and to open the passages of our provinces,) intending under that pretence to bear men in hand, that our meaning was not to pacify the affairs of our realm, according to our declaration, although it be the only thing which we most chief seek: and we likewise have been advertised that some of them have delayed their coming or sending unto us (to enjoy the favour which we have offered them by our said Declaration, for fear of their lives, and for fear to be forced and constrained in their consciences, for that there was not express mention thereof in our said Declaration, notwithstanding we have both heard, and gently received all those which have come unto us for that purpose.  
And have granted particular passports, and necessary sureties to others, which have given us knowledge of their desire to do the like: For these causes and other great considerations moving us thereunto, and to take wholly away all doubt and scrupulosity from our said subjects, we have sufficiently and as much as necessity requireth, said and declared, and by these presents signed with our hand, do say and declare, that our greatest care and desire, is to restore our said Realm in to the ancient estate of quietness and tranquillity, by means of such peace as we intend to give to our subjects, and the clemency we purpose to use towards them, forgetting all that is passed, without remembering any part thereof, and intending that none of all our subjects, of what quality, degree, or condition so ever they be, or for what cause so ever may be pretended, to have been done and committed by them during the troubles, or by their occasion, shall any way be disquieted, molested, or sifted by us or our officers, either in their persons, goods, or honours, but that they may live in their houses in all assurance, rest, and tranquillity, both they, their families, and posterities. And therefore we following (& conforming ourselves, to our said first letters,) minding moreover so greatly the benefit of peace, that we will not in any wise have them sifted, distressed, nor troubled for their consciences, but do utterly forbidden it, and for the same will make all necessary provision to be put in readiness.  
And to the end that those which are willing to come to us to show us their griefs, may do it safely, and so likewise return: We will that these presents shall serve them for safeconduct. Provided always, that as well for their coming as their going, they take safe-conducts and Pasportes of the governors and Lieftenantes general of our provinces by which they pass. Whom we command to deliver the same unto them without refuse or delay. Enjoining also all governors & Captains of places, our justicers and officers. Sheriffs of Towns and other our subjects, according to their duties, to suffer all such travelers to come and go safely, without giving or suffering to be given any molestation or impeachment. And we promise' in the faith and word of a king, and upon our honour, to accomplish and perform that which is by these presents and shall be by us after accorded and assured: And for more greater surety it shall be allowed and approved as matter of record throughout all the courts of parliaments of our Realm, by the Princes of our blood, Lords, Gentlemen, Mayors, Sheriffs, and principal dwellers of our Towns, and others, if need shall require. Thus we give commandment to our trusty and well-beloved officers of our Courts of parliaments, and our said Liefetenantes general, governors, Bailiffs, Stewards, and other deputies, to keep and observe inviolably these presents, without contradiction or suffering any contradiction in what sort or manner soever it be: putting our attorney general and all others unto silence: For so is our pleasure. In witness whereof we have caused our seal to be put to these presents.  
Given at Lions the thirtienth day of October in the year of grace .1574. and of our reign the first: So signed, HENRY:  
And upon the reply, By the king, being in his council at Neufville.  
And sealed with double labels in yellow wax.   

¶ A declaration to the most Christian king, Henry the third of that name, king of France and Poland.  

Sir, the two Edicts that your majesty hath caused to be published since your new coming to the Crown, (which GOD make prosperous unto you) do make great show, that your said Majesty is desirous to see a good peace in France. And truly, all good people do greatly praise God, for the good will & fatherly affection, that he hath put into your heart towards your said subjects, and desire that the same may there take so deep and lively root, as it may utter itself more and more in deed and effect. But (according to your said majesties complaint in the last of those Edicts) many are so full of mistrust, as they can hardly believe such affection of peace. to be yet thoroughly imprinted in your heart, the rather for that they see your Majesty to make war against them, to whom you say you intend to give peace: in so much that, seeing on the one side a pretence of your will tending to peace, and on the other side, an execution of war, they know not what to determine thereof. Some say, they must rest themselves rather on the deed, than on the word, paper or ink. Other some think that the word and promise of a King, is ground sufficient to rest upon, excusing your majesties making of war, with the same excuse that is contained in your last Edict, that is to say, that your Majesty assembled not those forces, but having found them ready furnished at your coming to the crown, thought it more requisite to employ them, than to suffer them to be idle, specially seeing that the entertaining of them was so chargeable, & they must needs be paid whether they serve or no. Some say moreover, that what so ever your Majesty hath done touching the execution of war, was but to sharpen men's appetites unto peace, which held your towns in their hands, & were in arms against you. because fear is a ready mean to make the weaker crave peace of the stronger. Othersome say further, that a noble prince ought to behave himself mildly towards such as humble themselves under his obeisance, and to tame and repress such as make resistance against him: and that therefore your Majesty hath just cause to make war against those your subjects, which will not yield you their obedience, to whom nevertheless ye would give peace, if they would put off armour & desire it of you with humbleness. But (to speak the truth) all these reasons can not make the greater number, to hazard themselves by believing the contrary (say they) to that which they have seen and yet do see with their eyes. And especially those that be in arms, who think ye mean to make of them a matter serviceable to your glory and triumph. (as did the ancient Emperors those barbarous nations whom they subdued.) And they ground their belief upon your first Edict, by the which your said Majesty seemeth to take for great victory and matter of triumph, the lamentable adventures happened in the wars passed, in the late king your brother's time, against those that named themselves your subjects, and were in deed Frenchmen borne. Again they grant that a prince aught to repress and tame such as will not obey him, and that God and nature do teach us to obey our princes, and sovereign Lords: but they also say, that God and nature do likewise teach us to preserve our lives, and that to the obedience due to princes aught to be joined the assurance of the subjects lives, which should not be taken away, but by order of law: and that if they were assured of that point upon any other pledges than paper and ink, there were nothing in the world that they would more willingly do, than the yielding unto you their whole obedience and service: and that therefore they are not to be accounted as traitors and rebels though they submit not themselves without assurance of their lives, because the former time serveth them for a sufficient example and lesson to learn by the harms of their kinsfolk & friends, neither to be light of belief, nor to hazard their lives but upon good warrant. They further discourse hereof in many other sorts, your Majesty may well consider, that to such as live in fear of their lives, all things are holden suspect. For some, because themselves are desirous of peace, are easily persuaded that your majesty desireth the same: and othersome for the doubt they stand in of their lives, are loath to believe any thing: and all generally hung in the balance between hope and dread, and know not what to trust unto, nor which way to turn them.  
Now sir, seeing the world in this manner is tossed, I have adventured to take upon me the humble presentment of this little declaration unto your majesty, thereby to give you knowledge of three points of great importance, which I intend to verify by examples notable and worthy of memory. One is, that never Prince found it good to make war against his subjects, nor to deal rigorously and cruelly with them. Another is, that a good peace would not only make your realm of France to flourish, and your poor subjects to prospero, which are now at the last cast: but also make you the greatest king that ever was in France, yea without exception of Charlemagne, Clowis, or any other. And the third point is, that a good peace is not so impossible to be made as many judge it to be. But before I enter into the discourse of these three points, I will here recite one history much to the purpose of my former saying that the poor pretended rebels are in such wise tossed between hope and dread, as they know not where they are. And God grant your majesty a willing desire, to follow the example of this history which I shall declare.  
The Romans had in ●imes past much war with the Latins which were their neighbours, & (as it were) subject to them by reason of their near neighbourhood. But the Romans (having overcome them in many victories) would needs constrain them, to the yielding of a good part of their goods and possessions, by way of an amends making, for that the Latins had broken the treaty of their assotiation, & were become rebels against them. The poor Latins being sore troubled & vexed, knew not which way to wind them, for it grieved them extremely to endure so great a loss, joined with such shame and dishonour, & on the other side they saw no mean left them whereby to maintain the wars any longer. Hereupon, one Furius Camillus, a brave and valiant Captain, and then Consul of Rome, declared to the senate that he knew a very good & an assured means, how to make, that the Latins should never after that rise up in arms against the romans, but ever live in peace and fidelity together with them. Then demanded they of him what that means was. Even this said he, that now when they are vanquished and so troubled as they know not what to do, we receive them for Citizens of Rome as ourselves, to enjoy the like profits, commodities and privileges as we do: for they look not for so great a benefit at our hands, but prepare themselves, both to do and receive all hostility. And herein is offered unto us a very fair occasion to increase our glory, which we ought not to let slip, because there is not a surer nor a longer lasting government, than that which is plausible unto the governed. But we must make haste, to the intent that now while they look for war, and prepare for it, we may prevent them with so great a benefit. When Camillus had so put forth his mind and opinion, the voices ran, whereof the greater number stayed upon his sayings, and his advice was followed, for the receiving of the Latins to be Citizens of Rome, to the enjoying of the like rights and privileges as the Citizens did. And from that time forward they were always so firmly united to the Romans, as there was never any war or division between them. Now than if your Majesty would vouchsafe to imitate this noble and honourable manner of taking perpetual peace with the poor pretended Rebels (which are your subjects) your goodness, gentleness, and liberality showed towards them which deserve it not, would very greatly increase your glory. And so much the greater would the benefit be, because they look not for it, but are utterly persuaded that your majesty will either have no peace at all, or else such a peace as shall only tend to your own advantage. And therefore they be fully bend rather to endure all extremity, than to trust any more to those fruitless pieces (which they call Paix fourrees, & wherewith (say they) they have always heretofore been entrapped.  
I will hereupon recite one other history much to the purpose. In the time that the Romans were at war with the Samnites, 
i. Livius b. 9 deca. 1.  (a war like people) it happened that Porthumius and Veturius consuls and captains of the Roman army, were by occasion of evil conduct, enclosed in a straight of disadvantage. And for lack of a better remedy, they entered into an entreaty of peace with the Samnites, which so in that strait held their enclosed. The Captain general of the Samnites was a brave young gentleman named Pontius, whose father called Herennius, had of long time governed the state of the Samnites. The advice of this good old man was asked for the making of peace: he answered that they must set go the Romans whom they held already cooped up as Captives, without any harm or violence. This advice was not very well liked of by Potius his son, which eftlones asked him whether he knew no better way than that; for the bringing of the peace to pass. To whom the good old man answered, that if they misliked of that his first opinion, his next advice was, that they should kill all the Romans which they held then enclosed, without suffering of any one of them to escape. For (said he) there is between both no mean, that may avail to the winning of a good peace, the same must of necessity be gotten either by the virtue of some benefit bestowed upon the enemy, or else by the so weakening of them (through the putting of the whole army to the sword) as in a long time after they shall not be able to recover again their force. Neither the one nor the other of this good man's opinions were followed, but in the end a dissimuled peace was made, which was not only shameful to the Romans, but also by them incontinently broken to the utter ruin & decay of the Samnites, which understood in the end, that the counsel of the good old Herennius had been the best to have been followed. Hereof sir I mean to conclude, that for as much as the Hugonots cannot all be enclosed in one straight, & that if they could, to kill them all (being your subjects & not your enemies) it were a thing neither reasonable nor convenient: ye could not do better, than to agreed to such a peace, as might to each part be both profitable and agreeable, which would 'cause it to be of continuance. In this respect the great warrior Hannibal demanded peace of the valiant & happy Scipio after this manner. It is I Hamnibal that do demand the peace, which I would not demand if it might not be profitable, and having obtained such a one I will willingly keep it, for the very same profit for the which I required it: 
●ionisius ●alic. lib. 3.  for to be short, a good peace aught not to be made in haste, but rather to be digested with mere deliberation, looking to none other end, than the profit of the common weal. And for this cause was it by Tullus Hostilius king of the Romans said, that the mutual intercourse of commodities, was the true band of peace.   

But coming now to entreat of those three points which before I proponed, as subject to this declaration. Touching the first, which is, that a prince aught not to take in hand the making of wars against his subjects: I set down for a true consequence that a people do never die. The particulars or several parts of the same do die in deed, but they leave always behind such as do succeed them not only in their inheritances, but also in their quarrels & passions: so as seldom or never dieth there any so very a caitiff & unfortunate wretch that leaveth not another (yea two or three, either children, brethren, parents or friends) which will be sorry for his death, & seek revengement of it if it were violently procured. Wherefore, who soever hath to do with a people, by kill of the particulars profiteth little, because they leave always to succeed them such as are (as it were) married to their quarrels. The same is at this day to be seen by the Gospelers (so do I term them in stead of Hugonots, and catholics in stead of Papists, as did the Lord of Valence in his declaration made to the Polonians: for within these xv years, what by the wars, what by justice, and what by murders, there hath been done to death more than 200000. and yet for all that, there are still so great a number of them, as it may seem there hath not any one died. There is very apparent reason why it should be so: namely for that a people dieth not, because the particulars have always other particulars to succeed them, not only in their inheritances, but also in their manners, instructions, and other conditions. But contrariwise, the great Princes die, as the late king your brother is dead, and many of his best servitors are dead, yourself also are mortal, and your best servitors be mortal, wherethrough it is commonly seen, that great men's great devices vanish away in the smoke, because that for the most part their successors are not of the same humour and will, but use their government far otherwise, the one undoing what by the other was done. In so much as it is seen that ordinarily they pull down, whom their predecessors had set up. Whereof among others, master Enguerran of Marigny may be a witness, which having been in great credit and authority, in the time of king Philip the fair: was by his brother and successor king Lewes Hutin so abased, as he therethrough become a poor man, without any cause apparent, other than for the envy & hate borne to the greatness that he had gotten. Also the wise Courtiers (which will not their lives, honours, and goods, to depend upon the life of one only man) are accustomed not only to please him that presently reigneth, but also him that is like to succeed him. For as Pompey said unto Scylla, there be more that do worship the sun rising, than the sun setting.  
Alexander the great did in his time many wondered & incredible things. 
Plutarch in Alexandro.  For with an army of .30000. Macedons, he overcame Darius the great monarch of all the east levant in three battles. In the first whereof Darius had 300000. men, which was twenty against one In the .2. he had .600000. which was .20. against one. And in the third, he had a Mission, which was thirty against one. He subdued all the Empire of Darius, as the Persians, the Medes, the Parthians, the Armenians, the Babylonians, with Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, and generally all the land habitable of Europe and Asi, from Macedon eastward unto India. But all those fair conquests vanished like smoke, and in the end came to nothing, for he himself died young, and left not successors of like nobleness and valiancy as he was. Whereupon Titus Livius putteth forth this question. 
Livius lib. 9 deca. 1.  If Alexander the great had taken in hand the wars of his time against the Romans, whether he should as easily have overcome them as he did Darius? he answereth no. For though (saith he) Alexander was a valiant king, and a stout & brave warrior: yet was he but one: & in having to do with Darius, he had to do but with one head. Where, had he had to do with the Romans, he must have fought with a number of brave Captains one after another. As Valerius corvinus, Martius Rutilius, Caius Sulpicius, Manlius Torquatus, Publius Philo, Papirius Cursor, Fabius Maximus, Lucius Volumnius, the two Decians, Marcus Curius, and many other, which would from hand to hand have received him, so as he should have known that they understood the mysteries of the wars. And as concerning Council, Alexander which was a young Prince, could have no better than they, that were guided by the heads of a whole Senate. The conclusion (saith Titus Livius) is, That the Macedons had but one Alexander, but the Romans had many captains which would have matched him, of whom every one should have lived, and died without peril or danger to the state public: Whereas by the death of Alexander, the state of his Monarch was rend and torn in pieces.  
The experience of this discourse of Titus Livius, 
Ti. Livius lib. 2. deca. 1.  was well seen in the wars that Hannibal had against the Romans. For he was a wise and valiant Captain, and knew as well how to guide his army as when to fight. Neither was he ignorant of the stratagems or policies of war. And in deed he overthrew many of the Roman Captains, as Flamminius, Paulus Emilius, Terencius Varro, Marcellus, and many other. But in the end he was repulsed by Claudius Nero, Fabius Maximus, and other, and last of all so utterly overthrown by the great Scipio the African, as he found well that it was no small thing, to have to do with a people, which do daily breed new Captains and men of war. And that well the particulars of a people may be vanquished and overthrown, but the whole people never. According to this saying of the philosophers: A general kind is immortal, by reason of the succession of particulars (which succeed one another) though every particular in itself be mortal. And this reason adviseth a Prince, not only to forbear to strive with his people: but also to shun the evil will of them, for fear of after claps. The Emperor Caius Caligula, 
Su●… in Calig. cap. 30. 3●. 49. 56. Dion ibid.  in his time put to death many of his subjects, even of the chiefest, most commonly for his own pleasure without lawful cause, and namely those which found any fault with his doings and government, thinking by that means to have made away all that hated him, & imagining (though fond) that with cruelty he might avoid hatred, wherewith cruelty is ordinarily and worthily accompanied. But the more he caused to die, the more his haters increased, and by the killing of one, he got the hatred of ten, in so much that perceiving himself to be hated of all his people, he wished that all the people of Rome had had but one head, whereby he meant, that if he had could, he would have dispatched them all at one stroke. But at the last experience taught him, that a people hath many heads (which daily multiply) where he had but one, by the taking whereof from him, he was miserably slain. For although by being Emperor of the world, he was of great power: yet was the power of the people found to be greater than his.  
This was well declared in a Comedy to the great Emperor Maximine, 
Capitolinus in Maximino.  great I say of stature, (for he was in length eight foot, and in bigness thereunto accordant, but in virtue very small. This Emperor was of parsonage so strong, as with one blow of his fist he struck out the teeth of an horse, with one spurn of his foot he burst in sunder a horses leg, and with both his hands he plucked a horse-shoe in sunder. With that natural force, he had also the force of the Roman Empire at commandment, so as he thought himself to be invincible and immortal. And therefore as one careless of the people's displeasure, he put to death many gentlemen and other persons of credit, partly for his pleasure, and partly for the envy that he bore unto their virtues. Therefore as he was one day in the Theatre beholding the playing of a Comedy, one of the players with a good countenance, said aloud as followeth. 
Whom one alone could never hurt, a number may confounded,  
The huge and mighty Elyphant, is so borne down to ground:  
The princely Lion, though he be unfeareful, strong and stout,  
Is notwithstanding overthrown, and killed by a rout.  
The cruel Tiger so is left stark dead upon the ground,  
For all his fell and furious mood, that passeth for no wound.  
And thou that standest in no fear of any one alone,  
At leastwise fear the common rage of many knit in one.   
Maximine perceived not that this player had cast these verses as it were a stone into his garden. Or if he did perceive, yet did he dissemble it, but within a while after, he found what so was said in jest, toward him to turn to good earnest. For after he had exercised many cruelties, and therein done to death more than .4000. Gentlemen without order of justice, he was of all his subjects so misliked, as (leading an army against the town of Aquilee) the whole country conspired to keep him from victuals, (notwithstanding any commandment by him put forth to the contrary) by reason whereof the soldiers (being pinched with famine) conceived a hatred against him, and began to grudge at him, and so at the last murdered him. The ancient Romans would always seem invincible against strangers, but never against their own people. The chief of whom were esteemed amongst them as the head, and the mean sort as the members. And if at any time the commons were fallen into any mutiny, the heads incontinent went about to appease them by gentleness, often thinking good, rather to yield them what so ever they demanded, than to assay to daunt them by any force of arms. 
Ti. Livius lib. 2. deca. 1.  On a time the people, rose by reason of the great rigour that the bankers and usurers (to whom they aught money) used against them. By and by the Consuls assembled their Senate, to be advised how that tumult of the people might be appeased. After the matter had been propounded, and some speeches passed of it, Appius Claudius (a severe man) was of opinion that the bands of the bankers and usurers aught and were to be paid, and that such a liberty was not to be set open, as the suffering of the people to break their contracts whereunto they were bound, but that they aught rather by force to be compelled to perform them. And that if they would punish some of the ringleaders and most seditious persons, that had of that mutiny been the first movers, all the residue would shrink and be so discouraged, that hardly should there any be found, that would at any time after that, become a captain to the commons, or any motioner of sedition. On the contrary part, the Consul Servilius was of opinion that the sedition was to be appeased by gentle means, saying, that it is much easier to bow a people than to break them, and that for the conservation of the common weal, the gentle means is much surer than the rigorous, because if that rigour take not good success, the people become mad, and utter unsubduable. By the decree of the Senate the advice of Servilius was followed, that they should rather cardesure, than to commit to hazard the estate of the public weal, and for a time the exaction of the hands, (whereupon the bankers and other had lent money upon interest to the people) were suspended. 
Ti. Livius lib. eodem.  Within a while after, certain of the chiefest in Rome, caused one of the Tribunes of the people (which was (as it were) the maintainer of the liberties of the third estate) to be slain as secretly as could be, because that under the colour of his office, he had gone about to move the people to sedition. The people were sore grieved at the death of their Tribune: but they said nothing to it, because they knew not to whose charge to lay it nor whom to blame for it. The noble men (which had caused that blow to be given) were very well a paid, that the people durst not open their lips at it, thinking themselves to have used a very good mean of preventing the sedition, and that other Tribunes thereby, would take example of it hereafter: They thought surely, that by their causing of the chief mover of the sedition to be slain, they had taken away the cause of sedition. But in very deed, they had not the principal efficient cause, that is to say, the r●…cour, miscontentment, and indignation of the people, but they had rather increased it by such unlawful execution. What become thereof? It happened anon after, that there were certain soldiers to be levied in Rome for a piece of service that the Romans had in hands, and every man thought that the ●eath of the Tri●…r had then been fallen asleep, and for ever forgotten. The Consuls commanded one Vale●o (a man of the third estate, that had before●…ene captain of cr●t●we footmen) to put this compavit in a readiness: ●e answered ●…atly that he would not. thereupon Emilius and Virginius then Cō●…s, 〈◊〉 certain S●ri●…s to ar●stohi●…, and 〈…〉 toward. But he es●…ping the 〈◊〉 of the Sar●…ant●, cast himself into althroug● of the people, and crying out for 〈◊〉 said, Masters let us stand to our 〈…〉 loo●ing to be any were holpen 〈◊〉 Tribunes, who dare not say any thing, because they be put to death for doing of their duties. Upon those words of his, notwithstanding that the Consoles did what they would to appease that sedition, so●… of them 〈◊〉 upon the ●r●ants, who being will ●…ffeted, and ha●ing their m●ces 〈…〉, did with much add 〈◊〉 the Pa●…are where the Senators were assembled. Then began they to fall to consultation, how that uproar might be remedied. Many speaking rigorously, said, that such boldness and rashness of the people was to be repressed with force & severity. But the ancient and wiser Senators, which were of opinion that it was not meet for the head to subdue the members by violence (but rather by courtesy & gentleness) prevailed in that counsel. For they knew well that they had already done too much, in causing the Tribune to be slain without order of justice, (although he had deserved it) & in offering that extremity so rashly to Valero, and that in such common misorders, the midst remedies are the surest and holesurnest. I will recount one example more of this gentle manner of proceeding, which for the appeasing of tumults and civil seditions, the ancient Romans liked to use, because it is a point both worthy the marking, & appertinent to our purpose. It fell out one day in Rome that amongst the people there was so great a mutiny, as the commons would needs separate themselves from the nobility, taking occasion thereinto, through the grievous burdens of their impostes, subsidies, & other like exactions. And it went so far, as the poorest and meanest of the people, did separate themselves from the rich and noble, and forsook their houses to devil elsewhere, howbeit without quarreling among themselves. When this matter came in question, by what means the said mutiny might best be stayed, and the people framed and brought to the yielding of their obedience towards their superiors and magistrates: amongst the Senators ran two opinions, one contrary to the other. The one was of Appius Claudius, a man very severe and rigorous against the common people: whose opinion was, that there was no yielding to the common people, whose nature is such (said he) if it were not bridled, would wax stubborn & proud, & the granting of any thing unto them under colour of this sedition, would be a maintenance & furtherance of other rashness and boldness, and an occasion to make them do the like another time: and therefore they were to be subdued by rigour and force. This opinion of Appius at the first sight was allowed and followed of the young Senators, whose blood was as hot & fierce, as their discretions were cold and unstaid. The other opinion was of Menenius Agrippa, a very good man, courteous, of good reputation, and of a right noble house, (but poor & a despiser of riches) which said, that the public affairs were as the body of a man, from the which the good Chirurgeon doth not by & by cut off the member that hath an uleer o● impostume, but rather deviseth, how he may with good and wise remedies heal it, adding also, that experience always showeth the nature of a people, to become tractable by good and gentle dealing, and the most modest and mildest, to become fierce with end and rigorous handling, no more nor less than a wild beast, being enticed and flattered becometh to●…: and the tame being beaten & evil entreated, becometh wild. And that they aught by bearing with the people, & bearing of their plaints and griefs to win their hearts, and by gentle and favourable means to bring them back again to their obedience. This opinion of Menenius was followed by those ancient wise Senators, that were well practised in the government of the common affairs, to whom also soon after agreed the younger sort, somewhat ashamed to have held contrary opinion to their ancients in years and judgement. And they excused themselves of it by the mouth of one of them named Spurius Nautius, who desired the ancient to hold their youth excused, which is not lightly accompanied with stayed judgement, assuring them that their following of the opinion of Appius, proceeded rather of a boiling and unadvised affection, & not of purpose to stand upon terms with them, promising from thenceforth to flee the falling into any such fault, and to be conformable to the judgement of the elders, as men of more wisdom and greater experience. The young Senators were much praised, as well for the revoking of their opinion, as for their so courteous excusing of themselves, and so Appius remained alone in his rigorous judgements And charge was given by the Senate to Menenius to make known their good will to the people, which he did in such courteous manner, and with so sweet words, that he not only won their hearts, but also abated their fury and fierceness of courage. My masters (saith he) the Senate hath neither done you harm, nor mean to do you any. They are as it were the belly, and you the members of the body: and should the members complain them, that what they labour for is all for the belly? Is it not the belly that nourisheth, maintaineth, and keepeth the members, being (as it were) the storehouse or Garner of all the whole body? When the belly taketh and receiveth sustenance and nourishment, doth it keep it altogether to itself? doth it not rather disperse it through the whole body, even to the fingers of the hands, and to the toes of the feet, which are furthest off from it? Do we not see that the nourishment which it gathereth, serveth not for itself alone, but for the whole body? And even in like sort doth the Senate employ those things which they demand and gather of you. The Tributes and Subsidies that they levy and receive, are they not to be employed for the service of the whole body of the common wealth? Cease then my masters to complain you of your superiors and Magistrates, which do nothing but for you and for your conservations. Whereof do you complain you, and the cause of your complaint shall be taken away (for a malady cannot better be cured than by the taking away of the cause.) All things shall be yielded you that shall be found profitable and necessary to the whole body of the common weal, which band of common profit shall be one mean of assurance to conserve the one with the other: and the public oath which shall be sworn unto you, shall also be another good gage. By this oration and declaration of this good man Menenius, were the people appeased, their hearts won, and themselves reconciled and brought again under the obedience of their superiors and magistrates, and above all, he was greatly commended for his sweet manner of speaking, but especially in that he compared the Senate rather to the belly than to the head, to show that they were rather fathers and nourishers than any haughty rulers over the people. It is then a thing very certain, that the manner of appeasing the people by gentleness and profit, (and not by making them war) is the true mean to bring and hold them under obedience as it is also for the appeasing of troubles and seditions. Nero that was Emperor of the Romans, 
Suetonius in Nerone ca 38. 40. 42. 47 48. 49. Dion eodem.  would needs make war against his subjects, not by preparing an army against them, but by causing an infinite number of them to be slain and murdered one after another, only for his pleasure sake. For the which also he set on fire the four corners of Rome, to the end to have burned the whole town, whereof in deed he burned a good part. And when he had done, he made pretence that he did it to have builded it new again, for the doing whereof, he laid so great tributes and subsidies upon all the provinces of the Empire, that he sucked them dry with his fines. These cruelties and oppressions, so won him the evil will of all his subjects, as they one after another revolted from his obeisance. And himself in the end being abandoned of every one, (yea even of those of his own guard) fled and hid him in a little lodge in the fields where he was discovered, and fearing to be taken alive, killed himself. Galba succeeded him in the Empire. 
Suetonius & Dion in Nero. Cor. Tacitus Annalium libr. 13. 14.  But seeing I am entered into the making of some discourse concerning the Emperor Nero, I will make a little digression which shall not be impertinent nor out of my purpose. This Emperor being the last of the house of Caesar's, was as vicious, wicked, and cruel, as the first (which was julius Caesar) was virtuous, good, and gentle. The recompting of the legend of his wicked life, would require too long a time: but it shall suffice me to tell how he dealt with his best servants, and what he gained by such dealing. He had then many noble and good servitors, which as long as he trusted them, were to him very loving and faithful, but when they once saw him to become mistrustful of their doings, their fidelities began to waver & diminish, for fearing lest he should execute like cruelty upon them, as he had done upon many others that had deserved it. Among other he had seven all right grave and excellent personages that were his most especial servants, and by him employed in the greatest charges of his empire. That is to say Seneca, which in his youth had been his tutor and governor, and was (as it were) the superintendant of all the affairs of the Empire. Ruffus which was his Constable and great master of his household. Subrius Flavius which was captain general of his guards. Sulpicius after one of his darlings and one of the principal Captains of the same guard. Corbulo which was his lieutenant in the east parts, and captain general over the Roman army, against the Parthes, who was a valiant warrior and did noble acts against Teridates Vologesus, and other kings in the East, wherethrough he got great honour and reputation throughout the world. Vindex which was likewise his Lieutenant general and governor in the government of Gaul, a great and mighty province, containing all that which is now the realm of France with base Alemaigne on this side the Rhine, the low country of Flanders, Brabant and Henalt, even unto the sea: Switzerlande, Savoy, Piedinont and Lombardy even to Renivi where there is a little flood called in old time Rubicon, that separateth Gaul Cisalpine from Italy. Also Sergius Galba was his lieutenant general and governor in Spain, Portugal and Granade, which likewise was a very great government that comprehendeth at this day seven or eight realms. And this Galba was a wise and valiant captain, but greatly stricken in years, for he was lxxiij years old when Nero died. These seven great Lords were good and loving servants to Nero, till such time as he became so wicked, & so far past all goodness, as he was no longer to be borne withal. His corruption came chief by the means of Agrippine his mother, which would needs govern & manage all the affairs of the Empire (so ambitious she was and desirous to command.) But this was the mischief, that Seneca suffered himself to be won by her. For she was a fair well favoured princes, & with her entered he into so great familiarity, as he enjoyed her secretly. They two then (to the end that all things should pass through their hands) persuaded Nero (which was a young prince) to take his pleasures & sports, and to leave unto them the charge and pain of the public affairs, thinking that the fury of his youth would wear away in fond delights and pastimes, and that wisdom would increase with his age, and that in the mean time they should better govern than he. Of the same opinion was Burrus a singular person, and next unto Seneca in the weighty causes of government. And surely about the space of five years, they governed the Empire reasonably well. Howbeit; because Agrippine took upon her to rule all alone after her own appetite, these two persons Seneca and Burrus, took order out of hand, that the Emperor should withdraw some part of the government from her, and not suffer her to deal any more with it. But as wisemen as they were, yet were they greatly deceived, in that they thought the Emperor Nero should in age become wise by passing his youth in follies: for it happened clean contrary, and he become a most wicked and cruel tyrant. And truly it is not to be believed, that Seneca which was so sage & so great a Philosopher, was ignorant that of a dissolute life in youth, Nero could not gather aught else than an evil inclination in age, and that his continuance in riot and voluptuousness (joined with a prince's liberty) could not otherwise do, than draw him to a marvelous corruption. But to say the truth, Seneca was puffed up with ambition and desire of sovereignty, notwithstanding that in his words, & writings, he detested it most of all men, for he was a great hypocrite and deep dissimuler, speaking one thing and doing another. He preached against covetousness and covetous men, whilst he himself flattered the old rich people that had no children, to get thereby their heritage's. And he had banks going in divers countries where his servants made gain of his money through interest, so as his revenue came to five or two Millions of sextercies, which is in value eight hundred thousand pounds of rent. He preached against pomps and delights, and in the mean while had the fairest houses, and best builded that might be, not far inferior to the proud palaces and royal houses of Nero the Emperor, and thereunto the most fair delicious gardens that were possible to be seen, together with so sumptuous movables that he had .50. tables of Cedar with their trestles and frames of ivory, and so much silver vessel and tapestry as furnished every house that he had thoroughly. He inveighed against whoredom, when he entertained the Empress and delighted in the company of Bardasses. He cried out and stormed against flattery, and there was not a finer nor craftier courtier in that quality than he, for he could make the court to every body, (yea even to the Pages and varlets of the chamber) from whom any commodity was to be drawn. And lastly he exclaimed against ambition, and in the mean while would needs govern all himself, & suffer nothing to pass but through his hands. Moreover, to hear him speak, was nothing else but honey, but eloquence, but holiness, but wisdom and knowledge. And to be short, if he were now living, he would deserve to be the greatest Cardinal of all France. But now to come again to our matter. Seneca having let loose the reins to the Emperor Nero, and suffering him so far forth till he had done a thousand mischiefs and cruelties against one and other, great and small (as his fancy led him) began to doubt lest the like might happen unto himself. Also Burrus, Ruffus, Sulpitius and Flavius, and divers other great Lords that followed the court by reason of their estates and offices, entered into the like fear and mistrust, especially after they had seen him do to death his mother Agrippine upon displeasure only, that she would still take upon her the dealing with the matters of the Empire. They then to avoid his cruelty, made a conspiracy to kill him, but the enterprise was discovered in such sort, as contrariwise, he caused all them to be killed. Nevertheless before they were executed, he would needs talk with Sulpicius one of the Captains of his guard, and with Flavius the general of the same. Of Sulpicius he demanded wherefore he had broken his oath in conspiring against him. For that (answered he) there was no other mean to heal thee of thy naughtiness. He likewise did ask of Flavius, wherefore he had conspired against him: I have (said he) loved, and hated thee about any man in the world: Loved thee, so long as there remained any hope that thou wouldst become a good Prince: and hated thee, when I saw there was no more hope of thee but that thou wouldst grow every day worse and worse: For so long as thou deservedst to be beloved, thou hadst not a more faithful and loving servant than I: but when I saw thee once to become a manqueller, a murderer, a player of interludes, a fencer, and a touneburner, I could not but hate thee extremely. Those brave answers of those two captives or captain prisoners, made Nero more afraid than any other thing, as one marvelously astonished to hear that they durst speak unto him so boldly. In the end, after he had put them to death, and all other that were but never so little suspected of that conspiracy, he made great sacrifices of thanksgiving unto jupiter his deliverer, as one that thought himself now to have gotten the upperhand of all his enemies, and in place of amendment, he gave himself to do worse than before, assuring himself to reign then forty years and more through the prophesyings of his Magiciens and divines which had willed him to take heed to the year of his age 73. and he had then scarcely accomplished 29. But as he continued his naughty disordered course, behold Vindex become a revolter from his obeisance, together with all the provinces and countries under his government, whereof though the loss were not small, yet was not Nero therewith much troubled. But when he understood that the old Captain Galba his governor of Spain was revolted, he was greatly astonished, fearing lest that which the magiciens had said unto him, touching the age of .73. was to be understanded, not of his own years, but of Galba's, which was then of the same age. Corbulo which was then with a great army in the East, was greatly provoked to do as Vindex and Galba had done. But he as one that would never thereto consent, continued always so faithful & trusty to Nero, as he gate therefore evil will, & was blamed of all men, which said he was a maintainer of tyranny. Yet for all this, Nero fearing lest he should do as his other fellows did, sent for him by loving letters to come & speak with him. Corbulo making no doubt of the matter, took the journey in hand: but before he was come to the place where Nero was, he was at Cenchre betrayed & taken by the assailaunts which Nero before had sent thither to kill him, who seeing how the world went, & weighing his fault in the not doing as other did, drew out his dagger, & therewith struck himself to the heart with uttering these for his last words I am worthy. Now sir by this short digression it may be gathered, that the best mean to make a Prince to be well and faithfully served of his servants and officers, is to be a good and faithful Prince towards them, without mistrusting of them, and to use clemency and gentleness (and not rigour & cruelty) in his government. For a good master maketh a good servant. And ye have not so good a servant, but he will be discouraged when he seeth his master to mistrust him, or his service not to please his master, specially when the case concerneth the service of a prince, who hath power of life & death, over his subjects and servants. For let the servant of a prince receive a sour countenance of his majesty, and by and by he entereth into the fear of the loss of his life, or at the lest of his goods and estimation. But before I pass out of this matter of Nero, I will on the contrary part set down an example of the gentle and courteous Prince Alexander Severus (of whom your majesty hath heretofore borne the name.) And that is, to show that those two Emperors have both of them failed the loss of their lives by following of two extremities. For Nero having a will to govern all upon his own head, was cast headlong into the misliking and hatred of his people, to the loss of his life. And Alexander by suffering himself to be ruled by the fantasies of other men, won the evil will of his nobility and men of war, which unhappily slew him. And of a truth, a man must always keep an even hand, and eschew extremities in all things, and specially in matters of state and government. For as Horace saith. 
Horace lib. 1. Sermo. Satira. 2.  
Often whilst the fool doth one fault fly,  
He falls into the contrary.   
Nero (as I said) had good and wise servants about him to his officers. But when he had suffered them to bear authority awhile, he fell into misliking of them, and thereupon would not be ruled any more by them. 
Lampridius in Alexandro. Herodianus lib. 6.  Contrariwise Alexander would do nothing at all, but by the council of wise men, of whom he had a great number about him and therein surely he did well. Nevertheless the writers of histories found fault with him in this, that he gave too much authority to his mother Mámea, which otherwise had been a good woman, but that she was not only greedy in gathering of goods from the poor people, but also a covetous niggard towards such as served the Emperor her son beside the which she was very ambitious, aspiring altogether to the government of the affairs, ever sorry to see her son so courteous & gentle in his government: for where he was surnamed Severus, he took that aswell of his predecessor Septimius Severus, as of his severe observing of warlike discipline: but otherwise he was the most affablest and gentlest prince in the world. Nevertheless, by his yielding so much authority to his mother Mámea, he so gate the evil will of his gentlemen and men of war, as by way of a conspiracy they slew them both together. Truly it was a spectacle very piteous, to see this gentle young Prince (when the conspirators entered the chamber to kill him) run and cast himself between the arms of his mother, lamentably crying, Ah mother mother, you are hereof the cause. So were they wretchedly slain, the one in the others arms, to the great damage of the Empire, for the loss of so good and gentle a prince, who in all other things governed himself aswell as might be possible, through the good and wise advises of such excellent personages, as were of his privy counsel: Among whom the chief was doctor Ulpian, a man singularly learned in the civil law, and very well practised in matters of the state, and issued of the house and stock of Alexander, whom he served as his chancellor.  
This man was not an old dotard of a strange nation, ignorant of the laws, manners, and customs of the country, drawn out of Vulcan's shop to deal with sealing: he was one made of another manner of metal. But in sum (as I said) the fault of this good Emperor Alexander in giving his mother too much authority, cost both him and her their lives. And truly that fault of his was not small. For Alexander aught to have considered what he had learned of Heliogabalus his cousin and predecessor, 
Lampri. in Heliogaba. Dion in pseudo Antonino.  which Heliogabalus governing by his mother Semiamira (without whose advise nothing passed touching the common wealth) was incontinently despised of all the world, and after he had reigned not passing three years, was by certain rebels slain very young, and had his body together with his said mothers, drawn through the filth of the river Tiber. And thereupon it was decreed by the Senate, that never woman should enter into the counsel. 
Froyssart lib. 1. cap. 4 15. 24.  The gentle King Edward of England the third of that name, governed himself far otherwise. He was son to Edward the second a cruel king, that was deprived of his kingdom by his subjects, and to the Lady Isabella daughter of Philip the fair, king of France. This Lady Isabella Queen of England, was the cause that her son was crowned King, by the estat●… of the Realm, and therefore thought he should do nothing but by her council, as in very deed he did not for a time, but gave to her the chief authority touching the government of his realm. But it happened that this good Queen mother to revenge herself of certain of the nobility at her pleasure, caused her son to commit certain cruelties, for the which he was misliked and much blamed of his subjects. Which when this gentle King Edward perceived, judging it best rather to lose the favour of his mother than of his people, he neither would fall into like peril as did Nero and Alexander Severus, nor yet put his mother to death as Nero did: but made her to be bestowed in a strong, howbeit a very fair and pleasant castle, of large circuit, wherein there were many goodly courts, gardens, and walks, enclosed with walls: and appointed her a good company of Ladies and gentlewomen, with men of worship and honour, to serve her after her state. And because she was of the house of France, and Queen mother of England, he assigned her a sufficient revenue for the maintenance of her estate. And to honour her as his mother, he went to visit her twice or thrice a year. But neither would he ever suffer her to pass out of the precinct of the castle, nor to meddle any more with the government of the realm. And he was much esteemed, as well of strangers as of his subjects, for his valiant and manly heart, in that he would not submit himself under the rule of a woman. But let us return again to our former matter, touching such Princes as have undone themselves by making war against their subjects. 
Titus li. 17. Sueton in Vitel. 10. cap. 10.  The Emperor Vitellius overthrew and made a great slaughter of the Romans, in his battle had against Otho: his soldiers seeing so many dead bodies in the field, were therefore very sorrowful, but especially for that there was of them few or none that found not amongst those dead bodies some of their parents & friends (for they were all Romans) whose death ministered to them much cause of grief, upon the which occasion they generally detested those civil wars had between Vitellius and Otho.  
Vitellius one day walking through the field where the dead bodies of that overthrow lay, and seeing some stop their noses, did as it were in mockage thereof, and as one glad of the slaughter, utter this detestable saying: the body of a slain enemy hath a good sent, but the body of a slain citizen hath yet a better But not long after, that tyrant which found so much sweetness in the savour of his slain citizens, was himself slain as shamefully as he possibly might be. For being taken and bound by such as conspired against him: he was brought into the market place with a halter about his neck, all naked from the waste upward, his apparel all to torn, and his hands fastened behind him, his chin also being underset with a bodkin, to make him hold up his head. With which furniture he was in derision harried through the streets, not without dirt and filth fling in his face, till he came to the common gibbet, where he was slain and cut in pieces, & lastly cast into Tiber. That was the reward that he reaped of his pleasure taken in the smell of the dead bodies of his citizens. 
Trebellius Pollio in Gallieno & in Ingenio tyranno.  The Emperor Gallien made war against the inhabitants of Bizance his subjects. Bizance was then a goodly flourishing city, which was after named Constantinople by Constantine the great. This Gallien having gotten the possession of this goodly city, the townsmen whereof had yielded themselves to his devotion, caused to be slain & murdered, (contrary to his word) all the inhabitants of the same (young and old) without mercy, none other escaping, than such as he could not come by. And he used like cruelty against many other good towns wherein his manner was to leave no male unkilled, so beastly a bludsucker he was. Also this other good quality he had, that Sardanapalus was never plunged more deeply in disordinate lechery and voluptuousness than he. These two fair properties of cruelty and lechery, caused the most part of the provinces of the Empire to revolt from his government. In so much, that in divers countries there rose up against him eight and twenty captains, whereof one got one province, another got another, so as a great part of the nations subject to the Empire of Rome, did cut themselves quite off from their obedience to the Empire, which could never after that recover again his dominions, but being extremely hated, was slain by a captain of Sclavonie. And when one came to him and said, sir, France is revolted against you. Well well (said he) shall we leave our good chetre for those pied coats? (for the Frenchmen than ware their garments embroidered with colours.) And when another said unto him, that Egypt was revolted from his obeisance: Well well (quoth he) cannot we forbear the surplices of Egypt. The like words used he of other Provinces, when tidings was brought him of their revolting. Whereupon by the way I note, how well near ordinarily it happeneth, that when one Province or town revolteth, the revolts of other do easily follow, because naturally men desire change, and are never contented with their present state, but hope still upon better, when it turneth commonly into worse. The example of which manner of revoltment, is well to be seen in this History of Gallien, for after France was revolted, the other Provinces ensued one after another. It was also to be seen in that I said before of Nero, from whom as first France and then Spain revolted, so the other Provinces followed. 
Ti. Livius lib. 3. dec. 3.  When Hannibal had won the journey of Cannas against the Romans, a great part of their subjects one after another forsook them, and willingly yielded themselves to Hannibal. 
Ti. Livius lib. 7. de. 1.  The like may be learned of the wars which the Romans had against their confederates, 
Appianus de bello Social.  which revolted one after another, yea and banded themselves together against them. 
De bello Gal. lib. 7. cap. 19  Caesar doth also writ, that after he had brought under his obeisance the towns of France: they of Autun, which were the first that drew him into France, were also the first that withdrew themselves from him, and made the most part of the other towns to do the like, in such sort, as he found more painful his governing therein at the last, than he did his conquering of them at the first. Whereupon he said, that the french men are naturally inclined to revolting, when the way is once opened to them. I could allege an infinite number of other examples to this purpose, but the matter is clear enough of itself, & requireth no large discourse, and therefore I will now return to my purpose. 
Frois. lib. 2. cap. 95. 96. 97. 98.  Lewes the last Earl of Flaunders (for after him the Earldom fell into the house of Burgoign, and from thence into the house of Ostrich, where it now tarrieth,) made great and grievous wars against his subjects of Gaunt, because they were not to him so obedient as he would them (as people that in deed were always too stubborn against their Prince.) He having then continued a long and sharp siege, by cutting off their victuals, brought amongst them a marvelous famine, wherethrough they were driven into an utter despair. The poor people desired the Duchess of Brabant, the Bishop of Liege, and certain other of the nobility, to entreat for some good peace, with the said Earl their Lord. The which the said Lords took great pains to do, but the Earl would in no wise agreed to any other end, than that all the inhabitants of Gaunt, should in a certain place come before him barefoot and bore headed, with halters about their necks, demanding pardon for their rebellion, and their pardoning nevertheless to stand upon his pleasure. When the poor Gauntois understood no better remedy to be hoped for than that, they desperately determined (rather than so) to hazard themselves to die with their swords in their hands. Whereupon out of the town there issued about 5000. Gauntois (compelled thereto by famine, as the wolf is to the wood) which sped them towards Bridges, where the Earl their lord then lay with his power. And when they came somewhat near the said town of Bridges, their captains, and certain Friars that were with them, began to encourage them, & told them that their case was like to the children of Israel, which had humbled themselves as much as might be unto Pharaoh, and yet he had never the more pity upon them. And that even as God had drowned Pharaoh in the depth of the sea for his rigour reached out to the Israelites: so would he punish Lewes their Lord for his cruelty extended to the Gauntois. Whilst the Friars were thus preaching to the poor hunger-starved people, behold, the army of the Earl (which were forty thousand men in good array,) came ranging towards the said five thousand famished Gauntois, who (on the one side being past all hope of any favour at their lords hand, and on the other side, ready to be swallowed up by famine) determined verily to vanquish or to die, and thereupon fought so valiantly and desperately, as they overthrew the Earl's army, sacked his houses, and took his town of Brudges, and gate under their government all his towns of Flaunders, Audenarde only excepted. The Earl saved himself within Brudges, after the overthrow of his army. And when Brudges was taken, he hide himself in the house of a poor woman, which bestowed him in a garret under a little couch, upon the which her young children were laid to sleep. The next morning he found the means to steal out of the town secretly, disguised in a Costermongers apparel, wherewith he got into Lisle, where he tarried in safety. But after that time never lived peaceably in his country, for whereas before he had but only the Gauntois against him, (which he might easily by gentle means, have brought under his obeysante:) he was after that banded against by all the whole country.  
Roboam King of Israel, 
3. Re. cap.. 12.  a Prince evil advised (although he were the son of Solomon a wise father.) Would needs put upon his people greater tributes and subsidies, than ever his said father did. The people opening to him their griefs, by way of complaints, showed themselves unable to sustain so great charges. Whereupon Roboam brought the matter to his counsel, to the end they might determine what best therein was to be done. The old and sage counsellors were of opinion, that his best was to grant to his subjects their demand, in not augmenting of their impostes, wherethrough he might at his new coming to the Crown, win the hearts of his people, to the rendering of their obedience and frank good will to his service. The counsellors which were young (as well in judgement as in years, and such as at this day there are too many of,) were of the contrary opinion, saying, that it was not meet for a king to grant the people their wills, by doing whereof (said they) he should receive law of them to whom he aught to give law, and subject himself to them that aught to be subject to him: but rather, that he aught to make them know him for their Prince and sovereign Lord, whose office was to command, and theirs absolutely to obey.  
Roboam following this opinion, would needs lay great taxes and impositions on his people, by reason whereof the most part of them (that is to say) ten parts of twelve, rebelled against him, and raised for their King one jeroboam. Whereupon the said Roboam prepared an army of 80000. men, for the repressing of those rebels, wherein he lost both his labour and time, for jeroboam continued King in peace. And from that time forth, that kingdom remained divided in two: 
Philip de Commnies lib. 1. cap. 3.  King Lewes the eleventh (as fine & subtle a prince as ever was in France) at his coming to the crown governed himself very ill, in displacing and hindering of many good and ancient servitors, that had done great service to Charles the seventh his father, in the recovering of his realm, the most part whereof, the Englishmen long time enjoyed. Wherewith the nobles being discontented, raised against their said king a civil war, which they called the common wealth. To them many towns and commonalties also adjoined themselves, by reason of the great impostes that the king put upon them. But the wise king (knowing his fault) sought all the means possible for the appeasing of that war, therein following the advice and council of his good friend Frances Sforze the Duke of Milan, which counseled him for the obtaining of peace, to deny nothing of their demands. And in deed by granting their requests, he appeased those civil wars, and was all his life after served of those noblemen & gentlemen, that were against him in the same, towards whom he never reserved so much as any desire of revengement. It may be said, that what the king did herein, was done upon policy. But how so ever it was done, the Frenchmen till these days were never so Italionated, as to bear malice long in their hearts. And this wise king would never hazard his common wealth, by giving of battle unto his people, saying, that he would not commit his estate (which was so good and so great, as the king of a royal Realm) to the peril of so uncertain a thing as a battle. And after the peace made, he frankly confessed, that he saw himself in great peril of losing his kingdom, and had determined in his mind, to have saved himself at Milan, or else amongst the Swissers, if Paris had not held with him, but been won and possessed by his adversaries. 
Froissart lib.  Edward the second of that name King of England, for the pleasure of Hugh Spencer his chief minion, made war against his subjects, and put to death many of his Princes and nobles without any order of justice, in so much as Queen Isabella his wife, with his son and hers (to shun his fury and cruelty) were fain to flee into France, who after returned again into England with her said son, and a small force, which she had gotten by the means of a mean Gentleman called sir john of Henawd, brother to the Earl of Henawd. And being arrived in England, found all the people ready at her commandment, as those that had taken a great displeasure against the King, by reason of his cruelty: So as she besieged her said husband, took him prisoner, and bestowed him in the Tower of London. Then caused she all the estates of the realm to be assembled, by whom King Edward the second (for his cruelty committed against his nobility) was found and pronounced unworthy to be King any longer, and so was deprived of his dignity. And while he was yet alive, and prisoner in the said Tower of London, the said estates crowned his son Edward the third their King, of whom I have spoken afore, and showed that he did the like to his mother. 
Dionis. Hal. 4. &. 5.  Tarquin the proud a King of the Romans, was by his people driven out of Rome, as well for his governing over proudly, as for suffering his son to violate a woman of honour named Lucretia, and being thence banished, he sent his ambassadors thither for the procuring of his peace, and restablishement of his estate: many gave their consents to restore him, and had he proceeded in gentle and tractable manner, there had been great likelihood of the recovery of his kingdom. But being unable to master his own pride, he gathered together as many as he could get to take his part, and with Porsena king of the Etrurians (whom he raised up to aid him) made war against the Romans. This war procured him such hatred of the Romans which had been his subjects, as they would never after return under his obeisance: in so much as both he and all his posterity were deprived from off the kingdom, and the estate of that Monarchy changed into a public state. And from that time forth the name of King was deadly hated and abhorred among the Romans. And no marvel though the name of King were so sore hated of the Romans for one man's fault, that even when the same state returned again to a Monarchy under julius Caesar, neither he nor his successors would be called kings, but Emperors. For it hath happened so to divers other names. The name of Tyrant, which at this day soundeth so ill, and is of every man hated, was amongst our Elders an honourable name, & signified none other thing but lord, insomuch that Virgil whose only drift in his Aeneiad●s, 
Virgil Eneid● lib. 7.  was to advance the godliness & virtue of his Aeneas, calleth him Tyrant. Likewise the name of judas (which signifieth a Confessor,) was in times past reputed honourable, and yet by reason of one man's fault, it is now taken for a traitor. And before the Emperor Nero's time, this name Neron (which in the old Sabin tongue signifieth noble) was esteemed as a glorious name, especially after the days of Claudius Nero, which overcame Asdrubal Hannibal's brother, & his 50000. men: but for the offences of one only man, the same is now taken for a tyrant. So much may the wickedness of one man do, to the utter defacing of a fair & honourable name for ever. God grant that the vices of some of us frenchmen, do not bespot the name of Frenchman, which hath heretofore been esteemed and honoured throughout all the world: which thing I am sore afeard of, if we mend not the sooner: for already in Germany, they call all frenchmen indifferently Schelmes. Continuing our examples, I will recite you one which is the more to be noted, for that it was done by the way of justice.  
After the death of the great Herode king of judea, Samaria, Galilee, and Idumea, 
As josephus De bello jud. lib. 18. cap. 1. 2. 3.  there arose a strife and contention between Archelaus and Herodes Antipas his sons. Archelaus would needs make wars against his subjects, upon a very slight occasion, in such wise, as for the giving of one blow, he caused three thousand persons to be slain by his horsemen, whom he made to traverse and run through the whole assembly of his people. Whereupon his brother Antipas sped him straight unto Rome, where before Augustus Caesar he accused Archelaus, for at that time well-near all the Kings of the world were subject to the Roman Empire. The jews also sent from judea to Rome, fifty Ambassadors, to accuse him before Augustus, and to show how unworthy he was to reign, that had upon his people committed such cruelty: and that also there was no better courtesy to be looked for at his hands, that would so soon after the death of his father (and immediately upon his entry) commit acts so cruel and unnatural. In consideration whereof they besought Augustus to give them rather Antipas for their King. Augustus Caesar took knowledge of this matter, nevertheless, for that he bore some favour and friendship to Archelaus: be confirmed his succession in judea, Samaria, & Idumea, and assigned Galilee to Antipas. But therewith he exhorted Archelaus to the governing of himself thenceforth more mildly and gently towards his subjects. Archelaus returning into his country with so good speed at Augustus' hand, behaved himself there, more cruelly than before. Whereupon he was again accused at Rome, and there condemned by the Senate, to whom Augustus had referred the examination of the matter, in somuch that all his goods were confiscate to the Emperor by sentence of the Senate, and he himself was banished to Vienna in Dauphine, there to end his days, as he miserably did. After this judgement, judea, Samaria and Idumea, were ruled by such governors as the Emperor did establish, as by Coponius and Annius Rufus in the reign of Augustus Caesar, and by Valerius Gratus, and Pontius Pilate (that cruel man, which judged our Saviour to death) during the days of Tiberius. The conclusion is, that Archelaus for his warring and overrigorous dealing with his subjects, miserably ended his days, and was the causer of the alteration of the state of his country. Upon this matter of alteration of states, I say by the way, that it hath often fallen out, and still doth, that when Monarchies have been excessively corrupted with vice, they have been changed into common weals: and likewise when the common weals have once been corrupted, they also have been changed into Monarchies and kingdoms. The example hereof was seen in the nation of the jews, at whose beginning even from the time of Moses and josua, that people was governed in the form of a Monarchy (for those two were as chief governors one after another.) afterward in the time of the judges was the same state changed to the form of a common weal, for the people were governed by a chosen number of ancients (except in time of war when God always raised up to them a Captain (which they called their judge.) But again in the days of Samuel it altered from a common wealth to a Monarchy, at which time Saul was chosen King. After that, in the time of the Maccabees, it was changed from a Monarchy to a popular state, howbeit, that to say the truth, it was a confused state, which had no manner of form of good government, and yet afterward it returned to the manner of a Monarchy in the reign of Herode the great, and was lastly put into the form of a province under the Roman Empire. Likewise the estate of the Romans was governed as a Monarchy from the reign of Romulus till the time of Tarquin the proud, whose pride and evil government was the cause that the same state was changed into the form of a common wealth. In that state the Romans continued unto the days of julius Caesar, at which time it was so corrupted with riot, avarice, & ambition (whereof the civil wars between Scylla and Marius, and between Caesar and Pompey may be a witness,) that it could not but altar and come again to a Monarchy. Since the which time that great Roman Monarchy hath been piteously wasted by the evil governments of many Emperors. And of the waist of the same, have been erected many common wealths and great kingdoms, as France, Spain, England, and other greater and smaller Monarchies. To be short, these changes have been seen in the state of the Roman Empire, in less than .1500 year. 
Cesar de bello gall. lib. 1 cap. 13.  France before the time of julius Caesar stood in the state of small common wealths, which governed themselves apart the one by the other, by confederations that they had together to revenge them upon strangers, as the Cantons do at this day. But ambition made them bandy, and make war each against other, to prove which should be the greatest. Of whom, when they of Autun had gotten the upper hand as the stronger, those of Sequanois their neighbours, feeling themselves the weaker, called the Almains to their succours against them of Autun. The Almains coming down under the conduct of Arionistus, served them and occupied a good part of the country Sequanois for their wages. They of Autun on the other side demanded succour of the Romans: whereupon Caesar came into France, and under the colour to secure them of Autun, and to chase Arionistus from the country that he occupied: he won to himself the whole country of France. So as it may truly be said, that that change of the French state happened through the division that then was in France, without the which division, Caesar had never vanquished them (what Caesar soever he had been.) And truly we see by the histories, that always till then, the Frenchmen had well canvased the Romans, yea and taken and burned Rome. In somuch that (as saith Sallust) 
Sallust de bello jugurthino  the Romans so feared them, that always when they heard the French (to be in arms, young, and old, priests, and laymen, none excepted or excused amongst them) were commanded to arm them. Yea, they would openly confess, that against all other nations they warred for the gaining of honour and glory, but against the French men, for the preservation of their lives. But Caesar finding them in division, added oil to the flame of their fury, partly by which policy, and partly by his valiancy he set upon them, and overcame them, changed their state from sundry common wealths, to one only Monarchy. 
Plutarch in Caesare.  Yea, thus much more he did, that as with the Roman power, he vanquished the Frenchmen, so with the French men's money, he obtained the Roman Empire (another very good policy) for with the money that he gate in France, he corrupted the chief of Rome, through the favour of whom, he was chosen dictator perpetual, which is as much to say as Monarch of the Romans. So was the Realm of France by Caesar united to the Roman Empire, from the which they often after sought to cut themselves off, as in the end they did. In the time of the Emperor Tiberius, 
Cor. Tacitus Annal.  one julius Sacrovir of Autun made part of France to revolt, raising certain small assemblies secretly in the Towns, and exhorting the people, no longer to suffer neither the continuance of the tributes (wherewith the Emperor oppressed them) nor the pride and cruelty wherewith the Magistrates (sent thither from Rome) overburdened them. Also they revolted under the Emperor Nero, as well for his great cruelty, as for his overcharging them with great payments of money (by me before spoken of.) Likewise under the Emperor Gallien for his great riot and whoredom, 
Trel. Pollio in Gallienno.  as before I have touched. For the Frenchmen (sayeth Pollio) were in those days of such disposition, as they could not abide a vicious Prince. And again, after they revolted from the Emperors, Probus, Dioclesian, and others, till they had quite cut off themselves again from the Empire, and politicly brought their country into a self settled Monarchy, the which the Lord long maintain.  
Who soever would take upon him the discovering of the infinite number of examples, which touch the alterations that have happened in public estates, from Monarchies into common weals, and from common weals into Monarchies (when corruption had once caught them) should never make an end: but to me it sufficeth to have touched these few, to the end that your Majesty by your wisdom might provide, that the corruptions, which are now crept into France, and are daily like to creep further, bring not with them a change to the state (which God forbidden.) For truly there is nothing that more foreshoweth the alteration of an estate, than when corruption is seen to spread over far into it. I know well that men can not be without faults, neither can Monarchies, nor common wealths, be so governed, as there may not in the government be found matter of reproof, but when all things in the fame are to be seen turned the upside down, when vice is made virtue, and virtue made vice, when good men are hated, and evil men advanced: in sum, when corruption hath recovered the highest degree that it may reach to: then may it well be said, (according as men do see continually) that an exchange of state approacheth. Wherewithal is to be noted, that by the ordinary course of worldly things, no one state can endure for ever. And sir, seeing that your kingdom hath endured this twelve hundredth years and more, you aught so much the rather to fear, lest in the state thereof, some alteration should happen. And if in julius Caesar's time the strangers drawn into France could find the way to win the same: it is not to be doubted but if it may lie in their power they will now do the like. The Frenchmen, when they saw the evil dealing of Caesar, repented their calling him into France, but than it was too late. Let us therefore in time be warned by the harms of our ancestors, so to provide for our safeties, as we be not overtaken as were the Trojans which become wise, but not till after such time as they were utterly overthrown.   

The second point.  
HItherto I have (I think) sufficiently spoken of the first point of my treaty, that is to say, that a Prince shall not find profitable, his making of wars against his subjects. It followeth now, that I come to say somewhat of the second, which entreateth of those miseries that civil wars do engender, and the profit that a good peace might bring to your Crown, and poor Subjects.  
Of the calamities that from civil wars do proceed, we need not to make any long discourse, each seeing and feeling the same in a thousand sorts of afflictions, touching their persons, loss of goods, and death of parents and friends, and each knoweth (that hath any judgement) the mischiefs thereof to be such, as will (if they continued) bring the realm to utter destruction. For there is none (that seeth what we see, and knoweth what we know) but may think, that (the civil wars enduring) it will hap unto France as it happened to the two fight Frogs, which when they had fought till they were weighed, were by the Kite that came to part them (in each foot one) carried away. And it is not to be doubted, but the strangers which to that war encouraged us, are as glad to see us together by the ears, as was the Kite soaring (over the Frogs to see them fight, whose fighting he meant to make a furtherance to his prey) as they hope ours shall one day be to theirs, when we shall be unable any longer to maintain wars. And therefore it is, that some on the one side, and some on the other, to the proceeding on both sides, give so great encouragement. Ah Sir (saith one) will you loose the glorious title of most Christian King heretofore gotten by your ancestors, through their maintaining of the Roman Church? Will you sir (crieth another) suffer your Subjects to prescribe laws unto you, and to bring into your Realm a new Religion maugre your will? will not you perform the agreement of the holy league, which is to abolish whatsoever in faith is contrary to the holy Church of Rome? The Frenchmen have aforetime had this honour, to have often passed the mountains, and to have made beyond the seas many journeys for the defence of the catholic religion, & holy sea of Rome, and must they now loose that glory? Philip August king of France, overthrew the Albegeois his subjects, & made of them a great slauter, for that they would have intruded into their country a new kind of Religion, which by the execution was put away & abolished. Why follow you not then the example of the good king your predecessor? These & such other proper devices put forth by the Spaniards & Popes Pencionaries, to encourage you to the setting on fire the four corners (yea and middle part) of your Realm. But in the mean season, none doth say unto you. Sir, you spill, and utterly spoil your Realm, in making war against your subjects, which kind of war, no Prince did ever find profitable. There is none that saith unto you, Sir, you bring yourself in hatred of your neighbours the Almains, Englishmen, Scots and Flemings, from whom in time of need more amity might be drawn than may either from the Italians or Spaniards. None dare to you say, Sir, this cause of religion is not yet so brought out of doubt, that the gospelers be vanquished in the error of their faith: for they presented themselves at Poissi, in the time of your late brother, to maintain the points of their Religion, but my masters the Prelates, were as then at no leisure to confute them: so that whether in faith they err or not, is as yet undetermined. And therefore you should not be so greatly moved as to execute them before they were condemned. And touching the council of Trent they say, it is as it were a determined sentence given of a self-will, and that they aught nevertheless to be heard, at the lest in purging themselves of stubborn dealing, as in deed they may well do. Besides this, there are that beat down the said counsel as a thing of no force, as the late master Charles of Molin a very learned lawyer doth, who hath taken xxx or forty exceptions to the said counsel. And there are some of opinion that men aught to be admitted to have a writ of error against the same counsel, as well as against a wrong judgement in the Parliament of Paris given upon the hearing of the parties. Wherefore to execute the poor gospelers & to root them out by peremptory judgement before they be duly condemned, and their reasons and defences herd, were too wrongful & unreasonable dealing, seeing that overhasty judgements are not used in lesser matters. Yea but (say they) they be rebellious and seditious, ha', that is another manner of matter. The things that I say at this present, are but to disprove the reasons of such as help to kindle the fire in France under pretence of rooting out the enemies of the faith, for in that respect I say, that that point is not void▪ Touching that which is said that the gospelers should be rebels, they flatly deny it: put the case they 〈…〉 it cannot be denied but they have these be 〈◊〉 been compelled by sundry great 〈…〉 yet were it no hard matter, by 〈…〉 to reduce them to obedience.  
Those which so sound the trumpet, to provoke us to the wars, & to the staying of one another, care not much by what makes they do it, so it be done. For the mark that they 〈◊〉 at, is that we destroy ourselves with our own proper forces, a thing to them ind●…end, so it be done without their cost. The Spaniards stand in hope to become great, by our becoming less, and would gladly unite Spain with the low country. & they could (by the gaining of France that ●i●…d between both.) And the potentates of Italy know very well, that were the Frenchmen once at rest, they would by and by undertake some voyages thither, for the recovery of the realms of Cycill, Naples, and the Duchy o● Milan, as did the late kings of happy memory Charles the eight, Lewis the twelfth, Francis the first, and Henry the second. They 〈◊〉 be further the like part and no●… 〈…〉 the doing in as m●ch, not to be 〈…〉 Henry the third wherewith also, they s●and ●n fear, lest under the colour of su● voyages, Italy will one day be encouraged to cry liberty, liberty, if they shall once see such mother King in France as was Ch●…tes the ●…ght. So take they pleasure to see us at war whilst they as lookers on lie at their ●a●e in peace. But doth they and we (it we did well) should more advisedly look to the matter, than either to run one upon another, or to nourish civil divetions amongst ourselves. For within little more than .80. years, the Turk hath taken Constantinople from the Christians, & since he never ceased the enlarging of his limits upon Christendom, aswell with the Island of Rhodes & Cypress, as in the land of Hungary & other places. And di●ring our divisions, he worketh his advantage, whereof may bear good witness the prizes by him of late taken at the Goletta & at Tunis, with the overthrow of the spaniards, wherethrough he hath made open the passages for the embarking of himself at his pleasure, either into Spain, Cicill, Italy, Marcelles or Narbone, without any stop or stay. And might he once enter into Italy (as god forbidden he should) it were greatly to be feared that he would make himself Pope, with a short robe. Wherefore holy Saint Peter might do well to look to his own business, & rather to solicit matter of peace to the Christians, than to maintain in France such civil wars as is like to consume the strength of that Realm, which might in time to come be a necessary neighbour for Italy's defence.  
But are not we marvelously blinded in our passions? For those my masters the potentates of Italy which have their factors in France of great credit, are the chief means, that we with civil wars are entertained, taking pleasure to see us buckle together, no more nor less than did the ancient Romans, when in their theaters they saw the sword players kill the one the other. This was a kind of pastime accustomed to be showed to the people, who took great pleasure to behold such cruel spectacles (so full of impiety they were) & ever accustomed to the shedding of blood. And truly we Frenchmen are now become the right successors to those ancient Romans (successors I say to their vices not their virtues) in the using our slaughters & desperate skirmishes as sports & pastimes to please them withal. I will not say holy S. Peter himself rejoiceth in the effusion of french blood, for that were an error in the faith of holy church, after whom we must believe that it can do, speak, nor think any thing that is evil: but what was his meaning, in making in Rome so great bonfires for joy, and jolly general processions in the year 1572. in September, upon the arrival of the news of the Bartholomew conspiracy?  
To conclude upon this point, certain it is, that our civil wars (if they continued,) will bring much pleasure and pastime to strangers (and it may be, much profit to) but not without our prejudice and utter destruction. For what other may we look for, than that those of us which shall happen to escape the sword (be they Catholics, be they Gospelers) shall not escape famine and those that escape famine, it may be, shall not escape the hand of the strange enemy, to whom they must then become servants and slaves. Then will they lament those dead in the wars, wishing for death and can not die. Besides this sir, your Majesty can not look after aught else, than revolts, rebelloins disobediences, hatred of subjects, and lastly, the utter ruin and overthrow of your estate, (which God forbidden.) And whilst these mischiefs are in hand (and before the storm come) you shall reap none other fruits than displeasures, heaviness, despites, angers, treasons, troubles, and such like that may hinder the health of your person, wherewith also ye must taste part of the people's poverty, that will not or can not so fully furnish you with money, as the necessity of your case shall require.  
Otherwise, is there not occasion to fear some particular danger? Childerick king of France, for having only offended a mean Gentleman named Bandille, whom he caused to be scourged, was slain in ambush by him. What become of it? Bandille was not somuch as once searched for by Childericks' successor, and as touching the fact, it was esteemed as a thing well done, in revenging such an injury. And the gentleman was for that deed commended by the historians, as he was also of Ronsard, where he speaketh of the king Childerick, thus: 
The King unable for to rule  
himself through heat of wrath.  
The valiant Knight sir Bandil  
to a post last tied hath  
In public place, and causing him  
stark naked to be stripped,  
From top to toe most cruelly  
with passing rage him whipped.  
Now Bandil stout and fierce of mind,  
conceiving more disdain  
Of so outrageous villainy,  
than passing for the pain:  
And feeding in his pensive heart  
on purpose to requited,  
Will wisely for a time let slip  
the wreaking of that spite.  
But afterward (the shamefulness  
so sore his heart doth sting)  
He burning in disdain and rage  
against the cruel king.  
And having no regard at all  
of sceptre, crown, or state,  
Will pay him home his hasty mode  
with stroke of bloody fate:  
His heart will never be at rest  
until his hand have shed  
His lord and masters blood, and wrought  
revengement on his head.   
And is it not to be presumed, that there be at this day a thousand Bandils, which feel then as much offended as he did, your majesty persevering in the taking away of their goods and lives? And shall ye not as readily find Ronsards to praise and set them forward in such enterprises? Be there not now also Magiciens that can torment (and by little & little) consume a body by his image or counterfeit, as well as were in the time of Valens and Valentinian the Emperors? Yes, this world is at this day more poisoned with Magitiens, Enchauntours, and Sorcerers, than it was these five hundred years past. But these Hugonots (will some say) be of too good conscience, to use those kind of people. I answer thereunto, that there be of divers sorts, some have a right good conscience, and some none at all. There be wise, there be foolish: there be sufferers, & there be revengers: but more without comparison out of order, than reformed. And be there not numbers also of Catholics not contented: and of Atheists not satisfied: which will make small scruple, to employ those Magiciens in revenging of themselves? But to encounter with those enterprises, you shall do well sir to take council of that gentle prince Arnus, son to Porsena King of the Etrurians. Porsena in the quarrel of another (that is to say) to maintain the tyranny of Tarquin the proud, undertook the wars against the Romans: who seeing this King to make them war, for a thing that nothing touched him, took the matter very heinously, in so much as there was found amongst them, three hundred Gentlemen which conspired to go in counterfeit apparel, to King Porsenas camp, to the end there to kill him. Q. Mutius was one of the conspirators, who being come inot the said camp, & seeing one of the king's servants set in a chair bravely furnished (taking him for the king himself,) killed him with the stroke of a dagger: having given this blow, he was taken and carried to the king, who demanded of him for what cause he had so slain his servant: to whom Mutius with a great courage (putting his hand into the fire that then presently there burned) answered after this manner. This is the hand that committed the fault in kill thy servant, where I meant to kill thee, and therefore it is reason it suffer the pain due to such desert. Hereat was none more abashed than Poisena himself, who seeing the magnanimity of this jolly young gentleman, commanded him to be set at liberty. Mutius who looked for none other than death, seeing the kings noble disposition, said unto him: Sir, for as much as thou hast towards me used a far greater clemency, than I could in any respect have looked for, I will in recompense of that thy goodness, do thee truly to understand; that there are of us .300. Roman Gentlemen, which have conspired thy death, for the preventing whereof, it shall be good that thy guard have a good eye unto thee. Porsena upon those words more astonied than before, caused an assembly of his council to consult what guard he might best entertain, for the keeping of him from those conspirators. Among whom the gentle Prince Arnus his son, was of opinion that he was not so much to consider of, what guard he should use, as he was to provide for his having no need of a guard. Then his father asked him how that might be done: in making (saith he) the Romans of enemies to become your friends, which you may, and were best to do, if you make more account of your life, than ye do of the maintenance of Tarquin's wicked cause. The King believed his son, made peace with the Romans, and departed in safety.  
A number of other miseries and calamities that hung on civil wars, might here be discovered, whereof when I think, me seemeth to see a Chimere or other hideous monster, accompanied with all the evils, mischieses, and miseries that are in earth, sea, or hell, whereof (as of a detestable thing) it grieveth me to speak, or once to think: neither would I serve as a Nosterdame to our poor Realm of France, in the foreshowing of those calamities and desolations, which daily do threaten us (if our said civil wars continued) but had rather to stand as a jonas, in praying unto God for his dealing towards us, as he dealt towards that great city Niniveh, from whom for one amendment, he turned away the destruction before threatened unto them. we have already endured misery enough, both to make us wise, and to provoke us to amendment: if neither wisdom nor amendment have followed thereof, let it now do: It is better late than never.  
I will hereunto add (as it were in the detestation of war) a sentence of the great Emperors Augustus Caesar, worthy by all princes to be noted. That good Prince was wont to say, that wars should never be taken in hand, but where hope maketh more show of profit, than fear can do of loss: meaning, where victory may bring great profit, and vanquishment small loss: for those (saith he) which will seek small profit, and hazard therefore great loss, may well be likened to him that fisheth with a hook of gold, which broken off and carried away, bringeth more loss to the fisher, than much fish can recompense. Let us a little consider I pray you sir, what advantage may grow to you by vanquishing all the Gospelers? is it the chasing of the Religion quite out of your realm? Let it be so, yet can you not for all that so chase it out of the world, but that it may after your time return again into France. And before ye attain to that small profit, ye are like enough to loose (what of your nobles and of your commons) an infinite number of Catholics, as the late king your brother, in his wars late passed (the more is the pity) hath done. For let it be counted a small loss, the losing of so many brave Gospelers, as the courteous and right noble Lewes of Bourbon, Prince of Conde, the valiant Dandalot, the wise Admiral, the good Count Rochfoucault, the honest Teligni, the brave captains Bruoquemauds father and son, Pills, Monius, the Pardillans, with a number of like other. Yea let the Bartholmewe journey be reckoned for a brave politic exployre (although the Gospelers so confesseth not) but do rather in their Almanacs macke that feast with blacked ●…te●s, in token of heaviness, sorrow, and blot everlasting. Where me thinks if rather deserved to have dwelt in read letters, in remembrance, that the same day all France was died read, with the blood of her children. And though nothing else (I say) were to be weighed, the loss of so many notable Gospelers: yet is it nothing to have soft so many valiant and noble Catholics? Is it little to have lost Frances of Lorraine Duke of Guise, great master of France? (verily a good and valiant Captain, and an altar Charles Martel, which Ronsard thus writeth of.) 
Among the frenchmen Martell reigns with fame,  
As king of kings, though not a king in name.   
Is it nothing to have lost the good 〈◊〉 d'Aumale his brother, the lusty Count Brisooke, the courteous Count Martignes, with a great number of other, wherethrough there remaineth at this day few good soldiers in France, (the nobility thereof being also well next extinct, through these in the civil wars: yea but some master 〈◊〉 may chance to say, that the nobilitie● may soon be renewed, for the King hath ●…wer of villains to make noble men. 〈◊〉 confess that your Majesty of ignoble 〈◊〉 make noble, so far forth as to the enjoining of the privileges of nobility, and 〈◊〉 aduau●d●ment of the persons to great estat●… and pre-eminence: but I believe not th●… a King of a Clown or base artificer, 〈◊〉 make a noble Gentleman, no 〈…〉 of a B●zarde or kestrel can be made 〈…〉 Hawk. Nobility must from nobl●●…ture naturally proceed. And it can 〈◊〉 be denied, but there is commonly 〈◊〉 appearance of generosity, in such as 〈◊〉 descended of nobility, than in fu●… 〈◊〉 lineally proceeded from parents of mea●… degree. For as saith Ho●…. 
Each breeds his like the Bull a Bull,  
the warlike horse, a horse:  
The cruel Eagle breedeth not  
〈◊〉 Dove devoid of force.   
Yet will I not altogether deny, but some issued out of the mean places, become honourable personages, and are replete with nobleness, virtue, and knowledge, but those are very rare. And therefore they that to encourage you to the prosecuting of the wars against your fith●…es, say, ye may all new make nobility: speak both without reason and good consideration, and there such speeches are odious.  
But again to return to Augustus Caesar. It is certain that in the civil wars, as the gain to be gotten by the vanquishing of the gospelers can (at the best hand) be, but small: so may the loss to grow thereby, be (at the w●… hand very great, even to the daungering of the state, if it should so fall out, that the 〈…〉 with good policy) should bound vpper●ood: And that is a thing not altogether impossible, though your Majesty to your late brother have hitherto had the 〈◊〉 for the wars are ●…iable, & the adventures of the same dangerous, so as he that loseth this day, is commonly a winner to morrow. The Beniamires after the overcoming of their adversaries in two several battles, were in the third, of the same adversaries overcome.  
And I would very fain ask of those that counseled you to the besieging of Pouzin, and Grave, how well they understood that saying of Augustus: was not that the right fishing with a hook of gold broken off and lost? cost not those two pieces fifty times more than they were worth? neither Pouzin nor Grave, with all their revenues, goods, men, women, and children, being sold to the uttermost farthing, shall ever be so much worth. Now coming to entreat of the goodness of this peace, alas my desire to see it well established in France, doth so ravish me, as I know not at which end thereof to begin: willingly would I prognosticate, that like honour and glory should happen unto your Majesty (if the Lord were so pleased) as in time passed happened to Augustus Caesar, who after the civil wars were ceased in the Roman Empire (wherein himself had been a party) established throughout the same a perfect, good, and sure peace, & therewith settled the people in rest and tranquillity. Well, I will in hope of good hap that may follow my happy desire, writ this verse which Horace song in the honour of Augustus, and so apply it to your Majesty. 
AS I the deeds of Mars, did mind in metre for to bri●  
And of his praises to my harp a ditty for to sing,  
Apollo did by words express, command me for to cease  
And for to turn my note, to sing of glad and joyful peace:  
Which thou king Henry, shouldst in France establish, so as 〈◊〉  
Of corn & wine & all good fruits, should plenty have by the●  
Thou, thou art he, I say, that shall the golden age renew,  
By means whereof, immortal fame shall unto thee ensue.  
The doors of janus thou shalt shut: the terror of thy mace  
All evil and ungracious deeds by holy laws shall chase.  
And under thee all wholesome arts shall flourish new ageing  
Which in the east shall spread abroad the honour that doth reig●  
Within thy royal Majesty. So daunted Mar● shall be,  
In Henry's reign, that civil wars we never more shall se●  
There shall no war nor trouble be, in field nor yet in tow●  
His power the frenchmen shall compel, their choler to lay dow●  
Which drove them to such miseries. All quarters of this lan●  
Shall humbly and obediently submit them to his hand.  
There shall be neither great nor small that dare once break his he●  
To heaven we shall advance his praise in quiet peace and re●  
Beseeching God to grant the house of Valois to retain  
The royal mace eternally, for ay in France to reign.   
Many are the commodities sir, that a good peace might bring to your people, which are (as it were) the husbands & traders by whose means your realm might become plentiful in corn, wine, silver, gold, and all other needful, pleasant, and profitable things: & thereby (think I) your state royal should be greatly augmented. For the chief part of a prince's greatness, is the prosperity and wealth of his subjects (who bring poor, their prince can not be rich,) next the which a Prince's force dependeth upon his people's willing obedience, but that tender they not so willingly, when they are oppressed with wars, and want wherewith to furnish them, as when they are maintained in peace, and by their tillage & traffic, have those wants supplied.  
And surely the money that maintaineth these unhappy wars, employed upon the entertainment of strangers, and liberally bestowed upon the well affected towards you, would purchase you no small strength.  
And might the Polonians once understand, that your Majesty had established a perfect good peace in France, to the contentment of the professors of both the religions: as it is not to be doubted, but they would yield you much the more affection and obedience: so is it to be feared, if it should otherwise fall out, that they will provide them of some other king. And somuch the rather for that their late king Sigismond, did always maintain them, not only in good peace, but also in the exercise of both the religious, the altering of their liberty wherein, can not but be to them a thing both new and troublesome.  
The Almains also (which amongst themselves for Religion have had great wars, and by whose harms we might learn, that force and violence, hath not power to command the conscience, (the guiding whereof is to be left to God only) are people that would greatly esteem of you sir, if once they understood that you had in France framed a peace to the liking of both the religions. Yea they would be so glad of your neyghborhood, as ye might and should command their friendships in any necessity of war. A commodity of no small value considering that Almain is the storehouse of soldiers, whereout may be levied army upon army, without disfurnishment of the country, that never can be made barren of men of war.  
And when I consider the small number of Christian Princes that live in these days, wherein the Emperor is already decaying: and that the law of creating Emperors, called (Lemot bull doree) forbiddeth the choosing of any more than four Emperors together out of one house, and how there have been divers of the house of ostrich, (as Albert, Fredrick, Maximilian, Charles the fift, Ferdinando, and Maximilian, now reigning) chosen one after another: Me thinks there is no prince in the world, that might better aspire to the Empire than your Majesty. But to bring the same to pass, it beloveth you to win the love and favour of the Almains, which ye can no way better do, than by the erecting of a good peace in your realm, plausible to both religious, in the exercise whereof, they now both govern & are governed, and have their chamber composed of persons professing the one and the other. True it is that both the said Religions through out all Almaigne be not used, because there are not in all places people of both sorts, some place consisting of gospelers, and some of Catholics: but in places where people of both be, both religions are exercised. If it then pleased God, that your majesty might come to be emperor (as that way ye might easily do) was there ever so great a king of France as you should then be? might ye not then march from one of your Realms to another though they be 200. leagues asunder, still in your own dominions? And (having the forces of Almain at commandment, with those of both your realms) should there Moskovite or Turk be comparable to your greatness? Some will answer me and say, that the Turk is a mighty and a puissant governor, holding under his obeisance, many realms and provinces. I frankly confess it, but I reply thereunto as did Quintius a general of the Roman army to the vaunting and bragging messengers of King Antiochus.  
This king was a great and mighty monarque in the East, who lacked little of the Turk in the enlargement of his dominions. His Ambassadors willing to fear this brave Captain Quintius, and thereby to make him retire out of Greece, (where he was,) said unto him, that their master brought towards him an infinite number of people, all well expert in war, passing well appointed, and such as shot on horseback. And the more to astonish him, they named unto him divers sorts of nations to be in Antiochus camp, some of the which this Captain Quintius had never heard named before (as dahan's, Elimeens, Cadusiens' & such others. Adding further that he should not have to do with Hannibal of Carrhage, nor yet with king Philip of Macedony, but with the greatest part of Asia and Europa. Well (answered Quintius) I will say unto you, that your talk putteth me in mind of a Supper, which mine host of Chalchis (a good companion) once made me. I being his guest in the Summer time when the weather was very hot, greatly marveled from whence he had gotten the sundry sorts of venison, wherewith we were served. Upon which my marveling, this good fellow (that vaunted not as you do) began for to laugh, confessing all those diversities of services, to have been made of a tame swine, but dressed with variety of sauces. Even so (said he) all those sorts of people which you have now named with divers names, are all but Syrians, for all their sundry names. Coming again to my purpose, I say, that all those Nations under the Turks obeisance, be all but Easterlings, between whom and the western people, touching their men of war, there is a great difference. For all the histories bear witness, that those of the West, with their small numbers have always vanquished them of the East with their great numbers, as appeareth by the wars which the Romans have made them. If it be replied to me that the Turks be at this day more valiant, than were the ancient nations of the east, as being issued out of the warlike nations, inhabiting the South, I will thereunto answer, and that by two reasons. The one is, that how warlike soever the Turks are supposed to be: they have by the French often times been vanquished, as in the voyage which they made into Levant under Godfrey of Boulogne, when they conquered Greece, India, and Asia the less with their confines, even to the mount Taurus. And not only so conquered those countries, but also themselves, and their successors reigned over them .26. years, in the end whereof, those successors fell in division and banded the one against the other, and by that occasion they were all expulsed thence. My other reason is, that it is very likely that the Turks since they came from the South parts to devil in Greece, and other the East countries: are much degenered from their natural and first nobleness, as were the French that sometime went to dwell in that part of Greece, which after was called Gallo Grecia. For the first that went thither were so brave, so valiant, and so warlike a people, as they not only enjoyed the country at their pleasure, but by their virtues and valiances kept in awe all the kings and countries that were round about them, so far forth, as they were glad to yield them tribute, for the enjoying of their favours. But in process of time, that race so degenered, as Attalus a King in Asia first refused the payment of the tribute by his predecessors before paid, by whom (when they had long therefore assailed him with war,) they were in the end overcome: and after that they become every day more cowardly than other, so as they were again vanquished by the Romans under the conduct of Captain Manlius. And what should let your majesty from doing as much as did sometime those of the French nation, under the conduct of that gentle Godfrey of Boulogne? Seeing that the people of that country (namely the greeks,) desire nothing more than their cutting off from their obedience to the Turk, which is a barbarous tyrant, enemy to all laws, godliness, knowledge, yea & to learning, whereof that country of Greece was wont to be the nourishing mother. It is also well known, that the King of Moscovia is a very cruel tyrant, and so cruelly and barbarously reigneth over his subjects, as they would most gladly be unyoked from his subjection. Of other countries of Christendom I speak not, leaving for every man of judgement to think, whether well-near any thing shall be impossible to your majesty, having linked the forces of your two realms with those of Almain, and especially when your government shall be favourable and agreeable to your subjects; wherethrough also other nations will become desirous to submit themselves to your obeisance.  
We read that Charlemagne your predecessor was so wise & so good a prince, that all Italy desired him for their Lord. And it came to pass, that (by the means of that good liking which the world had of him) he was chosen Emperor. Xenophon writeth, that Cirus the great Monarch in Levant, was so gentle & modest in his government the those nations that never saw (but had one●y heard speaking of him,) desired to becomes his subjects, and this property he had, that he would leave to every nation their laws, customs, liberties, and religions, without changing in the same any thing contrary to their consents, which the greeks called in one word Autonomie. The granting of which, hath always been and is the very ready way to walk in for any Prince that would either gain any strange nation, or win the hearts of his own subject. So vse● Ale●…der the great his conquests, contenting himself with the sovereignty over those nations which he subdued, without altering of their estates, or forcing of their religions. The like whereof used the ancient Romans, when under their government they brought any nation, for they willingly altered not the state of the countries which they conquered, nor forced the people to the receipt of their laws or religion, if they made any change, it was in diminishing the tributes for the drawing unto them the love of the people. and julius Caesar did even so in his conquests of France, for he altered nothing of the states of those Cities which he conquered, but used them with as much courtesy and gentleness, as he possible might. If any city rebelled, by gentle means he sought to reduce them under his obedience. And though he was often constrained to fetch them in by force, he used not (being victor) his victories cruelly, but was always inclined to pardoning. To the unfaithful he forbore the rendering of unfaithfulness, as one that in such 〈◊〉 would take no example of his adversaries▪ And of a truth, there was nothing more furthered 〈…〉 Alexander, Cyius, the 〈…〉 Caesar, and such other great 〈…〉 ●han did the grant of that 〈…〉 little care took the people for 〈…〉 resistance, when they 〈…〉 by being to their g●ue 〈◊〉 submitted, they● cases should rather be much 〈◊〉, shall any whit app●i●ed. The Switch●… 〈…〉 day with much 〈…〉 entreat their subjects, saying; 〈…〉 stronger castles nor more 〈…〉, than those shall be builded within the hands of the subjects.  
Who so would take upon him the ●…●rring at large of the great benefits, that a good peace would bring to your crown and poor subjects, might found mat●… 〈◊〉 to fill a great volume: but I shall content me with what before is said, adding only this unto it, that in having a good peace, y●e shall shun all the mischiefs and miseries that wars always bring with them & though there grew thereupon none other commodity, yet were the same alone sufficient to move you to the procuring of peace. Which 〈…〉 grace fo●…ke, 〈…〉 of your●o● 〈…〉 to the 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 people. The 〈◊〉 God 〈…〉 you 〈◊〉 happy 〈…〉 Augustus', which 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 wars, 〈…〉 good and perd●… peace throughout the Empire of Rome's   

The third point.  
〈◊〉 resteth now that I ●…ate upon the 〈◊〉 point, of the which I say, that it i● not so much impossible to establish a good 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 as many judge it to be for the better 〈…〉. I will first answer to the difficulties which therein are alleged. It is said that a peace cannot be made throughout all 〈◊〉 without the permitting of the 〈◊〉 of both the 〈…〉 a thing 〈…〉 because it holdeth the Subjects, in ●…alities and de●ision. I can ●…tentedly confess that peace otherwise be made, but I deny it to be a thing insufferable.  
The Turks by their Koran, are bound to become perpetual sworn enemies to the Christians, and to detest jesus Christ, in denying him to be God, to reject the holy Trinity, neither may they believe the holy Scriptures of the Bible: and they never crown Emperor but they solemnly swear him to continual war with the Christians. All the which notwithstanding, the Great Turk, doth suffer the Christians under his obeisance to enjoy their Religion, wherein (paying their tributes) they live peaceably without controlment or murmur of the people. And every man seeth the Turquish Religion, to be much more contrary to the Catholics, than is that of the Gospel. For the Gospelers acknowledge jesus Christ for God and man, and to be the mediator between God his Father and men: they allow of the Trinity and holy Scriptures of the Bible. Yea they agreed with the Catholics, in the Articles of the Faith. Wherefore then should these two religions be insufferable (the Catholics and the Turks being together tolerable.)  
The jewish Religion was and is m●ch contrary to that of the paynim, for never did nation so much detest images and numbers of Gods, as did the jews, notwithstanding that they have had and yet have: (an infinite number of Ceremonies particular to themselves) and contrariwise the Pagans have had an infinite number of Gods with their temples full of images, and their ceremonies and traditions clean contrary to those of the jews. And is there not amongst all the nations of the paynim (as Greekes, Parthians, Medes, Elamites, Mesopotamians and generally throughout all the East and West peoples,) Synagogues of the jews? Yea, and it is lawful to the paynim (amongst whom they devil) to make themselves jews, after the which done, they are called by the name of Proselytes. We read also of divers Roman Emperors, (aswell paynim as Christians) which have suffered the jews to dwell under the obeisance of the Empire, as Nerua, Antonius Pius, Constantine, Theodose, Valentinian, Gratian, Honorius, Arcadius, justinian & other. 
Dion in Nerua capitolinus in An Putat C. de judeis & Gelic.  And at this day, the Pope, the Venetians, many towns of Italy & Almain, suffer sinagogs of the jews under obeisance, and yet is the jewish Religion much more contrary to the Catholics, than is that of the Gospelers. Some peradventure will say, that the French men will not suffer any jews in France, but have always expulsed them. I confess that they have ch●…ed them away, yet not for matters of religion, but partly for their cruelties committed upon young children (whom they rob from the Christians,) as the histories make mention, and especially for the hatred that they bore to their usuries: whereupon they yet use this proverb, when any is noted for a great usurer, He is in usury a very jewe. Upon the which occasion also the Italians heretofore called Lombard's (which with their great usuries did rob (as still they do) the realm of the treasure) have been chased out of France. In the best towns whereof (yea and that in the very heart of the same where divers streets and places, yet bear the names of jewries) the jews should now devil at their ease (as well as ever they did) were there none other matter to let them than their only religion, which (though it be much contrary to that of the Catholics) was never the cause of their chasing out of France, where before their expulsement, they had dwelt many hundred years.  
Neither can it be denied, that the Paynims Religion is clean contrary to that of the Catholics, and yet have diue●s Paynim Emperors suffered as many as would, to become Christians under them, as Nerua, Antonius Pius, and Alexander Severus. 
Dion i● Nerua. Apio. Lampridius in Alexandro.  Traian also did secretly suffer them likewise to do without any search made after them. And those Emperors did not so in respect of any good thing they found in the Christian Religion, the professors whereof they believed to be the wickedest people in the world, in somuch as among the Paynim people, the only name of Christian was detested and abhorred, witness hereof Suetonius which called the Christians, men of a new (and malicious) superstition. And Tacitus said, that the people used the name of Christian as a matter of mockery and derision, the professors whereof were hated because of their wickedness. Wherein Suetonius and Tacitus 
Suetonius in Nerone Cap. 16. Tacitus Annalium. lib. 15  showed themselves good courtiers, taking pleasure with lying to please the princes and the people. Pliny the second, though he was a Painim as they were, and lived in their time, durst not lie so impudently, but of the lives of the Christians, (to the Emperor Traian) rendered a good testimony, as in his Epistles is to be seen.  
Seeing then the Painim Emperors had so evil opinion of the christians, wherefore suffered he them to be Christened? Even for the benefit of peace? The Emperors Dioclesian and Maximian did greatly persecute the Christians, and that of purpose, to root them out, in which persecution they did to death an infinite number, but when they saw their cruelty nothing to paruayle (but that for every one they killed, ten other increased, Maximian at the last suffered, who so would to become Christened, and to exercise that Religion. As much might be said of the Christian Emperors, which did as well detest the paynim Religion, as did the paynim that of the christians, yet would they never take upon them she constraint of their consciences, but suffered to continued paynim as many as would.  
The Historiographer Marcellinus 
Am. Marcellinus libro. 30.  witnesseth, that the Emperor Valentinian (which was a Christian) used not to molest any person, for matters of Religion, nor ever commanded that any should worship either this or that, with one fashion or other.  
Likewise also the Emperors Honorius, and Theodosius, 
I Christianis HUNDRED de paganis.  (which were Christians) would not that the paynim should be forced to be Christened, but caused an express law to be made, that none should offend them, (either in their persons or their goods) under the pretence of Religion. If then the Christians have suffered the paynim Religion, and the paynim have likewise suffered the Religion of the Christians. Wherefore (to win peace) will not the Catholics suffer that Religion of the Gospelers? Those two religions have been seen (sir) to dwell peaceably together within your realm of Poland, as also in many towns of Almain, and wherefore should they not as well devil peaceably together in France? Are the French men more hard to be tamed, more disobedient, or more barbarous and fierce, than other nations? It appeareth clean contrary. For upon the Edict of january, the Catholics were not grieved at all to see the Gospelers use the exercise of their religion, though it were somewhat new unto them, but lived the one with the other together in good peace, wherein also they had till this time continued, if the unhappy execution of Vassi (which was the wellspring of all our wars, and of all the miseries and mischiefs which we have since that time suffered or yet do suffer) had not happened.  
I will not deny, but the wars and acts of hostility, passed between the one & the other, have bred in the hearts of men, haughty minds, & evil dispositions, which may be some cause, that the Catholics will now, (more hardly than in the beginning,) suffer to come so near them the exercise of the Religion: and the rather, for that many esteem the same Religion to be the cause of all the said miseries and mischiefs which they fear, would exceed if it should again be re-established in France. Whereunto I answer, that the people of any good judgement, are not of that opinion, as those that well know (and it is in deed most true), that the ambition of some, with the desire they have to command, and their greediness by the robbery of other to enrich themselves, have been and are the only causes of our troubles, and that there the name of Religion, hath been used but as a cloak or a curtain to cover those pretences. For some say, they will not suffer in France, any other religion than the Catholic, as the most ancient, and that hath been received from time out of mind, since the time of great king Clovis: and other some say, they will follow the religion reformed, that was not only before Clovis, but also before the realm of France: and that they aught not in their consciences, to be forced: upon the which controversy these civil wars have been builded, but the chief advancers of the cause have had in their hearts another manner of zeal than of religion, as men of judgement have well perceived the common people (which judge all things rashly) for that they esteem religion to be the cause of our wars and calamities, stand in fear that (it taking place) the old wounds would break out and bleed again. This vulgar opinion is not much to be passed on, because it always readily rangeth to the strongest part. But for mine own part, I believe that the best part of nobility, of the commonalty, yea of the clergy, for the obtaining of peace, would easily consent that the Gospel should freely be established in France, till such time as God (to whom only the clearing of man's heart by the light of his truth appertaineth) might knit us all in one kind of religion, which we are to hope that he (who is the father of knowledge and discoverer of all things) will do, after men shall awhile have reposed them from the civil wars, and cast quite off th●… stoutness and hatred which now blindeth their judgements. There is at this present no order, because each to the side be standeth on, sticketh fast each 〈◊〉 saith to himself, my religion is good, and I will not step one foot from it. For wherefore saith he shall I now change my faith and belief, seeing I have fought and borne arms in defence of the same? Behold the reason men make at this day, of whom ye shall have none other matters. But if their hearts were once a little unfraighted of their stoutness and malice, they should all easily see, that for having borne arms of any side, they should not forbear to follow the truth, nor willingly seek their own damnation. Standing them at this present, without any order to join as in one religion, every wise man may see, that to this point it must come, either we must nourish wars all the days of our life in France: or in the same suffer the use of both the religions, and of two necessities, the lest is to be chosen. For to think that the Gospelers will be easily rooted out, and wholly dispatched away, it were a mere madness (the experience of xv. years having showed us the contrary.) And the histories bear witness, that often the smaller number hath overcome the greater, and that one thousand soldiers (brought into extreme necessity) are many times more worth, than ten thousand other. There is surely as much difference between murder ●ight 〈◊〉 the conservation of their consciences, win●… children, and goods, and such as sight only for wages: as there is between that one wolf, which in his den defending her young ones is assailed, and that other (which having no young) through the wood at pleasure is chased.  
Now, if ye must in France either have your civil wars continued, or both religions suffered: who seeth not of the two, such sufferances to be most expedient? Yea but (say they) neither the people, nor the clergy will thereunto agreed. I know not their minds nor wills, but I shall prescribe such a reasonable mean, as would easily I am sure; procure their consents, and that without constraint: the mean fyr is this. Let your Majesty command that patents be dispatched to all the commonalties of your towns, and to the chapters and Colleges of your clergy, wherethrough they may be done to understand, bow you are destr●… that your realm of France, should be restored to rest and peace, and that the same can not be done but by the one way of these two, that is, either by war to overcome and clean note out all the pretended rebels: or by giving them peace, with the granting to them the use of their religion. Whereupon your pleasure, is, that they deliberate in their assemblies, and of their resolute advices aduer●i● you, which of those two ways they find most expedient, without using in the same either circumstance, or any if. And let it further to them be known, that such shall prosecute the wars against the said pretended rebel●… at the charges of their towns, communalities, chapters, and Colleges:) as 〈◊〉 most expedient the following of the same, from the which charge also shall be exempted all ●…he as for the having of peace, are willing to accept the exercise of religion. And I ●…y think sir, that upon the putting forth of such patents, all the realm will soon be sient to incline themselves to peace, ●…le one being glad rather to accept the exercise of that religion (yea within their chief and fairest Churches) than to maintain at their charges a w●…te, the end and victory whereof is so uncertain. For touching the first they can not deny it for a thing very reasonable, that those which would have wars, should bear of wars the charge, and those desirous of peace should from such charge be free: it is a thing ordinarily used in the ministration of justice, where they condemn in costs, damages, and intrestes, such as prosecute any process to the definitive sentence, and discharge thereof such as in time break off their suit: and let it so in this case he determined, and the charges arising to the rest, will appear no small portion. For the furnishing and entertaining of an army of 25000. footmen, and five or six thousand horsemen, will require no less charge than three hundred thousand crowns a month, which amounteth in the year near to four Millions of gold. If any shall say that many soldiers will be found which in this war will serve gratis, I can not believe it, for there are at this day both footmen & horsemen much grieved for their nonpayments. Wherefore, the best they could do, were first to pay those arrearages. And if they say that your ordinary finances may bear some part of such charges: the contrary is well known, they are otherwise bestowed. For the sums of your revenue, are no more than sufficient to the ordinary entertainment of the estate of your Court, and officers of your crown: and the money ordinarily raised of your tarts and subsidies, doth but discharge so many Garrizons as are this day in the Realm, which in all your good towns and castles, must of necessity be entertained, else would the pretended rebels with some of them be at host. The ordinary treasure of your finances then being otherwise employed: it shall be necessary, that my said Masters of the towns and Chapters (which are desirous of war) willingly determine themselves to furnish yearly unto your Coffers four Millions of gold, and that thereof they make to you an estate as of an yearly rent, not to cease in their time, for it had need to be a great revenue that should maintain those wars all our life.  
But what answer will the aforesaid masters of the towns and Chapters make? me thinks I hear already what my masters the Parisians will answer: a sirrah, let all alone, for by Saint john we had rather the Hugonots preached where they listed, than we would disburse so much money as should maintain wars against them, and after if in the end they should get the better hand, they would rob and spoil us of all that we have: and then what gains win we thereby? And my masters of Lions, what will they answer? Our traficks (will they say) by these civil wars are decayed, and nothing is left wherewith to sustain us, but the stocks of our shops. For since the decay of those Hugonots in this good town: we have seen nothing else but misery and hell. There were many good men of them, that loved well the profit of this town, and therein maintained such a good trade of merchandise, as the town was much the better for, and the merchants well liked of: and were we not better to suffer them with their Religion, than to adventure the loss of all that we have? They of Rouen, Orleans, Tholosa, and all other good towns of France will answer no less. And to be short, ye shall find few of such courage, but they will stoop to the sufferance of the exercise of the said religion, (both within their towns and without) to purchase peace, for the avoiding of such burdens as the charges of those wars will require. And as for my masters of the clergy, they will be somewhat loath to agreed hereunto. Nevertheless, when they shall see themselves driven to the disbursement of so great sums, about a thing the success whereof they shall find doubtful and incertain, they will look better about them. Herewith it may also like your Majesty to do them to understand, that if they have such zeal to chase this new Religion, (which they call heresy) out of the realm of France, they must show their said zeal, not only in contributing of their money, but also in following of the wars, by serving in their own proper persons.  
The Levites followed the wars: and so did the bishops and Prelates of Almain. The Cardinal Fernase went also against the Protestants, and why, may not the clergy of France do the like? Set forth the young Monks that are under three score years, and let those that be above tarry at home to say their Masses. They will answer by the words of David, Zelus domus tuae comedit me. The zeal of thine house hath eaten the up. That is to say (say they) that the Priests aught to keep their houses, but under correction, they take that passage of the Scripture amiss, for to the keeping well of God's house & their own, it behoveth them to pass through a number of dangers. Of truth, if these good people were but somewhat near touched with their being set forward in their furnitures, to march in the wars: their change of countenance would son be seen. I● would seem to them a strange Metamorphosis in am of a surplis to put on a corselet, in place of a mitre to wear a morion or burgener, in stead of a cross, or an holy water sprinkle, to bandle a lance, or an harquebus: where these were wont to be mounted upon mules, to ride upon barbed horses or fierce coursers, or else to troth on foot: and as they lay erst upon their soft beds, to lodge now upon the hard ground (yea and that at the sign of the star:) I am well assured, that their only apprehension of so strange an exchange, would drive them to yield even the leaving of their Temples, to the preachers of the Gospel. Marry it is not to be doubted, but that upon this Mart they would be assured, that those preachers nor their preachings, should be prejudicial to their goods and revenues (a point very requisite to be agreed upon.) For they have good reason, not to consent to the foregoing of their goods, (the sale of the same being to them forbidden under the pain of excommunication,) and their revenues are needful to their sustentation of life. The wise Solomon that sendeth us to the Ant, showeth us (say they) that we aught not to suffer our Garners to be empty. The argument is good: For if the small beasts (as the Ants) have some care for what to live by, how much more for living then aught to be the care of the great? This way sir shall not be impertinent, to make the hearts of your good subjects, to consent to the acceptation of peace. And if they refuse peace, you are by that means to enjoy their money, wherewith they can no less do, than furnish you to the maintenance of the wars, that make choice of the same: But I verily judge, they will like best of peace, as thereunto moved in respect of their profit and quietness.  
And this point being gained, that your subjects will agreed to the exercise of both religions, for the obtaining of peace: all other means to bring the same to pass, shall easily be compassed. For in that the Gospelers desire a reformation of justice: the Catholics and they agreed, both feeling it good to have justice justly administered. And it should be very necessary, that a good search and survey through your parliaments should be made (as well of the highest as of the lowest members thereof,) among whom should many be found napping and faulty, that have pouled and peeled good men, to their utter undo. I mean not the sifting of the same too near, only the notorious and gross offenders, (for their offences) are to be touched. And such a search or survey should be no new thing. We have of the like many examples. In the time of the Roman civil wars, between Scylla and Marius, Pompey and Caesar, many were dispossessed of the Senators estate, yea even by those with whom they took part. For every of those great contenders sought the mean to make many friends in the Senate.  
But Augustus Caesar (after he had gotten the goal from his competitors,) was peaceably possessed of the Empire, and had established peace amongst his subjects: he straight sought reformation of the states and offices. And a special trial made he of the Senate, as thereunto had slipped by unlawful means, purging the same of such unworthy persons, and so restored he it to the ancient beauty and dignity. 
Sueto. in Augusto cap. 35.  The like (sir) were needful in your Parliaments and other places of justice in France. For the wise and good that now be there, shall not be grieved, that the corrupt which are among them by unlawful means entered, should be cut off, to the increase of the honour of such as shall remain. 
Treb. Polli in Valeriano.  We read that one of the principal charges of the censors of Rome, was the chastising and displacing of the unwise and unworthy Senators, which were many times chastised even for very small faults, and what inconvenience were it, if at this day the office of censure were somewhat amnogst us brought in ure? Besides these points of the exercise of the evangelical religion, and reformation of justice: there be many other necessary points to the making and perfiting of a good peace: which I mean to forbear here to touch, as things not expedient. I will now show the mean how such a peace may be concluded upon and made. For the bringing to pass whereof, it should me thinks be very good your Majesty did as your predecessors have done, when they would yield a rule for any good peace of justice or policy to pass in France. Their manner was to put their trust in certain personages that were faithful and wise, such and: so many as might suffice, to the body of a Council to any kingly estate, for their understanding in the formalities of justice, in the points of right, and in the particulars that in any policy were to be considered of. And if it might likewise please your Majesty to commit to a dozen (or such other like number of personages,) the entreaty of all the particulars of a peace: it seemeth to be the only way whereby all manner of matters, doubts, and difficulties, might be decided and resolved. But it shall (sir) be needful, that you show so much favour to the Gospelers, as they may nominate one dozen of such persons as they shall think meet (provided that they be good, wil● (and apt men) out of the which number, you ●way those six to be of the number of the 〈◊〉, by you so to be deputed to entreat of the said matters. And to those twelve (by your said Majesty to be chosen) it shall be requisit●e, that ye give a strong and large commission, for the hearing of all plaints and griefs, and the appeasing & ending of the sai●e, together with the deciding of all such articles, as shall to them by the Gospelers be preferred, in such manner as may be most furthering to the said peace and the common weal●: And that what so ever shall be so determined and agreed upon, may be of like weight, force and authority, as if yourself (sir) in proper person, had decided and accorded it. Which good and large commission, being given to those deputies: it were requisite that a place of no side to be suspected to them, were assigned to execute that commission in. As this good town of Frankford (might it please you to permit their coming thither) is free from all suspicion, because both the religions, Catholic and evangelic are therein exercised, yea the very jews have here their place of safety, if not here, at Ausburge, where both Religions are likewise used, or at Strasbrough where both parties shall be welcome, or else in some other good town wher● into may be safe & sure access, as well for the commissioners, as for all such other as shall have with them to do. The said commissioners also must by your said Majesty be enjoined (upon pain for ever to be banished the realm of France) not to departed thence, till such time as they have fully concluded, upon so much as shall be necessary, to the perfiting of a good perpetual peace. Not more than may the Cardinal from the Conclave when they those a Pope. Nor the electors of the Empire, when they elect an Emperor. And it behoveth that it be further ordained, that such of the same commissioners as descent from the rest, be bound to yield forth in writing, the occasion or reason of their such dissenting, to the end that if the treaty therethrough become ineffectual, as well strangers as those of the french nation, may judge and know, in whom the default doth rest, that the peace was not concluded, and that then the reasons of both parties be to the world put forth and published: whereby it may be seen who is in the right or wrong, by which mean all the world shall in the end come to judge of both parties, & so justly hate the obstinate opinion of them, that by the letting of that good peace shall tumble France afresh into the miseries of war. And if (by the grace of God) it shall happen all the articles to be resolved, concluded, and agreed upon, by your said commissioners, and the same by both sorts in two copies (whereof they of each religion to have one) to be signed: Let it then please your majesty that under the name and authority of the same, it be put forth in form of a perpetual Edict (without altering any jot thereof,) and that the same Edict also be established, sworn, and confirmed by yourself first, in your full privy counsel, then by all the princes and other councillors of the same, and after by all the general and particular estates, by the governors of provinces, towns and forts, & their Lievetenauntes, by all the parliaments, places of presidents, Bailiffs, Stewards, and their Liefetenauntes, with all other your officers: and by the Cardinals, Bishops, Prelates, chapters and Colleges of your Realm. The form of which oath also to be, that each promise, and swear before God, and upon pain of losing their honours, estates, offices, and dignities, with the encurring of your displeasure, as infringers of your peace, and under the damnation of their souls (as much as in them is) to observe and cause to be observed without fraud or guile, all things contained in the said Edict, nothing therein altered, by way of moderation, declaration, or otherwise, other than such declarations and modifications as were made by your Edict in like manner and form as was the said Edict of peace. The records of which oaths, (chief those of the Lords of your privy counsel,) the governors of provinces and towns, the parliaments, places of presidents, and provincial estates (joined to the said Edict) together, with the acts of publication and establishment, to be imprinted: And that the said oath be yearly renewed, and given to all such, as shall hereafter be installed in any office royal, or take the charge of any other office in the common weal.  
If it might please your Majesty to think good of this plat laid for the bringing to pass of a perfect peace to be had in France, mine opinion is, that the Gospelers would well like thereof, and thereunto agreed, though they be full (and not without cause) of mistrust, suspicion, and dread to be deceived, all things well-near being to them suspect. And to prove that this way carrieth with it some reason, and no whit toucheth the derogation of your sovereign authority, experience teacheth it to be a thing almost ordinary to all Kings and Princes, when they are to deal with any matters of importance, (be it with strangers or others, or when they will make any laws or ordinances touching justice or policy in their kingdoms, or countries) to commit the doing thereof to commissioners and legates. When the late Kings of France your predecessors have made any good ordinances either of policy, or for the execution of justice, within your Realm, wherein were contained the formality of pleas, the order of judgements, the manner of making contracts, and many decisions of rights taken out of the lawyer's hands: it is very certain, that they were driven in the same to use as commissaries and Legates, their chancellors, and other meet persons chosen out of their parliaments or privy counsels, (for they themselves never studied in the schools, nor proceeded Doctors of the laws, Civil nor Canon, to the furtherance of their knowledges in the making of such ordinances, but trusted their good and faithful deputies) and authorised what their said deputies found good and profitable for the common wealth, although such resolutions proceeded not of their own devices, neither did they well understand them. But when your predecessors would 'cause to be set down in writing, the customs payable within your countries, they did the same by the service of deputies and legates, and such customs as were by the said deputies and legates assessed and written: the Princes by a law authorised the perpetual payment thereof. And when the Romans liked to have laws made to rule rightly their common wealth: they appointed ten Legates which made a collection of all the laws and ordinances that seemed to them profitable or necessary, either for the universal state, or for particular commodities. Which said laws, they placed in twelve tables, and had them in as great estimation, as if all the people had made, decided and established them. For seeing they were made by the authority and commission of such as then held the sovereignty, it was all one, as if they themselves had made them. When the Emperor justinian collected the civil laws into certain volumes which he called Code è digest (generally used at this day) he committed the doing thereof to Tribonian, Theophile, Dorothy, and other notable lawyers, for himself understood nothing thereof, as witness the Historiographers, that say he could not read, so is it very certain that he never understood the thousand part of these matters contained in the said Code è digest. Yet were those books nevertheless by him authorized in his allowing of that which his commissioners by his commandment did. And it was never said that those Roman people, had done any derogation to their sovereignty, in their authorizing of those ten persons, to the composing of those twelve tables, nor that the Emperor justinian, nor your predecessors, did any whit derogate their sovereign authority by deputing commissioners, to make laws and ordinances, that passed under their prince's names and commandments, who as it appeareth, allowed of what their deputies so by their commissions had done. Wherefore me thinks the saying may be holden for void, that your majesty may not make an Edict of peace by commissioners without any derogation to your royal authority or sovereignty.  
Not more shall be any thing against the same your giving to the Gospelers, the nomination of the said number of persons, whereout your majesty to choose the moiety for the joining with the like number, by yourself to be named and chosen as legates or deputies for the bringing to pass of this good work.  
Your predecessors have given the nomination to two or three persons, of their courts of Parliaments whom they would to choose for them, meet men to supply the offices of Presidentships & counsellors rooms, that were voided in the said courts, as they have also done to Majors, Consuls, Shirese, and other like officers of Towns, for the choosing of under Bailiffs, under stewards, & other like petty officers, yet hath it never the more been said, that your said predecessors in granting the said nominations to their subjects, have taken aught from their authority royal, which lieth asmuch in creating of magistrates, as in making of laws (as any man of judgement may both see and understand.) The Pope which saith himself to have full power over the gifts of benefices, leaveth the nomination of the incumbent not to two or three, but to one, not to princes, but to particular persons, which commonly in benefiers have the right of nomination, and the presenting of such persons to the same, as to them seemeth good, without reservation to the said Pope of any election, but only the institution: and if by suffering of the same, he thought any whit to derogate, the sovereign power and authority, which he hath over the said benefits, he would not (I warrant you) permit any such nomination. So may it plainly be seen to your majesty, that your authority royal, shall no whit be diminished, by the granting of your good favour to the gospelers in the said nomination.  
Withal is to be considered, that it were a thing unreasonable (with your favour) that all the said Commissioners should be Catholics, for by the ordinance of the kings your predecessors (by all the form of justice here and else where) and by the laws divine, natural and civil, it is lawful for the party to accuse his judge suspect, be it in matter criminal, or civil. And a judge may be holden for suspect, not only if he be of kindred, allied, or Gossip, a friend to the party adurrse, but also if he be enemy to the party that refuseth him, or if he or any of his kin have any interest (little or much) in the cause, yea if he have at any time showed himself more affectionate on the one side, than on the other, (as he may also in divers other less causes of refusal.) And who is he that seeth not, that there is never a Catholic in France, against whom these poor gospelers cannot allege (not one but) many and sundry causes of recusation? And if it be thought tolerable to hold a judge for suspect, and upon that suspicion to refuse him in matters of mean weight: aught he not then to be refused when he shall have to deal with conscience, honour, lands, goods, wives, children and life?  
And it aught not to seem strange, that I said it should be mere that the said peace by the said commissioners, were entreated of without the Realm, for there be many reasons that require the same. first for that it is better (as sayeth Master Philip de Comines, a man well experimented in the affairs of an estate) it should be done far off than mere, and that for divers considerations, namely for the keeping close of that which shall from time to time be agreed upon, till all be concluded and finished. For as in a painted table he that vieweth the first draft, shall find in the same little or nothing to his contentment, yet after, the whole work being perfected, doth please him very well: Even ●o, if during the time of the treaty (and before the conclusion of all things therein to be argued) some piece thereof agreed upon should be published: many were like enough to gainsay and control that peace, that upon the sight or bearing of the hole resolution, would find good cause of contentment, because that he which is not satisfied in one point, may be satisfied in another. And as the Doctors of the law say, it standeth not with good reason that any should judge of a law or of an Edict, without having red the same from the one end to the other. And as it were a thing very hard to decide or deal with any thing within the Realm that should not incontinent be divulged▪ so the reprehensions and slanders that would follow such diwlgation, might be an infallible cause that nothing should be done, but that intended good work broken off and laid aside. Beside that, there is no place within your Realm, but is suspected of the one side or of the other. For the Catholics will not go to Nismes nor to Rochel, and the Gospelers will be as unwilling to come at Paris, Lions, Tholosa, or other like place, so that for the doing thereof such a place is to be chosen as may be sure and free for all that shall there in have to do. And therefore it was that in times past when they would hold any council for the examining of any new doctrine newly come abroad, for place where the council should be holden, was chosen within the province where such doctrine was abroad, or else in some other such place near thereunto, as was both sure and commodious. Therefore was it also that by the ordinance of your predecessors no inquest might be taken, nor any justice proceed in a place by any of the parties holden suspected, as in the house of the kinsman, ally, or special friend, to him that caused the inquest to be enpavelled: but an indifferent place therefore by the judge was to be chosen, and by shall reason may all the towns in France be suspected: For if the suspicion of a place be curiously to be looked to and avoided in small things: how much are they to be looked to in a matter of so great a weight as is the seeking and concluding of a peace?  
And where I said it should be meet, that when the commissioners could not 〈◊〉 upon some articles of the treaty they which refused to agreed and go through should give out by their writings, the reasons of their dissenting and standing aloof, to the end the world might see who were in the fault: it is not a matter unreasonable. For such as shall yield (as meet is) to the agreement of all things that right and reason shall find expedient for the common profit, shall not find it evil, that a reason be rendered by them, that otherwise, in their passions will be wilful: and therefore if any refuse so to do, it shall seem that they want good will to see the way that should bring all things in fro● that are to be founded upon equity & common profit.  
Neither aught to to be evil taken what I spoke touching oaths. For as the common saying is) he that will well pay, will willingly become bound: And your majesty already by your said last Edict of October approved this point, when ye promised in the word of a king, to 'cause to be observed whatsoever should be agreed upon, and to make the fame pass in manner of a record, with the consents of your parliaments, towns and commonalties of your realm.  
I shall think myself well ●…iffied sir), (in all humility and reverence) to have showed unto you (as to my natural prince) the three points whereof I have before entreated. Most humbly beseeching your Majesty to take the sa●… in good part as in that is proceeded from the hearty affection of a good french subject, that wisheth all increase of honour and prosperity to your crown, and quietness to your poor subjects. And if it shall please God to move you to think so well of this plot (laid for the building of a peace) as you will appoint and charge commissioners with the dealing in the same I will settle myself to the opening of such other particular means for the bringing thereof to pass, as are not mee●e at this present in writing to be discovered. But amongst other things, I will open unto them how needful it were that a good 〈◊〉 should be made for the banishing of Machi●ae● for ever out of France, as one that hath been the greatest liar, & imposture that ever was in the World, the ancient Romans, greeks, and Frenchmen, and all other well ruled commonwealths, having been ruled ●leane contrary to his doctrine. And that his disciples which have brought into France the observation of his precepts, have been the very cause of the civil wars and miseries of the realm. It may be that his precepts be good and necessary for those of his nation, for they reach (among other things) the nonmaking of account of any religion, otherwise than for the keeping of the people in a superstitious fear and obedience: upon which his opinion might be inferred, that the Turkish religion (wherefrom God deliver us) might safely of any be received, for by the same the Turks holdeth his subjects under such fear and obedience, as they refuse not at his commandment the murdering of themselves, thinking thereupon to flee strait to their Paradise, that floweth with milk and honey. He showeth also, that a Prince should bear good countenance to all promise much, and keep touch in nothing, more than sire●th to his advantage. Moreover, his disciples use these fair persuasions. If it be profitable to a King (say they) to took out and destroy such houses and such old him do it, without taking any advise 〈◊〉 what may follow of his so doing. Such as have brought into France the observation of Machiavel's precepts, have not well considered, that the Frenchmen in nature far differ from their nation. The French are naturally religions, lovers of virtue, and take no pleasure neither in falsifying of their faith, contemning of their honour and reputation, nor in the shedding of blood. If the Machevilians be endued with those good qualities: let them there keep them, and follow their Doctor's doctrine, that was the greatest Atheist that ever the world bred, with his companion the Aretine, as their writings doth openly show, so as they keep themselves from poisoning of our French nation, with those their abominable vices. But I will reserve till another time (when it shall better fall out to the purpose) the speaking more largely to my Lords & Masters the Machevilians, whom I will then show, that all their policy & sufficiency, is none other than a brutish ignorance, accompanied with a wicked heart and will: and that they never read the good histories written in Greek, Latin, or French, or if they have read, they never well understood them. I will for this time proceed no further, but make an end of this present declaration, the which I once again most humbly beseech your Majesty to take in good part, so as it may pass from this good town of Frankford to your hands. Praying the Creator of all things, to endue you with his grace, shortly to establish a good peace in your poor Realm, so much torn and spoiled by these wars paste, by mean whereof, all your subjects may tender unto you their good and willing obedience. The same also preserve you in happy prosperity, and increase you with much power and honour.   
FINIS.